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<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 51175 ***</div>
<div class='tnotes covernote'>
<p class='c000'> <strong>Transcriber's Note:</strong></p>
<p class='c000'> The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p>
</div>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_iii'>iii</span>
<h1 class='c001'>A SOURCE BOOK OF<br />LONDON HISTORY<br /> <br /><span class='large'>FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES<br />TO 1800</span></h1>
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c1'>
<div class='nf-center c002'>
<div><span class='small'>EDITED BY</span></div>
<div class='c003'>P. MEADOWS, M.A.</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='figcenter id001'>
<img src='images/i003.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
</div>
<div class='nf-center-c1'>
<div class='nf-center c002'>
<div>LONDON</div>
<div>G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.</div>
<div>1914</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_v'>v</span>
<h2 class='c004'>PREFACE</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>If the study of History is to be made really valuable from
either the recreative or the educational point of view, it is
necessary to have frequent recourse to original sources and
contemporary writings; they introduce a certain quality of
reality and vividness, a kind of historical atmosphere, which
is most essential to a true appreciation of the subject. This
fact is now generally recognised, and many collections of
sources are available for the student of English History. In
this volume will be found a selection of passages, generally
from contemporary sources, relating to the history of London.
It is quite impossible, of course, in a small book to do justice
to every aspect of the subject; and it has seemed best to give
special prominence to those events which concern the City as
a whole, its growth, its corporate life, and its connection with
national affairs.</p>
<p class='c000'>Besides a vast mass of general contemporary literature, a
large number of the most important and interesting documents
dealing with London history have already been printed; but
all this material is very scattered, and frequently rather inaccessible
to the general reader. The Histories by Maitland
and Noorthouck, published in the eighteenth century, contain
translations of charters and other documents; Riley's
"Memorials" is invaluable for the fourteenth century; and
many useful suggestions have been derived from Besant's
"Survey of London."</p>
<p class='c000'>The spelling of the extracts has generally been modernised,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_vi'>vi</span>but in a few cases the original text has been exactly
followed.</p>
<p class='c000'>It is hoped that the chronological arrangement of the
passages, the care which has been taken in selecting them so
as to illustrate events or circumstances of definite importance
in the history of the City, and the introductory remarks attached
to each extract, will save this volume from being merely a
collection of historical scraps, and will enable it to be of real
use to all who are interested in the story of London.</p>
<div class='lg-container-r'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>P. M.</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span>
<h2 class='c004'>CONTENTS</h2>
</div>
<table class='table0' summary='CONTENTS'>
<tr>
<th class='c006'>DATE</th>
<th class='c007'> </th>
<th class='c008'>PAGE</th>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'><span class='sc'>To</span> 1066.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London before the Conquest</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1066.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Conqueror's Charter</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_4'>4</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1085.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London Environs in Domesday</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_4'>4</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'><em>c.</em> 1130.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Henry I.'s Charter</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_8'>8</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1141.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Matilda in London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_10'>10</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'><em>c.</em> 1173.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Norman Picture of London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_12'>12</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1177.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Disturbances in the City</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_17'>17</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1189.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Ordinances concerning Building</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_19'>19</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1191.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Liberties of the City Confirmed</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_22'>22</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1199.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>John's Third Charter</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_23'>23</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1202.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London Bridge</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_25'>25</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1249.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Oppression by Henry III.</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_27'>27</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1258.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Interference by Barons</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_29'>29</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1282.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Steelyard</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_31'>31</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1282.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Preservation of Peace and Order</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_33'>33</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1311.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Citizens and Edward II.</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_36'>36</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1319.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Constitutions for the Government of the City</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_37'>37</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1326.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Revolt against Edward II.</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_40'>40</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1329.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Proclamation of Edward III.</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_42'>42</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1347.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Articles of the Heaumers and of the Hatters</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_44'>44</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1350.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Regulations concerning Wages and Prices</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_46'>46</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1364.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Charter to the Drapers</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_49'>49</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1365.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Letter from Edward III.</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_51'>51</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1374.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Lease to Geoffrey Chaucer</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_52'>52</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1375.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The City Arms</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_54'>54</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1381.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Wat Tyler in London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_56'>56</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'><em>c.</em> 1400.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London Lickpenny</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_62'>62</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1406.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Whittington's Second Mayoralty</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_66'>66</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1413.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Persecution of the Lollards</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_68'>68</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1415.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Imprisonment for refusing Office</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_70'>70</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1419.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Oaths of the Mayor and Aldermen</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_72'>72</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1450.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Jack Cade in London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_74'>74</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1464.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Mayor's Dignity</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_78'>78</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1485.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Regulations concerning Strangers</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_79'>79</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1510.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Marching Watch</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_82'>82</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1514.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Destruction of Fences</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_84'>84</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'><span class='pageno' id='Page_viii'>viii</span>1517.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>More's Description of London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_85'>85</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1517.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Evil May Day</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_88'>88</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1519.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Papal Legate in the City</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_91'>91</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1525.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Wolsey and the Citizens</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_93'>93</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1527.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Apprentices</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_95'>95</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1533.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Water Pageant</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_98'>98</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1549.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Latimer's Exhortation to London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_100'>100</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1553.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Mary's Speech to the Citizens</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_102'>102</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1554.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Soranzo's Report on London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_105'>105</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1566.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Royal Exchange</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_106'>106</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1575.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Lord Mayor's Show</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_107'>107</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1587.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London and the Armada</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_110'>110</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1592.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The City's Attitude towards the Stage</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_111'>111</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1593.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Plague Order</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_115'>115</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1598.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London Schools</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_121'>121</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1600.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A German View of London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_123'>123</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1609.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London and Ulster</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_125'>125</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1626.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Demands of Charles I.</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_129'>129</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1629.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Keeping of the Sabbath</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_131'>131</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1640.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The City's Petition to Charles I.</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_132'>132</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1642.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London under the Early Stuarts</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_134'>134</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1643.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Proclamation against the City</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_136'>136</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1653.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Cromwell in London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_138'>138</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1660.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London and the Restoration</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_140'>140</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1661.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>State of London before the Plague</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_144'>144</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1665.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Plague</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_146'>146</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1666.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Fire</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_148'>148</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1666.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Proclamation of Charles II.</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_156'>156</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1667.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Evelyn's Plans for Rebuilding</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_159'>159</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1671.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>An Act concerning the Streets</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_162'>162</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1679.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Lord Mayor's Proclamation</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_164'>164</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1681.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Popish Panic</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_169'>169</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1681.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Postal Arrangements</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_169'>169</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1688.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London after James II.'s Abdication</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_172'>172</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1689.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Lord Mayor's Day</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_174'>174</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1716.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Gay's "Trivia"</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_177'>177</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1720.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The South Sea Bubble</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_179'>179</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1725.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>Defoe's Description of London</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_181'>181</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1733.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>A Petition against the Excise Bill</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_183'>183</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1741.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The London Streets</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_185'>185</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1743.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Loyalty of the London Merchants</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_187'>187</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1780.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>The Gordon Riots</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_188'>188</a></td>
</tr>
<tr><td> </td></tr>
<tr>
<td class='c006'>1791.</td>
<td class='c007'><span class='sc'>London's Trade</span></td>
<td class='c008'><a href='#Page_191'>191</a></td>
</tr>
</table>
<div class='nf-center-c1'>
<div class='nf-center'>
<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span>HISTORY OF LONDON</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON BEFORE THE CONQUEST.</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>References to London in the early chronicles are comparatively
few; under Roman rule it took the place for
which it was fitted by its geographical situation—a commercial
port, and it flourished or decayed as trade prospered
or declined. The Saxon invaders did not care for walled
towns, and London was neglected; moreover, they did
not care for commerce, and there was no need for a commercial
centre or port. The unsettled condition of the
country made it impossible for the city to prosper, and
the invasions of the Danes further interfered with its
growth. But in spite of all these drawbacks, London
was definitely marked out from the first as the best
and most convenient centre for trading and commercial
activity; and Alfred fully realised the importance of the
city not only for purposes of trade, but as a bulwark of
national defence.</p>
<p class='c000'>The following are the most important passages in the
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle relating to London. Its importance
as a military station appears to have been very great
in the time of Cnut, to judge by the efforts he made to
capture the town; and the proportion of tribute paid in
1018 seems to show that the population and wealth of the
city must have been very considerable.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.</cite></h3>
</div>
<p class='c010'><span class='sc'>An.</span> 457. Hengist and Æsc his son fought against the Britons
at the place called Cregan Ford, and there slew four thousand
men; and the Britons then forsook Kent and in great terror
fled to London.</p>
<p class='c000'><span class='sc'>An.</span> 886. In this year the army again went west, which had
before landed in the east, and then up the Seine, and there
took winter-quarters at the city of Paris. In the same year
king Ælfred restored London; and all the Angle-race turned
to him that were not in the bondage of the Danish men; and
he then committed the burgh to the keeping of the aldorman
Æthered.</p>
<p class='c000'><span class='sc'>An.</span> 894.... Then those who dwell with the Northumbrians
and with the East Angles gathered some hundred ships, and
went south about, and besieged a work in Devonshire by the
north sea; and those who went south about besieged Exeter.
When the King heard that, he turned west towards Exeter
with all the force, save a very powerful body of the people
eastwards. These went on until they came to London, and
then, with the townsmen and with the aid which came to them
from the west, marched east to Benfleet. Hæsten was then
come there with his army, which had previously sat at Middleton
(Milton); and the great army also was come thereto,
which had before sat at the mouth of the Limen, at Appledore.
Hæsten had before wrought the work at Benfleet, and was then
gone out harrying, and the great army was at home. They
then marched up and put the army to flight, and stormed the
work, and took all that there was within, as well money, as
women and children, and brought all to London; and all the
ships they either broke in pieces, or burned, or brought to
London, or to Rochester.</p>
<p class='c000'><span class='sc'>An.</span> 994. In this year came Olaf (Anlaf) and Svein to
London, on the Nativity of St. Mary (Sept. 8th), with ninetyfour
ships, and they were obstinately fighting against the town,
and would also have set it on fire. But they there sustained
more harm and evil than they ever weened that any townsmen
<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>could do to them. For the holy mother of God, on that day,
manifested her mercy to the townsmen, and delivered them
from their foes.</p>
<p class='c000'><span class='sc'>An.</span> 1016.... And the ætheling Eadmund went to London
to his father. And then, after Easter, King Cnut went with
all his ships towards London. Then it befell that King Æthelred
died before the ships came. He ended his days on St. George's
mass day (April 23rd): and he held his kingdom with great toil
and difficulty, while his life lasted. And then, after his end, all
the "witan" that were in London, and the townsmen, chose
Eadmund for King; and he boldly defended his kingdom while
his time was. Then came the ships to Greenwich in the
Rogation days (May 7th); and within a little space they went
to London, and they then dug a great ditch on the south side,
and dragged their ships to the west side of the bridge, and
afterwards ditched the town without, so that no one could pass
either in or out; and they repeatedly fought against the town,
but they boldly withstood them. Then before that, King
Eadmund had gone out; and he rode over Wessex, and all
the folk submitted to him. And shortly after that, he fought
against the army at Pen by Gillingham. And a second battle
he fought after Midsummer at Sherston (Sceorstân), and there
was great slaughter made on each side, and the armies of
themselves separated. In that battle the aldorman Eadric
and Ælmær Dyrling gave aid to the army against king
Eadmund. And then a third time he gathered a force and
went to London, all north of the Thames, and so out through
Clayhanger, and saved the townsmen, and drove the army in
flight to their ships. And then, two nights after, the king went
over at Brentford, and then fought against the army, and put
it to flight; and there were drowned a great many of the English
folk, by their own carelessness, those who went before the force,
and would take booty. And after that, the king went into
Wessex, and collected his force. Then the army went forthwith
to London, and beset the city around, and obstinately
fought against it, both by water and by land. And Almighty
God saved it.</p>
<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span><span class='sc'>An.</span> 1018. In this year the tribute was paid over all the
Angle-race: that was in all two and seventy thousand pounds,
exclusive of what the townsmen of London paid, which was
ten and a half thousand pounds.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE CONQUEROR'S CHARTER (1066).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>William of Normandy might be able, by force of arms,
to make himself master of England, but not until London
opened her gates to him could he be really King. He
preferred negotiation to attack, and in return for the
support of the citizens he promised to abide by the laws
of Edward the Confessor, and maintain the rights of the
City. Shortly after his coronation he gave the citizens
his famous Charter, the first of a long series of charters;
in it are conveyed in the fewest possible words the largest
possible rights and privileges. The Charter, which is
really a compact between the King and the citizens rather
than a grant from the former to the latter, indicates three
all-important points with the greatest clearness and precision.
They are, first, the rights of a freeman, as understood
at the time, and according to the English customs,
were to be secured to every man; second, every man was
to have the right of inheritance; and third, no one was to
stand between the City and the King.</p>
<p class='c011'>William the King friendly salutes William the Bishop, and
Godfrey the portreve, and all the burgesses within London,
both French and English. And I declare, that I grant you to
be all law-worthy, as you were in the days of King Edward;
and I grant that every child shall be his father's heir, after his
father's days; and I will not suffer any person to do you
wrong. God keep you.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON ENVIRONS IN DOMESDAY (1085).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>In 1085 William the Conqueror, according to the
Chronicle, "sent over all England into every shire his
<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>men, and let them inquire how many hundred hides were
in each shire, and what land and cattle the King himself
had in the shire, and what rent he ought to receive yearly
in each. He let them also inquire how much land his
archbishops had, and his other bishops and his abbots,
and how much every man had who held land within the
kingdom, as well on land as on cattle, and how much each
was worth."</p>
<p class='c000'>This Domesday Survey did not include the City of
London, but the suburbs are described as in Middlesex.
The most striking fact with regard to these suburbs is
that nearly the whole of the land immediately bordering
the City was in the hands of the Church; all round
London was a broad belt of ecclesiastical manors, and
this fact interfered considerably with the extension of the
City. The privileges of London citizens were confined
rigidly to the town within the walls; we notice that at
the time of Domesday Book the adjacent country was
very sparsely inhabited, and the expansion of the residential
area outside the City boundaries was a slow process,
often hindered by the ecclesiastical authorities.</p>
<p class='c011'><em>Stepney.</em>—In Osuluestan (Ossulston) hundred, the Bishop of
London holds Stibenhede (Stepney) for thirty-two hides. There
is land to twenty-five ploughs. Fourteen hides belong to the
demesne, and there are three ploughs there; and twenty-two
ploughs of the villanes. There are forty-four villanes of one
virgate each; and seven villanes of half a hide each; and nine
villanes of half a virgate each; and forty-six cottagers of one
hide; they pay thirty shillings a year. There are four mills of
four pounds and sixteen shillings save fourpence. Meadow
sufficient for twenty-five ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of
the village, and fifteen shillings. Pannage for five hundred
hogs and forty shillings. Its whole value is forty-eight pounds;
and it was worth the same when received; in King Edward's
time fifty pounds. This manor was and is part of the see.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span><em>Fulham.</em>—In Fvleham (Fulham) the Bishop of London holds
forty hides. There is land to forty ploughs. Thirteen hides
belong to the demesne, and there are four ploughs there.
Among the freemen (franc) and the villanes are twenty-six
ploughs; and ten more might be made. There are five
villanes of one hide each; and thirteen villanes of one virgate
each; and thirty-four villanes of half a virgate each; and
twenty-two cottagers of half a hide; and eight cottagers with
their own gardens. Foreigners and certain burgesses of
London hold amongst them twenty-three hides of the land
of the villanes. Thirty-one villanes and bordars dwell under
them. Meadows for forty ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of
the village. For half the stream ten shillings. Pannage for
one thousand hogs, and seventeen pence. Its whole value is
forty pounds; the like when received; in King Edward's time
fifty pounds. This manor was and is part of the see.</p>
<p class='c011'><em>St. Pancras.</em>—The canons of St. Paul hold four hides to Sem
Pancratium (St. Pancras). There is land to two ploughs. The
villanes have one plough, and another plough may be made.
Wood for the hedges. Pasture for the cattle, and twenty pence.
There are four villanes who hold this land under the canons,
and seven cottagers. Its whole value is forty shillings; the
same when received; in King Edward's time sixty shillings.
This manor was and is in the demesne of St. Paul.</p>
<p class='c011'><em>Islington.</em>—In Isendone (Islington) the canons of St. Paul
have two hides. Land to one plough and a half. There is
one plough there, and a half may be made. There are three
villanes of one virgate. Pasture for the cattle of the village.
This land is and was worth forty shillings. This laid and lies
in the demesne of the church of St. Paul.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the same village the canons themselves have two hides
of land. There is land there to two ploughs and a half, and
they are there now. There are four villanes who hold this
land under the canons; and four bordars and thirteen cottagers.
This land is worth thirty shillings; the same when received;
in King Edward's time forty shillings. This laid and lies in
the demesne of the church of St. Paul.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span><em>Hoxton.</em>—In Hochestone (Hoxton) the canons of St. Paul
have one hide. Land to one plough, and it is now there; and
three villanes hold this land under the canons. Pasture for
the cattle. This land was and is worth twenty shillings. This
laid and lies in the demesne of the church of St. Paul.</p>
<p class='c011'><em>Manor.</em>—The canons hold Hochestone (Hoxton) for three
hides. There is land to three ploughs, and they are there;
and seven villanes who hold this land; and sixteen cottagers.
It is worth in the whole fifty-five shillings; the same when
received; in King Edward's time sixty shillings. This manor
belonged and belongs to the church of St. Paul.</p>
<p class='c011'><em>Westminster.</em>—In the village where the church of St. Peter
is situate, the abbot of the same place holds thirteen hides and
a half. There is land to eleven ploughs. Nine hides and one
virgate belong to the demesne, and there are four ploughs
therein. The villanes have six ploughs, and one plough more
may be made. There are nine villanes of one virgate each;
one villane of one hide; and nine villanes of half a virgate
each; and one cottager of five acres; and forty-one cottagers
who pay forty shillings a year for their gardens. Meadow for
eleven ploughs. Pasture for the cattle of the village. Pannage
for one hundred hogs. And twenty-five houses of the knights
of the abbot and of other vassals, who pay eight shillings a year.
Its whole value is ten pounds; the same when received; in
King Edward's time twelve pounds. This manor was and is
in the demesne of the church of St. Peter, of Westminster.</p>
<p class='c011'><em>Hampstead.</em>—The Abbot of St. Peter holds Hamestede
(Hampstead) for four hides. Land to three ploughs. Three
hides and a half belong to the demesne, and there is one plough
therein. The villanes have one plough, and another may be
made. There is one villane of one virgate; and five bordars
of one virgate; and one bondman. Pannage for one hundred
hogs. In the whole it is worth fifty shillings; the same when
received; in King Edward's time one hundred shillings.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the same village Rannulf Pevrel holds under the abbot
one hide of the land of the villanes. Land to half a plough, and
it is there. This land was and is worth five shillings. This
<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>manor altogether laid and lies in the demesne of the church of
St. Peter.</p>
<p class='c011'><em>Tyburn.</em>—The abbess of Berking holds Tiburne (Tyburn) of
the King; it answered for five hides. Land to three ploughs.
There are two hides in the demesne, and there is one plough
therein. The villanes have two ploughs. There are two
villanes of half a hide; and one villane of half a virgate; and
two bordars of ten acres; and three cottagers. Pasture for
the cattle of the village. Pannage for fifty hogs. For herbage
forty pence. It is worth in the whole fifty-two shillings; the
same when received; in King Edward's time one hundred
shillings. This manor always belonged and belongs to the
church of Berking.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE CHARTER OF HENRY I. (<em>circa</em> 1130).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>In William I.'s Charter the laws and customs of
Edward the Confessor were confirmed. This was perhaps
all that the citizens wanted at the time, but after a lapse
of sixty years they desired a more explicit definition of
their laws and liberties, and obtained it from Henry I.
In his Charter the rights conferred by the Conqueror are
not recited—probably they were taken as a matter of
course—but for the rest, the citizens obtained all that
they could reasonably ask or obtain by purchase. In one
respect only was their freedom limited: the King reserved
to himself the right of taxation, and in a medieval kingdom
this was only to be expected. The City was encouraged to
grow strong and wealthy, and the King might take its
money freely for himself.</p>
<p class='c000'>Among the more important points of this Charter may
be noted the freedom of toll to assist the development
of trade; the permission to refuse lodging to the King's
household; the right of the citizens to appoint their own
Justiciar; and the grant that they should not plead without
the City walls, obviating the necessity of following the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>King's Court in its travels. Altogether, this is a most important
Charter, both on account of the privileges it grants,
and the light it throws on the government of the City.</p>
<p class='c011'>Henry, by the grace of God, King of England, to the archbishop
of Canterbury, and to the bishops and abbots, earls and
barons, justices and sheriffs, and to all his faithful subjects of
England, French and English, greeting.</p>
<p class='c011'>Know ye that I have granted to my citizens of London, to
hold Middlesex to farm for three hundred pounds, upon accompt
to them and their heirs; so that the said citizens shall place as
sheriff whom they will of themselves; and shall place whomsoever,
or such a one as they will of themselves, for keeping
of the pleas of the crown, and of the pleadings of the same, and
none other shall be justice over the same men of London; and
the citizens of London shall not plead without the walls of
London for any plea. And be they free from scot and lot and
danegeld, and of all murder; and none of them shall wage
battle. And if any one of the citizens shall be impleaded
concerning the pleas of the crown, the man of London shall
discharge himself by his oath, which shall be adjudged within
the city; and none shall lodge within the walls, neither of my
household, nor any other, nor lodging delivered by force.</p>
<p class='c011'>And all the men of London shall be quit and free, and all
their goods, throughout England, and the ports of the sea, of
and from all toll and passage and lestage, and all other customs;
and the churches and barons and citizens shall and may peaceably
and quietly have and hold their sokes with all their
customs, so that the strangers that shall be lodged in the sokes
shall give custom to none but to him to whom the soke appertains,
or to his officer, whom he shall there put: And a man of
London shall not be adjudged in amerciaments of money but
of one hundred shillings (I speak of the pleas which appertain
to money); and further there shall be no more miskenning in
the hustings, nor in the folkmote, nor in any other pleas within
the city, and the hustings may sit once in a week, that is to say
on Monday: And I will cause my citizens to have their lands,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>promises, bonds and debts, within the city and without; and I
will do them right by the law of the city, of the lands of which
they shall complain to me:</p>
<p class='c011'>And if any shall take toll or custom of any citizen of London,
the citizens of London in the city shall take of the borough or
town, where toll or custom was so taken, so much as the man
of London gave for toll, and as he received damage thereby:
And all debtors, which do owe debts to the citizens of London,
shall pay them in London, or else discharge themselves in
London, that they owe none; but, if they will not pay the
same, neither come to clear themselves that they owe none,
the citizens of London, to whom the debts shall be due, may
take their goods in the city of London, of the borough or town,
or of the country wherein he remains who shall owe the debt:
And the citizens of London may have their chaces to hunt, as
well and fully as their ancestors have had, that is to say, in
Chiltre, and in Middlesex and Surrey.</p>
<p class='c012'>Witness the bishop of Winchester, and Robert son
of Richier, and Hugh Bygot, and Alured of
Toteneys, and William of Alba-spina, and
Hubert the king's Chamberlain, and William
de Montfichet, and Hangulf de Taney, and
John Bellet, and Robert son of Siward. At
Westminster.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>MATILDA IN LONDON (1141).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The power and influence of the City are well illustrated
by the part which it took in the struggles between Stephen
and Matilda for the throne of England. The Londoners
at first supported Stephen; but the party of the Empress
Matilda proved to be the stronger, and for some time
everything appeared to be in her favour. But she ruined
her cause by her foolish behaviour towards the Londoners.
She gave grants to a feudal nobleman, Geoffrey de Mandeville,
which practically placed the City at his mercy, and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>she made unreasonable demands for subsidies from the
citizens, besides treating them in a very contemptuous
fashion. Finally, when they asked for a renewal of the
laws of Edward the Confessor, she refused, and the
citizens rose in revolt and compelled Matilda to withdraw
from the City. The opposition of the Londoners at that
particular time completely altered the aspect of affairs, and
Stephen was shortly afterwards restored to the throne.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>Gesta Stephani.</cite></h3>
<p class='c013'>Having now obtained the submission of the greatest part of
the kingdom, taken hostages and received homage, and being,
as I have just said, elated to the highest pitch of arrogance,
she came with vast military display to London, at the humble
request of the citizens. They fancied that they had now
arrived at happy days, when peace and tranquillity would
prevail.... She, however, sent for some of the more wealthy,
and demanded of them, not with gentle courtesy, but in an imperious
tone, an immense sum of money. Upon this they made
complaints that their former wealth had been diminished by the
troubled state of the kingdom, that they had liberally contributed
to the relief of the indigent against the severe famine
which was impending, and that they had subsidised the King
to their last farthing: they therefore humbly implored her
clemency that in pity for their losses and distresses she would
show some moderation in levying money from them....
When the citizens had addressed her in this manner, she,
without any of the gentleness of her sex, broke out into insufferable
rage, while she replied to them with a stern eye and
frowning brow "that the Londoners had often paid large sums
to the King; that they had opened their purse-strings wide to
strengthen him and weaken her; that they had been long in
confederacy with her enemies for her injury; and that they
had no claim to be spared, and to have the smallest part of the
fine remitted." On hearing this, the citizens departed to their
homes, sorrowful and unsatisfied.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>
<h2 class='c004'>A NORMAN PICTURE OF LONDON (<em>circa</em> 1173).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>William Fitz-Stephen was a native of London, and
lived there much of his life. This description of his birthplace
is prefixed to his "Life of Thomas Becket," perhaps
because he did not wish Canterbury to eclipse London in
his narrative. This account of the capital city is clearly
a fanciful picture, containing much exaggeration; but
apart from its quaintness, it is interesting as showing how
a medieval writer treated a subject which would now be
discussed precisely and minutely, with accurate details
and statistics.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—William Fitz-Stephen's <cite>Descriptio Nobilissimæ Civitatis<br />Londonæ</cite>.</h3>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of the Site Thereof.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>Among the noble cities of the world that Fame celebrates
the City of London, of the Kingdom of the English, is the one
seat that pours out its fame more widely, sends to farther lands
its wealth and trade, lifts its head higher than the rest. It is
happy in the healthiness of its air, in the Christian religion, in
the strength of its defences, the nature of its site, the honour
of its citizens, the modesty of its matrons; pleasant in sports;
fruitful of noble men. Let us look into these things separately....</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of Religion.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>There is in the church there the Episcopal Seat of St. Paul;
once it was Metropolitan, and it is thought will again become
so if the citizens return into the island, unless perhaps the
archiepiscopal title of St. Thomas the Martyr, and his bodily
presence, preserve to Canterbury, where it is now, a perpetual
dignity. But as Saint Thomas has made both cities illustrious,
London by his rising, Canterbury by his setting, in regard of
that saint, with admitted justice, each can claim advantage of
the other. There are also, as regards the cultivation of the
Christian faith, in London and the suburbs, thirteen larger
<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>conventual churches, besides lesser parish churches one
hundred and twenty-six.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of the Strength of the City.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>It has on the east the Palatine Castle, very great and strong,
of which the ground plan and the walls rise from a very deep
foundation, fixed with a mortar tempered by the blood of
animals. On the west are two towers very strongly fortified,
with the high and great wall of the city having seven double
gates, and towered to the north at intervals. London was
walled and towered in like manner on the south, but the great
fish-bearing Thames river which there glides, with ebb and
flow from the sea, by course of time has washed against,
loosened, and thrown down those walls. Also upwards to the
west the royal palace is conspicuous above the same river, an
incomparable building with ramparts and bulwarks, two miles
from the city, joined to it by a populous suburb.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of Gardens.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>Everywhere outside the houses of those living in the suburbs
are joined to them, planted with trees, the spacious and
beautiful gardens of the citizens.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of Pasture and Tilth.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>Also there are, on the north side, pastures and a pleasant
meadowland, through which flow river streams, where the
turning wheels of mills are put in motion with a cheerful sound.
Very near lies a great forest, with woodland pastures, coverts
of wild animals, stags, fallow deer, boars, and wild bulls. The
tilled lands of the city are not of barren gravel but fat plains
of Asia, that make crops luxuriant, and fill their tillers' barns
with Ceres' sheaves.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of Springs.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>There are also about London, on the north side, excellent
suburban springs, with sweet, wholesome, and clear water that
flows rippling over the bright stones; among which Holy Well,
Clerken Well, and Saint Clements are frequented by greater
<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>numbers, and visited more by scholars and youth of the city
when they go out for fresh air on summer evenings. It is a
good city indeed when it has a good master.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of Honour of the Citizens.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>That City is honoured by her men, adorned by her arms,
populous with many inhabitants, so that in the time of slaughter
of war under King Stephen, of those going out to muster twenty
thousand horsemen and sixty thousand men on foot were
estimated to be fit for war. Above all other citizens, everywhere,
the citizens of London are regarded as conspicuous and
noteworthy for handsomeness of manners and of dress, at table,
and in way of speaking....</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of Schools.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>In London three principal churches have by privilege and
ancient dignity famous schools; yet very often by support of
some personage, or of some teachers who are considered notable
and famous in philosophy, there are also other schools by
favour or permission. On feast days the masters have festival
meetings in the churches. Their scholars dispute, some by
demonstration, others by dialectics; some recite enthymemes,
others do better in using perfect syllogisms. Some are exercised
in disputation for display, as wrestling with opponents;
others for truth, which is the grace of perfectness. Sophists
who feign are judged happy in their heap and flood of words.
Others paralogise. Some orators, now and then, say in their
rhetorical speeches something apt for persuasion, careful to
observe rules of their art, and to omit none of the contingents.
Boys of different schools strive against one another in verses,
and contend about the principles of grammar and rules of the
past and future tenses....</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of the Ordering of the City.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>Those engaged in the several kinds of business, sellers of
several things, contractors for several kinds of work, are
distributed every morning into their several localities and shops.
<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>Besides, there is in London on the river bank, among the wines
in ships and cellars sold by the vintners, a public cook shop;
there eatables are to be found every day, according to the
season, dishes of meat, roast, fried and boiled, great and small
fish, coarser meats for the poor, more delicate for the rich, of
game, fowls, and small birds. If there should come suddenly
to any of the citizens friends, weary from a journey and too
hungry to like waiting till fresh food is brought and cooked,
with water to their hands comes bread, while one runs to the
river bank, and there is all that can be wanted. However
great the multitude of soldiers or travellers entering the city, or
preparing to go out of it, at any hour of the day or night,—that
these may not fast too long and those may not go supperless,—they
turn hither, if they please, where every man can refresh
himself in his own way.... Outside one of the gates there,
immediately in the suburb, is a certain field, smooth (Smith)
field in fact and name. Every Friday, unless it be a higher
day of appointed solemnity, there is in it a famous show of
noble horses for sale. Earls, barons, knights, and many
citizens who are in town, come to see or buy.... In another
part of the field stand by themselves the goods proper to rustics,
implements of husbandry, swine with long flanks, cows with
full udders, oxen of bulk immense, and woolly flocks.... To
this city from every nation under heaven merchants delight to
bring their trade by sea.... This city ... is divided into
wards, has annual sheriffs for its consuls, has senatorial and
lower magistrates, sewers and aqueducts in its streets, its
proper places and separate courts for cases of each kind,
deliberative, demonstrative, judicial; has assemblies on appointed
days. I do not think there is a city with more commendable
customs of church attendance, honour to God's
ordinances, keeping sacred festivals, almsgiving, hospitality,
confirming, betrothals, contracting marriages, celebration of
nuptials, preparing feasts, cheering the guests, and also in care
for funerals and the interment of the dead. The only pests of
London are the immoderate drinking of fools and the frequency
of fires. To this may be added that nearly all the bishops,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>abbots, and magnates of England are, as it were, citizens and
freemen of London; having there their own splendid houses,
to which they resort, where they spend largely when summoned
to great councils by the king or by their metropolitan, or drawn
thither by their own private affairs.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Of Sports.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>Let us now come to the sports and pastimes, seeing it is fit
that a city should not only be commodious and serious, but also
merry and sportful; ... but London ... hath holy plays,
representations of miracles which holy confessors have wrought,
or representations of torments wherein the constancy of martyrs
appeared. Every year also at Shrove Tuesday, that we may
begin with children's sports, seeing we all have been children,
the schoolboys do bring cocks of the game to their master, and
all the forenoon they delight themselves in cock-fighting: after
dinner, all the youths go into the field to play at the ball.</p>
<p class='c011'>The scholars of every school have their ball, or baton, in
their hands; the ancient and wealthy men of the city come
forth on horseback to see the sport of the young men, and to
take part of the pleasure in beholding their agility. Every
Friday in Lent a fresh company of young men comes into the
field on horseback, and the best horseman conducteth the rest.
Then march forth the citizen's sons, and other young men,
with disarmed lances and shields, and there they practise feats
of war. Many courtiers likewise, when the king lieth near,
and attendants of noblemen, do repair to these exercises; and
while the hope of victory doth inflame their minds, do show
good proof how serviceable they would be in martial affairs.</p>
<p class='c011'>In Easter holidays they fight battles on the water; a shield
is hung upon a pole, fixed in the midst of a stream, a boat is
prepared without oars, to be carried by violence of the water,
and in the fore part thereof standeth a young man, ready to
give charge upon the shield with his lance; if so be he breaketh
his lance against the shield, and doth not fall, he is thought to
have performed a worthy deed; if so be, without breaking his
lance, he runneth strongly against the shield, down he falleth
<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>into the water, for the boat is violently forced with the tide;
but on each side of the shield ride two boats, furnished with
young men, which recover him that falleth as soon as they
may. Upon the bridge, wharfs, and houses, by the river's
side, stand great numbers to see and laugh thereat.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the holidays all the summer the youths are exercised in
leaping, dancing, shooting, wrestling, casting the stone, and
practising their shields; the maidens trip in their timbrels, and
dance as long as they can well see. In winter, every holiday
before dinner, the boars prepared for brawn are set to fight, or
else bulls and bears are baited.</p>
<p class='c011'>When the great fen, or moor, which watereth the walls of
the city on the north side, is frozen, many young men play
upon the ice; some, striding as wide as they may, do slide
swiftly; others make themselves seats of ice, as great as millstones;
one sits down, many hand in hand to draw him, and
one slipping on a sudden, all fall together; some tie bones to
their feet and under their heels; and shoving themselves by
a little picked staff, do slide as swiftly as a bird flieth in the
air, or an arrow out of a crossbow. Sometime two run together
with poles, and hitting on the other, either one or both do fall,
not without hurt; some break their arms, some their legs, but
youth desirous of glory in this sort exerciseth itself against the
time of war. Many of the citizens do delight themselves in
hawks and hounds; for they have liberty of hunting in Middlesex,
Hertfordshire, all Chiltern, and in Kent to the water of
Cray.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>DISTURBANCES IN THE CITY (1177).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The following story is not altogether free from suspicion,
but it was probably inspired by accounts of the depredations
of the young bloods of the City. Nocturnal disturbances
were by no means unknown as late as the eighteenth
century, and the Mohocks were following a tradition which
was as old as the City itself.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Translated from <cite>Benedict of Peterborough</cite>, vol. i., p. 155.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>During this council the brother of earl Ferrers was slain by
night in London. When the King heard this he was greatly
distressed, and swore that he would take vengeance on the
citizens of London. For it was the custom then in London
for a hundred or more of the sons and relations of the citizens
to make nocturnal assaults on the houses of the rich, and rob
them; and if they found anybody wandering about the streets
they would kill him without pity; so that very few dared to
walk through the city at night for fear of them. Three years
before this the sons of the "nobility" of London assembled
by night for purposes of robbery, and attacked the house of
a certain rich citizen; having broken down the wall with iron
bars they entered through the aperture thus made. But the
occupier of the house had been forewarned of their arrival;
he donned a coat of mail and collected several trusty armed
servants, with whom he waited in a corner of the house. Soon
he saw one of the robbers, named Andrew Bucquinte, who was
eagerly leading the rest; he hurled at him a pan full of hot
coals and rushed on him fiercely. When Richard Bucquinte
saw this, he drew his dagger and struck the citizen, but he
received no injury because of his coat of mail; he drew his
sword and cut off the right hand of Richard Bucquinte. Then
he raised a cry, "Thieves, thieves!" and on hearing it all the
robbers fled except the one who had lost his hand, and the
citizen captured him. Next day he was brought before Richard
de Lucy, the King's justiciar, and was imprisoned. This thief,
being promised pardon, informed against his companions, many
of whom were taken, although many escaped. Among those
who were taken was a certain John, an old man, the noblest
and wealthiest of the citizens of London. He offered five
hundred marks of silver to the King in return for his life, but
the King would not take the fine, and ordered justice to be
carried out, so he was hanged.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>
<h2 class='c004'>ORDINANCES CONCERNING BUILDING<br />(1189, 1212).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The documents quoted below give good evidence of the
style in which the better class of houses was built during
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The greater part of
the city was built of wood, the houses being roofed with
straw, reeds, and similar materials. The frequent fires
which took place owing to this manner of building,
especially the great fire of 1135 which destroyed a great
part of the City, compelled the citizens to take some precautions
against the recurrence of such a calamity. Stone
was used to a larger extent, and various privileges were
conceded to those who used stone in the construction of
their houses. This material was made compulsory in the
party-walls, but the rest of the buildings might be made
of anything, and was usually constructed of wood. The
regulations of 1189 did not produce any great or immediate
effect on the style of building, and a further ordinance was
issued in 1212, after a disastrous fire had destroyed London
Bridge and a large number of houses.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—The London Assizes of 1189 and 1212, quoted in Hudson<br />Turner's <cite>History of Domestic Architecture</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>(<em>a</em>) In the year of the Lord 1189, in the first year of the
reign of the illustrious King Richard, in the mayoralty of
Henry Fitz-Aylwin, who was the first Mayor of London, these
provisions and ordinances were made by the wise men of the
City, for appeasing the contentions which sometimes arise
among neighbours touching boundaries made or to be made
between their lands, so that such disputes might be settled
according to that which was then provided and ordained.
And the said provision and ordinance was called an Assize.</p>
<p class='c011'>When two neighbours shall have agreed to build between
themselves a wall of stone, each shall give a foot and a half of
land, and so they shall construct, at their joint cost, a stone
<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>wall three feet thick and sixteen feet in height. And, if they
agree, they shall make a gutter between them, to carry off the
water from their houses, as they may deem most convenient.
But if they should not agree, either of them may make a gutter
to carry the water dripping from his house on to his own land,
except he can convey it into the high street.</p>
<p class='c011'>They may also, if they agree, raise the said wall as high
as they please, at their joint expense; and if it shall happen
that one shall wish to raise the wall, and the other not, it shall
be lawful for him who is willing, to raise his own part as much
as he please, and build upon it, without damage of the other,
at his own cost.</p>
<p class='c011'>And if any one shall build his own stone wall, upon his own
land, of the height of sixteen feet, his neighbour ought to make
a gutter under the eaves of the house which is placed on that
wall, and receive in it the water falling from that house, and
lead it on to his own land, unless he can lead it into the high
street.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also, no one of two parties having a common wall built
between them, can, or ought, to pull down any portion of his
part of the said wall, or lessen its thickness, or make arches in
it, without the assent and will of the other.</p>
<p class='c011'>And if any one shall have windows looking towards the land
of a neighbour, and although he and his predecessors have
long been possessed of the view of the aforesaid windows,
nevertheless his neighbour may lawfully obstruct the view
of those windows, by building opposite to them on his own
ground, as he shall consider most expedient; except he who
hath the windows can shew any writing whereby his neighbour
may not obstruct the view of those windows.</p>
<p class='c011'>Let it be borne in mind that in former times a great part of
the city was built of wood, and the houses were roofed with
straw, reeds and such things; so that when any house caught
fire, a great part of the city was destroyed by that fire; as
happened in the first year of the reign of King Stephen. For
it is written in the chronicles that in a fire which began at
London Bridge, St. Paul's Church was burnt down, and the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>fire proceeded thence, burning all the houses and buildings
as far as St. Clement Danes. Therefore many citizens, to
avoid such danger, built according to their means, on their
ground, a stone house covered and protected by thick tiles
against the fury of fire, whereby it often happened that when
a fire arose in the city and burnt many edifices, and had
reached such a house, not being able to injure it, it became
there extinguished, so that many neighbours' houses were
wholly saved from fire by that house.</p>
<p class='c011'>(<em>b</em>) A decree made by the counsel of the citizens, for the
setting into order of the city and to provide, by God's help,
against fire.</p>
<p class='c011'>First, they advise that all ale-houses be forbidden, except
those which shall be licensed by the common council of the
city at Guildhall, excepting those belonging to persons willing
to build of stone, that the city may be secure. And that no
baker bake, or ale-wife brew, by night, either with reeds or
straw or stubble, but with wood only.</p>
<p class='c011'>They advise also that all the cook-shops on the Thames
be whitewashed and plastered within and without, and that all
inner chambers and hostelries be wholly removed, so that there
remain only the house (hall) and bed-room.</p>
<p class='c011'>Whosoever wishes to build, let him take care, as he loveth
himself and his goods, that he roof not with reed, nor rush, nor
with any manner of litter, but with tile only, or shingle, or
boards, or, if it may be, with lead, within the city and Portsoken.
Also all houses which till now are covered with reed
or rush, which can be plastered, let them be plastered within
eight days, and let those which shall not be so plastered within
the term be demolished by the aldermen and lawful men of the
venue.</p>
<p class='c011'>All wooden houses which are nearest to the stone houses
in Cheap, whereby the stone houses in Cheap may be in peril,
shall be securely amended by view of the mayor and sheriffs,
and good men of the city, or, without any exception, to whomsoever
they may belong, pulled down.</p>
<p class='c011'>The watches, and they who watch by night for the custody of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>the city shall go out by day and return by day, or they by whom
they may have been sent forth shall be fined forty shillings by
the city. And let old houses in which brewing or baking is
done be whitewashed and plastered within and without, that
they may be safe against fire.</p>
<p class='c011'>Let all the aldermen have a proper hook and cord, and let
him who shall not have one within the appointed term be
amerced by the city. Foreign workmen who come into the
city, and refuse to obey the aforesaid decree, shall be arrested
until brought before the mayor and good men to hear their
judgment. They say also that it is only proper that before
every house there should be a tub full of water, either of wood
or stone.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE LIBERTIES OF THE CITY CONFIRMED<br />(1191).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>When Richard I. set out on his crusade, he left the
government of England in the hands of William Longchamp,
as Chancellor. This man made himself most
unpopular by his tyrannical acts, and John, the King's
brother, for purposes of his own, joined the malcontents.
Longchamp attempted to gain the support of London,
and at a meeting of citizens in the Guildhall he denounced
John as aiming at the crown, and prayed them to uphold
the King. The citizens, however, received John with
welcome, and he was given to understand that he would
receive the support of the City on certain terms, to which,
of course, he agreed. This "commune," which was
granted by John and the barons, was the first public
recognition of the citizens of London as a body corporate.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Translated from <cite>Benedict of Peterborough</cite>,<br />vol. ii., p. 213.</h3>
<p class='c013'>John, with almost all the bishops and barons of England in
attendance on him, entered London on that day (October 7,
1191), and on the following day John and the Archbishop of
Rouen and all the bishops and barons, and with them the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>citizens of London, met in St. Paul's church, and accused the
chancellor of many things, especially with regard to the injuries
which he had wrought to the Archbishop of York, the Bishop
of Durham, and his son Henry. Moreover the colleagues of
the chancellor, whom the King had associated with him in the
government of the country, accused him of many crimes, saying
that he had performed everything without their counsel and
consent. Then the Archbishop of Rouen and William Marshall
showed to the assembly the King's letter, by which it
was ordered that if the chancellor did any foolish thing to the
harm of the King or the realm, the said Archbishop of Rouen
was to be appointed in his stead.... Therefore John the
King's brother, and all the bishops and barons and the citizens
of London, decided that the chancellor should be deposed from
the government of the kingdom.... John and the Archbishop
of Rouen, and all the bishops and barons of the kingdom
who were present, granted to the citizens of London their
commune, and swore that they would guard it and the liberties
of the city of London, as long as it pleased the King; and the
citizens of London and the bishops and barons swore allegiance
to King Richard, and to John the King's brother, and undertook
to accept John as their lord and King, if the King died
without issue.</p>
<h3 class='c009'>From <cite>Richard of Devizes</cite>, vol. iii., p. 416.</h3>
<p class='c013'>On that day was granted and confirmed the commune of
London, to which the barons of the whole kingdom and the
bishops of every diocese gave their consent. On that occasion
for the first time London realized that the kingdom was without
a king, by this conspiracy which neither Richard himself
nor his father Henry would have allowed to take place for
a million marks. A commune puffs up the people, threatens
the kingdom, and weakens the priesthood.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>JOHN'S THIRD CHARTER (1199).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>John granted five charters to the City, and in this third
charter he restored to the citizens two privileges, of which
<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>they had been deprived by Matilda and Henry II. The
latter, wishing to bring the City under the direct supervision
of the Crown, had retained the appointment of
sheriffs in his own hands; Matilda had annulled the
arrangement by which the citizens were to have the farm
of Middlesex on payment of £300 every year. The
restoration of the right of electing the sheriffs was not of
very great importance, for during the period which had
elapsed since Henry II. assumed this privilege the office
of Mayor had become established, and this had considerably
lessened the importance of the sheriffs.</p>
<p class='c011'>John, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland,
duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjou; to his
archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, barons, justices, sheriffs,
rulers, and to all his bailiffs and loving subjects.</p>
<p class='c011'>Know ye, that we have granted, and by this our present
writing confirmed, to our citizens of London, the sheriffwicks
of London and Middlesex, with all the customs and things to
the sheriffwick belonging, within the city and without, by land
and by water, to have and to hold, to them and their heirs, of
us and our heirs, paying therefor three hundred pounds of
blank sterling money, at two terms in the year; that is to say,
at the Easter exchequer, one hundred and fifty pounds; and at
the Michaelmas exchequer, one hundred and fifty pounds;
saving to the citizens of London all their liberties and free
customs.</p>
<p class='c011'>And further, we have granted to the citizens of London, that
they amongst themselves make sheriffs whom they will; and
may amove them when they will; and those whom they make
sheriffs, they shall present to our justices of our exchequer, of
these things which to the said sheriffwick appertain, whereof
they ought to answer us; and unless they shall sufficiently
answer and satisfy, the citizens may answer and satisfy us the
amerciaments and farm, saving to the said citizens their
liberties as is aforesaid; and saving to the said sheriffs the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>same liberties which other citizens have: so that, if they which
shall be appointed sheriffs for the time being, shall commit any
offence, whereby they ought to incur any amerciament of
money, they shall not be condemned for any more than to the
amerciament of twenty pounds, and that without the damage
of other citizens, if the sheriffs be not sufficient for the payment
of their amerciaments: but, if they do any offence, whereby
they ought to incur the loss of their lives or members, they shall
be adjudged, as they ought to be, according to the law of the
city; and of these things, which to the said sheriffs belong, the
sheriffs shall answer before our justices at our exchequer,
saving to the said sheriffs the liberties which other citizens of
London have.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also this grant and confirmation we have made to the
citizens of London for the amendment of the said city, and
because it was in ancient times farmed for three hundred
pounds: wherefore we will and steadfastly command, that the
citizens of London and their heirs may have and hold the
sheriffwick of London and Middlesex, with all things to the
said sheriffwick belonging, of us and our heirs, to possess and
enjoy hereditarily, freely and quietly, honourably and wholly,
by fee-farm of three hundred pounds; and we forbid that none
presume to do any damage, impediment or diminishment to the
citizens of London of these things, which to the said sheriffwick
do or were accustomed to appertain: Also we will and command,
that if we or our heirs, or any of our justices, shall give
or grant to any person any of those things which to the farm
of the sheriffwick appertain, the same shall be accounted to the
citizens of London, in the acquittal of the said farm at our
exchequer.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON BRIDGE (1202).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>It is possible that there was a London Bridge in Roman
times, and there certainly was one, built of wood, before
the Conquest. The modern structure was finished in 1831,
and this replaced the old bridge, which was built between
1176 and 1209, about 200 feet east of the present one.
<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>It consisted of twenty arches, a drawbridge for large
vessels, and a chapel and crypt in the centre, dedicated to
St. Thomas of Canterbury. It was afterwards covered
with houses and shops on both sides, like a street. The
last of these buildings was removed in 1757.</p>
<p class='c000'>The following letter was written by King John to the
citizens of London during the construction of the bridge,
and shows that the erection and maintenance of this
important means of communication was a matter for
royal and national, as well as local, consideration.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 45.</h3>
<p class='c013'>John, by the Grace of God, King of England, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>To his faithful and beloved the Mayor and Citizens of
London, greeting.</p>
<p class='c011'>Considering how the Lord in a short time has wrought, in
regard to the Bridges of Xainctes and Rochelle, by the great
care and pains of our faithful, learned and worthy clerk Isenbert,
Master of the Schools of Xainctes: We therefore, by the
advice of our Reverend Father in Christ, Hubert, Archbishop
of Canterbury, and that of others, have desired, directed and
enjoined him to use his best endeavour in building your bridge,
for your benefit, and that of the public: For we trust in the
Lord, that this bridge, so necessary for you, and all who shall
pass the same, will, through his industry, and the Divine
blessing, soon be finished: Wherefore, without prejudice to
our right, or that of the City of London, We will and grant,
that the rents and profits of the several houses that the said
Master of the Schools shall cause to be erected upon the bridge
aforesaid, be for ever appropriated to repair, maintain and
uphold the same.</p>
<p class='c011'>And seeing that the necessary work of the said bridge cannot
be accomplished without your aid, and that of others; We
charge and exhort you kindly to receive and honour the above-named
Isenbert, and those employed by him, who will perform
everything to your advantage and credit, according to his
<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>directions, you affording him your joint advice and assistance
in the premises. For whatever good office or honour you shall
do to him, you ought to esteem the same as done to us. But
should any injury be offered to the said Isenbert, or the persons
employed by him (which we do not believe there will), see that
the same be redressed, as soon as it comes to your knowledge.</p>
<p class='c012'>Witness myself at Molinel, the eighteenth day of
April (1202).</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>OPPRESSION BY HENRY III. (1249).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Perhaps no monarch was ever more detested by the
citizens of London than was Henry III.—a weak and
foolish ruler, who subjected every class to his exactions
and oppressions. He was himself preyed upon by swarms
of favourites, and enticed into all manner of expensive
projects, and could only free himself from his debts and
difficulties by abusing his royal prerogative. On one
occasion he sold his plate and jewels to the Londoners.
"These clowns," he said, "who assume to themselves
the name of barons, abound in everything, while we are
reduced to necessities." Henry certainly seemed to regard
their resources as inexhaustible; false charges were repeatedly
made against them, for the purpose of exacting
money; exorbitant sums were demanded for purchasing
the King's good-will, and for the granting of charters; no
occasion of soliciting presents was allowed to pass by;
schemes of begging and robbing were carried on so
assiduously by this infatuated monarch that the citizens
were driven, in the end, to offer and render active assistance
to the barons who leagued themselves against him. During
this disturbed period the City did not prosper; it needed
a firm and steady Government, and not till Edward I.
ascended the throne did London resume its career of
progress.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Matthew Paris, <cite>History</cite>.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>The King began now sedulously to think how he could
entirely dry up the inexhaustible well of England. For, on
meeting with a just repulse from the community of nobles, as
above mentioned, who stated that they would no longer lavish
their property to the ruin of the kingdom, he studied, by other
cunning devices, to quench the thirst of his cupidity. Immediately
after the festivities of the said season, he entered upon
the following plan of harassing the citizens of London: he
suspended the carrying on of traffic in that city, as has been
before mentioned, for a fortnight, by establishing a new fair at
Westminster, to the loss and injury of many; and immediately
afterwards he sent letters by his agents, containing subtle and
imperious entreaties, asking them for pecuniary aid. On
receipt of this message, the citizens were grieved to the heart,
and said: "Woe to us, woe to us; where is the liberty of
London, which is so often bought; so often granted; so often
guaranteed by writing; so often sworn to be respected? For
each year almost, like slaves of the lowest condition, we are
impoverished by new talliages, and injuriously harassed by
fox-like arguments; nor can we discover into what whirlpool
the property of which we are robbed is absorbed." At length,
however, although immense sums were demanded, the citizens,
although unwillingly and not without bitterness of heart,
yielded their consent to a contribution of two thousand pounds,
to be paid to the King at a brief period....</p>
<p class='c011'>About the same time, the City of London was excited in no
slight degree, because the King exacted some liberties from the
citizens for the benefit of the abbot of Westminster, to their
enormous loss, and the injury of their liberties. The mayor of
the city and the whole of the community in general, as far as
lay in their power, opposed the wish (or rather violence and
raving) of the King; but he proved harsh and inexorable to
them. The citizens, therefore, in a state of great excitement,
went with sorrowful complaints to Earl Richard, the earl of
Leicester, and other nobles of the Kingdom, telling them how
<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>the King, perhaps bent into a bow of wickedness, by the pope's
example, shamelessly violated their charters, granted to them
by his predecessors. The said nobles were much disturbed at
this, fearing that the King would attempt a similar proceeding
with them; they therefore severely reproached him, adding
threats to their reproaches, and strongly blamed the abbot,
who, they believed, was the originator and promoter of this
wrong, heaping insult upon insult on him; which, however, it
does not become us to relate, out of respect to the order. Thus
the prudence of the nobles happily recalled the King from his
conceived design.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>INTERFERENCE BY BARONS (1258).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>When, in medieval England, the central authority was
weak, injustice and oppression were rife throughout the
country, and at such times the men of London were often
hard pressed to maintain intact their privileges. Under
the feeble and vacillating Henry III. there was little
restraint upon corrupt and unscrupulous barons, such as
the Hugh Bygot of the following passage. The right to
attend to the administration of justice within the borders
of the City was one of the most essential elements of the
citizen's freedom; no interference in this direction could
possibly be tolerated if the hardly won charters were to
be of any avail. It is not surprising, therefore, that the
arbitrary conduct of this justiciar, who pretended to act
by royal authority, being a King's servant, aroused great
resentment among the citizens.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Fitz-Thedmar's <cite>Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs</cite>,<br />edited by Riley, p. 42.</h3>
<p class='c013'>This year, John de Gizors was chosen Mayor, and that too,
even in his absence. This year, after a Parliament held by
the Barons at Westminster, Hugh Bygot, the Justiciar, went
to Saint Saviour's, and having Roger de Turkelby for his
<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>associate, held there all the Pleas which pertain unto the
Justiciars Itinerant in the County of Surrey; and not only did
he there amerce several bailiffs and others who had been convicted
of offences committed against those subject to them, but
he caused them to be imprisoned, clerks as well as laymen.
And yet he ransomed one person for twenty marks, and certain
others for forty marks, and more; while several others, for but
trifling reasons, he immoderately aggrieved.</p>
<p class='c011'>In these pleas the men of Southwark and others of the
County of Surrey made complaint against the Sheriffs and
citizens of London, that they unjustly took custom without the
Stone Gate on the Bridge, seeing that they ought to possess no
such rights beyond the Drawbridge Gate. The citizens, coming
with their Sheriffs who had been summoned by the Justiciars,
appeared at Saint Saviour's, before the Justiciars, and bringing
with them their Charters, said that they were not bound to
plead there, nor would they plead without the walls of the
City; but without formal plea, they were willing to acknowledge
that it was quite lawful for the Sheriffs of London to
take custom without the gate aforesaid, and that too, even as
far as the staples placed there, seeing that the whole water
of Thames pertains unto the City, and always did pertain
thereto; and that too, sea-ward as far as the New Weir. At
length, after much altercation had taken place between the
Justiciars and the citizens, the Justiciars caused inquisition to
be made, on the oath of twelve knights of Surrey—and this,
although the citizens had not put themselves on such inquisition—whether
the Sheriffs of London had taken any custom beyond
their limits. Who said, upon oath, that the Sheriffs aforesaid
might rightfully take custom there, for that as far the staples
before-mentioned, the whole pertains unto the City, and no one
has any right upon the Thames, as far as the New Weir, save
and except the citizens of London.</p>
<p class='c011'>After this, the Justiciar before-mentioned, having as his
associate Roger before-named, came to the Guildhall of London,
and there held Pleas from day to day, as to all those who wished
to make plaint; and at once, without either making reasonable
<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>summons or admitting any lawful excuses, determined the same,
observing no due procedure of justice; and that too against the
laws of the City, as also against the laws and customs of every
freeman of the English realm. This, however, the citizens
persistently challenged, saying that no one except the Sheriffs
of London ought to hold pleadings in the City as to trespasses
there committed; but to no purpose. Still however, the
citizens had judgment done upon all persons abiding in the
City, who had been convicted, or had been cast in making a
false charge. At the same time also, the Justiciar summoned
before himself and before the Earl of Gloucester all the bakers
of the City who could be found, together with their loaves;
and so, by some few citizens summoned before them, judgment
was given in reference to their bread; those whose bread did
not weigh according to the assay of the City, not being placed
in the pillory, as they used to be, but, at the will of the Justiciar
and Earl aforesaid, exalted in the tumbrel, against the ancient
usage of the City and of all the realm.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE STEELYARD (1282).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The Steelyard was the residence of the Hanse Merchants,
who obtained a settlement in London as early
as 1250. Valuable privileges were granted to them by
Henry III., and these were renewed and confirmed by
Edward I., who was anxious to encourage the trade of
the City by all possible means. Many privileges were
also conceded to the Steelyard merchants by the City, in
return for which they undertook to maintain Bishopsgate
in good repair and to assist in its defence when necessity
arose. In spite of the jealousy of the English merchants,
the foreigners flourished exceedingly, but towards the end
of the sixteenth century their power began to fail. As
English traders became more enterprising, the monopoly
of the Steelyard merchants disappeared, and finally, in
1598, Elizabeth expelled them from the country.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Stow's <cite>Survey</cite>, p. 234.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>Next to this (Cosin) lane on the east, is the steelyard (as
they term it) a place for merchants of Almaine, that used to
bring hither, as well wheat, rye and other grain, as cables,
ropes, masts, pitch, tar, flax, hemp, linen cloth, wainscots, wax,
steel, and other profitable merchandizes: unto these merchants
in the year 1259 Henry the third, at the request of his brother
Richard earl of Cornwall, king of Almaine, granted that all
and singular the merchants, having a house in the City of
London, commonly called Guilda Aula Theutonicorum, should
be maintained and upholden through the whole realm, by all
such freedoms, and free usages or liberties, as by the King and
his noble progenitors time they had, and enjoyed, etc. Edward
the first renewed and confirmed that charter of Liberties granted
by his Father. And in the tenth year of the same Edward,
Henry Wales being Mayor, a great controversy did arise between
the said Mayor, and the merchants of the Haunce of
Almaine, about the reparations of Bishopsgate, then likely to
fall, for that the said merchants enjoyed divers privileges, in
respect of maintaining the said gate, which they now denied to
repair: for the appeasing of which controversy the king sent
his writ to the Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer, commanding
that they should make inquisition thereof, before
whom the merchants being called, when they were not able
to discharge themselves, since they enjoyed the liberties to them
granted for the same, a precept was sent to the Mayor, and
sheriffs, to distrain the said merchants to make reparations,
namely Gerard Marbod Alderman of the Haunce, Ralph de
Cussarde a citizen of Colen, Ludero de Deneuar, a Burgess
of Triuar, John of Aras, a Burgess of Triuon, Bartram of
Hamburdge, Godestalke of Hundondale, a Burgess of Triuon,
John de Dele a Burgess of Munstar, then remaining in the said
City of London: for themselves, and all other merchants of the
Haunce, and so they granted 210 marks sterling to the Mayor
and Citizens, and undertook that they and their successors
should from time to time repair the said gate, and bear the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>third part of the charges in money, and men to defend it when
need were. And for this agreement, the said Mayor and
Citizens granted to the said merchants their liberties which
till of late they have enjoyed, as namely amongst other, that
they might lay up their grain which they brought into this
realm, in Inns, and sell it in their garners, by the space of forty
days after they had laid it up: except by the Mayor and Citizens
they were expressly forbidden, because of dearth or other reasonable
occasions. Also they might have their Aldermen as they
had been accustomed, forseen always that he were of the City,
and presented to the Mayor and Aldermen of the City, so oft
as any should be chosen, and should take an oath before them
to maintain justice in their courts, and to behave themselves in
their office according to law, and as it stood with the customs
of the City. Thus much for their privileges: whereby it appeareth,
that they were great merchants of corn brought out
of the East parts hither, in so much that the occupiers of
husbandry in this land were enforced to complain of them for
bringing in such abundance, when the corn of this realm was
at an easy price: whereupon it was ordained by Parliament,
that no person should bring into any part of this realm by way
of merchandise, wheat, rye or barley, growing out of the said
realm, when the quarter of wheat exceeded not the price of
6 shillings 8 pence, rye 4s. the quarter, and barley 3s. the
quarter, upon forfeiture the one half to the King, the other
half to the seizer thereof. These merchants of Haunce had
their Guild hall in Thames street in place aforesaid, by the said
Cosin lane. Their hall is large, builded of stone, with three
arched gates towards the street, the middlemost whereof is far
bigger than the other, and is seldom opened, the other two be
mured up, the same is now called the old hall.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE PRESERVATION OF PEACE AND ORDER<br />(1282).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>It would appear from contemporary evidence that the
Londoners must have been somewhat turbulent during
<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>the thirteenth century. Owing to the smallness of the
houses and the insufficient accommodation for families,
the greater part of the population constantly filled the
streets; and, although the watch and ward arrangements
for the protection of the City may have been sufficient in
quiet times, they were quite inadequate when troubles
arose. In spite of stringent regulations frequent quarrels
and riots occurred in the crowded streets, and punishments,
fines, and imprisonments were common. The
commonest offences, to judge by the records of trials,
were night-walking after curfew, robbery with violence,
frequenting taverns, and gambling. The following passages
illustrate some of the efforts which were continually
being made to devise improvements in the administration
of the City and the safeguarding of its inhabitants:</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Sources.</strong>—(<em>a</em>) "Provisions for the Safe-Keeping of the City";<br />(<em>b</em>) "A Royal Mandate for the Preservation of the Peace." <br />Riley's<cite>Memorials</cite>, pp. 21, 36.</h3>
<p class='c013'>(<em>a</em>) On Wednesday next before the Feast of Pentecost, in
the 10th year of the reign of King Edward, by Henry le Galeys,
Mayor, the Aldermen, and the then Chamberlain of Guildhall,
the following provisions were subscribed:—</p>
<p class='c011'>As to the trades: that every trade shall present the names
of all persons in that trade, and of all who have been serving
therein; where they dwell, and in what Ward.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also, each Alderman, with two of the best men of his Ward,
shall make inquisition as to persons keeping hostels, and the
persons lodging in the same, making enquiry one by one, and
from house to house; that so he may know how many, and
who, and of what kind or condition they are, clerks or laymen,
who are residing in his Ward, of the age of twelve years and
upwards.</p>
<p class='c011'>To be remembered:—as to provision made how suspected
persons, when found, ought to be removed, or under what
security to remain.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>Secondly, as to the safe-keeping of the City:—All the Gates
of the City are to be open by day; and at each Gate there are
to be two serjeants to open the same, skilful men, and fluent
of speech, who are to keep a good watch upon persons coming
in and going out; that so no evil may befall the City.</p>
<p class='c011'>At every Parish Church, curfew is to be rung at the same
hour as at St. Martin's le Grand; so that they begin together,
and end together; and then all the Gates are to be shut, as
well as all taverns for wine or for ale; and no one is then to
go about the streets or ways. Six persons are to watch in each
Ward by night, of the most competent men of the Ward thereto;
and the two serjeants who guard the Gates by day, are to lie
at night either within the Gates, or near thereto.</p>
<p class='c011'>The serjeants of Billingsgate and Queen Hythe are to see
that all boats are moored on the City side at night, and are
to have the names of all boats; and no one is to cross the
Thames at night. And each serjeant must have his own boat
with four men, to guard the water by night, on either side of
the bridge.</p>
<p class='c011'>The serjeants at the Gates are to receive four pence each
per day, and the boatmen at night, one penny each.</p>
<p class='c011'>(<em>b</em>) Henry le Galeys, Mayor of the City of London, presented
a writ of our Lord the King, in these words:—</p>
<p class='c011'>Edward by the grace of God, etc., to the Mayor and Sheriffs
of London, greeting. Forasmuch as we have heard that the
bakers, and brewsters, and millers, in the city aforesaid, do
frequently misconduct themselves in their trades, and that
misdoers by night going about the city aforesaid with swords
and bucklers, and other arms, as well at the procuration of
others as of their own malice, do beat and maltreat other
persons, and are wont to perpetrate many other offences and
enormities, to no small damage and grievance of our faithful
subjects: We, of our counsel, wishing to apply a fitting remedy
to all the premises, and to strike both them and others with
fear of so offending, do command you, and strictly enjoin, that
you will so chastise such bakers, brewsters, and misdoers, with
corporal punishments, and so visit the other offences, at your
<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>discretion, that they may excite in others in like case a fear of
so offending. And that all corn to be ground at mills within
the city aforesaid, and without, shall be weighed by the millers,
and that such millers shall answer in like weight in the flour
coming therefrom. And the matters aforesaid, and all other
things which unto the office of the Mayoralty of the same city,
and to the preservation there of our peace, do pertain, you are
to cause to be inviolably observed. Witness myself, at York,
the 28th day of May, in the 26th year of our reign.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE CITIZENS AND EDWARD II. (1311).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The attitude of the City towards the Sovereign was
invariably determined by the respect which the latter
paid to the liberties and privileges of the citizens, who
were generally disposed to be loyal enough if they were
treated with proper consideration. The change from the
powerful and competent rule of Edward I. to the feeble
government of his son produced its inevitable effect on
London as well as on the kingdom; but the letter quoted
below shows that the citizens were prepared to support
the King during the early years of his reign. Later, however,
his arbitrary measures and foolish actions led to
a complete revulsion of feeling, which expressed itself in
actual revolt.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Riley's <cite>Memorials</cite>, p. 84.</h3>
<p class='c013'>To the most noble Prince, and their very dear liege lord,
our Lord the King of England, his lieges, Richer de Refham,
Mayor of his city of London, and the commonalty of the same
city, all manner of reverence, service, and honour, as unto their
liege lord. Whereas, Sire, we have heard good news of you,
Sire, and of your successful prosecution of your war in Scotland,
God be thanked; we do send you, by the bearers of these
letters, one thousand marks, in aid and in prosecution of your
war; and we do pray you, as being our most dear lord, that
<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>you will be pleased to accept the same; and that, if aught shall
please you as regards your said city, you will signify your will
unto us, as being your liege men. Our Lord have you in his
keeping, body and soul; and may he give you a good life, and
long.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>CONSTITUTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF<br />THE CITY (1319).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>These articles were drawn up by the citizens and submitted
to Edward II. for his approval, which he duly gave
in exchange for £1,000. It is clear that there had been
dissensions in the city; the officials had been endeavouring
to obtain favour at Court, and in doing so they had acted,
as the citizens alleged, against their interests. The mayor,
when it suited the interests of the City magistrates, was
re-elected at pleasure; the citizens were taxed in an oppressive
manner while the magistrates are stated to have
lowered their own assessments. The citizens were unable
to obtain satisfactory redress from the King's judges, and
proposed these new constitutions, which were accepted
by the King and afterwards incorporated into the charter
of Richard II. It is to be noted that henceforth the only
way to the civic franchise was by becoming a member of
the civic gilds.</p>
<p class='c011'>Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of
Ireland, and duke of Aquitaine, to all to whom the present
letters shall have come, greeting.</p>
<p class='c011'>Know ye, that whereas our beloved and faithful the mayor
and aldermen, and the other citizens of our city of London,
had lately ordained and appointed among themselves, for the
bettering of the same city, and for the common benefit of such
as dwell in that city, and resort to the same, certain things to
be in the same city perpetually observed, and had instantly
besought us that we would take care to accept and confirm
the same.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>We having seen certain letters, patentwise, signed with the
common seal of that city, and the seal of the office of the
mayoralty of that city, upon the premises, and to us exhibited,
have caused certain articles to be chosen out of the foresaid
letters, and caused them in some things to be corrected, as
they are underneath inserted, viz.</p>
<p class='c011'>1. That the mayor and sheriffs of the same city be elected
by the citizens of the said city, according to the tenor of the
charters of our progenitors, heretofore kings of England, made
to them thereby, and not otherwise.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. That the mayor remain only one year together in his
mayoralty.</p>
<p class='c011'>3. That sheriffs have but two clerks and two serjeants; and
that they take such for whom they will answer.</p>
<p class='c011'>4. That the mayor have no other office belonging to the
city, but the office of mayoralty; nor draw to himself the
sheriff's plea in the chamber of London, nor hold other pleas
than those the mayor, according to ancient custom, ought to
hold.</p>
<p class='c011'>5. That the aldermen be removed from year to year, on the
day of St. Gregory the Pope, and not re-elected; and others
chosen by the same wards....</p>
<p class='c011'>7. That no stranger be admitted into the freedom of the city
in the husting; and that no inhabitant, and especially English
merchant, of any mistery or trade, be admitted into the freedom
of the city, unless by surety of six honest and sufficient men of
the mistery or trade that he shall be of, who is so to be admitted
into the freedom; which six men may undertake for him, of
keeping the city indemnified in that behalf. And that the
same form of surety be observed of strangers to be admitted
into the freedom in the husting, if they be of any certain
mistery or trade. And if they are not of some certain mistery,
then that they be not admitted into the freedom without the
assent of the commonalty. And that they who have been
taken into the freedom of the city (since we undertook the
government of the realm) contrary to the forms prescribed,
and they who have gone contrary to their oath in this behalf,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>or contrary to the state of the city, and are thereof lawfully
convicted, lose the freedom of the said city.</p>
<p class='c011'>Saving always, that concerning apprentices the ancient
manner and form of the said city be observed.</p>
<p class='c011'>8. That each year in the same city, as often as need shall
be, inquiry be made, if any of the freedom of the same city
exercise merchandises in the city, of the goods of others not
of the same freedom, by calling those goods their own, contrary
to their oath, and contrary to the freedom of the said
city; and they that are lawfully convicted thereof to lose the
freedom of the said city....</p>
<p class='c011'>12. That weights and scales of merchandises to be weighed
between merchants and merchants, the issues coming of which
belong to the commonalty of the said city, remain in the
custody of honest and sufficient men of the same city, expert in
that office, and as yet to be chosen by the commonalty, to be
kept at the will of the same commonalty; and that they be by
no means committed to others than those so to be chosen....</p>
<p class='c011'>14. Merchants who are not of the freedom of the city, not
to sell, by retail, wines or other wares, within the city or
suburbs....</p>
<p class='c011'>16. That the common harbourers in the city and suburbs,
although they are not of the freedom of the same, be partakers
of the contingent burdens for maintaining the said city,
according to the state of it, as long as they shall be so common
harbourers, as other like dwellers in the city and suburbs shall
partake, on account of those dwellings. Saving always, that
the merchants of Gascony, and other foreigners, may, one with
another, inhabit and be harboured in the said city, as hitherto
they have accustomed to do.</p>
<p class='c011'>17. That the keeping the bridge of the said city, and the
rents and profits belonging to that bridge, be committed to be
kept to two honest and sufficient men of the city, other than
the aldermen, to be chosen to this by the commonalty, at the
will of the said commonalty, and not to others, and who may
answer thereupon to the said commonalty....</p>
<p class='c011'>20. That the goods of the aldermen, in aids, tallages, and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>other contributions, concerning the said city, be taxed by the
men of the wards in which those aldermen abide, as the goods
of other citizens, by the said wards.</p>
<p class='c011'>Which articles, as they are above expressed, and the matters
contained in the same, we accept, approve and ratify; and we
yield and grant them, for us and our heirs, as much as in us
is, to the aforesaid citizens, their heirs and successors, in the
aforesaid city and suburbs, for the common profit of those that
inhabit therein, and resort thither, to obtain the same, and to
be observed perpetually.</p>
<p class='c011'>Moreover, we, willing to show ampler grace to the mayor,
aldermen and citizens, at their request have granted to them,
for us and our heirs, that the mayor, aldermen, citizens and
commonalty of the commoners of the city, and their heirs and
successors, for the necessities and profits of the same city,
may, among themselves of their common assent assess tallages
upon their own goods within that city, as well upon the rents
as other things; and as well upon the misteries as any other
way, as they shall see expedient, and levy them, without incurring
the danger of us or our heirs, or our ministers whomsoever.
And that the money coming from such tallages remain
in the custody of four honest and lawful men of the said city,
to be chosen to this by the commonalty, and be laid out, of
their custody, for the necessities and profits of the said city,
and not otherwise. In witness whereof, etc.</p>
<p class='c012'>Witness the King, at York, the eighth day of June,
in the twelfth year of our reign.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A REVOLT AGAINST EDWARD II (1326).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Although the citizens were at first sufficiently well disposed
towards Edward II., his misgovernment led ultimately
to grave dissatisfaction, which expressed itself in
riots and revolt. The King was induced by his worthless
advisers to make claims and attacks upon the rights of
the citizens. He was always in want of money, and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>believed, like many other Kings, that the wealth of the
City was inexhaustible. In 1321 he deprived the citizens
of their cherished right of electing their own Mayor, and
from that time the condition of the City was perfectly
wretched until the close of his reign. There was no
proper authority at all; the King deposed one Mayor and
set up another; the city generally supported Queen
Isabella, and received her and Mortimer with enthusiasm.
All who were thought to favour the King were in danger,
and the attitude of the City was to a considerable extent
responsible for the unhappy King's deposition.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Aungier, <cite>French Chronicle</cite>, edited by Riley, p. 262.</h3>
<p class='c013'>At this time, at Saint Michael, Lady Isabele, the Queen,
and Sir Edward, her son, sent their letters to the commons of
London, to the effect that they should assist in destroying the
enemies of the land; but received no answer in return, as to
their wishes thereon, through fear of the King. Wherefore
a letter was sent to London by the Queen and her son, and
was fixed at daybreak upon the Cross in Chepe, and a copy of
the letter on the windows elsewhere, upon Thursday, that is to
say, the Feast of Saint Denis [October 9], to the effect that the
commons should be aiding with all their power in destroying
the enemies of the land, and Hugh le Despencer in especial,
for the common profit of all the realm; and that the commons
should send them information as to their wishes thereon.
Wherefore the Commonalty proceeded to wait upon the Mayor
and other great men of the City, at the Black Friars
Preachers in London, upon the Wednesday before the Feast
of Saint Luke [October 18] which then fell on a Saturday;
so much so, that the Mayor, crying mercy with clasped
hands, went to the Guildhall and granted the commons their
demand, and cry was accordingly made in Chepe, that the
enemies to the King, and the Queen, and their son, should all
quit the City upon such peril as might ensue. It happened
also on the same day, at the hour of noon, that some persons
<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>had recourse to arms, and seized one John le Marchal, a
burgess of the City, in his own house near Wallbrook, who
was held as an enemy to the City and a spy of Sir Hugh
le Despencer; and he was brought into Chepe, and there
despoiled and beheaded.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A PROCLAMATION OF EDWARD III. (1329).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The frequent proclamations for the preservation of
peace and order in the City seem to show that some difficulty
was experienced in this direction; it is, at any rate,
interesting to note that the authority of the King is
invoked to assist in the discipline and control of lawless
inhabitants. The restriction as to the bearing of arms is
very significant, and the instructions regarding night-walkers
and tavern-keepers, which continually recur in
similar documents, show whence arose the greatest
dangers to life and property.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Riley's <cite>Memorials</cite>, p. 172.</h3>
<p class='c013'>This proclamation was ordered by the Mayor and Aldermen,
on Saturday the morrow of St. Dunstan [May 19], in the 3rd
year of the reign of King Edward the Third; and on the
Sunday following throughout the City proclaimed; our said
Lord the King being about to cross over to the parts of
France on the Friday next ensuing, there to do his homage;
and to the end that, while the King was there, his peace might
be the more strictly observed.—</p>
<p class='c011'>We do command, on behalf of our Lord the King, that his
peace shall be preserved and kept between both denizens and
strangers, throughout all the franchise of this city.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that no person, native or stranger, shall go armed in
the same city, or shall carry arms by night or by day, on pain
of imprisonment, and of losing his arms; save only, the serjeants-at-arms
of our Lord the King, and of my Lady the
Queen, and the vadlets of the Earls and Barons; that is to
<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>say, for every Earl or Baron one vadlet, carrying the sword
of his lord in his presence; and save also, the officers of the
City, and those who shall be summoned unto them, for keeping
and maintaining the peace of the City.</p>
<p class='c011'>We do also forbid, on behalf of our said Lord the King,
that anyone shall be so daring, on pain of imprisonment, as to
go wandering about the City, after the hour of curfew rung out
at St. Martin's le Grand; unless it be some man of the City of
good repute, or his servant; and that, for reasonable cause,
and with light.</p>
<p class='c011'>And that no one shall hold covin or congregation, to make
persons pay fine, by imputing to them that they have committed
against them divers grievances or offences: but let
those who feel themselves aggrieved, shew their grievances unto
the officers of the City, and they will do them speedy right,
according as the law demands. And that no one of the City, of
whatsoever condition he be, shall go out of this city, to maintain
parties, such as taking seisins, or holding days of love, or
making other congregations, within the City or without, in
disturbance of the peace of our Lord the King, or in affray of
the people, and to the scandal of the City. And if any person,
of whatsoever condition or estate he be, shall from henceforth
be found guilty thereof, let him be taken and put in the Prison
of Newgate; and let him remain for a year and a day, without
being reprieved; and if he be free of the City, let him for ever
lose his freedom.</p>
<p class='c011'>And whereas misdoers, going about by night, have their
resort more in taverns than elsewhere, and there seek refuge,
and watch their time for misdoing; we do forbid that any
taverner or brewer keep the door of his tavern open after the
hour of curfew aforesaid, on the pain as to the same ordained;
that is to say, the first time, on pain of being amerced in the
sum of 40d.; the second time, half a mark; the third time,
10s.; the fourth time, 20s.; the fifth time, let him forswear the
trade for ever.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>
<h2 class='c004'>THE ARTICLES OF THE HEAUMERS AND OF<br />THE HATTERS (1347).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The organisation of industries is a most important and
interesting feature of medieval London history, and
during the fourteenth century the craft gilds played a
prominent part in the life of the City. The story of the
development of the various gilds, fraternities, and misteries,
and their connection with the later Livery Companies,
has been the subject of considerable research, and it seems
probable that the origin of most of the City Companies of
to-day can be connected with the medieval organisations.
These articles will be found to be noteworthy chiefly for
the information they give regarding the craft organisations
of the time; it is clear that it was considered to be of the
highest importance that the work should be of good
quality, and great care is taken that workmen shall be as
skilful as possible in their trades. The interference of
strangers is, as usual, resented, and every effort is made to
strengthen and encourage the native crafts.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Riley's <cite>Memorials</cite>, pp. 237, 239.</h3>
<p class='c013'>The points of the Articles touching the trade of helmetry,
accepted by Geoffrey de Wychingham, Mayor, and the Aldermen,
at the suit and request of the folks of the said trade.—</p>
<p class='c011'>In the first place, that no one of the said trade shall follow,
or keep seld of, the trade aforesaid within the franchise of the
City of London, until he shall have properly bought his freedom,
according to the usage of the said city; on pain of losing his
wares.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—forasmuch as heretofore some persons coming in, who
are strangers, have intermeddled, and still do intermeddle, in
the making of helmetry, whereas they do not know their trade;
by reason whereof, many great men and others of the realm
have been slain through their default, to the great scandal of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>the said trade; it is ordained that no person shall from henceforth
intermeddle with, or work at, helmetry, if he be not
proved to be a good, proper, and sufficient workman, by the
Wardens of the said trade, on pain of forfeiture to the use of
the Chamber.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that three, or four, if need be, of the best workmen
of the said trade shall be chosen and sworn to rule the trade
well and properly, as is befitting; for the security and safety
of the great men and others of the realm, and for the honour
and profit of the said city, and of the workers in the said trade.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that no apprentice shall be received by any master of
the said trade for a less term than seven years; and that,
without collusion or fraud; on pain of paying to the said
Chamber 100 shillings.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that no one of the said trade, or other person of the
franchise, shall set any stranger to work, who is of the said
trade, if he be not a proper and lawful person, and one for
whom his master will answer as to his good behaviour; on
pain of paying to the said Chamber 20 shillings.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that no one of the said trade shall receive or set to
work the apprentice or serving-man of another, until the term
of his master shall have been fully ended; on pain of paying
to the said Chamber 20 shillings.</p>
<p class='c011'>The points of the Articles touching the trade of Hat-makers,
accepted by Thomas Leggy, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the
City of London, at the suit, and at the request, of the folks of
the said trade.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the first place,—that six men of the most lawful and most
befitting of the said trade shall be assigned and sworn to rule
and watch the trade, in such manner as other trades of the
said city are ruled and watched by their Wardens.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that no one shall make or sell any manner of hats
within the franchise of the city aforesaid, if he be not free of
the same city; on pain of forfeiting to the Chamber the hats
which he shall have made and offered for sale.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that no one shall be made apprentice in the said trade
<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>for a less term than seven years, and that, without fraud or
collusion. And he who shall receive any apprentice in any
other manner, shall lose his freedom, until he shall have bought
it back again.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that no one of the said trade shall take any apprentice,
if he be not himself a freeman of the said city.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that the Wardens of the said trade shall make their
searches for all manner of hats that are for sale within the said
franchise, so often as need shall be. And that the aforesaid
Wardens shall have power to take all manner of hats that they
shall find defective and not befitting, and to bring them before
the Mayor and Aldermen of London, that so the defaults which
shall be found may be punished by their award.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—whereas some workmen in the said trade have made
hats that are not befitting, in deceit of the common people, from
which great scandal, shame, and loss have often arisen to the
good folks of the said trade, they pray that no workman in the
said trade shall do any work by night touching the same, but
only in clear daylight; that so, the aforesaid Wardens may
openly inspect their work. And he who shall do otherwise,
and shall be convicted thereof before the Mayor and Aldermen,
shall pay to the Chamber of the Guildhall, the first time 40d.,
the second time half a mark, and the third time he shall lose
his freedom.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>REGULATIONS CONCERNING WAGES AND<br />PRICES (1350).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The Black Death, which broke out in England in 1348,
was a terrible calamity, and it is estimated that at least
half of the population of the country perished by the
pestilence, including a large proportion of the inhabitants
of London. The churchyards were speedily filled, and
additional pieces of land were given by the Bishop of
London and other persons for the burial of the victims of
this fearful plague. The most important result of the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>pestilence was the dearth of labour which was immediately
caused, and the consequent rise in wages was a source of
considerable trouble to the legislature and to all employers
of labour. Parliament passed the Statutes of Labourers,
which were intended to fix the wages of workpeople at the
rates which had been customary before the plague, and in
London an attempt was made towards the same object by
this Proclamation, in which wages are laid down "to be
observed for ever." It seems strange that in a commercial
city like London it should be considered possible to
regulate wages and prices by an arbitrary enactment of
this kind, and it does not appear that the ordinance was
obeyed. There is little doubt that it was generally ignored,
and the craftsmen continued to make the most of the
situation, just as the agricultural labourers and craftsmen
in the country were able, on the whole, to set at defiance
the Statutes of Labourers.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Riley's <cite>Memorials</cite>, p. 253.</h3>
<p class='c013'>To amend and redress the damages and grievances which
the good folks of the City, rich and poor, have suffered and
received within the past year, by reason of masons, carpenters,
plasterers, tilers, and all manner of labourers, who take immeasurably
more than they have been wont to take, by assent
of Walter Turk, Mayor, the Aldermen, and all the Commonalty
of the City, the points under-written are ordained, to be held
and firmly observed for ever; that is to say.—</p>
<p class='c011'>In the first place,—that the masons, between the Feasts of
Easter and St. Michael [September 29], shall take no more by
the working-day than 6d., without victuals or drink; and from
the Feast of St. Michael to Easter, for the working-day, 5d.
And upon Feast-days, when they do not work, they shall take
nothing. And for the making or mending of their implements
they shall take nothing.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that the carpenters shall take, for the same time, in
the same manner.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>Also,—that the plasterers shall take the same as the masons
and carpenters take.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that the tilers shall take for the working-day, from
the Feast of Easter to St. Michael 5½d., and from the Feast of
St. Michael to Easter 4½d.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that the labourers shall take in the first half year 3½d.,
and in the other half 3d.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that the master daubers (layers on) shall take between
the Feasts of Easter and St. Michael 5d., and in the other half
year 4d.; and their labourers are to take the same as the
labourers of the tilers.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that the sawiers shall take in the same manner as the
masons and carpenters take.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that no one shall pay more to the workmen aforesaid,
on pain of paying 40s. to the Commonalty, without any release
therefrom; and he who shall take more than the above, shall
go to prison for forty days....</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that one person of every company may see that the
vessel into which their wine is drawn is clean, and from what
tun their wine is drawn; on pain of imprisonment, and of
paying to the Chamber, for the first time, half a mark; for the
second time, one mark; for the third time, 20s.; and every
other time a person shall be found in like default, let his fine
be increased by half a mark.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that the measures shall be standing upright, and
sealed with the seal of the Alderman of the Ward; and he who
shall sell by other measures, let him go to prison, and further,
be amerced in half a mark.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that the pelterers shall make their furs according to
the ancient ordinances, of olden time ordained, and according
to the purport of their Charter; on pain of forfeiture and
punishment for the same, as of old ordained.</p>
<p class='c011'>Also,—that no one should go to meet those who are bringing
victuals or other wares by land or by water to the City for sale,
for the purpose of buying them or bargaining for them, before
that they shall have come to certain places assigned thereto,
where they ought to be sold; on pain of forfeiture of the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>victuals and other wares, and of their bodies being committed
to prison, until they have been sufficiently punished, at the
discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE CHARTER TO THE DRAPERS (1364).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>"Draper" originally meant a cloth-maker, not, as now,
a dealer in cloth. In the Middle Ages the drapers both
made it and sold it, but gradually their particular work
was confined to supervising the manufacture and selling
the finished article. The Drapers' Gild must have been
one of the earliest associations of craftsmen, and was
incorporated by royal charter in 1364. One of the most
important features of this charter seems to be the instruction
that the mistery of drapery should be definitely
separated from those of the tenterers, tellers, and fullers;
it appears to have been impossible to exercise proper
supervision in a trade which involved so many different
operations, and the remedy was obviously to split it up
into several trades, each of which might have its own
organisation.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Herbert, <cite>Livery Companies</cite>, vol. i., p. 480.</h3>
<p class='c013'>The King, to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, greeting.
Whereas, amongst other things ordained in our last parliament,
it was for certain causes proposed, and in the same parliament
ordained, that no English merchant should use merceries or
merchandizes by himself or another by any manner of covine,
unless one only, and which he should choose before the feast
of Candlemas last past, as in the said ordinances is more fully
contained.</p>
<hr class='c015' />
<p class='c011'>And whereas it has been shown to us and to our council,
that people of divers misteries of the city of London intermix
themselves with the mistery of Drapery, and cause divers
deceits and frauds in the use of the same mistery,—to the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>great damage of us and of our people, and contrary to the
ordinances aforesaid.</p>
<p class='c011'>We, willing the said ordinances should be kept and maintained
in all points, accordingly have, by the assent of the
great and others of our council, ordained and granted, that
none shall use the Mistery of Drapery in the city of London,
nor in the suburbs of the same, unless he has been apprenticed
in the same mistery, or in other due manner been admitted by
the common assent of the same mistery. And that each of the
misteries of tenterers, tisters, and fullers, keep himself to his
own mistery, and in no way meddle with the making, buying,
or selling of any manner with cloth or drapery, on pain of
imprisonment and loss of all the cloth so by them made,
bought, or sold, or the value thereof to us.</p>
<p class='c011'>And that none who has cloth to sell in the said city, or in the
suburbs, do sell the same unless to drapers enfranchised in the
said mistery of drapery, or that it be in gross to the lords and
others of the commons, who will buy the same for themselves
or servants by retail, under the same penalty.</p>
<p class='c011'>And that the drapers enfranchised in the mistery of drapery
in the said city, may elect each year four of their own mistery,
who may be sworn twice a year in the presence of the Mayor,
to oversee that no default or deceit be used or committed in
the mistery aforesaid, and to rule and govern the said mistery
of drapery in the same city, to the common profit of the people,
and that due punishment be done on them in whom defaults
shall be found, according to the advice and discretion of the
said four persons, by the aid of the Mayor and Sheriffs when
need is; the which Mayor and Sheriffs we will shall be intendants
to the said four persons, when they shall be required by
them.</p>
<p class='c011'>And we also will and give power to the said four persons
who may be elected and sworn, to take an oath of all those
who shall be received into the said mistery of drapery in the
same city, to use and do whatever appertains to the same mistery
well and lawfully, without fraud, evil design, or subtle
management against the points and ordinances aforesaid.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>Saving always to our beloved in God the prior of St. Bartholomew,
in Smithfield, and other lords who have fairs in the
said suburbs by grant of our progenitors, their fairs, franchises,
and free-customs, which they have exercised in their said fairs,
from the time of the said grants, so that no damage or prejudice
shall be done to them in any way under colour of this our
ordinance and grant; and saving the franchises by us granted
to the merchants, vintners of England and Gascoigny, which
we will shall remain in force in all points in manner as in our
letters patent to the said drapers is more fully contained.</p>
<hr class='c015' />
<p class='c011'>Wherefore we command and firmly enjoin you forthwith
that at your peril you cause to be proclaimed and published
in the said city and suburbs, and all places where it should be
done, that all the said things so by us granted may be firmly
held and kept in form aforesaid.</p>
<p class='c011'>And hereof in no manner fail.</p>
<div class='lg-container-r c016'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Given at Westminster the 14th day of July (1364).</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A LETTER FROM EDWARD III. (1365).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The Battle of Crecy had first demonstrated the immense
superiority of archers over mounted knights in battle.
It became necessary to insist that Englishmen should be
fully and properly trained in the use of the bow and arrow,
if this superiority was to be maintained. The youths of
London appear to have been addicted at this time to
more exciting and less serviceable sports than the old
exercise of archery, and Edward III.'s letter is at once
a reprimand and an instruction.</p>
<p class='c011'>The King to the Sheriffs of London, greeting.</p>
<p class='c011'>Because the people of our realm, as well of good quality
as mean, have commonly in their sports before these times
exercised the skill of shooting arrows; whence it is well
known, that honour and profit have accrued to our whole
realm, and to us, by the help of God, no small assistance in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>our warlike acts; and now the said skill being, as it were,
wholly laid aside, the same people please themselves in hurling
of stones and wood and iron; and some in hand-ball, foot-ball,
bandy-ball, and in Cambuck, or Cock fighting; and some also
apply themselves to other dishonest games, and less profitable
or useful: whereby the said realm is likely, in a short time, to
become destitute of archers.</p>
<p class='c011'>We, willing to apply a seasonable remedy to this, command
you, that in places in the foresaid City, as well within the
liberties as without, where you shall see it expedient, you cause
public proclamation to be made, that every one of the said City,
strong in body, at leisure times on holidays, use in their recreations
bows and arrows, or pellets, or bolts, and learn and exercise
the art of shooting; forbidding all and singular on our
behalf, that they do not after any manner apply themselves to
the throwing of stones, wood, iron, hand-ball, foot-ball, bandy-ball,
cambuck, or cock-fighting, nor such other like vain plays,
which have no profit in them, or concern themselves therein,
under pain of imprisonment.</p>
<p class='c012'>Witness the King at Westminster, the twelfth day
of June (1365).</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A LEASE TO GEOFFREY CHAUCER (1374).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Modern English poetry may be said to have begun in
London. Chaucer was born in London, was the descendant
of a long line of Londoners, and lived in London the
greater part of his life. Many of his contemporaries,
including Gower, Occleve, and Lydgate, were connected
with London, and spent much of their time there.</p>
<p class='c000'>Chaucer's father was a citizen and vintner of London,
and owned a house in Thames Street, close to Walbrook.
Geoffrey Chaucer was in all probability born in this
house; it became his own property, and he parted with it
in 1380. Six years before this he acquired the lease of
the dwelling-house above the city-gate of Aldgate, on
<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>condition that he kept it in good repair; he seems to have
made this his usual residence till 1385. In it he must
have composed several of his poems, including <cite>The
Parlement of Foules</cite>, <cite>The House of Fame</cite>, and <cite>Troilus</cite>. He
did not commence the <cite>Canterbury Tales</cite> until the following
year.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Riley's <cite>Memorials</cite>, p. 377.</h3>
<p class='c013'>To all persons to whom this present writing indented shall
come, Adam de Bury, Mayor, the Aldermen, and the Commonalty
of the City of London, greeting. Know ye that we, with
unanimous will and assent, have granted and released by these
presents unto Geoffrey Chaucer the whole of the dwelling-house
above the Gate of Aldgate, with the rooms built over,
and a certain cellar beneath, the same gate, on the South side
of that gate, and the appurtenances thereof; to have and to
hold the whole of the house aforesaid, with the rooms so built
over, and the said cellar, and the appurtenances thereof, unto
the aforesaid Geoffrey, for the whole life of him, the same
Geoffrey. And the said Geoffrey shall maintain and repair the
whole of the house aforesaid, and the rooms thereof, so often
as shall be requisite, in all things necessary thereto, competently
and sufficiently, at the expense of the same Geoffrey,
throughout the whole life of him, the same Geoffrey. And it
shall be lawful for the Chamberlain of the Guildhall of London,
for the time being, so often as he shall see fit to enter the
house and rooms aforesaid, with their appurtenances, to see
that the same are well and competently, and sufficiently, maintained
and repaired, as aforesaid. And if the said Geoffrey
shall not have maintained or repaired the aforesaid house and
rooms competently and sufficiently, as is before stated, within
forty days after the time when by the same Chamberlain he
shall have been required to do so, it shall be lawful for the
said Chamberlain wholly to oust the before-named Geoffrey
therefrom, and to re-seise and resume the same house, rooms,
and cellar, with their appurtenances, into the hand of the City,
to the use of the Commonalty aforesaid; and to hold the same
<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>in their former state to the use of the same Commonalty,
without any gainsaying whatsoever thereof. And it shall not
be lawful for the said Geoffrey to let the house, rooms, and
cellar, aforesaid, or any part thereof, or his interest therein, to
any person whatsoever. And we, the Mayor, Aldermen, and
Commonalty aforesaid, will not cause any gaol to be made
thereof, for the safe-keeping of prisoners therein, during the
life of the said Geoffrey; but we and our successors will
warrant the same house, rooms, and cellar, with their appurtenances
unto the before-named Geoffrey, for the whole life of
him, the said Geoffrey, in form aforesaid: this however excepted,
that in time of defence of the city aforesaid, so often as
it shall be necessary, it shall be lawful for us and our successors
to enter the said house and rooms, and to order and dispose of
the same, for such time, and in such manner, as shall then
seem to us to be most expedient. And after the decease of the
same Geoffrey, the house, rooms and cellar aforesaid, with
their appurtenances, shall wholly revert unto us and our successors.
In witness whereof, as well the Common Seal of the
City aforesaid as the seal of the said Geoffrey, have been to
these present indentures interchangeably appended.</p>
<p class='c012'>Given in the Chamber of the Guildhall of the city
aforesaid, the 10th day of May, in the 48th
year of the reign of King Edward, after the
Conquest the Third.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE CITY ARMS (1375).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Beneath Pierce's statue of Walworth in Fishmongers'
Hall is an inscription:</p>
<div class='lg-container-b'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line in4'>"Brave Walworth, Knight, Lord Mayor, y<sup>t</sup> slew</div>
<div class='line in6'>Rebellious Tyler in his alarmes;</div>
<div class='line in4'>The King, therefore, did give in liew</div>
<div class='line in6'>The dagger to the City armes.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>"In the 4th year of Richard II., Anno Domini 1381."</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c000'><span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>It seems that it has always been a popular belief that
the weapon represented in the arms of the City is
"Walworth's dagger"; but, as Stow points out, it is
intended to represent the sword of St. Paul, who was the
patron saint of this Corporation.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Stow's <cite>Survey</cite>, p. 222.</h3>
<p class='c013'>It hath also been, and is now grown to a common opinion,
that in reward of this service done, by the said William
Walworth against the rebel, King Richard added to the arms
of this City, (which was argent, a plain cross gules) a sword
or dagger, (for so they term it) whereof I have read no such
record, but to the contrary. I find that in the fourth year of
Richard the second in a full assembly made in the upper
chamber of the Guildhall, summoned by this William Walworth,
then Mayor, as well of Aldermen as of the common
Council in every ward, for certain affairs concerning the king,
it was there by common consent agreed and ordained, that the
old seal of the office of the Mayoralty of the city being very
small, old, unsuitable, and uncomely for the honour of the
city, should be broken, and one other new should be had,
which the said Mayor commanded to be made artificially, and
honourable for the exercise of the said office thereafter in
place of the other: in which new Seal, besides the images of
Peter, and Paul, which of old were rudely engraven, there should
be under the feet of the said images, a shield of the arms of
the said City perfectly graved, with two lions supporting the
same with two sergeants of arms, on either part one, and two
tabernacles, in which above should stand two Angels, between
whom above the said images of Peter and Paul, shall be set
the glorious virgin: this being done, the old seal of the office
was delivered to Richard Odiham Chamberlain, who brake it,
and in place thereof, was delivered the new seal to the said
Mayor to use in his office of Mayoralty, as occasion should
require. This new seal seemeth to be made before William
Walworth was knighted, for he is not here entitled Sir, as
afterwards he was: and certain it is that the same new seal
<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>then made, is now in use and none other in that office of the
Mayoralty, which may suffice to answer the former fable,
without shewing of any evidence sealed with the old seal,
which was the Cross, and sword of Saint Paul, and not the
dagger of William Walworth.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>WAT TYLER IN LONDON (1381).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Froissart's description of the Peasants' Revolt is one of
our main sources of information concerning this important
event, and seems likely to be fairly accurate. He himself
was, of course, an aristocrat, and was in no way disposed
to be favourable to the "wicked rebels"; but he seems
anxious to represent their case as fairly as possible,
although he is plainly out of sympathy with the ideas and
arguments of the rebels. It is noteworthy that the rising
was almost simultaneous in many parts of the country,
but its chief headquarters were in Kent, one of the most
prosperous counties in the kingdom, where actual distress
was least likely to be prevalent; and it is probable that
the peasants in this county had benefited to no small
extent by the economic changes which succeeded the
Pestilence of 1349, and had improved both their material
conditions and their intellectual outlook. The ideas of
liberty which formed the motive of the revolt were somewhat
vague, but were strengthened by numerous concrete
instances of injustice and injury; and the concentration
of the insurgents upon London forms one of a long series
of indications of the importance of the city as the determining
factor in vital issues.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Froissart's <cite>Chroniques</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>In the mean season there fell in England great mischief and
rebellion of the common people, by which deed England was
at a point to have been lost without recovery....</p>
<p class='c011'>It was a marvellous thing, and of poor foundation, that this
<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>mischief began in England, and to give ensample to all manner
of people, I will speak thereof as it was done, as I was informed,
and of the incidents thereof. There was an usage in
England, and yet is in divers countries, that the noblemen
have great franchises over the commons, and keep them in
servage, that is to say, their tenants ought by custom to labour
their lords' lands, to gather and bring home their corn, and
some to thresh and to fan, and by servage to make their hay
and to hew their wood and bring it home. All these things
they ought to do by servage, and there be more of these
people in England than in any other realm. Thus the noblemen
and prelates are served by them, and specially in the
counties of Kent, Essex, Sussex, and Bedford. These unhappy
people of these said counties began to stir, because they said they
were being kept in great servage, and in the beginning of the
world, they said, there were no bondmen, wherefore they maintained
that none ought to be bond, without he did treason to
his lord, as Lucifer did to God.... And of this imagination
was a foolish priest in the county of Kent, called John Ball,
for which foolish words he had been three times in the Bishop
of Canterbury's prison: for this priest used oftentimes on the
Sundays, after mass, when the people were going out of the
minster, to go into the cloister and preach, and made the people
to assemble about him, and would say thus: "Ah, ye good
people, the matters goeth not well to pass in England, nor
shall not do till everything be common, and that there be no
villains nor gentlemen, but that we may be all united together,
and that the lords be no greater masters than we be. What
have we deserved, or why should we be kept thus in servage?
We be all come from one father and from one mother, Adam
and Eve: whereby can they say or show that they be greater
lords than we be, saving by that they cause us to win and
labour for that they dispend.</p>
<p class='c011'>"They are clothed in velvet and camlet furred with grise,
and we be vestured with poor cloth: they have their wines,
spices, and good bread, and we have the rye, the bran, and the
straw, and drink water: they dwell in fair houses, and we
<span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>have pain and travail, rain and wind in the fields: and by that
that cometh of our labours they keep and maintain their
estates: we be all called their bondmen, and, without we do
readily them service, we be beaten: and we have no sovereign
to whom we may complain, nor that will hear us, nor do us
right. Let us go to the king, he is young, and show him what
servage we be in, and show him how we will have it otherwise,
or else we will provide us of some remedy; and if we go
together, all manner of people that be now in any bondage
will follow us to the intent to be made free; and when the
king seeth us, we shall have some remedy, either by fairness
or otherwise."</p>
<p class='c011'>Thus John Ball said on Sundays, when the people issued out
of the churches in the villages: wherefore many of the mean
people loved him, and such as intended to no goodness said,
how true; and so they would murmur one with another in the
fields, and in the ways as they went together, affirming how
John Ball said truth.</p>
<p class='c011'>Of his words and deeds there was much people in London
informed, such as had great envy at them that were rich and
such as were noble; and then they began to speak among them,
and said how the realm of England was right evil governed,
and how that gold and silver was taken from them by them
that were named noblemen: so thus these unhappy men of
London began to rebel, and assembled them together, and sent
word to the foresaid counties that they should come to London,
and bring their people with them, promising them how they
should find London open to receive them, and the commons
of the city to be of the same accord, saying how they would do
so much to the king that there should not be one bondman in
all England.</p>
<p class='c011'>This promise moved so them of Kent, of Essex, of Sussex,
of Bedford, and of the counties about, that they rose and came
towards London to the number of 60,000. And they had a
captain called Walter Tyler, and with him in company was
Jack Straw and John Ball: these three were chief sovereign
captains, but the head of all was Walter Tyler, and he was
<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>indeed a tiler of houses, an ungracious patron. When these
unhappy men began thus to stir, they of London, except such
as were of their band, were greatly affrayed. Then the Mayor
of London and the rich men of the city took counsel together,
and when they saw the people thus coming in on every side,
they caused the gates of the city to be closed, and would suffer
no man to enter into the city. But when they had well
imagined, they advised not so to do, for they thought they
should thereby put their suburbs in great peril to be brent;
and so they opened again the city, and there entered in at the
gates in some places a hundred, two hundred, by twenty or
thirty; and so when they came to London, they entered and
lodged: and yet, of truth, most of their people could not tell
what to ask or demand, but followed each other like beasts.
In like wise these villains and poor people came to London,
a hundred miles off, sixty mile, fifty mile, forty mile, and twenty
mile off, and from all counties about London, but the most part
came from the counties before named, and as they came they
demanded ever for the king.</p>
<p class='c011'>The gentlemen of the counties, knights and squires, began
to doubt when they saw the people began to rebel; so the
gentlemen drew together as well as they might.</p>
<p class='c011'>This rebellion was well known in the king's court ere any
of these people began to stir out of their houses; but the king
nor his council did provide no remedy therefor, which was
great marvel.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the morning on Corpus Christi Day King Richard heard
mass in the Tower of London, and all his lords, and then he
took his barge with the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Warwick,
the Earl of Oxford, and certain knights, and so rowed down
along the Thames to Rotherhithe, where were descended down
the hill 10,000 men to see the king and speak with him. And
when they saw the king's barge coming, they began to shout,
and made such a cry, as though all the devils of hell had been
among them. And they had brought with them Sir John
Newton, to the intent that, if the king had not come, they
would have stricken him all to pieces, and so they had promised
<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>him. And when the king and his lords saw the demeanour of
the people, the best assured of them were in dread; and so the
king was counselled by his barons not to take any landing
there, but so rowed on down the river. And the king demanded
of them what they would, and said how he was come
thither to speak with them, and they said all with one voice:
"We would that ye should come aland, and then we shall show
you what we lack." Then the Earl of Salisbury answered for
the king, and said: "Sirs, ye be not in such order nor array
that the king ought to speak with you." And so with these
words no more was said: and then the king was counselled to
return to the Tower of London, and so he did.</p>
<p class='c011'>And when the people saw that, they were inflamed with ire,
and returned to the hill, where the great band was, and then
showed them what answer they had, and how the king was
returned to the Tower of London. Then they all cried out:
"Let us go to London," and so they took their way thither:
and in their going they beat down abbeys and houses of
advocates and of men of the court, and so came into the
suburbs of London, which were great and fair, and there beat
down divers fair houses, and specially they brake up the king's
prisons, as the Marshalsea and others, and delivered out all the
prisoners that were within: and then they did much hurt; and
on the bridge foot they threatened them of London because the
gates of the bridge were closed, saying how they would bren all
the suburbs and so conquer London by force, and slay and
bren all the commons of the city. There were many within
the city of their accord, and so they drew together and said:
"Why do ye not let these good people enter into the city?
They are our fellows, and that that they do is for us." So therewith
the gates were opened, and then these people entered into
the city, and went into houses and sat down to eat and drink.
They desired nothing but it was incontinent brought to them,
for every man was ready to make them good cheer, and to give
them meat and drink to appease them.</p>
<p class='c011'>Then the captains, as John Ball, Jack Straw, and Wat Tyler,
went throughout London, 20,000 with them, and so came to the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>Savoy on the way to Westminster, which was a goodly house,
and it pertaineth to the Duke of Lancaster. And when they
had entered, they slew the keepers thereof, and robbed and
pillaged the house; and when they had so done, then they set
fire on it, and clean destroyed and brent it. And when they
had done that outrage, they left not therewith, but went straight
to the fair hospital called St. John's, and there they brent house,
hospital, minster, and all. Then they went from street to street
and slew all the Flemings that they could find in church or in
any other place, there was none respited from death.</p>
<p class='c011'>And they brake up divers houses of the Lombards, and
robbed them and took their goods at their pleasure, for there
was none that durst say them nay. And they slew in the city
a rich merchant called Richard Lyon, whom before that time
Wat Tyler had served in France; and on a time this Richard
Lyon had beaten him, while he was his varlet, which Wat
Tyler then remembered, and so came to his house and strake
off his head, and caused it to be borne on a spear-point before
him all about the city....</p>
<p class='c011'>The Saturday the king went to Westminster and heard mass
in the church there, and all his lords with him; and then he
leapt on his horse, and all his lords, and so the king rode
toward London; and when he had ridden a little way, on the
left hand there was a way to pass without London.</p>
<p class='c011'>The same morning Wat Tyler, Jack Straw, and John Ball
had assembled their company together in a place called Smithfield,
where every Friday there is a market of horses; and
there were together all of one affinity more than 20,000, and
yet there were many still in the town, drinking and making
merry in the taverns, and paying nothing, for they were happy
that made them best cheer.</p>
<p class='c011'>And therewith the king came the same way unaware of
them, for he had thought to have passed that way without
London, and with him forty horse.... The mayor of London
came to the king with twelve horsemen well armed under their
coats, and so he broke the press and saw and heard how Wat
Tyler demeaned himself, and said to him: "Ha, thou knave,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>how art thou so hardy in the king's presence to speak such
words? It is too much for thee to do so." Then the king
began to chafe and said to the mayor: "Set hands on him."
And while the king said so, Tyler said to the mayor: "A God's
name, what have I said to displease thee?" "Yes, truly,"
quoth the mayor, "thou false knave, shalt thou speak thus in
the presence of the king, my natural lord?" And with these
words the mayor drew out his sword and strake Tyler so great
a stroke on the head, that he fell down at the feet of his horse,
and as soon as he was fallen, they environed him all about,
whereby he was not seen of his company. Then a squire of
the king alighted, called John Standish, and he drew out his
sword and put it through Wat Tyler's body, and so he
died.</p>
<p class='c011'>Then the ungracious people there assembled, perceiving their
captain slain, began to murmur among themselves and said:
"Ah, our captain is slain, let us go and slay them all;" and
therewith they arrayed themselves on the same place in manner
of battle, and their bows before them. Then the king began
a great deed; howbeit, all turned to the best: for as soon as
Tyler was on the earth, the king departed from all his company,
and all alone he rode to these people, and said to them: "Sirs,
what aileth you? Ye shall have no captain but me: I am
your king: be all in rest and peace." And so the most part
of the people that heard the king speak and saw him among
them, were shamefast and began to wax peaceable and depart.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON LICKPENNY (<span class='sc'>Early Fifteenth Century</span>).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>This poem is generally ascribed to John Lydgate, a
disciple of Chaucer, but the authorship is doubtful. Whatever
its poetical merit may be, it is full of interest as a
picture of contemporary life in London, and the description
of the adventures of the poor countryman, endeavouring
to obtain legal justice in the metropolis, lacks neither
pathos nor humour.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>Minor Poems of Lydgate</cite>, edited by Halliwell, p. 103.</h3>
</div>
<div class='lg-container-b c003'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>To London once my stepps I bent,</div>
<div class='line'>Where trouth in no wyse should be faynt,</div>
<div class='line'>To Westmynster-ward I forthwith went,</div>
<div class='line'>To a man of law to make complaynt,</div>
<div class='line'>I sayd, "For Marys love, that holy saynt!</div>
<div class='line'>Pity the poore that wold proceede;"</div>
<div class='line'>But for lack of mony I could not spede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>And as I thrust the prese amonge,</div>
<div class='line'>By froward chaunce my hood was gone,</div>
<div class='line'>Yet for all that I stayd not longe,</div>
<div class='line'>Tyll to the kyngs bench I was come.</div>
<div class='line'>Before the judge I kneled anone,</div>
<div class='line'>And prayd hym for Gods sake to take heede;</div>
<div class='line'>But for lack of mony I myght not speede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Beneth them sat clarkes a great rout,</div>
<div class='line'>Which fast dyd wryte by one assent,</div>
<div class='line'>There stoode up one and cryed about,</div>
<div class='line'>Rychard, Robert, and John of Kent.</div>
<div class='line'>I wyst not well what this man ment,</div>
<div class='line'>He cryed so thycke there indede;</div>
<div class='line'>But he that lackt mony myght not spede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Unto the common place I yode thoo,</div>
<div class='line'>Where sat one with a sylken hoode;</div>
<div class='line'>I dyd hym reverence, for I ought to do so,</div>
<div class='line'>And told my case as well as I coode,</div>
<div class='line'>How my goods were defrauded me by falshood.</div>
<div class='line'>I gat not a mum of his mouth for my meed,</div>
<div class='line'>And for lack of mony I myght not spede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Unto the Rolls I gat me from thence,</div>
<div class='line'>Before the clarkes of the chauncerye,</div>
<div class='line'>Where many I found earnying of pence,</div>
<div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>But none at all once regarded mee.</div>
<div class='line'>I gave them my playnt uppon my knee;</div>
<div class='line'>They lyked it well, when they had it reade:</div>
<div class='line'>But lackyng money I could not be sped.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>In Westmynster hall I found out one,</div>
<div class='line'>Which went in a long gown of raye;</div>
<div class='line'>I crowched and kneled before hym anon,</div>
<div class='line'>For Maryes love, of help I hym praye.</div>
<div class='line'>"I wot not that thou meanest," gan he say:</div>
<div class='line'>To get me thence he did me bede,</div>
<div class='line'>For lack of mony I cold not speed.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Within this hall, neither rich nor yett poore</div>
<div class='line'>Wold do for me ought, although I shold dye.</div>
<div class='line'>Which seing, I gat me out of the doore,</div>
<div class='line'>Where Flemynges began on me for to cry,</div>
<div class='line'>"Master, what will you copen or by?</div>
<div class='line'>Fyne felt hattes, or spectacles to reede?</div>
<div class='line'>Lay down your sylver, and here you may speede."</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Then to Westmynster-Gate I presently went,</div>
<div class='line'>When the sonn was at hyghe pryme;</div>
<div class='line'>Cookes to me, they tooke good entente,</div>
<div class='line'>And proffered me bread, with ale and wyne,</div>
<div class='line'>Rybbs of befe, both fat and ful fyne.</div>
<div class='line'>A fayre cloth they gan for to sprede;</div>
<div class='line'>But wantyng mony I myght not then speede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Then unto London I dyd me hye,</div>
<div class='line'>Of all the land it beareth the pryse:</div>
<div class='line'>Hot pescodes, one began to crye,</div>
<div class='line'>Strabery rype, and cherryes in the ryse;</div>
<div class='line'>One bad me come nere and by some spyce,</div>
<div class='line'>Peper and safforne they gan me bede,</div>
<div class='line'>But for lack of mony I myght not spede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Then to the Chepe I began me drawne,</div>
<div class='line'>Where mutch people I saw for to stande;</div>
<div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>One ofred me velvet, sylke, and lawne,</div>
<div class='line'>An other he taketh me by the hande,</div>
<div class='line'>"Here is Parys thred, the fynest in the land;"</div>
<div class='line'>I never was used to such thyngs indede,</div>
<div class='line'>And wantyng mony I myght not spede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Then went I forth by London stone,</div>
<div class='line'>Throughout all Canwyke streete;</div>
<div class='line'>Drapers mutch cloth me offred anone;</div>
<div class='line'>Then comes me one cryed hot shepes feete;</div>
<div class='line'>One cryde makerell, ryster grene, an other gan greete;</div>
<div class='line'>One bad me by a hood to cover my head,</div>
<div class='line'>But for want of mony I myght not be sped.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Then I hyed me into Est-Chepe;</div>
<div class='line'>One cryes rybbs of befe, and many a pye;</div>
<div class='line'>Pewter pottes they clattered on a heape;</div>
<div class='line'>There was harpe, pype, and mynstrelsye.</div>
<div class='line'>"Yea, by cock! nay, by cock!" some began crye;</div>
<div class='line'>Some songe of Jenken and Julyan for their mede;</div>
<div class='line'>But for lack of mony I myght not spede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Then into Corn-Hyl anon I yode,</div>
<div class='line'>Where was mutch stolen gere amonge;</div>
<div class='line'>I saw where honge myne owne hoode,</div>
<div class='line'>That I had lost amonge the thronge:</div>
<div class='line'>To by my own hood I thought it wronge,</div>
<div class='line'>I knew it well as I dyd my crede,</div>
<div class='line'>But for lack of mony I could not spede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>The taverner took mee by the sleeve,</div>
<div class='line'>"Sir," sayth he, "wyll you our wyne assay?"</div>
<div class='line'>I answered, that can not mutch me greve,</div>
<div class='line'>A peny can do no more then it may,</div>
<div class='line'>I drank a pynt and for it dyd paye;</div>
<div class='line'>Yet sone a hungerd from thence I yode,</div>
<div class='line'>And wantyng mony I cold not spede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>Then hyed I me to Belyngsgate;</div>
<div class='line'>And one cryed, "hoo! go we hence!"</div>
<div class='line'>I prayd a barge man, for God's sake,</div>
<div class='line'>That he wold spare me my expence.</div>
<div class='line'>"Thou scapst not here," quod he, "under ij. pence;</div>
<div class='line'>I lyst not yet bestow any almes dede."</div>
<div class='line'>Thus lackyng mony I could not speede.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>Then I convayd me into Kent;</div>
<div class='line'>For of the law wold I meddle no more;</div>
<div class='line'>Because no man to me tooke entent,</div>
<div class='line'>I dyght me to do as I dyd before.</div>
<div class='line'>Now Jesus, that in Bethlem was bore,</div>
<div class='line'>Save London, and send trew lawyers there mede!</div>
<div class='line'>For who so wantes mony with them shall not spede.</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>WHITTINGTON'S SECOND MAYORALTY (1406).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Richard Whittington was the son of a Gloucestershire
knight, and was born in 1350. The familiar stories of
his roadside adventure in Highgate and of his fortune-making
cat are, in common with many other delightful
and picturesque incidents of history, rejected by historians;
but he is certainly a great and famous man, even when his
story is robbed of these interesting particulars. He was
four times Mayor, and his justice and patriotism became
proverbial. He vigorously opposed the admission of
foreigners to the freedom of the City; he was exceedingly
generous, and performed many deeds of charity. The
following account of his second election to the highest
dignity of the City illustrates the form and manner in
which the appointment was made in the Middle Ages.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Riley's <cite>Memorials</cite>, p. 565.</h3>
<p class='c013'>On Wednesday, the Feast of the Translation of St. Edward
the King and Confessor [October 13], in the 8th year etc., John
<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>Wodecok, Mayor of the City of London, considering that upon
the same day he and all the Aldermen of the said city, and as
many as possible of the wealthier and more substantial Commoners
of the same city, ought to meet at the Guildhall, as the
usuage is, to elect a new Mayor for the ensuing year, ordered
that a Mass of the Holy Spirit should be celebrated, with
solemn music, in the Chapel annexed to the said Guildhall;
to the end that the same Commonalty, by the grace of the
Holy Spirit, might be able peacefully and amicably to nominate
two able and proper persons to be Mayor of the said city for
the ensuing year, by favour of the clemency of Our Saviour,
according to the customs of the said city.</p>
<p class='c011'>Which Mass having in the said Chapel been solemnly
celebrated, there being present thereat the said John Wodecok,
the Mayor, John Prestone, Recorder, Nicholas Wottone and
Geoffrey Broke, Sheriffs, the Prior of the Holy Trinity, John
Hadlee, William Staundone, Richard Whytyngtone, Drew
Barentyn, Thomas Knolles, John Shadworth, William Askham,
William Bramptone, John Warner, William Walderne,
William Venour, Robert Chychely, Thomas Fauconer, Thomas
Polle, William Louthe, William Crowmere, Henry Bartone,
and Henry Pountfreyt, Aldermen, and many reputable Commoners
of the City aforesaid; the same Mayor, Recorder,
Sheriffs, Aldermen, and Commoners, entered the Guildhall,
where the precept of the said Mayor and Aldermen, as the
cause of the said congregation, was becomingly set forth and
declared by the said Recorder to the Commoners aforesaid; to
the end that such Commoners should nominate unto the said
Mayor and Aldermen such able and proper persons as had
before filled the office of Sheriff in the City aforesaid; it being
for the said Commoners to take no care which one of the
persons so to be nominated should be chosen by the Mayor
and Aldermen to be Mayor for the ensuing year. Which
being done, the said Mayor, Recorder, Sheriffs, and Aldermen,
went up into the Chamber of the Mayor's Court, within the
Guildhall aforesaid, there to await the nomination of such two
persons. Whereupon, the Commoners peacefully and amicably,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>without any clamour or discussion, did becomingly nominate
Richard Whytyngtone, mercer, and Drew Barentyn, goldsmith,
through John Westone, Common Countor of the said city, and
presented the same.</p>
<p class='c011'>And hereupon, the Mayor and Aldermen, with closed doors,
in the said chamber chose Richard Whytyngtone aforesaid, by
guidance of the Holy Spirit, to be Mayor of the City for the
ensuing year: after which, the Mayor and Aldermen, coming
down from the Chamber into the Hall, to the Commoners
there assembled as the custom is, notified by the Recorder
unto the same Commoners, how that, by Divine inspiration,
the lot had fallen upon the said Richard Whytyngtone, as
above stated.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE PERSECUTION OF THE LOLLARDS (1413).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The Lollards were disciples of Wyclif, and increased
very considerably in numbers and in power at the beginning
of the fifteenth century. A large number of the
citizens of London appear to have become attached to the
new doctrines, which repudiated some of the most important
dogmas of the Church. The clergy were active in
their efforts to suppress the new beliefs, and applied to the
King for assistance. Whatever may have been the
personal views of Henry IV. and Henry V. on the matter,
they were compelled by force of circumstances to keep on
good terms with the Church, and measures of repression
were adopted. The leader of the Lollards, Sir John
Oldcastle, a man of distinguished military ability, was
imprisoned, but rescued from the Tower by a band of
Londoners. A huge meeting was held in St. Giles's
Fields, but was prevented from doing any damage by
Henry V.'s vigilance; the party was vigorously persecuted,
and Oldcastle was captured and hanged. After this
Lollardry languished, and gradually disappeared.</p>
<div class='nf-center-c1'>
<div class='nf-center c016'>
<div><span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>The King to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London: Greeting.</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c011'>Inasmuch as we have been given to understand that certain
priests, not privileged by law for this purpose, nor licensed by
the diocesan of the place, nor permitted by the Church, who
are said to be of this new sect of the Lollards, have been
preaching in public places within the aforesaid city, and in the
suburbs and vicinity thereof, in order to excite and win over
some who are ill disposed to the Catholic faith and the doctrine
of holy mother Church; and by their own rashness, and contrary
to the laws and ordinances of the Church, they have
preached, nay, rather have profaned the Word of God; or at
least under pretext of preaching they have in such places been
emboldened to propagate discord among our people on the
pestiferous seeds of Lollardism and evil doctrine, after the
manner of preachers; and as some of our people of our said
city and its vicinity, under pretence of hearing such preaching,
have assembled to those places, and have congregated together
in large multitudes; and, in consequence, murmurs and seditions
have in part arisen, and will probably arise, to the
disturbance and no small marring of our peace, unless a remedy
be more quickly applied to abolish such meetings and pull
down such conventicles:</p>
<p class='c011'>We, desiring especially to provide for the defence of the
Catholic faith, the laws and ordinances of the Church, and for
preserving our peace, command you, that you cause proclamation
publicly to be made, within our city aforesaid, and its
suburbs, in every place where you shall find it expedient:</p>
<p class='c011'>That no chaplains, of whatsoever degree, state, or condition
they may be, shall henceforward hold, cherish, affirm, preach,
or defend such opinions, heresy, or error, contrary to the
decision of holy mother Church; and that none other our lieges
and subjects in this matter adhere to or abet them, or lend
them counsel or assistance, under penalty of imprisonment of
their bodies, and the forfeiture of all their goods and chattels,
to our will and disposal. We further command and positively
enjoin you that, if henceforth you shall be able to find within
your bailiwick any such chaplains preaching and affirming
<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>publicly or secretly, contrary to the aforesaid rescript, or any
other our lieges and subjects making conventicles and meetings,
or receiving the same chaplains, or being under probable or
great suspicion concerning the premises, or in any way counselling,
favouring, or helping such chaplains in this matter,
then arrest ye them without delay, and commit them to prison,
there to remain, until they shall obey the commands of the
diocesan in whose diocese they may have preached....</p>
<p class='c012'>Witness the King, at Westminster, the 21st day of
August, 1413.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>IMPRISONMENT FOR REFUSING OFFICE (1415).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Reluctance to accept positions of dignity and importance
is rarely met with nowadays; we are accustomed to
witness keen competition for the honour and privilege—even
if there be no more solid advantage—of a seat in
Parliament or a civic office. But in medieval times there
was frequently considerable unwillingness to hold these
now coveted posts; most men had their own affairs to
attend to, and these were almost certain to be seriously
prejudiced by the distractions of public life. More
especially was this the case where Parliamentary representation
of a remote constituency was concerned. The
danger, expense, and time involved in the necessary
journeys to the capital were a very serious consideration,
and fines had to be imposed frequently upon burgesses or
knights of the shire, who resented the greatness which
their constituents thrust upon them. The following
instance shows that even in London pressure had to be
applied in order to induce the acceptance of an important
office; and it was not until the holders of such posts began
to realise the possibility of deriving profit from them, as,
for example, by exempting their own property from taxation,
that these difficulties were entirely overcome.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Riley's <cite>Memorials</cite>, p. 601.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>Forasmuch as a laudable custom which has hitherto prevailed
in the City of London, has so prescribed and ordained,
that the inhabitants of each of the Wards of the said city are
at liberty to elect an Alderman whensoever they need one, to
rule them in their own Ward; provided always, that the person
so elected is presented to the Mayor and Aldermen, for the
time being, and by them is deemed worthy to be admitted and
approved.—And whereas, on the 3rd day of January, in the 2nd
year of the reign of King Henry etc. one Ralph Lobenham,
late Alderman of the Ward of Farndone Without, having
voluntarily resigned the rule of that Ward, the inhabitants of
the Ward thereupon, according to the usual custom, met
together at the usual place within the Ward, for the purpose
of electing an Alderman thereof, and there unanimously chose
one John Gedeney, citizen and draper, to hold the office of
Alderman of the Ward aforesaid....</p>
<p class='c011'>The said John Gedeney appeared before the Mayor and
Aldermen, in the Chamber aforesaid, and after the reason for
his being summoned had been first stated to him, precept was
given to him forthwith to take his seat there in Court, that he
might take the oath that pertains unto the office and rank of
Alderman. Whereupon, the same John Gedeney, after first
setting forth his excuses on the ground of his inability, and his
insufficiency for the office, wholly refused to accept it: upon
which, he was informed by the Court that he could not refuse
this office, to which, as being a fit person, he was admitted by
the Court, without breach of his freedom, and of the oath
which by him, when he was admitted to the freedom of the
City, had been made; and this the more especially, as every
freeman is bound to be a partaker in Lot, which is liability to
hold office, and in Scot, which means contribution to taxes and
other charges, by reason of such oath.</p>
<p class='c011'>But all and singular the matters before stated notwithstanding,
he altogether refused to accept the office, like a
person who was utterly obdurate. And hereupon, the matter
<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>having been considered by the Mayor and Aldermen, because
that it appeared to them that if any one, when elected to such
office, should be at liberty at his own will and pleasure to
refuse the post, and pass it by, not improbably the City before
long would be left destitute, as it were, of all rule and governance
whatsoever; the same John Gedeney was by the said
Mayor and Aldermen committed to prison, there to remain
until the Court should be better advised what to do as to the
matters aforesaid.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>OATHS OF THE MAYOR AND ALDERMEN (1419).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The following extracts are from the <cite>Liber Albus</cite>, a book
on the government of the City of London, by John Carpenter,
who was Town Clerk from 1417 to 1438. It contains
a complete description of the administration of the
City at this interesting point in its history, and gives
particulars of the duties and responsibilities of all the civic
officers. The author explains that before the office of
Mayor was established, the chief person in the City was
the Portreeve, who was also the King's representative and
justiciar. Then the "Barons of the City," who may have
been the Aldermen, obtained the privilege of electing their
own Mayor every year; and gradually a custom arose for
the Mayor, Aldermen, Sheriffs, and certain chosen commoners
to meet for the purpose of choosing a new Mayor.
At first the same Mayor was frequently re-elected, so long
as there was no expense attached to the office; but when
it became customary for him to give feasts and liveries,
the cost was generally too great for him to continue in
office for more than one year, and the practice arose for
the Mayor to retire at the end of his term, when the
Aldermen might offer him a second year. The Aldermen
held their office for life, and had almost despotic authority
in their ward, having their own serjeants to attend them.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>Liber Albus</cite>, translated by Riley.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>You shall swear, that well and lawfully you shall serve our
lord the King in the office of the Mayoralty of the City of
London, and the same City you shall surely and safely keep
to the behoof of the King of England, and of his heirs, Kings
of England; and the profit of the King you shall do in all
things that unto you belong to do, and the rights of the King,
in so far as unto the Crown they belong within the said City,
you shall lawfully keep. You shall not assent unto the decrease,
or unto the concealment of the rights or of the franchises of the
King; and where you shall know the rights of the King or of
the Crown, be it in lands, or in rents, or in franchises, or in
suits, to be concealed or withdrawn, to your utmost power you
shall do to repel it; and if you cannot do it, you shall tell
it unto the King, or unto them of his Council, of whom you
shall be certain that they will tell it unto the King. And that
lawfully and rightfully you will treat the people of your bailiwick,
and right will do unto everyone thereof, as well unto
strangers as to denizens, to poor as to rich, in that which
belongeth unto you to do; and that neither for highness, nor
for riches, nor for promise, nor for favour, nor for hate, wrong
you shall do unto any one; nor the right of anyone shall you
disturb, nor shall you take anything whereby the King may
lose, or by which his right may be disturbed. And that in all
things which unto the Mayor of the said City it pertaineth to
do, as well in the regulation of victuals as in all other things,
well and lawfully you shall behave yourself.</p>
<p class='c011'>So God you help, and the Saints.</p>
<hr class='c015' />
<p class='c011'>You shall swear, that well and lawfully you shall serve our
lord the King in the City of London, in the office of Alderman
in the Ward of N, wherein you are chosen Alderman, and shall
lawfully treat and inform the people of the same Ward of such
things as unto them pertain to do, for keeping the City, and for
maintaining the peace within the City; and that the laws,
usages, and franchises of the said City you shall keep and
maintain, within town and without, according to your wit and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>power. And that attentive you shall be to save and maintain
the rights of orphans, according to the laws and usages of the
said City. And that ready you shall be, and readily shall come,
at the summons and warning of the Mayor and ministers of the
said City, for the time being, to speed the Assizes, Pleas, and
Judgments of the Hustings, and other needs of the said City, if
you be not hindered by the needs of our lord the King, or by
other reasonable cause; and that good lawful counsel you shall
give for such things as touch the common profit in the same
City. And that you shall sell no manner of victuals by retail;
that is to say, bread, ale, wine, fish or flesh, by you, your
apprentices, hired servants, or by any other; nor profit shall
you take of any such manner of victuals sold during your office.
And that well and lawfully you shall (behave) yourself in the
said office, and in other things touching the City.
So God you help, and the Saints.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>JACK CADE IN LONDON (1450).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The rebellion headed by Cade was a manifestation of
discontent at the incompetence of the Government. An
expensive and unsuccessful war had been carried on in
France, and there was very little disposition in England
to aid the inadequate resources of the royal treasury, or to
relieve the King from the load of debt which had been
contracted. The King's Ministers were forced to have
recourse to arbitrary measures, and the affections of the
people were completely estranged. Cade was able, by
holding out the prospect of redress of grievances, to collect
about him a formidable body of malcontents. They were
admitted into the City, where at first they conducted
themselves with comparative moderation; but very soon
indications of violence showed themselves, and the citizens
realised their danger and were able to hold the rebels at
bay until, dispirited by the opposition which they encountered,
they dispersed.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Hall's <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>The captain being advised of the King's absence, came first
into Southwark, and there lodged at the White Hart, prohibiting
to all men, Murder, Rape, or Robbery: by which colour he
allured to him the hearts of the common people. But after
that he entered into London, and cut the ropes of the drawbridge,
sticking his sword on London stone, saying: Now is
Mortimer lord of this city, and rode in every street like a
lordly Captain. And after a flattering declaration made to the
Mayor of the city of his thither coming, he departed again to
Southwark. And upon the third day of July, he caused Sir
James Fynes, Lord Say, and Treasurer of England, to be
brought to the Guildhall of London, and there to be arraigned:
which being before the King's justices put to answer, desired
to be tried by his peers, for the longer delay of his life.</p>
<p class='c011'>The captain perceiving his dilatory plea, by force took him
from the officers, and brought him to the standard in Cheape,
and there before his confession ended, caused his head to be
cut off, and pitched it on a high pole, which was openly borne
before him through the streets. And this cruel tyrant not
content with the murder of the Lord Say, went to Mile end,
and there apprehended Sir James Cromer, then sheriff of
Kent, and son in law to the said Lord Say, and him without
confession or excuse heard, caused there likewise to be beheaded,
and his head to be fixed on a pole, and with these two
heads, this bloody butcher entered into the city again, and in
despite caused them in every street to kiss together, to the great
detestation of all the beholders.</p>
<p class='c011'>After this shameful murder, succeeded open rapine and manifest
robbery in divers houses within the City, and in especial
in the house of Philip Malpas, Alderman of London, and
divers others: over and beside ransoming, and fining of divers
notable merchants, for the security of their lives and goods,
as Robert Horne alderman, who paid 500 marks, and yet
neither he, nor any other person was either of life or substance
in a surety or safeguard. He also put to execution in Southwark
<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>divers persons, some for infringing his rules and precepts,
because he would be seen indifferent, others he tormented of
his old acquaintance, lest they should blaze and declare his
base birth, and lousy lineage, disparaging him from his usurped
surname of Mortimer, for the which, he thought and doubted
not, both to have friends and fautors, both in London, Kent,
and Essex. The wise Mayor, and sage magistrates of the
City of London, perceiving themselves neither to be sure of
goods nor of life well warranted, determined with fear to repel
and expulse this mischievous head, and his ungracious company.
And because the Lord Scales was ordained Keeper of
the Tower of London, with Matthew Gough, the often named
captain in Normandy, (as you have heard before), they purposed
to make them acquainted both of their intent and enterprise.
The Lord Scales promised them his aid, with shooting
of ordinance, and Matthew Gough was by him appointed to
assist the Mayor and the Londoners; because he was both
of manhood, and experience greatly renowned and noised. So
the Captains of the City appointed, took upon them in the
night to keep the bridge of London, prohibiting the Kentish
men, either to pass or approach. The rebels, which never
soundly slept, for fear of sudden chances, hearing the bridge
to be kept and manned, ran with great haste to open their
passage, where between both parties was a fierce and cruel
encounter. Matthew Gough, more expert in martial feats than
the other chieftains of the City, perceiving the Kentish men
better to stand to their tackling than his imagination expected,
advised his company no further to proceed, toward Southwark,
till the day appeared: to the intent, that the citizens hearing
where the place of the jeopardy rested, might occur their enemies,
and relieve their friends and companions. But this counsel
came to small effect: for the multitude of the rebels drave the
citizens from the staples at the bridge foot, to the draw bridge,
and began to set fire in divers houses. Alas what sorrow it
was to behold that miserable chance: for some desiring to
eschew the fire, leapt on his enemies weapon, and so died;
fearful women with children in their arms, amazed and appalled,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>leapt into the river: others doubting how to save themselves
between fire, water, and sword, were in their houses
suffocated and smouldered. Yet the Captains nothing regarding
these chances, fought on the draw bridge all the night
valiantly, but in conclusion, the rebels held the draw bridge,
and drowned many, and slew John Sutton alderman, and
Robert Heysande a hardy citizen, with many other, beside
Matthew Gough, a man of great wit, much experience in feats
of chivalry, the which in continual wars, had valiantly served
the King and his father, in the parts beyond the sea (as before
you have heard). But it is often seen that he, which many
times hath vanquished his enemies in strange countries, and
returned again as a conqueror, hath of his own nation afterward
been shamefully murdered, and brought to confusion. This
hard and sore conflict endured on the bridge, till 9 o'clock in
the morning, in doubtful chance, and fortunes balance: for
some time the Londoners were beaten back to the stulpes
at Saint Magnes corner, and suddenly again the rebels were
repulsed and driven back, to the stulpes in Southwark, so that
both parties, being faint, weary and fatigued, agreed to desist
from fight, and to leave battle till the next day, upon condition:
that neither Londoners should pass into Southwark, nor the
Kentishmen into London.</p>
<p class='c011'>After this abstinence of war agreed, the lusty Kentish
Captain, hoping on more friends, broke up the gaols of the
Kings Bench and Marshalsea, and set at liberty a swarm of
galants, both meet for his service and apt for his enterprise.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, being then Chancellor of England,
and for his surety lying in the Tower of London, called
to him the Bishop of Winchester, which also for fear, lurked
at Halywell. These two prelates seeing the fury of the Kentish
people, by reason of their beating back, to be mitigate and
minished, passed the River of Thames from the Tower, into
Southwark, bringing with them under the King's great seal,
a general pardon unto all the offenders: which they caused to
be openly proclaimed and published. Lord how glad the poor
people were of this pardon (the more than of the Jubilee of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>Rome) and how they accepted the same, in so much that the
whole multitude, without bidding farewell to their captain,
retired the same night, every man to his own home, as men
amazed, and stricken with fear.</p>
<p class='c011'>But John Cade desperate of help, which by the friends of
the duke of York, were to him promised, and seeing his company
thus without his knowledge suddenly depart, mistrusting
the sequel of the matter, departed secretly in habit disguised
into Sussex: but all his metamorphoses or transfiguration
little prevailed. For after a Proclamation made, that whosoever
could apprehend the aforesaid Jack Cade should have for
his pains a thousand marks, many sought for him, but few
espied him, till one Alexander Iden, esquire of Kent found
him in a garden, and there in his defence, manfully slew the
catiff Cade, and brought his dead body to London, whose head
was set on London Bridge. This is the success of all rebels,
and this fortune chanceth ever to traitors. For where men
strive against the stream, their boat never cometh to his pretenced
port.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE MAYOR'S DIGNITY (1464).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>One of the privileges of the Mayor which has been
very jealously guarded is that upon which is founded his
claim to supremacy in the City; only the Sovereign takes
precedence, and from very early times the Mayors have
insisted upon this pre-eminence. It was not often that
their right was challenged in the City itself, but occasionally
there was friction concerning the Mayor's
position in places which were supposed to be outside his
jurisdiction. The instance mentioned below is interesting,
as showing the importance which a fifteenth-century
Mayor attached to his office.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Gregory's <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Thys yere (1464) abute mydsomyr, at the royalle feste of
the Sargentys of the Coyfe, the Mayre of London was desyride
<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>to be at that feste. And at denyr time he come to the feste
with his offecers, agreyng and acordyng to hys degre. For
withyn London he ys next unto the Kyng in all maner thynge.
And in tyme of waschynge the Erle of Worseter was take
before the mayre and sette down in the myddis of the hy
tabelle. And the mayre seynge that hys place was occupyd
hylde hym contente, and went home agayne with-out mete
or drynke or any thonke, but rewarde hym he dyd as hys
dygnyte requyred of the cytte. And toke with hym the substance
of hys bretheryn the aldyrmen to his place, and were
sette and servyd also sone as any man couthe devyse, bothe of
sygnet and of othyr delycatys i-nowe, that alle the howse
mervelyd howe welle alle tynge was done in soo schorte a tyme,
and prayde alle men to be mery and gladde hit shulde be
a-mendyd a-nothyr tyme.</p>
<p class='c011'>Thenn the offesers of the feste, fulle evylle a-schamyd, informyd
the maysters of the feste of thys mysse-happe that ys
be-falle. And they consyderynge the grete dygnyte and costys
and change that longgyd unto the cytte, and anon sende unto
the mayre a present of mete, brede, wyne, and many dyvers
sotelteys. But whenn they that come with the presentys saw
alle the gyftys, and the sarvyse that was at the borde, he was
fulle sore a-schamyd that shulde doo the massage, for the
present was not better thenn the servyse of metys was byfore
the mayre, and thoroughe-owte the hyghe tabylle. But hys
demenynge was soo that he hadde love and thonke for hys
massage, and a grette rewarde with-alle. And thys the
worschippe of the cytte was kepte, and not loste for hym. I
truste that nevyr hyt shalle, by the grace of God.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>REGULATIONS CONCERNING STRANGERS (1485).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>These regulations are taken from Henry VII.'s charter,
which cost the citizens no less than five thousand marks.
The main object of the charter was to protect the City
from the encroachments of foreigners and strangers, who
appear to have been unusually active about this time in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>their attempts to gain a footing in the rapidly expanding
trade of London. Their efforts met with great hostility
on the part of the citizens, and these enactments are
indicative of the general attitude of the Londoners
towards strangers either from other towns or from across
the sea.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—From the Charter of Henry VII.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Of all time, of which the memory of man is not to the
contrary, for the commonweal of the realm and city aforesaid,
it hath been used, and by authority of parliament approved
and confirmed, that no stranger from the liberty of the city
may buy or sell, from any stranger from the liberties of the
same city, any merchandise or wares within the liberties of the
same city, upon forfeiture of the same. The said mayor and
commonalty, and citizens, and their predecessors by all the time
aforesaid, have had and received, and have been accustomed
to receive, perceive, and have, to the use of the said mayor,
commonalty, and citizens, all and all manner of merchandises
and wares bought and sold within the liberties of the same
city as aforesaid, and forfeitures of the same merchandises
and wares, until of late past time they were troubled or
molested.</p>
<p class='c011'>The same lord Henry the seventh, by his letters patent as
aforesaid, for pacifying and taking away from henceforth controversies
and ambiguities in that behalf, and to fortify and by
express words to explain and declare the liberty and custom
aforesaid to them the said mayor and commonalty and citizens,
and their heirs and successors, and willing the said liberties
to be peaceably and quietly had, possessed, and enjoyed to the
said mayor and commonalty and citizens, and their successors,
with the forfeitures aforesaid, against the said late lord King
Henry, his heirs and successors granted, and by his said
charter confirmed to the same mayor and commonalty and
citizens, and their successors, that no stranger from the
liberties of the same city may buy or sell from any other
stranger to the liberty of the same city, any merchandises or
<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>wares within the liberties of the same city; and if any stranger
to the liberty of the same city shall sell or buy any merchandises
or wares within the liberty of the same city of any
other stranger to the liberty of the same city, that the same
mayor, commonalty and citizens, and their successors, may
have, hold, and receive all and all manner of such like merchandises
and wares, so bought and to be bought, sold or to
be sold, within the liberty of the said city, between whatsoever
strangers to the liberty of the same city, as forfeited; and all
the forfeitures of the same, and also the penalties, fines, and
redemptions whatsoever anyways forfeited, lost or to be lost,
or to be forfeited or due thereon, to the use and profit of the
same mayor and commonalty and citizens, and their heirs and
successors, without hindrance of the same late king, his heirs
or successors, and without any account or any other thing to
be rendered or paid thereof to the late king, his heirs and
successors, any statute, act, or ordinance of us or our progenitors
made to the contrary notwithstanding; although the
same mayor and commonalty, and citizens of the said city, or
their predecessors, have before that time used, abused, or not
used those customs and liberties: Saving always, that the
great men, lords, and nobles, and other English and strangers,
of what condition they shall be, may freely buy whatsoever
merchandises in gross for their families and proper uses
within the liberties of the said city, without any forfeiture,
loss, or hindrance whatsoever, so that they do not sell again
the said merchandises to any other.</p>
<p class='c011'>And further, the same late king, of his ample grace, by his
said letters patent, amongst other things, did give and grant to
the mayor, commonalty, and citizens of the same city of London,
and their successors, the office of gauger within the said city,
and the disposing, ordering, surveying, and correcting of the
same, to have, hold, exercise, and occupy the said office, and
other premises, with all fees, profits, and emoluments to the
said office in any manner belonging or appertaining, to the
same mayor and commonalty, and citizens, by themselves, or
by their sufficient deputy or deputies, from the twenty-second
<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>day of August, in the first year of his reign, for ever, without
any account to be made thereof, or any other thing rendering
or paying to the said lord Henry the seventh, his heirs or
successors, as by the said letters patent doth more plainly
appear.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE MARCHING WATCH (1510).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The Marching Watch was a kind of annual military
muster of the citizens, embodying all the companies, for
the purpose of forming a regular guard for the City during
the ensuing year. The contest for magnificence on the
occasion described in the following extract created an
expense so great and detrimental that Henry VIII. prohibited
the show, and confined the citizens to the proper
object of the assembly. It was afterwards revived on a
more economical plan, and continued under the name of
the "Standing Watch," till the force was finally superseded
by the City Trained Bands.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Stow's <cite>Survey</cite>, p. 102.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Besides the standing watches all in bright harness, in every
ward and street in this city and suburbs, there was also a
marching watch that passed through the principal streets
thereof, to wit, from the little conduit by Paul's gate to West
Cheap, by the stocks through Cornhill by Leadenhall to
Aldgate, then back down Fenchurch Street by Grace Church,
about Grace church conduit and up Gracechurch Street into
Cornhill, and through it into West Cheap again, and so broke
up. The whole way ordered for this marching watch extendeth
to three thousand two hundred taylor's yards of assize; for the
furniture whereof with lights, there were appointed seven
hundred cressets, five hundred of them being found by the
Companies, the other two hundred by the Chamber of London.</p>
<p class='c011'>Besides the which lights every constable in London, in
number more than two hundred and forty, had his cresset; the
charge of every cresset was in light two shillings and fourpence,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>and every cresset had two men, one to bear or hold in,
another to bear a bag with light, and to serve it, so that the
poor men pertaining to the cressets, taking wages, besides that
every one had a straw hat, with a badge painted, and his
breakfast, amounted in number to almost two thousand. The
marching watch contained in number about two thousand men,
part of them being old soldiers, of skill to be captains,
lieutenants, serjeants, corporals, etc., wiflers, drummers, and
fifes, standard and ensign bearers, demilances on great horses,
gunners with hand guns, or half hakes, archers in coats of
white fustian, signed on the breast and back with the arms of
the city, their bows bent in their hands, with sheafs of arrows
by their sides; pikemen in bright corslets, burganets, etc.
halbards, the like the billmen in almain rivets, and aprons of
mail in great number. There were also divers pageants,
morris dancers, constables, the one-half which was one hundred
and twenty on Saint John's Eve, the other half on St. Peter's
Eve, in bright harness, some over gilt, and every one a jornet
of scarlet thereupon, and a chain of gold, his henchman following
him, his minstrels before him, and his cresset light passing
by him, the waits of the city, the Mayor's officers for his guard
before him, all in a livery worsted, or sea jackets parti-coloured,
the Mayor himself well mounted on horseback, the sword-bearer
before him in fair armour well mounted also, the Mayor's
footmen, and the like torch bearers about him, henchmen
twain upon great stirring horses following him. The Sheriffs'
watches came one after the other in like order, but not so
large in number as the Mayor's; for where the Mayor had,
besides his giant, three pageants, each of the Sheriffs had,
besides their giants, but two pageants; each their morris
dance, and one henchman, their officers in jackets of worsted
or sea, parti-coloured, differing from the Mayor's and each
from other, but having harnessed men a great many.</p>
<p class='c011'>This midsummer watch was thus accustomed yearly, time
out of mind, until the year 1539, the 31st of Henry VIII., in
which year, on the 8th of May, a great muster was made by
the citizens at the Mile's End, all in bright harness, with coats
<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>of white silk; or cloth and chains of gold, in three great battels,
to the number of fifteen thousand, which passed through
London to Westminster, and so through the Sanctuary, and
round about the Park of St. James, and returned home through
Oldborne. King Henry, then considering the great charges of
the citizens for the furniture of this unusual muster, forbad the
Marching watch provided for at midsummer for that year;
which being once laid down, was not raised again till the year
1548, the 2nd of Edward VI., Sir John Gresham then being
Mayor, who caused the marching watch, both on the eve of
St. John Baptist and of St. Peter the Apostle, to be revived
and set forth in as comely order as it hath been accustomed,
which watch was also beautified by the number of more than
three hundred demilances and light horsemen, prepared by the
citizens to be sent into Scotland for the rescue of the town of
Haddington, and others kept by the Englishmen.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>DESTRUCTION OF FENCES ABOUT THE<br />CITY (1514).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>It has already been noticed that the City was surrounded
by ecclesiastical manors in the time of Domesday,
and this was still the case at the beginning of the sixteenth
century. It would appear from the following
extract that the practice of enclosure, which at this time
was being extensively adopted in many parts of England,
was being attempted in the neighbourhood of London
itself, greatly to the disgust of the Londoners, who
naturally resented the proposed restrictions on their
accustomed liberty.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Hall's <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Before this time the towns about London as Islington,
Hoxton, Shoreditch and other, had so enclosed the common
fields with hedges and ditches, that neither the young men of
the city might shoot, nor the ancient persons might walk for
their pleasure in the fields except either their bows and arrows
<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>were broken or taken away, or the honest and substantial
persons arrested or indited, saying that no Londoner should go
out of the city but in the highways. This saying sore grieved
the Londoners, and suddenly this year a great number of the
city assembled themselves in a morning, and a turner in a fool's
coat came crying in the city, Shovels and spades, and so many
people followed that it was wonder, and within a short space
all the hedges about the towns were cast down, and the ditches
filled, and every thing made plain, the workmen were so
diligent. The King's Council hearing of this assembly came
to the Gray Friars, and sent for the mayor and the council of
the city to know the cause, which declared to them the nusiance
done to the Citizens, and their commodities and liberties taken
from them, though they would not yet the commonalty and
young persons which were dampnified by the nusiance would
pluck up and remedy the same. And when the King's council
had heard the answer, they dissimuled the matter and commanded
the Mayor to see that no other thing were attempted,
and to call home the citizens, which when they had done their
enterprise, came home before the King's council and the Mayor
departed without any more harm doing, and so after, the fields
were never hedged.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>MORE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON (1517).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Although the City of Amaurote in "Utopia" is not to
be identified exactly with London, it seems very likely
that More had London in his mind while he was writing
this description, which is generally regarded as drawn, to
some extent, from the capital as it was in his day.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—More's <cite>Utopia</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>The River Anyder riseth four and twenty miles above
Amaurote, out of a little spring: but being increased by other
small floods and brooks that run into it: and, among others,
two somewhat bigger ones. Before the City, it is half a mile
broad (hardly so much now as it was in former days, being pent
<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>in and straitened to a narrower space, by the later buildings on
each side): and further, broader. By all that space that lieth
between the Sea and the City, and a good sort of land also
above, the water ebbs and flows six hours together, with a
swift tide; when the sea flows in to the length of thirty miles,
it fills all the Anyder with salt water, and drives back the fresh
water of the river; and somewhat further, it hangeth the sweetness
of fresh water with saltness: but a little beyond that, the
river waxeth sweet, and runneth foreby the City fresh and
pleasant; and when the sea ebbs and goes back again, this
fresh water follows it almost to the very fall into the sea.</p>
<p class='c011'>They have also another river, which indeed is not very great,
but it runneth gently and pleasantly: for it riseth even out of
the same hill that the City standeth upon, and runneth down
slope through the midst of the City into Anyder. And because
it ariseth a little without the City, the Amaurotians have
enclosed the head spring of it with strong fences and bulwarks;
and so have joined it to the City: this done, to the intent that
the waters should not be stopped nor turned away, nor poisoned,
if their enemies should chance to come upon them. From
thence the water is derived and brought down in channels or
brooks divers ways into the lower parts of the city. Where
that cannot be done by reason that the place will not suffer it,
then they gather the rain water in great cisterns which doth
them as good service. Then next for the situation and walls.
That it stood by the side of a low hill, in fashion almost square.
The breadth of it began a little beneath the top of the hill, and
still continued by the space of two miles, until it came to the
river Anyder. The length of it, which lieth by the river-side,
was somewhat more.</p>
<p class='c011'>The City is compassed about with an high and thick wall,
full of turrets and bulwarks. A dry ditch, but deep and broad
and overgrown with bushes, briers, and thorns, goeth about
three sides or quarters of the City. To the fourth side, the
river itself serveth for a ditch.</p>
<p class='c011'>The streets be appointed and set forth very commodious and
handsome, both for carriage and also against the winds. The
<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>streets be full twenty foot broad. The houses be of fair and
gorgeous buildings: and in the street-side, they stand joined
together in a long row through the whole street, without any
partition or separation. On the backside of the houses, through
the whole length of the street, lie large gardens which be closed
in round about with the back parts of the street. Every house
hath two doors, one to the street, and a postern door on the
backside into the garden. These doors be made with two
leaves, never locked nor bolted: so easy to be opened, that
they will follow the least drawing of a finger, and shut again
of themselves.</p>
<p class='c011'>They set great store by their gardens. In these they have
vineyards and all manner of fruits, herbs, and flowers, so
pleasant, so well furnished, and so finely kept, that I never
saw anything more fruitful, nor better trimmed in any place:
and their study and diligence herein cometh not only of pleasure,
but also of a certain strife and contention that is betwixt street
and street, concerning the trimming, husbanding, and flourishing,
of their gardens, every man for his own part: and verily,
you shall not lightly find in all the City anything that is more
commodious, either for the profit of the citizens, or for pleasure.
And therefore it may seem, that the first founder of the city
minded nothing more so much as he did these gardens. They
say, that King Utopus himself, even at his first beginning,
appointed and drew forth the platform of the City into this
fashion and figure that it hath now, by his gallant garnishing
and the beautiful setting forth of it. Whereunto he saw that
one's man age would not suffice, that he left to his posterity.</p>
<p class='c011'>Their chronicles, which they keep written with all diligent
circumspection, containing the history of 1760 years, even
from the first conquest of the Island, record and witness, that
the houses in the beginning were very low, and likely homely
cottages, or poor shepherds' houses, made at all adventures of
every rude piece of wood that came first to hand: with mud-walls,
and ridged roofs thatched over with straw. But now
the houses be curiously builded after a gorgeous and gallant
sort, with three stories, one over another.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>The outside of the walls be made of either hard flint, or of
plaster, or else of brick: and the inner sides be well strengthened
with timber-work.</p>
<p class='c011'>The roofs be plain and flat, covered with a certain kind of
plaster that is of no cost: and yet so tempered that no fire can
hurt or perish it: and it withstandeth the violence of the
weather, better than any lead.</p>
<p class='c011'>They keep the wind out of their windows with glass: for
it is there much used; and some were also with fine linen
dipped in oil or amber: and that for two commodities: for
by this means more light cometh in, and the wind is better
kept out.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>EVIL MAY DAY (1517).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Riots were by no means infrequent in the City in the
Middle Ages, and here is an account of a typical disturbance,
in which, of course, the young and hot-headed
apprentices took their share. Just at this time there
was intense animosity against the foreign merchants and
artisans; the citizens thought that the presence of the
foreigners, pursuing their occupations within the walls,
was not only harmful to their own interests, but a violation
of their charters which had given them the privilege
of exclusive trade. At last the common indignation broke
out in the great riot of May Day, 1517, which was long
remembered as Evil May Day. It had been for centuries
a practice of the citizens to collect in bands on May Day
to hold high holiday, and they would sally forth, headed
by mock officers, into the neighbouring fields to indulge
in various sports; on this particular occasion the holiday
spirit was not turned to such innocent and harmless
purposes.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Hall's <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>The young and evil disposed people said, they would be
revenged on the merchant strangers, as well as on the artificers
<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>strangers. On Monday the morrow after, the King removed
to his manor of Richmond.</p>
<p class='c011'>Upon this rumour the 28th day of April, divers young men
of the City assaulted the Aliens as they passed by the streets,
and some were stricken and some buffeted, and some thrown
in the canal. Wherefore the Mayor sent divers persons to
ward, as Stephen Studley skinner, and Bettes and Stephenson
and divers other, some to one counter, and some to another
and some to Newgate. Then suddenly was a common secret
rumour, and no man could tell how it began, that on May day
next, the City would rebel and slay all aliens, insomuch as
divers strangers fled out of the City....</p>
<p class='c011'>Then in all haste, every Alderman sent to his Ward that no
man should stir after 9 of the clock out of his house but to
keep his doors shut, and his servants within till 7 of the clock
in the morning. After this commandment, Sir John Monday,
Alderman, came from his Ward, and found two young men in
Cheap playing at Bucklers, and a great company of young men
looking on them for the commandment was then scarce known,
for then it was but 9 of the clock. Master Monday seeing that,
bade them leave, and the one young man asked him why? and
then he said Thou shalt know, and took him by the arm to have
had him to the counter. Then all the young men resisted
the Alderman and took him from Master Monday, and cried
'Prentices and clubs. Then out at every door came clubs and
weapons and the Alderman fled, and was in great danger.
Then more people arose out of every quarter, and out came
serving men, and water men and courtiers, and by 9 of the
clock there were in Cheap 6 or 7 hundred. And out of Paul's
Churchyard came 3 hundred, which wist not of the other, and
so out of all places they gathered, and brake up the counters,
and took out the prisoners, that the Mayor had thither committed
for hurting of the strangers, and came to Newgate and
took out Studley and Petyt, committed thither for that cause.
The Mayor and Sheriffs were there present, and made proclamation
in the King's name, but nothing was obeyed. Thus
they ran a plump through Saint Nicholas Shambles, and at
<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>Saint Martins gate, there met with them Sir Thomas Moore
and other, desiring them to go to their lodgings: And as they
were entreating, and had also brought them to a stay: The
people of Saint Martins threw out stones and bats and hurt
divers honest persons, that were persuading the riotous people
to cease, and they bade them hold their hands, but still they
threw out bricks and hot water. Then a sergeant of arms
called Nicholas Dounes, which was there with Master Moore,
entreating them, being sore hurt, in a fury cried Down with
them. Then all the misruled persons ran to the doors and
windows of Saint Martin, and spoiled all that they found, and
cast it into the street, and left few houses unspoiled. And
after that they ran heading into Cornhill by Leadenhall to the
house of one Mutuas a Frenchman or Picardy born, which was
a great bearer of Frenchmen, where they pick purses, or how
evil disposition soever they were of, and within his gate, called
Grenegate, dwelled divers Frenchmen that calendared worsted,
contrary to the King's laws: and all they were so born out by
the same Mutuas, yet no man durst meddle with them, wherefore
he was sore hated, and if the people had found him in
their fury, they would have stricken off his head: but when
they found him not, the watermen, and certain young priests
that were there fell to rifling: some ran to Blanche-chapelton,
and brake the strangers houses, and threw shoes and boots
into the street. This from 10 or 11 of the clock, continued
these riotous people during which time a knight called Sir
Thomas Parr, in great haste went to the Cardinal and told
him of this riot, which incontinent strengthened his house with
men and ordnance. And after, this knight rode to the King
to Richmond, and made the report much more than it was.
Wherefore the King hastily sent to London and was truly
advised of the matter, and how the riot was ceased, and many
of the doers apprehended. But while this ruffling continued,
Sir Richard Cholmeley knight, Lieutenant of the Tower, no
great friend to the City, in a frantic fury loosed certain pieces
of ordnance, and shot into the City, which did little harm,
howbeit his good will appeared. About 3 of the clock, these
<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>riotous persons severed and went to their places of resort, and
by the way they were taken by the Mayor and the heads of the
City, and some sent to the Tower, and some to Newgate, and
some to the Counters, to the number of 300; some fled, and
specially the watermen and priests, and serving men, but the
poor prentices were taken. About five o'clock, the Earls of
Shrewsbury and Surrey, which had heard of this riot, came
to London with such strength as they had, so did the Inns of
Court, and divers noble men: but before they came all the riot
was ceased, and many taken as you have heard.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE PAPAL LEGATE IN THE CITY (1519).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Campeggio is well known in connection with the part
which he played in the divorce proceedings between
Henry VIII. and his first wife Catherine of Aragon in
1529. That occasion was not his first visit to England;
he had previously been entrusted with a mission from the
Pope to Henry, and the reception of himself and his train
is described in the passage below. The subject of this
embassy of 1519 was to urge Henry to assist in waging
war on the Turks, who were apparently endeavouring to
push their way into Europe; and similar messages were
conveyed at the same time to the other powerful rulers
on the Continent. The incident of the opening of the
chests must have created considerable amusement among
the onlookers, and would hardly add to the popular
estimation of a Papal embassy.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Hall's <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>When the Cardinal of York knew, that there was coming a
legate into England, which should have a greater pre-eminence
than a Cardinal, he whose ambition was never satisfied, caused
a Bishop and certain Doctors to pass the sea to Calais to
welcome him, and to show him that if he would have the
Popes purpose, to take any effect in England, he should in any
<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>wise send in post to Rome, to have the said Cardinal of York
to be legate also, and to be joined in commission with him,
which thing was done (not without good rewards) so that in
thirty and five days, the bull was brought to Calais. During
which time the Cardinal of York sent to the Legate to Calais,
red cloth to clothe his servants, which at their coming to Calais,
were but meanly appareled. And when all things were ready
he passed the sea and landed at Dover, and so kept forth his
journey toward London. At every town as they passed, he
was received with Procession, and accompanied with all the
Lords and gentlemen of Kent. And when he came to Blackheath,
there met him the Duke of Norfolk, with a great number
of prelates, knights and gentlemen, all richly appareled. And
in the way he was brought into a rich tent of cloth of gold,
where he shifted himself into a robe of a Cardinal, edged with
ermine, and so took his mule riding toward London.</p>
<p class='c011'>The night before he came to London the Cardinal of York,
to furnish the carriages of the Cardinal Campeius, sent to him
twelve mulettes with empty coffers covered with red, which
twelve mulettes were led through London, amongst the mulettes
of Campeius, which were but eight and so these twenty mulettes
passed through the streets, as though they had been full of
treasures, apparel and other necessaries. And when they
came into Chepe, one of the mulettes brake from her keeper,
and overthrew the chests, and overturned two or three other
mulettes carriages, which fell with such violence, that divers
of them unlocked, and out of some fell old hosen, broken shoon,
and roasted flesh, pieces of bread, eggs and much vile baggage;
at which sight the boys cried, See, see my Lord Legates treasure,
and so the muleteers were ashamed, and took up all their stuff
and passed forth. And about three o'clock in the afternoon on
the 29th day of July the said legate entered the city, and in
Southwark met him all the clergy of London with crosses,
censors and copes and 'censed him with great reverence. The
Mayor and Aldermen, and all the occupations of the city in
their best liveries stood in the streets, and him highly honoured:
to whom Sir Thomas More made a brief oration in the name of
<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>the city. And when he came to St. Pauls, there he was received
by bishops mitred, and under a canopy entered the
church: which canopy his servants took for their fees. And
when he had offered, he gave his benediction to all the people,
and took again his mule, and so was with all his train aforesaid,
conveyed to Bath place, and there rested: where he was welcomed
of the Cardinal of York. And on Sunday next ensuing
these two Cardinals as legates, took their barges and came to
Greenwich, each of them had beside their cross two pillars of
silver, two little axes gilt, and two cloke bags embroidered,
and the Cardinals hats borne before them. And when they
came to the kings hall, the Cardinal of York went on the right
hand; and there the King royally appareled and accompanied,
met them even as though both had come from Rome, and so
brought them both up into his chamber of presence, and there
was a solemn oration made by an Italian, declaring the cause
of the legacy to be in two articles, one for aid against God's
enemies, and the second for reformation of the Clergy. And
when Mass was done, they were had to a chamber, and served
with lords and knights, with much solemnity: and after dinner
they took their leave of the king and came to London and rode
through the city together, in great pomp and glory, to their
lodgings.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>WOLSEY AND THE CITIZENS (1525).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The incidents related in the following passage are concerned
with one of the periodical efforts of Henry VIII.
to raise money in irregular ways. He seems to have left
the matter on this occasion to Wolsey, who issued commissions
for levying the sixth part of the goods of the laity
and the fourth of those of the clergy. This proceeding
caused great alarm, and rebellions appeared imminent in
all parts of the country. Whereupon Henry disavowed
the whole business, and told the citizens of London that
he would not exact anything by compulsion, but merely
ask for a benevolence. This was, of course, recognised
<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>as an artifice to obtain the same results by different means,
and the citizens sturdily protested, arguing that benevolences
had been declared illegal. Wolsey experienced
very great difficulty in his dealings with the Londoners,
who well maintained their reputation for guarding their
independence and liberty, even when faced with threats
and menaces.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Hall's <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>And now since God hath given us victory, the King remembering
the saying of the Poet that sayeth: It is more
mastery to use victory gotten, than to get it, thinketh it necessary
now in all haste, to make an army royal, and he in person
to pass the seas, and to recover his right inheritance, both of
the Crown of France as of Normandy, Guyen, Gascony,
Aniowe and Mayne, the writings whereof comprehending the
very title, you may see here present if ye list, but I doubt not
but you know them well enough. And now I ask you this
question, whether that you think it convenient, that the King
should pass with an army or not, for the King will do by the
advice of his subjects: to the which many said yea.</p>
<p class='c011'>Well said the Cardinal, then must he be made able to go like
a Prince, which cannot be without your aids, and for to shew
you what the Archbishop of Canterbury and I, which be
primates of the realm hath done, we have given of our lands,
and all lands appertaining to the church, the third part, and the
temporal lords have given of lands and goods, the sixth part,
and to jeopard their bodies in pain and travail, and now since
they which shall adventure their lives, doth proffer the sixth
part, what should they give which abide at home? Forsooth
I think that half your substance were too little, not meaning
that the King so asketh. For he demandeth only no more,
of fifty pound, the sixth part, and so upon every pound above
fifty, to what sum soever it amount to, the sixth part that is
3s. and 3 pence of the pound and from 20 pound to fifty pound,
and so upward. 2s. and 8 pence of the pound, and from 20 pound
to 20s. 12 pence of the pound, and this to be levied according to
<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>the first valuation, as appeareth by your own valuation, which
is but a small matter, to the thing that is meant. Then they
being astonished, at last one said, My lord since the last
valuation divers merchants be decayed by the seas, and suretyship,
and other ways, so that valuation cannot be had. Then
answered the Cardinal, Sirs, speak not to break the thing that
is concluded, for some shall not pay the tenth part, and some
more, it were better that some should suffer indigence, than the
King at this time should lack, and therefore beware and resist
not, nor ruffel not in this case, for it may fortune to cost some
their heads: but I will speak to the King, to be good to you,
so that if he go not over the sea in person, then you shall have
your money redelivered, but first let the money be gathered,
and lay it where you will, and if the King need it not, you may
take it again.</p>
<p class='c011'>When the Cardinal had thus persuaded the Mayor, and his
brethren and other head commoners, they took their leave and
every day after by the space of fortnight, he sent for a certain
number of Commoners, and told them like tale, but some spake
such words to him, and some going from him, that they were
sent to ward.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE APPRENTICES (1527, <span class='fss'>ETC.</span>).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>During the Tudor period the apprentice was a prominent
feature of London life, and is chiefly famous for his
prowess as a disturber of the peace. The apprentice
system was of considerable importance, and many regulations
and ordinances were passed from time to time to
govern the conditions under which apprentices were to be
bound and treated during their term. The story of "Evil
May Day," already given, illustrates the turbulence of the
apprentices and the relaxation of discipline in the City
during this period. The Regulations of 1582 show clearly
that they were getting out of hand, and in 1595 further
troubles induced Elizabeth to issue further instructions of
a drastic nature.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Sources.</strong>—<br />(<em>a</em>) An Act of Common Council, 1527, quoted by Maitland, i. 230;<br />(<em>b</em>) <em>ibid.</em>, 1582, Maitland, i. 267;<br />(<em>c</em>) Strype's edition of Stow's <cite>Survey</cite>, vol. ii.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>(<em>a</em>) [<em>Admonition to the Apprentices</em>].—Ye shall constantly and
devoutly on your knees, every day, serve God, morning and
evening; and make conscience in the due hearing of the Word
preached, and endeavour the right practice thereof on your life
and conversation. You shall do diligent and faithful service
to your master for the time of your apprenticeship, and deal
truly in what you shall be trusted. You shall often read over
the covenants of your indenture, and see and endeavour yourself
to perform the same, to the utmost of your power. You
shall avoid all evil company, and all occasions which may tend
to draw you to the same; and make speedy return when you
shall be sent of your masters' and mistresses' business. You
shall be of fair, gentle, and lowly speech and behaviour to all
men, and especially to all your governors; and according to
your carriage, expect your reward, for good or ill, from God
and your friends.</p>
<p class='c011'>(<em>b</em>) Henceforth no apprentice whatsoever shall presume:
1. To wear any apparel but what he receives from his master.
2. To wear no hat within the city and liberty thereof, nor
anything instead thereof than a woollen cap, without any silk
in or about the same. 3. To wear no ruffles, cuffs, loose
collar, nor other thing than a ruff at the collar, and that only
of a yard and a half long.... 10. To wear no sword,
dagger, or other weapon, but a knife; nor a ring, jewel of gold,
nor silver, nor silk in any part of the apparel.</p>
<p class='c011'>It was likewise further enacted that every apprentice offending
against any of the above-mentioned items was for the first
offence to be punished at the discretion of his master; for the
second to be publicly whipped at the hall of his company; and
for the third to serve six months longer than specified in his
indentures. It was also further ordained that no apprentice
should frequent or go to any dancing, fencing, or musical
schools; nor keep any chest, press, or other place for the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>keeping of apparel or goods, but in his master's house, under
the penalties aforesaid.</p>
<p class='c011'>(<em>c</em>) The ancient habit of the apprentices of London was a
flat round cap, hair close cut, narrow falling bands, coarse side
coats, close hose, cloth stockings, and other such severe apparel.
When this garb had been urged by some to the disparagement
of apprentices, as a token of servitude, one, many
a year ago, undertaking the defence of these apprentices, wrote
thus, that this imported the commendable thrift of the citizens,
and was only the mark of an apprentice's vocation and calling
(and which anciently, no question, was the ordinary habit of a
citizen), which point of ancient discipline, he said, the grave
common lawyers do still retain in their profession; for the
professors of that learning, we see, do at this present retain
the parti-coloured coats of serving-men at their serjeants'
feasts; and he wished, that the remembrance of this ancient
livery might be preserved by the grave citizens, in setting
apart a particular time or day for the feast of their apprenticeship,
when they should wear their former apprentice's garb;
making profession in this way, that they gloried in the ensigns
of their honest apprenticeship.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the time of Queen Mary, the beginning of Queen Elizabeth,
as well as many years before, all apprentices wore blue cloaks
in the summer, and blue gowns in the winter. But it was not
lawful for any man, either servant or other, to wear their gowns
lower than the calves of their legs, except they were above
threescore years of age; but, the length of cloaks being not
limited, they made them down to their shoes. Their breeches
and stockings were usually of white broad cloth, viz. round
slops, and their stockings sewed up close thereto, as if they
were all but one piece. They also wore flat caps both then
and many years after, as well apprentices as journey-men and
others, both at home and abroad; whom the pages of the court
in derision called flat-caps.</p>
<p class='c011'>When apprentices and journeymen attended upon their
masters and mistresses in the night they went before them
carrying a lanthorn and candle in their hands and a great long
<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>club on their necks; and many well-grown sturdy apprentices
used to wear long daggers in the day time on their backs or
sides.</p>
<p class='c011'>Anciently it was the general use and custom of all apprentices
in London (Mercers only excepted, being commonly merchants,
and of better rank, as it seems) to carry water tankards, to
serve their masters' houses with water, fetched either from the
Thames, or the common conduits of London.</p>
<p class='c011'>It was a great matter, in former Times, to give £10 to bind
a youth apprentice; but, in King James the First's time, they
gave 20, 40, 60 and sometimes £100 with an apprentice; but
now these prices are vastly enhanced, to 500, 600, or £800.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A WATER PAGEANT (1533).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The reign of Henry VIII. is famous for the number and
splendour of its pageants. The Field of Cloth of Gold is
familiar to all, and every event of any importance was
made the occasion of a display of splendid clothing,
tapestry, jewels, and allegorical groups. The fashion of
extravagance and love of show, which was set by the
King, was followed by all who could afford, and the City
was in no way behindhand in taking part in these functions.
The coronation in 1509, the reception of the French
ambassadors in 1518, that of the Legate Campeggio, that
of the Emperor Charles, the coronation of Anne Boleyn—all
these afforded an occasion for a pageant, and the
opportunity was never lost. The following description is
of a water pageant in honour of Anne Boleyn.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Grafton's <cite>Chronicles</cite>, vol. ii., p. 448.</h3>
<p class='c013'>The xix day of May the Mayor and his brethren all in
scarlet, and such as were knights had collars of Esses and the
remnant having good chains, and the council of the City with
them assembled at Saint Mary Hill, and at one of the clock
descended to the New stair to their barge, which was garnished
<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>with many goodly banners and instruments, which continually
made good harmony. After that the Mayor and his brethren
were in their barge seeing that all the companies to the number
of fifty barges were ready to wait upon them. They gave commandment
to the companies that no barge should row nearer to
another than twice the length of the barge upon a great pain.
And to see the order kept, there were three light wherries
prepared, and in every one of them two officers to call on them
to keep their order, after which commandment given they set
forth in order as hereafter is described. First before the
Mayor's barge was a foyst or wafter full of ordinance, in which
foyst was a great dragon continually moving, and casting wild
fire: and round about the said foyst stood terrible monsters
and wild men casting fire, and making hideous noises: next
after the foyst a good distance came the Mayor's barge, on
whose right hand was the Batchelors' barge, in the which were
trumpets and divers other melodious instruments. The decks
of the said barge and the sailyards and the top castels were
hanged with rich cloth of gold and silk. At the foreship and
the stern were two great banners rich beaten with the arms of
the King and Queen, and on the top castell also was a long
streamer newly beaten with the said arms.</p>
<p class='c011'>At three of the clock the Queen appeared in rich cloth of
gold and entered into her barge accompanied with divers ladies
and gentlewomen, and incontinent the citizens set forwards
in their order, their musicians continually playing and the
batchelors' barge going on the Queen's right hand, which she
took great pleasure to behold. About the Queen's barge were
many noblemen, as the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis Dorset,
the Earl of Wiltshire her father, the Earls of Arundel, Derby,
Rutland, Worcester, Huntington, Sussex, Oxford, and many
Bishops and noblemen, every one in his barge which was a
goodly sight to behold. She thus being accompanied rowed
toward the Tower, and in the mean way the ships which were
commanded to lie on the shore for letting of the barges shot
divers peals of guns, and ere she landed there was a marvellous
shot out of the Tower as ever was heard there. And at her
<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>landing there met with her the Lord Chamberlain with the
officers of arms and brought her to the King, which received
her with loving countenance at the postern by the waterside,
and kissed her, and then she turned back again and thanked
the Mayor and the citizens with many goodly words and so
entered the Tower.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LATIMER'S EXHORTATION TO LONDON (1549).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Quite early in his career Latimer earned considerable
fame as an eloquent preacher, but the boldness with which
he proclaimed his religious views, and his denunciations
of ecclesiastical abuses, frequently placed him in difficult
positions. He lost favour towards the end of the reign
of Henry VIII., but on the accession of Edward VI. he
regained his old position of importance, and devoted
himself to the work of an itinerant preacher. In this
character his popular preaching talents exerted a much
wider and more permanent influence in the spread of his
opinions than his work as Bishop of Worcester could
have done; and it is certain that his labours contributed
very largely to fix the doctrines of the Reformation in the
minds of the people.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Latimer's <cite>Sermon on the Ploughers</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Now what shall we say of these rich artisans of London?
What shall I say of them? Shall I call them proud men
of London, malicious men of London, merciless men of
London? No, no, I may not say so, they will be offended
with me then. Yet must I speak. For is there reigning in
London as much pride, as much covetousness, as much cruelty,
as much oppression, as much superstition, as was in Nebo?
Yes, I think so and much more too. Therefore I say, repent,
O London! repent, repent! Thou hearest thy faults told
thee; amend them, amend them. And you rulers and officers,
be wise and circumspect, look to your charge and see you do
your duties and rather be glad to amend your ill living than to
<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>be angry when you are warned or told of your fault....
But London cannot abide to be rebuked; such is the nature of
men. If they be pricked, they will kick. If they be rubbed
on the gall, they will wince. But yet they will not amend
their faults, they will not be ill spoken of. But how shall
I speak well of them? If you could be content to receive and
follow the word of God and favour good preachers, if you could
bear to be told of your faults, if you could amend when you
hear of them: if you would be glad to reform what is amiss:
if I might see any such inclination in you, that leave to be
merciless and begin to be charitable, I would then hope well of
you, I would speak well of you. But London was never so ill
as it is now. In times past men were full of pity and compassion
but now there is no pity; for in London their brother
shall die in the streets for cold, he shall lie sick at the door
between stock and stock, I cannot tell what to call it, and
perish there for hunger. In times past when any rich men
died in London, they were wont to help the poor scholars of
the university with exhibitions. When any man died, they
would bequeath great sums of money towards the relief of the
poor. When I was a scholar at Cambridge myself, I heard
very good report of London and knew many that had relief of
the rich men of London; but now I can hear no such good
report and yet I inquire of it and hearken for it; but now
charity is waxed cold, none help the scholar nor yet the poor.
And in those days what did they when they helped the scholars?
Many they maintained and gave them living that were very
papists and professed the pope's doctrines; and now that the
knowledge of God's word is brought to light, and many
earnestly study and labour to set it forth, now almost no man
helpeth to maintain them. Oh! London! London! repent,
repent, for I think God is more displeased with London than
ever he was with the city of Nebo. Amend therefore; and ye
that be prelates, look well to your office, for right prelating
is busy labouring and not lording. Therefore preach and
teach, and let your plough be doing; ye lords, I say, that live
like loiterers, look well to your office; the plough is your office
<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>and charge. If you live idle and loiter, you do not your duty,
you follow not your vocation; let your plough therefore be
going and not cease, that true ground may bring forth good
fruit.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>MARY'S SPEECH TO THE CITIZENS (1553).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The project of the marriage between Mary and Philip
of Spain caused profound uneasiness throughout England,
and the fear of persecution and the anxiety of the nobles
for their possessions brought about a formidable conspiracy.
The standard of revolt was raised in many parts
of the country, but only Sir Thomas Wyatt achieved any
success. He was soon at the head of fifteen hundred
Kentish men, and his avowed object was to save England
from Spain. A force of soldiers sent against him deserted
to his side, and he marched upon London. The situation
was saved by Mary's coolness and courage; she showed
no signs of fear, refused to take refuge in flight, and
addressed the citizens of London assembled in the Guildhall.
Her resolute bearing and discreet promises aroused
enthusiasm among her hearers, who had heard of Jack
Cade, and did not wish to see their city in the hands of an
armed mob. Men were hastily enrolled, the drawbridge
on London Bridge was raised, and Wyatt was unable to
enter the City. He crossed the river at Kingston, but his
men began to drop away, and he surrendered at Temple
Bar. He was executed shortly afterwards.</p>
<p class='c000'>This incident, like many others, illustrates the immense
importance of London in connection with political affairs;
over and over again the destinies of the kingdom have
been settled by the attitude of the citizens of London.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Speed's <cite>History</cite>, book ix., chap. xxiii.</h3>
<p class='c013'>In my own person I am come unto you, to tell you that which
yourselves already do see and know; I mean, the traitorous
<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span>and seditious number of the Kentish Rebels, that are assembled
against us and you. Their pretence, as they say, is to resist
a marriage between us and the Prince of Spain. Of all their
plots, pretended quarrels and evil-contrived articles, you have
been made privy; since which time our Council have resorted
to the rebels, demanding the cause of their continued enterprise;
by whose answers the marriage is found to be the reason
of their quarrel; or rather, a cloak to cover their pretended purposes
against our religion; for swerving from their former
articles, they now manifestly betray the inward treason of
their hearts, most arrogantly demanding the possession of our
person, the keeping of our Tower, and not only the placing and
displacing of our Counsellors, but also to use them and us at
their pleasures: what I am, loving Subjects, you right well
know—your Queen, to whom at my Coronation, when I was
wedded to the Realm, and to the laws of the same, (the spousal
ring whereof I have on my finger, which never hitherto was,
nor hereafter shall be left off) ye promised your allegiance and
obedience unto me; and that I am the right and true inheritor
to the English Crown, I not only take all Christendom to witness,
but also your Acts of Parliament confirming the same.</p>
<p class='c011'>My Father, as you all know, possessed the Regal estate by
right of inheritance, which now by the same right, is descended
unto me: to him you always shewed yourselves both faithful
and loving subjects, as to your liege Lord and King, and therefore
I doubt not, but you will shew yourselves so to me his
Daughter which if you do, then may you not suffer any rebel to
usurp the government of our person, or interpose our estate,
especially so presumptuous a traitor as this Wyat hath shewed
himself to be; who most certainly, as he hath abused our
ignorant subjects to be adherents to his traitorous quarrel,
so doth he intend by the colour of the same to subdue the laws
to his will, and to give scope to the rascal and forlorn persons,
to make general havoc and spoil of your goods.</p>
<p class='c011'>And this I say further unto you in the word of a Prince,
I cannot tell how naturally a mother loveth her children, for
I was never the mother of any; but certainly, if a Prince and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>Governour may as naturally love their subjects, as the mother
doth her child, then assure yourselves, that I, being your
Sovereign Lady and Queen, do as earnestly and tenderly
love and favour you; and I, thus loving you, cannot but think,
that you as heartily and faithfully love me again; and so, this
love bound together in the knot of concord, we shall be able,
I doubt not, to give these rebels a short and speedy overthrow.</p>
<p class='c011'>Now, as concerning my intended marriage, you shall understand,
that I entered not into the Treaty thereof without the
advice of our Privy Council, yea, and by the assent of those to
whom my Father committed his trust, who have so considered
the great commodities that may thereof ensue, as they not only
have thought it very honourable, but also expedient both for
the wealth of our realm, and also to our loving subjects.</p>
<p class='c011'>But as touching myself, I assure you, I am not so desirous
of wedding, neither am I so precisely wedded to my will, that
either for mine own pleasure I will choose where I list, or else
so amorous, as needs I must have one; for I thank God, to
whom be the praise, I have hitherto lived a Virgin, and doubt
not but, with God's grace to be able to live so still.</p>
<p class='c011'>But if, as my progenitors have done before, it might please
God that I might leave some fruit of my body to be your
governour, I trust, you would not only rejoice thereat, but also
I know, it would be to your great comfort; and certainly, if
I either did know or think, that this marriage should either
turn to the danger or loss of any of you, my loving subjects, or
to the detriment of any part of the Royal estate of the English
realm, I would never consent thereunto, neither would I ever
marry, whilst I lived; and in the word of a Queen, I promise
and assure you, if it shall not probably appear before the
nobility and commons in the High Court of Parliament, that
this marriage shall be for the singular benefit and commodity
of the whole realm, that then I will abstain, not only from this
marriage, but also from any other.</p>
<p class='c011'>Wherefore, good subjects, pluck up your hearts, and, like
true men, stand fast with your lawful Prince against these
rebels, both ours and yours, and fear them not, for I assure
<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>you, I do not, and will leave with you my Lord Howard and
my Lord Treasurer, to be assistant with my Lord Mayor, for
the safeguard of the City from spoil and sackage, which is the
only scope of this rebellious company.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>SORANZO'S REPORT ON LONDON (1554).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The following is the impression of a Venetian Ambassador,
contained in his report to the Senate:</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>Calendar of State Papers, Venetian, 1534-1554</cite>, No. 934.</h3>
<p class='c013'>The principal cities of the kingdom are London and York,
but London is the most noble, both on account of its being the
royal residence, and because the river Thames runs through
it, very much to the convenience and profit of the inhabitants,
as it ebbs and flows every six hours like the sea, scarcely ever
causing inundation or any extraordinary floods; and up to
London Bridge it is navigable for ships of 400 butts burden,
of which a great plenty arrive with every sort of merchandise.
This bridge connects the city with the borough, and is built of
stone with twenty arches, and shops on both sides. On the
banks of the river there are many large palaces, making a very
fine show, but the city is much disfigured by the ruins of a
multitude of churches and monasteries belonging heretofore to
friars and nuns. It has a dense population, said to number
180,000 souls; and is beyond measure commercial, the merchants
of the entire kingdom flocking thither, as, by a privilege
conceded to the citizens of London, from them alone can they
purchase merchandise, so they soon became very wealthy;
and the same privileges placed in their hands the government
of the city of London, which is divided into 24 trades or
crafts, each of which elects a certain individual, styled alderman,
the election being made solely in the persons of those
who are considered the most wealthy, and the office is for life;
the which aldermen, after assembling these trades, create
annually a person as their head for the current year entitled
Mayor.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>
<h2 class='c004'>THE ROYAL EXCHANGE (1566).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Sir Thomas Gresham, a wealthy and munificent London
merchant, offered in 1563 to build, at his own expense, a
Bourse or Exchange, if the City would provide the ground.
The need for some such building was becoming rather
serious; the commerce of the country was growing very
rapidly, and Lombard Street had long been too small for
the business of London. Men were exposed there to all
weathers, and had to crowd into small shops. For twenty
or thirty years there had been talk of making a new place
of resort for the merchants, and the example of Antwerp,
London's great rival in trade, inspired Gresham to make
his magnificent gift to his fellow-citizens.</p>
<p class='c000'>Gresham's building was destroyed in the Fire of 1666,
and its successor was burned down in 1838.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Stow's <cite>Survey</cite>, p. 193.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Then next is the Royal Exchange, erected in the year 1566,
after this order, viz., certain houses upon Cornhill, and the
like upon the back thereof, in the ward of Broad street, with
three alleys, the first called Swan Alley, opening into Cornhill,
the second New Alley, passing throughout of Cornhill into
Broad-street ward, over against Saint Bartholomew lane, the
third Saint Christophers Alley, opening into Broad street ward,
and into Saint Christophers parish, containing in all fourscore
households: were first purchased by the Citizens of London,
for more than £3532, and were sold for £478, to such persons
as should take them down and carry them thence, also the
ground or plot was made plain at the charges of the City, and
then possession thereof was by certain Aldermen, in name of
the whole Citizens, given to Sir Thomas Gresham, Knight,
Agent to the Queen's Highness, thereupon to build a Bourse,
or place for merchants to assemble in, at his own proper
charges: and he on the seventh of June laying the first stone
of the foundation, being brick, accompanied with some Aldermen,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>everyone of them laid a piece of gold, which the workmen
took up, and forthwith followed upon the same with such
diligence, that by the month of November, in the year 1567,
the same was covered with slate, and shortly after fully finished.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the year 1570, on the 23. of January, the Queen's Majesty,
attended with her nobility, came from her house at the Strand
called Somerset house, and entered the City by Temple Bar,
through Fleet Street, Cheap, and so by the north side of the
Bourse through Threadneedle Street, to Sir Thomas Gresham's
in Bishopsgate Street, where she dined. After dinner her
Majesty returning through Cornhill, entered the Bourse on the
south side, and after that she had viewed every part thereof
above the ground, especially the pawn, which was richly
furnished with all sorts of the finest wares in the City: she
caused the same Bourse by an herald and a trumpet, to be
proclaimed the Royal Exchange, and so to be called from
thenceforth, and not otherwise.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A LORD MAYOR'S SHOW (1575).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>It is supposed that the annual pageant connected with
the election of the Mayor had its origin in an old custom
that the newly-elected officer should be presented to the
King or his justiciar; we have, however, little information
concerning the earlier processions, and they are hardly
noticed by chroniclers until the fifteenth century. It
appears that the practice of proceeding to Westminster
on horseback was started in 1415, but an infirm Mayor
in 1453 introduced the custom of making the progress by
barge on the river; this lasted until the middle of the
seventeenth century, but there was, in addition, always
the ride on horseback from the Guildhall to the point of
embarkation. The fashion for pageantry and display,
which was so prominent a feature of Henry VIII.'s reign,
influenced this annual function, which tended to become
more and more elaborate.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—William Smith's <cite>Brief Description of London</cite> (1575).</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>The day of St. Simon and Jude, he (the Mayor) entered into
his estate and office; and the next day following he goeth
by water to Westminster in most triumphlike manner. His
barge being garnished with the arms of the city; and near the
said barge goeth a ship boat of the Queen's Majesty, being
trimmed up, and rigged like a ship of war, with divers pieces
of ordinance, standards, pennons, and targets of the proper
arms of the said Mayor, the arms of the City, of his company;
and of the merchants adventurers, or of the staple, or of the
company of the new trades; next before him goeth the barge
of the livery of his own company, decked with their own
proper arms, then the bachelors' barge, and so all the companies
in London, in order, every one having their own proper
barge garnished with the arms of their company. And so
passing along the Thames, landeth at Westminster, where he
taketh his oath in the Exchequer, before the judge there
(which is one of the chief judges of England), which done, he
returneth by water as aforesaid, and landeth at Powles wharf,
where he and the rest of the Aldermen take their horses, and
in great pomp pass through the great street of the City, called
Cheapside. And first of all cometh two great standards, one
having the arms of the City, and the other the arms of the
Mayor's Company; next them two drums and a flute, then an
ensign of the City, and then about xx or xxx poor men
marching two and two together in blue gowns, with red sleeves
and caps, with every one bearing a pike and a target, whereon
is painted the arms of all them that have been Mayor of the
same company that this new mayor is of. Then two banners,
one of the King's arms, the other of the Mayor's own proper
arms. Then a set of hautboys playing, and after them certain
wyfflers, in velvet coats, and chains of gold, with white staves
in their hands, then the pageant of triumph richly decked,
whereupon by certain figures and writings, some matter
touching justice, and the office of a magistrate is represented.
Then sixteen trumpeters, eight and eight in a company, having
<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>banners of the Mayor's company. Then certain wyfflers in
velvet coats and chains, with white staves aforesaid. Then
the bachelors two and two together, in long gowns with
crimson hoods on their shoulders of satin; which bachelors
are chosen every year of the same Company that the Mayor is
of (but not of the livery) and serve as gentlemen on that and
other festival days, to wait on the Mayor, being in number
according to the quantity of the company, sometimes sixty
or one hundred. After them twelve trumpeters more, with
banners of the Mayor's Company, then the drum and flute of
the city, and an ensign of the Mayor's company, and after, the
waits of the city in blue gowns, red sleeves and caps, every
one having his silver collar about his neck. Then they of the
livery in their long gowns, every one having his hood on his
left shoulder, half black and half red, the number of them is
according to the greatness of the company whereof they are.
After them follow Sheriffs' officers, and then the Mayor's officers,
with other officers of the city, as the common serjeant, and the
chamberlain, next before the Mayor goeth the sword-bearer,
having on his head the cap of honour, and the sword of the city
in his right hand, in a rich scabard, set with pearl, and on his left
hand goeth the common crier of the city, with his great mace
on his shoulder, all gilt. The Mayor elect in a long gown of
scarlet, and on his left shoulder a hood of black velvet, and a
rich collar of gold of SS. about his neck, and with him rideth
the old Mayor also, in his scarlet gown, hood of velvet, and a
chain of gold about his neck. Then all the Aldermen two and
two together (amongst whom is the Recorder) all in scarlet
gowns; and those that have been Mayors, have chains of gold,
the other have black velvet tippets. The two Sheriffs come
last of all, in their black and scarlet gowns and chains of gold.</p>
<p class='c011'>In this order they pass along through the city, to the Guildhall,
where they dine that day, to the number of 1000 persons,
all at the charge of the Mayor and the two Sheriffs. This
feast costeth £400, whereof the Mayor payeth £200 and each
of the Sheriffs £100. Immediately after dinner, they go to
the church of St. Paul, every one of the aforesaid poor men
<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>bearing staff torches and targets, which torches are lighted
when it is late, before they come from evening prayer.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON AND THE ARMADA (1587).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The threatened invasion by the "Grand Fleet" of
Philip of Spain was the occasion of a splendid manifestation
of loyalty throughout the kingdom. The royal fleet
contained only thirty-four ships, but every seaport made
its contribution, and every man between the ages of
eighteen and sixty was enrolled for defence, in the event
of the successful landing of the enemy. The instructions
conveyed in the Queen's letter to the citizens of London
are an indication of the friendly relations between the
City and the Sovereign, and serve also to show the wealth
and power which London possessed at the time.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 272.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well.</p>
<p class='c011'>Whereas upon information given unto us of great preparations
made in foreign parts with an intent to attempt somewhat
against this our realm, we gave present order that our said
realm should be put in order of defence; which we have caused
to be performed in all parts accordingly, saving in the City of
London.</p>
<p class='c011'>We therefore knowing your readiness, by former experience,
to perform any service that well-affected subjects ought to yield
to their Prince and Sovereign, do let you understand, that within
our said City our pleasure is, that there be forthwith put in a
readiness to serve for defence of our own person, upon such
occasions as may fall out, the number of ten thousand able
men, furnished with armour and weapons convenient; of which
number, our meaning is, that six thousand be enrolled under
Captains and Ensigns, and to be trained at times convenient,
according to such further direction as you shall receive from
our Privy Council, under six of their hands, which our pleasure
<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>is you do follow from time to time in the ordering and training
of the said numbers of men.</p>
<p class='c011'>And these our letters shall be your sufficient warrant for the
doing of the same.</p>
<p class='c012'>Given under our Signet at our Manor of Greenwich,
the 8th of March, 1587, in the thirtieth year of
our Reign.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE CITY'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE STAGE<br />(1592).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The drama experienced an extraordinary development
during the latter half of the sixteenth century, and its
growth was altogether irresistible. In spite of the opposition
of moralists and preachers the theatre flourished
more and more; and the mayors and aldermen of London
were faced with a somewhat serious problem. They looked
upon the play with disfavour; the actors were men of no
trade or position, they were merely vagabonds. All the
idlers in the town would assemble to see a play, and where
there was a crowd there was danger to peace and order.
Brawls and disorders would frequently arise, and the
thieves and rogues of the city would take every advantage
of the throng. Urged partly by fear of disorder, partly
by the spirit of Puritanism which was rapidly gaining
ground, the city officials did their best to drive out plays
and players from their boundaries; and the theatres had
at first to be set up outside the city jurisdiction. The
ordinances of 1574 set forth in lurid terms the evils which
theatres were alleged to bring in their train, and strict
regulations were made, providing that only properly
licensed players should act, in such places as might be
approved. The following documents show how the trouble
still continued, and was the source of great anxiety.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Malone Society, <cite>Collections</cite>, 1., i., xviii, xxvi:<br />(<em>a</em>) The Lord Mayor to Archbishop Whitgift (1592);<br />(<em>b</em>) An Order of the Privy Council (1600).</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>(<em>a</em>) Our most humble duties to your Grace. Whereas by
the daily and disorderly exercise of a number of players and
playing houses erected within this City, the youth thereof is
greatly corrupted and their manners infected with many evil
and ungodly qualities, by reason of the wanton and profane
devices represented on the stages by the said players, the
prentices and servants withdrawn from their works and all
sorts in general from the daily resort unto sermons and other
Christian exercises, to the great hindrance of the trades and
traders of this City, and profanation of the good and godly
religions established among us. To which places also do
resort great numbers of light and lewd disposed persons as
cutpurses, cozeners, pilferers and such like, and there under
the colour of resort to those places to hear the plays devise
divers evil and ungodly matches, confederacies, and conspiracies,
which by means of the opportunity of the place cannot be prevented
nor discovered, as otherwise they might be. In consideration
whereof we most humbly beseech your Grace for
your godly care for the reforming of so great abuses tending
to the offence of Almighty God, the profanation and slander
of his true religion, and the corrupting of our youth, which are
the seed of the Church of God and the common wealth among
us, to vouchsafe us your good favour and help for the reforming
and banishing of so great evil out of this city, which ourselves
of long time though to small purpose have so earnestly desired
and endeavoured by all means that possibly we could. And
because we understand that the Queen's Majesty is and must
be served at certain times by this sort of people, for which
purpose she hath granted her Letters Patent to Mr. Tilney,
Master of her Revels, by virtue whereof he being authorised
to reform, exercise, or suppress all manner of players, plays
and playing-houses whatsoever, did first license the said playing-houses
within the city for Her Majesty's said service, which
before that time lay open to all the statutes for the punishing
<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>of these and such like disorders. We are most humbly and
earnestly to beseech your Grace to call unto you the said
Master of Her Majesty's Revels, with whom also we have
conferred of late to that purpose, and to treat with him, if by
any means it may be devised that Her Majesty may be served
with these recreations as hath been accustomed, which in our
opinions may easily be done by the private exercise of Her
Majesty's own players in convenient place, and the city freed
from these continual disorders, which thereby do grow and
increase daily among us. Whereby your Grace shall not only
benefit and bind unto you the politic state and government of
this city, which by no one thing is so greatly annoyed and disquieted
as by players and plays and the disorders which follow
thereon, but also to take away a great offence from the Church
of God and hindrance to His gospel, to the great contentment
of all good Christians, specially the preachers and ministers of
the Word of God about this city, who have long time and yet
do make their earnest continual complaint unto us for the
redress hereof. And thus recommending our most humble
duties and service to your Grace we commit the same to the
grace of the Almighty.</p>
<p class='c011'>(<em>b</em>) An order set down by the Lords and others of Her
Majesty's Privy Council, the 22 of June 1600 to restrain the
excessive number of play-houses and the immoderate use of
stage plays in and about the city.</p>
<p class='c011'>Whereas divers complaints have been heretofore made unto
the Lords and others of Her Majesty's Council of the manifold
abuses and disorders that have grown and do continue by occasion
of many houses erected and employed in and about the
city of London for common stage plays; and now very lately
by reason of some complaint exhibited by sundry persons
against the building of the like house in or near Golding Lane
by one Edward Allen, a servant of the right honourable the
Lord Admiral, the matter as well in generality touching all the
said houses for stage plays and the use of playing as in particular
concerning the said house now in hand to be built in or
near Golding Lane hath been brought into question and consultation
<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>among their Lordships; forasmuch as it is manifestly
known and granted that the multitude of the said houses and
the misgovernment of them hath been made and is daily occasion
of the idle, riotous and dissolute living of great numbers
of people, who, leaving all such honest and painful course of
life as they should follow, do meet and assemble there; and
of many particular abuses and disorders that do thereupon
ensue. And yet nevertheless it is considered that the use and
exercise of such plays not being evil in itself may with a good
order and moderation be suffered in a well-governed estate, and
that Her Majesty being pleased at some times to take delight
and recreation in the sight and hearing of them, some order is
fit to be taken for the allowance and maintenance, of such
persons as are thought meetest in that kind, to yield Her
Majesty recreation and delight, and consequently of the houses
that must serve for public playing to keep them in exercise.
To the end therefore that both the greatest abuses of the plays
and playing houses may be redressed and the use and moderation
of them retained, the Lords and the rest of Her Majesty's
Privy Council have ordered in manner and form as followeth.</p>
<p class='c011'>First, that there shall be about the city two houses and no
more allowed to serve for the use of the common stage plays;
of the which houses one shall be in Surrey, in that place which
is commonly called the Bankside, or thereabouts, and the other
in Middlesex.... It is likewise ordered that the house of
Allen shall be allowed to be one of the two houses, and namely
for the house to be allowed in Middlesex. And for the other,
allowed to be on Surrey side, their Lordships are pleased to
permit to the company of players that shall play there, to make
their own choice which they will have, choosing one of them
and no more. And especially is it forbidden that any stage
plays shall be played (as sometimes they have been) in any
common inn for public assembly in or near about the city.</p>
<p class='c011'>Secondly, forasmuch as these stage plays by the multitude
of houses and company of players have been too frequent, not
serving for recreation, but inviting and calling the people daily
from their trade and work to misspend their time; it is likewise
<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>ordered that the two several companies of players, assigned
unto the two houses allowed, may play each of them in their
several house twice a week and no oftener; and especially that
they shall refrain to play on the sabbath day, upon pain of
imprisonment and further penalty; and that they shall forbear
altogether in the time of Lent and likewise at such time and
times as any extraordinary sickness or infection of disease shall
appear to be in or about the city.</p>
<p class='c011'>Thirdly, because these orders will be of little force and effect
unless they be duly put into execution, it is ordered that several
copies shall be sent to the Lord Mayor of London and to the
Justices of the Peace of the counties of Middlesex and Surrey,
and that letters should be written to them straightly charging
them to see the execution of the same by committing to prison
the owners of playhouses and players who shall disobey and
resist these orders.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A PLAGUE ORDER (1593).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Since the Great Plague of 1665 there has been no
similar outbreak in this country, but before that year
plagues were of comparatively frequent occurrence. Despite
the enormous loss of life which these pestilences
caused, no effective measures were taken to prevent their
recurrence. Although the outbreaks were by no means
confined to the towns, they appear invariably to have
commenced there, and the blame was usually attached
to immigrants, or to the importation of infected foreign
goods. The conditions in the towns, particularly London,
were so utterly insanitary that infectious diseases were
positively encouraged, and the annals of London contain
periodical accounts of disastrous visitations such as the
one described by Stow as occurring in 1603. The early
literature concerning the Plague is not very illuminating,
and we get very few details as to treatment. The chief
points of the regulations which were issued on the occasion
<span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>of every serious outbreak appear to be isolation of infected
persons and special attention to sanitation. These measures,
of course, are exactly those which are adopted at the present
day; but it seems that, excellent though the regulations
themselves might be, they were very imperfectly enforced,
and we are almost entirely in the dark as to the treatment
accorded to the sufferers and the remedies, if any, which
were found to prove at all effective.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Sources.</strong>—(<em>a</em>) Lansdowne MSS.,<br />Malone Society, <cite>Collections</cite>, 1., ii., xix;<br />(<em>b</em>) Stow,<cite>Annals</cite>, p. 857.</h3>
<p class='c013'>(<em>a</em>) 1593. Orders to be sett downe by the Lord Mayor
and Aldermen of London for taking awaie such enormities as
be meanes not only to continue but increase the plague and
disorders of the Citie; being taken out of the proclamations
set out by the Citie and the articles sett downe for providing
for the poor and setting them to work.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Aldermen or their Deputies.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. To give charge to Churchwardens, Constables, Parish
Clerks and Bedells to enquire what houses be infected.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. To visit the ward often to see orders observed, especially
touching cleanness in the streets.</p>
<p class='c011'>3. The Aldermen or their deputies in their own persons to
appoint Surveyors monthly in every parishe.</p>
<p class='c011'>4. To appoint that certificate may be made to them what
houses be infected.</p>
<p class='c011'>5. To give charge to all teachers of children that (as nere as
they can) they permit no children to come to their scoles from
infected houses, especiallie till such houses have bene clere by
the space of 28 daies, and that none kepe a greater number
than their Roomes shall be thought fit by the Aldermen or their
deputies to conteyne.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Surveyours.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. To see the orders for the sick executed daylie and diligentlie,
upon knowledge from the Aldermen what houses be
infected.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>2. To appoint purveyours of necessaries for infected houses
(being of the same houses), and deliver them reed rods to carry,
and see that none other resort to their houses.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Constables.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. To bring every daie notice in writing to the Aldermen or
their deputies what houses be infected.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Constable and Churchwarden.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. To provyde to have in readiness women to be providers
and deliverers of necessaries to infected houses, and to attend
the infected persons, and they to bear reed wandes, so that the
sicke maie be kept from the whole, as nere as maie be, nedefull
attendance weighed.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Constable and Bedell.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. To inquire what houses be infected.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. To view dailie that papers remaine upon doors xxviii daies
or to place newe.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Clarkes and Sextons.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. To understand what houses be infected.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. To see bills set upon the doors of houses infected.</p>
<p class='c011'>3. To suffer no corpses infected to be buried or remain in
the churche during prayer or sermon, and to keep children
from coming nere them.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Scavengers and Rakers.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. To see the streets made cleane every daie saving Sunday
and the soile to be carried away.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. To warn all inhabitants, against their houses to keep
channels clere from fylth (by only turning it aside) that the
water maie have passage.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Common Hunt.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. To kyll dogs, etc., or to lose his place.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>
</div>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Householders and Houses.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. Houses having some sicke though none die, or from
whence some sicke have bene removed, are infected houses,
and such are to be shut up for a month.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. The whole familie to tarry in xxviii days.</p>
<p class='c011'>3. To keep shut the lower rooms for the like space.</p>
<p class='c011'>4. One licensed to go for provision, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>5. No clothes hanged into the streets.</p>
<p class='c011'>6. Such as have wells or pumpes, every morning by six and
every evening after eight a clocke, shall cause ten bucketts full
to run into the streets.</p>
<p class='c011'>7. Every evening at that hour the streets and channels to
be made cleane, the water not swept out of the channell, nor
the streets overwett but sprinkled, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>8. The houses infected and things in them to be aired in the
xxviii days and no clothes or things about the infected persons
to be given awaie or sold, but either destroyed or sufficientlie
purified.</p>
<p class='c011'>9. Owners of houses infected with their familie, may within
the month depart to any their houses in the countrye, or to any
other house in the Cyttye without being shut up, so that they
abstain from returning to the Cyttye, or from going abroad out
of house in the Cyttye, for a month.</p>
<p class='c011'>10. None shall keep dogg or bitche abroad unled nor within
howling or disturbing of their neighbours.</p>
<p class='c011'>11. To have no assembly at funeral dynners or usual meeting
in houses infected.</p>
<p class='c011'>12. None shall for a month come into infected houses but
such as be of the house and licensed to do service abroad.</p>
<p class='c011'>13. No donghills out of stables, Bearhouses or other places
to be made in the strete.</p>
<p class='c011'>14. To have double time of Restraint for consenting to pull
down bills, and the taker awaie to suffer imprisonement for
viii days.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Two Viewers of Dead Bodies,<br />Two Viewers of sick suspected</em>,</h4>
<p class='c013'>Shall be appointed and sworne.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>These viewers to report to the Constable, he to the Clarke,
and he to the chief of Clarkes, all upon pain of imprisonment.</p>
<p class='c011'>A pain of standing on the pillory for false reports by the
viewers. A loss of pension to such as shall refuse.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Mendinge of Pavements.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>That diligent care be had, that pavements be amended where
nede is, and that principall paviers be appointed to survey the
wants of paving, especiallie in Channels, and that the dwellers
against such may be forced to amend them.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Interludes and Plaies.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>If the increase of the sicknes be feared, that Interludes and
plaies be restrained within the libertyes of the Cyttye.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Phisicions and Surgeons.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>That skilful and learned physicions and surgeons may be
provided to minister to the sicke.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>Vagrant, Masterless, and poore people.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. That all such as be diseased be sent to St. Thomas or
St. Bartylmewes hospitall, there to be first cured and made
cleane, and afterwards those which be not of the Cyttye to be
sent awaie according to the statute in that case provided, and
the other to be sett to worke, in such as are least used by the
Inhabitants of the Cyttye, for the avoyding of all such vagrant
persons as well as children male and female, soldiers lame and
maymed, as other idle and loytering persons that swarme in
the streets and wander up and downe begging to the great
daunger and infecting of the Cyttye for th' increase of the
plague and annoyance to the same.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. That all maisterless men who live idlie in the Cyttye
without any lawfull calling, frequenting places of common
assemblies, as Interludes, gaming houses, cockpitts, bowling
allies, and such other places, may be banished the Cyttye
according to the laws in that case provyded.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>(<em>b</em>) In the former year, 1603, the plague of pestilence being
great in Ostend, and divers other parties of the Low countries,
and many soldiers returning thence into England, and many
ships of war lying long at Sea became also infected, who in
their return, brought that contagion into divers parts of this
land, chiefly into the City of London: by reason whereof many
citizens, and other inhabitants thereof, for their better safety
went into most shires of this kingdom, where in divers places
they were kindly entertained, and entreated, and in many places
most unchristianly, and despitefully reviled, and not suffered to
have relief, neither for love, nor money, saying God must needs
plague you, for your monstrous wickedness etc. many died in
high-ways, fields and barns, near unto good towns, and villages,
where too many of them were let remain too long unburied,
but God whose mercy is above all his works, stayed his visitation
in London, to the honour of his own name, and admiration
of all men.</p>
<p class='c011'>The City of London, the year ensuing viz. 1604, was cleared
of all infection, and the other cities of this kingdom, most
villages, and towns corporate, more extremely visited, and
some by proclamation prohibited from coming to London: and
it was Christianly observed in the year 1604, in the which it
pleased Almighty God to visit the whole land with pestilence
(London only excepted) that all those places were least, or not
at all visited, which the year before had relieved the distressed.
There died in London, and the liberties thereof, from the
23rd of December 1602, unto the 22nd of December 1603, of all
diseases, 38,244, whereof of the plague, 30,578: the next March
following, against the time the King should ride in triumph
through London, to behold the state and beauty thereof besides
the Clergy, Nobility, and chief gentry, of every country, and
great numbers of strangers from beyond seas, there repaired
thither such great multitudes of people from all places, as the
like in London was never seen until that day, all which notwithstanding,
there died that year of all diseases within London,
and the liberties of London but 4,263.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON SCHOOLS (1598).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>During the Middle Ages there was little provision for
education; the monasteries and the Universities kept alive
such learning as existed, and it was not until the sixteenth
century that the revival of learning affected England and
brought about a widespread interest in education and the
pursuit of knowledge. It is well known that Wolsey and
Henry VIII. at first proposed to divert some of the wealth
of the monasteries to educational purposes, such as the
endowment of schools and colleges in the Universities;
and although this intention was not fully carried out, the
cause of education in London was advanced by some of
the City Companies and by private benefactions. The
following passage from Stow gives an entertaining description
of the educational methods of his day.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Stow's <cite>Survey</cite>, p. 74.</h3>
<p class='c013'>But touching schools more lately advanced in this City, I
read that King Henry the fifth having suppressed the priories
aliens whereof some were about London, namely one Hospital,
called Our Lady of Rouncivall by Charing Cross: one other
Hospital in Oldborne [Holborn]: one other without Cripplegate:
and the fourth without Aldersgate, besides other that are
now worn out of memory, and whereof there is no monument
remaining more than Rouncivall converted to a brotherhood,
which continued till the reign of Henry the 8. or Edward the 6.,
this I say, and their schools being broken up and ceased: King
Henry the sixth in the 24. of his reign, by patent appointed
that there should be in London, Grammar schools, besides
St. Paul's, at St. Martin's le Grand, S. Mary le Bow in Cheap,
S. Dunstans in the west and S. Anthony's. And in the next
year, to wit, 1394, the said King ordained by Parliament that
four other grammar schools should be erected, to wit, in the
parishes of Saint Andrew in Holborn, All Hallows the great in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>Thames Street, S. Peters upon Cornhill, and in the Hospital of
S. Thomas of Acons in west Cheap, since the which time as
divers schools by suppressing of religious houses, whereof they
were members, in the reign of Henry the 8. have been decayed,
so again have some others been newly erected, and founded
for them: as namely Paul's school, in place of an old ruined
house, was built in most ample manner, and largely endowed
in the year 1512 by John Collet Doctor of Divinity, Dean of
Pauls, for 153 poor mens children: for which there was
ordained a master, surmaster, or usher, and a chaplain. Again
in the year 1553 after the erection of Christ's Hospital in the
late dissolved house of the Grey Friars, a great number of
poor children being taken in, a school was also ordained there,
at the Citizens charges. Also in the year 1561 the Merchant
Tailors of London founded one notable free Grammar-School
in the Parish of St. Laurence Poulteney by Candlewick street,
Richard Hills late master of that Company, having given £500
toward the purchase of an house, called the Manor of the Rose,
sometime the Duke of Buckingham's, wherein the school is
kept. As for the meeting of the Schoolmasters, on festival
days, at festival Churches, and the disputing of their Scholars
logically, etc., whereof I have before spoken, the same was
long since discontinued: but the arguing of the school boys
about the principles of grammar, hath been continued even till
our time: for I my self in my youth have yearly seen on the
Eve of S. Bartholomew the Apostle, the scholars of divers
grammar schools repair unto the Churchyard of S. Bartholomew,
the Priory in Smithfield, where upon a bank boarded about
under a tree, some one scholar hath stepped up, and there hath
opposed and answered, till he were by some better scholar overcome
and put down: and then the overcomer taking the place,
did like as the first: and in the end the best opposers and
answerers had rewards, which I observed not but it made both
good schoolmasters, and also good scholars, diligently against
such times to prepare themselves for the obtaining of this
garland. I remember there repaired to these exercises amongst
others the masters and scholars of the free schools of Saint
<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>Pauls in London: of Saint Peters at Westminster: of Saint
Thomas Acons Hospital: and of Saint Anthony's Hospital:
whereof the last named commonly presented the best scholars,
and had the prize in those days.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A GERMAN VIEW OF LONDON (1600).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The author of the following passage was a German
lawyer who visited England while on a three years' tour
as tutor to a young Silesian nobleman, from 1597 to 1600.
On his return to Germany he published a description of
his travels, written in Latin, under the title of "Itinerarium
Germaniæ, Galliæ, Angliæ, Italiæ."</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Paul Hentzner's <cite>Travels in England</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>This most ancient city is in the county of Middlesex, the
fruitfullest and wholesomest soil in England.... The city
being very large of itself, has very extensive suburbs, and
a fort called the Tower, of beautiful structure. It is magnificently
ornamented with public buildings and churches, of
which there are above one hundred and twenty parochial.
On the south is a bridge of stone eight hundred feet in length
of wonderful work; it is supported upon twenty piers of stone,
sixty feet high and thirty broad, joined by arches of about
twenty feet diameter. The whole is covered on each side with
houses so disposed as to have the appearance of a continued
street, not at all of a bridge. Upon this is built a tower,
on whose top the heads of such as have been executed for high
treason are placed on iron spikes; we counted above thirty.</p>
<p class='c011'>The wealth of the world is wafted to London by the Thames,
swelled by the tide; and navigable to merchant ships through
a safe and deep channel, for sixty miles, from its mouth to the
city; its banks are everywhere beautified with fine country
seats, woods and farms....</p>
<p class='c011'>The government of the city is lodged by ancient grant of the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>Kings of England in twenty-five aldermen, that is, seniors;
these annually elect out of their own body a mayor and two
sheriffs, who determine causes according to municipal laws.</p>
<p class='c011'>It is worthy of observation, that every year, upon St. Bartholomew's
Day, when the fair is held, it is usual for the mayor,
attended by the twelve principal aldermen, to walk in a neighbouring
field, dressed in his scarlet gown, and about his neck
a golden chain, to which is hung a golden fleece, and besides,
that particular ornament which distinguishes the most noble
order of the garter. During the year of his magistracy he is
obliged to live so magnificently, that foreigner or native without
any expense, is free, if he can find a chair empty, to dine
at his table, where there is always the greatest plenty. When
the mayor goes out of the precincts of the city, a sceptre, a sword
and a cap are borne before him, and he is followed by the
principal aldermen in scarlet gowns, with gold chains; himself
and they on horseback. Upon their arrival at a place appointed
for that purpose, where a tent is pitched, the mob
begin to wrestle before them, two at a time; the conquerors
receive rewards from the magistrates. While we were at this
show, one of our company, Tobias Salander, doctor of physic,
had his pocket picked of his purse, with nine crowns du soleil,
which, without doubt, was so cleverly taken from him by an
Englishman who always kept very close to him, that the doctor
did not in the least perceive it....</p>
<p class='c011'>The Mint for coining money is in the Tower. It is to be
noted that when any of the nobility are sent hither, on the
charge of high crimes such as treason, they seldom or never
recover their liberty.... On coming out of the Tower we
were led to a small house close by, where are kept variety
of creatures, viz.—three lionesses; one lion of great size, called
Edward VI. from his having been born in that reign; a tiger;
a lynx; a wolf excessively old—this is a very scarce animal in
England, so that their sheep and cattle stray about in great
numbers, free from any danger. Near to this Tower is a large
open space; on the highest part of it is erected a wooden scaffold,
for the execution of noble criminals; upon which, they
<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>say, three princes of England, the last of their families, have
been beheaded for high treason.</p>
<p class='c011'>The next thing worthy of note is the Royal Exchange, so
named by Queen Elizabeth, built by Sir Thomas Gresham,
citizen, for public ornament and the convenience of merchants.
It has a great effect, whether you consider the stateliness of
the building, the assemblage of different nations, or the quantities
of merchandise....</p>
<p class='c011'>The streets in this city are very handsome and clean; but
that which is named from the goldsmiths who inhabit it surpasses
all the rest; there is in it a gilt tower, with a fountain
that plays. Near it, on the farther side, is a handsome house
built by a goldsmith and presented by him to the city. There
are besides to be seen in this street, as in all others where there
are goldsmiths' shops, all sorts of gold and silver vessels exposed
to sale, as well as ancient and modern metals, in such
quantities as must surprise a man the first time he sees and
considers them.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON AND ULSTER (1609).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The growth of colonisation which marked the beginning
of the seventeenth century is one of the most notable
features of our commercial history, and the plantation
of Ulster was in accordance with the new spirit. This
province had become depopulated and almost entirely
forfeited to the Crown, by reason of the frequent rebellions
which had occurred there during the previous century.
On the presentation of the following report a charter was
received by the Corporation of London, granting powers
to raise a sum of money and take measures for the
plantation of the province. The first arrangement was
that the bulk of the land should be assigned to the twelve
great livery companies, while the City of Derry and the
town of Coleraine should be handed over to a society
which was formed by City merchants for the purpose of
exploiting the new colony.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>Calendar of State Papers (Ireland)</cite>, 1608-1610, p. 207.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>The late ruined city of Derry, situate upon the river of
Lough Foyle, navigable above Derry, and another place near
the Castle of Coleraine, situate on the river Ban, navigable
with small vessels only, by reason of the bar a little above
Coleraine, seem to be the fittest places for the City of London
to plant.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. With small charges, these places (especially Derry) may
be made impregnable.</p>
<p class='c011'>3. His Majesty offers to grant to these two places charters of
incorporation; the whole territory betwixt them, however,
which is above 20 miles in length, bounded by the sea on the
north, by the Ban on the east, and the river Derry or Lough
Foyle on the west (out of which 3,000 acres or more may
be allotted to each of the towns for their commons), to be
planted with such undertakers as the City of London shall
think fit, paying only for the same the easy rent of the
undertakers.</p>
<p class='c011'>4. These towns to have the benefit of all the customs on
goods imported or exported, as also tonnage and poundage,
and the great and small customs, for 21 years, paying yearly
6s. 8d. Irish as an acknowledgment.</p>
<p class='c011'>5. That His Majesty would be pleased to buy from the
possessors the salmon fishing of the Ban and Lough Foyle,
and bestow the same upon these towns.</p>
<p class='c011'>6. Also license for free export of all goods growing on their
own lands.</p>
<p class='c011'>7. That the Admiralty jurisdiction in the coasts of Tyrconnell
now supposed to be in the Lord Deputy by the Lord
High Admiral's grant, may be transferred to them for
21 years.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>The Land Commodities which the North of Ireland affords.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. The country is well watered, and supplied with fuel either
of trees or turf.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. It supplies such abundance of provisions as may not only
sustain the plantation, but may furnish provisions yearly to the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>City of London, especially for their fleets, as beeves, pork,
fish, rye, peas, and beans, and in some years will help
the dearth of the city and country about, and the storehouses
appointed for the relief of the poor.</p>
<p class='c011'>3. It is fit for breeding of mares and for cattle, and
thence may be expected store of hides, tallow, &c.</p>
<p class='c011'>4. The soil is suited for English sheep, and if need were,
wool might be had cheaply out of the West of Scotland.</p>
<p class='c011'>5. It is fit in many parts for madder, hops, and woad.</p>
<p class='c011'>6. It affords fells of red deer, foxes, sheep and lambs, cony,
martens, squirrels, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>7. It grows hemp and flax better than elsewhere, and thus
might furnish materials for canvas, cables, cordage and such
like requisites for shipping. Also for thread, linen cloths, and
stuffs made of linen yarn, which is finer there and more plentiful
than in all the rest of the kingdom.</p>
<p class='c011'>8. Timber, stone, lime, and slate, and building materials are
to be had, and the soil is good for making bricks and tiles.</p>
<p class='c011'>The goodliest timber in the woods of Glanconkein and
Melleitragh may be had, and may compare with any in his
Majesty's dominions, and may be brought to the sea by Lough
Eagh and the Ban. Fir masts of all sorts may be had out of
Loughnaber in Scotland (not far from the north of Ireland)
more easily than from Norway.</p>
<p class='c011'>9. All materials for building of ships (except tar) is there to
be had in great plenty, and in countries adjoining.</p>
<p class='c011'>10. There is wood for pipe staves, hogshead staves, barrel
staves, hop staves, clap boards, wainscot, and dyeing ashes,
glass and iron work; copper and iron ore are there found
abundantly.</p>
<p class='c011'>11. The country is fit for honey and wax.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>The Sea and River Commodities.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>1. The harbour of Derry is very good, and the roads at
Portrush and Lough Swilly (not far distant from Derry)
tolerable.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. The sea fishings are plentiful of all manner of fishes,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>especially herrings and eels. Yearly, after Michaelmas, above
seven or eight score of sail of the King's subjects and strangers
are there for loading, beside an infinite number for fishing and
killing.</p>
<p class='c011'>3. There are great fishings in the adjacent islands of Scotland,
where many Hollanders do fish all the summer, and
plentifully vent their fishes into Spain and within the Straits.</p>
<p class='c011'>4. Much train and fish oil may be made upon the coast.</p>
<p class='c011'>5. As the sea yieldeth fish, so the coast affords abundance of
sea fowl, and the rivers great store of fresh fishes, more than
any of the rivers of England.</p>
<p class='c011'>6. There be store of good pearls upon the coast, especially
within the river of Loughfoyle.</p>
<p class='c011'>7. These coasts are ready for traffic with England and Scotland,
and lie open and convenient for Spain and the Straits,
and fittest and nearest to Newfoundland.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>The Profits that London shall receive by this Plantation.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>If multitudes of men were employed proportionally to these
commodities, many thousands would be set at work, to the
great service of the King, the strength of his realm, and the
advancement of several trades. It might ease the city of an
insupportable burthen of persons, which it might conveniently
spare, all parts of the city being so surcharged that one tradesman
is scarce able to live by another; and it would also be
a means to free and preserve the city from infection, and consequently
the whole kingdom, which of necessity must have
recourse hither, and being pestered and closed up together can
never otherwise or very hardly avoid infection.</p>
<p class='c011'>These colonies may be a means to utter infinite commodities
from London to furnish the whole North of Ireland and Isles
of Scotland, which may be transported by means of the river
Ban and Loughfoyle into the counties of Coleraine, Donegal,
Tyrone, Armagh, and Antrim.</p>
<p class='c011'>The city of Dublin being desolate by the slaughter of the
Easterlings, who were the ancient inhabitants thereof, was
given by King Henry the Second to the city of Bristol to be
<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>inhabited, which, without any charge to the King, Bristol performed,
whose posterity continues there to this day.</p>
<p class='c011'>The plantation, thus performed to the eternal commendation
of Bristol, was not the least cause of civilizing and securing
that part of the country.</p>
<p class='c011'>It were to be wished this noble precedent were followed by
the City of London in these times, with so much the more
alacrity as they excel Bristol in ability and means. And so
much the rather, since the commodities which the City of
London will reap hereby far surpass the profits which could
redound to Bristol by the other.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE DEMANDS OF CHARLES I. (1626).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>At the very outset of his reign Charles I. had to face
an angry and discontented City; the late King had shown
little respect for the ancient liberties of London, and the
citizens were prepared to find the same attitude on the
part of his successor. The Parliament of 1626 refused to
grant supplies until grievances had been redressed, and
Charles dissolved it, determining to raise money without
its help. He began by calling on the City for £100,000,
which was refused. There had been a severe outbreak of
the Plague, and London was in a somewhat impoverished
condition. Next came the demand for men and ships for
the projected expedition to Cadiz. The citizens complied
with obvious reluctance, and Charles's habitual disregard
of their feelings gradually estranged their affections and
caused them later to give their hearty support to the
Parliamentary cause.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Rushworth's <cite>Collections</cite>, i. 415.</h3>
<p class='c013'>His Majesty demanded of the City of London the Loan of
an Hundred thousand pounds. But the peoples excuses were
represented to the Council Table by the Magistrates of the
City. Immediately the Council sent a very strict command
<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, wherein they set forth the
enemies strong preparations as ready for an invasion, and the
Kings great necessities, together with his gracious and moderate
proposals in the sum required, and the frivolous pretences upon
which they excuse themselves: Wherefore they require them,
all excuses being set apart, to enter into the business again,
and to manage the same, as appertaineth to Magistrates so
highly entrusted, and in a time of such necessities, and to
return to his Majesty a direct and speedy answer, that he may
know how far he may rely upon their faith and duty; or in
default thereof, may frame his counsels as appertaineth to
a King in such extreme and important occasions.</p>
<p class='c011'>Lord Mayor and Commonalty of London petitioned the
Council for an abatement of the twenty ships rated upon them,
unto ten ships and two pinnaces, alleging disability; whereunto
the Council gave this following answer, That the former commandment
was necessary, the preservation of the State requiring
it; and that the charge imposed on them was moderate, as not
exceeding the value of many of their private estates: That
petitions and pleadings to this command, tend to the danger
and prejudice of the Commonwealth, and are not to be received:
That as the commandment was given to all in general, and every
particular of the City; so the State will require an account both
of the City in general, and of every particular.</p>
<p class='c011'>And whereas they mention precedents, they might know,
that the precedents of former times, were obedience, not direction;
and that precedents were not wanting for the punishment
of those that disobey his Majesty's commands, signified by that
Board, which they hope shall have no occasion to let them more
particularly understand.</p>
<p class='c011'>Hereupon the Citizens were glad to submit, and declared
their consent to the King's demands, and by petition to the
Council had the favour to nominate all the officers of those
twenty ships, the captains only excepted, the nomination of
whom appertained to the Lord High Admiral of England.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>
<h2 class='c004'>THE KEEPING OF THE SABBATH (1629).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The following Order of the Lord Mayor is an example
of that Puritan spirit which exercised such a powerful
influence on the lives of Englishmen during the first half
of the seventeenth century. During Elizabeth's reign
many serious and earnest attempts were made to effect
certain changes in the doctrines and practices of the
Established Church, with the idea of introducing a
"purer" form of worship and ceremonial; and the Puritan
spirit generally, although open to the charge of narrowness
and intolerance, was based upon a sincere desire to
bring the law of God into closer touch with life. It was
characterised by a hearty hatred of that moral laxity and
freedom which the Roman Church had frequently permitted,
and consequently much of its activity appeared
to depend upon various prohibitions and restrictions in
matters of conduct, which frequently proved very irksome
to those who did not sympathise with the Puritan ideals.
London contained a strong Puritan element, and the
Order for the better keeping of the Lord's Day well
illustrates the typical activities of the City and the
attitude of its rulers.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Rushworth's <cite>Collections</cite>, part ii., p. 22.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Whereas I am credibly informed, that notwithstanding divers
good Laws provided for the keeping of the Sabbath-day holy,
according to the express commandment of Almighty God, divers
inhabitants and other persons of this City, and other places,
having no respect of duty towards God, and his Majesty, or
his Laws, but in contempt of them all, do commonly and of
custom greatly profane the Sabbath-day, in buying, selling,
uttering and vending their wares and commodities upon that
day for their private gain: also innholders suffering markets
to be kept by carriers, in most rude and profane manner, in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>selling victuals to hucksters, chandlers, and all other comers:
also carriers, carmen, cloth-workers, water-bearers, and porters
carrying of burdens, and watermen plying their fares; and
divers others working in their ordinary callings: and likewise,
that I am further informed, that vintners, alehouse-keepers,
tobacco and strong-water sellers, greatly profane the Sabbath-day,
by suffering company to sit drinking and bibbing in their
houses on that day; and likewise by cursing and swearing and
such-like behaviour, contrary to the express commandment of
Almighty God, his Majesty's Laws in that behalf, and all good
government: For the reformation whereof, I do hereby require,
and in his Majesty's name straightly command all his Majesty's
loving subjects whatsoever, and also all constables, head-boroughs,
beadles, and all other officers whatsoever, to be
aiding and assisting to J. S. the bearer hereof, in finding out
and apprehending all and every such person and persons, as
shall be found to offend in any of these kinds; and them and
every of them to bring before me, or some other of his Majesty's
Justices of the Peace, in answer to all such matters as shall be
objected against them, and to put in good security for their
good behaviour. Whereof fail you not, as you or any of you
will answer at your peril.</p>
<div class='lg-container-r c016'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'><em>April 20, 1629.</em></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE CITY'S PETITION TO CHARLES I. (1640).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The arbitrary government of Charles I. during the
"eleven years' tyranny" sorely tried the loyalty of the
citizens of London. We find that they were, as a rule,
quite disposed to support the King's government, so long
as their interests were safeguarded and their privileges
maintained. But they could not tolerate the illegal
exactions and unreasonable demands of the King without
vigorous protest. The Petition of 1640 is particularly
interesting as embodying the grievances which affected
not only the trading and commercial interests of the
capital, but indirectly the welfare of the whole country.
<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>It is pointed out that the ship-money had not been
applied to its proper purpose of protecting the coasts and
the merchant fleets, while royal interference continually
hampered trade. The prevalent ill-feeling against Roman
Catholics finds expression, and the Petition in general
shows that the City was experiencing considerable difficulty
in sustaining its position of loyal respect for the
monarch.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Rushworth's <cite>Collections</cite>, part ii., p. 1263.</h3>
<div class='lg-container-l c017'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'><span class='sc'>Most gracious Sovereign.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c011'>Being moved with the duty and obedience, which by
the laws your petitioners owe unto your sacred Majesty, they
humbly present unto your princely and pious wisdom the
several pressing grievances following, viz.</p>
<p class='c011'>1. The pressing and unusual impositions upon merchandize,
importing and exporting, and the urging and levying of Ship-money,
notwithstanding both which, merchant ships and
goods have been taken and destroyed both by Turkish and
other pirates.</p>
<p class='c011'>2. The multitude of monopolies, patents, and warrants,
whereby trade in the City, and other parts of the kingdom is
much decayed.</p>
<p class='c011'>3. The sundry innovations in matters of religion.</p>
<p class='c011'>4. The Oath and Canons lately enjoyned by the late Convocation,
whereby your petitioners are in danger to be deprived
of their Ministers.</p>
<p class='c011'>5. The great concourse of Papists, and their inhabitations
in London, and the Suburbs, whereby they have more means
and opportunities of plotting and executing their designs
against the Religion established.</p>
<p class='c011'>6. The seldom calling, and sudden dissolutions of Parliaments,
without the redress of your Subjects grievances.</p>
<p class='c011'>7. The imprisonment of divers Citizens for non-payment of
Ship-money, and impositions; and the prosecution of many
others in the Star-Chamber, for not conforming themselves
<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>to Committees in Patents of Monopolies, whereby trade is
restrained.</p>
<p class='c011'>8. The great danger of your sacred person is exposed unto
in the present War, and the various fears that seized upon
your petitioners and their families by reason thereof; which
grievances and fears have occasioned so great a stop and
distraction in trade, that your petitioners can neither buy,
sell, receive nor pay as formerly, and tends to the utter ruin of
the inhabitants of this City, the decay of navigation, and
clothing, and the manufactures of this kingdom.</p>
<p class='c011'>Your humble petitioners conceiving, that the said grievances
are contrary to the Laws of the kingdom, and finding by
experience that they are not redressed by the ordinary course
of Justice, do therefore most humbly beseech your most sacred
Majesty, to cause a Parliament to be summoned with all convenient
speed, whereby they may be relieved in the premises.</p>
<p class='c012'>And your Petitioners and loyal Subjects shall ever
pray, &c.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON UNDER THE EARLY STUARTS (1642).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The following passage from Clarendon's <cite>History</cite> states
very clearly the relations between Charles I. and the City
in 1642, when the King's general attitude was anything
but conciliatory, and London was definitely attaching
itself to the Parliamentary cause. The royal policy was
not in the least calculated to induce a friendly feeling on
the part of the metropolis; neither Charles nor his
father appeared to have realised the immense importance
of gaining the good-will of the citizens, and Clarendon
quite fairly and impartially sets forth the facts when he
refers to the wealth of the City, and the unjust treatment
which it experienced at the hands of the first Stuart
monarchs.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Clarendon's <cite>History of the Great Rebellion</cite>, iv. 178.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>The city of London, as the metropolis of England, by the
situation the most capable of trade, and by the not [un]usual
residence of the Court, and the fixed station of the courts of
justice for the public administration of justice throughout the
kingdom, the chief seat of trade, was by the successive
countenance and favour of princes strengthened with great
charters and immunities, and was a corporation governed
within itself; the mayor, recorder, aldermen, sheriffs, chosen
by themselves; several companies incorporated within the
great incorporation; which, besides notable privileges, enjoyed
lands and perquisites to a very great revenue. By the incredible
increase of trade, (which the distractions of other
countries, and the peace of this, brought,) and by the great
license of resort thither, it was, since the access of the crown
to this King, in riches, in people, in buildings, marvellously
increased, insomuch as the suburbs were almost equal to the
city; a reformation of which had been often in contemplation,
never pursued, wise men foreseeing that such a fulness could
not be there without an emptiness in other places, and whilst
so many persons of honour and estates were so delighted with
the city, the government of the country must be neglected,
besides the excess and ill husbandry that would be introduced
thereby. But such foresight was interpreted a morosity, and
too great an oppression upon the common liberty; and so,
little was applied to prevent so growing a disease.</p>
<p class='c011'>As it had these, and many other, advantages and helps to
be rich, so it was looked upon too much of late time as a
common stock not easy to be exhausted, and as a body not to
be grieved by ordinary acts of injustice; and therefore it was
not only a resort in all cases of necessity for the sudden
borrowing great sums of money, (in which they were commonly
too good merchants for the Crown,) but it was thought reasonable
upon any specious pretences to avoid the security that
was at any time given for money so borrowed.</p>
<p class='c011'>So, after many questions of their charter, (which were ever
removed by considerable sums of money,) a grant made by the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>King in the beginning of his reign, in consideration of great
sums of money, of good quantities of land in Ireland, and the
city of Londonderry there, was avoided by a suit in the Star-Chamber,
all the lands (after a vast expense in building and
planting,) resumed into the King's hands, and a fine of
£50,000 imposed upon the city. Which sentence being pronounced
after a long and public hearing, during which time
they were often invited to a composition, both in respect of
the substance and the circumstances of proceeding, made a
general impression in the minds of the citizens of all conditions
much to the disadvantage of the Court; and though
the King afterwards remitted to them the benefit of that
sentence, they imputed that to the power of the Parliament,
and rather remembered how it had been taken from them
than by whom it was restored: so that at the beginning of
the Parliament the city was as ill affected to the Court as the
country was, and therefore chose such burgesses to sit there
as had either eminently opposed it or accidentally been
oppressed by it.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A PROCLAMATION AGAINST THE CITY (1643).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>On the outbreak of civil war it soon became clear that
many of the trading centres of the country, including
London, would take up arms against the King. The
commercial interests of the country had been so persistently
assailed, royal interference in matters of trade had
been so marked, that this situation was not at all surprising.
It is hardly necessary to point out that the
King, in the preamble to this proclamation, shows either
insincerity or ignorance. The citizens of London and
of the other towns had no particularly strong object in
their resistance beyond obtaining reasonable security for
their interests, and the attempt to isolate London from
intercourse with the rest of the country was as ill-advised
as it was futile.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Rushworth's <cite>Collections</cite>, part iii., vol. ii., p. 365.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>His Majesty having, with unwearied patience, hitherto expected
that the City of London, and the Citizens and inhabitants
thereof, should at last return to their obedience; having
used all the endeavours he could to reduce them thereunto;
but finding that, by the malice of their misleaders, they are so
obdurate, that the very name of peace and reconciliation is with
them accounted a crime, and that that City is both the seat of
rebellion, and the pattern to all ill-affected subjects of the kingdom,
by whose example and assistance some other cities and
towns do also stand out against his Majesty in open rebellion, not
only to the disturbance, but even to the destruction of the whole
kingdom, if God in his mercy do not entirely timely it; his
Majesty therefore, by his Royal Proclamation, dated at Oxford
the seventh day of July now last past, for the many reasons in
that proclamation mentioned, did prohibit all persons, with any
of their goods, victuals, or merchandize whatsoever, to travel to
or from the City of London, or suburbs thereof, without his
Majesty's express licence for the same, under his Sign Manual,
under the pains and penalties in the said Proclamation mentioned.</p>
<p class='c011'>And his Majesty now perceiving, that, notwithstanding that
Proclamation, that rebellious City, by continuing their trade,
as well at home, as also from foreign parts, do hereby drain
their monies from all other parts of the kingdom, and traitorously
dispose of the same to the maintenance of this unnatural
War against their Sovereign and fellow-subjects; and that
many of the Freemen and Citizens of that City, and some of
the Aldermen and Trained-bands of the City, in their own
persons, have lately gone from the said City to assail his
Majesty, and to fight with him, and were in the late Battle
near Newbury; and that many of the said City are involuntarily
compelled to take up Arms, and to expose their lives
to the slaughter, for the maintenance of the malice of a few;
and the fuel for all this unnatural fire is taken from the City,
who spare neither their own persons, estates or fortunes, nor
<span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>the persons or estates of the inhabitants of the neighbouring
counties, but either persuade or compel them to contribute
to this horrid and barbarous war:</p>
<p class='c011'>Now his Majesty, being moved with a just indignation
against that City, and some few other Cities and Towns, who
in like manner do obstinately stand out in rebellion, doth
hereby prohibit all persons, and straitly charge and command
them, upon the severest penalties and punishments, which by
the law can be inflicted upon them as Traitors, aiders, and
assisters unto traitors, that from and after the time of publishing
this proclamation, they, or any of them, do not presume,
without the King's special Warrant under his Sign Manual,
either by land or water, to drive, carry, or convey any
manner of victuals, alive or dead, or any sort of provision for
man or horse, or any goods or merchandize of any kind whatsoever,
directly or indirectly, or wilfully suffer the same to be
carried or conveyed unto or from the City of London, or City
of Westminster, or suburbs thereof; or to or from the Cities of
Gloucester and Coventry; or to or from the Towns of Kingston
upon Hull, Warwick, Northampton, Portsmouth, Southampton,
Poole and Lyme-Regis, or any of them; or to or from any
Cities or Towns within this Kingdom, being in rebellion
against his Majesty; until they and every of them respectively
shall return to their obedience; nor do presume to trade, or
traffick, or buy or sell with the Citizens or Townsmen of or in
the said Cities or Towns, or any of them, or any other Persons
inhabiting or residing in any of the said Cities or Towns, until
the said Cities and Towns respectively shall conform themselves
to their loyalty and due obedience.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>CROMWELL IN LONDON (1653).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Throughout the Civil War the influence of the citizens
had been very great. They had contributed money and
troops for use against the royal forces, and both sides frequently
appealed to them for support; but the Corporation
continued true to the Parliamentary interest until
<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>matters were complicated by the rise to power of the
independent party and Cromwell. As soon as it became
plain that the army was the supreme head of authority,
the City was by no means enthusiastic in its favour; the
citizens had not calculated on this result of the conflict,
and Cromwell never had their confidence. They appeared
to acquiesce in his government, but he never secured their
hearty support. Several of the aldermen refused to proclaim
a Commonwealth, and considerable difficulty was
experienced by the Protector in enforcing his legislative
measures in the City; nevertheless, the citizens never
openly opposed him, and even received him with outward
manifestations of honour.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Clarendon's <cite>History</cite>, xiv. 25.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Proclamation was made by a herald, in the Palace-yard at
Westminster, That the late Parliament having dissolved themselves
and resigned their whole power and authority, the
government of the commonwealth of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, by a Lord Protector, and successive triennial Parliaments,
was now established: and whereas Oliver Cromwell,
captain general of all the forces of the commonwealth, is
declared Lord Protector of the said nations, and had accepted
thereof, publication was now made of the same; and all
persons, of what quality and condition soever in any of the
said three nations, were strictly charged and commanded to
take notice thereof, and to conform and submit themselves
to the government so established; and all sheriffs, mayors, &c.
were required to publish this proclamation to the end that
none might have cause to pretend ignorance therein. Which
proclamation was at the same time published in Cheapside
by the Lord Mayor of London, and with all possible expedition
by the sheriffs and other officers throughout England, Scotland,
and Ireland. And in few days after the city of London invited
their new Protector to a very splendid entertainment at Grocers'
Hall, the streets being railed, and the solemnity of his reception
<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>such as had been at any time performed to the King; and
he, as like a King, graciously conferred the honour of knighthood
upon the Lord Mayor at his departure.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON AND THE RESTORATION (1660).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>It is not difficult to believe that the City was glad to be
freed from the unconstitutional and distasteful Protectorate,
but the universal joy with which it accepted General Monk's
application for assistance in restoring Charles II. was most
remarkable, and the pomp and pageantry of the King's
welcome to London, as detailed below, were clearly a
sincere indication of the general feeling of relief and satisfaction.
It was surely not surprising that Charles, on
witnessing this outburst of loyalty, wondered where his
enemies were concealed, and why he had delayed so long
in repairing to his friends.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Sources.</strong>—(<em>a</em>) Clarendon's <cite>History</cite>, xvi. 240, 246;<br />(<em>b</em>) <cite>The Public Mercury</cite>, May, 1660.</h3>
<p class='c013'>(<em>a</em>) The city of London had too great a hand in driving the
King from thence not to appear equally zealous for his return
thither. And therefore they did at the same time send fourteen
of their most substantial citizens to assure his Majesty of their
fidelity and most cheerful submission, and that they placed all
their felicity and hope of future prosperity in the assurance of
his Majesty's grace and protection, for the meriting whereof
their lives and fortunes should be always at his Majesty's
disposal; and they presented to him from the city the sum
of ten thousand pounds. The King told them he had always
had a particular affection for the city of London, the place
of his birth, and was very glad that they had now so good a
part in his restoration, of which he was informed, and how
much he was beholding to every one of them; for which he
thanked them very graciously, and knighted them all; an
honour no man in the city had received in near twenty years,
and with which they were much delighted....</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>On Monday he went to Rochester, and the next day, being
the 29th of May and his birthday, he entered London, all the
ways from Dover thither being so full of people and exclamations
as if the whole kingdom had been gathered. About or
above Greenwich the Lord Mayor and aldermen met him, with
all those protestations of joy which can hardly be imagined;
and the concourse so great that the King rode in a crowd from
the bridge to Temple Bar. All the companies of the city stood
in order on both sides, giving loud thanks for his Majesty's
presence. And he no sooner came to Whitehall but the two
Houses of Parliament solemnly cast themselves at his feet,
with all the vows of affection and fidelity to the world's end.
In a word, the joy was so unexpressible and so universal, that
his Majesty said smilingly to some about him, that he doubted
it had been his own fault that he had been absent so long, for
he saw nobody that did not protest he had ever wished for his
return.</p>
<p class='c011'>(<em>b</em>) At Blackheath the army was drawn up, where his Majesty
viewed them, giving out many expressions of his gracious
favour to the army, which were received by loud shoutings
and rejoicings; several bonfires were made as his Majesty
came along, and one more remarkable than the rest for its
bigness, where the States arms were burned.</p>
<p class='c011'>Thence the army being placed according to his Excellencies
order, his Majesty marched towards London: and now because
God himself, when he would set a mark of observance upon his
own magnalia, hath taken notice of the circumstance of time,
it is very considerable here that it was his Majesties birth-day.
He was heir-apparent when first born, but had <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">jus in re</span></i> now
when entering the metropolis of his kingdom, he took possession.
All lets and hinderances, which have interven'd since
his Majesties just right, are now so many arguments of his
future fix'd and peaceable enjoyment. This the ancients
intimate, when they tell us, Jupiter himself was not quiet in
heaven till after a long war with the giants; may that God, by
whom kings reign, long preserve him and the nation, a mutual
blessing to each other!</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>When his Majesty came to St. George's field, the Lord
Mayor and the Aldermen were in a tent ready to receive him:
there the Lord Mayor delivered unto his Majesty his sword
upon his knees, which his Majesty gave back to him. After
a repast taken there, his Majesty came to Whitehall in this
manner: all the streets being richly hang'd with tapestry, and
a lane made by the militia forces to London-bridge, from
London-bridge to Temple-bar by the trained bands on one
side, and the several companies in their liveries, and the
streamers of each company, of the other side, by the rails;
from Temple-bar to Westminster by the militia forces, regiments
of the army, and several gentlemen formerly officers
of the king's army, led by sir John Stawell; first marched a
troop of gentlemen, led by major-general Brown, brandishing
their swords, in clothes of silver doublet, in all about 300,
besides their servants; then another troop, of about 200, in
velvet coats, the footmen and liveries in purple; then another
troop, led by alderman Robinson, with buff coats, silver sleeves,
and green scarfs; after this, a troop with blue liveries, and
silver lace, colours red, fringed with silver, about 130; after
that, a troop, 6 trumpets, 7 footmen in sea-green and silver,
their colours pink, fringed with silver; then a troop, with their
liveries gray and blue, with silk and silver laces, 30 footmen,
4 trumpets, consisting of about 220, their colours sky, fringed
with silver; another of gray liveries, 6 trumpets, colours sky
and silver, of about 105 gentlemen; another troop of 70 gentlemen,
5 trumpets, colours sky and silver; another troop, led by
the lord Clevland, of about 200 noblemen and gentlemen,
colours blue, fringed with gold; another troop of about 100,
black colours, fringed with gold; another troop of about 300.</p>
<p class='c011'>After these came two trumpets, with his Majesties arms, the
sheriffs men in red cloaks and silver lace, with half pikes, 79 in
number; then followed the several companies of London, with
their several streamers, all in black velvet coats with gold
chains, every company having their footmen of their several
liveries, some red and white, some pink and white, some blue
and yellow, etc.; three trumpets in liveries richly laced and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>cloth of silver sleeves, went before the company of the Mercers.
After all these, came a kettle-drum, five trumpets, and three
streamers, and very rich red liveries, with silver lace. The
number of the citizens were about 600. After these, 12
ministers, another kettle-drum, four trumpets, then his
Majesties life-guard, led by the lord Gerrard; another party,
led by sir Gilbert Gerrard, and major Rosecarron, and the
third division by colonel Pragues; then three trumpeters in
rich coats and satin doublets; the city marshal, with 8 footmen,
in French green, trimmed with crimson and white; the
city waits, the city officers in order, Dr. Warmstry, the 2
Sheriffs, and all the Aldermen of London, in their scarlet
gowns, and rich trappings, with footmen in liveries, red coats,
laced with silver, and cloth of gold; the heralds and maces in
their rich coats; the Lord Mayor, bare, carrying the sword;
his Excellency and the duke of Buckingham bare; and then,
the glory of all, his sacred Majesty rode between the dukes of
York and Gloucester; afterwards followed a troop bare, with
white colours, then the generals lifeguard; after which, another
company of gentry, sky, fringed with gold; after which, five
regiments of the army horse, led by colonel Knight, viz. his
Excellencies regiment, colonel Knight's, colonel Cloberrie's,
lord Fauconberg's, lord Howard's; after whom, came two
troops of nobility and gentlemen, red colours, fringed with
gold. There was never such a sight of noblemen and gentlemen
that marched then, brandishing their swords all along.
Soon after his Majesty was passed, all the musketeers that
lined the streets gave many volleys of shot.</p>
<p class='c011'>Thus was his Majesty conducted to his royal palace at
Whitehall; where after the lord mayor had took his leave, his
Majesty went to the Lords, where was a speech made to his
Majesty, and another in the Banqueting-house by the Speaker
of the House of Commons, which is printed at large by the
printers of the said house: which done, his Majesty retired
himself, and supped with the two dukes in the Chast chamber.
This day his Majesty dined in the Presence chamber.</p>
<p class='c011'>The solemnity of this day was concluded by an infinite
<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>number of bonfires; it being observable, that, as if all the
houses had turned out their chimneys into the streets (the
weather being very warm) there were almost as many fires in
the streets, as houses, throughout London and Westminster;
and among the rest in Westminster, a very costly one was
made, where the effigy of the old Oliver Cromwell was set
up upon a high post, with the arms of the Commonwealth;
which having been exposed there a while to the public view,
with torches lighted, that everyone might take better notice of
them, were burnt together.</p>
<p class='c011'>The foreign ambassadors and public ministers here did likewise
highly express their joy for his Majesties happy arrival
here on Tuesday last, by their bonfires and other public demonstrations;
specially the ambassadors of France and Portugal,
and the plenipotentiaries of the king of Sweden; in particular,
his plenipotentiary lying at Charing-cross, besides his bonfires,
giving of wine and throwing of money among the people, made
very gallant emblems upon the business of the day.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>STATE OF LONDON BEFORE THE PLAGUE<br />(1661).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Besides the insanitary conditions which rendered the
City so liable to outbreaks of infectious disease, there
were other nuisances which afflicted the inhabitants of
the City. It is rather difficult to imagine what John
Evelyn would have said about a Black Country town of
the present day, where the effects of smoke must be much
more noticeable than in the London of 1661. But his
indictment, although severe, is in the main true; the
smoke nuisance has not decreased since the seventeenth
century, and probably we tolerate it only because we are
accustomed to it. It must be remembered that in Evelyn's
day the use of coal for fuel, although not great, was rapidly
increasing; and a tax on coal was often a source of considerable
revenue.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—John Evelyn, <cite>Fumifugium</cite>.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>That this glorious and ancient city, which from wood might
be rendered brick, and (like another Rome) from brick made
stone and marble; which commands the proud ocean to the
Indies, and reaches the farthest Antipodes, should wrap her
stately head in clouds of smoke and sulphur, so full of stink
and darkness, I deplore with just indignation. That the buildings
should be composed of such a congestion of misshapen
and extravagant houses; that the streets should be so narrow
and incommodious in the very centre, and busiest places of
intercourse; that there should be so ill and uneasy a form of
paving under foot, so troublesome and malicious a disposure
of the spouts and gutters overhead, are particulars worthy
of reproof and reformation; because it is hereby rendered a
labyrinth in its principal passages, and a continual wet day
after the storm is over.</p>
<p class='c011'>The immoderate use of, and indulgence to seacoal alone in
the city of London, exposes it to one of the foulest inconveniences
and reproaches, that can possibly befall so noble,
and otherwise incomparable a city: and that, not from the
culinary fires, which for being weak, and less often fed below,
is with such ease dispelled and scattered above, as it is hardly
at all discernible, but from some few particular tunnells and
issues, belonging only to brewers, dyers, lime-burners, salt,
and soap-boilers, and some other private trades, one of whose
spiracles alone, does manifestly infect the air, more than all
the chimneys of London put together besides. And that this
is not the least hyperbole, let the best of judges decide it,
which I take to be our senses: whilst these are belching forth
from their sooty jaws, the city of London resembles the face
rather of mount Ætna, the court of Vulcan, Stromboli, or the
suburbs of hell, than an assembly of rational creatures, and
the imperial seat of our incomparable monarch. For when in
all other places the air is most serene and pure, it is here
eclipsed with such a cloud of sulphur, as the sun itself, which
gives daily to all the world besides, is hardly able to penetrate
<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>and impart it here; and the weary traveller, at many miles
distance, sooner smells, than sees the city to which he repairs.</p>
<p class='c011'>This is that pernicious smoke which sullies all her glory,
superinducing a sooty crust or furr upon all that it lights,
spoiling the moveables, tarnishing the plate, gildings, and
furniture, and corroding the very iron bars and hardest stones
with those piercing and acrimonious spirits which accompany
its sulphur; and executing more in one year, than exposed to
the pure air of the country it could effect in some hundreds.
It is this horrid smoke, which obscures our churches, and
makes our palaces look old, which fouls our clothes, and corrupts
the waters, so as the very rain and refreshing dews
which fall in the several seasons, precipitate this impure
vapour, which with its black and tenacious quality, spots and
contaminates whatever is exposed to it.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE PLAGUE (1665).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Pepys and Evelyn give descriptions of the scenes in
London during the terrible visitation of 1665; and Defoe's
narrative is extremely vivid and circumstantial, although
he was only four years old at the time and must have
derived much of his information from other sources. The
following account by Vincent is contemporary:</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Rev. T. Vincent, <cite>God's Terrible Voice in the City</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Now the citizens of London are put to a stop in the career
of their trade; they begin to fear whom they converse withal,
and deal withal, lest they should have come out of infected
places. Now roses and other sweet flowers wither in the
gardens, are disregarded in the markets, and people dare not
offer them to their noses lest with their sweet savour, that
which is infectious should be attracted: rue and wormwood
are taken into the hand; myrrh and zedoary into the mouth;
and without some antidote few stir abroad in the morning.
Now many houses are shut up where the plague comes, and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>the inhabitants shut in, lest coming abroad they should spread
infection. It was very dismal to behold the red crosses, and
read in great letters, <span class='fss'>LORD HAVE MERCY UPON US</span>, on the doors,
and watchmen standing before them with halberts; and such
a solitude about those places, and people passing by them so
gingerly, and with such fearful looks as if they had been lined
with enemies in ambush, that waited to destroy them.</p>
<p class='c011'>Now rich tradesmen provide themselves to depart; if they
have not country-houses they seek lodgings abroad for themselves
and families, and the poorer tradesmen, that they may
imitate the rich in their fear, stretch themselves to take a
country journey, though they have scarce wherewithal to bring
them back again. The ministers also (many of them) take
occasion to go to their country-places for the summer time;
or (it may be) to find out some few of their parishioners that
were gone before them, leaving the greatest part of their flock
without food or physic, in the time of their greatest need. (I
don't speak of all ministers, those which did stay out of choice
and duty, deserve true honour.) Possibly they might think
God was now preaching to the city, and what need their
preaching? or rather did not the thunder of God's voice
affrighten their guilty consciences and make them fly away,
lest a bolt from heaven should fall upon them, and spoil their
preaching for the future; and therefore they would reserve
themselves till the people had less need of them. I do not
blame any citizens retiring, when there was so little trading,
and the presence of all might have helped forward the increase
and spreading of the infection; but how did guilt drive many
away, where duty would have engaged them to stay in the
place? Now the highways are thronged with passengers and
goods, and London doth empty itself into the country; great
are the stirs and hurries in London by the removal of so many
families; fear puts many thousands on the wing, and those
think themselves most safe, that can fly furthest off from the
city.</p>
<p class='c011'>In August how dreadful is the increase: from 2010, the
number amounts up to 2817 in one week; and thence to 3880
<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>the next; thence to 4237 the next; thence to 6102 the next;
and all these of the plague, besides other diseases.</p>
<p class='c011'>Now the cloud is very black, and the storm comes down
upon us very sharp. Now Death rides triumphantly on his
pale horse through our streets; and breaks into every house
almost, where any inhabitants are to be found. Now people
fall as thick as leaves from the trees in autumn, when they are
shaken by a mighty wind. Now there is a dismal solitude in
London's streets, every day looks with the face of a Sabbath
day, observed with greater solemnity than it used to be in the
city. Now shops are shut in, people rare and very few that
walk about, insomuch that the grass begins to spring up in
some places, and a deep silence almost in every place, especially
within the walls; no rattling coaches, no prancing horses, no
calling in customers, nor offering wares; no London Cries
sounding in the ears: if any voice be heard, it is the groans
of dying persons, breathing forth their last: and the funeral
knells of them that are ready to be carried to their graves.
Now shutting up of visited houses (there being so many) is
at an end, and most of the well are mingled among the sick,
which otherwise would have got no help. Now in some places
where the people did generally stay, not one house in a hundred
but is infected; and in many houses half the family is swept
away; in some the whole, from the eldest to the youngest; few
escape with the death of but one or two; never did so many
husbands and wives die together; never did so many parents
carry their children with them to the grave, and go together
into the same house under earth, who had lived together in the
same house upon it. Now the nights are too short to bury the
dead; the long summer days are spent from morning unto
the twilight in conveying the vast number of dead bodies unto
the bed of their graves.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE FIRE (1666).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>By the terrible conflagration of 1666, the whole of the
City was destroyed, except a narrow circle round its
<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>boundaries. It is not at all difficult to account for the
outbreak: the closeness of the streets, the wooden structure
of the houses, the number of families occupying the
same house, the common use of wood for fuel—all these
circumstances were favourable to the origin and spread of
the flames. But obvious as these causes were, there was
evidenced an enormous anxiety to fix the blame upon
some unpopular party, and wildly improbable and grossly
exaggerated accounts were given. The republican party
were first charged with the crime of setting fire to the
City; then the Dutch were believed to be the authors.
In neither case was there any shadow of reasonable proof.
In the end it was fixed upon the Papists, on the strength
of a single confession of a mad Frenchman, who told a
ridiculous and contradictory story of a Roman Catholic
conspiracy; only the extraordinary temper of the times
can explain the credulity with which this story in common
with many others concerning Roman Catholics was received.
Although the slander could not stand examination,
it was inscribed on the Monument, and remained
there during the whole of the eighteenth century. (<em>See</em>
1681, Popish Panic.)</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Sources.</strong>—(<em>a</em>) Pepys' <cite>Diary</cite>;<br />(<em>b</em>) <cite>London Gazette</cite>, September 8, 1666.</h3>
<p class='c013'>(<em>a</em>) <em>September 2, 1666.</em>—Some of our mayds sitting up late
last night to get things ready against our feast to-day, Jane
called us up about three in the morning, to tell us of the great
fire they saw in the city. So I rose and slipped on my nightgowne,
and went to her window, and thought it to be on the
back-side of Marke-lane at the farthest; but, being unused to
such fires as followed, I thought it to be far enough off; and
so went to bed again and to sleep. About seven rose again to
dress myself, and there looked out of the window, and saw the
fire not so much as it was and further off. So to my closett
to set things right after yesterday's cleaning. By and by
<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>Jane comes and tells me that she hears that above 300 houses
have been burned down to night by the fire we saw, and that
it is now burning down all Fish-Street by London Bridge. So
I made myself ready presently, and walked to the Tower; ...
and there I did see the houses at the end of the bridge all on
fire, and an infinite great fire on this and the other side the
end of the bridge; which, among other people, did trouble me
for poor little Michell and our Sarah on the bridge. So down,
with my heart full of trouble, to the Lieutenant of the Tower,
who tells me it begun this morning in the King's baker's house
in Pudding Lane, and that it hath burned St. Magnus's Church
and most part of Fish-Street already. So I down to the waterside,
and there got a boat and through bridge, and there saw a
lamentable fire. Poor Michell's house, as far as the Old
Swan, already burned that way, and the fire running further,
that in a very little time it got as far as the Steele-yard, while
I was there. Everybody endeavouring to remove their goods,
and flinging into the river or bringing them into lighters that
lay off; poor people staying in the houses as long as till the
very fire touched them, and then running into boats, or
clambering from one pair of stairs by the water side to
another. And among other things, the poor pigeons, I perceive,
were loth to leave their houses, but hovered about the
windows and balconys till they burned their wings, and fell
down.</p>
<p class='c011'>Having staid, and in an hour's time seen the fire rage every
way, and nobody, to my sight, endeavouring to quench it, but
to remove their goods, and leave all to the fire, and having
seen it get as far as Steele-yard; and the wind mighty high
and driving it into the City; and everything, after so long a
drought, proving combustible, even the very stones of the
churches, and among other things, the poor steeple by which
pretty Mrs. ⸺ lives, and whereof my old school-fellow
Elborough is parson, taken fire in the very top, and there
burned till it fell down: to White Hall ... and there up to
the King's closett in the Chappell, where people come about
me, and I did give them an account that dismayed them all, and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>word was carried in to the King. So I was called for, and
did tell the King and the Duke of York what I saw, and that
unless his Majesty did command houses to be pulled down
nothing could stop the fire. They seemed much troubled,
and the King commanded me to go to my Lord Mayor from
him, and commanded him to spare no houses, but to pull down
before the fire every way. The Duke of York bid me tell him
that if he would have any more soldiers he shall; and so did
my Lord Arlington afterwards, as a great secret. Here
meeting with Captain Cocke, I in his coach, which he lent
me, and Creed with me to Paul's, and there walked along
Watling-street as well as I could, every creature coming away
loaden with goods to save, and here and there sicke people
carried away in beds. Extraordinary good goods carried in
carts or on backs. At last met my Lord Major in Canning-street,
like a man spent, with a handkercher about his neck.
To the King's message he cried, like a fainting woman,
"Lord, what can I do? I am spent; people will not obey
me. I have been pulling down houses; but the fire overtakes
us faster than we can do it." That he needed no more
soldiers; and that, for himself, he must go and refresh himself,
having been up all night. So he left me, and I him, and
walked home, seeing people all almost distracted, and no
manner of means used to quench the fire. The houses, too,
so very thick thereabouts, and full of matter for burning, as
pitch and tar, in Thames-street; and ware houses of oyle, and
wines, and brandy, and other things. Here I saw Mr. Isaake
Houblon, the handsome man, prettily dressed and dirty, at his
door at Dow-gate, receiving some of his brother's things,
whose houses were on fire; and, as he says, have been removed
twice already; and he doubts (as it soon proved) that
they must be in a little time removed from his house also,
which was a sad consideration. And to see the churches all
filling with goods by people who themselves should have been
quietly there at this time. By this time it was about twelve
o'clock; and so home....</p>
<p class='c011'>While at dinner Mrs. Batelier came to enquire after Mr
<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>Woolfe and Stanes ... whose houses in Fish-Street are all
burned, and they in a sad condition. She would not stay in
the fright. Soon as dined, I and Moone away, and walked
through the City, the streets full of but people and horses and
carts loaden with goods, ready to run over one another, and
removing goods from one burned house to another. They
now removing out of Canning-Street (which received goods in
the morning) into Lumbard-Street, and further; and among
others I now saw my little gold-smith, Stokes, receiving some
friends goods, whose house itself was burned the day after.</p>
<p class='c011'>We parted at Paul's; he home, and I to Paul's Wharf,
where I had appointed a boat to attend me, and took in
Mr. Carcasse and his brother, whom I met in the streete, and
carried them below and above bridge to ... see the fire,
which was now got further, both below and above, and no
likelihood of stopping it. Met with the King and Duke of
York in their barge, and with them to Queenhithe, and
there called Sir Richard Browne to them. Their order was
only to pull down houses apace, and so below bridge at the
water side; but little was or could be done, the fire coming
upon them so fast. Good hopes there were of stopping it
at the Three Cranes above, and at Buttolph's Wharf below
bridge, if care be used; but the wind carries it into the City,
so as we know not by the water-side what it do there. River
full of lighters and boats taking in goods, and good goods swimming
in the water, and only I observed that hardly one lighter or
boat in three that had the goods of a house in, but there was a
pair of Virginalls in it.</p>
<p class='c011'>Having seen as much as I could now, I away to Whitehall
by appointment and there walked to St. James's Parke, and
there met my wife and Creed and Wood and his wife and
walked to my boat; and there upon the water again, and to the
fire up and down, it still increasing, and the wind great. So
near the fire as we could for smoke; and all over the Thames,
with one's face in the wind, you were almost burned with a
shower of fire-drops. This is very true; so as houses were
burned by these drops and flakes of fire, three or four, nay, five
<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>or six houses, one from another. When we could endure no
more upon the water, we to a little ale-house on the Bankside,
over against the three Cranes, and there staid till it was dark
almost, and saw the fire grow; and, as it grew darker, appeared
more and more, and in corners and upon steeples, and between
churches and houses, as far as we could see up the hill of the
City, in a most horrid malicious bloody flame, not like the fine
flame of an ordinary fire.... We staid till, it being darkish,
we saw the fire as only one entire arch of fire from this to the
other side of the bridge, and in a bow up the hill for an arch of
above a mile long; it made me weep to see it. The church,
houses, and all on fire and flaming at once; and a horrid noise
the flames made, and the cracking of houses at their ruine.
So home with a sad heart, and there find everybody discursing
and lamenting the fire: and poor Tom Hater come with some
few of his goods saved out of his house, which is burned upon
Fish-Street Hill. I invited him to lie at my house, and
receive his goods, but was deceived in his lying there; so as
we were forced to begin to pack up our owne goods, and prepare
for their removal; and did by moonshine (it being brave
dry, and moonshine, and warm weather) carry much of my
goods into the garden, and Mr. Hater and I did remove my
money and iron chests into my cellar, as thinking that the
safest place. And got ready my bags of gold into my office,
ready to carry away, and my chief papers of accounts also
there, and my tallys into a box by themselves. So great was
our fear, as Sir W. Batten hath carts come out of the country
to fetch away his goods this night. We did put Mr. Hater,
poor man, to bed a little; but he got but very little rest, so
much noise being in my house, taking down of goods.</p>
<p class='c011'><em>September 3rd.</em>—About four o'clock in the morning, my Lady
Batten sent me a cart to carry away all my money, and plate,
and best things, to Sir W. Rider's at Bednall Green, which
I did riding myself in my night-gowne in the cart; and, Lord!
to see how the streets and highways are crowded with people
running and riding, and getting of carts at any rate to fetch
away things. I find Sir W. Rider tired with being called up
<span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>all night, and receiving things from several friends. His
house full of goods, and much of Sir W. Batten's and Sir W.
Penn's. I am eased at my heart to have my treasure so well
secured. Then home, with much ado to find a way, nor any
sleep at all this night to me nor my poor wife.</p>
<p class='c011'>(<em>b</em>) On the second instant, at one of the clock of the morning,
there happened to break out, a sad and deplorable fire, in Pudding-lane
near Fish Street, which falling out at that hour of
the night, and in a quarter of the town so close built with
wooden pitched houses, spread itself so far before day, and
with such distraction to the inhabitants and neighbours, that
care was not taken for the timely preventing the further diffusion
of it, by pulling down houses, as ought to have been; so
that this lamentable fire in a short time became too big to be
mastered by any engines or working near it. It fell out most
unhappily too, that a violent easterly wind fomented, and kept
it burning all that day, and the night following, spreading itself
up to Gracechurch Street, and downwards from Cannon Street
to the water-side, as far as the Three Cranes in the Vintrey.</p>
<p class='c011'>The people in all parts about it distracted by the vastness of
it, and their particular care to carry away their goods, many
attempts were made to prevent the spreading of it by pulling
down houses, and making great intervals, but all in vain, the
fire seizing upon the timber and rubbish and so continuing
itself, even through those spaces, and raging in a bright flame
all Monday and Tuesday, notwithstanding his majesties own,
and his royal highness's indefatigable and personal pains to
apply all possible remedies to prevent it, calling upon and helping
the people with their guards, and a great number of nobility
and gentry unwearied assisting therein, for which they were
requited with a thousand blessings from the poor distressed
people. By the favour of God, the wind slackened a little
on Tuesday night and the flames meeting with brick buildings
at the Temple, by little and little it was observed to lose its
force on that side, so that on Wednesday morning we began to
hope well, and his royal highness never despairing or slackening
his personal care, wrought so well that day, assisted in some
<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>parts by the lords of the council before and behind it, that
a stop was put to it at the Temple-Church, near Holborn-Bridge,
Pie-corner, Aldersgate, Cripplegate, near the lower
end of Coleman-Street, at the end of Basinghall Street, by the
Postern, at the upper end of Bishopsgate street, and Leadenhall-street,
at the standard in Cornhill, at the church in Fenchurch
street, near Clothworkers-Hall in Mincing Lane, at the
middle of Mark-lane, and at the Tower-dock.</p>
<p class='c011'>On Thursday by the blessing of God it was wholly beat
down and extinguished. But so as that evening it unhappily
burst out again afresh at the Temple, by the falling of some
sparks (as is supposed) upon a pile of wooden buildings; but
his royal highness, who watched there that whole night in
person, by the great labours and diligence used, and especially
by applying powder to blow up the houses about it, before day
most happily mastered it.</p>
<p class='c011'>Divers strangers, Dutch and French were, during the fire,
apprehended, upon suspicion that they contributed mischievously
to it, who are all imprisoned, and informations prepared
to make a severe inquisition thereupon by my lord chief justice
Keeling, assisted by some of the lords of the privy-council,
and some principal members of the city, notwithstanding which
suspicions, the manner of the burning all along in a train, and
so blown forwards in all its way by strong winds, makes us
conclude the whole was an effect of an unhappy chance, or to
speak better, the heavy hand of God upon us for our sins,
shewing us the terror of his judgment in thus raising the fire,
and immediately after his miraculous and never enough to be
acknowledged mercy in putting a stop to it when we were in
the last despair, and that all attempts for the quenching it
however industriously pursued, seemed insufficient. His
Majesty then sat hourly in council, and ever since hath continued
making rounds about the city in all parts of it where the danger
and mischief was greatest, till this morning that he hath sent
his grace the duke of Albemarle, whom he hath called for to
assist him in this great occasion, to put his happy and successful
hand to the finishing this memorable deliverance.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>
<h2 class='c004'>A PROCLAMATION OF CHARLES II. (1666).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>It seems clear from this proclamation that the King
and his advisers not only realised the faults and dangers
of the recently destroyed City, but entertained worthy and
lofty ideals for its re-erection. Ingenious schemes were
not lacking, and only a strong and firm and enthusiastic
government was required to insure the building of a
beautiful, safe, and convenient city to replace the old
picturesque, but dangerous, unhealthy, and crowded
buildings. However, royal favour and public convenience
could not prevail against "vested interests"; and most of
the pious hopes of Charles, and the plans of enlightened
architects and others, were not fulfilled.</p>
<p class='c011'>Charles, R.—As no particular man hath sustained any loss
or damage by the late terrible and deplorable fire in his fortune
or estate, in any degree to be compared with the loss and
damage we ourself have sustained, so it is not possible for any
man to take the same more to heart, and to be more concerned
and solicitous for the rebuilding this famous city with as much
expedition as is possible; and since it hath pleased God to lay
this heavy judgment upon us all in this time, as an evidence
of his displeasure for our sins, we do comfort ourself with some
hope, that he will, upon our due humiliation before him, as
a new instance of his signal blessing upon us, give us life, not
only to see the foundations laid, but the buildings finished, of
a much more beautiful city than is at this time consumed.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the first place, the woeful experience in this late heavy
visitation hath sufficiently convinced all men of the pernicious
consequences which have attended the building with timber,
and even with stone itself, and the notable benefit of brick,
which in so many places hath resisted and even extinguished
the fire: and we do therefore hereby declare our express will
and pleasure that no man whatsoever shall presume to erect
any house or building, great or small, but of brick or stone;
and if any man shall do the contrary, the next magistrate shall
<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>forthwith cause it to be pulled down, and such further course
shall be taken for his punishment as he deserves. And we
suppose that the notable benefit many men have received from
those cellars which have been well and strongly arched, will
persuade most men, who build good houses, to practise that
good husbandry, by arching all convenient places.</p>
<p class='c011'>We do declare, that Fleet Street, Cheapside, Cornhill, and
all other eminent and notorious streets, shall be of such a
breadth, as may, with God's blessing, prevent the mischief
that one side may suffer if the other be on fire, which was the
case lately in Cheapside; the precise breadth of which several
streets shall be, upon advice with the lord mayor and aldermen,
shortly published, with many other particular orders and rules,
which cannot yet be adjusted: in the mean time we resolve,
though all streets cannot be of all equal breadth, yet none shall
be so narrow as to make the passage uneasy or inconvenient,
especially towards the water-side; nor will we suffer any lanes
or alleys to be erected, but where, upon mature deliberation,
the same shall be found absolutely necessary; except such
places shall be set aside, which shall be designed only for
buildings of that kind, and from whence no public mischief
may probably arise.</p>
<p class='c011'>The irreparable damage and loss by the late fire being, next
to the hand of God in the terrible wind, to be imputed to the
place in which it first broke out, amongst small timber houses
standing so close together, that as no remedy could be applied
from the river for the quenching thereof, to the contiguousness
of the buildings hindering and keeping all possible relief from
the land-side, we do resolve and declare, that there shall be
a fair key or wharf on all the river-side; that no house shall
be erected within so many feet of the river, as shall be within
few days declared in the rules formerly mentioned; nor shall
there be in those buildings which shall be erected next the
river, which we desire may be fair structures, for the ornament
of the city, any houses to be inhabited by brewers, or dyers,
or sugar-bakers; which trades, by their continual smokes, contribute
very much to the unhealthiness of the adjacent places;
<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>but we require the lord mayor and aldermen of London, upon
a full consideration, and weighing all conveniences and inconveniences
that can be foreseen, to propose such a place as may
be fit for all those trades which are carried on by smoke to
inhabit together, or at least several places for the several
quarters of the town for those occupations, and in which they
shall find their account in convenience and profit, as well as
other places shall receive the benefit in the distance of the
neighbourhood; it being our purpose, that they who exercise
those necessary professions, shall be in all respects as well
provided for and encouraged as ever they have been, and
undergo as little prejudice as may be by being less inconvenient
to their neighbours.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the mean time, we do heartily recommend it to the charity
and magnanimity of all well-disposed persons, and we do heartily
pray unto Almighty God, that he will infuse it into the hearts
of men, speedily to endeavour by degrees to re-edify some of
those many churches, which, in this lamentable fire, have been
burned down and defaced; that so men may have those public
places of God's worship to resort to, to humble themselves
together before him upon this his heavy displeasure, and join
in their devotion for his future mercy and blessing upon us;
and, as soon as we shall be informed of any readiness to begin
such a good work, we shall not only give our assistance and
direction for the model of it, and freeing it from buildings at
too near a distance, but shall encourage it by our own bounty,
and all other ways we shall be desired.</p>
<p class='c011'>Lastly, that we may encourage men by our own example,
we will use all the expedition we can to re-build our custom-house
in the place where it formerly stood, and enlarge it with
the most conveniences for the merchants that can be devised;
and, upon all the other lands which belong unto us, we shall
depart with any thing of our own right and benefit, for the
advancement of the public service and beauty of the city; and
shall further remit, to all those who shall erect any buildings
according to this declaration, all duties arising to us upon the
hearth-money for the space of seven years.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>Given at our court at Whitehall the thirteenth day of
September, one thousand six hundred and sixty-six, in the
eighteenth year of our reign.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>EVELYN'S PLANS FOR REBUILDING THE CITY<br />(1667).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>After the Fire had demolished a considerable portion of
the City, many plans and suggestions were submitted for
its reconstruction, and those of Sir Christopher Wren and
of John Evelyn were distinguished by their excellence and
thoroughness. The occasion offered a magnificent opportunity
for a wise and far-seeing scheme of town-planning,
and the ingenious ideas of Evelyn are particularly interesting
in view of the attention which is now being given to
the subject.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>London Restored</cite>, quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 447.</h3>
<p class='c013'>It might haply be thought fit to fill up, or at least give
a partial level to some of the deepest valleys, holes and more
sudden declivities within the City, for the more ease of commerce,
carriages, coaches and people in the streets; and not
a little for the more handsome ranging of the buildings: for
instance, that from about the Fleet to Ludgate; which yet
should be no more than might only afford a graceful and just
ascent from thence up towards St. Paul's; the only spot in the
whole city, where I would plant that ancient and venerable
Cathedral again: but here is to be considered the Channel
running thence through Holborn, which would be so enlarged, as
not only to be preserved sweet (by scouring it through flood-gates
into the Thames on all occasions) but commodious for the
intercourse of considerable vessels thwart this portion of the
town; and which therefore should be accordingly wharfed on
both sides to the very key of the river, and made contiguous
to the streets by bridges arched to a due level, as it might
easily be contrived, (and with passage sufficient for lusty
<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>barges and lighters under them) were the valley so elevated
as it is projected. There is only this care incumbent; that all
foundations upon this new ground be searched to the old and
more solid basis; from whence they may also store themselves
with vaults and cellarage in abundance: The same might be
considered in some sort from the descent of the hill towards
Thames-Street, so as to come down upon the future key by
a far less declivity, which would give those houses that should
be built fronting to the river a more becoming aspect, and an
easier footing to the ranges above them, which would peep
over one another successively; with a far better grace, than
those do at Genoa, where the ascent is too precipitious.</p>
<p class='c011'>These considerations and employments would greatly forward
the prompt and natural disposal of the more useless and cumbersome
rubbish; unless it might be thought more expedient (if
there should not be sufficient for both) to design it rather
towards the enlargement of a new and ample key; which I
wish might run parallel from the very Tower to the Temple
at least, and, if it were possible (without augmenting the
rapidity of the stream) extend itself even as far as the very
low-water mark; the basin by this means kept perpetually
full, without Slub or annoyance, and to the infinite benefit and
ease of access, like that of Constantinople, than which nothing
could be imagined more noble: what fractions and confusions
our ugly stairs, bridges and causeways make, and how dirty
and nasty it is at every ebb, we are sufficiently sensible of;
so as, next to the hellish smoke of the town, there is nothing
doubtless which does more impair the health of its inhabitants....</p>
<p class='c011'>For the rest of those necessary evils, the brew-houses, bake-houses,
dyers, salt, soap and sugar-boilers, chandlers, hat-makers,
slaughter-houses, some sort of fish-mongers, etc. whose
neighbourhood cannot be safe, (as I have elsewhere shewed,
and a sad experience has confirmed) I hope his Majesty will
now dispose of to some other parts about the river; towards
Bow and Wandsworth on the water; Islington and about
Spital-Fields, etc. The charge of bringing all their commodities
<span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>into the City would be very inconsiderable, opposed to the
peril of their being continued amongst the inhabitants, and the
benefit of the carriage, which would employ a world of people,
both by land and water, without the least prejudice.</p>
<p class='c011'>I suppose the Custom-house cannot be better situated than
where it was, and as it may hold communication with the
Tower: here might the Admiralty and Navy-Office be fitly
placed.</p>
<p class='c011'>I have not forgotten the hospitals, public workhouses to
employ the poor in, and prisons; which being built and re-endowed
at the common charge, should be disposed of in
convenient quarters of the City: the hospitals would become
one of the principal streets: but the prisons, and tribunal for
trial of criminal offenders, might be built (as of old) near some
entrance of the City; about Newgate were a fitting place, as
my plate represents it.</p>
<p class='c011'>The College of Physicians would be in one of the best parts
of the town, encircled with an handsome Piazza for the dwelling
of those learned persons, with the Chirurgeons, Apothecaries
and Druggists in the streets about them; for I am greatly
inclined to wish, that all of a mystery should be destined to
their several quarters: those of the better sort of shop-keepers,
who sell by retail, might be allotted to the sweetest and most
eminent streets and piazzas: the artificers to the more ordinary
houses, intermediate and narrower passages (for such will hardly
be avoided) that the noise and tintamar of their instruments
may be the less importunate: the taverns and victualling
houses sprinkled amongst them, and built accordingly: but
all these too, even the very meanest, should exactly respect
uniformity, and be more substantially built than those in
Covent-Garden, and other places; where once in twenty or
thirty years they had need be built again, and therefore to be
indulged a longer term.</p>
<p class='c011'>Spaces for ample courts, yards and gardens, even in the
heart of the City there may be some to the principal houses,
for state and refreshment; but with great reservation, because
of the fractions they will make; and therefore rarely towards
<span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>any principal street: and I hope it will please his Majesty to
prescribe by a public and irreversible edict, that no houses
whatsoever, may for the future presume to be erected, not only
about this City, but all the Nation besides, within such a
distance from magazines, places of public records and Churches,
which should be preserved as sanctuaries.</p>
<p class='c011'>The gates and entries of the City, which are to be rebuilt,
might be the subjects of handsome architecture, in form of
triumphal arches, adorned with statues, relievo's and apposite
inscriptions, as prefaces to the rest within, and should therefore
by no means be obstructed by sheds, and ugly shops, or houses
adhering to them: and I wish this reformation, and the infinite
danger of their being continued, might extend to the demolishing
those deformed buildings on London-Bridge; which not
only endanger all the rest, but take away from the beauty of
it, and indeed of the whole City near the Thames: instead of
them, if there went a substantial baluster of iron, decorated
with statues upon their pedestals at convenient distances, and
the footway on each side, it would be exceedingly convenient;
whilst, to secure the passengers by night, it might be guarded
by responsible house-keepers in their turns: or, if they will
need have shops, let them be built of solid stone, made narrow
and very low, like to those upon the Rialto at Venice; but it
were far better without them.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>AN ACT CONCERNING THE STREETS (1671).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Such statutes as the following are particularly useful in
enabling us to understand in detail the conditions which
governed matters of everyday life in the City. The fact
that certain proceedings are forbidden implies that it was
found necessary to issue the prohibition by reason of the
common occurrence of such proceedings. From this
statute and from similar sources we obtain the inevitable
impression that the streets of London during the seventeenth
century must have been dangerous and disagreeable
<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>places. These instructions, of course, were issued at a
time when special attention was being directed to the
care of the city from reasons of health and safety.</p>
<p class='c011'>I. Item, That hereafter all streets within this city, called,
known, or set down to be High Streets, shall be paved round,
or causeway fashion: and upon notice given to the commissioners
of any defective pavements in any of the streets, lanes,
and passages within this city and liberties, the same shall be
forthwith made good and amended, unless by general consent
some better expedient be found and published.</p>
<p class='c011'>II. That inasmuch as it hath been found by common experience
that the paviours, to hide and cover their bad workmanship,
have oftentimes spread and laid great quantities of
gravel over their pavements, to greater charge of the persons
setting them on work than was needful, and which, upon a
sudden rain, did either choke the common sewers, or turn to
dirt and mire in the streets; therefore the said paviours are
required, that hereafter they do forbear to lay or spread any
more gravel on the pavements than will only fill up the joints
of their work, and cause the same to be swept and well rammed,
and leave the pavements bare of gravel, and keep a regular
method of paving, not paving one door higher than another,
upon pain of paying five shillings for every complaint.</p>
<p class='c011'>III. That the breadth of six foot at the least from the
foundation of the houses, in such of the said High Streets
which shall be allowed to be posted, shall be paved by the
inhabitants or owners with flat or broad stone for a foot
passage; unless such parts thereof as shall lie before any
gateway, which may be done with square rag by the said
breadth of six feet, upon pain of paying five shillings for every
week the same shall be omitted to be done after notice given.</p>
<p class='c011'>VIII. That the several inhabitants within this city and
liberties, or their servants, do take care that the dirt, ashes,
and soil of their houses be in readiness for the carmen, their
agents, or servants, either by setting out the same over night
in tubs, boxes, baskets, or other vessel, near and contiguous
<span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>to their houses, or by bringing out the same within convenient
time, before the hours for their departure as aforesaid.</p>
<p class='c011'>XIII. That the said carmen undertakers, their agents or
servants, shall give notice of their being in the street with
their tumbrels or cars by loudly knocking a wooden clapper,
especially in courts, alleys, and other back passages, upon pain
to forfeit three shillings and fourpence upon every complaint
duly proved.</p>
<p class='c011'>XX. That no man shall cast or lay in the streets, lanes,
or common passages, or channels within this city or liberties,
any dogs, cats, inwards of beasts, cleaves of beasts feet, bones,
horns, dregs or dross of ale or beer, or any noisome thing, upon
pain of ten shillings for every offence.</p>
<p class='c011'>XXVI. That no artificer, labourer, or other person, shall
make any stop or dam in any channel, nor shall slake any lime
in the streets, lanes, or passages, upon pain to pay two shillings
for every offence.</p>
<p class='c011'>XXVII. That no man shall feed any kine, goats, hogs, or
any kind of poultry, in the open streets, upon pain to forfeit
three shillings and fourpence for every offence.</p>
<p class='c011'>XXVIII. That no man shall cast into the ditches or sewers,
grates or gullets of the city, any manner of carrion, stinking
flesh, rotten oranges or onions, rubbish, dung, sand, gravel, or
any other thing that may stop the course of the same, upon
pain of forfeiting forty shillings for every offence.</p>
<p class='c011'>XXXI. That no tyler, bricklayer, or other person, do throw
out of gutters, or off roofs or other parts of houses, any tyles,
loam, or rubbish, into any street, lane, or common passage;
but do bring down the same in baskets or trays; upon pain to
forfeit three shillings and four pence for every offence.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A LORD MAYOR'S PROCLAMATION (1679).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>Among documents relating to the City there are many
of a similar nature to the following proclamation. Many
of the Mayors and Corporations appear to have been of
opinion that although they might be unable to organise an
<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>efficient government of the City, which should definitely
prevent crime and disorder, at any rate they might draw
up elaborate codes of rules and instructions, as a manifestation
of their earnestness of purpose. Many of these
rules and orders are proclaimed and enacted over and over
again; the precautions and the measures taken against
the flagrant evils which existed were very often utterly
futile, and improvement was extremely slow.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><span class='sc'>By the Mayor.</span></h3>
<p class='c013'>The Right Honourable the Lord Mayor having taken into
his serious consideration the many dreadful afflictions which
this City hath of late years suffered, by a raging plague, a most
unheard-of devouring fire, and otherwise; and justly fearing
that the same have been occasioned by the many heinous crying
sins and provocations to the Divine Majesty: and his Lordship
also considering the present dangers of greater mischiefs and
misery which seem still to threaten this City, if the execution
of the righteous judgments of God Almighty be not prevented
by an universal timely repentance and reformation: he hath,
therefore, thought it one duty of his office, being intrusted to
take all possible care for the good government, peace and welfare
of this City, first, to pray and persuade all and every the
inhabitants thereof to reform, themselves and families, all sins
and enormities whereof they know themselves to be guilty;
and if neither the fear of the Great God, nor of his impending
judgments, shall prevail upon them, he shall be obliged to let
them know, that, as he is their Chief Magistrate, he ought not
to bear the sword in vain; and therefore doth resolve, by God's
grace, to take the assistance of his brethren the Aldermen, and
to require the aid of all the Officers of this City in their several
places, to punish and suppress, according to the laws of the
land, and the good customs of this City, those scandalous
and provoking sins which have of late increased and abounded
amongst us, even without shame, to the dishonour of Christianity,
and the scandal of the government of this City, heretofore
<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>so famous over the world for its piety, sobriety, and good
order.</p>
<p class='c011'>To the end therefore that the laws may become a terror unto
evil-doers, and that such, in whose hearts the fear of God, and
the love of virtue, shall not prevail, being forewarned, may
amend their lives for fear of punishment, his Lordship hath
thought fit to remember them of several penalties provided by
law against notorious offenders; as also of all Constables and
Public Officers (who are to put the said laws in execution) of
their duty therein.</p>
<p class='c011'>First, Every profane curser and swearer ought to be punished
by the payment of twelve pence for every oath; and if the
same cannot be levied upon the offenders goods, then he is to
sit three hours in the stocks.</p>
<p class='c011'>Secondly, Every drunkard is to pay for the first offence five
shillings; and in default thereof to sit six hours in the stocks,
and for the second offence, to find sureties for his good behaviour,
or to be committed to the common gaol; and the like
punishment is to be inflicted upon all common haunters of ale-houses
and taverns, and common gamesters, and persons justly
suspected to live by any unlawful means, having no visible way
to support themselves in their manner of living. And no person
is to sit or continue tippling or drinking more than one hour,
unless upon some extraordinary occasion, in any tavern, victualling-house,
ale-house, or other tippling-house, upon the penalty
of ten shillings for every offence upon the master of such
house; and upon the person that shall so continue drinking,
three shillings four pence....</p>
<p class='c011'>Fourthly, All persons using any unlawful exercises on the
Lord's day, or tippling in taverns, inns or ale-houses, and
coffee-houses, during divine service on that day, are to forfeit
three shillings four pence for every offence, to be levied by distress,
and where none can be had, to sit three hours in the
stocks; and every vintner, innkeeper, or ale-house keeper that
shall suffer any such drinking or tippling in his house, is to
forfeit ten shillings for every offence; and no person may sit in
the streets, with herbs, fruits, or other things, to expose them
<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>to sale, nor no hackney coachman may stand or ply in the
streets on that day.</p>
<p class='c011'>And therefore all Constables and other Officers, whom it
doth or may concern, are required, according to their oaths
solemnly taken in that behalf, to take care for discovering and
bringing to punishment whosoever shall offend in any of the
premises; and for that end they are to enter into any suspected
houses before mentioned to search for any such disorderly persons
as shall be found misbehaving themselves, or doing contrary
to the said laws, and to levy the penalties, and bring the
offenders before some of his Majesties Justices of the Peace of
this City, to be dealt withall according to law.</p>
<p class='c011'>And whereas there are other disorders of another nature,
very dishonourable, and a great scandal to the government of
this City, and very prejudicial to the trade and commerce of
the same; his Lordship, therefore, is resolved by God's blessing,
with the assistance of his brethren the Aldermen, to use
his utmost endeavour to prevent the same, by putting in
execution the good and wholesome laws in force for that purpose,
with all strictness and severity; some of which he hath
thought fit to enumerate, with the duties and penalties upon
every Constable and other officer concerned therein.</p>
<p class='c011'>As first, the great resort of rogues, vagrants, idle persons,
and common beggars, pestering and annoying the streets and
common passages, and all places of public meetings and resort,
against whom very good provision is made by the law, viz.</p>
<p class='c011'>That all such persons shall be openly whipped, and forthwith
sent from parish to parish to the place where he or she was
born, if known; if not, to the place where he or she last dwelt
for the space of one year, to be set to work; or not being
known, where he or she was born or dwelt, then to be sent
to the parish where he or she last passed through without
punishment.</p>
<p class='c011'>That every Constable that shall not do his best endeavour
for the apprehension of such vagabond, rogue or sturdy beggar,
and cause him or her to be punished or conveyed according to
law, shall forfeit ten shillings for every default.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>Secondly, The not paving and cleansing of the streets: the
redressing whereof being by a late act of Parliament put into
Commissioners appointed by Common Council, his Lordship
doth hereby recommend the same to the Deputies and Common
Council of the several wards within this City, to use their
utmost diligence in that affair, and especially to mind their
respective Commissioners of the duty incumbent upon them,
and of the daily damage which the City suffers by the neglect
thereof. And his Lordship doth declare he will appear at the
said Commission of Sewers as often as his more urgent
occasions will give him leave, and doth expect such attendance
of the other Commissioners as may render the act more
effectual than hitherto it hath been.</p>
<p class='c011'>Thirdly, The neglect of the inhabitants of this City in hanging
and keeping out their lights at the accustomed hours,
according to the good and ancient usage of this City, and acts
of Common Council in that behalf.</p>
<p class='c011'>Fourthly, the not setting and continuing the watches at such
hours, and in such numbers, and in such sober and orderly
manner in all other respects, as by the acts of Common Council
in that behalf is directed and appointed.</p>
<p class='c011'>And his Lordship doth strictly require the Fellowship of
Carmen to be very careful in the due observance of the good
and wholesome rules and orders which have been made for
their regulation: his Lordship intending severely to inflict the
penalties imposed in default thereof.</p>
<p class='c011'>And to the end that no Constable or other Officers or
Ministers of Justice may be any ways discouraged in their
lawful, diligent, and vigorous prosecution of the premises, it is
provided, that if they or any of them shall be resisted, in the
just and lawful execution of their charge and duty, or in any
wise affronted or abused, they shall be encouraged, maintained,
and vindicated by the justice, order, and authority of his
Lordship and the Court of Aldermen, and the offenders
prosecuted and punished according to law.</p>
<p class='c011'>Dated at the Guildhall, London, the 29th day of November
1679, in the 31 year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord Charles
<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>the Second, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France,
and Ireland, King, defender of the faith, etc.</p>
<div class='nf-center-c1'>
<div class='nf-center c016'>
<div><span class='sc'>God Save the King.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE POPISH PANIC (1681).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The Monument, in commemoration of the Great Fire
of 1666, was erected in 1671 near Pudding Lane, where
the fire began, and the following inscription was added in
1681. The suspicion, which was attached to the Roman
Catholics, of deliberately setting fire to the City was
altogether unreasonable and baseless, but the people who
had listened to Titus Oates were ready to believe anything,
and the inscription is sufficient indication of the
prevalent feeling against Papists. It is referred to by
Pope—himself a Roman Catholic—in the lines:</p>
<div class='lg-container-b'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>"Where London's column, pointing to the skies,</div>
<div class='line'>Like a tall bully, lifts its head and lies."</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<p class='c000'>The inscription was effaced during the reign of James II.,
was again placed on the base of the column in the reign
of William III., and was finally removed in 1831.</p>
<p class='c011'>This Pillar was set vp in Perpetvall Remembrance of that
most dreadful burning of this Protestant city, begun and
carryed on by ye treachery and malice of ye Popish faction,
in ye beginning of Septem in ye year of our Lord 1666, in
order to ye carrying on their horrid Plott for extirpating the
Protestant Religion and old English liberty, and the introducing
Popery and Slavery.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>POSTAL ARRANGEMENTS (1681).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The Government monopoly of Post Office business
dates back to the reign of James I., who appointed a
Postmaster to have the "sole taking up, sending, and
conveying of all packets and letters concerning our service
<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>or business to be despatched to foreign parts," others
being forbidden to convey letters; and our postal system
was first really founded by an Act of Parliament in 1656
"to settle the postage of England, Scotland, and Ireland."
It ordered the erection of one general post office, and one
officer styled the Postmaster-General of England and
Comptroller of the Post Office. Private individuals occasionally
attempted to establish postal services, and in
1680 William Dockwra set up a profitable penny post for
London. This, like Povey's halfpenny post in 1708, was
suppressed by a lawsuit, and the management and
profits of the Post Office were definitely attached to the
Government.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Delaunay's <cite>Present State of London</cite>, p. 345.</h3>
<p class='c013'>This Office is now kept in Lombard Street, formerly in
Bishopsgate Street; the profits of it are by Act of Parliament
settled on his Royal Highness the Duke of York.
But the King, by Letters Patents, under the Great Seal of
England, constitutes the Postmaster General.</p>
<p class='c011'>From this General Office, letters and packets are despatched—</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>On Mondays.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>To France, Spain, Italy, Germany, Flanders, Switzerland,
Denmark, Kent, and the Downs.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>On Tuesdays.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>To Holland, Germany, Switzerland, Denmark, Ireland,
Scotland, and all parts of England and Wales.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>On Wednesdays.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>To all parts of Kent and the Downs.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>On Thursdays.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>To France, Spain, Italy, and all parts of England and
Scotland.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>
</div>
<h4 class='c014'><em>On Fridays.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>To Flanders, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark
Holland, Kent, and the Downs.</p>
<h4 class='c014'><em>On Saturdays.</em></h4>
<p class='c013'>All parts of England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland.</p>
<p class='c011'>Letters are returned from all parts of England and
Scotland, certainly every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday;
from Wales every Monday and Friday; and from Kent and
the Downs every day; but from other parts more uncertainly,
in regard of the sea.</p>
<p class='c011'>A letter containing a whole sheet of paper is convey'd
80 miles for 2d., two sheets for 4d., and an ounce of letters for
8d., and so proportionably; a letter containing a sheet is conveyed
above 80 miles for 3d., two sheets for 6d., and every
ounce of letters for 12d. A sheet is conveyed to Dublin for
6d., two for 1<sup>s</sup>/-, and an ounce of letters for 12d.</p>
<p class='c011'>This conveyance by post is done in so short a time, by
night as well as by day, that every twenty-four hours the post
goes 120 miles, and in five days an answer of a letter may be
had from a place 300 miles distant from the writer.</p>
<p class='c011'>Moreover, if any gentleman desire to ride post, to any
principal town of England, post-horses are always in readiness
(taking no horse without the consent of his owner), which
in other Kings' reigns was not duly observed; and only 3d. is
demanded for every English mile, and for every stage to the
post-boy, 4d. for conducting.</p>
<p class='c011'>Beside this excellent convenience of conveying letters, and
men on horseback, there is of late such an admirable commodiousness
both for men and women of better rank, to travel
from London, and to almost all the villages near this great
City, that the like hath not been known in the world, and that
is by stage-coaches, wherein one may be transported to any
place, sheltered from foul weather, and foul ways, free from
endamaging one's health or body by hard jogging, or over-violent
motion; and this not only at a low price, as about a
<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>1<sup>s</sup>/- for every 5 miles, but with such velocity and speed as that
the posts in some foreign countries make not more miles in
a day; for the stage-coaches, called the flying-coaches, make
40 or 50 miles in a day, as from London to Oxford or
Cambridge, and that in the space of twelve hours, not counting
the time for dining, setting forth not too early, nor coming in
too late.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON AFTER JAMES II.'s ABDICATION (1688).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The citizens of London took a prominent part in the
exciting events of the years 1688-89. In no part of the
country was there a stronger anti-Popish feeling, and
none of the believers and propagators of the notorious
Popish Plot of Titus Oates had been so conspicuous as
the Londoners. They took the lead in the demonstrations
which attended the issue of the famous trial of the seven
Bishops, and were foremost in suggesting the practicability
of expelling James from the throne. As soon as the King
realised his danger, he sent for the Lord Mayor and the
Aldermen, and informed them of his determination to
restore the City Charter and privileges, which had been
confiscated by Charles II. He hoped by this to gain the
powerful support of the citizens, who, however, were not
to be bought by this tardy act of justice. The Court of
Common Council sent an address to the Prince of Orange,
promising him a welcome reception; and the Corporation
waited on him, on his arrival in London, with an ardent
address of congratulation.</p>
<p class='c000'>The feelings of the mob, always fierce when roused by
any unusual event, appear to have led them to somewhat
violent measures in their expressions of hatred towards
Roman Catholics. A similar panic, attended by similar
outbreaks, was witnessed in 1780, when proposals to grant
some relief to Papists caused the "Gordon Riots."</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>The London Mercury</cite>, December 12, 1688.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>No sooner was the King's withdrawing known, but the mob
consulted to wreak their vengeance on papists and popery;
and last night began with pulling down and burning the new-built
Mass-house near the arch, in Lincoln's Inn Fields: thence
they went to Wild-house, the residence of the Spanish Ambassador,
where they ransacked, destroyed and burnt all the
ornamental and inside part of the chapel, some cartloads of
choice books, manuscript, etc. And not content here, some
villanous thieves and common rogues, no doubt, took this
opportunity to mix with the youth, and they plunder'd the
Ambassador's house of plate, jewels, money, rich goods, etc.:
and also many other who had sent in there for shelter their
money, plate, etc.: among which, one gentleman lost a trunk,
in which was £800 in money, and a great quantity of plate.
Thence they went to the Mass-house, at St. James's, near
Smithfield, demolished it quite; from thence to Blackfriars
near the Ditchside, where they destroyed Mr. Henry Hill's
printing-house, spoiled his forms, letters, etc., and burnt 2 or
300 reams of paper, printed and unprinted: thence to the Mass-house
in Bucklersbury and Lime-street, and there demolished
and burnt as before: and this night they went to the Nuncio's,
and other places at that end of the town; but finding the birds
flown, and the bills on the door, they drew off: thence they
went into the City, threatening to pull down all papists' houses,
particularly one in Ivy Lane, and the market house upon
Newgate Market, for no other reason but that one Burdet,
a papist, was one of the farmers of the market; but by the
prudence of the citizens and some of their trained bands, they
were got off without mischief doing anywhere.</p>
<p class='c011'>Tuesday night last, and all Wednesday, the apprentices were
busy in pulling down the chapels, and spoiling the houses of
papists; they crying out the fire should not go out till the
Prince of Orange came to town. There were thousands of
them on Wednesday at the Spanish Ambassador's, they not
leaving any wainscot withinside the house or chapel, taking
<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>away great quantities of plate, with much money, household
goods and writings, verifying the old proverb "All's fish that
came to the net." The spoil of the house was very great,
divers papists having sent their goods in thither, as judging
that the securest place.</p>
<p class='c011'>Then they went to the Lord Powis's great house in Lincoln's
Inn Fields, wherein was a guard, and a bill upon the door,
"This house is appointed for the Lord Delameer's quarters:"
and some of the company crying, "Let it alone, the Lord
Powis was against the Bishops going to the Tower," they
offered no violence to it.</p>
<p class='c011'>Afterwards they marched down the Strand with oranges
upon their sticks, crying for the Prince of Orange, and went
to the Pope's Nuncio's, but finding a bill upon the door, "This
house is to be let," they desisted. Lastly, they did some
damage to the house of the resident of the Duke of Tuscany,
in the Haymarket, carrying away some of his goods, when one
Captain Douglas, coming thither with a company of trained
bands to suppress them, a soldier, unadvisedly firing at the
boys with ball, shot the Captain through the back, of which
he lies languishing. They also went to the houses of the
French and other Ambassadors, but finding them deserted and
the landlords giving them money, they marched off.</p>
<p class='c011'>On Thursday, an order of the Lords coming forth, warning
all persons to desist from pulling down any house, especially
those of the Ambassadors, upon penalty of the utmost severity
of the law to be inflicted on them: since which they have been
very quiet.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LORD MAYOR'S DAY (1689).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The following passage indicates the good-will which
existed between the citizens and their new Sovereigns.
The Lord Mayor invited their Majesties to witness the
festivities, and the King expressed his satisfaction by
knighting the sheriffs. Just before this the King had
allowed the Grocers' Company to choose him as their
<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>Master, and when, some days after the pageant described
below, some disaffected person expressed his disapproval
of these manifestations of cordiality between the King and
the City by cutting away the crown and sceptre from the
King's picture in the Guildhall, the Lord Mayor offered
a reward of £500 for the discovery of the perpetrator.
These civilities were preliminary to the complete restoration
of all the corporate rights of the citizens, which had
been seized by Charles II. The Act of 1690, declaring
the franchises, rights, and liberties of the City of London
to be fully restored, was the last of the long series of
confirmations of these treasured privileges.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>London Gazette</cite>, October 28, 1689.</h3>
<p class='c013'>This day Sir Thomas Pilkington being continued Lord
Mayor for the year ensuing was, according to custom, sworn
before the Barons of the Exchequer, at Westminster, whither
he went by water, accompanied by the Aldermen and the
several companies, in their respective barges, adorned with
flags and streamers; passing by Whitehall they paid their
obeisance to their Majesties, who were in their apartment by
the water-side. The river was covered with boats, and the
noise of drums and trumpets, and several sorts of music, with
the firing of great guns, and the repeated huzzas of such a
multitude of people, afforded a very agreeable entertainment.</p>
<p class='c011'>And their Majesties, the Prince and Princess of Denmark,
and the Lords spiritual and temporal and Commons assembled
in Parliament, having been pleased to accept of an humble
invitation from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common
Council, to dine in the city on this day, about noon their
Majesties came, attended by his Royal Highness, all the great
officers of the Court, and a numerous train of nobility and
gentry in their coaches, the militia of London and Westminster
making a lane for them, the balconies all along their passage
being richly hung with tapestry, and filled with spectators, and
the people in great crowds expressing their joy with loud and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>continued acclamations. Their Majesties were pleased from
a balcony prepared for them in Cheapside to see the show;
which, for the great numbers of the citizens of the several
guilds attending in their formalities, the full appearance of the
artillery company, the rich adornment of the pageants, and
hieroglyphical representations, and the splendour and good
order of the whole proceeding, outdid all that has been heretofore
seen in this city upon the like occasions; but that which
deserves to be particularly mentioned was the royal city regiment
of volunteer horse, which being richly and gallantly
accoutred, and led by the Right Honourable the Earl of
Monmouth, attended their Majesty's from Whitehall into the
city.</p>
<p class='c011'>The cavalcade being passed by, the King and Queen were
conducted by the two Sheriffs to the Guildhall, where their
Majesties, both Houses of Parliament, the Privy Councillors,
the Judges, the Ladies of the Bedchamber, and other ladies
of the chiefest quality, dined at several tables; and the grandeur
and magnificence of the entertainment was suitable to so august
and extraordinary a presence. Their Majesties were extremely
pleased, and as a mark thereof, the King conferred the honour
of Knighthood upon Christopher Lithiullier and John Houblon,
Esquires, the present Sheriffs, as also upon Edward Clark and
Francis Child, two of the Aldermen.</p>
<p class='c011'>In the evening their Majesties returned to Whitehall with
the same state they came. The militia again lined the streets,
the city regiments as far as Temple-bar, and the red and blue
regiments of Middlesex and Westminster from thence to Whitehall,
the soldiers having, at convenient distances, lighted flambeaux
in their hands; the houses were all illuminated, the bells
ringing, and nothing was omitted through the whole course of
this day's solemnity, either by the magistrates or people, that
might show their respect or veneration, as well as their dutiful
affection and loyalty to their Majesties, and the sense they have
of the happiness they enjoy under their most benign and gracious
government.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>
<h2 class='c004'>GAY'S "TRIVIA" (1716).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'><cite>Trivia</cite> was one of the earliest productions of John Gay,
and although its poetical merit is by no means conspicuous,
it is one of the poet's most notable productions, as a vivid
description of the streets of London two hundred years
ago. The piece is too long to print in full, but the
extracts which are given are typical and representative
of the general style and matter of the poem.</p>
<div class='lg-container-b'>
<div class='linegroup'>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line'>But when the swinging signs your ears offend</div>
<div class='line'>With creaking noise, then rainy floods impend;</div>
<div class='line'>Soon shall the kennels swell with rapid streams,</div>
<div class='line'>And rush in muddy torrents to the Thames.</div>
<div class='line'>The bookseller, whose shop's an open square,</div>
<div class='line'>Forsees the tempest, and with early care</div>
<div class='line'>Of learning strips the rails; the rowing crew,</div>
<div class='line'>To tempt a fare, clothe all their tilts in blue;</div>
<div class='line'>On hosier's poles depending stockings ty'd,</div>
<div class='line'>Flag with the slacken'd gale from side to side;</div>
<div class='line'>Church-monuments foretell the changing air,</div>
<div class='line'>Then Niobe dissolves into a tear,</div>
<div class='line'>And sweats with sacred grief; you'll hear the sounds</div>
<div class='line'>Of whistling winds, ere kennels break their bounds;</div>
<div class='line'>Ungrateful odours common-shores diffuse,</div>
<div class='line'>And dropping vaults distil unwholesome dews,</div>
<div class='line'>Ere the tiles rattle with the smoking shower,</div>
<div class='line'>And spouts on heedless men their torrents pour.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line in2'>If cloth'd in black you tread the busy town,</div>
<div class='line'>Or if distinguish'd by the reverend gown,</div>
<div class='line'>Three trades avoid: oft in the mingling press</div>
<div class='line'>The barber's apron soils the sable dress;</div>
<div class='line'>Shun the perfumer's touch with cautious eye,</div>
<div class='line'>Nor let the baker's step advance too nigh.</div>
<div class='line'>Ye walkers too, that youthful colours wear,</div>
<div class='line'>Three sullying trades avoid with equal care:</div>
<div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>The little chimney-sweeper skulks along,</div>
<div class='line'>And marks with sooty stains the heedless throng;</div>
<div class='line'>When small-coal murmurs in the hoarser throat,</div>
<div class='line'>From smutty dangers guard thy threaten'd coat;</div>
<div class='line'>The dustman's cart offends thy clothes and eyes,</div>
<div class='line'>When through the street a cloud of ashes flies;</div>
<div class='line'>But, whether black or lighter dyes are worn,</div>
<div class='line'>The chandler's basket, on his shoulder borne,</div>
<div class='line'>With tallow spots thy coat; resign the way,</div>
<div class='line'>To shun the surly butcher's greasy tray.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line in2'>If drawn by business to a street unknown,</div>
<div class='line'>Let the sworn porter point thee through the town;</div>
<div class='line'>Be sure observe the signs, for signs remain,</div>
<div class='line'>Like faithful landmarks, to the walking train.</div>
<div class='line'>Seek not from 'prentices to learn the way,</div>
<div class='line'>Those fabling boys will turn thy steps astray;</div>
<div class='line'>Ask the grave tradesmen to direct thee right,</div>
<div class='line'>He ne'er deceives—but when he profits by't.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line in2'>O bear me to the paths of fair Pall-mall!</div>
<div class='line'>Safe are thy pavements, grateful is thy smell!</div>
<div class='line'>At distance rolls along the gilded coach,</div>
<div class='line'>Nor sturdy carmen on thy walks encroach;</div>
<div class='line'>No lets would bar thy ways were chairs deny'd,</div>
<div class='line'>The soft supports of laziness and pride:</div>
<div class='line'>Shops breathe perfumes, through sashes ribbons glow,</div>
<div class='line'>The mutual arms of ladies and the beau.</div>
<div class='line'>Yet still e'en here, when rains the passage hide,</div>
<div class='line'>Oft the loose stone spirts up a muddy tide</div>
<div class='line'>Beneath thy careless foot; and from on high,</div>
<div class='line'>Where masons mount the ladder, fragments fly,</div>
<div class='line'>Mortar and crumbled lime in showers descend,</div>
<div class='line'>And o'er thy head destructive tiles impend.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line in2'>Where Covent-garden's famous temple stands,</div>
<div class='line'>That boasts the work of Jones' immortal hands;</div>
<div class='line'>Columns with plain magnificence appear,</div>
<div class='line'>And graceful porches lead along the square:</div>
<div class='line'><span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>Here oft my course I bend; when, lo! from far</div>
<div class='line'>I spy the furies of the foot-ball war:</div>
<div class='line'>The 'prentice quits his shop, to join the crew,</div>
<div class='line'>Increasing crowds the flying game pursue.</div>
<div class='line'>Thus, as you roll the ball o'er snowy ground,</div>
<div class='line'>The gathering globe augments with every round.</div>
<div class='line'>But whither shall I run? the throng draws nigh,</div>
<div class='line'>The ball now skims the street, now soars on high:</div>
<div class='line'>The dext'rous glazier strong returns the bound,</div>
<div class='line'>And jingling sashes on the pent-house sound.</div>
</div>
<div class='group'>
<div class='line in2'>Where Lincoln's-inn, wide space, is rail'd around,</div>
<div class='line'>Cross not with venturous step; there oft is found</div>
<div class='line'>The lurking thief, who, while the daylight shone,</div>
<div class='line'>Made the walls echo with his begging tone:</div>
<div class='line'>That crutch, which late compassion mov'd, shall wound</div>
<div class='line'>Thy bleeding head, and fell thee to the ground.</div>
<div class='line'>Though thou art tempted by the link-man's call,</div>
<div class='line'>Yet trust him not along the lonely wall;</div>
<div class='line'>In the mid-way he'll quench the flaming brand,</div>
<div class='line'>And share the booty with the pilfering band.</div>
<div class='line'>Still keep the public streets, where oily rays,</div>
<div class='line'>Shot from the crystal lamp, o'erspread the ways.</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE (1720).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The scenes in 'Change Alley during the period of the
rise and fall of South Sea Company shares have often
been described. The mad spirit of speculation which
seized all classes alike, the foolish and unreasoning belief
in the possibility of realising fabulous wealth, the floating
of innumerable companies, many of which were of a
most absurd character, the panic which followed inevitably
on the inflation of prices—all these things were
witnessed in London, the centre of the financial affairs
of the nation. There was great indignation against the
<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>Ministers and directors who had made large profits, and
a parliamentary inquiry disclosed the fact that there had
been bribery and corruption on an extensive scale. The
distracting effect of events of this kind was extremely
injurious to the City, and the attitude of the citizens is
set forth in their petition to the House of Commons.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>The Journal of Common Council</cite>, quoted by Maitland,<br />vol. i., p. 530.</h3>
<p class='c013'>Your petitioners beg leave to return their most humble
thanks to this honourable House for the great pains they have
taken to relieve the unhappy sufferers, by compelling the
offenders to make restitution; as likewise for their continued
application to lay open this whole scene of guilt, notwithstanding
the industrious artifices of such sharers in the common
plunder, as have endeavoured to obstruct the detection of
fraud and corruption. And your petitioners doubt not, but the
same fortitude, impartiality and public spirit wherewith this
Honourable House have hitherto acted, will still animate them
in the pursuit of those truly great and noble ends.</p>
<p class='c011'>We are too sensible of the load of public debts, not to wish
that all proper methods may be taken to lessen them: and it is
an infinite concern to us, that the payment of a great sum
towards them (which was expected from the late scheme) is
now rendered extremely difficult, if not impracticable; and
yet, as a cloud, hanging over the heads of the present unfortunate
proprietors of the South-Sea Company, and a great
damp to public credit. We will not presume to mention in
what manner relief may be given in this arduous affair; but
most humbly submit it to the consideration of this Honourable
House. Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray this
Honourable House will be pleased to take such farther measures
as they, in their great wisdom, shall judge proper, that trade
may flourish, public credit be restored, and justice done to an
injured people.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>
<h2 class='c004'>DEFOE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON (1725).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>This account of the capital is useful, as indicating its
extent and dimensions two centuries ago. Defoe was an
accurate observer, and had noticed the rapid expansion
which had taken place even during his own day. As trade
and commerce increased, the boundaries of London were
extended farther and farther, and it would appear that
the questions with which this extract concludes are as far
from being answered as they were when Defoe asked
them.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain</cite>,<br />1724-1727, vol. ii., pp. 94-97.</h3>
<p class='c013'><em>London</em>, as a City only, and as its Walls and Liberties live it
out, might, indeed, be viewed in a small Compass; but, when
I speak of <em>London</em>, now in the Modern Acceptation, you expect
I shall take in all that vast Mass of Buildings, reaching from
<em>Black Wall</em> in the <em>East</em> to <em>Tothill Fields</em> in the <em>West</em>; and extended
in an unequal Breadth, from the Bridge, or River, on
the <em>South</em>, to <em>Islington North</em>; and from <em>Peterburgh House</em> on the
Bank Side in <em>Westminster</em>, to <em>Cavendish Square</em>, and all the new
Buildings by, and beyond <em>Hanover Square</em>, by which the City of
<em>London</em>, for so it is still to be called, is extended to <em>Hyde Park
Corner</em> in the <em>Brentford Road</em>, and almost to <em>Maribone</em> in the
<em>Acton Road</em>, and how much farther may it spread, who knows?
New Squares, and new Streets rising up every Day to such a
Prodigy of Buildings, that nothing in the world does, or ever
did, equal it, except old <em>Rome</em> in <em>Trajan's</em> time, when the walls
were Fifty Miles in Compass, and the Number of Inhabitants
Six Millions Eight Hundred Thousand Souls.</p>
<p class='c011'>It is the Disaster of <em>London</em>, as to the Beauty of its Figure,
that it is thus stretched out in Buildings, just at the pleasure
of every Builder, or Undertaker of Buildings, and as the Convenience
of the People directs, whether for Trade, or otherwise;
and this has spread the Face of it in a most straggling, confus'd
<span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>Manner, out of all Shape, uncompact, and unequal; neither
long nor broad, round or square; whereas the City of <em>Rome</em>,
though a monster for its Greatness, yet was, in a manner,
round, with very few Irregularities in its Shape.</p>
<p class='c011'>At <em>London</em>, including the Buildings on both Sides the Water,
one sees it, in some Places, Three Miles broad, as from <em>St.
George's</em> in <em>Southwark</em>, to <em>Shoreditch</em> in <em>Middlesex</em>; or Two Miles,
as from <em>Peterburgh House</em> to <em>Montague House</em>; and in some
Places, not half a Mile, as in <em>Wapping</em>; and much less, as in
<em>Redriff</em> [Rotherhithe].</p>
<p class='c011'>We see several Villages, formerly standing, as it were, in
the County and at a great Distance, now joyn'd to the Streets
by continued Buildings, and more making haste to meet in the
like Manner; for Example, 1. <em>Deptford</em>, This Town was formerly
reckoned at least Two Miles off from <em>Redriff</em>, and that over the
Marshes too, a Place unlikely ever to be inhabited; and yet
now, by the Encrease of Buildings in that Town itself, and by
the Docks and Buildings-Yard on the River Side, which stand
between both the Town of <em>Deptford</em>, and the Streets of <em>Redriff</em>
(or Rotherhith as they write it) are effectually joyn'd, and the
Buildings daily increasing; so that <em>Deptford</em> is no more a
separated Town, but is become a Part of the great Mass, and
infinitely full of People also; Here they have, within the last
Two or Three Years, built a fine new Church, and were the Town
of Deptford now separated, and rated by itself, I believe it
contains more People, and stands upon more Ground, than the
City of <em>Wells</em>.</p>
<p class='c011'>The Town of <em>Islington</em> on the <em>North</em> side of the City, is in
like Manner joyn'd to the Streets of <em>London</em>, excepting one
small Field, and which is in itself so small, that there is no
Doubt, but in a very few years, they will be intirely joyn'd,
and the same may be said of <em>Mile-End</em>, on the <em>East</em> End of the
Town.</p>
<p class='c011'><em>Newington</em>, called <em>Newington Butts</em>, in <em>Surrey</em>, reaches out her
Hand <em>North</em>, and is so near joining to <em>Southwark</em>, that it cannot
now be properly called a Town by itself, but a Suburb to the
Burrough, and if, <em>as they now tell us is undertaken</em>, <em>St. George's
<span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>Fields</em> should be built with Squares and Streets, a very little
Time will shew us <em>Newington</em>, <em>Lambeth</em>, and the <em>Burrough</em>, all
making but one <em>Southwark</em>.</p>
<p class='c011'>Westminster is in a fair Way to shake Hands with
Chelsea, as <em>St. Gyles's</em> is with <em>Marybone</em>; and Great <em>Russel</em>
Street by <em>Montague House</em>, with <em>Tottenham Court</em>: all this is very
evident, and yet all these put together are still to be called
<em>London</em>: Whither will this monstrous City then extend? and
where must a Circumvallation or Communication Line of it be
placed?</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>A PETITION AGAINST THE EXCISE BILL (1733).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The equitable distribution of taxation is a problem
which no financial minister has ever solved to the satisfaction
of all the interests in the country, and Walpole,
one of the ablest of financiers, was unable to effect an
adjustment of the burden which would please everybody.
In the reign of William III. a land-tax had been imposed
to meet the expenses of the French war, and this was
alleged to press heavily and unfairly on the country gentry,
who demanded that the wealthy trading interests should
pay more. Walpole tried a salt-tax, which, of course, was
very hard on the poorer classes; and in 1733 he proposed
to turn the Customs levied at the ports on wine and tobacco
into an excise levied on these articles in the possession of
the traders. His reason was that owing to the prevalence
of smuggling the Customs did not produce as much as
they ought, and he thought that the excise duties would
be more efficiently collected. The proposal was violently
opposed; it was stated that the necessary inspection of
warehouses was a violation of liberty, and Walpole was
forced to give way. The citizens of London shared the
general hatred of the measure, and set forth their reasons
in a petition to the House of Commons.</p>
<div>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 560.</h3>
</div>
<p class='c013'>Your petitioners observe in the votes of this Honourable
House, that a Bill has been brought in, pursuant to the resolutions
of the sixteenth day of March, for repealing several
subsidies, and an impost now payable on tobacco of the British
plantations, and for granting an Inland-duty in lieu thereof.</p>
<p class='c011'>That they presume therefore, in all humility, by a respectful
application to this Honourable House, to express, as they have
already done in some measure by their representation to their
members, the universal sense of the City of London, concerning
any further extension of the laws of excise.</p>
<p class='c011'>That the burden of taxes already imposed on every branch
of trade, however cheerfully borne, is severely felt; but that
your petitioners apprehend this burden will grow too heavy to
be borne, if it be increased by such vexatious and oppressive
methods of levying and collecting the duties, as they are assured,
by melancholy experience, that the nature of all Excises must
necessarily produce.</p>
<p class='c011'>That the merchants, tradesmen, and manufacturers of this
Kingdom have supported themselves under the pressure of the
excise-laws now in force, by the comfortable and reasonable
expectation, that laws, which nothing but public necessity could
be a motive to enact, would be repealed in favour of the trade
of the nation, and of the liberty of the subject, whenever that
motive should be removed, as your petitioners presume it
effectually is, by an undisturbed tranquillity at home, and
a general peace so firmly established abroad.</p>
<p class='c011'>That, if this expectation be entirely taken away; if the Excise
laws, instead of being repealed, are extended to other species
of merchandizes not yet excised, and a door opened for extending
them to all; your petitioners cannot, in justice to themselves,
to the merchants, tradesmen, and manufacturers of the whole
kingdom, and to the general interest of their country, conceal
their apprehensions, that the most fatal blow which ever was
given, will be given on this occasion to the trade and navigation
of Great Britain; that great spring, from which the wealth and
<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>prosperity of the public flow, will be obstructed; the mercantile
part of the nation will become not only less able to trade to
advantage, but unwilling to trade at all; for no person, who
can enjoy all the privileges of a British subject out of trade,
even with a small fortune, will voluntarily renounce some of
the most valuable of those privileges, by subjecting himself to
the laws of excise.</p>
<p class='c011'>That your petitioners are able to shew, that these their
apprehensions are founded both on experience and reason;
and therefore your petitioners most humbly pray, That this
Honourable House will be pleased to hear them by their
Counsel against the said bill.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>LONDON STREETS (1741).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>We have abundant evidence from many sources as to
the deplorable condition of the streets of London down
to comparatively recent times. It is somewhat surprising
that this neglect should continue, while the danger was
thoroughly understood. In the days of the Plague, John
Evelyn was fully aware of the horrible conditions, and
strongly inveighed against the nuisances of smoke and
dirt. It was recognised that the existence of these filthy
conditions had contributed to the spread of the Plague,
and that there was an ever-present danger so long as
these conditions remained; and yet, in spite of this knowledge,
we find it possible for an indictment such as this to
be made as late as 1741:</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Speech by Lord Tyrconnel, January 27, 1741, quoted<br />by Maitland, vol. i., p. 593.</h3>
<p class='c013'>The filth, Sir, of some parts of the town, and the inequality
and ruggedness of others, cannot but in the eyes of foreigners
disgrace our nation, and incline them to imagine us a people,
not only without delicacy, but without Government—a herd of
barbarians, or a colony of Hottentots. The most disgusting
<span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>part of the character given by travellers, of the most savage
nations, is their neglect of cleanliness, of which, perhaps, no
part of the world affords more proofs than the streets of London,
a city famous for wealth, commerce, and plenty, and for every
other kind of civility and politeness; but which abounds with
such heaps of filth, as a savage would look on with amazement.
If that be allowed, which is generally believed, that putrefaction
and stench are causes of pestilential distempers, the removal
of this grievance may be pressed from motives of far greater
weight than those of delicacy and pleasure; and I might solicit
the timely care of this assembly, for the preservation of innumerable
multitudes; and intreat those who are watching against
slight misfortunes, to unite their endeavours with mine, to
avert the greatest and most dreadful calamities.</p>
<p class='c011'>Not to dwell, Sir, upon dangers which may perhaps be
thought only imaginary, I hope that it will be at least considered
how much the present neglect of the pavement is
detrimental to every carriage, whether of trade or pleasure,
or convenience; and that those who have allowed so much of
their attentions to petitions relating to the roads of the kingdom,
the repair of some of which is almost every session thought of
importance sufficient enough to produce debates in this House,
will not think the streets of the capital alone unworthy of their
regard. That the present neglect of cleansing and paving the
streets is such as ought not to be borne; that the passenger is
everywhere either surprised and endangered by unexpected
chasms, or offended and obstructed by mountains of filth, is
well known to everyone that has passed a single day in this
great City; and, that this great grievance is without a remedy,
is a sufficient proof that no magistrate has, at present, power
to remove it; for every man's private regard to his own ease
and safety would incite him to exert his authority on this
occasion.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>
<h2 class='c004'>THE LOYALTY OF THE LONDON MERCHANTS<br />(1743).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The position of the mercantile interests on occasions of
political or dynastic complications is made quite clear by
the following letter. The merchants of London were in
no way influenced by the sentimental or other considerations
which induced a number of Englishmen to support a
Stuart Pretender at a time when the country had experienced
half a century of steady and prosperous government,
free from the difficulties which had always been associated
with the Stuart monarchs; and the protestations of personal
loyalty to George II. may be understood to signify
a determination to adhere to the established system of
aristocratic government, and to run no risk of a return to
the disturbances and distractions which marked the seventeenth
century.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 634.</h3>
<p class='c013'>We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the
merchants of your City of London, having observed, by your
Majesty's most gracious message to your parliament, that
designs are carrying on by your Majesty's enemies, in favour
of a popish pretender, to disturb the peace and quiet of these
your Majesty's kingdoms, think it our indispensable duty, not
to omit this opportunity of expressing our just resentment and
indignation at so rash an attempt.</p>
<p class='c011'>We have too lively a sense of the happiness we enjoy in
our religion and liberties under your Majesty's mild and
auspicious reign, and of the flourishing condition of our trade
and commerce, even in the midst of war, under your paternal
care and vigilance, not to give your Majesty the strongest
assurance of our highest gratitude for such invaluable blessings;
nor can we doubt, but by the blessing of God upon your
Majesty's arms, and the unanimous support of your faithful
<span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>subjects, the attempts of your enemies will recoil upon themselves,
and end in their own confusion.</p>
<p class='c011'>We therefore humbly beg leave to declare to your Majesty
our unshaken resolution, that we will, on this critical conjuncture,
exert our utmost endeavours for the support of public
credit, and at all times hazard our lives and fortunes, in defence
of your Majesty's sacred person and government, and for the
security of the protestant succession in your Royal Family.</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE GORDON RIOTS (1780).</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The Gordon Riots were the most formidable popular
rising of the eighteenth century. In 1778 a Bill, brought
forward by Sir George Savile, for the relaxation of some
of the harsher penal laws against Catholics, passed almost
unanimously through both Houses. Protestant associations
were formed in Scotland; a leader was found in
Lord George Gordon, a silly young man of twenty-eight
years of age, and the agitation spread to England. Mobs
collected in London, and interfered with the House of
Commons; as they realised their strength, they proceeded
to various excesses, destroying Catholic churches and the
houses of prominent Romanists. The original objects of
the agitation were entirely lost sight of in the disturbances,
which were merely the unreasoning ravages of
a wild mob. For five days the City was terrorised by
the rioters, who were at length dispersed by the military
authorities.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—Boswell's <cite>Life of Johnson</cite>.</h3>
<p class='c013'>While Johnson was thus engaged in preparing a delightful
literary entertainment for the world, the tranquillity of the
metropolis of Great Britain was unexpectedly disturbed by the
most horrid series of outrages that ever disgraced a civilised
country. A relaxation of some of the severe penal provisions
against our fellow subjects of the Catholic communion had
been granted by the legislature, with an opposition so inconsiderable,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>that the genuine mildness of Christianity, united
with liberal policy, seemed to have become general in this
island. But a dark and malignant spirit of persecution soon
showed itself, in an unworthy petition for the repeal of the
wise and humane statute. That petition was brought forward
by a mob, with the evident purpose of intimidation, and was
justly rejected. But the attempt was accompanied and followed
by such daring violence as is unexampled in history.
Of this extraordinary tumult, Dr. Johnson has given the following
concise, lively, and just account in his "Letter to Mrs.
Thrale."</p>
<p class='c011'>"On Friday, the good Protestants met in Saint George's-Fields,
at the summons of Lord George Gordon, and marching
to Westminster, insulted the Lords and Commons, who all bore
it with great tameness. At night the outrages began by the
demolition of the Mass-house by Lincoln's Inn. An exact
journal of a week's defiance of government I cannot give you.
On Monday, Mr. Strahan, who had been insulted, spoke to
Lord Mansfield (who had, I think, been insulted too) of the
licentiousness of the populace; and his lordship treated it as
a very slight irregularity. On Tuesday night they pulled down
Fielding's house, and burnt his goods in the street. They had
gutted, on Monday, Sir George Savile's house, but the building
was saved. On Tuesday evening, leaving Fielding's ruins,
they went to Newgate to demand their companions, who had
been seized demolishing the chapel. The keeper could not
release them but by the Mayor's permission, which he went to
ask; at his return he found all the prisoners released, and
Newgate in a blaze. They then went to Bloomsbury, and
fastened upon Lord Mansfield's house, which they pulled
down; and as for his goods, they totally burnt them. They
have since gone to Caenwood, but a guard was there before
them. They plundered some Papists, I think, and burnt a
mass-house in Moorfields the same night.</p>
<p class='c011'>"On Wednesday I walked with Dr. Scot to look at Newgate,
and found it in ruins, with the fire yet glowing. As
I went by, the Protestants were plundering the Sessions House
<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>at the Old Bailey. There were not, I believe, a hundred; but
they did their work at leisure, in full security, without sentinels,
without trepidation, as men lawfully employed in full
day. Such is the cowardice of a commercial place. On Wednesday
they broke open the Fleet, and the King's Bench, and
the Marshalsea, and Wood St. Compter, and Clerkenwell
Bridewell, and released all the prisoners.</p>
<p class='c011'>"At night they set fire to the Fleet, and to the King's
Bench, and I know not how many other places; and one
might see the glare of conflagration fill the sky from many
parts. The sight was dreadful. Some people were threatened.
Mr. Strahan advised me to take care of myself. Such a time
of terror you have been happy in not seeing.</p>
<p class='c011'>"The King said in Council 'that the magistrates had not
done their duty, but that he would do his own'; and a proclamation
was published directing us to keep our servants
within doors, as the peace was now to be preserved by force.
The soldiers were sent out to different parts, and the town
is now (June 9) at quiet.</p>
<p class='c011'>"The soldiers are stationed so as to be everywhere within
call: there is no longer any body of rioters, and the individuals
are hunted to their holes, and led to prison; Lord George was
last night sent to the Tower. Mr. John Wilkes was this day
in my neighbourhood, to seize the publisher of a seditious
paper.</p>
<p class='c011'>"Several chapels have been destroyed, and several inoffensive
Papists have been plundered, but the high sport was to
burn the gaols. This was a good rabble trick. The debtors
and the criminals were all set at liberty; but of the criminals,
as has always happened, many are already retaken; and two
pirates have surrendered themselves, and it is expected that
they will be pardoned.</p>
<p class='c011'>"Government now acts again with its proper force; and we
are all under the protection of the King, and the law. I thought
that it would be agreeable to you and my master to have my
testimony to the public security; and that you would sleep
more quietly when I told you that you were safe.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>"There has, indeed, been a universal panic, from which the
King was the first that recovered. Without the concurrence
of his ministers, or the assistance of the civil magistrates, he
put the soldiers in motion, and saved the town from calamities,
such as a rabble's government must naturally produce.</p>
<p class='c011'>"The public has escaped a very heavy calamity. The
rioters attempted the Bank on Wednesday night, but in no
great number; and, like other thieves, with no great resolution.
Jack Wilkes headed the party that drove them away. It is
agreed that if they had seized the Bank on Tuesday, at the
height of the panic, when no resistance had been prepared,
they might have carried irrecoverably away whatever they had
found. Jack who was always zealous for order and decency,
declares that if he be trusted with power, he will not leave
a rioter alive. There is, however, now no longer any need of
heroism or bloodshed; no blue riband is any longer worn.</p>
<p class='c011'>"Such was the end of this miserable sedition, from which
London was delivered by the magnanimity of the Sovereign
himself. Whatever some may maintain, I am satisfied that
there was no combination or plan, either domestic or foreign;
but that the mischief spread by a gradual contagion of frenzy,
augmented by the quantities of fermented liquors, of which
the deluded populace possessed themselves in the course of
their depredations."</p>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>THE TRADE OF LONDON IN 1791.</h2>
</div>
<p class='c005'>The following account of London's trade at the end
of the eighteenth century is, of course, concerned with
the manufacturing and commercial activity of the whole
country as well as with the particular work of London;
but the City was the chief port and centre of a trade
which had grown with marvellously rapid strides. The
mechanical inventions in the textile industries, the phenomenal
growth of manufactures at this time, the stimulus
given to English trade by the disturbances on the Continent,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>all assisted in an amazing development of commerce, of
which London was the centre.</p>
<h3 class='c009'><strong>Source.</strong>—<cite>The British Directory</cite>, 1791.</h3>
<p class='c013'>The commerce of the world being in perpetual fluctuation,
we can never be too watchful, not only for preserving what
we are now in possession of, but for availing ourselves of the
mistakes or negligences of other nations, in order to acquire
new branches of it. Who could have imagined, three hundred
years ago, that those ports of the Levant, from whence, by
means of the Venetians, England, and almost all the rest of
Christendom, were supplied with the spices, drugs, etc., of India
and China, should one day come themselves to be supplied with
those very articles by the remote countries of England and
Holland, at an easier rate than they were used to have them
directly from the East; or that Venice should afterwards lose
to Lisbon the lucrative trade of supplying the rest of Europe
with them; or lastly, that Lisbon should afterwards lose the
same to Amsterdam; or that Amsterdam and Haerlem should
gradually lose, as in great part they have done, their famous
and fine linen manufactures to Ireland and Scotland? At
present, our woollen manufacture is the noblest in the universe;
and second to it is our metallic manufacture of iron, steel, tin,
copper, lead, and brass, which is supposed to employ upwards
of half a million of people. Our unmanufactured wool alone,
of one year's produce or growth, has been estimated to be
worth two millions sterling; and, when manufactured, it is
valued at six millions more, and is thought to employ upwards
of a million of our people in its manufacture; whereas in
former times all our wool was exported unmanufactured, and
our own people remained unemployed. Even within the three
last centuries, the whole rental or value of all the lands and
houses in England did not exceed five millions; but by the
spirited exertions of the City of London, seconded by the
merchants of the principal trading towns in the country,
the rental of England is now estimated at twenty millions
per annum, or more; of which vast benefit our nobility, gentry,
<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>and landholders begin to be fully sensible, by the immense
increase in the value or fee-simple of their lands, which has
gradually kept pace with the increase and value of our commercial
intercourse with foreign nations, of which the following
are at present the most considerable:</p>
<p class='c011'>To Turkey we export woollen cloths, tin, lead, and iron,
solely in our own shipping; and bring from thence raw silk,
carpets, galls, and other dyeing ingredients, cotton, fruits,
medicinal drugs, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>To Italy we export woollen goods of various kinds, peltry,
leather, lead, tin, fish, and East India merchandise; and bring
back raw and thrown silk, wines, oil, soap, olives, oranges,
lemons, pomegranates, dried fruits, colours, anchovies, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>To Spain we send all kinds of woollen goods, leather, lead,
tin, fish, corn, iron and brass manufactures, haberdashery
wares, assortments of linen from Germany and elsewhere for
her American colonies; and receive in return wines, oils, dried
fruits, oranges, lemons, olives, wools, indigo, cochineal, and
other dyeing drugs, colours, gold and silver coins, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>To Portugal we mostly send the same kind of merchandise
as to Spain; and make returns in vast quantities of wines, oils,
salt, dried and moist fruits, dyer's ingredients, and gold coins.</p>
<p class='c011'>To France we export tobacco, lead, tin, flannels, horns, hardware,
Manchester goods, etc., and sometimes great quantities
of corn; and make our returns in wines, brandies, linens,
cambrics, lace, velvets, brocades, etc. But as a commercial
treaty has so lately taken place with France, added to the
attention of its people being drawn off from trade, and almost
wholly engrossed with the establishment of its late wonderful
revolution, it is impossible to state the relative operations of
this trade at present.</p>
<p class='c011'>To Flanders we send serges, flannels, tin, lead, sugars, and
tobacco; and make returns in fine lace, linen, cambrics, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>To Germany we send cloth and stuffs, tin, pewter, sugars,
tobacco, and East India merchandise; and bring from thence
linen, thread, goatskins, tinned plates, timbers for all uses,
wines, and many other articles.</p>
<p class='c011'><span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>To Norway we send tobacco and wollen stuffs; and bring
from thence vast quantities of deals and other timber.</p>
<p class='c011'>To Sweden we send most of our home manufactures; and
return with iron, timber, tar, copper, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>To Russia we send great quantities of woollen cloths and
stuffs, tin, lead, tobacco, diamonds, household furniture, etc.;
and make returns in hemp, flax, linen, thread, furs, potash,
iron, wax, tallow, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>To Holland we send an immense quantity of different sorts
of merchandise, such as all kinds of woollen goods, hides,
corn, coals, East India and Turkey articles imported by those
respective companies, tobacco, tar, sugar, rice, ginger, and
other American productions; and return with fine linen, lace,
cambrics, thread, tapes, madder, boards, drugs, whalebone,
train-oil, toys, and various other articles of that country.</p>
<p class='c011'>To America we still send our home manufactures of almost
every kind; and make our returns in tobacco, sugars, rice,
ginger, indigo, drugs, logwood, timber, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>To the coast of Guinea we send various sorts of coarse
woollen and linen goods, iron, pewter, brass, and hardware
manufactures, lead-shot, swords, knives, firearms, gunpowder,
glass manufactures, etc.; and bring home vast numbers of
negro slaves, and gold dust, dyeing and medicinal drugs, redwood,
Guinea grains, ivory, etc.</p>
<p class='c011'>To Arabia, Persia, East Indies, and China we send much
foreign silver coin and bullion, manufactures of lead, iron, and
brass, woollen goods, etc.; and bring home muslins, and cottons
of various kinds, calicoes, raw and wrought silk, chintz, teas,
porcelain, coffee, gold-dust, saltpetre, and many drugs for dyer's
and medicinal uses. These are exclusive of our trade to Ireland,
Newfoundland, West Indies, and many other of our settlements
and factories in different parts of the world, which likewise
contribute an immense annual return.</p>
<p class='c011'>Our trade to the East Indies certainly contributes one of the
most stupendous political as well as commercial machines that
is to be met with in history. The trade itself is exclusive, and
lodged in a company which has a temporary monopoly of it, in
<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>consideration of money advanced to the Government. Without
entering into the history of the East India trade, within
these twenty years past, and the Company's concerns in that
country, it is sufficient to say, that, besides their settlements
on the coast of India, which they enjoy under certain restrictions
by Act of Parliament, they have, through the various
internal revolutions which have happened in Indostan, and the
ambition or avarice of their servants and officers, acquired such
territorial possessions as render them the most formidable
commercial republic (for so it may be called in its present
situation) that has been known in the world since the demolition
of Carthage. Their revenues are only known, and that
but imperfectly, to the Directors of the Company, who are
chosen by the proprietors of the stock; but it has been publicly
affirmed that they amount annually to above three millions and
a half sterling. The expenses of the Company in forts, fleets,
and armies, for maintaining those acquisitions, are certainly
very great; but after these are defrayed the Company not only
cleared a vast sum but was able to pay to the Government
£400,000 yearly for a certain time, partly by way of indemnification
for the expenses of the public in protecting the Company,
and partly as a tacit tribute for those possessions that are territorial
and not commercial. This republic, therefore, cannot be
said to be independent, and it is hard to say what form it may
take when the term of its charter is expired, which will be in
the year 1794. At present it appears to be the intention of
Government that its exclusive commercial privileges shall then
finally cease, and no new charter be granted.</p>
<div class='nf-center-c1'>
<div class='nf-center'>
<div>BILLING AND SONS, LTD., PRINTERS, GUILDFORD.</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class='tnotes'>
<div class='chapter'>
<h2 class='c004'>TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES</h2>
</div>
<ol class='ol_1 c018'>
<li>Silently corrected simple spelling, grammar, and typographical errors.
</li>
<li>Retained anachronistic and non-standard spellings as printed.
</li>
</ol>
</div>
<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 51175 ***</div>
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