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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..feb12d6 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #51057 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/51057) diff --git a/old/51057-0.txt b/old/51057-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 0c7f6df..0000000 --- a/old/51057-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9271 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's Lady Jane Grey and Her Times, by Ida Ashworth Taylor - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Lady Jane Grey and Her Times - -Author: Ida Ashworth Taylor - -Release Date: January 27, 2016 [EBook #51057] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LADY JANE GREY AND HER TIMES *** - - - - -Produced by MWS, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - - - -[Illustration: _Lady Jane Grey_ - -_From a photo by Emery Walker after the picture by Lucas de Heere in -the National portrait Gallery_] - - - - - LADY JANE GREY - - _AND HER TIMES_ - - By I. A. TAYLOR - - _Author of “Queen Hortense and her Friends” - “Queen Henrietta Maria,” etc._ - - - WITH SEVENTEEN ILLUSTRATIONS - - - [Illustration] - - - London: HUTCHINSON & CO. - Paternoster Row [Illustration] 1908 - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER I - PAGE - The condition of Europe and England--Retrospect--Religious - Affairs--A reign of terror--Cranmer in danger--Katherine Howard 1 - - - CHAPTER II - - 1546 - - Katherine Parr--Relations with Thomas Seymour--Married to - Henry VIII.--Parties in court and country--Katherine’s - position--Prince Edward 13 - - - CHAPTER III - - 1546 - - The Marquis of Dorset and his family--Bradgate Park--Lady Jane - Grey--Her relations with her cousins--Mary Tudor--Protestantism - at Whitehall--Religious persecution 24 - - - CHAPTER IV - - 1546 - - Anne Askew--Her trial and execution--Katherine Parr’s - danger--Plot against her--Her escape 36 - - - CHAPTER V - - 1546 - - The King dying--The Earl of Surrey--His career and his fate--The - Duke of Norfolk’s escape--Death of the King 48 - - - CHAPTER VI - - 1547 - - Triumph of the new men--Somerset made Protector--Coronation of - Edward VI.--Measures of ecclesiastical reform--The Seymour - brothers--Lady Jane Grey entrusted to the Admiral--The Admiral - and Elizabeth--His marriage to Katherine 60 - - - CHAPTER VII - - 1547-1548 - - Katherine Parr’s unhappy married life--Dissensions between the - Seymour brothers--The King and his uncles--The Admiral and - Princess Elizabeth--Birth of Katherine’s child, and her death 80 - - - CHAPTER VIII - - 1548 - - Lady Jane’s temporary return to her father--He surrenders her - again to the Admiral--The terms of the bargain 100 - - - CHAPTER IX - - 1548-1549 - - Seymour and the Princess Elizabeth--His courtship--He is sent - to the Tower--Elizabeth’s examinations and admissions--The - execution of the Lord Admiral 108 - - - CHAPTER X - - 1549-1550 - - The Protector’s position--Disaffection in the country--Its - causes--The Duke’s arrogance--Warwick his rival--The success of - his opponents--Placed in the Tower, but released--St. George’s - Day at Court 126 - - - CHAPTER XI - - 1549-1551 - - Lady Jane Grey at home--Visit from Roger Ascham--The German - divines--Position of Lady Jane in the theological world 139 - - - CHAPTER XII - - 1551-1552 - - An anxious tutor--Somerset’s final fall--The charges against - him--His guilt or innocence--His trial and condemnation--The - King’s indifference--Christmas at Greenwich--The Duke’s - execution 154 - - - CHAPTER XIII - - 1552 - - Northumberland and the King--Edward’s illness--Lady Jane and - Mary--Mary refused permission to practise her religion--The - Emperor intervenes 169 - - - CHAPTER XIV - - 1552 - - Lady Jane’s correspondence with Bullinger--Illness of the Duchess - of Suffolk--Haddon’s difficulties--Ridley’s visit to Princess - Mary--The English Reformers--Edward fatally ill--Lady Jane’s - character and position 178 - - - CHAPTER XV - - 1553 - - The King dying--Noailles in England--Lady Jane married to - Guilford Dudley--Edward’s will--Opposition of the law - officers--They yield--The King’s death 193 - - - CHAPTER XVI - - 1553 - - After King Edward’s death--Results to Lady Jane Grey-- - Northumberland’s schemes--Mary’s escape--Scene at Sion - House--Lady Jane brought to the Tower--Quarrel with her - husband--Her proclamation as Queen 210 - - - CHAPTER XVII - - 1553 - - Lady Jane as Queen--Mary asserts her claims--The English - envoys at Brussels--Mary’s popularity--Northumberland leaves - London--His farewells 225 - - - CHAPTER XVIII - - 1553 - - Turn of the tide--Reaction in Mary’s favour in the Council-- - Suffolk yields--Mary proclaimed in London--Lady Jane’s - deposition--She returns to Sion House 237 - - - CHAPTER XIX - - 1553 - - Northumberland at bay--His capitulation--Meeting with Arundel, - and arrest--Lady Jane a prisoner--Mary and Elizabeth--Mary’s - visit to the Tower--London--Mary’s policy 247 - - - CHAPTER XX - - 1553 - - Trial and condemnation of Northumberland--His recantation--Final - scenes--Lady Jane’s fate in the balances--A conversation with - her 259 - - - CHAPTER XXI - - 1553 - - Mary’s marriage in question--Pole and Courtenay--Foreign - suitors--The Prince of Spain proposed to her--Elizabeth’s - attitude--Lady Jane’s letter to Hardinge--The coronation-- - Cranmer in the Tower--Lady Jane attainted--Letter to her - father--Sentence of death--The Spanish match 275 - - - CHAPTER XXII - - 1553-1554 - - Discontent at the Spanish match--Insurrections in the - country--Courtenay and Elizabeth--Suffolk a rebel--General - failure of the insurgents--Wyatt’s success--Marches to - London--Mary’s conduct--Apprehensions in London, and at the - palace--The fight--Wyatt a prisoner--Taken to the Tower 289 - - - CHAPTER XXIII - - 1554 - - Lady Jane and her husband doomed--Her dispute with Feckenham-- - Gardiner’s sermon--Farewell messages--Last hours--Guilford - Dudley’s execution--Lady Jane’s death 311 - - - INDEX 327 - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - LADY JANE GREY (Photogravure)--_Frontispiece_. - - FACING PAGE - HENRY VIII. 6 - - KATHERINE HOWARD 12 - - HENRY VIII. AND HIS THREE CHILDREN 20 - - PRINCE EDWARD, AFTERWARDS EDWARD VI. 32 - - HENRY HOWARD, EARL OF SURREY 54 - - KATHERINE PARR 82 - - WILLIAM, LORD PAGET, K.G. 132 - - EDWARD VI. 136 - - LADY JANE GREY 142 - - ARCHBISHOP CRANMER 152 - - EDWARD SEYMOUR, DUKE OF SOMERSET, K.G. 168 - - PRINCESS MARY, AT THE AGE OF TWENTY-EIGHT 184 - - LADY JANE GREY 200 - - QUEEN ELIZABETH 254 - - THE TOWER OF LONDON 284 - - HENRY GREY, DUKE OF SUFFOLK, K.G. 294 - - - - -LADY JANE GREY AND HER TIMES - - - - -CHAPTER I - - The condition of Europe and England--Retrospect--Religious - Affairs--A reign of terror--Cranmer in danger--Katherine Howard. - - -In 1546 it must have been evident to most observers that the life -of the man who had for thirty-five years been England’s ruler and -tyrant--of whom Raleigh affirmed that if all the patterns of a -merciless Prince had been lost in the world they might have been found -in this one King--was not likely to be prolonged; and though it had -been made penal to foretell the death of the sovereign, men must have -been secretly looking on to the future with anxious eyes. - -Of all the descendants of Henry VII. only one was male, the little -Prince Edward, and in case of his death the succession would lie -between his two sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, branded by successive Acts -of Parliament with illegitimacy, the infant Queen of Scotland, whose -claims were consistently ignored, and the daughters and grand-daughters -of Henry VII.’s younger daughter, Mary Tudor. - -The royal blood was to prove, to more than one of these, a fatal -heritage. To Mary Stuart it was to bring captivity and death, and -by reason of it Lady Jane Grey was to be forced to play the part of -heroine in one of the most tragic episodes of the sixteenth century. - -The latter part of Henry VIII.’s reign had been eventful at home and -abroad. In Europe the three-cornered struggle between the Emperor -Charles V., Francis of France, and Henry had been passing through -various phases and vicissitudes, each of the wrestlers bidding for the -support of a second of the trio, to the detriment of the third. New -combinations were constantly formed as the kaleidoscope was turned; -promises were lavishly made, to be broken without a scruple whensoever -their breach might prove conducive to personal advantage. Religion, -dragged into the political arena, was used as a party war-cry, and -employed as a weapon for the destruction of public and private foes. - -At home, England lay at the mercy of a King who was a law to himself -and supreme arbiter of the destinies of his subjects. Only obscurity, -and not always that, could ensure a man’s safety, or prevent him from -falling a prey to the jealousy or hate of those amongst his enemies -who had for the moment the ear of the sovereign. Pre-eminence in -rank, or power, or intellect, was enough to give the possessor of the -distinction an uneasy sense that he was marked out for destruction, -that envy and malice were lying in wait to seize an opportunity to -denounce him to the weak despot upon whose vanity and cowardice the -adroit could play at will. Every year added its tale to the long list -of victims who had met their end upon the scaffold. - -For fifteen years, moreover, the country had been delivered over to -the struggle carried on in the name of religion. In 1531 the King had -responded to the refusal of the Pope to sanction his divorce from -Katherine of Aragon by repudiating the authority of the Holy See -and the assertion of his own supremacy in matters spiritual as well -as temporal. Three years later Parliament, servile and subservient -as Parliaments were wont to be under the Tudor Kings, had formally -endorsed and confirmed the revolt. - -“The third day of November,” recorded the chronicler, “the King’s -Highness held the high Court of Parliament, in the which was concluded -and made many and sundry good, wholesome, and godly statutes, but -among all one special statute which authorised the King’s Highness to -be supreme head of the Church of England, by which the Pope ... was -utterly abolished out of this realm.”[1] - -Since then another punishable crime was added to those, already none -too few, for which a man was liable to lose his head, and the following -year saw the death upon the scaffold of Fisher and of More. The -execution of Anne Boleyn, by whom the match had, in some sort, been -set to the mine, came next, but the step taken by the King was not to -be retraced with the absence of the motive which had prompted it; and -Catholics and Protestants alike had continued to suffer at the hands -of an autocrat who chastised at will those who wandered from the path -he pointed out, and refused to model their creed upon the prescribed -pattern. - -In 1546 the “Act to abolish Diversity of Opinion”--called more -familiarly the Bloody Statute, and designed to conform the faith of -the nation to that of the King--had been in force for seven years, a -standing menace to those persons, in high or low place, who, encouraged -by the King’s defiance of Rome, had been emboldened to adopt the tenets -of the German Protestants. Henry had opened the floodgates; he desired -to keep out the flood. The Six Articles of the Statute categorically -reaffirmed the principal doctrines of the Catholic Church, and made -their denial a legal offence. On the other hand the refusal to admit -the royal supremacy in matters spiritual was no less penal. A reign of -terror was the result. - -“Is thy servant a dog?” The time-honoured question might have risen -to the King’s lips in the days, not devoid of a brighter promise, of -his youth, had the veil covering the future been withdrawn. “We mark -curiously,” says a recent writer, “the regular deterioration of Henry’s -character as the only checks upon his action were removed, and he -progressively defied traditional authority and established standards of -conduct without disaster to himself.” The Church had proved powerless -to punish a defiance dictated by passion and perpetuated by vanity -and cupidity; Parliaments had cringed to him in matters religious or -political, courtiers and sycophants had flattered, until “there was -no power on earth to hold in check the devil in the breast of Henry -Tudor.”[2] - -Such was the condition of England. Old barriers had been thrown down; -new had not acquired strength; in the struggle for freedom men had -cast aside moral restraint. Life was so lightly esteemed, and death -invested with so little tragic importance, that a man of the position -and standing of Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, when appointed to preach -on the occasion of the burning of a priest, could treat the matter with -a flippant levity scarcely credible at a later day. - -“If it be your pleasure, as it is,” he wrote to Cromwell, “that I shall -play the fool after my customary manner when Forest shall suffer, I -would that my stage stood near unto Forest” (so that the victim might -benefit by his arguments).... “If he would yet with heart return to his -abjuration, I would wish his pardon, such is my foolishness.”[3] - -Yet there was another side to the picture; here and there, amidst -the din of battle and the confusion of tongues, the voice of genuine -conviction was heard; and men and women were ready, at the bidding of -conscience, to give up their lives in passionate loyalty to an ancient -faith or to a new ideal. “And the thirtieth day of the same month,” -June 1540, runs an entry in a contemporary chronicle, “was Dr. Barnes, -Jerome, and Garrard, drawn from the Tower to Smithfield, and there -burned for their heresies. And that same day also was drawn from the -Tower with them Doctor Powell, with two other priests, and there was -a gallows set up at St. Bartholomew’s Gate, and there were hanged, -headed, and quartered that same day”--the offence of these last being -the denial of the King’s supremacy, as that of the first had been -adherence to Protestant doctrines.[4] - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after a painting by Holbein. - -HENRY VIII.] - -No one was safe. The year 1540 had seen the fall of Cromwell, the -Minister of State. “Cranmer and Cromwell,” wrote the French ambassador, -“do not know where they are.”[5] Cromwell at least was not to wait -long for the certainty. For years all-powerful in the Council, he was -now to fall a victim to jealous hate and the credulity of the master -he had served. At his imprisonment “many lamented, but more rejoiced, -... for they banquetted and triumphed together that night, many wishing -that day had been seven years before; and some, fearing that he should -escape although he were imprisoned, could not be merry.”[6] They need -not have feared the King’s clemency. The minister had been arrested on -June 10. On July 28 he was executed on Tower Hill. - -If Cromwell, in spite of his services to the Crown, in spite of the -need Henry had of men of his ability, was not secure, who could call -themselves safe? Even Cranmer, the King’s special friend though he -was, must have felt misgivings. A married man, with children, he was -implicitly condemned by one of the Six Articles of the Bloody Statute, -enjoining celibacy on the clergy, and was besides well known to hold -Protestant views. His embittered enemy, Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, -vehement in his Catholicism though pandering to the King on the subject -of the royal supremacy, was minister; and his fickle master might throw -the Archbishop at any moment to the wolves. - -One narrow escape he had already had, when in 1544 a determined attempt -had been hazarded to oust him from his position of trust and to -convict him of his errors, and the party adverse to him in the Council -had accused the Primate “most grievously” to the King of heresy. It was -a bold stroke, for it was known that Henry loved him, and the triumph -of his foes was the greater when they received the royal permission to -commit the Lord Archbishop to the Tower on the following day, and to -cause him to undergo an examination on matters of doctrine and faith. -So far all had gone according to their hopes, and his enemies augured -well of the result. But that night, at eleven o’clock, when Cranmer, in -ignorance of the plot against him, was in bed, he received a summons -to attend the King, whom he found in the gallery at Whitehall, and who -made him acquainted with the action of the Council, together with his -own consent that an examination should take place. - -“Whether I have done well or no, what say you, my lord?” asked Henry in -conclusion. - -Cranmer answered warily. Knowing his master, and his jealousy of being -supposed to connive at heresy, save on the one question of the Pope’s -authority, he cannot have failed to recognise the gravity of the -situation. He put, however, a good face upon it. The King, he said, -would see that he had a fair trial--“was indifferently heard.” His -bearing was that of a man secure that justice would be done him. Both -he, in his heart, and the King, knew better. - -“Oh, Lord God,” sighed Henry, “what fond simplicity have you, so to -permit yourself to be imprisoned!” False witnesses would be produced, -and he would be condemned. - -Taking his precautions, therefore, Henry gave the Archbishop his -ring--the recognised sign that the matter at issue was taken out of the -hands of the Council and reserved for his personal investigation. After -which sovereign and prelate parted. - -When, at eight o’clock the next morning, Cranmer, in obedience to the -summons he had received, arrived at the Council Chamber, his foes, -insolent in their premature triumph, kept him at the door, awaiting -their convenience, close upon an hour. My lord of Canterbury was become -a lacquey, some one reported to the King, since he was standing among -the footmen and servants. The King, comprehending what was implied, was -wroth. - -“Have they served my lord so?” he asked. “It is well enough; I shall -talk with them by and by.” - -Accordingly when Cranmer, called at length and arraigned before -the Council, produced the ring--the symbol of his enemies’ -discomfiture--and was brought to the royal presence that his cause -might be tried by the King in person, the positions of accused and -accusers were reversed. Acting, not without passion, rather as the -advocate of the menaced man than as his judge, Henry received the -Council with taunts, and in reply to their asseverations that the -trial had been merely intended to conduce to the Archbishop’s greater -glory, warned them against treating his friends in that fashion for the -future. Cranmer, for the present, was safe.[7] - -Protestant England rejoiced with the Protestant Archbishop. But it -rejoiced in trembling. The Archbishop’s escape did not imply immunity -to lesser offenders, and the severity used in administering the law -is shown by the fact that a boy of fifteen was burnt for heresy--no -willing martyr, but ignorant, and eager to catch at any chances of -life, by casting the blame of his heresy on others. “The poor boy,” -says Hall, “would have gladly said that the twelve Apostles taught it -him ... such was his childish innocency and fear.”[8] And England, with -the strange patience of the age, looked on. - -Side by side with religious persecution ran the story of the King’s -domestic crimes. To go back no further, in the year 1542 Katherine -Howard, Henry’s fifth wife, had met her fate, and the country had -silently witnessed the pitiful and shameful spectacle. As fact after -fact came to light, the tale will have been told of the beautiful, -neglected child, left to her own devices and to the companionship of -maid-servants in the disorderly household of her grandmother, the -Duchess of Norfolk, with the results that might have been anticipated; -of how she had suddenly become of importance when it had been perceived -that the King had singled her out for favour; and of how, still “a -very little girl,” as some one described her, she had been used as a -pawn in the political game played by the Howard clan, and married to -Henry. Only a few months after she had been promoted to her perilous -dignity her doom had overtaken her; the enemies of the party to which -by birth she belonged had not only made known to her husband misdeeds -committed before her marriage and almost ranking as the delinquencies -of a misguided child, but had hinted at more unpardonable misdemeanours -of which the King’s wife had been guilty. The story of Katherine’s -arraignment and condemnation will have spread through the land, with -her protestations that, though not excusing the sins and follies of her -youth--she was seventeen when she was done to death--she was guiltless -of the action she was specially to expiate at the block; whilst men may -have whispered the tale of her love for Thomas Culpeper, her cousin -and playmate, whom she would have wedded had not the King stepped in -between, and who had paid for her affection with his blood. “I die a -Queen,” she is reported to have exclaimed upon the scaffold, “but I -would rather have died the wife of Culpeper.”[9] And it may have been -rumoured that her head had fallen, not so much to vindicate the honour -of the King as to set him free to form fresh ties. - -However that might be, Katherine Howard had been sent to answer for her -offences, or prove her innocence, at another bar, and her namesake, -Katherine Parr, reigned in her stead. - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after a painting of the School of - Holbein. - -KATHERINE HOWARD.] - - - - -CHAPTER II - -1546 - - Katherine Parr--Relations with Thomas Seymour--Married to Henry - VIII.--Parties in court and country--Katherine’s position--Prince - Edward. - - -It was now three years since Katherine Parr had replaced the unhappy -child who had been her immediate predecessor. For three perilous -years she had occupied--with how many fears, how many misgivings, -who can tell?--the position of the King’s sixth wife. On a July day -in 1543 Lady Latimer, already at thirty twice a widow, had been -raised to the rank of Queen. If the ceremony was attended with no -special pomp, neither had it been celebrated with the careful privacy -observed with respect to some of the King’s marriages. His two -daughters, Mary--approximately the same age as the bride, and who -was her friend--and Elizabeth, had been present, as well as Henry’s -brother-in-law, Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, and other officers of -State. Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, afterwards her dangerous foe, -performed the rite, in the Queen’s Closet at Hampton Court. - -Sir Thomas Seymour, Hertford’s brother and Lord Admiral of England, -was not at Hampton Court on the occasion, having been despatched -on some foreign mission. More than one reason may have contributed -to render his absence advisable. A wealthy and childless widow, of -unblemished reputation, and belonging by birth to a race connected -with the royal house, was not likely to remain long without suitors, -and Lord Latimer can scarcely have been more than a month in his grave -before Thomas Seymour had testified his desire to replace him and to -become Katherine’s third husband. Nor does she appear to have been -backward in responding to his advances. - -Twice married to elderly men whose lives lay behind them, twice set -free by death from her bonds, she may fairly have conceived that the -time was come when she was justified in wedding, not for family or -substantial reasons, not wholly perhaps, as before, in wisdom’s way, -but a man she loved. - -Seymour was not without attractions calculated to commend him to a -woman hitherto bestowed upon husbands selected for her by others. Young -and handsome, “fierce in courage, courtly in fashion, in personage -stately, in voice magnificent, but somewhat empty in matter,”[10] the -gay sailor appears to have had little difficulty in winning the heart -of a woman who, in spite of the learning, the prudence, and the piety -for which she was noted, may have felt, as she watched her youth slip -by, that she had had little good of it; and it is clear, from a letter -she addressed to Seymour himself when, after Henry’s death, his suit -had been successfully renewed, that she had looked forward at this -earlier date to becoming his wife. - -“As truly as God is God,” she then wrote, “my mind was fully bent, -the other time I was at liberty, to marry you before any man I know. -Howbeit God withstood my will therein most vehemently for a time, and -through His grace and goodness made that possible which seemed to me -most impossible; that was, made me renounce utterly mine own will and -follow His most willingly. It were long to write all the processes -of this matter. If I live, I shall declare it to you myself. I can -say nothing, but as my Lady of Suffolk saith, ‘God is a marvellous -man.’”[11] - -Strange burdens of responsibility have ever been laid upon the duty of -obedience to the will of Providence, nor does it appear clear to the -casual reader why the consent of Katherine to become a Queen should -have been viewed by her in the light of a sacrifice to principle. -Whether her point of view was shared by her lover does not appear. It -is at all events clear that both were wise enough in the world’s lore -not to brave the wrath of the despot by crossing his caprice. Seymour -retired from the field, and Katherine, perhaps sustained by the -inward approval of conscience, perhaps partially comforted by a crown, -accepted the dangerous distinction she was offered. - -To her brother, Lord Parr, when writing to inform him of her -advancement, she expressed no regret. It had pleased God, she told -him, to incline the King to take her as his wife, the greatest joy and -comfort that could happen to her. She desired to communicate the great -news to Parr, as being the person with most cause to rejoice thereat, -and added, with a suspicion of condescension, her hope that he would -let her hear of his health as friendly as if she had not been called to -this honour.[12] - -Although the actual marriage had not taken place until some six months -after Lord Latimer’s death, no time can have been lost in arranging it, -since before her husband had been two months in the grave Henry was -causing a bill for her dresses to be paid out of the Exchequer. - -It was generally considered that the King had chosen well. Wriothesley, -the Chancellor, was sure His Majesty had never a wife more agreeable to -his heart. Gardiner had not only performed the marriage ceremony but -had given away the bride. According to an old chronicle the new Queen -was a woman “compleat with singular humility.”[13] She had, at any -rate, the adroitness, in her relations with the King, to assume the -appearance of it, and was a well-educated, sensible, and kindly woman, -“quieter than any of the young wives the King had had, and, as she knew -more of the world, she always got on pleasantly with the King, and had -no caprices.”[14] - -The story of the marriage was an old one in 1546. Seymour had returned -from his mission and resumed his former position at Court as the King’s -brother-in-law and the uncle of his heir, and not even the Queen’s -enemies--and she had enough of them and to spare--had found an excuse -for calling to mind the relations once existing between the Admiral -and the King’s wife. Nevertheless, and in spite of the blamelessness -of her conduct, the satisfaction which had greeted the marriage was -on the wane. A hard task would have awaited Queen or courtier who -should have attempted to minister to the contentment of all the rival -parties striving for predominance in the State and at Court, and to be -adjudged the friend of the one was practically equivalent to a pledge -of distrust from the other. Whitehall, like the country at large, -was divided against itself by theological strife; and whilst the men -faithful to the ancient creed in its entirety were inevitably in bitter -opposition to the adherents of the new teachers whose headquarters were -in Germany, a third party, more unscrupulous than either, was made up -of the middle men who moulded--outwardly or inwardly--their faith upon -the King’s, and would, if they could, have created a Papacy without a -Pope, a Catholic Church without its corner-stone. - -At Court, as elsewhere, each of these three parties were standing -on their guard, ready to parry or to strike a blow when occasion -arose, jealous of every success scored by their opponents. The fall -of Cromwell had inspired the Catholics with hope, and, with Gardiner -as Minister and Wriothesley as Chancellor, they had been in a more -favourable position than for some time past at the date of the King’s -last marriage. It had then been assumed that the new Queen’s influence -would be employed upon their side--an expectation confirmed by her -friendship with the Princess Mary. The discovery that the widow of Lord -Latimer--so fervent a Catholic that he had joined in the north-country -insurrection known as the Pilgrimage of Grace--had broken with her -past, openly displayed her sympathy with Protestant doctrine, and, in -common with the King’s nieces, was addicted to what was called the “new -learning,” quickly disabused them of their hopes, rendered the Catholic -party at Court her embittered enemies, and lent additional danger to -what was already a perilous position by affording those at present in -power a motive for removing from the King’s side a woman regarded as -the advocate of innovation. - -So far their efforts had been fruitless. Katherine still held her -own. During Henry’s absence in France, whither he had gone to conduct -the campaign in person, she had administered the Government, as -Queen-Regent, with tact and discretion; the King loved her--as he -understood love--and, what was perhaps a more important matter, she had -contrived to render herself necessary to him. Wary, prudent, and pious, -and notwithstanding the possession of qualities marking her out in some -sort as the superior woman of her day, she was not above pandering to -his love of flattery. Into her book entitled _The Lamentations of a -Sinner_, she introduced a fulsome panegyric of the godly and learned -King who had removed from his realm the veils and mists of error, and -in the guise of a modern Moses had been victorious over the Roman -Pharaoh. What she publicly printed she doubtless reiterated in private; -and the King found the domestic incense soothing to an irritable -temper, still further acerbated by disease. - -By other methods she had commended herself to those who were about -him open to conciliation. She had served a long apprenticeship in -the art of the step-mother, both Lord Borough, her first husband, -and Lord Latimer having possessed children when she married them; -and her skill in dealing with the little heir to the throne and his -sisters proved that she had turned her experience to good account. Her -genuine kindness, not only to Mary, who had been her friend from the -first, but to Elizabeth, ten years old at the time of the marriage, -was calculated to propitiate the adherents of each; and to her good -offices it was in especial due that Anne Boleyn’s daughter, hitherto -kept chiefly at a distance from Court, was brought to Whitehall. The -child, young as she was, was old enough to appreciate the importance of -possessing a friend in her father’s wife, and the letter she addressed -to her step-mother on the occasion overflowed with expressions of -devotion and gratitude. To the place the Queen won in the affections of -the all-important heir, the boy’s letters bear witness. - -[Illustration: - - From an engraving by F. Bartolozzi after a picture by Holbein. - -HENRY VIII. AND HIS THREE CHILDREN.] - -There is no need to assume that Katherine’s course of action was wholly -dictated by interested motives. Yet in this case principle and prudence -went hand in hand. Henry was becoming increasingly sick and suffering, -and, with the shadow of death deepening above him, the gifts he asked -of life were insensibly changing their character. His autocratic and -violent temper remained the same, but peace and quiet, a soothing -atmosphere of submissive affection, the absence of domestic friction, -if not sufficient to ensure his wife immunity from peril, constituted -her best chance of escaping the doom of her predecessors. To a selfish -man the appeal must be to self-interest. This appeal Katherine -consistently made and it had so far proved successful. For the rest, -whether she suffered from terror of possible disaster or resolutely -shut her eyes to what might have unnerved and rendered her unfit for -the part she had to play, none can tell, any more than it can be -determined whether, as she looked from the man she had married to the -man she had loved, she indulged in vain regrets for the happiness of -which she had caught a glimpse in those brief days when she had dreamed -of a future to be shared with Thomas Seymour. - -In spite, however, of her caution, in spite of the perfection with -which she performed the duties of wife and nurse, by 1546 disquieting -reports were afloat. - -“I am confused and apprehensive,” wrote Charles V.’s ambassador from -London in the February of that year, “to have to inform Your Majesty -that there are rumours here of a new Queen, although I do not know how -true they be.... The King shows no alteration in his behaviour towards -the Queen, though I am informed that she is annoyed by the rumours.”[15] - -With the history of the past to quicken her apprehensions, she may -well have been more than “annoyed” by them. But, true or false, she -could but pursue the line of conduct she had adopted, and must have -turned with relief from domestic anxieties to any other matters that -could serve to distract her mind from her precarious future. Amongst -the learned ladies of a day when scholarship was becoming a fashion -she occupied a foremost place, and was actively engaged in promoting -educational interests. Stimulated by her step-mother’s approval, the -Princess Mary had been encouraged to undertake part of the translation -of Erasmus’s paraphrases of the Gospels; and Elizabeth is found sending -the Queen, as a fitting offering, a translation from the Italian -inscribed on vellum and entitled the _Glasse of the Synneful Soule_, -accompanying it by the expression of a hope that, having passed through -hands so learned as the Queen’s, it would come forth from them in a new -form. The education of the little Prince Edward too was pushed rapidly -forward, and at six years old, the year of his father’s marriage, he -had been taken out of the hands of women and committed to the tuition -of John Cheke and Dr. Richard Cox. These two, explains Heylyn, being -equal in authority, employed themselves to his advantage in their -several kinds--Dr. Cox for knowledge of divinity, philosophy, and -gravity of manners, Mr. Cheke for eloquence in the Greek and Latin -tongues; whilst other masters instructed the poor child in modern -languages, so that in a short time he spoke French perfectly, and was -able to express himself “magnificently enough” in Italian, Greek, and -Spanish.[16] - -His companion and playfellow was one Barnaby Fitzpatrick, to whom -he clung throughout his short life with constant affection. It was -Barnaby’s office to bear whatever punishment the Prince had merited--a -method more successful in the case of the Prince than it might have -proved with a less soft-hearted offender, since it is said that “it was -not easy to affirm whether Fitzpatrick smarted more for the default -of the Prince, or the Prince conceived more grief for the smart of -Fitzpatrick.”[17] - -Katherine Parr is not likely to have regretted the pressure put upon -her stepson; and the boy, apologising for his simple and rude letters, -adds his acknowledgments for those addressed to him by the Queen, -“which do give me much comfort and encouragement to go forward in such -things wherein your Grace beareth me on hand.” - -The King’s latest wife was, in fact, a teacher by nature and choice, -and admirably fitted to direct the studies of his son and daughters, as -well as of any other children who might be brought within the sphere -of her influence. That influence, it may be, had something to do with -moulding the character and the destiny of a child fated to be unhappily -prominent in the near future. This was Lady Jane Grey. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -1546 - - The Marquis of Dorset and his family--Bradgate Park--Lady Jane - Grey--Her relations with her cousins--Mary Tudor--Protestantism - at Whitehall--Religious persecution. - - -Amongst the households where both affairs at Court and the religious -struggle distracting the country were watched with the deepest interest -was that of the Marquis of Dorset, the husband of the King’s niece and -father of Lady Jane Grey. - -Married at eighteen to the infirm and aged Louis XII. of France, Mary -Tudor, daughter of Henry VII. and friend of the luckless Katherine of -Aragon, had been released by his death after less than three months -of wedded life, and had lost no time in choosing a more congenial -bridegroom. At Calais, on her way home, she had bestowed her hand upon -“that martial and pompous gentleman,” Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, -who, sent by her brother to conduct her back to England, thought it -well to secure his bride and to wait until the union was accomplished -before obtaining the King’s consent. Of this hurried marriage the -eldest child was the mother of Jane Grey, who thus derived her -disastrous heritage of royal blood. - -It was at the country home of the Dorset family, Bradgate Park, that -Lady Jane had been born, in 1537. Six miles distant from the town of -Leicester, and forming the south-east end of Charnwood Forest, it was -a pleasant and quiet place. Over the wide park itself, seven miles -in circumference, bracken grew freely; here and there bare rocks -rose amidst the masses of green undergrowth, broken now and then -by a solitary oak, and the unwooded expanse was covered with “wild -verdure.”[18] - -The house itself had not long been built, nor is there much remaining -at the present day to show what had been its aspect at the time when -Lady Jane was its inmate. Early in the eighteenth century it was -destroyed by fire, tradition ascribing the catastrophe to a Lady -Suffolk who, brought to her husband’s home as a bride, complained that -the country was a forest and the inhabitants were brutes, and, at the -suggestion of her sister, took the most certain means of ensuring a -change of residence. - -But if little outward trace is left of the place where the victim of -state-craft and ambition was born and passed her early years, it is not -a difficult matter to hazard a guess at the religious and political -atmosphere of her home. Echoes of the fight carried on, openly or -covertly, between the parties striving for predominance in the realm -must have almost daily reached Bradgate, the accounts of the incidents -marking the combat taking their colour from the sympathies of the -master and mistress of the house, strongly enlisted upon the side of -Protestantism. At Lord Dorset’s house, though with closed doors, the -condition of religious affairs must have supplied constant matter for -discussion; and Jane will have listened to the conversation with the -eager attention of an intelligent child, piecing together the fragments -she gathered up, and gradually realising, with a thrill of excitement, -as she became old enough to grasp the significance of what she heard, -that men and women were suffering and dying in torment for the sake of -doctrines she had herself been taught as a matter of course. Serious -and precocious, and already beginning an education said to have -included in later years Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Chaldaic, Arabic, French, -and Italian, the stories reaching her father’s house of the events -taking place in London and at Court must have imprinted themselves upon -her imagination at an age specially open to such impressions, and it is -not unnatural that she should have grown up nurtured in the principles -of polemics and apt at controversy. - -Nor were edifying tales of martyrdom or of suffering for conscience’ -sake the only ones to penetrate to the green and quiet precincts of -Bradgate. At his niece’s house the King’s domestic affairs--a scandal -and a by-word in Europe--must have been regarded with the added -interest, perhaps the sharper criticism, due to kinship. Henry was -not only Lady Dorset’s sovereign, but her uncle, and she had a more -personal interest than others in what Messer Barbaro, in his report -to the Venetian senate, described as “this confusion of wives.”[19] -To keep a child ignorant was no part of the training of the day, -and Jane, herself destined for a court life, no doubt had heard, as -she grew older, many of the stories of terror and pity circulating -throughout the country, and investing, in the eyes of those afar off, -the distant city--the stage whereon most of them had been enacted--with -the atmosphere of mystery and fear and excitement belonging to a place -where martyrs were shedding their blood, or heretics atoning for their -guilt, according as the narrators inclined to the ancient or the novel -faith; where tragedies of love and hatred and revenge were being -played, and men went in hourly peril of their lives. - -Of this place, invested with the attraction and glamour belonging to a -land of glitter and romance, Lady Jane had glimpses on the occasions -when, as a near relation of the King’s, she accompanied her mother to -Court, becoming for a while a sharer in the life of palaces and an -actor, by reason of her strain of royal blood, in the pageant ever -going forward at St. James’s or Whitehall;[20] and though it does not -appear that she was finally transferred from the guardianship of her -parents to that of the Queen until after the death of Henry in the -beginning of the year 1547, it is not unlikely that the book-loving -child of nine may have attracted the attention of the scholarly -Queen during her visits to Court and that Katherine’s belligerent -Protestantism had its share in the development of the convictions which -afterwards proved so strong both in life and in death. - -There is at this date little trace of any connection between Jane -and her cousins, the King’s children. A strong affection on the part -of Edward is said to have existed, and to it has been attributed his -consent to set his sisters aside in Lady Jane’s favour. “She charmed -all who knew her,” says Burnet, “in particular the young King, about -whom she was bred, and who had always lived with her in the familiarity -of a brother.” For this statement there is no contemporary authority, -and, so far as can be ascertained, intercourse between the two can -have been but slight. Between Edward and his younger sister, on -the other hand, the bond of affection was strong, their education -being carried on at this time much together at Hatfield; and “a -concurrence and sympathy of their natures and affections, together -with the celestial bond, conformity in religion,”[21] made it the -more remarkable that the Prince should have afterwards agreed to set -aside, in favour of his cousin, Elizabeth’s claim to the succession. -It is true that in their occasional meetings the studious boy and the -serious-minded little girl may have discovered that they had tastes in -common, but such casual acquaintanceship can scarcely have availed to -counterbalance the affection produced by close companionship and the -tie of blood; and grounds for the Prince’s subsequent conduct, other -than the influence and arguments of those about him, can only be matter -of conjecture. - -Of the relations existing between Jane and the Prince’s sisters there -is little more mention; but the entry by Mary Tudor in a note-book -of the gift of a gold necklace set with pearls, made “to my cousin, -Jane Gray,” shows that the two had met in the course of this summer, -and would seem to indicate a kindly feeling on the part of the older -woman towards the unfortunate child whom, not eight years later, she -was to send to the scaffold. Could the future have been laid bare it -would perhaps not have been the victim who would have recoiled from the -revelation with the greatest horror. - -Although what was to follow lends a tragic significance to the -juxtaposition of the names of the two cousins, there was nothing -sinister about the King’s elder daughter as she filled the place -at Court in which she had been reinstated at the instance of her -step-mother. A gentle, brown-eyed woman, past her first youth, and -bearing on her countenance the traces of sickness and sorrow and -suffering, she enjoyed at this date so great a popularity as almost, -according to a foreign observer, to be an object of adoration to her -father’s subjects, obstinately faithful to her injured and repudiated -mother. But, ameliorated as was the Princess’s condition, she had -been too well acquainted, from childhood upwards, with the reverses -of fortune to count over-securely upon a future depending upon her -father’s caprice. - -Her health was always delicate, and during the early part of the -year she had been ill. By the spring, however, she had resumed her -attendance at Court, and--to judge by a letter from her little wise -brother, contemplating from a safe distance the dangerous pastimes -of Whitehall--was taking a conspicuous part in the entertainments in -fashion. Writing in Latin to his step-mother, Prince Edward besought -her “to preserve his dear sister Mary from the enchantments of the -Evil One, by beseeching her no longer to attend to foreign dances and -merriments, unbecoming in a most Christian Princess”--and least of -all in one for whom he expressed the wish, in the course of the same -summer, that the wisdom of Esther might be hers. - -It does not appear whether or not Mary took the admonitions of her -nine-year-old Mentor to heart. The pleasures of court life are not -likely to have exercised a perilous fascination over the Princess, -her spirits clouded by the memory of her melancholy past and the -uncertainty of her future, and probably represented to her a more or -less wearisome part of the necessary routine of existence. - -Whilst the entertainments the Prince deplored went forward at -Whitehall, they were accompanied by other practices he would have -wholly approved. Not only was his step-mother addicted to personal -study of the Scriptures, but she had secured the services of learned -men to instruct her further in them; holding private conferences with -these teachers; and, especially during Lent, causing a sermon to be -delivered each afternoon for her own benefit and that of any of her -ladies disposed to profit by it, when the discourse frequently turned -or touched upon abuses in the Church.[22] - -It was a bold stroke, Henry’s claims to the position of sole arbiter -on questions of doctrine considered. Nevertheless the Queen acted -openly, and so far her husband had testified no dissatisfaction. Yet -the practice must have served to accentuate the dividing line of -theological opinion, already sufficiently marked at Court; some members -of the royal household, like Princess Mary, holding aloof; others -eagerly welcoming the step; the Seymours, Cranmer, and their friends -looking on with approval, whilst the Howard connection, with Gardiner -and Wriothesley, took note of the Queen’s imprudence, and waited and -watched their opportunity to turn it to their advantage and to her -destruction. - -[Illustration: Edward Prince - - From an engraving by R. Dalton after a drawing by Holbein. - -PRINCE EDWARD, AFTERWARDS EDWARD VI.] - -Such was the internal condition of the Court. The spring had meanwhile -been marked by rejoicings for the peace with foreign powers, at last -concluded. On Whit-Sunday a great procession proceeded from St. Paul’s -to St. Peter’s, Cornhill, accompanied by a banner, and by crosses from -every parish church, the children of St. Paul’s School joining in the -show. It was composed of a motley company. Bishop Bonner--as vehement -in his Catholicism as Gardiner, and so much less wary in the display -of his opinions that his brother of Winchester was wont at times to -term him “asse”--carried the Blessed Sacrament under a canopy, with -“clerks and priests and vicars and parsons”; the Lord Mayor was there -in crimson velvet, the aldermen were in scarlet, and all the crafts -in their best apparel. The occasion was worthy of the pomp displayed in -honour of it, for it was--the words sound like a jest--the festival of -a “Universal Peace for ever,” announced by the Mayor, standing between -standard and cross, and including in the proclamation of general amity -the names of the Emperor, the King of England, the French King, and all -Christian Kings.[23] - -If soldiers had for the moment consented to proclaim a truce and to -name it, merrily, eternal, theologians had agreed to no like suspension -of hostilities, and the perennial religious strife showed no signs of -intermission. - -“Sire,” wrote Admiral d’Annebaut, sent by Francis to London to ratify -the peace, “I know not what to tell your Majesty as to the order given -me to inform myself of the condition of religious affairs in England; -except that Henry has declared himself head of the Anglican Church, -and woe to whomsoever refuses to recognise him in that capacity. He -has also usurped all ecclesiastical property, and destroyed all the -convents. He attends Mass nevertheless daily, and permits the papal -nuncio to live in London. What is strangest of all is that Catholics -are there burnt as well as Lutherans and other heretics. Was anything -like it ever seen?”[24] - -Punishment was indeed dealt out with singular impartiality. During the -spring Dr. Crome had been examined touching a sermon he had delivered -against Catholic doctrine. Two or three weeks later, preaching once -more at Paul’s Cross, he had boldly declared he was not there for the -purpose of denying his former assertions; but a second “examination” -had proved more effective, and on the Sunday following the feast of -Corpus Christi he eschewed his heresies.[25] “Our news here,” wrote a -merchant of London to his brother on July 2, “of Dr. Crome’s canting, -recanting, decanting, or rather double-canting, be this.”[26] The -transaction was representative of many others, which, with their -undercurrent of terror, struggle, intimidation, menace, and remorse, -formed a melancholy and recurrent feature of the day, the victory -remaining sometimes with a man’s conscience--whatever it dictates might -be--sometimes with his fears. - -The King was, in fact, still endeavouring to stem the torrent he -had set loose. In his speech to Parliament on Christmas Eve, 1545, -after commending and thanking Lords and Commons for their loyalty and -affection towards himself, he had spoken with severity of the discord -and dissension prevalent in the realm; the clergy, by their sermons -against each other, sowing debate and discord amongst the people.... -“I am very sorry to know and hear how unreverently that most precious -jewel, the Word of God, is disputed, rimed, sung and jangled in every -ale-house and tavern ... and yet I am even as much sorry that the -readers of the same follow it in doing so faintly and so coldly. For -of this I am sure, that charity was never so faint amongst you, and -virtuous and godly living was never less used, nor God Himself amongst -Christians was never less reverenced, honoured, and served.”[27] - -Delivered scarcely more than a year before his death, Henry’s speech -was a singular commentary upon the condition of the realm, consequent -upon his own policy, during the concluding years of his reign. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -1546 - - Anne Askew--Her trial and execution--Katherine Parr’s danger--Plot - against her--Her escape. - - -As the months of 1546 went by the measures taken by the King and his -advisers to enforce unanimity of practice and opinion in matters -of religion did not become less drastic. A great burning of books -disapproved by Henry took place during the autumn, preceded in July -by the condemnation and execution of a victim whose fate attracted an -unusual amount of attention, the effect at Court being enhanced by the -fact that the heroine of the story was personally known to the Queen -and her ladies. It was indeed reported that one of the King’s special -causes of displeasure was that she had been the means of imbuing his -nieces--among whom was Lady Dorset, Jane Grey’s mother--as well as his -wife, with heretical doctrines. - -Added to the species of glamour commonly surrounding a spiritual -leader, more particularly in times of persecution, Anne Askew was -beautiful and young--not more than twenty-five at the time of her -death--and the thought of her racked frame, her undaunted courage, and -her final agony at the stake, may well have haunted with the horror of -a night-mare those who had been her disciples, and who looked on from a -distance, and with sympathy they dared not display. - -There were other circumstances increasing the interest with which -the melancholy drama was watched. Well born and educated, Anne had -been the wife of a Lincolnshire gentleman of the name of Kyme. Their -life together had been of short duration. In a period of bitter party -feeling and recrimination, it is difficult to ascertain with certainty -the truth on any given point; and whilst a hostile chronicler asserts -that Anne left her husband in order “to gad up and down a-gospelling -and gossipping where she might and ought not, but especially in -London and near the Court,”[28] another authority explains that Kyme -had turned her out of his house upon her conversion to Protestant -doctrines. Whatever might have been the origin of her mode of life, it -is certain that she resumed her maiden name, and proceeded to “execute -the office of an apostle.”[29] - -Her success in her new profession made her unfortunately conspicuous, -and in 1545 she was committed to Newgate, “for that she was very -obstinate and heady in reasoning on matters of religion.” The -charge, it must be confessed, is corroborated by her demeanour under -examination, when the qualities of meekness and humility were markedly -absent, and her replies to the interrogatories addressed to her were -rather calculated to irritate than to prove conciliatory. On this first -occasion, for example, asked to interpret certain passages in the -Scriptures, she declined to comply with the request on the score that -she would not cast pearls among swine--acorns were good enough; and, -urged by Bonner to open her wound, she again refused. Her conscience -was clear, she said; to lay a plaster on a whole skin might seem much -folly, and the similitude of a wound appeared to her unsavoury.[30] - -For the time she escaped; but in the course of the following year -her case was again brought forward, and on this occasion she found -no mercy. Her examinations, mostly reported by herself, show her as -alike keen-witted and sharp-tongued, rarely at a loss for an answer, -and profoundly convinced of the justice of her cause. If she was not -without the genuine enjoyment of the born controversialist in the -opportunity of argument and discussion, she possessed, underlying the -self-assertion and confidence natural in a woman holding the position -of a religious leader, a fund of indomitable heroism. For she must -have been fully conscious of her danger. It is possible that, had she -not been brought into prominence by her association with those in high -places, she might again have escaped; but, apart from the grudge owed -her for her influence over the King’s own kin, her attitude was almost -such as to court her fate. Refusing “to sing a new song of the Lord -in a strange land,” she replied to the Bishop of Winchester, when he -complained that she spoke in parables, that it was best for him that -she should do so. Had she shown him the open truth, he would not accept -it. - -“Then the Bishop said he would speak with me familiarly. I said, ‘So -did Judas when he unfriendlily betrayed Christ....’ In conclusion,” she -ended, in her account of the interview, “we could not agree.” - -Spirited as was her bearing, and thrilling as the prisoner plainly was -with all the excitement of a battle of words, it was not strange that -the strain should tell upon her. - -“On the Sunday,” she proceeds--and there is a pathetic contrast between -the physical weakness to which she confesses and her undaunted boldness -in confronting the men bent upon her destruction--“I was sore sick, -thinking no less than to die.... Then was I sent to Newgate in my -extremity of sickness, for in all my life I was never in such pain. -Thus the Lord strengthen us in His truth. Pray, pray, pray.” - -Her condemnation was a foregone conclusion. It followed quickly, with -a subsequent visit from one Nicholas Shaxton, who, having, for his own -part, made his recantation, counselled her to do the same. He spoke -in vain. It were, she told him, good for him never to have been born, -“with many like words.” More was to follow. If her assertion is to -be believed--and there seems no valid reason to doubt it--the rack -was applied “till I was nigh dead.... After that I sat two long hours -reasoning with my Lord Chancellor upon the bare floor. Then was I -brought into a house and laid in a bed with as weary and painful bones -as ever had patient Job. I thank my God therefore.” - -A scarcely credible addition is made to the story, to the effect that -when the Lieutenant of the Tower had refused to put the victim to the -torture a second time, the Lord Chancellor, Wriothesley, less merciful, -took the office upon himself, and applied the rack with his own hands, -the Lieutenant departing to report the matter to the King, “who seemed -not very well to like such handling of a woman.”[31] What is certain -is the final scene at Smithfield, where Shaxton delivered a sermon, -Anne listening, endorsing his words when she approved of them and -correcting them “when he said amiss.” - -So the shameful episode was brought to an end. The tale, penetrating -even the thick walls of a palace, must have caused a thrill of horror -at Whitehall, accentuated by reason of certain events going forward -there about the same time. - -The King’s disease was gaining upon him apace. He had become so -unwieldy in bulk that the use of machinery was necessary to move him, -and with the progress of his disorder his temper was becoming more -and more irritable. In view of his approaching death the question of -the guardianship and custody of the heir to the throne was increasing -in importance and the jealousy of the rival parties was becoming more -embittered. In the course of the summer the Catholics about the Court -ventured on a bold stroke, directed against no less a person than the -Queen. - -Emboldened by the tolerance displayed by the King towards her religious -practices and the preachers and teachers she gathered around her, -Katherine had grown so daring as to make matters of doctrine a constant -subject of conversation with Henry, urging him to complete the work he -had begun, and to free the Church of England from superstition.[32] -Henry appears at first--though he was a man ill to argue with--to -have shown singular patience under his wife’s admonitions. But daily -controversy is not soothing to a sick man’s nerves and temper, and -Katherine’s enemies, watching their opportunity, conceived that it was -at hand. - -Henry’s habits had been altered by illness, and it had become the -Queen’s custom to wait for a summons before visiting his apartments; -although on some occasions, after dinner or supper, or when she had -reason to imagine she would be welcome, she repaired thither on her own -initiative. But perhaps the more as she perceived that time was short, -she continued her imprudent exhortations. And still her enemies, wary -and silent, watched. - -Henry appears--and it says much for his affection for her--to have -for a time maintained the attitude of a not uncomplacent listener. -On a certain day, however, when Katherine was, as usual, descanting -upon questions of theology, he changed the subject abruptly, “which -somewhat amazed the Queen.” Reassured by perceiving no further signs of -displeasure, she talked upon other topics until the time came for the -King to bid her farewell, which he did with his customary affection. - -The account of what followed--Foxe being, as before, the narrator--must -be accepted with reservation. Gardiner, chancing to be present, was -made the recipient of his master’s irritation. It was a good hearing, -the King said ironically, when women were become clerks, and a thing -much to his comfort, to come in his old days to be taught by his wife. - -Gardiner made prompt use of the opening afforded him; he had waited -long for it, and it was not wasted. The Queen, he said, had forgotten -herself, in arguing with a King whose virtues and whose learnedness in -matters of religion were not only greater than were possessed by other -princes, but exceeded those of doctors in divinity. For the Bishop and -his friends it was a grievous thing to hear. Proceeding to enlarge upon -the subject at length, he concluded by saying that, though he dared not -declare what he knew without special warranty from the King, he and -others were aware of treason cloaked in heresy. Henry, he warned him, -was cherishing a serpent in his bosom. - -It was risking much, but the Bishop knew to whom he spoke, and, -working adroitly upon Henry’s fears and wrath, succeeded in obtaining -permission to consult with his colleagues and to draw up articles by -which the Queen’s life might be touched. “They thought it best to -begin with such ladies as she most esteemed and were privy to all her -doings--as the Lady Herbert, her sister, the Lady Lane, who was her -first cousin, and the Lady Tyrwhitt, all of her privy chamber.” The -plan was to accuse these ladies of the breach of the Six Articles, to -search their coffers for documents or books compromising to the Queen, -and, in case anything of that nature were found, to carry Katherine -by night to the Tower. The King, acquainted with the design, appears -to have given his consent, and all went on as before, Henry still -encouraging, or at least not discouraging, his wife’s discourse on -spiritual matters. - -Time was passing; the bill of articles against the Queen had been -prepared, and Henry had affixed his signature to it, whether with a -deliberate intention of giving her over to her enemies, or, as some -said, meaning to deter her from the study of prohibited literature--in -which case, as Lord Herbert of Cherbury observes, it was “a terrible -jest.”[33] That Katherine herself did not regard the affair, as soon as -she came to be cognisant of it, in the light of a kindly warning, is -plain; for when, by a singular accident, the document containing the -charges against her was dropped by one of the council and brought for -her perusal, the effect upon her was such that the King’s physicians -were summoned to attend her, and Henry himself, ignorant of the -cause of her illness, and possibly softened by it, paid her a visit, -and, hearing that she entertained fears that she had incurred his -displeasure, reassured her with sweet and comfortable words, remained -with her an hour, and departed. - -Though Katherine had played her part well, she must have been aware -that she stood on the brink of a precipice, and the ghosts of Anne -Boleyn and Katherine Howard warned her how little reliance could be -placed upon the King’s fitful affection. Deciding upon a bold step, -she sought his bed-chamber uninvited after supper on the following -evening, attended only by her sister, Lady Herbert, and with Lady -Lane,[34] her cousin, to carry the candle before her. Henry, found in -conversation with his attendant gentlemen, gave his wife a courteous -welcome, entering at once--contrary to his custom--upon the subject -of religion, as if moved by a desire of gaining instruction from her -replies. Read in the light of what Katherine already knew, this new -departure may well have been viewed by her with misgiving; and she -hastened to disclaim the position the King appeared anxious to assign -her. The inferiority of women being what it was, she said, it was for -man to supply from his wisdom what they lacked. She being a silly poor -woman, and his Majesty so wise, how could her judgment be of use to -him, in all things her only anchor, and, next to God, her supreme head -and governor on earth? - -The King demurred. The attitude of submission may have struck him as -unfamiliar. - -“Not so, by St. Mary,” he said. “You are become a doctor, Kate, to -instruct us, as we take it, and not to be instructed or directed by us.” - -The plain charge elicited, it was more easy to reply to it. The King -had much mistaken her, Katherine humbly declared. It had ever been -her opinion that it was unseemly for the woman to instruct and teach -her lord and husband; her place was rather to learn of him. If she -had been bold to maintain opinions differing from the King’s, it had -been to “minister talk”--to make conversation, in modern language--to -distract him from the thought of his infirmities, as also in the hope -of profiting by his learned discourse--with more of the same nature. - -Henry, perhaps not sorry to be convinced, yielded to the skilful -flattery thus administered. - -“Is it even so, sweetheart?” he said, “and tend your arguments to no -worse end? Then perfect friends we are now again,” adding, as he took -her in his arms and kissed her, that her words had done him more good -than news of a hundred thousand pounds. - -The next day had been fixed for the Queen’s arrest. As the appointed -hour approached the King sought the garden, sending for Katherine -to attend him there. Accompanied by the same ladies as on the night -before, the Queen obeyed the summons, and there, under the July sun, -the closing scene of the serio-comic drama was played. Amused, it may -be, by the anticipation of his counsellors’ discomfiture, Henry was -in good spirits and “as pleasant as ever he was in his life before,” -when the Chancellor, with forty of the royal guard, appeared, ready to -take possession of the culprit. What passed between Wriothesley and his -master, at a little distance from the rest of the party, could only be -matter of conjecture. The Chancellor’s words, as he knelt before the -angry King, were not audible to the curious bystanders, but the King’s -rejoinder, “vehemently whispered,” was heard. “Knave, arrant knave, -beast and fool,” were the epithets applied to the crestfallen official. -After which, he was promptly dismissed. - -Katherine, whether or not she divined the truth, set herself to plead -Wriothesley’s cause. Ignorance, not will, was in her opinion the -probable origin of what had so manifestly moved Henry to wrath. The -advocacy of the intended victim softened the King’s heart even more -towards her. - -“Ah, poor soul,” he said, “thou little knowest how ill he deserves this -grace at thy hands. On my word, sweetheart, he hath been towards thee -an arrant knave, and so let him go.”[35] - -For the moment, at least, the danger was averted, and before it -recurred the despot was in his grave, and Katherine was safe. It is -curious to observe that in the list of contents to the _Acts and -Monuments_ the danger of the Queen is pointed out, “and how gloriously -she was preserved by her kind and loving Husband the King.” - - - - -CHAPTER V - -1546 - - The King dying--The Earl of Surrey--His career and his fate--The - Duke of Norfolk’s escape--Death of the King. - - -The King was dying. So much must have been apparent to all who were in -a position to judge. None, however, dared utter their thought, since -it had been made an indictable offence--the act being directed against -soothsayers and prophets--to foretell his death. Those who wished him -well or ill, those who would if they could have cared for his soul and -invited him to make his peace with God before taking his way hence, -were alike constrained to be mute. Before he went to present himself at -a court of justice where king and crossing-sweeper stand side by side, -another judicial murder was to be accomplished, and one more victim -added to the number of the accusers awaiting him there. This was the -poet Earl of Surrey, heir to the Dukedom of Norfolk. - -Surrey was not more than thirty. But much had been crowded, according -to the fashion of the time, into his short and brilliant life. Brought -up during his childhood at Windsor as the companion of the King’s -illegitimate son, the Duke of Richmond--who subsequently married Mary -Howard, his friend’s sister--Surrey had suffered many vicissitudes -of fortune; had been in confinement on a suspicion of sympathy with -the Pilgrimage of Grace; and in 1543 had again fallen into disgrace, -charged with breaking windows in London by shooting pebbles at them. -To this accusation he pleaded guilty, explaining, in a satire directed -against the citizens of London, that his object had been to prepare -them for the divine retribution due for their irreligion and wickedness: - - This made me with a reckless brest, - To wake thy sluggards with my bowe; - A figure of the Lord’s behest, - Whose scourge for synne the Scriptures shew. - -He can scarcely have expected that the plea would have availed, and he -expiated his offence by a short imprisonment, chiefly of importance as -accentuating his hatred towards the Seymours, who were held responsible -for it.[36] - -In the course of the same year he was more worthily employed in -fighting the battles of England abroad, where his conduct elicited a -cordial tribute of praise from Charles V. “Our cousin, the Earl of -Surrey,” wrote the Emperor to Henry, on Surrey’s return to England, -would supply him with an account of all that had taken place. “We will -therefore only add that he has given good proof in the army of whom he -is the son; and that he will not fail to follow in the steps of his -father and forefathers, with _si gentil cœur_ and so much dexterity -that there is no need to instruct him in aught, and you will give him -no command that he does not know how to execute.”[37] - -Two years later Surrey was in command of the English forces at -Boulogne, there suffered defeat, and was, though not as an ostensible -result of his failure, superseded by his rival and enemy, the Earl of -Hertford, brother of the Admiral and head of the Seymour clan. - -Such was the record of the man who was to fall a prey to the malice and -jealousy of the opposite party in the State. His noble birth, his long -descent, and his brilliant gifts, were so many causes tending to make -him hated and feared; besides which, even amongst men in whom humility -was a rare virtue, he was noted for his pride--“the most foolish, -proud boy,” as he was once described, “that is in England.” When he -came to be tried for his life those of his own house came forward to -bear witness to the contempt he had displayed towards inferiors in -rank, if not in power. “These new men,” he had said scornfully--it was -his sister who played the part of his accuser--“these new men loved -no nobility, and if God called away the King they should smart for -it.”[38] None of the King’s Council, he was reported to have declared, -loved him, because they were not of noble birth, and also because he -believed in the Sacrament of the Altar.[39] - -In verse he had likewise made his sentiments clear, comparing himself, -much to his advantage, with the men he hated. - - Behold our kyndes how that we differ farre; - I seke my foes, and you your frendes do threten still with warre. - I fawne where I am fled; you slay that sekes to you; - I can devour no yelding pray; you kill where you subdue. - My kinde is to desire the honoure of the field, - And you with bloode to slake your thirst on such as to you yeld. - -It was a natural and inevitable consequence of his attitude towards -them that the “new men” hated and sought the ruin of the poet who held -them up publicly to scorn; and if his great popularity in the country -was in some sort a shield, it was also calculated to prove perilous, by -giving rise to suspicion and distrust on the part of a sovereign prone -to indulge in these sentiments, and thereby to render the success of -his foes more easy. - -The Seymours were aware that their time was short. With the King’s -approaching death the question of the guardianship of the successor to -the throne was becoming daily more momentous; and when pride and vanity -on the part of the Earl, together with treachery on that of friends and -kin, placed a dangerous weapon in the hands of his opponents, they -were prompt to use it. - -During the summer there was nothing to serve as a presage of his -fate; and so late as August he took part in the magnificent reception -accorded to the French ambassadors, successfully vindicating on that -occasion his right to precedence over the Earl of Hertford, with whom -he was as usual at open enmity. - -A new cause of quarrel had been added to the old. The Duke of Norfolk, -developing, as age crept upon him, an unwonted desire for peace and -amity, had lately devised a method of terminating the feud between his -heir and the Seymour brothers, so powerful, by reason of their kinship -to Prince Edward, in the State. Not only had he revived a project -for uniting his widowed daughter, the Duchess of Richmond, to Thomas -Seymour, Lord Admiral, Katherine Parr’s former lover, but had made a -further proposal to cement the alliance between the rival houses by -marrying three of his grandchildren to Hertford’s children. - -The old man’s scheme was not destined to succeed. Whether or not -the Seymours would have consented to forget ancient grudges, Surrey -remained irreconcilable, flatly refusing his consent to his father’s -plan. So long as he lived, he declared, no son of his should ever wed -Lord Hertford’s daughter; and when his sister--perhaps not insensible -to Thomas Seymour’s attractions--showed an inclination to yield to the -Duke’s wishes, he addressed bitter taunts to her. Since Seymour was -in favour with the King, he told her ironically, let her conclude the -farce of a marriage, and play in England the part which had, in France, -belonged to the Duchesse d’Étampes, Francis I.’s mistress. - -Mary Howard did not marry the Admiral, but, possibly sharing her -brother’s pride, she never forgot or forgave the insult he had offered -her; and, repeating the sarcasm as if it had been advice tendered in -all seriousness, did her best to damn the Earl in his day of extremity. -In a contemporary Spanish chronicle further particulars, true or false, -of the quarrel are added. It is there related that, grieved at the -tales that had reached him of his sister’s lightness of conduct, Surrey -had taken upon himself to administer a brotherly rebuke. - -“Sister,” he said, “I am very sorry to hear what I do about you; and if -it be true, I will never speak to you again, but will be your mortal -enemy.”[40] - -The Duchess was not a woman to accept the admonition meekly, and it was -she who was to prove, in the sequel, the more dangerous foe of the two. - -The offence for which Surrey nominally suffered the capital penalty -seems trivial enough. According to the story told by contemporary -authorities--and it suits well with his overweening pride in his -ancient blood and royal descent--he caused a painting to be executed -wherein the Norfolk arms were joined to those of the royal house, the -motto _Honi soit qui mal y pense_ being replaced by the enigmatical -device _Till then thus_, and the whole concealed by a canvas placed -above it. - -[Illustration: - - From an engraving by Scriven after a painting by Holbein. - -HENRY HOWARD, EARL OF SURREY.] - -The very fact of the secrecy observed betrays the Earl’s consciousness -that he had committed an imprudence. He was guilty of a worse when, -notwithstanding the terms upon which he stood with his sister, he made -her his confidant in the matter. The Duchess, in her turn, informed her -father of what had been done, but to the Duke’s remonstrances Surrey -turned a deaf ear. His ancestors, he replied, had borne these arms, -and he was much better than they. Powerless to move him, his father, -reiterating his fears that it might furnish occasion for a charge of -treason, begged that the affair might be kept strictly private, to -which Surrey readily agreed. Both men, however, had reckoned without -the woman who was daughter to the one, sister to the other. Whether, -as some aver,[41] the Duchess took the step of betraying her brother -directly to the King, or merely corroborated the accusations preferred -against him by others--Sir Richard Southwell, a friend of Surrey’s -childhood, being the first to denounce him[42]--the matter soon became -known, the Earl was examined at length, and by the middle of December -was, with his father, lodged in the Tower on the charge of treason, the -assumption of the royal arms being viewed as an implied claim to the -succession to the throne, and as a menace to the little heir. Hertford -and his brother were at hand to exaggerate the peril to be feared from -his ambition; and the affection of the populace, who, as he was taken -through the city to his place of captivity, made great lamentation,[43] -was not fitted to allay apprehension. A month later the Earl’s trial -took place at the Guildhall, crowds filling the streets as he went by. -Brought before his judges, he made so spirited a defence that Holinshed -admits that “if he had tempered his answers with such modesty as he -showed token of a right perfect and ready wit, his praise had been the -greater”; and though neither wit nor modesty was likely to avail to -save him, it was not without long deliberation that the jury agreed to -declare him guilty. - -Their verdict was pronounced by his implacable enemy, Hertford; being -greeted by the people with “a great tumult, and it was a long while -before they could be silenced, although they cried out to them to be -quiet.”[44] - -The prisoner received what was practically sentence of death in -characteristic fashion. His enemies might have vanquished him, but he -could still despise them, still assert his inborn superiority to his -victors. - -“Of what have you found me guilty?” he demanded. “Surely you will find -no law that justifies you; but I know that the King wants to get rid of -the noble blood around him, and to employ none but low people.”[45] - -On January 19, not a week after his trial, the poet, King Henry VIII.’s -latest victim, was beheaded on Tower Hill. It was not the fault of -Henry’s advisers that his aged father did not follow him to the grave. -To have cleared Surrey out of their path was much; but it was not -enough. The Duke’s heir gone, there were many eager to share amongst -themselves the Norfolk spoils; Henry was ready to send his old servant -to join his son; and only the King’s death, on the very night before -the day appointed for the Duke’s execution, saved him from sharing -Surrey’s fate. On January 28, 1547, nine days after the Earl had been -slain, Henry was dead. - -The end can have taken few people by surprise. Whether it was -unexpected by the King none can tell. His will was made--a will paving -the way for the misfortunes of one of his kin, and preparing the -scaffold upon which Lady Jane Grey was to die; since, tacitly setting -aside the claims of his elder sister, Margaret of Scotland, and her -heirs, he provided that, after his own children, Edward, Mary, and -Elizabeth, the descendants of Mary Tudor, of whom Jane was, in the -younger generation, the representative, should stand next in the order -of succession to the throne. It was the first occasion upon which Lady -Jane’s position had been explicitly defined, and was the prelude of the -tragedy that was to follow. Should the unrepealed statutes declaring -the King’s daughters illegitimate be permitted in the future to weigh -against his present provisions in their favour, his great niece or her -mother would, in the event of Prince Edward’s death, become heirs to -the crown. - -For Henry the opportunity of cancelling, had it been possible, the -injustices of a lifetime was over. “Soon after the death of the Earl of -Surrey,” writes the Spanish chronicler, “the King felt unwell; and, as -he was a wise man, he called his council together, and said to them, -‘Gentlemen, I am unwell, and cannot tell when God may call me, so I -wish to put my soul in order, and to reward my servants for what they -have done.’” - -The writer was probably drawing upon his imagination, and presenting -rather a picture of what, in his opinion, ought to have taken place -than of what truly happened. It quickly became patent to all that the -end was at hand; but, though the physicians represented to those about -the dying man that it was fitting that he should be warned of his -condition, most of them shrank from the task. At length Sir Anthony -Denny took the performance of the duty upon himself, exhorting his -master boldly to prepare for death, “calling himself to remembrance of -his former life, and to call upon God in Christ betimes for grace and -mercy.”[46] - -What followed must again be largely matter of conjecture, the various -accounts being coloured according to the theological views of the -narrator. It is possible that, feeling the end near, and calling to -mind, as Denny bade him, the life he had led, Henry may have been -visited by one of those deathbed repentances so mercilessly described -by Raleigh: “For what do they do otherwise that die this kind of -well-dying, but say to God as followeth: We beseech Thee, O God, that -all the falsehoods, forswearings, and treacheries of our lives past -may be pleasing unto Thee; that Thou wilt, for our sakes (that have -had no leisure to do anything for Thine) change Thy nature (though -impossible) and forget to be a just God; that Thou wilt love injuries -and oppressions, call ambition wisdom, and charity foolishness.”[47] -Into the secrets of the deathbed none can penetrate. Some say the -King’s remorse, for the execution of Anne Boleyn in particular, was -genuine; others that he was haunted by visionary fears and terrors. In -the Spanish chronicle quoted above, it is asserted that, sending for -“Madam Mary,” his injured daughter, he confessed that fortune--he might -have said himself--had been hard against her, that he grieved not to -have married her as he wished, and prayed her further to be a mother to -the Prince, “for look, he is very little yet.” - -The same authority has also drawn what one must believe to be -an imaginary picture of a final and affecting interview between -Katherine and her husband, “when the good Queen could not answer for -weeping.”[48] His account is uncorroborated by other evidence, and it -is impossible to believe that she can have felt genuine sorrow for the -death of a man whose life was a perpetual menace to her own. - -According to Foxe, when Denny, the courageous servant who had warned -him of his danger, asked whether he would see no learned divine, the -King replied that, were any such to be called, it should be Cranmer, -but him not yet. He would first sleep, and then, according as he felt, -would advise upon the matter. When, an hour or two later, finding his -weakness increasing, he sent for the Archbishop, it was too late for -speech. “Notwithstanding ... he, reaching his hand to Dr. Cranmer, did -hold him fast,” and, desired by the latter to give some token of trust -in God, he “did wring his hand in his as hard as he could, and so, -shortly after, departed.”[49] - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -1547 - - Triumph of the new men--Somerset made Protector--Coronation of - Edward VI.--Measures of ecclesiastical reform--The Seymour - brothers--Lady Jane Grey entrusted to the Admiral--The Admiral - and Elizabeth--His marriage to Katherine. - - -With the death of the King a change, complete and sudden, passed over -the face of affairs. So long as Henry drew breath all was uncertain; -security there was none. The men who were in favour to-day might be -disgraced to-morrow, and with regard to the government of the country -and the guardianship of the new sovereign all depended upon the state -of mind in which death might find him. Happening when it actually did, -it left the “new men,” the objects of Surrey’s contempt, triumphant. -Norfolk was in prison on a capital charge; his son was dead. Gardiner -had fallen into disgrace at the same time as the Howards, and, though -averting a worse fate by a timely show of submission, had never -regained his power, his name being omitted by Henry from the list of -his executors, all, with the exception of Wriothesley the Chancellor, -adherents of the Seymours and for the most part pledged to the support -of the Protestant interest. Henry had acted deliberately. - -“My Lord of Winchester--I think by negligence--is left out of Your -Majesty’s will,” said Sir Anthony Browne, kneeling by the King’s side, -and recalling to the dying man the Bishop’s long service and great -abilities. But Henry refused to reconsider the question. - -“Hold your peace,” he returned. “I remembered him well enough, and of -good purpose have left him out; for surely, if he were in my testament, -and one of you, he would cumber you all, and you should never rule him, -he is of so troublesome a nature.”[50] - -Gardiner removed, there was no one left of sufficient influence to -combat the Seymours. Their day was come. - -The King’s death had taken place on Friday, January 28. The Council, -for reasons of their own, kept the news secret until the following -Monday, when, amidst a scene of strong emotion, real or simulated, the -fact was made known to Lords and Commons, Parliament was dissolved, and -the Commons dismissed, the peers staying in London to welcome their new -sovereign. On February 1 a fresh and crowning success was scored by the -dominant party, and Hertford--Wriothesley’s being the sole dissentient -voice in the governing body--was made Protector and guardian of the -King. That afternoon Edward received the homage of the Lords spiritual -and temporal, and the new reign was inaugurated. - -On the 20th of the same month the coronation took place with all -magnificence. On the previous day the nine-year-old King had been -brought “through his city of London in most royal and goodly wise” to -Westminster, the crafts standing on one side of the streets to see -him pass, priests and clerks on the other, with crosses and censers, -waiting to cense the new sovereign as he went by. The sword of state -was borne by Dorset, as Constable of England, and his daughter, the -same age as the King, was probably a witness of the splendid pageant -and watched her cousin as, in his gown of cloth of silver embroidered -in gold and with his white velvet jerkin and cape, he rode through the -city.[51] - -At the coronation on the following day Dorset again occupied a -prominent place, standing by the King and carrying the sceptre, -Somerset bearing the crown. Cranmer, with no longer anything to fear -from his enemies, performed the ceremony and delivered an address that -can have left no doubt in the minds of any of his hearers, if such -there were, who had clung to the hope that a moderate policy would be -pursued in ecclesiastical matters, of what was to be expected from the -men who had in their hands the little head of Church and State. As -God’s Vice-regent and Christ’s Vicar, Edward Tudor was exhorted to -see that God was worshipped, idolatry destroyed, the tyranny of the -Bishop of Rome banished, and images removed, the hybrid ceremony being -concluded by a solemn high mass, Cranmer acting as celebrant. - -Signal success had attended the inauguration of the new régime. -Dissentients were almost nonexistent. Wriothesley, now Earl of -Southampton, remained the solitary genuine adherent of the old faith -belonging to the Council. His lack of caution in putting the great -seal into commission without the authority of his colleagues afforded -them an excuse for ousting him from his post of Chancellor; he was -compelled to resign his office, and received orders to confine himself -to his house, whilst Hertford, become Duke of Somerset, took advantage -of his absence to obtain letters patent by which he became virtually -omnipotent in the State. - -The earlier months of his government were chiefly devoted to carrying -through drastic measures of ecclesiastical reform, in which he was -aided by conviction in some, and cupidity in others, of his colleagues, -eager to benefit by the spoliation of the Church. With the education of -the King in the hands of the Protector, they could count upon immunity -when he should come to an age to execute justice on his own account, -and the work went swiftly forward. Gardiner, it was true, offered -a determined opposition. If he had pandered to his old master, he -vindicated his character for courage by braving the resentment of the -men now in power, and paid for his boldness by imprisonment. - -By September the internal affairs of the kingdom were on a sufficiently -settled footing to allow the Protector to turn his attention to -Scotland. Crossing the border with an army of twenty thousand men, he -conducted in person a short campaign ending with the victory of Pinkie, -after which, to the surprise of those who expected to see him follow up -his success, he hurried home. - -His hasty retreat was ascribed to different causes. Some supposed -him eager to be again at his post, with the prestige of his victory -still fresh. By others it was imagined that he feared the intrigues -of his enemies, and in especial of his brother the Admiral. Nor would -such uneasiness have been without justification. So long as their -combined strength was necessary to enable them to stand against their -enemies, the two had made common cause. Somerset was popular in the -country; the nobles preferred the Admiral. For both a certain distrust -was entertained by those who felt that “their new lustre did dim the -light of men honoured with ancient nobility.[52]” The consciousness of -insecurity kept them at one with each other. Become all-powerful in -the State, jealousy and passion sundered them. Ambitious, proud, and -resentful of the Duke’s assumption of undivided authority, Seymour had -quickly shown an intention of undermining his brother’s position in the -country, with his hold upon the King, and the Protector may reasonably -have felt that it was neither safe nor politic, so far as his personal -interest was concerned, to remain too long at a distance from the -centre of government. - -To the jealousies natural to ambitious men other causes of dissension -had been added. These were due to the position achieved by Seymour some -months previous to the Scotch campaign by his marriage with the King’s -widow. - -The conduct of Katherine at this juncture is allowed by her warmest -partisans to furnish matter for regret. Little information is -forthcoming concerning her movements at the time of the King’s -death; nor does any blame attach to her if she regarded that event -in the light of a timely release, an emancipation from a condition -of perpetual unrest and anxiety. In any case the age was not one -when overmuch time was squandered in mourning, real or conventional, -for the dead; and, judging by the sequel, it is possible that, even -before the final close was put to her married life, she may have been -contemplating the recovery of her lost lover. It is said that when -the Lord Admiral paid her his formal visit of condolence she not only -received him in private, but candidly confessed how slight was her -reason to regret a man who had done her the wrong of appropriating her -youth.[53] - -If the conversation is correctly reported, Seymour would augur well -of the Queen’s willingness, so far as was possible, to make up for -lost time. But he was not himself inclined to be hurried. Intent upon -securing every means within his power to assist him in the coming -struggle for pre-eminence, he did not at once convince himself that it -was his best policy to become the husband of the King’s step-mother, -and that a more advantageous alliance was not within his grasp. - -Other matters were also occupying his attention; and it was now that -Lady Jane Grey, unfortunately a factor of importance in the political -world, was brought prominently forward and that her small figure comes -first into view in connection with the competition for power and -influence. - -Although allied with the royal house, and in a position to share in -some sort Surrey’s contempt for the parvenu nobility of whom the -Seymours were representative, Dorset and the King’s uncles, agreed -upon the crucial matter of religion, were on good terms; and Henry was -no sooner dead than it occurred to the Admiral that he might steal a -march upon his brother and secure to himself a point of vantage in the -contest between them, by obtaining the custody for the present, and the -disposal in the future, of the marquis’s eldest daughter. - -He lost no time in attempting to compass his purpose. Immediately -after the late King’s death--according to statements made when, at a -later date, Seymour had fallen upon evil times--Lord Dorset received -a visit from a dependant of the Admiral’s, named Harrington, and the -negotiations ending in the transference of the practical guardianship -of the child to Seymour were set on foot. - -Harrington was, it would seem, the bearer of a letter from his master, -containing the proposal that Lady Jane should be committed to his care; -and found the Marquis, on this first occasion, “somewhat cold” in the -matter. The messenger, however, proceeded to urge the wishes of his -principal, supporting them by arguments well calculated to appeal to -an ambitious man. He reported that he had heard Seymour say “that Lady -Jane was as handsome as any lady in England, and that, if the King’s -Majesty, when he came of age, would marry within the realm, it was -as likely he would be there as in any other place, and that he [the -Admiral] would wish it.”[54] - -Such was Harrington’s deposition. Dorset’s account of the interview -is to much the same effect. Visiting him at his house at Westminster -“immediately after the King’s death,” he stated that Seymour’s envoy -had advised him to be content that his daughter should be with the -Admiral, assuring him that he would find means to place her in marriage -much to his comfort. - -“With whom?” demanded Dorset, plainly anxious to obtain an explicit -pledge. - -“Marry,” answered Harrington, “I doubt not you shall see him marry her -to the King.” - -As a consequence of this conversation Dorset called upon the Admiral -at Seymour House a week later, and as the two walked in the garden an -agreement was arrived at, and her father was won over to send for the -child, who thereafter remained in the Admiral’s house “continually” -until the death of the Queen.[55] - -It was a strange arrangement; the more so that it was evidently -concluded before the marriage of the late King’s widow to Seymour, a -man one would imagine to have been in no wise fit to be entrusted with -the sole guardianship of the little girl. But Dorset was ambitious; -the favour of the King’s uncle, with the possibility of securing the -King himself as a son-in-law, was not lightly to be forgone; and the -sacrifice of Jane was made, not for the last time, to her father’s -interest. - -To the child herself the change from the Bradgate fields and parks to -the London home of her new guardian must have been abrupt. Yet, though -she may have felt bewildered and desolate in her new surroundings and -separated from her two little sisters, her training at home had not -been of a description to cause her overmuch regret at a parting from -those responsible for it. It has been said that every child should -dwell for a time within an Eden of its own, and with many men and -women the recollection of the unclouded irrational joy belonging to a -childhood surrounded by love and tenderness may have constituted in -after years a pledge and a guarantee that happiness is possible, and -that, in spite of sin and sorrow and suffering, the world is still, as -God saw it at creation, very good. The garden in which little Jane’s -childhood was passed was one of a different nature. “No lady,” says -Fuller pitifully, “which led so many pious, lived so few pleasant days, -whose soul was never out of the nonage of affliction till Death made -her of full years to inherit happiness, so severe her education.” Her -father’s house was to her a house of correction.[56] - -Such being the case, the less regret can have mingled with the natural -excitement of a child brought into wholly new conditions of life, and -treated perhaps for the first time as a person of importance. Nor -was it long before circumstances provided her with a home to which -no exception could be taken. By June Seymour’s marriage with the -Queen-Dowager had been made public. - -In the interval, short though it was, that elapsed between the King’s -death and the union of his widow and the Admiral, Seymour had had -time, before committing himself to a renewal of his suit to Katherine, -to attempt a more brilliant match. Henry had been scarcely a month -dead before he addressed a letter, couched in the correct terms of -conventional love-making, to the Princess Elizabeth, now fourteen. He -wished, he wrote, that it were possible to communicate to the missive -the virtue of rousing in her heart as much favour towards him as his -was full of love for her, proceeding to pay the customary tribute to -the beauty and charm, together with “a certain fascination I cannot -resist,” by which he had been subjugated. - -Elizabeth, at fourteen, was keen-witted enough to estimate aright -the advantages offered by a marriage with the uncle of the reigning -sovereign. Nor was she, perhaps, judging by what followed, indifferent -to the personal attractions of this, her first suitor. Though a certain -impression of vulgarity is conveyed, in spite of his magnificent voice -and splendid appearance, by the Lord Admiral, a child twenty years -younger than himself was not likely to detect, in the recognised Adonis -of the Court, the presence of this somewhat indefinable attribute. In -her eyes he was doubtless a dazzling figure; and though she replied -by a polite refusal to entertain his addresses, it is said that she -afterwards owed her step-mother a grudge for having discouraged her -from accepting them. Her answer was, however, a model of maidenly -modesty. She had, she stated, neither age nor inclination to think of -marriage, and would never have believed that the subject would have -been broached so soon after her father’s death. Two years at least must -be passed in mourning, nor could she decide to become a wife before she -had reached years of discretion.[57] - -That problematical date would not be patiently awaited by a man intent -upon building up without delay the fabric of his fortunes; and, denied -the late King’s daughter, Seymour promptly fell back upon his wife. A -graphic account of the beginning of his courtship is supplied by the -Spanish chronicle, and, if not reliable for accuracy, the narrative -no doubt represents what was believed in London, where the writer -was resident. The question of the marriage had been, according to -him, first mooted to the Council by the Protector, and though other -authorities assert that the Duke was opposed to the match, both facts -may be true. It is not inconceivable that, whilst he would have -preferred that his brother should have looked less high for a wife, -the possibility that Seymour might have obtained the hand of the -King’s sister may have caused the Protector to regard with favour an -arrangement putting a marriage with the Princess out of the question. - -At the Council Board it is said that the proposal received the -approbation of the Chancellor. Cranmer, though characterising it as an -act of disrespect to the memory of the late King, promised to interpose -no obstacle. Paget, the Secretary, went further, engaging that his -wife, in attendance on the Queen, should push the matter to the best of -her ability. - -After dinner one day, accordingly--to continue the narrative of the -Spaniard--when the Queen, with all her ladies, was in the great hall -of the palace, and the Lord Admiral entered, “looking so handsome -that every one had something to say about him,” Lady Paget, taking -her opportunity, made a whispered inquiry to the Queen as to her -opinion of Seymour’s appearance. To which the Queen answered that -she liked it very much--“oh, how changeable,” sighs the chronicler, -“are women in that country!” Encouraged by Katherine’s reply, Lady -Paget ventured to go further, and to hint at a marriage; answering, -when the Queen replied by demurring on the score of her superior rank -as Queen-Dowager, that to win so pretty a man you might well stoop. -Katherine would, she added, continue to retain her royal title.[58] - -The Queen did not prove difficult to persuade. If it is true that she -had been cognisant of Seymour’s attempt to obtain the hand of her -step-daughter, the fact might have warned her of the nature of the -love he was offering to herself. But a woman in her state of mind is -not accessible to reason. A little more than a month after Henry’s -death the betrothal took place, the marriage following upon it in -May, and the haste displayed giving singular proof of how far the -Queen’s old passion had mastered prudence and discretion. The world -was scandalised, and the King’s daughters in particular were strong -in their disapproval; Mary, the more energetic of the two on this -occasion, summoning her sister to visit her, that together they might -devise means of preventing the impending insult to their father’s -memory, or concert a method of making their attitude clear. - -Elizabeth, though her objections to the match were probably, on -personal grounds, stronger than those of her sister, was more cautious -than Mary. The girl, or her advisers, may have been aware of the fact -that opposition to the King’s uncle would be a dangerous course to be -pursued by any one whose future was as ill assured as her own; and, -in answer to her sister, she pointed out, though expressing her grief -at the affair, that their sole consolation would lie in submission -to the will of Providence, since neither was able to offer practical -resistance to the project. Dissimulation, under these circumstances, -would be their best policy. Mary might decline to visit the Queen, but -in Elizabeth’s subordinate position she would herself be compelled to -do so, her step-mother having shown her so much kindness.[59] - -Despite public censure, despite the blame and disapproval of critics -whose disapproval would carry more weight, Katherine may not at this -time have regretted her defiance of conventional propriety; and those -spring weeks, passed at her jointure palace in Chelsea, were probably -the happiest of her life. The nightmare sense of insecurity, which -can never have been wholly laid to rest so long as Henry lived, was -removed; the price exacted for her royal dignity had been paid, to the -uttermost farthing; and she was a free woman. Her old love for Seymour -had re-awakened in full force, and she believed it was returned. Pious -and prudent, Katherine had forgotten to be wise. Disillusionment might -come later, but at present the future smiled upon her; and she may -fairly have counted upon it to pay, at long last, the debts of the past. - -Her letters, light and tender, grave and gay, indicate her mood as -she awaited the day when she would take her place before the world as -Seymour’s wife. Whether a marriage had already taken place, though kept -private as a concession to public opinion, or whether it was still to -come, there were secret meetings in the early spring mornings by the -river, when the town was scarcely awake, the more welcome, it may be, -because of the sense that they were stolen. - -“When it shall be your pleasure to repair hither,” wrote Kateryn the -Quene--her invariable signature--to her lover, “ye must take some -pains to come early in the morning, that ye may be gone again by seven -o’clock; and so I suppose ye may come hither without suspect. I pray -you let me have knowledge over-night at what hour ye will come, that -your portress [herself] may wait at the gate of the fields for you.... -By her that is, and shall be, your humble, true, and loving wife during -her life.” - -Poor, learned Katherine had fallen an unresisting victim, like any -other common woman, to the gifts and attractions of the man who was to -prove so unsatisfactory a husband! - -By May 17, if not before, it is clear that the marriage had taken -place, though the secret had been so closely kept that it was a -surprise to the bridegroom to discover that it was known to the Queen’s -own sister, Lady Herbert. On visiting the latter, he told Katherine in -a letter of this date, she had charged him “touching my lodging with -your Highness at Chelsea,” the Admiral stoutly maintaining that he -had done no more than pass by the garden on his way to the house of -the Bishop of London; “till at last she told me further tokens, which -made me change colour,” and he had arrived at the conclusion that Lady -Herbert had been taken into her sister’s confidence. - -Meantime the inconvenience of the present condition of things was -evident; and to Mary--curiously enough, since her disapproval of the -projected marriage had been so pronounced--Seymour applied for help -which should enable him to put an end to it. Although he preserved -the attitude of a mere suitor for the Queen’s hand, it may be that -the Princess suspected that she was being consulted after the event. -Her answer was not encouraging. Had the matter concerned her nearest -kinsman and dearest friend it would, she told the Admiral, stand least -with her poor honour than with any other creature to meddle in the -affair, considering whose wife the Queen had lately been. - -“If the remembrance of the King’s Majesty my father ... will not suffer -her to grant your suit, I am nothing able to persuade her to forget the -loss of him who is, as yet, very rife in mine own remembrance.” If, -however, the Princess refused the assistance he begged, she assured -him that, “wooing matters apart, wherein, being a maid, I am nothing -cunning,” she would be ready in other things to serve him. - -The young King, to whom recourse was next had, was found more -accommodating; and indeed appears to have been skilfully convinced -that it was by his persuasions that his step-mother had been induced -to bestow her hand upon his uncle, writing to thank the Queen for her -gentle acceptation of his suit. The boy, after Katherine’s death and -her husband’s disgrace, gave an account of the methods used to obtain -his intervention: - -“The Lord Admiral came to me ... and desired me to write a thing for -him. I asked him what. He said it was none ill thing; it is for the -Queen’s Majesty. I said if it were good the Lords would allow it; if -it were ill I would not write on it. Then he said they would take it -in better part if I would write. I desired him to let me alone in that -matter. Cheke said afterwards to me, ‘Ye were best not to write.’”[60] - -The boy’s letter to the Queen proves that he had subsequently yielded -to his uncle’s request; and in June the fact of the marriage became -public property. - -The progress of the love-affair will have been watched with interest by -the curious and jealous eyes of Elizabeth, the half-grown girl, who, -placed by the Council under her step-mother’s care at Chelsea, had -ample opportunities of forming her conclusions. Lady Jane Grey may, not -improbably, have been likewise a spectator of what was going forward. -There is no evidence to show whether it was before or after the public -avowal of the marriage that she took up her residence under the Queen’s -roof. But, having obtained his point and gained her custody, it is -not unreasonable to imagine that the Admiral may have found a child -of ten an encumbrance in his household, and have taken the earliest -opportunity of consigning her to Katherine’s care. - -A passive asset as she was in the political reckoning, the debates -concerning her guardianship must have done something to bring home to -her mind the consciousness of her importance; and she had doubtless -been made well aware of her title to consideration by the time that she -became an honoured inmate of the Lord Admiral’s house. But concerning -the details of her existence at this date history is dumb, and we can -but guess at her attitude as, fresh from her country home, she watched, -under the roof of her new guardian in Seymour Place, the life of the -great city around; or within the more tranquil precincts of Chelsea -Palace, with the broad river flowing past, shared in the studies and -pursuits of her cousin Elizabeth, ready-witted, full of vitality, and -already displaying some of the traits marking the Queen of future years. - -Did the shadow of predestined and early death single little Jane out -from her companions? Like the comrades of whom Maeterlinck tells, -“children of precocious death,” possessing no friends amongst the -playmates who were not about to die, did she stand in some sort apart -and separate, regarding those around her with a grave smile? We build -up the unrecorded days of childhood from the few short years that -followed; and reading backwards, and fitting the fragments of a life -into its place, we find it difficult to believe that Jane Grey’s -laughter rang like that of other undoomed children through the pleasant -Chelsea gardens, that she shared with a whole heart in the games of -her playfellows, or that the strange seriousness of her youth did not -envelope the small, sedate figure of the child. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -1547-1548 - - Katherine Parr’s unhappy married life--Dissensions between the - Seymour brothers--The King and his uncles--The Admiral and - Princess Elizabeth--Birth of Katherine’s child, and her death. - - -The belated idyll of love and happiness enjoyed by “Kateryn the Quene” -was of pitifully short duration. During the first days of September -1548, some fifteen months after the stolen marriage at Chelsea, a -funeral procession left Sudeley Castle, and the body of the wife of the -Lord Admiral was carried forth to burial, Lady Jane Grey, his ward, -then in her twelfth year, acting as chief mourner.[61] - -Jane had good cause to mourn, in other than an official capacity. It is -hard to believe that, had Katherine Parr been living, the child she had -cared for and who had made her home under her roof, would not have been -saved from the doom destined to overtake her not six years later. - -Katherine’s dream had died before she did, and the period of her -marriage, short though it was, must have been a time of rapid -disillusionment. It could scarcely, taking the circumstances into -account, have been otherwise. Seymour was not the man to make the -happiness of a wife touching upon middle age, studious, learned, -and devout, “avoiding all occasions of idleness, and contemning -vain pastimes.”[62] His love, if indeed it had been ever other than -disguised ambition, was short-lived, and Katherine’s awakening must -have come all too swiftly. - -Nor was the revelation of her husband’s true character her only cause -of trouble. Minor vexations had, from the first, attended her new -condition of life, and she had been made to feel that the wife of the -Protector’s younger brother could not expect to enjoy the deference due -to a Dowager-Queen. To Katherine, who clung to her former dignity, the -loss of it was no light matter, and her sister-in-law, the Duchess of -Somerset, and she were at open war. - -Contemporary and early writers are agreed as to the nature of the -woman with whom she had to deal. “The Protector,” explains the Spanish -chronicler, giving the popular version of the affair, “had a wife who -was prouder than he was, and she ruled the Protector so completely that -he did whatever she wished, and she, finding herself in such great -state, became more presumptuous than Lucifer.”[63] Hayward attributes -the subsequent disunion between the brothers, in the first place, to -“the unquiet vanity of a mannish, or rather a devilish woman ... for -many imperfections intolerable, but for pride monstrous”;[64] whilst -Heylyn represents the Duchess as observing that, if Mr. Admiral should -teach his wife no better manners, “I am she that will.”[65] - -The struggle for precedence carried on between the wives could scarcely -fail to have a bad effect upon the relationship of the husbands, -already at issue upon graver questions; and Warwick, Somerset’s future -rival, was at hand to foment the strife between Protector and Admiral, -and, “secretly playing with both hands,” paved the way for the fall of -the younger brother and the consequent weakening of the forces which -barred the way to the attainment of his personal ambitions. - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after an engraving. - -KATHERINE PARR.] - -Nor can there be any doubt that, apart from the ill offices of those -who desired to separate the interests of the brothers, the Protector -had good reason to stand upon his guard. When Seymour was tried for -his life during the winter of 1548-9, dependants and equals alike came -forward to bear witness to his intriguing propensities, their evidence -going far to prove that, whatever may be thought of Somerset’s conduct -as a brother in sending him to the scaffold, as head of the State and -responsible for the government of the realm, he was not without -justification. It is clear that from the first the Admiral, jealous of -the position accorded to the Duke by the Council, had been sedulously -engaged in attempting to undermine his power, and had not disguised -his resentment at his appropriation of undivided authority. Never had -it been seen in a minority--so he informed a confidant[66]--that the -one brother should bear all rule, the other none. One being Protector, -the other should have filled the post of Governor to the King, so he -averred; although, on another occasion, contradicting himself, he -declared he would wish the earth to open and swallow him rather than -accept either post. There was abundant proof that he had done his -utmost, whenever opportunity was afforded him, to rouse the King to -discontent. It was a disagreeable feature of the day that men were in -no wise slack in accusing their friends in times of disgrace, thereby -seeking to safeguard their reputations; and Dorset came forward later -to testify that Seymour had told him that his nephew had divers times -made his moan, saying that “My uncle of Somerset dealeth very hardly -with me, and keepeth me so straight that I cannot have money at my -will.” The Lord Admiral, added the boy, both sent him money and gave it -to him.[67] - -Perhaps the most significant testimony brought against the Admiral -was that of the little King himself, who asserted that Seymour had -charged him with being “bashful” in his own affairs, asking why he did -not speak to bear rule as did other Kings. “I said I needed not, for I -was well enough,” the boy replied on this occasion. At another time, -according to his confession, a conversation took place the more grim -from the simplicity of the language in which it is recorded. - -“Within these two years at least,” said Edward, now eleven years old, -“he said, ‘Ye must take upon yourself to rule, and then ye may give -your men somewhat; for your uncle is old, and I trust he will not live -long.’ I answered it were better that he should die.”[68] - -It was scarcely possible that the Protector should not have been -cognisant of a part at least of his brother’s machinations; and he -naturally, so far as was possible, kept his charge from falling further -under the influence of his enemies. The young King’s affection for his -step-mother had been a cause of disquiet to her brother-in-law and -his wife, care being taken to separate him from her as much as was -possible. So long as Katherine remained in London it had been Edward’s -habit to visit her apartments unattended, and by a private entrance. -Familiar intercourse of this kind terminated when she removed to a -distance; and, so far as the Lord Protector could ensure obedience, -little communication was permitted between the two during the short -time the Queen had to live. The boy, however, was constant to old -affection, and used what opportunities he could to express it. - -“If his Grace could get any spare time,” wrote one John Fowler, a -servant of the royal household, to the Admiral, “his Grace would write -a letter to the Queen’s Grace, and to you. His Highness desires your -lordship to pardon him, for his Grace is not half a quarter of an hour -alone. But in such leisure as his Grace has, his Majesty hath written -(here enclosed) his commendations to the Queen’s Grace and to your -lordship, that he is so much bound to you that he must remember you -always, and, as his Grace may have time, you shall well perceive by -such small lines of recommendations with his own hand.”[69] - -The scribbled notes, on scraps of paper, written by stealth and as he -could find opportunity, by the King, testify to the closeness of the -watch kept upon him; their contents show the means by which the Admiral -strove to maintain his hold upon his nephew. - -“My lord,” so runs the first, “send me, per Latimer, as much as ye -think good, and deliver it to Fowler.” The second note is one of thanks. - -An attempt was made by the Admiral to obtain a letter from the King -which, complaining of the Protector’s system of restraint, should be -laid before Parliament; but the intrigue was discovered, the Admiral -summoned to appear before the Council, and, though he was at first -inclined to bluster, and replied by a defiance, a hint of imprisonment -brought him to reason, and some sort of hollow reconciliation between -the brothers followed. - -The King, the unfortunate subject of dispute, was probably lonely -enough. For his tutor, Sir John Cheke, and for his school-mate, Barnaby -Fitzpatrick, he appears to have entertained a real affection; but for -his elder uncle and guardian he had little liking, nor was the Duchess -of Somerset a woman to win the heart of her husband’s ward. From -his step-mother and the Admiral he was practically cut off; and his -sisters, for whom his attachment was genuine, were at a distance, and -paid only occasional visits to Court. Mary’s influence, as a Catholic, -would naturally have been feared; and Elizabeth, living for the time -under the Admiral’s roof, would be regarded likewise with suspicion. -But the happiness of the nominal head of the State was not a principal -consideration with those around him, mostly engaged in a struggle -not only to secure present personal advantages, but to ensure their -continuance at such time as Edward should have attained his majority. - -The relations between the Seymour brothers being that of a scarcely -disguised hostility, the Admiral had the more reason to congratulate -himself upon having obtained the possession and disposal of the -person of Lady Jane Grey--third, save for her mother, in the line of -succession to the throne. Should her guardian succeed in effecting her -marriage with the King the arrangement might prove of vital importance. -On the other hand, Somerset’s matrimonial schemes for the younger -members of the royal house were of an altogether different nature. He -would have liked to marry the King to a daughter of his own, another -Lady Jane, and to have obtained the hand of Lady Jane Grey for his son, -young Lord Hertford. - -Such projects, however, belonged to the future. Nothing could be done -for the present, nor does it appear that, when Somerset’s scheme -afterwards became known to the King, it met with any favour in his -eyes; since, noting it in his journal, he added his private intention -of wedding “a foreign princess, well stuffed and jewelled.” - -So far as Katherine was concerned, her domestic affairs were probably -causing her too much anxiety to leave attention to spare for those of -King or kingdom, except as they were gratifying, or the reverse, to -her husband. Since the May day when she had given herself, rashly and -eagerly, into the keeping of the Lord Admiral, she had been sorrowfully -enlightened as to the nature of the man and of his affection; and, if -she still loved him, her heart must often have been heavy. The presence -of the Princess Elizabeth under her roof had been disastrous in its -consequences; and, though it was at first the interest of all to keep -the matter secret, the inquisition made at the time of the Admiral’s -disgrace into the circumstances of his married life affords an insight -into his wife’s wrongs. - -In a conversation held between Mrs. Ashley, Elizabeth’s governess, -and her cofferer, Parry, after the Queen’s death, the possibility of -a marriage between the widower and the Princess was discussed, Parry -raising objections to the scheme, on the score that he had heard evil -of Seymour as being covetous and oppressive, and also “how cruelly, -dishonourably, and jealously he had used the Queen.” - -Ashley, from first to last eager to forward the Admiral’s interests, -brushed the protest aside. - -“Tush, tush,” she replied, “that is no matter. I know him better than -ye do, or those that do so report him. I know he will make but too much -of her, and that she knows well enough.”[70] - -The same witness confessed at this later date that she feared the -Admiral had loved the Princess too well, and the Queen had been jealous -of both--an avowal corroborated by Elizabeth’s admissions, when she -too underwent examination concerning the relations which had existed -between herself and her step-mother’s husband. - -“Kat Ashley told me,” she deposed, “after the Lord Admiral was married -to the Queen, that if my lord might have had his own will, he would -have had me, afore the Queen. Then I asked her how she knew that. -Then she said she knew it well enough, both from himself and from -others.”[71] - -If the correspondence quoted in a previous page is genuine,[72] -Elizabeth, though she may have had reason to keep her knowledge to -herself, can have been in no doubt as to the Admiral’s sentiments at -the time of her father’s death. With a governess of Mrs. Ashley’s -type, a girl of fifteen such as Elizabeth was shown to be by her -subsequent career, and a man like Seymour, it would not have been -difficult to prophesy trouble. That the Admiral was in love with his -wife’s charge may be doubted; in the same way that ambition, rather -than any other sentiment, may be credited with his desire to obtain -her hand a few months earlier. What was certain was that he amused -himself, after his boisterous fashion, with the sharp-witted girl -to an extent calculated to cause both uneasiness and anger to the -Queen. That no actual harm was intended may be true--he could scarcely -have been blind to the consequences had he dared to deal otherwise -with the daughter and sister of Kings; and the whole story, when it -subsequently came to light, reads like an instance of coarse and vulgar -flirtation, in harmony with the nature of the man and the habits of -the times. What is less easy to account for is Katherine’s partial -connivance, in its earlier stages, at the rough horse-play, if nothing -worse, carried on by her husband and her step-daughter. A scene, for -example, is described as taking place at Hanworth, where the Admiral, -in the garden with his wife and the Princess, cut the girl’s gown, -“being black cloth,” into a hundred pieces; Elizabeth replying to -Mrs. Ashley’s protests by saying that “she could not strive with all, -for the Queen held her while the Lord Admiral cut the dress.” Nor was -this the only occasion upon which Katherine appears to have looked on -without disapproval whilst her husband treated her charge in a fashion -befitting her character neither as Princess nor guest. - -The explanation may lie in the fact that the unfortunate Queen was -attempting to adapt her taste and her manners to those of the man she -had married. But the condition of the household could not last. A -crisis was reached when one day Katherine, coming unexpectedly upon the -two, found Seymour with the Princess in his arms, and decided, none -too soon, that an end must be put to the situation. It was not long -after that the households of Queen and Princess were parted, “and as I -remember,” explained Parry the cofferer, “this was the cause why she -was sent from the Queen, or else that her Grace parted from the Queen. -I do not perfectly remember whether of both she [Ashley] said she went -of herself or was sent away.”[73] - -There can be little doubt, one would imagine, that it was Katherine -who determined to disembarrass herself of her visitor. A letter from -Elizabeth, evidently written after their separation, appears to show -that farewell had been taken in outwardly friendly fashion, although -the promise she quotes Katherine as making has an ambiguous sound about -it. The Princess wrote to say that she had been replete in sorrow at -leaving the Queen, “and albeit I answered little, I weighed it more -deeply when you said you would warn me of all evils that you should -hear of me; for if your Grace had not a good opinion of me, you would -not have offered friendship to me that way, that all men judge the -contrary.”[74] - -It is not difficult to detect the sore feeling underlying Elizabeth’s -acknowledgments of a promise of open criticism. Katherine must have -breathed more freely when the Princess and her governess had quitted -the house. - -Meantime, in spite of disappointment and anger and care, the winter -was to bring the Queen one genuine cause of rejoicing. Thrice married -without children, she was hoping to give Seymour an heir, and the -prospect was hailed with delight by husband and wife alike. In her -gladness, and the chief cause of dissension removed, her just grounds -of complaint were forgotten; her letters continued to be couched in -terms as loving as if no domestic friction had interrupted her wedded -happiness, and she ranged herself upon Seymour’s side in his recurrent -disputes with his brother with a passionate vehemence out of keeping -with her character. - -“This shall be to advertise you,” she wrote some time in 1548, “that -my lord your brother hath this afternoon made me a little warm. It was -fortunate we were so much distant, for I suppose else I should have -bitten him. What cause have they to fear having such a wife! It is -requisite for them continually to pray for a dispatch of that hell. -To-morrow, or else upon Saturday ... I will see the King, where I -intend to utter all my choler to my lord your brother, if you shall not -give me advice to the contrary.”[75] - -Another letter, also indicating the strained relations existing between -the brothers, is again full of affection for the man who deserved it so -ill. - -“I gave your little knave your blessing,” she tells the Admiral, -alluding to the unborn child neither parent was to see grow up, -“... bidding my sweetheart and loving husband better to fare than -myself.”[76] - -A few months more, and hope and fear and love and disappointment were -alike to find an end. Sudeley Castle, where the final scene took place, -was a property granted to the Admiral on the death of the late King, -from which he took his title as Lord Seymour of Sudeley. It was a -question whether those responsible for the government had the right of -alienating possessions of the Crown during the minority of a sovereign, -and the tenure upon which the place was held was therefore insecure, -Katherine asserting on one occasion that it was her husband’s intention -to restore it to his nephew when he should come of age. In awaiting -that event Seymour and his wife had the enjoyment of the beauty for -which the old building had long been noted. - -“Ah, Sudeley Castle, thou art the traitor, not I!” said one of its -former lords as, arrested by the orders of Henry IV. for treason, and -taken away to abide his trial, he cast a last look back at his home--a -possession worthy of being coveted by a King, and by the attainder of -its owner forfeited to the Crown. - -Here, during the summer of 1548--the last Katherine was to see--a -motley company gathered round the Queen. Jane Grey, “the young and -early wise,” was still a member of her household, and the repudiated -wife of Katherine’s brother, the Earl of Northampton--placed, it would -seem, under some species of restraint--was in the keeping of her -sister-in-law. Her true and tried friend, Lady Tyrwhitt, described by -her husband as half a Scripture woman, kept her company, as she had -done in her perilous days of royal state. Learned divines, living with -her in the capacity of chaplains, were inmates of the castle, charged -with the duty of performing service twice each day--exercises little -to the taste of the master of the house, who made no secret of his -aversion for them. - -“I have heard say,” affirmed Latimer, in the course of one of the -sermons, preached after Seymour’s execution, in which the Bishop took -occasion again and again to revile the dead man, “I have heard say -that when the good Queen that is gone had ordained daily prayer in her -house, both before noon and after noon, the Admiral getteth him out of -the way, like a mole digging in the earth. He shall be Lot’s wife to me -as long as I live.”[77] - -To Sudeley also had repaired, in the course of the summer, Lord Dorset, -possibly desirous of assuring himself that all was well with his little -daughter. He may have had other objects in view. According to his -subsequent confession, Seymour had discussed with him the methods to be -pursued in order to gain popularity in the country, making significant -inquiries as to the formation of the marquis’s household. - -Learning that Dorset had divers gentlemen who were his servants, the -Admiral admitted that it was well. “Yet,” he added shrewdly, “trust not -too much to the gentlemen, for they have something to lose”; proceeding -to urge his ally to make much of the chief yeomen and men of their -class, who were able to persuade the multitude; to visit them in their -houses, bringing venison and wine; to use familiarity with them, and -thus to gain their love. Such, he added, was his own intention.[78] - -Another inmate had been received at Sudeley not more than a few weeks -before Katherine’s confinement. This was the Princess Elizabeth, who -appears, by a letter she addressed to the Queen when the visit had been -concluded, to have been at this time again on terms of friendship and -affection with her step-mother, since writing to Katherine with very -little leisure on the last day of July, she returned humble thanks for -the Queen’s wish that she should have remained with her “till she were -weary of that country.” Yet in spite of the hospitable desire, she can -scarcely have been a welcome guest, and it must have been with little -regret that her step-mother saw her depart. - -Meantime, the birth of the Queen’s child was anxiously expected. -Seymour characteristically desired a son who “should God give him -life to live as long as his father, will avenge his wrongs”--the -problematical wrongs of a man who had risen to his heights. Elizabeth, -who had done her best to wreck the Queen’s happiness and peace, was -“praying the Almighty God to send her a most lucky deliverance”; -and Mary, more sincere in her friendship, wrote a letter full of -affection to her step-mother. The preparations made by Katherine for -the new-comer equalled in magnificence those that might have befitted -a Prince of Wales; and though the birth of a girl, on August 30, must -have been in some degree a disappointment, she received a welcome -scarcely less warm than might have been accorded to the desired son. -A general reconciliation appears to have taken place on the occasion, -and the Protector responded to the announcement of the event in terms -of cordial congratulation, regarding the advent of so pretty a daughter -in the light of a “prophesy and good hansell to a great sort of happy -sons.” - -Eight days after the rejoicings at the birth Katherine was dead. - -Into the circumstances attending her illness and death close -inquisition was made at a time when it had become an object to throw -discredit upon the Admiral, and foul play--the use of poison--was -suggested. The charge was probably without foundation; the facts -elicited nevertheless afford additional proof of the unsatisfactory -relations existing between husband and wife, and throw a melancholy -light upon the closing scene of the union from which so much had been -hoped. - -It was deposed by Lady Tyrwhitt, one of the principal witnesses, that, -upon her visiting the chamber of the sick woman one morning, two days -before her death, Katherine had asked where she had been so long, -adding that “she did fear such things in herself that she was sure she -could not live.” When her friend attempted to soothe her by reassuring -words, the Queen went on to say--holding her husband’s hand and being, -as Lady Tyrwhitt thought, partly delirious--“I am not well handled; for -those that be about me care not for me, but stand laughing at my grief, -and the more good I will to them the less good they will to me.” - -The words, to those cognisant of the condition of the household, -must have been startling. The Queen may have been wandering, yet her -complaint, as such complaints do, pointed to a truth. Others besides -Lady Tyrwhitt were standing by; and Seymour made no attempt to ignore -his wife’s meaning, or to deny that the charge was directed against -himself. - -“Why, sweet heart,” he said, “I would do you no hurt.” - -“No, my lord, I think not,” answered Katherine aloud, adding, in his -ear, “but, my lord, you have given me many shrewd taunts.” - -“These words,” said Lady Tyrwhitt in her narrative, “I perceived she -spake with good memory, and very sharply and earnestly, for her mind -was sore disquieted.” - -After consultation it was decided that Seymour should lie down by -her side and seek to quiet her by gentle words; but his efforts were -ineffectual, the Queen interrupting him by saying, roundly and sharply, -“that she would have given a thousand marks to have had her full talk -with the doctor on the day of her delivery, but dared not, for fear of -his displeasure.” - -“And I, hearing that,” said the lady-in-waiting, “perceived her trouble -to be so great, that my heart would serve me to hear no more.”[79] - -Yet on that same day the dying Queen made her will and, “being -persuaded and perceiving the extremity of death to approach her,” left -all she possessed to her husband, wishing it a thousand times more in -value than it was.[80] - -Whether pressure was used, or whether, in spite of all, her old love -awakened and stirred her to kindness towards the man she was leaving, -there is nothing to show. But the names of the witnesses--Robert -Huyck, the physician attending her, and John Parkhurst, her chaplain, -afterwards a Bishop--would seem a guarantee that the document, dictated -but not signed--no uncommon case--was genuine. - -For the rest, Seymour was coarse and heartless, a man of ambition, and -intent upon the furtherance of his fortunes. It is not unlikely that, -when his wife lay dying, his thoughts may have turned to the girl to -whom he had in his own way already made love; who, of higher rank than -the Queen, might serve his interests better, and whom her death would -leave him free to win as his bride. And Katherine, with the memories of -the last two years to aid her and with the intuitions born of love and -jealousy, may have divined his thoughts. But of murder, or of hastening -the end by actual unkindness, there is no reason to suspect him. The -affair was in any case sufficiently tragic, and one more mournful -recollection to be stored in the minds of those who had loved the -Queen. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -1548 - - Lady Jane’s temporary return to her father--He surrenders her again - to the Admiral--The terms of the bargain. - - -One of the secondary but immediate effects of the Queen’s death was to -send Lady Jane Grey back to her parents. It was indeed to Seymour, and -not to his wife, that the care of the child had been entrusted; but in -his first confusion of mind after what he termed his great loss, the -Admiral appears to have recognised the difficulty of providing a home -for a girl in her twelfth year in a house without a mistress, and to -have offered to relinquish her to her natural guardians. - -Having acted in haste, he was not slow to perceive that he had -committed a blunder, and quickly reawakened to the importance of -retaining the possession and disposal of the child. On September 17, -not ten days after Katherine’s death, he was writing to Lord Dorset to -cancel, so far as it was possible, his hasty suggestion that she should -return to her father’s house, and begging that she might be permitted -to remain in his hands. In his former letter, he explained, he had -been partly so amazed at the death of the Queen as to have small regard -either to himself or his doings, partly had believed that he would be -compelled, in consequence of it, to break up his household. Under these -circumstances he had suggested sending Lady Jane to her father, as to -him who would be most tender of her. Having had time to reconsider -the question, he found that he would be in a position to maintain his -establishment much on its old footing. “Therefore, putting my whole -affiance and trust in God,” he had begun to arrange his household as -before, retaining the services not only of the gentlewomen of the late -Queen’s privy chamber, but also her inferior attendants. “And doubting -lest your lordship should think any unkindness that I should by my -said letter take occasion to rid me of your daughter so soon after -the Queen’s death, for the proof both of my hearty affection towards -you and good will towards her, I mind now to keep her until I shall -next speak to your lordship ... unless I shall be advertised from your -lordship of your express mind to the contrary.” His mother will, he has -no doubt, be as dear to Lady Jane as though she were her daughter, and -for his part he will continue her half-father and more.[81] - -It was clear that the Admiral would only yield the point upon -compulsion. Dorset, however, was not disposed to accede to his wishes. -Developing a sudden parental anxiety concerning the child he had been -content to leave to the care of others for more than eighteen months, -he replied, firmly though courteously negativing the Admiral’s request. - -“Considering,” he said, “the state of my daughter and her tender years -wherein she shall hardly rule herself as yet without a guide, lest she -should, for lack of a bridle, take too much the head and conceive such -opinion of herself that all such good behaviour as she heretofore have -learned by the Queen’s and your most wholesome instruction, should -either altogether be quenched in her, or at the least much diminished, -I shall in most hearty wise require your lordship to commit her to -the governance of her mother, by whom, for the fear and duty she owes -her, she shall be most easily ruled and framed towards virtue, which I -wish above all things to be most plentiful in her.” Seymour no doubt -would do his best; but, being destitute of any one who should correct -the child as a mistress and monish her as a mother, Dorset was sure -that the Admiral would think, with him, that the eye and oversight of -his wife was necessary. He reiterated his former promise to dispose of -her only according to Seymour’s advice, intending to use his consent -in that matter no less than his own. “Only I seek in these her young -years, wherein she now standeth either to make or mar (as the common -saying is) the addressing of her mind to humility, soberness, and -obedience.”[82] - -It was the letter of a model parent, anxious concerning the welfare, -spiritual and mental, of a beloved child, and Dorset, as he sealed and -despatched it, will have felt that policy and conscience were for once -in full accord. Lady Dorset likewise wrote, endorsing her husband’s -views. - -“Whereas of a friendly and brotherly good will you wish to have Jane, -my daughter, continuing still in your house, I give you most hearty -thanks for your gentle offer, trusting, nevertheless, that for the good -opinion you have in your sister [by courtesy, meaning herself] you will -be content to charge her with her, who promiseth you not only to be -ready at all times to account for the ordering of your dear niece, but -also to use your counsel and advice on the bestowing of her, whensoever -it shall happen. Wherefore, my good brother, my request shall be, that -I may have the oversight of her with your good will, and thereby I -shall have good occasion to think that you do trust me in such wise as -is convenient that a sister be trusted of so loving a brother.” - -The singular humility of the language used by a king’s grand-daughter -in demanding restitution of her child is proof of the position held -by the Admiral in the eyes of those as well fitted to judge of it -as Dorset and his wife, only six months before he was sent to the -scaffold. It was none the less plain that they were determined to -regain possession of their daughter, and, though not abandoning -the hope of moving her parents from their purpose, Seymour yielded -provisionally to their will and sent Lady Jane home. A letter from -the small bone of contention, dated October 1, thanking him for his -great goodness and stating that he had ever been to her a loving and -kind father, proves that her removal had taken place by that time. The -same courier probably conveyed a letter from her mother, making her -acknowledgments for Seymour’s kindness to the child, and his desire to -retain her, and adding an ambiguous hope that at their next meeting -both would be satisfied.[83] - -The Admiral, at all events, intended to obtain satisfaction. Where -his interest was concerned he was an obstinate man. Notwithstanding -his apparent acquiescence, he meant to retain the custody of Lord -Dorset’s daughter, and he did so. Even his household understood that -the concession made in sending her home was but temporary; and, in -a conversation with another dependant, Harrington--the same who had -served his master as go-between before--observed that he thought the -maids were continuing with the Admiral in the hope of Lady Jane’s -return. - -A visit paid by Seymour to Dorset decided the question. “In the -end”--it is the latter who speaks--“after long debating and much -sticking of our sides, we did agree that my daughter should return.” -The Admiral had come to his house, and had been so earnest in his -persuasions that he could not resist him. The old bait had been once -again held out--Lady Jane, if Seymour could compass it, was to marry -the King. Her mother was wrought upon till her consent was gained to -a second parting; and when this was the case, observed the marquis, -throwing, according to precedent, the responsibility upon his wife, -it was impossible for him to refuse his own. He added a pledge that, -“except the King,” he would spend life and blood for Seymour. Thus -the alliance between the two was renewed and cemented. A further item -in the transaction throws an additional and unpleasant light upon the -means taken to ensure the Lord Marquis’s surrender. - -The Admiral was a practical man, and knew with whom he had to deal. -He had not confined himself to vague pledges, which Dorset knew as -well as he did that he might never be in a position to fulfil. He had -accompanied his promises by a gift of hard cash. “Whether, as it were, -for an earnest penny of the favour that he would show unto him when -the said Lord Marquis had sent his daughter to the said Lord Admiral, -he sent the said Lord Marquis immediately £500, parcell of £2,000 -which he promised to lend unto him and would have asked no bond of -him at all for it, but only to leave the Lord Marquis’s daughter for a -gage.”[84] - -Five hundred golden arguments, and more to follow, were found -irresistible by the needy Dorset. The pressing necessity that Jane -should be under her mother’s eye disappeared; the bargain was struck, -and the guardianship of the child bought and sold. - -The Admiral was triumphant. It was not only the point of vantage -implied by the possession of the little ward which he had feared to -forfeit, but that his loss might be the gain of his brother and rival. -There would be much ado for my Lady Jane, he told his brother-in-law, -Northampton, and my Lord Protector and my Lady Somerset would do what -they could to obtain her yet for my Lord of Hertford, their son. They -should not, however, prevail therein, for my Lord Marquis had given -her wholly to him, upon certain covenants between them two. “And then -I asked him,” said Northampton, describing the conversation, “what -he would do if my Lord Protector, handling my Lord Marquis of Dorset -gently, should obtain his good will and so the matter to lie wholly in -his own neck? He answered he would never consent thereto.”[85] - -Thus Lady Jane was, for the first time, made an instrument of obtaining -that of which her father stood in need. On this occasion it was money; -on the next her life was to be staked upon a more desperate hazard. In -future she appears and disappears, now in sight, now passing behind -the scenes, against the dark background of intrigue and hatred and -bloodshed belonging to her times. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -1548-1549 - - Seymour and the Princess Elizabeth--His courtship--He is sent to - the Tower--Elizabeth’s examinations and admissions--The execution - of the Lord Admiral. - - -The matter of Jane’s guardianship satisfactorily settled, Seymour -turned his attention to one concerning him yet more intimately. He was -a free man, and he meant to make use of his freedom. As after the death -of Henry, so now when fate rendered the project once more possible, he -determined to attempt to obtain the Princess Elizabeth as his wife. The -history of the autumn, as regarding him, is of his continued efforts to -increase his power and influence in the country and to win the hand of -the King’s sister. Again the contemporary Spanish chronicler supplies a -popular summary of the affair which, inaccurate as it is, is useful in -showing how his scheme was regarded by the public. - -According to this dramatic account of his proceedings, the Admiral -went boldly before the Council; observed that, as uncle to the King, -it was fitting that he should marry honourably; and that, having -formerly been husband to the Queen, it would not be much more were -he to be accorded Madam Elizabeth, whom he deserved better than any -other man. Referred by the Lords of the Council to the Protector, he -is represented as approaching the Duke with the modest request that he -might be granted not only Elizabeth as his bride, but also the custody -of the King. - -“When his brother heard this, he said he would see about it.” Calling -the Council together, he repeated to them the demand made by the -Admiral that his nephew should be placed in his hands; continuing, -as the Lords “looked at each other,” that the matter must be well -considered, since in his opinion his brother could have no good intent -in asking first for the Princess, and then for the custody of the King. -“The devil is strong,” said the Protector. “He might kill the King and -Madam Mary, and then claim the crown.”[86] - -Whilst this was the version of the Admiral’s project current in the -street, there is no doubt that his desire to obtain a royal princess -for his wife was calculated to accentuate the distrust with which he -was regarded by the Protector and his friends. He was well known to -aspire to at least a share in the government. As Elizabeth’s husband -his position would be so much strengthened that it might be difficult -to deny it to him, or to maintain the right of Somerset to retain -supreme power. His proceedings were therefore watched with jealous -vigilance, his designs upon the King’s sister becoming quickly matter -of public gossip. It was not a day marked by an over-scrupulous -observance of respect for the dead, and Katherine was hardly in her -grave before the question of her successor was freely canvassed amongst -those chiefly concerned in it. - -“When I asked her [Ashley] what news she had from London,” Elizabeth -admitted when under examination at a later date, “she answered merrily -‘They say that your Grace shall have my Lord Admiral, and that he will -shortly come to woo you.’”[87] - -The woman, an intriguer by nature and keen to advance Seymour’s -interests, would have further persuaded her mistress to write a letter -of condolence to comfort him in his sorrow, “because,” as Elizabeth -explained, “he had been my friend in the Queen’s lifetime and would -think great kindness therein. Then I said I would not, for he needs it -not.” - -The blunt sincerity prompting the girl’s refusal did her credit. It -must have been patent to all acquainted with the situation, and most -of all to Elizabeth, that the new-made widower stood in no need of -consolation. But, in spite of her refusal to open communications with -him, and though a visit proposed by Seymour was discouraged “for fear -of suspicion,” he can have felt little doubt that in a struggle with -Protector and Council he would have the Princess on his side. - -In Seymour’s household, naturally concerned in his fortunes, the -projected marriage was a subject of anxious debate; and it was -recognised by its members that their master was playing a perilous -game. In a conversation between two of his dependants, Nicholas -Throckmorton and one Wightman, both shook their heads over the risk he -would run should he attempt to carry his plan into effect. - -Beginning with the conventional acknowledgment of the Admiral’s -great loss, they wisely decided that it might after all turn to his -advantage, in “making him more humble in heart and stomach towards my -Lord Protector’s Grace.” It was also hoped that, Katherine being dead, -the Duchess of Somerset might forget old grudges and, unless by his -own fault, be once again favourable towards her husband’s brother. The -two men nevertheless agreed that the world was beginning to speak evil -of Seymour, and, discussing the chances of his attempt to match with -one of the Princesses, they determined, as they loved him, to do their -best to prevent it, Wightman in especial engaging to do all he could to -“break the dance.”[88] - -If Seymour was going to his ruin it was not to be for lack of warnings. -Sleeping at the house of Katherine’s friends, the Tyrwhitts, one -night soon after her death, the question of a marriage with a sister -of the King’s was mooted; when, although Seymour’s aspirations were -not definitely mentioned, Sir Robert spoke in a fashion frankly -discouraging to any scheme of the kind on the part of his guest. - -Conversing after supper with his hostess, Seymour called to her husband -as he passed by, saying jestingly that he was talking with my lady his -wife in divinity--or divining of the future; that he had told her he -wished the crown of England might be in as good a surety as that of -France, where it was well known who was heir. So would it be in England -were the Princesses married. - -Tyrwhitt answered drily. Whosoever married one of them without the -consent of King or Council, he said he would not wish to be in his -place. - -“Why so?” asked the Admiral. If he, for instance, had married thus, -would it not be surety for the King? Was he not made by the King? Had -he not all he had by the King? Was he not most bound to serve him truly? - -Tyrwhitt refused to be convinced, reiterating that the man who married -either Princess had better be stronger than the Council, for “if they -catch hold of him, they will shut him up.”[89] - -Lord Russell, the Lord Privy Seal, spoke no less openly to the -adventurer of the danger he was running. The two were riding together -to Parliament House in the Protector’s train, when Russell opened the -subject by observing that certain rumours were abroad which he was -very sorry to hear, and that if the Admiral were seeking to marry -either of the King’s sisters--the special one being left discreetly -uncertain--“ye seek the means to undo yourself and all those who shall -come of you.” - -Seymour replied carelessly that he had no such thought, and the -subject dropped. A few days later, however, he himself re-introduced -it, demanding what reason existed to prevent him, or another man, -wedding one of the late King’s daughters? Again Russell reiterated -his warning. The marriage, he declared, would prove fatal to him who -made it, proceeding to point out--knowing that the argument would have -more weight with the man with whom he had to do than recommendations -to caution and prudence--that from a pecuniary point of view the -match would carry with it no great advantage, a statement vehemently -controverted by the Admiral, who throughout neither felt nor feigned -any indifference to the financial aspect of the affair. - -During the ensuing months he was busily engaged in the prosecution of -his scheme. He may have had a genuine liking for the girl to whom his -attentions had already proved compromising; he could scarcely doubt -that he had won her affections. But by a clandestine marriage Elizabeth -would, under the terms of her father’s will, have forfeited her right -to the succession, and she was therefore safeguarded from any attempt -on her suitor’s part to induce her to dispense with the consent of the -lawful authorities. Forced to proceed with circumspection, he made use -of any opportunity that offered for maintaining a hold upon her, aided -and abetted by the partisanship of her servants. A fortnight before -Christmas he proffered the loan of his London house as a lodging when -she should pay her winter visit to the capital, adding to her cofferer, -through whom the suggestion was made, that he would come and see her -Grace; “which declaration,” reported to her by Parry, “she seemed to -take very gladly and to accept it joyfully.” Observing, moreover, that -when the conversation turned upon Seymour, and especially when he was -commended, the Princess “showed such countenance that it should appear -she was very glad to hear of him,” the cofferer was emboldened to -inquire whether, should the Council approve, she would marry him. - -“When that time comes to pass,” answered Elizabeth, in the language of -the day, “I will do as God shall put in my mind.” - -Notwithstanding her refusal to commit herself, it was not difficult for -those about her to divine after what fashion she would, in that case, -be moved to act. Yet she retained her independence of spirit, and when -told that the Admiral advised her to appeal to the Protector through -his wife for certain grants of land, as well as for a London residence, -she turned upon those who had played the part of his mouthpiece in a -manner indicating no intention of becoming his passive tool. - -“I dare say he did not so,” she replied hotly, refusing to credit the -suggestion he was reported to have made that she, a Tudor, should sue -to his brother’s wife in order to obtain her rights, “nor would so.” - -Parry adhered to his statement. - -“Yes,” he answered, “by my faith.” - -“Well, I will not do so,” returned his mistress, “and so tell him. I -will not come there, nor begin to flatter now.” - -If the Admiral possessed partisans in the members of Elizabeth’s -household, it was probably no less owing to hostility towards the -Somersets than to liking for himself; a passage of arms having taken -place between Mrs. Ashley and the Duchess, who had found fault with the -governess, on account of the Princess having gone on a barge on the -Thames by night, “and for other light parts,” observing--in which she -was undoubtedly right--that Ashley was not worthy to have the charge of -the daughter of a King. Such home-truths were not unfitted to quicken -the culprit’s zeal in the cause of the Admiral, and Ashley was always -at hand to push his interests. - -It was, nevertheless, necessary that the Princess’s dependants should -act with caution; and, discussing with Lord Seymour the question of a -visit he desired to pay her, Parry declined to give any opinion on the -subject, professing himself unacquainted with his mistress’s pleasure. -The Admiral answered with assumed indifference. It was no matter, he -said, “for there has been a talk of late ... they say now I shall marry -my Lady Jane,” adding, “I tell you this but merrily, I tell you this -but merrily.”[90] - -The gossip may have been repeated in the certainty that it would reach -Elizabeth’s ears and in the hope of rousing her to jealousy. But had it -suited his plans, there is no reason to doubt that Seymour would not -have hesitated to gain permanent possession of the ward who had been -left him “as a gage.” Elizabeth was, however, nearer to the throne, and -was, beside her few additional years, better suited to please his taste -than the quiet child who dwelt under his roof. - -As it proved he was destined to further his ambitious projects neither -by marriage with Jane nor her cousin. By the middle of January the -Protector had struck his blow--a blow which was to end in fratricide. -Charged with treason, in conspiring to change the form of government -and to carry off the person of the King, Seymour was sent on January 16 -to the Tower--in those days so often the ante-room to death. - -Though he had long been suspected of harbouring designs against his -brother’s administration, the specific grounds of his accusation were -based upon the confessions of one Sherrington, master of the mint at -Bristol; who, under examination, and in terror for his personal safety, -had declared, truly or falsely, that he had promised to coin money for -the Admiral, and had heard him boast of the number of his friends, -saying that he thought more gentlemen loved him than loved the Lord -Protector. The same witness added that he had heard Seymour say that, -for her qualities and virtues, Lady Jane Grey was a fit match for the -King, and he would rather he should marry her than the daughter of the -Protector. - -Many of great name and place in England must have been disquieted by -the news of the arrest of the man who stood so near the King, and who, -if any one, could have counted upon being safeguarded by position and -rank from the consequences of his rashness. His assertion that he was -more loved than his brother amongst his own class was true, and not a -few nobles will have trembled lest they should be implicated in his -fall. Loyalty to a disgraced friend was not amongst the customs of a -day when the friendship might mean death, and most men were anxious, on -these occasions, to dissociate themselves from a former comrade. - -Elizabeth was not one of those with least to fear, and it is the -more honourable to her that she showed no inclination to follow the -example of others, or to abandon the cause of her lover. She was in an -embarrassing, if not a dangerous situation. No one knew to what extent -she had been compromised, morally or politically, and the distrust of -the Government was proved by the arrest of both Ashley and Parry, and -by the searching examination to which the Princess, as well as her -servants, was subjected. - -Sir Robert Tyrwhitt, placed in charge of the delinquent, with -directions to obtain from her all the information he could, found it no -easy task. - -“I do assure your Grace,” he wrote to Somerset, “she hath a good wit, -and nothing is to be got from her but by great policy.” - -She would own to no “practice” with regard to Seymour, either on her -part or that of her dependants. “And yet I do see in her face,” said -Sir Robert, “that she is guilty, and yet perceive she will abide more -storms before she will accuse Mrs. Ashley.” - -Whatever may be thought of Elizabeth’s former conduct, she displayed at -this crisis no less staunchness and fidelity in the support of those -she loved than a capacity and ability rare in a girl of fifteen, -practically standing alone, confronted with enemies, and without -advisers to direct her course. Writing to the Protector on January 28, -she thanked him for the gentleness and good will he had displayed; -professed her readiness to declare the truth in the matter at issue; -gave an account of her relations with the Admiral, asserting her -innocence of any intention of marrying him without the sanction of the -Council; and vindicated her servants from blame. - -“These be the things,” she concluded, “which I declared to Master -Tyrwhitt, and also whereof my conscience beareth witness, which I would -not for all earthly things offend in anything, for I know I have a -soul to be saved as well as other folks have; wherefore I will, above -all things, have respect unto the same.” One request she made, namely, -that she might come to Court. Rumours against her honour were afloat, -accusing her with being with child by the Lord Admiral; and upon these -grounds, that she might show herself as she was, as well as upon a -desire to see the King, she based her demand. - -Tyrwhitt shook his head over the composition. The singular harmony -existing between Elizabeth’s story and the depositions extracted from -her dependants in the Tower struck him as suspicious, and as pointing -to a preconcerted tale. - -“They all sing one song,” he wrote, “and so, I think, they would -not, unless they had set the note before”; and he continued to watch -his charge narrowly, and to report her demeanour at headquarters, -assisted in his office by his wife, who had been sent to replace the -untrustworthy Ashley as governess to the Princess. - -“She beginneth now a little to droop,” he wrote, “by reason she heareth -that my Lord Admiral’s houses be dispersed. And my wife telleth me -she cannot hear him discommended, but she is ready to make answer -thereto.”[91] - -Put as brave a face as she might upon the matter, Elizabeth was in -a position of singular loneliness and difficulty. Her lover was in -prison on a capital charge, her friend and confidant removed from her, -her reputation tarnished. Nor was she disposed to accept in a humble -spirit the oversight of the duenna sent her by the Council. As the -close friend of the step-mother whose kindness the Princess had so ill -requited, Lady Tyrwhitt, for her part, would not in any case have been -prejudiced in favour of her charge, or inclined to take an indulgent -view of her misdemeanours; and the reception accorded her when she -arrived to assume her thankless post was not such as to promote good -feeling. Mrs. Ashley, the girl told the new-comer, was her mistress, -and she had not so conducted herself that the Council should give her -another. - -Lady Tyrwhitt, no more inclined than she to conciliation, retorted -that, seeing the Princess had allowed Mrs. Ashley to be her mistress, -she need not be ashamed to have any other honest woman in that place, -and so the intercourse of governess and pupil was inaugurated. - -That Lady Tyrwhitt’s taunt was undeniably justified did not the more -soften the Princess towards her, and it was duly reported to the -authorities in London that she had taken “the matter so heavily that -she wept all that night and lowered all the next day.... The love,” it -was added, “she yet beareth [Ashley] is to be wondered at.” - -Tact and discretion might in time have availed to reconcile the -Princess to the change in her household; but the methods employed by -the Tyrwhitts do not appear to have been judicious. Sir Robert, taking -up his wife’s quarrel, told her significantly that if she considered -her honour she would rather ask to have a mistress than to be left -without one; and, complaining to his superiors that she could not -digest his advice in any way, added vindictively, “If I should say my -phantasy, it were more meet she should have two than one.”[92] - -So the days went by, no doubt uncomfortably enough for all concerned. -Regarding Tyrwhitt and his wife in the capacity of gaolers, charged -with the duty of eliciting her confessions, it was not with them -that Elizabeth would take counsel as to the best course open to her. -The revelations attained by cross-examination from her imprisoned -servants as to the relations upon which she had stood during the -Queen’s lifetime with Katherine’s husband, were sufficiently damaging -to lend additional colour to the scandalous reports in circulation, -and her spirited demand that her fair fame should be vindicated by -a proclamation forbidding the propagation of slanders concerning -the King’s sister was fully in character with the woman she was to -become. Though not without delay, her request was granted, and the -circumstantial fable of a child born and destroyed may be supposed to -have been effectually suppressed. - -Whilst this had been Elizabeth’s condition during the spring, the man -to whom her troubles were chiefly due had been undergoing alternations -of hope and fear. It may have seemed impossible that his brother should -proceed to extremities. But there were times when, in the silence and -seclusion of the prison-house, his spirits grew despondent. On February -16, when his confinement had lasted a month, and his fate was still -undecided, his keeper, Christopher Eyre, reported that on the previous -Friday the Lord Admiral had been very sad. - -“I had thought,” he said, upon Eyre remarking on his depression, -“before I came to this place that my Lord’s Grace, with all the rest -of the Council, had been my friends, and that I had as many friends as -any man within this realm. But now I think they have forgotten me,” -proceeding to declare that never was poor knave more true to his Prince -than he; nor had he meant evil to his brother, though he had thought he -might have had the custody of the King.[93] - -There is something pathetic in the dejection of the Admiral, arrogant, -proud, vain and ambitious, thus deserted by all upon whose friendship -he had imagined himself able to count. It is impossible to avoid the -conviction that, in spite of a surface boldness, the nobles of his -day were apt to turn craven where personal danger was in question. -On the battlefield valour was common enough, and when once hope was -over men had learnt--a needful lesson--to meet death on the scaffold -with dignity and courage. But so long as a chance of life remained, it -was their constant habit to abase themselves in order to escape their -doom. We do not hear of a single voice raised in Seymour’s defence. -The common people, when Somerset in his turn had fallen a victim to -jealousy and hate, made no secret of their sorrow and their love; but -the nobles who had been his brother’s supporters were silent and cowed, -or went to swell the number of his accusers. - -By March 20 hope and fear were alike at an end. A Bill of Attainder -had been brought into the House of Lords, after an examination of the -culprit before the Council, when his demand to be confronted with his -accusers had been refused. The evidence against him was reiterated by -certain of the peers; the bill was passed without a division; and, in -spite of the opposition of the Commons, who supported his claim to -be heard in his own defence, the Protector cut the matter short by a -message from the King declaring it unnecessary that the demand should -be conceded. His doom was sealed. - -Was he innocent or guilty? Dr. Lingard, after an examination of the -facts, believes that he was unjustly condemned; that, if he had sought -a portion of the power vested in the Protector, and might have been -dangerous to the authority of his brother, the charge for which he was -condemned--a design to carry off the King and excite a civil war--is -unproved. - -Innocent or guilty, he was to die. In the words of Latimer--who, in -sermons preached after the execution, made himself the apologist of the -Council by abuse levelled at the dead man--he perished “dangerously, -irksomely, horribly.... Whether he be saved or no, I leave it to God. -But surely he was a wicked man, and the realm is well rid of him.”[94] - -Thus Thomas Seymour was done to death by a brother, and cursed by a -churchman. Sherrington, who had supplied the principal part of the -evidence against him, received a pardon and was reinstated in his -office. - -Of regret upon the part of friends or kinsfolk there is singularly -little token. As they had fallen from his side in life, so they held -apart from him in death. If Elizabeth mourned him she was already too -well versed in the world’s wisdom to avow her grief, and is reported to -have observed, on his execution, that a man had died full of ability -(_esprit_) but of scant judgment.[95] Whether or not the Lord Protector -was troubled by remorse, he was not likely to make the public his -confidant; and Katherine, the woman who had loved him so devotedly, was -dead. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -1549-1550 - - The Protector’s position--Disaffection in the country--Its - causes--The Duke’s arrogance--Warwick his rival--The success of - his opponents--Placed in the Tower, but released--St. George’s - Day at Court. - - -The Protector’s conduct with regard to his brother does much to -alienate sympathy from him in his approaching fall, in a sense -the consequence and outcome of the fratricide. He “had sealed his -doom the day on which he signed the warrant for the execution of -his brother.”[96] If the Admiral, having crossed his will, was not -safe, who could believe himself to be so? Yet the fashion of the -accomplishing of his downfall, the treachery and deception practised -towards him by men upon whom he might fairly have believed himself able -to count, lend a pathos to the end it might otherwise have lacked. - -For the present his power and position showed no signs of diminution. -The Queen, his wife’s rival, was dead. The Admiral, who had dared to -measure his strength against his brother’s, would trouble him no more, -unless as an unquiet ghost, an unwelcome visitant confronting him in -unexpected places. During his Protectorate he had added property to -property, field to field, and was the master of two hundred manors. If -the public finances were low, Somerset was rich, and during this year -the building of the house destined to bear his name was carried on on a -scale of splendour proportionate to his pretensions. Having thrown away -the chief prop of his house, says Heylyn, he hoped to repair the ruin -by erecting a magnificent palace. - -The site he had chosen was occupied by three episcopal mansions and -one parish church; but it would have been a bold man who would have -disputed the will of the all-powerful Lord Protector, and the owners -submitted meekly to be dispossessed in order to make room for his new -abode. Materials running short, there were rough-and-ready ways of -providing them conveniently near at hand; and certain “superstitious -buildings” close to St. Paul’s, including one or two chapels and a -“fair charnel-house” were demolished to supply what was necessary, the -bones of the displaced dead being left to find burial in the adjacent -fields, or where they might. As the great pile rose, more was required, -and St. Margaret’s, Westminster, was to have been destroyed to furnish -it, had not the people, less subservient than the Bishops, risen to -protect their church, and forcibly driven away the labourers charged -with the work of destruction. St. Margaret’s was saved, but St. John’s -of Jerusalem, not far from Smithfield, was sacrificed in its stead, -being blown up with gunpowder in order that its stone-work might be -turned to account. - -The Protector pursued his way unconscious of danger. The Earl of -Warwick, his future supplanter, looked on and bided his time. The -condition of the country had become such as to facilitate the designs -of those bent upon a change in the Government. Into the course of -public affairs, at home and abroad, it is impossible to enter at -length; a brief summary will suffice to show that events were tending -to create discontent and to strengthen the hands of Somerset’s enemies. - -The victory of Pinkie Cleugh, though gratifying to national pride, had -in nowise served the purpose of terminating the war with Scotland. -Renewed with varying success, the Scots, by means of French aid, had -upon the whole improved their position, and the hopes indulged in -England of a union between the two countries, to be peacefully effected -by the marriage of the King with the infant Mary Stuart, had been -disappointed, the little Queen having been sent to France and affianced -to the Dauphin. In the distress prevailing amongst the working classes -of England, more pressing cause for dissatisfaction and agitation was -found. Partly the result of the depreciation of the currency during -the late reign, it was also due to the action of the new owners who, -enriched by ecclesiastical property, had enclosed portions of Church -lands heretofore left open to be utilised by the labourers for their -personal profit. Pasturage was increasing in favour compared with -tillage; less labour was required, and wages had in consequence fallen. - -To material ills and privations, other grievances were added. -Associated in the minds of the people with their condition of want -were the changes lately enforced in the sphere of religion. The new -ministers were often ignorant men, who gave scandal by their manner of -life, their parishioners frequently making complaints of them to the -Bishops. - -“Our curate is naught,” they would say, “an ass-head, a dodipot [?], a -lack-latin, and can do nothing. Shall I pay him tithe that doth us no -good, nor none will do?”[97] - -In some cases the fault lay with patrons, who preferred to select a man -unlikely to assert his authority. Economy on the part of the Government -was responsible for other unfit appointments, and capable Churchmen -being permitted to hold secular offices, they were removed from their -parishes and their flocks were left unshepherded. Against this practice -Latimer protested in a sermon at St. Paul’s, on the occasion of a -clergyman having been made Comptroller of the Mint. Who controlled the -devil at home in his parish, asked the rough-tongued preacher, whilst -he controlled the Mint? - -The condition of things thus produced was not calculated to commend -the innovations it accompanied to the people, and the introduction of -the new Prayer-book was in particular bitterly resented in country -districts. In many parts of England, interest and religion joining -hands, fierce insurrections broke out, and the measures taken by “the -good Duke” to allay popular irritation, by ordering that the lands -newly enclosed should be re-opened, had the double effect of stirring -the people, thus far successful, to yet more strenuous action in -vindication of their rights, and of increasing the dislike and distrust -with which his irresponsible exercise of authority was regarded by the -upper classes. - -Upon domestic troubles--Ket’s rebellion in Norfolk, one of large -dimensions in the west, and others--followed a declaration of war with -France, certain successes on the part of the enemy serving to discredit -the Protector and his management of affairs still further. - -Whilst rich and poor were alike disaffected in the country at large, -the Duke had become an object of jealousy to the members of the Council -Board who were responsible for having placed him in the position he -occupied. To a man with the sagacity to look ahead and take account of -the forces at work, it must have been plain that the possession of -absolute and undivided power on the part of a subject was necessarily -fraught with danger, and that the Duke’s astonishing success in -obtaining the patent conferring upon him supreme and regal authority -contained in itself the seed and prophecy of ruin. But, besides more -serious causes of offence, his bearing in the Council-chamber, far -from being adapted to conciliate opposition, further exasperated his -colleagues against him. Cranmer and Paget were the last to abandon his -cause, but on May 8--not two months after his brother’s execution--the -latter wrote to give him frank warning of the probable consequences -of his “great cholerick fashions.” It is evident that a stormy scene -had taken place that afternoon, and that Paget must have been strongly -convinced of the need for interference before he addressed his -remonstrance to the despotic head of the Government. - -“Poor Sir Richard a Lee,” he wrote, “this afternoon, after your Grace -had very sore, and much more than needed, rebuked him, came to my -chamber weeping, and there complaining, as far as became him, of your -handling of him, seemed almost out of wits and out of heart. Your Grace -had put him clean out of countenance.” After which he proceeded to warn -the Duke solemnly, “for the very love he bore him,” of the consequences -should he not change his manner of conduct.[98] - -Paget’s love was quickly to grow cold. During the summer the various -rebellions in different parts of the country were suppressed, the Earl -of Warwick playing an important part in the operations. On September -25 the Protector was, to all appearance, still in fulness of power and -authority. By October 13 he was in the Tower. - -The Spanish spectator again supplies an account of the view taken by -the man in the street of the initiation of the quarrel which led to -the Duke’s disgrace and fall. Returned to London, Warwick, accompanied -by the captains, English and foreign, who had served under him against -the rebels, is said to have come to Court to demand for his soldiers -the rewards he considered their due. Met by a refusal on the part of -the Protector of anything over and above their ordinary wages, his -indignation found vent. If money was not to be had, it was because of -the sums squandered by the Duke in building his own palace. The French -forts were already lost. If the Protector continued in power he would -end by losing everything. - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting in the National - Portrait Gallery. - -WILLIAM, LORD PAGET, K.G.] - -Somerset replied with no less heat. He deserved, he said, that Warwick -should speak as he had spoken, by the favour he had shown him. Warwick -having retorted that it was with himself and his colleagues that the -fault lay, since they had bestowed so much power on the Protector, -the two parted. Of what followed Holinshed gives a description. -“Suddenly, upon what occasion many marvelled but few knew, every lord -and councillor went through the city weaponed, and had their servants -likewise weaponed ... to the great wondering of many; and at the last -a great assembly of the said Council was made at the Earl of Warwick’s -lodging, which was then at Ely Place, in Holborn, whither all the -confederates came privily armed, and finally concluded to possess the -Tower of London.”[99] - -As a counterblast, Somerset issued a proclamation in the King’s name, -summoning all his subjects to Hampton Court for his defence and that of -his “most entirely beloved uncle.” Open war was declared. - -So far the Archbishop and Paget, both resident with the Court, together -with the two Secretaries, had adhered to the Protector. Upon Cranmer, -if upon any one, Somerset, who had done more than any other person -to establish religion upon its new basis, should have been able to -count, if not for support, for a loyal opposition. But fear is strong -and--again it must be repeated--fidelity to the unfortunate was no -feature of the times; and by both Archbishop and Paget the cause of the -falling man was abandoned. Not only did they secretly embrace the cause -of the party headed by Warwick, but private directions were furnished -by Paget as to the means to be employed in seizing the person of the -Duke. - -Meantime, Hampton Court being judged insufficiently secure, Somerset, -with a guard of five hundred men, had removed the King, at dead of -night, to Windsor, a graphic account of the journey being given by the -chronicler. - -“As he went along the road the King was all armed, and carried his -little sword drawn, and kept saying to the people on the way: - -“‘My vassals, will you help me against the people who want to kill me?’ - -“And everybody cried out, ‘Sir, we will all die for you.’”[100] - -Windsor reached, the defence of the Castle and of the sovereign -was wisely entrusted, in the first instance, to men upon whom the -Duke could depend. But the Council was successful in lulling any -apprehensions of violent action to rest. Sir Philip Hoby, according to -some authorities,[101] was despatched from London with open, as well as -secret, letters, wherein it was declared that no harm was intended to -the Duke; order was merely to be taken for the Protectorship. Somerset -had by this time yielded so far to the forces arrayed against him as to -recognise the necessity of consenting to some change in the government; -and at the reassuring terms of the communication all present gave way -to emotion; wept with joy, after the fashion of the times; thanked -God, and prayed for the Lords; Paget, in particular, clasping the Duke -about the knees, and crying with tears, “O my Lord, ye see what my -lords be!” - -The Protector’s ruin had been assured. Trusting to the declarations of -the Council, he fell an easy prey into their hands. Yielding to the -representations of Cranmer and Paget, to whose “diligent travail” his -enemies gratefully ascribed their success, he permitted his trusty -followers to be replaced in the defence of the Castle by the usual -royal guard; on October 11 he had been seized and placed in safe -keeping, and it was reported that the King had a bad cold, and “much -desireth to be hence, saying that ‘Methinks I am in prison. Here be -no galleries nor no gardens to walk in.’”[102] The young sovereign -had also, with a merry countenance and a loud voice, asked how their -Lordships of the Council were, and when he would see them, saying that -they should be welcome whensoever they came. - -It was plain that objections to a transference of his guardianship were -not to be expected from the nephew of the Lord Protector, and the Duke -was removed from Windsor to the Tower, followed by three hundred lords -and gentlemen, “as if he had been a captive carried in triumph.” It -would, however, have been more difficult to induce the boy to consent -to the execution of another of his closest kin, and there may have -been some fraction of truth in the report which gained currency that -the King had not been made acquainted with the fact that his uncle was -actually a prisoner until he learnt it from the Duchess. He then sent -for the Archbishop and questioned him on the subject. - -“Godfather,” he is made to say, “what has become of my uncle, the -Duke?” The explanation furnished him by Cranmer--to the effect that, -had God not helped the Lords, the country would have been ruined, and -it was feared that the Protector might have slain the King himself--did -not appear to commend itself to the young sovereign. The Duke, he said, -had never done him any harm, and he did not wish him to be killed. - -A King’s wishes, even at thirteen, have weight, and Warwick suddenly -discovered that good should be returned for evil; and that since it was -the King’s desire, and the first thing he had asked of his Council, the -Duke must be pardoned.[103] - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after a painting by Holbein. - -EDWARD VI.] - -What is more certain is that, on condition of an unqualified -acknowledgment of his guilt, accompanied by forfeiture of offices -and property, it was decided that Somerset should be set at liberty. -Self-respect or dignity was not in fashion, and in the eyes of some -the submission of the late Lord Protector assumed the character of an -“abjectness.” For the moment it purchased for him safety, and he was -gradually permitted to regain a certain amount of influence and power. -Some portion of his wealth was restored to him, and he was at length -readmitted to the Council and to a limited share in the government. To -sanguine eyes all seemed to have been placed on a satisfactory footing; -but jealousy, distrust, and hatred take much killing. The position of -the man who was the King’s nearest of kin amongst his nobles, and had -lately been all-powerful in the State, was a difficult one. Warwick was -rising, and meant to rise; Somerset was not content to remain fallen -and discredited. What seemed a peace was merely an armistice. - -Meantime Warwick and his friends were no more successful than his rival -in maintaining the national honour, and the peace with France concluded -during the spring was regarded by the nation as a disgrace. Boulogne -was surrendered to its natural owners, and in magniloquent terms war -was once more stated to be at an end for ever between the two countries. - -Court and courtiers troubled themselves little with such matters, and -on St. George’s Day a brilliant company of Lords of the Council and -Knights of the Garter kept the festival at Greenwich; when a glimpse of -the thirteen-year-old King is to be caught, in a more boyish mood than -usual. - -Coming out from the discourse preached in honour of the day, in high -spirits and in the argumentative humour fostered by sermons, the “godly -and virtuous imp” turned to his train. - -“My Lords,” he demanded, “I pray you, what saint is St. George, that we -here so honour him?” - -The sudden attack was unexpected, and, the Lords of the Council being -“astonied” by it, it was the Treasurer who made reply. - -“If it please Your Majesty,” he said, “I did never read in any history -of St. George, but only in _Legenda Aurea_, where it is thus set down, -that St. George out with his sword and ran the dragon through with his -spear.” - -The King, when he could not a great while speak for laughing, at length -said: - -“I pray you, my Lord, and what did he do with his sword the while?” - -“That I cannot tell Your Majesty,” said he.[104] - -Poor little King! poor “godly imp”! It is seldom that his laughter -rings out through the centuries. Perhaps some of the grave Councillors -or divines present may have looked askance, considering that it was not -with the weapon of ridicule that the patron saint of England should be -most fitly attacked, but with the more legitimate one of theological -criticism. But to us it is satisfactory to find that there were times -when even the modern Josiah could not speak for laughing. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -1549-1551 - - Lady Jane Grey at home--Visit from Roger Ascham--The German - divines--Position of Lady Jane in the theological world. - - -Whilst these events had been taking place Jane Grey had been once more -relegated to the care of her parents, to whose house she had been -removed upon the imprisonment of her guardian, the Admiral, in January, -1549. To the helpless and passive plaything of worldly and political -exigencies, the change from Seymour Place and Hanworth, where she had -lived under Seymour’s roof, to the quiet of her father’s Leicestershire -home, must have been great. - -Nor was the difference in the moral atmosphere less marked. Handsome, -unprincipled, gay, magnificent, one imagines that the Admiral, in -spite of the faults to which she was probably not blind, must have -been an imposing personage in the eyes of his little charge; and -self-interest--the interest of a man who did not guess that the future -held nothing for him but a grave--as well as natural kindliness towards -a child dependent upon him, will have led him to play the part of her -“half-father” in a manner to win her affection. Was she not destined, -should his schemes prosper, to fill the place of Queen Consort? or, -failing that, might it not be well to turn into earnest the “merry” -possibility he had mentioned to Parry, and, if Elizabeth was denied -him, to make her cousin his wife? In any case, so long as she lived -in his house, Jane was a guest of importance, of royal blood, to be -treated with consideration, cared for, and flattered. - -But now the ill-assorted house-mates had parted. Seymour had taken -his way to the Tower, as a stage towards the scaffold; and Jane had -returned--gladly or sorrowfully, who can tell?--to the shelter of the -parental roof, and to the care of a father and mother determined upon -neutralising by their conduct any ill-effects produced by her two years -of emancipation from their control. Once more she was an insignificant -member of her father’s family, the eldest of his three children, -subjected to the strictest discipline and, whatever the future might -bring forth, of little consequence in the present. - -It is possible that Lord Dorset’s fears, expressed at the time when -he was attempting to regain possession of his daughter, had been in -part realised; and that Jane, “for lack of a bridle,” had “taken too -much the head,” and conceived an unduly high opinion of herself--it -would indeed have been a natural outcome of the position she held both -in her guardian’s house and, as will be seen, in the estimation of -divines. If this was the case, her mother and he were to do their best -to “address her mind to humility, soberness, and obedience.” The means -taken to carry out their intentions were harsh. - -Of the year following upon Jane’s return to Bradgate little is known; -but in the summer of 1550, a picturesque and vivid sketch is afforded -by Roger Ascham of the child of thirteen[105] upon whom so many hopes -centred and so many expectations were built. In the description given -in his _Schoolmaster_[106] of the visit paid by the great scholar to -Bradgate, light is thrown alike upon the system of training pursued by -Lord Dorset, upon the character of his daughter, and upon the spirit -she displayed in conforming to the manner of life enforced upon her. - -Ascham, in his capacity of tutor to her cousin Elizabeth, had known -Jane intimately at Court--so he states in a letter to Sturm, another -of the academic brotherhood--and had already received learned letters -from her. Before starting on a diplomatic mission to Germany in the -summer of 1550, he had visited some friends in Yorkshire, and on his -way south turned aside to renew his acquaintance with Lady Jane, and to -pay his respects to her father, who stood high in the estimation of the -religious party to which Ascham belonged. To this visit we owe one of -the most distinct glimpses of the girl that we possess. - -By a fortunate chance he found “that most noble Lady Jane Grey, to whom -I was exceeding much beholden,” alone. Lord and Lady Dorset, with all -their household, were hunting in the park, and Jane, in the seclusion -of her chamber, was engaged in studying the _Phaedo_ of Plato, “with as -much delight as some gentlemen would read a merry tale in Boccaccio,” -when Ascham presented himself to her. - -The conversation between the scholar and the student places Lady -Jane’s small staid figure in clear relief. Notwithstanding Plato’s -_Phaedo_, notwithstanding, too, the sun outside, the sounds of horns, -the baying of hounds, and all the other allurements she had proved -able to resist, there is something very human and unsaintly in her -fashion of unburthening herself to a congenial spirit concerning the -wrongs sustained at the parental hands. To Ascham, with whom she had -been so well acquainted under different circumstances, she opened her -mind freely when, “after salutation and duty done,” he inquired how it -befell that she had left the pastimes going forward in the Park. - -[Illustration: - - After an engraving. - -LADY JANE GREY.] - -“I wis,” she answered smiling--the smile, surely, of conscious and -complacent superiority--“all their sport in the Park is but a shadow -to the pleasure that I find in Plato. Alas, good folk, they never felt -what true pleasure meant.” - -“And how came you, Madame,” asked Ascham, “to this deep knowledge of -pleasure, and what did chiefly allure you to it, seeing not many women, -but very few men, have attained thereto?” - -Jane, nothing loath to satisfy her guest’s curiosity, did so at length. - -“I will tell you,” she answered, “and tell you a truth, which perchance -you will marvel at. One of the greatest benefits that ever God gave -me is that He sent me so sharp and severe parents and so gentle a -schoolmaster. For when I am in presence either of father or mother, -whether I speak, keep silence, sit, stand, or go, eat, drink, be merry -or sad, be sewing, playing, dancing, or doing anything else, I must do -it, as it were, in such weight, measure, and number, even so perfectly -as God made the world, or else I am so sharply taunted, so cruelly -threatened, yea presently sometimes with pinches, nips, and bobs, -and other ways, which I will not name for the honour I bear them, so -without measure disordered, that I think myself in hell, till time come -that I must go to Mr. Elmer, who teacheth me so gently, so pleasantly, -with such fair allurements to learning, that I think all the time -nothing whiles I am with him. And when I am called away from him I fall -on weeping, because, whatever I do else but learning is full of grief, -trouble, fear, and whole misliking unto me. And thus my book hath been -so much my pleasure, and bringeth daily to me more pleasure and more, -that in respect of it all other pleasures in very deed be but trifles -and troubles to me.”[107] - -Jane’s recital of her wrongs, if correctly reported--and Ascham says -he remembers the conversation gladly, both because it was so worthy of -memory, and because it was the last time he ever saw that noble and -worthy lady--proves that her command of the vernacular was equal to -her proficiency in the dead languages, and that she cherished a very -natural resentment for the treatment to which she was subjected. There -is something irresistibly provocative of laughter in the thought of -the two scholars, old and young, and of the lofty compassion displayed -by the chidden child towards the frivolous tastes and amusements of -the parents to whom she doubtless outwardly accorded the exaggerated -respect and reverence demanded by custom. Few would grudge the -satisfaction derived from a sympathetic listener to the girl whose -pleasures were to be so few and days for enjoying them so short. - -When Ascham took leave he had received a promise from Jane to write to -him in Greek, provided that he would challenge her by a letter from -Germany. And so they parted, to meet no more. - -It may be that Lady Jane’s sense of the harshness and severity of her -treatment at home was accentuated by the tone adopted with regard to -her by many of the leading Protestant divines. To these men--men to -whom Mary was Jezebel, Gardiner that lying and subtle Cerberus,[108] -and by whom persons holding theological views at variance with their -own were freely and unreservedly handed over to the devil--Jane was -not only wise, learned, and saintly beyond her years, but to her they -turned their eyes, hoping for a future when, at the King’s side, she -might prove the efficient protectress and patroness of the reformed -Church. Her name was a household word amongst them, and whilst it can -have been scarcely possible that she was indifferent to the incense -offered by those to whom she had been instructed to look up, it may -have rendered the system of repression adopted by her parents more -unendurable than might otherwise have been the case. - -Bradgate was a centre of strong and militant Protestantism. In -conjunction with Warwick, the Marquis of Dorset was regarded by the -German school of theologians as one of the “two most shining lights -of the Church;”[109] and the many letters sent from England to Henry -Bullinger at Zurich--some of them dated from Bradgate itself--abound -in allusions to the family, and throw a useful light upon this part -of Lady Jane’s life. In these epistles her father’s name recurs again -and again, always in terms of extravagant eulogy, and as that of a -munificent patron of needy divines. Thus he had bestowed a pension at -first sight upon Ulmis, a young disciple of Bullinger’s, doubling it -some months later; and his grateful _protégé_, striving to make what -return is possible, impresses upon the foreign master the advisability -of dedicating one of his works to the generous Marquis, anxiously -sending him, when his request has been granted, the full title to be -used in so doing. “He told me, indeed,” he adds, “that he had the title -of Prince, but that he would not wish to be so styled by you, so you -must judge for yourself whether to keep it back or not.”[110] Bullinger -is likewise urged to present a copy of one of his books to the -Marquis’s daughter, “and, take my word for it, you will never repent -having done so.” A most learned and courteous letter would thereby be -elicited from her. She had already translated into Greek a good part -of Bullinger’s treatise on marriage, put by Ulmis himself into Latin, -and had given it to her father as a New Year’s gift.[111] In May, 1551, -another letter records that two days had been very agreeably passed at -Bradgate with Jane, my Lord’s daughter, and those excellent and holy -persons Aylmer, her tutor, and Haddon, chaplain to the Marquis. “For -my own part, I do not think there ever lived any one more deserving of -respect than this young lady, if you regard her family; more learned, -if you consider her age; or more happy, if you consider both. A report -has prevailed, and has begun to be talked of by persons of consequence, -that this most noble virgin is to be betrothed and given in marriage -to the King’s majesty. Oh, if that event should take place, how happy -would be the union, and how beneficial to the church!”[112] - -A letter despatched by Ulmis on the same day to another of his brethren -in the faith, Conrad Pellican, craves his advice on behalf of Lady Jane -with regard to the best means of acquiring Hebrew, a language she was -anxious to study. She had written to consult Bullinger on the subject, -but Bullinger was a busy man, and all the world knew how perfect was -Pellican’s acquaintance with the subject. Pellican may argue that he -might seem lacking in modesty should he address a young lady, the -daughter of a nobleman, unknown to him personally. But he is besought -by Ulmis to entertain no fears of the kind, and his correspondent will -bear all the blame if he ever repents of the deed, or if Lady Jane -does not most willingly acknowledge his courtesy. “In truth,” he adds, -“I do not think that amongst the English nobility for many ages past -there has arisen a single individual who, to the highest excellences -of talent and judgment, has united so much diligence and assiduity in -the cultivation of every liberal pursuit.... It is incredible how far -she has advanced already, and to what perfection she will advance in a -few years; for I well know that she will complete what she has begun, -unless perhaps she be diverted from her pursuits by some calamity of -the times.... If you write a letter to her, take care, I pray you, that -it be first delivered to me.”[113] - -The letter is dated from the house of the daughter of the Marquis. -Her mother, it is true, seems to have been at home, though Dorset was -in Scotland; but it is a curious fact that the grand-daughter of Henry -VII., through whom Jane’s royal blood was transmitted to her, appears -to have been by common consent tacitly passed over, as a person of no -consequence in comparison with her daughter.[114] - -Quite a budget of letters were entrusted to the courier who left -Bradgate on May 29, and was the bearer of the missives addressed by -Ulmis to his master and his friend. Both John Aylmer, tutor to Lord -Dorset’s children and afterwards Bishop of London, and Haddon, the -Marquis’s chaplain, had taken the opportunity of writing to Bullinger, -doubtless stimulated to the effort by his young disciple. - -The preceptor who compared so favourably in Lady Jane’s eyes with her -parents, was a young Norfolk man, of about twenty-nine, and singularly -well learned in the Latin and Greek tongues.[115] On James Haddon, -Bishop Hooper, writing from prison when, three years later, the friends -of the Reformation had fallen on evil days, pronounced a eulogy in -a letter to Bullinger. Master James Haddon, he said, was not only a -friend and very dear brother in Christ, but one he had always esteemed -on account of his singular erudition and virtue. “I do not think,” he -added, “that I have ever been acquainted with any one in England who is -endued either with more sincere piety towards God or more removed from -all desire of those perishing objects desired by foolish mortals.”[116] -From Bishop Hooper the panegyric is evidence that Haddon belonged -to the extreme party in theological matters, in which Aylmer was -probably in full accord with him. On this particular day in May both -these devoted and conscientious men were sending letters to the great -director of souls in Zurich, that of Haddon being written to a man to -whom he was personally unknown, and with the sole object of opening a -correspondence and offering a tribute of respect. - -Aylmer’s case was a different one. Though also a stranger, he wrote at -some length, chiefly in the character of the preceptor entrusted with -Lady Jane’s education, making due acknowledgments for the letters and -advice which had been of so much use in keeping his patron and his -patron’s family in the right path, and begging Bullinger to continue -these good offices towards the pupil, just fourteen, concerning whom -it is strange to find the young man entertaining certain fears and -misgivings. - -“At that age,” he observes, “as the comic poet tells us, all people are -inclined to follow their own ways, and, by the attractiveness of the -objects and the corruptions of nature, are more easily carried headlong -in pleasure ... than induced to follow those studies that are attended -with the praise of virtue.” The time teemed with many disorders; -discreet physicians must therefore be sought, and to tender minds there -should not be wanting the counsel of the aged nor the authority of -grave and influential men. Aylmer accordingly entreats that Bullinger -will minister, by letter and advice, to the improvement of his charge. - -An epistle from Jane, dated July 1551, shows that the German theologian -responded at once to the appeal, since in it she acknowledges the -receipt of a most eloquent and weighty letter, and mentioning the loss -she had sustained in the death of Bucer, who appears to have taken -his part in her theological training, congratulates herself upon the -possession of a friend so learned as Bullinger, so pious a divine, -and so intrepid a champion of true religion. Bereaved of the “pious -Bucer ... who unweariedly did not cease, day and night, and to the -utmost of his ability, to supply me with all necessary instructions -and directions for my conduct in life, and who by his excellent advice -promoted and encouraged my progress and advancement in all virtue, -godliness, and learning,” she proceeds to beg Bullinger to fill the -vacant place, and to spur her on if she should loiter and be disposed -to delay. By this means she will enjoy the same advantages granted -to those women to whom St. Jerome imparted instruction, or to the -elect lady to whom the epistle of St. John was addressed, or to the -mother of Severus, taught by Origen. As Bullinger could be deemed -inferior to none of these teachers, she entreats him to manifest a -like kindness.[117] It is plain that Lady Jane, in addressing this -“brightest ornament and support of the whole Church,” is determined not -to be outdone in the art of pious flattery; and in her correspondence -with men who both as scholars and divines held a foremost place in the -estimation of those by whom she was surrounded, she indemnified herself -for the mortifications inflicted upon her at home. - -The reformers, for their part, were keeping an anxious watch upon the -course of events in England; and to strengthen and maintain their -influence over one who might have a prominent part to play in future -years was of the first importance. A letter from Ascham, who was still -abroad, dated some months later, supplies yet another example of the -incense offered to the child of fourteen, and of fulsome adulation -by which an older head might have been turned. Nothing, he told her, -in his travels, had raised in him greater admiration than had been -caused when, on his visit to Bradgate, he had found one so young and -lovely--so divine a maid--engaged in the study of Plato whilst friends -and relations were enjoying field sports. Let her proceed thus, -to the honour of her country, the delight of her parents, her own -glory, the praise of her preceptor, the comfort of her relations and -acquaintances, and the admiration of all. O happy Aylmer, to have a -like scholar! - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after a painting by G. Fliccius in - the National Portrait Gallery. - -ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.] - -It would be easy to multiply quotations which indicate the place -accorded to Lord Dorset’s daughter in the estimation of the leaders -of the extreme party of Protestantism, in whose eyes Cranmer was -regarded as a possible trimmer. Allowing to him “right views,” Hooper, -in writing to Bullinger, adds: “we desire nothing more for him than -a firm and manly spirit.”[118] “Contrary to general expectation,” -Traheron writes, the Archbishop had most openly, firmly, and learnedly -maintained the opinion of the German divine upon the Eucharist; -and Ulmis, alluding to him in terms of praise, repeats that he had -unexpectedly given a correct judgment on this point. Even the youngest -of the German theologians felt himself competent to weigh in the -balances the head of Protestant England. - -Protestant England was itself keeping a wary eye upon its Primate. -“The Archbishop of Canterbury,” wrote Hooper to Bullinger, “to tell -the truth, neither took much note of your letter nor of your learned -present. But now, as I hope, Master Bullinger and Canterbury entertain -the same opinion.” “The people ... that many-headed monster,” he -wrote again, “is still wincing, partly through ignorance, and partly -persuaded by the inveiglements of the Bishops and the malice and -impiety of the mass-priests.”[119] - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -1551-1552 - - An anxious tutor--Somerset’s final fall--The charges against - him--His guilt or innocence--His trial and condemnation--The - King’s indifference--Christmas at Greenwich--The Duke’s execution. - - -Aylmer had been so far encouraged by the success of his appeal to -Henry Bullinger on behalf of his pupil that he is found, some seven -months later, calling the Swiss churchman again into council. He was -possibly over-anxious, but the tone of his communication makes it clear -that Lady Jane Grey had been once more causing her tutor disquiet. -Responding, in the first place, to Bullinger’s congratulations upon -his privilege in acting as teacher to so excellent a scholar, and in -a family so well disposed to learning and religion, he proceeds to -request that his correspondent will, in his next letter, instruct -Lady Jane as to the proper degree of embellishment and adornment of -the person becoming in young women professing godliness. The tutor is -plainly uneasy on this subject, and it is to be feared that Jane had -been developing an undue love of dress. Yet the example of the Princess -Elizabeth might be fitly adduced, observes Aylmer, furnishing the -monitor with arguments of which he might, if he pleased, make use. She -at least went clad in every respect as became a young maiden, and yet -no one was induced by the example of “a lady in so much gospel light to -lay aside, much less look down upon, gold, jewels, and braidings of the -hair.” Preachers might declaim, but no one amended her life. Moreover, -and as a less important matter, Aylmer desires Bullinger to prescribe -the amount of time to be devoted to music. If he would handle these -points at some length there would probably be some accession to the -ranks of virtue. - -One would imagine that it argued ignorance of human nature on the part -of Lady Jane’s instructor to believe that the admonitions of an old man -at a distance would have more effect than those of a young man close -at hand; nor does it appear whether or not Bullinger sent the advice -for which Aylmer asked. But that his pupil’s incipient leaning towards -worldly vanities was successfully checked would appear from her reply, -reported by himself, when a costly dress had been presented to her by -her cousin Mary. “It were a shame,” she is said to have answered, in -rejecting the gift, “to follow my Lady Mary, who leaveth God’s Word, -and leave my Lady Elizabeth, who followeth God’s Word.” - -It might have been well for Jane had she practised greater courtesy -towards a cousin at this time out of favour at Court; but no -considerations of policy or of good breeding could be expected to -influence a zealot of fifteen, and Mary, more than double her age, may -well have listened with a smile. - -When Aylmer’s letter was written, the Grey family had left Bradgate and -were in London. The Marquis had, some two months earlier, been advanced -to the rank of Duke of Suffolk, upon the title becoming extinct through -the death of his wife’s two half-brothers, and the tutor may have had -just cause for disquietude lest the world should make good its claims -upon the little soul he was so carefully tending. In November 1551 -Mary of Lorraine, Queen-Dowager of Scotland, had applied for leave to -pass through England on her way north. It had not only been granted, -but she had been accorded a magnificent reception, Lady Jane, with her -mother, taking part in the ceremony when the royal guest visited the -King at Whitehall. Two days later she was amongst the ladies assembled -to do the Queen honour at her departure for Scotland. It may be that -this participation in the pomp and splendour of court life had produced -a tendency in John Aylmer’s charge to bestow overmuch attention upon -worldly matters, nor can it be doubted that his heart was sore at the -contrast she had presented to Elizabeth, “whose plainness of dress,” -he says, still commending the Princess, “was especially noticed on the -occasion of the visit of the Queen-Dowager of Scotland.” - -Perhaps, too, the master looked back with regret to the quiet days -of uninterrupted study. The Dorset household, when not in London -itself, were now to be chiefly resident at Sheen, within reach of the -Court. Jane, too, was growing up; Aylmer was young; and to the “gentle -schoolmaster” the training of Lord Dorset’s eldest daughter may have -had an interest not wholly confined to scholarship or to theology. It -is nevertheless impossible to put back the clock, and the days when his -pupil could be expected to devote herself exclusively to her studies -were irrevocably past. - -Meantime the hollow treaty of amity between the two great competitors -for supremacy in the realm was to end. In the spring of 1551 Somerset -and Warwick were on terms of outward cordiality, and a marriage between -the Duke’s daughter and the eldest son of his rival, which took place -with much magnificence in the presence of the King, might have been -expected to cement their friendship. But by October “carry-tales and -flatterers,” says one chronicler, had rendered harmony--even the -semblance of harmony--impossible; or, as was more probable, Warwick, -suspicious of the intention on the part of the Duke of regaining the -direction of affairs, had determined to free himself once for all from -the rivalry of the King’s uncle. Somerset had again been lodged in the -Tower, to leave it, this time, only for the scaffold. - -On the question of his innocence or guilt there has been much -discussion amongst historians, nor is it possible to enter at length -into the question. The crimes of which he stood accused were of the -blackest dye. “The good Duke,” as the people still loved to call him, -was charged with plotting to gain possession of the King’s person, -of contriving the murder of Warwick, now to be created Duke of -Northumberland, of Northampton and Herbert, and was to be tried for -treason and felony. - -Many and various are the views taken as to the guilt of the late -Protector. Mr. Tytler, most conscientious of historians, after a -careful comparison of contemporary evidence, has decided in his -favour. Others have come to a different conclusion. The balance of -opinion appears to be on his side. His bearing throughout the previous -summer had been that of an innocent man, who had nothing to fear from -justice. But justice was hard to come by. His enemy was strong and -relentless--“a competent lawyer, known soldier, able statesman”--and in -each of these capacities he was seeking to bring a dangerous competitor -to ruin. It was, says Fuller, almost like a struggle between a naked -and an armed man.[120] Yet, open-hearted and free from distrust as he -is described, Somerset must have been aware of some part of his danger. -His friends amongst the upper classes had ever been few and cold. The -reformers, for whom he had done so much, had begun to indulge doubts of -his zeal. Become possibly weary of persecution, he had tried to make -a way for Gardiner to leave the prison in which he was languishing, -and, alone of the Council, had been in favour of permitting to Mary the -exercise of her religion. These facts were sufficient, in the eyes of -many, to justify the assertion made by Burgoyne to Calvin that he had -grown lukewarm, and had scarcely anything less at heart than religion. - -He was naturally the last to hear of the intrigues against him, and -of the accusations brought in his absence from the Council-chamber. -An attempt, it is true, was made to warn him by Lord Chancellor Rich, -by means of a letter containing an account of the proceedings which -had taken place; but, carelessly addressed only “To the Duke,” it -was delivered, by a blunder of the Chancellor’s servant, to Norfolk, -Somerset’s enemy. Surprised at the speedy return of his messenger, Rich -inquired where he had found “the Duke.” - -“In the Charter House,” was the reply, “on the same token that he read -it at the window and smiled thereat.” - -“But the Lord Rich,” adds Fuller, in telling the story, “smiled not”; -resigning his post on the following day, on the plea of old age and a -desire to gain leisure to attend to his devotions, and thereby escaping -the dismissal which would have resulted from a betrayal of the secrets -of the Council.[121] - -By October 14 the Duke was cognisant to some extent of the mischief -that was a-foot, for it is stated in the King’s journal that he sent -for the Secretary Cecil “to tell him that he suspected some ill. -Mr. Cecil answered that, if he were not guilty, he might be of good -courage; if he were, he had nothing to say but to lament him.” It was -not an encouraging reply to an appeal for sympathy and support, and -must have been an earnest of the attitude likely to be adopted towards -the Duke by the rest of his colleagues. Two days later Edward’s journal -notes his apprehension. - -The issue of the struggle was nevertheless uncertain. In spite of his -unpopularity amongst the nobles, and though, to judge by the entries in -the royal diary, the course of events was followed by his nephew with -cold indifference, Somerset was not without his partisans. Constant -to their old affection, the attack upon him was watched by the common -people with breathless interest, accentuated by the detestation -universally felt for the man who had planned his destruction. Hatred -for Northumberland joined hands with love for Somerset to range them -on his side. The political atmosphere was charged with excitement. -Could it be true that the “good Duke” had designed the murder of his -rival, who, whatever might be thought of him in other respects, was -one of the chief props of Protestantism? Had the King, as some alleged, -been in danger? The trial would show; and when it became known that -the prisoner had been acquitted of treason, and the axe was therefore, -according to custom, carried out of court, his cause was considered to -be won; a cry arose that the innocence of the popular favourite had -been established, and the applause of the crowd testified to their -rejoicing. It had been premature. Acquitted of the principal offence -with which he stood charged, he was found guilty of felony, and -sentenced to death. - -The verdict was received with ominous murmurs, and, in a letter to -Bullinger, Ulmis states that, observing the grave and sorrowful aspect -of the audience, the Duke of Northumberland was wary enough to take -his cue from it, and to attempt to propitiate in his own favour the -discontented crowd. - -“O Duke of Somerset,” he exclaimed from his seat, “you see yourself -brought into the utmost danger, and that nothing but death awaits -you. I have once before delivered you from a similar hazard of your -life; and I will not now desist from serving you, how little soever -you may expect it.” Let Somerset appeal to the royal clemency, and -Northumberland, forgiving him his offences, would do all in his power -to save him.[122] - -Northumberland’s tardy magnanimity fails to carry conviction. But, -besides his victim’s popularity in the country, it was reported that -the “King took it not in good part,” and it was thought well to delay -the execution, by which means his supplanter might gain credit for -exercising his generosity by an attempt to avert his doom. Christmas -was at hand, and it was arranged that the Duke should remain in prison, -under sentence of death, whilst the feast was celebrated at Court. - -In spite of the assertion that the young King had not been unaffected -by a tragedy that should have touched him closely, there is nothing -in his own words to indicate any other attitude than that of the -indifferent spectator--an attitude recalling unpleasantly the -callousness shown by his father as the women he had loved and the -statesmen he had trusted and employed were successively sent to the -block. Though, in justice to Edward, it should be remembered that he -had never loved his uncle, there is something revolting in his casual -mention of the measures adopted against him. - -“Little has been done since you went,” he wrote to Barnaby Fitzpatrick, -the comrade of his childish days, now become his favourite, “but the -Duke of Somerset’s arraignment for felonious treason and the muster of -the newly erected gendarmery;”[123] and the journal wherein he traces -the progress of the trial, varying the narrative by the introduction -of other topics, such as the visit of the Queen-Dowager of Scotland -and the festivities in her honour, conveys a similar impression -of coldness. “And so he was adjudged to be hanged,” he records in -conclusion, noting, with no expression of regret, the result of the -proceedings. - -“It were well that he should die,” Edward had told the Duke’s brother -in those earlier childish days when incited by the Admiral to rebel -against the strictness of the discipline enforced by the Protector. -But, under the mask of indifference, it may be that misgivings awoke -and made themselves apparent to those who, watching him closely, feared -that ties of blood might vindicate their strength, and that at their -bidding, or through compassion, he might interpose to avert the fate of -one of the only near relations who remained to him. It appears to have -been determined that the King’s mind must be diverted from the subject; -and whilst the prisoner was awaiting in the Tower the execution of -his sentence, special merry-makings were arranged by the men who had -the direction of affairs at Greenwich, where the court was to keep -Christmas. Thus it was hoped to “remove the fond talk out of men’s -mouths,” and to recreate and refresh the troubled spirits of the young -sovereign. A Lord of Misrule was accordingly appointed, who, dubbed the -Master of the King’s Pastimes, took order for the general amusement, -though conducting himself more discreetly than had been the wont of his -predecessors, and the festival was gaily observed. By these means, says -Holinshed, the minds and ears of murmurers were well appeased, till it -was thought well to proceed to the business of executing judgment upon -the Duke. - -In whatever light the ghastly contrast between the uncle awaiting -a bloody death in the Tower and the noisy merry-making intended to -drown the sound of the passing-bell in the nephew’s ears may strike -students of a later day, it is likely that there was nothing in it to -affect painfully those who joined in the proceedings. Life was little -considered. Men were daily accustomed to witness violent reverses of -fortune. The Duke had aimed over-high; he was a danger to rivals whose -turn it was to rise; he must make way for others. He had moreover been -too deeply injured to forgive; and, to make all safe, he must die. -The reign of the Seymours was at an end; that of Northumberland was -beginning. Two more years and their supplanter, with Suffolk and his -other adherents, would in their turn have paid the penalty of a great -ambition, and, “with the sons of the Duke of Somerset standing by,” -would have followed the Lord Protector to the grave. - -There was none to prophesy their fate. Had it been otherwise, it is not -probable that a warning would have turned them from their purpose. -For they were reckless gamblers, and to foretell ruin to a man who is -staking his all upon a throw of the dice is to speak to deaf ears. - -So the merry Christmas passed, Jane--third in succession to the -throne--occupying a prominent position at Court. And Aylmer, fearful -lest the fruits of his care should be squandered, looked on helplessly, -and besought Bullinger, on that 23rd of December, to set a limit, -for the benefit of a pupil in danger, to the attention lawfully to -be bestowed on the world and its vanities; a letter from Haddon, the -Duke’s chaplain, following fast and betraying his participation in the -anxieties of his colleague by an entreaty that, from afar, the eminent -divine would continue to exercise a beneficent influence upon his -master’s daughter. - -Meantime the day had arrived when it was considered safe to carry -matters against the King’s uncle to extremities, and on January 23, six -weeks after his trial, the Duke of Somerset was taken to Tower Hill, to -suffer death in the presence of a vast crowd there assembled. - -Till the last moment the throng had persisted in hoping against hope -that the life of the man they loved might even now, at the eleventh -hour, be spared; and at one moment it seemed that they were not to -be disappointed. The Duke had taken his place upon the scaffold, and -had begun his speech, when an interruption occurred, occasioned, as -it afterwards proved, by an accidental collision between the mass of -spectators and a body of troops who had received orders to be present -at the execution, and, finding themselves late, had ridden hard and -fast to make up for lost time. This was the simple explanation of -the occurrence; but, to the excited mob gathered together, every -nerve strained and full of pity and fear and horror, the sound of the -thundering hoofs seemed something supernatural and terrible. Was it a -sign of divine interposition? - -“Suddenly,” recounts an eye-witness, “suddenly came a wondrous fear -upon the people ... by a great sound which appeared unto many above -in the element as it had been the sound of gunpowder set on fire in -a close house bursting out, and by another sound upon the ground as -it had been the sight of a great number of great horses running on -the people to overrun them; so great was the sound of this that the -people fell down one upon the other, many with bills; and other ran -this way, some that way, crying aloud, ‘Jesus, save us! Jesus, save -us!’ Many of the people crying, ‘This way they come, that way they -come, away, away.’ And I looked where one or other should strike me on -the head, so I was stonned [stunned?]. The people being thus amazed, -espies Sir Anthony Brown upon a little nag riding towards the scaffold, -and therewith burst out crying in a voice, ‘Pardon, pardon, pardon!’ -hurling up their caps and cloaks with these words, saying, ‘God save -the King! God save the King!’ The good Duke all the while stayed, and, -with his cap in his hand, waited for the people to come together.”[124] - -Whatever had been Sir Anthony’s errand, it had not been one of mercy; -and when the excitement following upon the panic was calmed the doomed -man and the crowd were alike aware that the people had been misled by -hope, and that no pardon had been brought. It is at such a moment that -a man’s mettle is shown. With admirable dignity Somerset bore the blow. -As for a moment he had participated in the expectation of the cheering -throng the colour had flickered over his face; but, recovering himself -at once, he resumed his interrupted speech. - -“Beloved friends,” he said, “there is no such matter as you vainly hope -and believe.” Let the people accept the will of God, be quiet as he was -quiet, and yield obedience to King and Council. A few minutes more and -all was over. Somerset, in the words of a chronicler, had taken his -death very patiently--with the strange patience in which the victims of -injustice scarcely ever failed; the crowd, true to the last to their -faith, pressing forward to dip their handkerchiefs in his blood, as in -that of a martyr. - -The laconic entry in the King’s journal, to the effect that the Duke -of Somerset had had his head cut off on Tower Hill, presents a sharp -contrast to the popular emotion and grief. The deed was, at all events, -done; Northumberland had cleared his most formidable competitor from -his path, and had no suspicion that the tragedy of that winter’s day -was in truth paving the way for his own ultimate undoing. - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting in the National - Portrait Gallery. - -EDWARD SEYMOUR, DUKE OF SOMERSET, K.G.] - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -1552 - - Northumberland and the King--Edward’s illness--Lady Jane and - Mary--Mary refused permission to practise her religion--The - Emperor intervenes. - - -For the moment master of the field, Northumberland addressed himself -sedulously to the task of strengthening and consolidating the position -he had won. In the Council he had achieved predominance, but the -King’s minority would not last for ever, and the necessity of laying -the foundation of a power that should continue when Edward’s nominal -sovereignty should have become a real one was urgent. - -The lad was growing up; nor were there wanting moments causing those -around him to look on with disquietude to the day when the nobles -ruling in his name might be called upon to give an account of their -stewardship. A curious anecdote tells how, as Northumberland stood one -day watching the King practising the art of archery, the boy put a -“sharp jest” upon him, not without its significance. - -“Well aimed, my liege,” said the Duke merrily, as the arrow hit the -white. - -“But you aimed better,” retorted the lad, “when you shot off the head -of my uncle Somerset.”[125] - -It was a grim and ominous pleasantry, and in the direct charge it -contained of responsibility for the death of Edward’s nearest of kin -another shaft besides the arrow may have been sent home. The Tudors -were not good at forgiving. Even had the King seen the death of the -Duke’s rival and victim without regret, it was possible that he would -none the less owe a grudge to the man to whom it was due; nor was -Northumberland without a reason for anticipating with uneasiness the -day when Edward, remembering all, should hold the reins of Government -in his own hands. - -Under these circumstances it was clearly his interest to commend -himself to the young sovereign, and the system he pursued with regard -to his education and training were carefully adapted to that purpose. -Whilst the Protector had had the arrangement of affairs, his nephew had -been kept closely to his studies; Northumberland, “a soldier at heart -and by profession, had him taught to ride and handle his weapons,” the -boy welcoming the change, and, though not neglecting his books, taking -pleasure in every form of bodily exercise;[126] not without occasional -pangs of conscience, when more time had been spent in pastime than he -“thought convenient.” - -“We forget ourselves,” he would observe, finding fault with himself -sententiously in royal phrase, upon such occasions, “that should not -lose _substantia pro accidente_.”[127] - -It had been the Protector’s custom to place little money at his -nephew’s disposal, thus rendering him comparatively straitened in -the means of exercising the liberality befitting his position; and -part of the boy’s liking for the Admiral had been owing to the gifts -contrasting with the niggardliness of the elder brother. Profiting by -his predecessor’s mistakes, Northumberland’s was a different policy. He -supplied Edward freely with gold, encouraged him to make presents, and -to show himself a King; acquainting him besides with public business, -and flattering him by asking his opinion upon such matters.[128] - -The Duke might have spared his pains. It was not by Edward that he -was to be called to account. But at that time there were no signs to -indicate how futile was the toil of those who were seeking to build -their fortunes upon his favour. A well-grown, handsome lad, his health -had given no special cause for anxiety up to the spring of 1552. In the -March of that year, however, a sharp and complicated attack of illness -laid him low and sowed the seeds of future delicacy. - -“I fell sick of the smallpox and the measles,” recorded the boy in -his diary. “April 15th the Parliament broke up because I was sick and -unable to go abroad.” - -To us, who read the laconic entry in the light thrown upon it by future -events, it marks the beginning of the end--not only the end of the -King’s short life, but the beginning of the drama in which many other -actors were to be involved and were to meet their doom. As yet none of -the anxious watchers suspected that death had set his broad arrow upon -the lad; and in the summer he had so far recovered as to be sending a -blithe account to Barnaby Fitzpatrick, then in France, of a progress -he had made in the country, and its attendant enjoyments. Whilst his -old playfellow had been occupied in killing his enemies, and sore -skirmishing and divers assaults, the King had been killing wild beasts, -having pleasant journeys and good fare, viewing fair countries, and -seeking rather to fortify his own than to spoil another man’s[129]--so -he wrote gaily to Fitzpatrick. - -Meantime his illness, with the dissolution of Parliament consequent -upon it, had probably emptied London; the Suffolk family, with others, -returning to their country home. In July Lady Jane was on a visit -to her cousin, the Princess Mary, at Newhall; when, once more, an -indiscreet speech--a scoff, on this occasion, directed against the -outward tokens of that Catholic faith to which Mary was so vehemently -loyal--may, repeated to her hostess, have served to irritate her -towards the offender against the rules of courtesy and good taste. -Under other circumstances, it might have been passed over by the older -woman with a smile; but subjected to annoyance and petty persecution -by reason of her religion and saddened and embittered by illness and -misfortune, the trifling instance of ill-manners on the part of a -malapert child of fifteen may have had its share in accentuating a -latent antagonism. - -In the course of the previous year a controversy had reached its height -which had been more or less imminent since the statute enjoining -the use of the new Prayer-book had been passed, a work said to have -afforded the King--then eleven years of age--“great comfort and -quietness of mind.” From that time forward--the decree had become -law in 1549--there had been trouble in the royal family, as might -be expected when opinion on vital points of religion, the burning -question of the day, was widely and violently divergent, and friends -and advisers were ever at hand to fan the flame of discord in their own -interest or that of their party. - -No one could be blind to the fact that the ardent Catholicism of the -Princess Mary, next in succession to the throne, constituted a standing -menace to the future of religion as recently by law established, and to -the durability of the work hastily carried through in creating a new -Church on a new basis. Furthermore it was considered that her present -attitude of open and determined opposition to the decree passed by -Parliament was a cause of scandal in the realm. It was certainly one of -annoyance to the King and Council. - -Cranmer would probably have liked to keep the peace. An honest -man, but no fanatic and holding moderate views, he might have been -inclined, having got what he personally wanted, to adopt a policy of -conciliation. Affairs had gone well with him; his friends were in -power; and, if he failed to inspire the foreign divines and their -English disciples with entire trust, it was admitted in 1550 by John -Stumpius, of that school, that things had been put upon a right -footing. “There is,” he added, “the greatest hope as to religion, for -the Archbishop of Canterbury has lately married a wife.”[130] - -Matters being thus comfortably arranged, Cranmer, if he had had his -way, might have preferred to leave them alone. But what could one man -do in the interests of peace, when Churchmen and laity were alike -clamouring for war, when the King’s Council were against the concession -of any one point at issue, and the King himself had composed, before he -was twelve years old, and “sans l’aide de personne vivant,” a treatise -directed against the supremacy of the Pope? To the honour of the King’s -counsellors, few victims had suffered the supreme penalty during his -reign on account of their religious opinions;[131] but Gardiner and -Bonner, as well as Bishops Day and Heath, were in prison, and if the -lives of the adherents of the ancient faith were spared, no other -mitigation of punishment or indulgence was to be expected by them. - -Under pressure from the Emperor the principal offender had been at -first granted permission to continue the practice of her religion. -But when peace with France rendered a rupture with Charles a less -formidable contingency than before, it was decided that renewed efforts -should be made to compel the Princess Mary to bow to the fiat of King -and Council. Love of God and affection for his sister forbade her -brother, he declared, to tolerate her obstinacy longer, the intimation -being accompanied by an offer of teachers who should instruct her -ignorance and refute her errors. - -Mary was a match for both King and Council. In an interview with the -Lords she told them that her soul was God’s, and that neither would -she change her faith nor dissemble her opinions; the Council replying -by a chilling intimation that her faith was her own affair, but that -she must obey like a subject, not rule like a sovereign. The Princess, -however, had a card to play unsuspected by her adversaries. The dispute -had taken place on August 18. On the 19th the Council was unpleasantly -surprised by a strong measure on the part of the imperial ambassador, -in the shape of a declaration of war in case his master’s cousin was -not permitted the exercise of her religion. - -The Council were in a difficulty. War with the Emperor, at that moment, -and without space for preparation, would have been attended with grave -inconvenience. On the other hand Edward’s tender conscience had outrun -that of his ministers, and had become so difficult to deal with that -all the persuasions of the Primate and two other Bishops were needed -to convince the boy, honest and zealous in his intolerance, that -“to suffer or wink at [sin] for a time might be borne, so all haste -possible was used.” - -A temporising answer was therefore returned to the imperial ambassador, -“all haste possible” being made in removing English stores from -Flanders, so that, in case of a rupture, they might not fall into -Charles’s hands. This accomplished, fresh and stringent measures were -taken to compel the Princess’s obedience; her chief chaplain was -committed to the Tower, charged with having celebrated Mass in his -mistress’s house, and three of the principal officers of her household -were sent to join him there as a punishment for declining to use -coercion to prevent a recurrence of the offence. - -An interview followed between Mary and a deputation of members of -the Council, who visited her with the object of enforcing the King’s -orders. The Princess received her guests with undisguised impatience; -requested them to be brief; and, having listened to what they had to -say, answered shortly that she would lay her head upon a block--no idle -rhetoric in those days--sooner than use any other form of service than -that in use at her father’s death; when her brother was of full age she -was ready to obey his commands, but at present--good, sweet King!--he -could not be a judge in such matters. Her chaplains, for the rest, -could do as they pleased in the matter of saying Mass, “but none of -your new service shall be used in my house, or I will not tarry in it.” - -Thus the controversy practically ended. The Council dared not proceed -to extremities against the Emperor’s cousin, and tacitly agreed to let -her alone, having supplied her with one more bitter memory to add to -the account which was to be lamentably settled in the near future. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -1552 - - Lady Jane’s correspondence with Bullinger--Illness of the Duchess - of Suffolk--Haddon’s difficulties--Ridley’s visit to Princess - Mary--the English Reformers--Edward fatally ill--Lady Jane’s - character and position. - - -The removal of the two Seymour brothers, whilst it had left -Northumberland predominant, had also increased the importance of the -Duke of Suffolk. Both by reason of the position he personally filled, -and owing to his connection, through his wife, with the King, he was -second to none in the State save the man to whom Somerset’s fall was -due and who had succeeded to his power. He shared Northumberland’s -prominence, as he was afterwards to share his ruin; and, as one of the -chief props of Protestantism, he and his family continued to be objects -of special interest to the divines of that persuasion, foreign and -English. - -Lady Jane, as before, was in communication with the learned Bullinger, -and in the same month--July 1552--that her visit had been paid to the -Princess Mary she was sending him another letter, dated from Bradgate, -expressing her gratitude for the “great friendship he desired to -establish between them, and acknowledging his many favours.” After -a second perusal of his latest letter--since a single one had not -contented her--the benefit derived from it had surpassed that to be -obtained from the best authors, and in studying Hebrew she meant to -pursue the method he recommended. - -In August more pressing interests must have taken the place of study, -for at Richmond in Surrey her mother was attacked by a sickness -threatening at one time to prove fatal. - -“This shall be to advertise you,” wrote the Duchess’s husband, hastily -summoned from London, to Cecil, “that my sudden departing from the -Court was for that I had received letters of the state my wife was -in, who I assure you is more liker to die than to live. I never saw a -sicker creature in my life than she is. She hath three diseases.... -These three being enclosed in one body, it is to be feared that death -must needs follow. By your most assured and loving cousin, who, I -assure you, is not a little troubled.” - -His anxiety was soon relieved. The Duchess was not only to outlive, -but, in her haste to replace him, was to show little respect for his -memory. She must quickly have got the better of her present threefold -disorder, for in the course of the same month a letter was sent from -Richmond by James Haddon, the domestic chaplain, to Bullinger, making -no mention of any cause of uneasiness as to the physical condition of -his master’s wife. He was preoccupied by other matters, disquieted by -scruples of conscience, and glad to unburthen himself to the universal -referee with regard to certain difficulties attending his position in -the Duke’s household. - -It was true that he might have hesitated to communicate the fears and -misgivings by which he was beset to a guide at so great a distance, -had not John ab Ulmis--who, as portrayed by these letters, was -somewhat of a busybody, eager to bring all his friends into personal -relations, and above all to magnify the authority and importance of -his master in spiritual things--just come in and encouraged him to -write, stating that it would give Bullinger great satisfaction to be -informed of the condition of religion in England, and likewise--a more -mundane curiosity--of that of the Suffolk household. Entering into a -description of both, therefore, in a missive containing some three -thousand words, Haddon fully detailed the sorrows and perplexities -attending the exercise of the office of chaplain, even in the most -orthodox and pious of houses. - -After dealing with the first and important subject of religion at -large, he proceeded to treat of the more complicated question--the -condition of the ducal household, and especially the duties attaching -to his own post. - -Of the general regulation of the house, Ulmis, he said, was more -capable than he of giving an account. It was rather to be desired that -Bullinger should point out the method he would recommend. But upon -one point Haddon was anxious to obtain the advice of so eminent a -counsellor, and he went on to explain at length the case of conscience -by which he had been troubled. This was upon the question of the -lawfulness or unlawfulness of conniving, by silence, at the practice of -gambling. - -The situation was this. The Duke and Duchess had strictly forbidden the -members of their household to play at cards or dice for money. So far -they had the entire approval of their chaplain. But--and here came in -Haddon’s cause of perplexity--the Duke himself and his most honourable -lady, with their friends--perhaps, too, their daughter, though there is -no mention of her--not only claimed a right to play in their private -apartments, but also to play for money. The divergence between precept -and practice--common in all ages--was grievous to the chaplain, -weighted with the responsibility for the spiritual and moral welfare of -the whole establishment, from his “patron” the Duke, down to the lowest -of the menials. At wearisome and painstaking length he recapitulated -the arguments he was wont to employ in his remonstrances against the -gambling propensities he deplored, retailing, as well, the arguments -with which the offenders met them. “In this manner and to this effect,” -he says, “the dispute is often carried on.” - -During the past months matters had reached a climax. As late as up -to the previous Christmas he had confined himself to administering -private rebukes; but, perceiving that his words had taken no effect, -he had forewarned the culprits that a public reprimand would follow a -continued disregard of his monitions. Upon this he had been relieved -to perceive that there had been for a time a cessation of the -reprehensible form of amusement, and had cherished a hope that all -would be well. It had been a vain one. Christmas had come round--the -season marked by mummeries and wickedness of every kind, when persons -especially served the devil in imitation, as it seemed, of the ancient -Saturnalia; and though this was happily not the case in the Suffolk -family, Duke and Duchess had joined in the general backsliding to the -extent of returning to their old evil habit. Such being the case, -Haddon had felt that he had no choice but to carry out his threat. - -In his Christmas sermon he had taken occasion to administer a reproof -as to the general fashion of keeping the feast, including in his -rebuke, “though in common and general terms,” those who played cards -for money. No one in the household was at a loss to fix upon the -offenders at whom the shaft was directed. The Duke’s servants, if they -followed his example, took care never to be detected in so doing; -and, accepting the reprimand as addressed to themselves, the Duke and -Duchess took it in bad part, arguing that Haddon would have performed -all that duty required of him by a private remonstrance. From that -time, offence having been given by his plain speech, the chaplain had -returned to his old custom of administering only private rebukes; thus -conniving, in a measure, at the practice he condemned, lest loss of -influence in matters of greater moment should follow. “I bear with it,” -he sighed, “as a man who holds a wolf by the ears.” Conscience was, -however, uneasy, and he begged Bullinger to advise in the matter and to -determine how far such concessions might be lawfully made. - -Looking impartially at the question, it says much for the Duke’s good -temper and toleration that the worthy Haddon continued to fill his -post, and that when, a few months later, he was promoted to be Dean -of Exeter, he wrote that the affection between himself and his master -was so strong that the connection would even then not be altogether -severed.[132] His attitude is a curious and interesting example of the -position and status of a chaplain in his day, being wholly that of a -dependant, and yet carrying with it duties and rights strongly asserted -on the one side and not disallowed upon the other. - -The Duchess, having recovered from her illness, had taken her three -daughters to visit their cousin Mary, and when the younger children -were sent home Jane remained behind at St. John’s, Clerkenwell, the -London dwelling of the Princess, until her father came to fetch wife -and daughter away. That the whole family had been thus entertained -indicates that they were at this time on a friendly footing with the -Princess. But though the Duke of Suffolk was doubtless alive to the -necessity of maintaining amicable relations, so far as it was possible, -with his wife’s cousin and the next heir to the crown, it must have -been no easy matter, at a time when party spirit ran so high, for one -of the chief recognised supporters of Protestantism to continue on -terms of cordiality with the head and hope of the Catholic section of -the nation. Mary was not becoming more conciliatory in her bearing as -time went on, and an account of a visit paid her by Ridley, now Bishop -of London in place of Bonner, deprived and in prison, is illustrative -of her present attitude. - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting by Joannes Corvus in - the National Portrait Gallery. - -PRINCESS MARY, AT THE AGE OF TWENTY-EIGHT.] - -It was to Hunsdon that, in the month of September, Ridley came to pay -his respects to the King’s sister, cherishing, it may be, a secret -hope that where King and Council had failed, he might succeed; and his -courteous reception by the officers of her household was calculated -to encourage his sanguine anticipations. Mary too, when, at eleven -o’clock, he was admitted to her presence, conversed with her guest -right pleasantly for a quarter of an hour, telling him that she -remembered the time when he had acted as chaplain to her father, and -inviting him to stay to dinner. It was not until after the meal was -ended that the Bishop unfolded the true object of his visit. It was -not one of simple courtesy; he had come, he said, to do his duty by her -as her diocesan, and to preach before her on the following Sunday. - -If Mary prepared for battle, she answered at first with quiet dignity. -It was observed that she flushed; her response, however, was merely to -bid him “make the answer to that himself.” When, refusing to take the -hint, the Bishop continued to urge his point, she spoke more plainly. - -“I pray you, make the answer (as I have said) to this matter yourself,” -she repeated, “for you know the answer well enough. But if there be no -remedy but I must make you answer, this shall be your answer: the door -of the parish church adjoining shall be open for you if you come, and -you may preach if you list; but neither I nor any of mine shall hear -you.” - -To preach to an empty church, or to a handful of country yokels, would -not have answered the episcopal purpose; and Ridley was plainly losing -his temper. - -He hoped, he said, she would not refuse to hear God’s word. The -Princess answered with a scoff. She did not know what they now called -God’s word; she was sure it was not the same as in her father’s -time--to whom, it will be remembered, the Bishop had been chaplain. - -The dispute was becoming heated. God’s word, Ridley retorted, was the -same at all times, but had been better understood and practised in some -ages than in others. To this Mary replied by a personal thrust. He -durst not, she told him, for his ears, have avowed his present faith -in King Henry’s time; then--asking a question to which she must have -known the answer--was he of the Council? she demanded. The inquiry -was probably intended as a reminder that his rights did not extend to -interference with the King’s sister, as well as to elicit, as it did, -the confession that he held no such post. - -“You might well enough, as the Council goeth nowadays,” observed -Mary carelessly; proceeding, at parting, to thank the Bishop for his -gentleness in coming to see her, “but for your offering to preach -before me I thank you never a whit.” - -In the presence of his hostess the discomfited guest appears to have -kept his temper under control, but, having duly drunk of the stirrup -cup presented to him by her steward, Sir Thomas Wharton, he gave free -expression to his sentiments. - -“Surely I have done amiss,” he said, looking “very sadly,” and -explaining, in answer to Wharton’s interrogation, that he had erred -in having drunk under a roof where God’s word was rejected. He should -rather have shaken the dust off his feet for a testimony against the -house and departed instantly, he told the listeners assembled to speed -him on his way--whose hair, says Heylyn, in relating this story, stood -on end with his denunciations.[133] - -If scenes of this kind were not adapted to promote good feeling between -belligerents in high places, neither was the spirit of the dominant -party in the country one to conciliate opposition. It is not easy, as -the figures of the English pioneers of Protestantism pass from time to -time across the stage, in these years of their first triumph, to do -them full justice. To judge a man by one period of his life, whether it -is youth or manhood or old age, is scarcely fairer than to pronounce -upon the colour and pattern of an eastern carpet, only one square -yard of it being visible. The adherents of the new faith are here -necessarily represented in a single phase, that of prosperity. At the -top of the wave, they are seen at their worst, assertive, triumphant, -intolerant and self-satisfied, the bull-dogs of the Reformation, only -withheld by the leash from worrying their fallen antagonist. Thus, for -the most part, they appear in Edward’s reign. And yet these men, a year -or two later, were many of them capable of an undaunted courage, an -impassioned belief in the common Lord of Protestant and Catholic, and -a power of endurance, which have graven their names upon the national -roll-call of heroes. - -Meantime, more and more, the King’s precarious health was suggestive of -disturbing contingencies. It may be that, as some assert, his uncle’s -death, once become irrevocable, had preyed upon his spirits--that he -“mourned, and soon missed the life of his Protector, thus unexpectedly -taken away, who, now deprived of both uncles, howsoever the time -were passed with pastimes, plays and shows, to drive away dumps, yet -ever the remembrance of them sat so near his heart that lastly he -fell sick....”[134] But though it is possible that, as his strength -declined, matters he had taken lightly weighed upon his spirits, it is -not necessary to seek other than natural and constitutional causes for -a failure of health. That failure must have filled many hearts with -forebodings. - -There had been no attempt hitherto to ignore or deny the position -occupied by Mary as next heir to the throne. When, at the New Year, she -visited her brother, the honours rendered to her were a recognition of -her rights, and the Northumberlands and Suffolks occupied a foremost -place amongst the “vast throng” who rode with her through the city or -met her at the palace gate and brought her to the presence-chamber of -the King. Before the next New Year’s Day came round Edward was to be in -his grave; Mary would fill his place; and the little cousin Jane, now -spending a gay Christmas with her father’s nephews and wards, the young -Willoughbys, at Tylsey, would be awaiting her doom in the Tower. - -The shadow was already darkening over the King. It is said that the -seeds of his malady had been sown by over-heating in his sports, -during the progress of which he had sent so joyous an account to -Fitzpatrick.[135] Soon after his sister’s visit he caught a bad cold, -and unfavourable symptoms appeared. He had, however, youth in his -favour, and few at first anticipated how speedy would be the end. Vague -disquiet nevertheless quickly passed into definite alarm. In February -the patient’s condition was such that Northumberland, who of all men -had most at stake, summoned no less than six physicians, desiring them -to institute an examination and to declare upon their oath, first, -whether they considered the King’s disease mortal, and, if so, how -long he was likely to live. The reply made by the doctors was that -the malady was incurable, and that the patient might live until the -following September.[136] Northumberland had obtained his answer; it -was for him to take measures accordingly. - -In March Edward’s last Parliament met and ended. “The King being -a little diseased by cold-taking,” recorded a contemporary -chronicle,[137] “it was not meet for his Grace to ride to Westminster -in the air,”[138] and on the 31st--it was Good Friday--the Upper House -waited upon him at Whitehall, Edward in his royal robes receiving the -Lords Spiritual and Temporal. At seven that evening Parliament was -dissolved. - -Many hearts, loyal and true and pitiful, will have grieved at the signs -of their King’s decay. But to Northumberland, watching them with the -keenness lent by personal interest, personal ambition, and possibly by -a consciousness of personal peril, they must have afforded absorbing -matter of preoccupation. The exact time at which the designs by which -the Duke trusted to turn the boy’s death to his advantage rather than -to his ruin took definite shape and form must remain to some extent -undetermined--his plans were probably decided by the verdict given by -the doctors in February; it is certain that in the course of the spring -they were elaborated, and that in them Lady Jane Grey, ignorant and -unsuspicious, was a factor of primary importance. She was to be the -figure-head of the Duke’s adventurous vessel. - -The precise date of her birth is not known, but she was now in her -sixteenth or seventeenth year--a sorrowful one for her and for all she -loved. Childhood was a thing she had left behind; she was touching upon -her brief space of womanhood; a few months later and that too would be -over; she would have paid the penalty for the schemes and ambitions of -others. - -The eulogies of her panegyrists have, as a natural effect of -extravagant praise, done in some sort an injury to this little -white saint of the English Reformation. We do not readily believe in -miracles; nor do infant prodigies either in the sphere of morals or -attainments attract us. Yet, setting aside the tragedy of her end, -there is something that appeals for pity in the very precocity upon -which her contemporaries are fond of dwelling, testifying as it does -to a wasted childhood, to a life robbed of its natural early heritage -of carelessness and grace. To have had so short a time to spend on the -green earth, and to have squandered so large a portion of it amongst -dusty folios, and in the acquirement of learning; to have pored over -parchments while sun and air, flowers and birds and beasts--all that -should make the delight of a child’s life, the pageant of a child’s -spring, was passed by as of no account; further, to have grown up -versed in the technicalities of barren theological debate, the simple -facts of Christ’s religion overlaid and obscured by the bitterness of -professional controversialists,--almost every condition of her brief -existence is an appeal for compassion, and Jane, from her blood-stained -grave, cries out that she had not only been robbed of life by her -enemies, but of a childhood by her friends. - -To a figure defaced by flattery and adulation, whose very virtues and -gifts were made to minister to party ends, it is difficult to restore -the original brightness and beauty which nevertheless belonged to it. -But here and there in the pages of the Italian evangelist, Michel -Angelo Florio, who was personally acquainted with her, pictures are to -be found which, drawn with tender touches, set the girl more vividly -before us than is done by the stilted commendations of English devotees -or German doctors of theology. Many times, he says--times when it may -be hoped she had forgotten that there were opponents to be argued -with or heretics to be convinced or doctrinal subtleties to be set -forth--she would speak of the Word of God and almost preach it to those -who served her;[139] and Florio himself, recounting the indignities -and insults he had suffered by reason of his opinions, had seen her -weep with pity, so that he well knew how much she had true religion at -heart.[140] - -Her attendants, too--in days when her melancholy end had caused each -trifling incident to be treasured like a relic by those to whom she had -been dear--related that she did not esteem rank or wealth or kingdom -worth a straw in comparison with the knowledge God had granted to -her of His only Son.[141] It must be remembered that in no long time -she was to give proof, by her fashion of meeting death, that these -phrases were no repetition of a lesson learned by rote, no empty and -conventional form of words, but the true and sincere confession of a -living faith. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -1553 - - The King dying--Noailles in England--Lady Jane married to Guilford - Dudley--Edward’s will--Opposition of the law officers--They - yield--The King’s death. - - -The King was becoming rapidly worse, and as his malady increased upon -him, strange suspicions were afloat amongst the people, their hatred to -Northumberland giving its colour to their explanation of the situation. -He himself, or those upon whom he could count, were ever with the sick -boy, and hints were uttered--as was sure to be the case--of poison. For -this, murmured the populace, had the King’s uncles been removed, his -faithful nobles disgraced; and the condition of public opinion caused -the Duke, alarmed at its hostility, to publish it abroad that Edward -was better.[142] - -In May a rally appears to have in fact taken place, giving rise in -some quarters to false hopes of recovery, and Mary wrote to offer her -congratulations to her brother upon the improvement in his health. On -May 13 the new French ambassador, Noailles, whose audience had been -deferred from day to day, was informed by the Council that their master -was so much better that he would doubtless be admitted to the royal -presence in the course of a few days. The doctors told a different -story, and Noailles believed the doctors. A diplomatist himself, he -knew the uses of lying perhaps too well to condemn it severely. That -the King was dying was practically certain, and though those whose -object it was to conceal the fact lest measures should be concerted -to ensure the succession of the rightful heir, might do their best to -disguise the fact, the truth must become known before long. - -Meantime the French envoy, in the interest of the reformed party in -England--not by reason of their religion, but as opposed to Mary, the -Emperor’s cousin--was quite willing to play into Northumberland’s -hands, and to assist him in the work of spreading abroad the report -that the King’s malady was yielding to treatment. He and his -colleagues were accordingly conducted to an apartment near to the -presence-chamber, where they were left for a certain time alone, in -order to convey the impression that they had been personally received -by the sovereign. Some days later it was confessed, but as a peril -past, that Edward had been seriously ill. He was then stated to be out -of danger, and the ambassadors were admitted to his presence, finding -him very weak, and coughing much.[143] - -The rally had been of short duration. Hope of recovery had, in truth, -been abandoned; and those it concerned so intimately were forced to -face the situation to be created by his death. It was a situation -momentous alike to men whose fortunes had been staked upon the young -King’s life, and to others honestly and sincerely solicitous regarding -the welfare of the realm and the consequences to the new religion -should his eldest sister succeed to the throne. - -Every one of the Lords of the Council and officers of the Crown, -with almost all the Bishops, save those who had suffered captivity -and deprivation, had personal reasons for apprehension. Scarcely a -single person of influence or power could count upon being otherwise -than obnoxious to the heir to the crown. That most of them would be -displaced from their posts was to be expected. Some at least must -have felt that property and life hung in the balance. But it was -Northumberland who, as he had most to lose, had most to fear. The -practical head of the State, and wielding a power little less than -that of Somerset, he had amassed riches and offices to an amount -bearing witness to his rapacity. In matters of religion he had been -as strong, though less sincere, in his opposition to the Church -claiming Mary’s allegiance as his predecessor. During the preceding -autumn the iconoclastic work of destruction had been carried on -in the metropolitan Cathedral; the choir, where the high altar had -been accustomed to stand, had been broken down and the stone-work -destroyed.[144] Gardiner and Bonner, who, as prominent sufferers for -the Catholic cause, would have Mary’s ear, were in prison. For all -this Northumberland, with the King’s Council as aiders and abettors, -was responsible. Not a single claim could be advanced to the liking -or toleration of the woman presently to become head of the State. If -safety was to be ensured to the advisers of her brother, steps must -be taken at once for that purpose. Northumberland and Suffolk set -themselves to do so. - -It was on May 18 that Noailles and his colleagues had been at length -permitted to pay their respects to the sick boy. On Whitsunday, the -23rd--the date, though not altogether certain, is probable--three -marriages were celebrated at Durham House, the London dwelling-place -of the Duke of Northumberland. On that day the eldest daughter of the -Duke of Suffolk became the wife of Lord Guilford Dudley, the Duke -of Northumberland’s fourth and, some say, favourite son; her sister -Katherine was bestowed upon Lord Herbert, the earl of Pembroke’s -heir--to be repudiated by him the following year--and Lady Katherine -Dudley, Northumberland’s daughter, was married to Lord Hastings.[144] - -The object of the threefold ceremony was clear. The main cause of -it, and of the haste shown in carrying it through, was a dying boy, -whose life was flickering out a few miles distant at Greenwich. It -behoved his two most powerful subjects, Northumberland and Suffolk, to -strengthen their position as speedily as might be, and by this means it -was hoped to accomplish that object. - -The place chosen for the celebration of the weddings might have -served--perhaps it did--to host and guests as a reminder of the perils -of those who climbed too high. Durham House, appropriated in his -days of prosperity by Somerset--to the indignation of Elizabeth, who -laid claim to the property--had been forfeited to the Crown upon his -attainder, and was the dwelling of his more fortunate rival; and, as -if to drive the lesson further home, the very cloth of gold and silver -lent from the royal coffers to deck the bridal party had been likewise -drawn from the possessions of the ill-starred Duke. The dead furnished -forth the festal array of the living. - -That day, with its splendid ceremonial--the marriages took place with -much magnificence in the presence of a great assembly, including -the principal personages of the realm--presents a grim and striking -contrast to what was to follow. None were present, so far as we know, -with the eyes of a seer, to discern the thin red ring foretelling the -proximate fate of the girl who played the most prominent part in it, -or to recognise in death the presiding genius of the pageant. Yet the -destiny said in old days to dog the steps of those doomed to a violent -death and to be present at their side from the cradle to the grave must -have stood by many, besides the bride, who joined in the proceedings -on that Whitsunday. Where would Northumberland be that day year? or -Suffolk? or young Guilford Dudley? or, a little later, the Bishop who -tied the knots? - -How Jane played her part we can only guess, or what she had thought -of the arrangement, hurriedly concluded, by which her future was -handed over to the keeping of her boy husband. Whether willing or -unwilling, she had no choice but to obey, to accept the bridegroom -chosen for her--a tall, handsome lad of seventeen or nineteen, it is -not clear which--and to make the best of it. Rosso indeed, deriving his -information from Michele, Venetian ambassador in London, and Bodoaro, -Venetian ambassador to Charles V., states that after much resistance, -urged by her mother and beaten by her father, she had consented to -their wishes. It may have been true; and, standing at the altar, her -thoughts may have wandered from the brilliant scene around her to the -room at Greenwich, where the husband proposed for her in earlier days -was dying. She might have been Edward’s wife, had he lived. She can -scarcely have failed to have been aware of the hopes and designs of -her father, of those of the dead Admiral, and of others; she had, in -a measure, been brought up in the expectation of filling a throne. -But the plan was forgotten now. Edward was to be the husband neither -of Jane nor of that other cousin, not of royal blood, the daughter -of his sometime Protector, whose father was dead and mother in the -Tower; nor yet of the foreign bride, well stuffed and jewelled, of -whom he had himself bragged. He was dying, like any other boy of no -royal race, upon whose life no momentous issues hung. From his sick-bed -he had taken a keen interest in what was going forward, appearing, -says Heylyn, as forward in the marriages as if he had been one of the -principals in the plot against him.[145] He might be fond of Jane, -but even had he loved her--which there is nothing to show--he was too -far within the shadow of the grave to feel any jealousy in seeing her -handed over to another bridegroom. - -At the demeanour of the little victim of the Whitsun sacrifice we can -but guess. Grave and serious we picture her, as it was her wont to -be, with the steadfast face depicted by the painters of the day--far, -in spite of Seymour’s boast, from being “as handsome as any lady in -England,” but with a purity and simplicity, a stillness and repose, -restful to those who looked into the quiet eyes and marked the -tranquillity of the countenance. Did she, in her inward cogitations, -divine that there was danger ahead? If so we can fancy she was ready -to face it. Were it God’s will, then let it come. Peril was the -anteroom, death the portal, of the eternal city--the heavenly Jerusalem -in which she believed. - -Such was the image printed upon the time by the woman-child who -was never to know maturity, as it lived in the tender and loving -remembrance of her contemporaries, the delicately sculptured figure of -a saint in the temples of the iconoclasts. - -[Illustration: - - From an engraving by George Noble after a painting by Holbein. - -LADY JANE GREY.] - -By the country at large the sudden marriages were regarded with -suspicion. “The noise of these marriages bred such amazement in the -hearts of the common people, apt enough in themselves to speak the -worst of Northumberland, that there was nothing left unsaid which might -serve to show their hatred against him, or express their pity for the -King.”[146] Overbearing and despotic, the merciless “bear of Warwick,” -as he was nicknamed, was so detested that by some the failure of his -scheme was afterwards ascribed rather to his unpopularity than to love -for Mary. Yet it was Northumberland who, with the blindness born of -a sanguine ambition, was to trust, six weeks later, to the populace -to join with him in dispossessing the King’s sister, for whom they -had always shown affection, and in placing his daughter-in-law and -her boy-husband upon the throne. So glaring a misapprehension of the -situation demands explanation, and it is partly supplied by a French -appreciation of the Duke’s character. According to M. Griffet, he was -more heedful to conceal his own sentiments than capable of discerning -those of others; a man of ambition who neither knew whom to trust nor -whom to suspect; who, blinded by presumption, was therefore easily -deceived, and who nevertheless believed himself to possess to the -highest degree the gift of deceiving all the world.[147] Such as he -was, he had deceived himself to his undoing. - -Meantime Lady Jane’s marriage had made for the moment little change -in her manner of life. She had answered the purpose for which she was -required, and was permitted temporarily to retire behind the scenes. -It is said--and there is nothing unlikely in the assertion--that, -the ceremony over and obedience having been rendered to her parents’ -behest, she entreated that she might continue with her mother for -the present. She and her new husband were so young, she pleaded. Her -request was granted. She was Guilford Dudley’s wife, could be the wife -of no other man, and that was, for the moment, sufficient. - -There was much to think of, much to do. Measures had to be taken to -keep the King’s sisters at a distance, lest his old affection, for -Elizabeth in particular, reawakening might frustrate the designs of -those bent upon moulding events to their advantage. Above all, there -was the pressing necessity of inducing the King to exclude them by -will from their rightful heritage. On June 16 Noailles had again been -conferring with the doctors, and had learnt that, in their opinion, -Edward could not live till August. Ten days later Northumberland -came from Greenwich to visit the envoy, and to prevent his going to -Court. He then told the Frenchman that, nine days earlier, the King -had executed his will in favour of the Duke’s daughter-in-law, Lady -Jane[148]--“qui est vertueuse, sage, et belle,” reported the envoy to -his master some three weeks later.[149] - -Of the manner in which the will had been obtained full information is -available. It was not out of love for Northumberland that Edward had -yielded to his representations. The Throckmorton MS.[150] asserts that -Edward abhorred the Duke on account of his uncle’s death. Sir Nicholas -Throckmorton, in attendance on the King, should be a good authority; on -the other hand, he was opposed to the Duke’s designs. Whether or not -the latter was personally distasteful to the boy, it was no difficult -matter to represent the situation in a fashion to lead him to believe -the sole alternative was the course suggested to him. Conscientious, -pious, scrupulous to a fault, and worn by disease, the future of -religion could be made to hang upon his fiat, and the thought of Mary, -a devout Catholic, or even Elizabeth, who might marry a foreign prince, -seated upon the throne, filled him with apprehensions for the welfare -of a people for whom he felt himself responsible. Yet he, with little -to love, had loved both his sisters, and the thought of the sick lad, -torn between duty and affection, a tool in the hands of unprincipled -and ambitious men who could play on his sensitive conscience and -over-strained nerves at will, and turn his piety to their advantage, is -a painful one. - -The Duke’s arguments lay ready to his hand. Religion was in danger, the -Church set up by Edward in jeopardy; the work that he had done might be -destroyed as soon as he was in his grave. How could he answer it before -God were he, who was able to avert it, to permit so great an evil? The -remedy was clear. Let him pass over his sisters, already pronounced -severally illegitimate by unrepealed statutes of Parliament, and entail -the crown upon those who, under his father’s will, would follow upon -Mary and Elizabeth, the descendants of Mary Tudor, known to be firm in -their attachment to the reformed faith. - -Edward yielded. Given the circumstances, the power exercised by the -Duke over him, his physical condition, his fears for religion, he could -scarcely have done less. With his own hand he drew up the draft of -a will which, amended at Northumberland’s bidding, left the crown in -unmistakable terms to Lady Jane and her heirs male. It had now to be -made law and accepted by the Council. - -On June 11 Sir Edward Montagu, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, -Sir Thomas Bromley, another Justice of the same court, Sir Richard -Baker, Chancellor of the Augmentations, and the Attorney- and -Solicitor-General were called to Greenwich, and were introduced into -the King’s apartment, Northampton, Gates, and others being present -at the interview. If what took place on this occasion and at the -other audiences of the legal officers with the King, as recorded by -themselves, is naturally, as Dr. Lingard has pointed out, represented -in such a manner as to extenuate their conduct in Mary’s eyes, there -seems no reason to doubt that Montagu’s account is substantially -true.[151] - -In his sickness, Edward told them, he had considered the state of the -realm, and of the succession, should he die without leaving direct -heirs; and, proceeding to point out the danger to religion and to -liberty should his sister Mary succeed to the throne, he ordered them -to “make a book with speed” of his articles. - -The lawyers demurred, but the King, feverishly eager to put an end -to the business, and conscious perhaps that if the thing were not -done quickly it might not be done at all, refused to listen to the -objections they would have urged, dismissing them with orders to carry -out his pleasure with haste. For all his gentleness and piety, Edward -was a Tudor, and no less peremptory than others of his race. - -Two days later--it was June 14--having deliberated on the question, the -men of law acquainted the Council with their decision. The thing could -not be done. To make or execute the “devise” according to the King’s -instructions would be treason. The report was made to Sir William -Petre at Ely Place; but the Duke of Northumberland was at hand, and -came thereupon into the Council-chamber, “being in a great rage and -fury, trembling for anger, and, amongst all his ragious talk called -Sir Edward Montagu traitor, and further said he would fight any man in -his shirt in that quarrel.” It was plain that no technical or legal -obstacles were to be permitted to turn him from his purpose. - -The following day the law-officers were again called to Greenwich. -Conveyed in the first place to a chamber behind the dining-room, they -met with a chilling reception. “All the lords looked upon them with -earnest countenances, as though they had not known them;” and, brought -into the King’s presence, Edward demanded, “with sharp words and angry -countenance,” why his book was not made? - -Montagu, as spokesman for his colleagues, explained. Had the King’s -device been executed it would become void at the King’s death, the -Statute of Succession passed by Parliament being still in force. A -statute could be altered by statute alone. On Edward’s replying that -Parliament should then shortly be called together, Montagu caught at -the solution. The matter could be referred to it, and all perils saved. -But this was not the King’s meaning. The deed, he explained, was to be -executed at once, and was to be afterwards ratified by Parliament. With -growing excitement, he commanded the officers, “very sharply,” to do -his bidding; some of the lords, standing behind the King, adding that, -did they refuse, they were traitors. - -The epithet was freely bandied about in those days, yet it never failed -to carry a menace; and Montagu, in as “great fear as ever he was in all -his life before, seeing the King so earnest and sharp, and the Duke so -angry the day before,” and being an “old weak man and without comfort,” -began to look about for a method of satisfying King and Council without -endangering his personal safety. In the end he gave way, consenting -to prepare the required papers, on condition that he might first be -given a commission under the great seal to draw up the instrument, and -likewise a pardon for having done so. Northumberland had won the day. - -It was afterwards reported that when the will was signed a great -tempest arose, with a whirlwind such as had never been seen, the -sky dark and fearful, lightning and infinite thunder; one of the -thunderbolts accompanying that terrible storm falling upon the -miserable church where heresy was first begotten.... “This accident was -observed by many persons of sense and prudence, and was considered a -great sign of the avenging justice of God.”[152] - -The Council, undeterred by the manifestations of divine wrath, were -not backward in endorsing the deed. Overborne by the Duke, probably -also influenced by the apprehension of a compulsory restoration of -Church spoils should Mary succeed, they unanimously acquiesced in the -act of injustice. To a second paper, designed by the Duke to commit -his colleagues further, twenty-four councillors and legal advisers -set their hands. By June 21 the official instrument had received the -signatures of the Lords of the Council, other peers, judges, and -officers of the Crown, to the number of 101. The Princesses had been -set aside, and the fatal heritage, so far as it was possible, secured -to Lady Jane. The King, at the direction of her nearest of kin, had in -effect affixed his signature to her death-sentence. - -When Northumberland was assured of success he gave a magnificent -musical entertainment, to which the French ambassador was bidden. Three -days earlier it had been reported to Noailles that Edward was at the -point of death, and he was surprised at the merry-making and the good -spirits prevalent. The affair, it was explained to him, was in honour -of the convalescence of the King, who had been without fever for two -days, and whose recovery appeared certain.[153] The envoy doubtless -expressed no incredulity, and congratulated the company upon the good -tidings. He knew that Edward was moribund, and understood that the -rejoicings were in truth to celebrate the approaching elevation to the -throne of Northumberland’s daughter-in-law. - -Was she present? We cannot tell; but it was the Duke’s policy to make -her a prominent figure, and Noailles’ description of her beauty and -goodness implies a personal acquaintance. - -It only remained for Edward to die. All those around him, with perhaps -some few exceptions amongst his personal attendants, were eagerly -awaiting the end. All had been accomplished that was possible whilst -he was yet alive, and Northumberland and his friends were probably -impatient to be up and doing. His sisters were at a distance, his -uncles dead, Barnaby Fitzpatrick was abroad, and he was practically -alone with the men who had made him their tool. The last scene is full -of pathos. Three hours before the end, lying with his eyes shut, he was -heard praying for the country which had been his charge. - -“‘O God,’ he entreated, ‘deliver me out of this miserable and wretched -life, and take me among Thy chosen; howbeit not my will, but Thine, be -done. Lord, I commend my spirit to Thee. O Lord, Thou knowest how happy -it were for me to be with Thee. Yet, for Thy chosen’s sake, send me -life and health, that I may truly serve Thee. O my Lord God, bless Thy -people and save Thine inheritance. O Lord God, save Thy chosen people -of England. O Lord God, defend this realm from Papistry and maintain -Thy true religion, that I and my people may praise Thy holy Name, for -Jesus Christ His sake.’ - -“Then turned he his face, and seeing who was by him, said to them: - -“‘Are ye so nigh? I thought ye had been further off.’ - -“Then Doctor Owen said: - -“‘We heard you speak to yourself, but what you said we know not.’ - -“He then (after his fashion, smilingly) said, ‘I was praying to -God.’”[154] - -The end was near. - -“I am faint,” he said. “Lord, have mercy upon me, and take my spirit”; -and so on July 7, towards night, he passed away. On the following day -Noailles communicated to his Court “le triste et piteux inconvénient de -la mort” of Edward VI., last of the Tudor Kings. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -1553 - - After King Edward’s death--Results to Lady Jane - Grey--Northumberland’s schemes--Mary’s escape--Scene at Sion - House--Lady Jane brought to the Tower--Quarrel with her - husband--Her proclamation as Queen. - - -A boy was dead. A frail little life, long failing, had gone out. That -was all. Nevertheless upon it had hung the destinies of England. - -Speculations and forecasts as to the consequences had Edward lived -are unprofitable. Yet one wonders what, grown to manhood, he would -have become--whether the gentle lad, pious, studious, religious, the -modern Josiah, as he was often called, would have developed, as he -grew to maturity, the dangerous characteristics of his Tudor race, the -fierceness and violence of his father, the melancholy and relentless -fanaticism of Mary, the absence of principle and sensuality of -Elizabeth. Or would he have fulfilled the many hopes which had found -their centre in him and have justified the love of his subjects, given -him upon credit? - -It is impossible to say. What was certain was that his part was played -out, and that others were to take his place. Amongst these his little -cousin Jane was at once the most innocent and the most unfortunate. - -Hitherto she had looked on as a spectator at life. Her skiff moored in -a creek of the great river, she had watched from a place of comparative -calm the stream as it rushed by. Here and there a wave might make -itself felt even in that quiet place; a wreck might be carried past, -or she might catch the drowning cry of a swimmer as he sank. But -to the young such things are accidents from participation in which -they tacitly consider themselves exempted, regarding them with the -fearlessness due to inexperience. Suddenly all was to be changed. Torn -from her anchorage, she was to be violently borne along by the torrent -towards the inevitable catastrophe. - -As yet she was ignorant of the destiny prepared for her. Under her -father’s roof, she had pursued her customary occupations, and by some -authorities her third extant letter to Bullinger--another tribute -of admiration and flattery, and containing no allusion to current -events--is believed to belong to the interval occurring between her -marriage and the King’s death. The allusion to herself as an “untaught -virgin,” and the signature “Jane Grey,” seem to give it a date earlier -in the year. The time was fast approaching when leisure for literary -exercises of the kind would be lacking. - -It would have been difficult to trace her movements precisely at -this juncture were it not that she has left a record of them in -a document--either directly addressed to Mary from her prison or -intended for her eyes--in which she demonstrated her innocence.[155] -Notwithstanding the promise made by the Duchess of Northumberland -at her marriage that she should be permitted to remain at home, she -appears to have been by this time living with her husband’s parents, -and, upon Edward’s death becoming imminent, she was informed of the -fact by her father-in-law, who forbade her to leave his house; adding -the startling announcement that, when it should please God to call the -King to His mercy, she would at once repair to the Tower, her cousin -having nominated her heir to the throne. - -The news found her totally unprepared; and, shocked and partly -incredulous, she refused obedience to the Duke’s commands, continuing -to visit her mother daily, in spite of the indignation of the Duchess -of Northumberland, who “grew wroth with me and with her, saying that -she was determined to keep me in her house; that she would likewise -keep my husband there, to whom I should go later in any case, and that -she would be under small obligation to me. Therefore it did not seem -to me lawful to disobey her, and for three or four days I stayed -in her house, until I obtained permission to resort to the Duke of -Northumberland’s palace at Chelsea.” At this place--the reason of her -preference for it is not given--she continued, sick and anxious, until -a summons reached her to go to Sion House, there to receive a message -from the King. It was Lady Sydney, a married daughter of the Duke’s, -who brought the order, saying, “with more gravity than usual,” that it -was necessary that her sister-in-law should obey it; and Lady Jane did -not refuse to do so. - -Sion House, where the opening scene of the drama took place, was -another of the possessions of the Duke of Somerset, passed into the -hands of his rival. A monastery, founded by Henry V. at Isleworth, it -had been seized, with other Church property, in 1539, and had served -two years later as prison to the unhappy child, Katherine Howard. The -place had been acquired by Somerset in the days of his power, when the -building of the great house, which was to replace the convent, was -begun. The gardens were enclosed by high walls, a triangular terrace in -one of their angles alone allowing the inmates to obtain a view of the -country beyond.[156] In 1552 it had, with most of the late Protector’s -goods and chattels, been confiscated, and during the following year, -the year of the King’s death, had been granted to Northumberland. It -was to this place that Lady Jane was taken to receive the message said -to be awaiting her from the King. - -Her destination reached, Sion House was found empty; but it was not -long before those who were pulling the strings arrived. The message -from the King had been a fiction. Edward’s gentle spirit was at rest, -and he himself forgotten in the rush of events. There was little time -for thought of the dead. The interests of religion and of the State, as -some would call it, the ambition of unscrupulous and unprincipled men, -as it would be named by others, demanded the whole attention of the -steersmen who stood, for the moment, at the helm. - -It had been decided to keep the fact of the King’s death secret until -measures should have been taken to ensure the success of the desperate -game they were playing. To secure possession of the person of his -natural successor was of the first importance; and a letter had been -despatched to Mary when her brother was manifestly at the point of -death which it was hoped would avail to bring her to London and would -enable her enemies to fulfil their purpose. Stating that the King was -very ill, she was entreated to come to him, as he earnestly desired the -comfort of her presence. - -Mary must have been well aware of the risk she would run in responding -to the appeal; and it says much for her courage and her affection -that she did not hesitate to incur it. A fortunate chance, however, -frustrated the designs against her. Starting from Hunsdon, where -the tidings had found her, she had reached Hoddesden on her way to -Greenwich, when she was met by intelligence that determined her to go -no further. The King was dead; nor was it difficult to discern in the -urgent summons, sent too late to accomplish its ostensible purpose, a -transparent attempt to induce her to place herself in the power of her -enemies. - -Opinions have differed as to the means by which Northumberland’s scheme -was frustrated. Some say that the news was conveyed to the Princess by -the Earl of Arundel. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton also claims credit for -the warning. According to this account of the matter, a young brother -of his, in attendance upon Northumberland, had become cognisant of the -intended treachery, and had come post-haste to report what was a-foot -at his father’s house. A few words spoken by Sir John Gates, visiting -the Duke before he had risen, were all that had reached the young man’s -ears, but those words had been of startling significance, the state of -affairs being what it was. - -“What, sir,” he had heard Gates say, “will you let the Lady Mary -escape, and not secure her person?” - -A consultation was hurriedly held at Throckmorton House, between the -father and his three sons. Sir Nicholas, who had been present at the -King’s death, was too well aware of the circumstances to minimise the -importance of his brother’s story, and, summoning the Princess Mary’s -goldsmith, it was decided to entrust him with the duty of conveying -a caution to his mistress, and stopping her journey. Sir Nicholas’s -metrical version of what followed may be given.[157] - - Mourning, from Greenwich did I straight depart, - To London, to a house which bore our name. - My brethren guessèd by my heavie hearte, - The King was dead, and I confess’d the same: - The hushing of his death I didd unfolde, - Their meaning to proclaime Queene Jane I tolde. - - * * * * * - - Wherefore from four of us the newes was sent - How that her brother hee was dead and gone; - In post her goldsmith then from London went, - By whom the message was dispatcht anon. - Shee asked, “If wee knewe it certainlie?” - Who said, “Sir Nicholas knew it verilie.” - -The first stroke hazarded by the conspirators had resulted in failure. -Mary, after some deliberation, turned her face northwards, and escaped -the snare laid for her by her enemies. - -The next object of Northumberland and his friends was to obtain the -concurrence of the City to the substitution of his daughter-in-law -for the rightful heir. Various as were the views of the best means of -ensuring success, all the Council were agreed on one point, namely, -“that London was the hand which must reach Jane the crown.”[158] London -was to be made to do it. On July 8 the Lord Mayor, with six aldermen, -six “merchants of the staple, and as many merchant adventurers,” were -summoned to Greenwich, were there secretly informed of the King’s -death, and of his will by letters patent, “to which they were sworn and -charged to keep it secret.” - -All this had been done before Lady Jane was summoned to Sion House. It -was time for the stage Queen to make her appearance, and at Sion the -facts were made known to her.[159] - -Of her reception of the great news accounts vary. A graphic picture, -painted in the first place by Heylyn, has been copied by divers other -historians. The learned John Nichols, unable to trace it in any -contemporary documents or records, has decided that it must be classed -amongst “those dramatic scenes in which historical writers formerly -considered themselves justified in indulging.”[160] - -He is probably right; yet an early and generally accepted tradition -has a value of its own, and may be true to the spirit, if not to the -letter, of what actually occurred. Mary herself afterwards told the -envoy of Charles V. that she believed her cousin to have had no part in -the Duke of Northumberland’s enterprise; and, supposing her to have -been ignorant, or only dimly cognisant, of the plot, the revelation -of it may easily have occasioned her a shock. It has been constantly -asserted that, in this first interview with those who, calling -themselves her subjects, were practically the masters of her fate, she -began by declining to be a party to their scheme; and if her letter, -written at a later date, from the Tower to Mary, does not wholly -confirm the assertion, it points to an attitude of reluctant assent. -Her mother-in-law had given her hints of what was intended, but, like -the announcement made by the Duke at Durham House of her approaching -greatness, they were too incredible to be taken seriously; and the -fact that when she was joined at Sion by the Dukes of Northumberland -and Suffolk they did not at once make the matter plain, but confined -the conversation for a time to indifferent subjects, seems to indicate -a doubt upon their part of her pliability. There was, nevertheless, -a change in their demeanour and bearing giving rise in her mind to -an uneasy consciousness of a mystery she had not fathomed; whilst -Huntingdon and Pembroke, who were present, treated her with even more -incomprehensible reverence, and went so far as to bow the knee. - -On the arrival of her mother, together with the Duchess of -Northumberland, the explanation of the riddle took place. The tidings -of the King’s death and of her exaltation was broken to her, together -with the reasons prompting Edward to set aside his sisters in her -favour. The nobles fell upon their knees, took her formally for their -Queen, and swore--it was shortly to be proved how little the oath was -worth--to shed their blood in defence of her rights. - -“Having heard which things,” pursues Lady Jane in her apology, “with -infinite grief of spirit, I call to witness those lords who were -present that I was so stunned and stupefied that, overcome by sudden -and unexpected sorrow, they saw me fall to the ground, weeping very -bitterly. And afterwards, declaring to them my insufficiency, I -lamented much the death of so noble a prince; and at the same time -turned to God, humbly praying and beseeching Him that, if what was -given me was in truth and legitimately mine, He would grant me grace -and power to govern to His glory and service, and for the good of this -realm.”[161] - -There is, as Dr. Lingard points out, nothing unnatural in this -description of what had occurred; whereas the grandiloquent language -attributed to her by some historians is most unlikely to have been -used at a moment both of grief and excitement. According to these -authorities, not only did she defend Mary’s right, and denounce -those who had conspired against it, but delivered a lengthy oration -upon the fickleness of fortune. “If she enrich any, it is but to make -them the subject of her sport; if she raise others, it is but to -pleasure herself with their ruins. What she adored yesterday, to-day -is her pastime. And if I now permit her to adorn and crown me, I must -to-morrow suffer her to crush and tear me to pieces”--proceeding to -cite Katherine of Aragon and Anne Boleyn as examples of those who had, -to their own undoing, worn a crown. “If you love me sincerely and in -good earnest,” she is made to say, “you will rather wish me a secure -and quiet fortune, though mean, than an exalted condition exposed to -the wind, and followed by some dismal fall.” - -Poor little plaything of the fortune she is represented as -anathematising, the designs of those who were striving to exalt her -were due to nothing less than a sincere love. Any other puppet would -have answered their purpose equally well, so that the excuse of royal -blood was in her veins. But Jane, willing or unwilling, was to be made -use of for their ends, and it was vain for her to protest. - -On the following day, July 10, the Queen-designate was brought, -following the ancient custom of Kings on their accession, to the -Tower; reaching it at three o’clock, to be received at the gate by -Northumberland, and formally presented with the keys in the presence of -a great crowd who looked on at the proceedings in sinister silence and -gave no sign of rejoicing or cordiality. - -Shortly after, the Marquis of Winchester, in his capacity of Treasurer, -brought the crown jewels, with the crown itself, “asking me,” wrote -Jane, “to put it on my head, to try whether it fitted me or not. Who -knows well that, with many excuses, I refused. He not the less insisted -that I should boldly take it, and that another should be made that my -husband might be crowned with me, which I certainly heard unwillingly, -and with infinite grief and displeasure.”[162] - -The idea that young Guilford Dudley, with no royal blood to make his -claim colourable, was intended to share her dignity appears to have -roused his wife, somewhat strangely, to hot indignation. She at least -was a Tudor on her mother’s side; but what was Dudley, that he should -aspire so high? Had she loved her boy-husband she might have taken a -different view of his pretensions; but there is nothing to show that -she regarded him with any special affection, and she was disposed to -use her authority after a fashion neither he nor his father would -tolerate. - -At first Guilford, taken by surprise, appeared inclined to yield the -point, and in a conversation between the two, when Winchester had -withdrawn, he agreed that, were he to be made King, it should be only -by Act of Parliament. Thereupon, losing no time in setting the matter -on a right footing, Jane sent for the Earls of Arundel and Pembroke, -and informed them that, if she were to be Queen, she would be willing -to make her husband Duke; “but to make him King I would not consent.” - -Though Arundel and Pembroke were probably quite at one with her on -the question, that she should show signs of exercising an independent -judgment was naturally exasperating to those to whom it was due that -she was placed in her present position; and when the Duchess of -Northumberland became aware of what was going forward she not only -treated Lady Jane, according to her own account, very ill, but stirred -up Guilford to do the like; the boy, primed by his mother, declaring -that he would in no wise be Duke, but King, and, holding sulkily aloof -from his wife that night, so that she was compelled, “as a woman, -and loving my husband,” to send the Earls of Arundel and Pembroke to -bring him to her, otherwise he would have left in the morning, at his -mother’s bidding, for Sion. “Thus,” ends the poor child, “I was in -truth deceived by the Duke and Council, and badly treated by my husband -and his mother.” - -The discussion was premature. Boy and girl were all too soon to learn -that it was not to be a question of crowns for either so much as of -heads to wear them. Whilst the wrangle had been carried on in the -Tower, the first step had been taken towards bringing the disputants to -the scaffold. The death of the King had been made public, together with -the provisions of his will, and Jane had been proclaimed Queen in two -or three parts of the City. - -“The tenth day of the same month,” runs the entry in the _Grey Friar’s -Chronicle_, “after seven o’clock at night, was made a proclamation -in Cheap by three heralds and one trumpet ... for Jane, the Duke of -Suffolk’s daughter, to be Queen of England. But few or none said ‘God -save her.’” - -There was a singular unanimity upon the subject amongst the citizens -of London. It is said that upon the faces of the heralds forced to -proclaim the new Queen their discontent was visible;[163] and a curious -French letter sent from London at the time states, after mentioning the -absence of any acclamation upon the part of the people, that a moment -afterwards they had broken out into lamentation, clamour, tears, sighs, -sadness, and desolation impossible to describe. - -Thus inauspiciously was Lady Jane’s nine days’ reign inaugurated. On -a great catafalque in Westminster Abbey the dead boy-King was lying, -guarded day and night by twelve watchers until he should be given -sepulture. But there was little leisure to attend to his obsequies on -the part of the men who had made him their tool, and had staked their -lives and fortunes upon the success of their plot. For the present -all had gone according to their hopes. “Through the pious intents -of Edward, the religion of Mary, the ambition of Northumberland, -the simplicity of Suffolk, the fearfulness of the judges, and the -flattery of the courtiers”--thus Fuller sums up the causes to which the -situation was due--“matters were made as sure as man’s policy can make -that good which in itself is bad.” It was quickly to be seen to what -that security amounted. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -1553 - - Lady Jane as Queen--Mary asserts her claims--The English envoys at - Brussels--Mary’s popularity--Northumberland leaves London--His - farewells. - - -To enter in any degree into the position of “Jane the Queen” during -the brief period when she was the nominal head of the State, the time -in which she lived, as well as the prevalent conception of royalty in -England, must be taken into the reckoning. - -In our own days she would not only have been a mere cipher--as indeed -she was--but would have been content to remain such, so far as actual -power was concerned. Royalty, stripped of its reality, is largely -become a mere matter of show, a part of the pageant of State. In the -case of a child of sixteen it would wear that character alone. But in -the days of the Tudors a King was accustomed to govern; even in the -hands of a minor a sceptre was not a mere symbolic ornament. - -And Lady Jane was precisely the person to take a serious view of her -duties. Thoughtful, conscientious, and grave beyond her years, she had -no sooner found herself a Queen than she had asserted her authority in -opposition to that of the man who had invested her with the dignity by -announcing her intention of refusing to allow it to be shared by his -son--already, it appears by letters from Brussels, recognised there as -Prince Consort--and shut up in the gloomy fortress to which she had -been taken she was occupied with the thought of her duty to the kingdom -she believed herself to be called to rule over, of the necessity of -providing for the wants of the nation, and more especially for the -future of religion. Whilst, perhaps, all the time there lingered in -her mind a misgiving, lifting its head to confront her from time to -time with a paralysing doubt, torturing to a sensitive and scrupulous -nature; was she indeed the rightful Queen of England? - -Mary had lost no time in asserting her claims. On July 9--the day -before that of Jane’s proclamation--she had written a letter to the -Council from Kenninghall in Norfolk, expressing her astonishment -that they had neither communicated to her the fact of her brother’s -death, nor had caused her to be proclaimed Queen, and requiring them -to perform this last duty without delay. The rebuke reaching London -on the morning of January 11 “seemed to give their Lordships no other -trouble than the returning of an answer,”[164] which they did in terms -of studied insult, reminding her of her alleged illegitimacy, and -exhorting her to submit to her lawful sovereign, Queen Jane, else she -should prove grievous unto them and unto herself. This unconciliatory -document received the signature of every one of the Council, including -Cecil, who was afterwards at much pains to explain his concurrence in -the proceedings of his colleagues; and Northumberland, as he despatched -it, must have felt with satisfaction that it would be difficult for -those responsible for the missive to make their peace with the woman to -whom it was addressed. - -The terms in which the defiance was couched show the little importance -attached to the chances that Henry VIII.’s eldest daughter would ever -be in a position to vindicate her rights. Once again her enemies had -failed to take into account the stubborn justice of the people. Though -by many of them Mary’s religion was feared and disliked, they viewed -with sullen disapproval the conspiracy to rob her of her heritage. And -Northumberland they hated. - -The sinister rumours current during the last few years were still -afloat; justified, as it seemed, by the course of recent events. It -was said that the Duke had incited Somerset to put his brother to -death, and had then slain Somerset, in order that, bereft of his -nearest of kin, the young King might the more easily become his -victim. The reports of foul play were repeated, and it was said that -Edward had been removed by poison to make way for Northumberland’s -daughter-in-law. That he had not come by his death by fair means was -indeed so generally believed that the Emperor, writing to Mary when she -had defeated her enemies, counselled her to punish all those that had -been concerned in it.[165] - -The charge of poisoning was not so uncommon as to make it strange -that it should be thought to have been instrumental in removing an -obstacle from the path of an ambitious man. In Lady Jane’s pitiful -letter to her cousin she stated--doubtless in good faith--that poison -had twice been administered to her, once in the house of the Duchess -of Northumberland--when the motive would have been hard to find--and -again in the Tower, “as I have certain evidence.” What the poor child -honestly believed had been attempted in her case, the angry people -imagined had been successfully accomplished in the case of their young -King, and his death was another item laid to the charge of the man they -hated. - -The news of what was going forward in England had by this time become -known abroad. Though letters had been addressed by the Council to -Sir Philip Hoby and Sir Richard Morysine, ambassadors at Brussels, -announcing the King’s death and his cousin’s accession, the tidings -had reached them unofficially before the arrival of the despatches from -London. As the envoys were walking in the garden, they were joined by a -servant of the Emperor’s, Don Diego by name, who, making profession of -personal good will towards their country, expressed his regret at its -present loss, adding at the same time his congratulations that so noble -a King--meaning, it would seem, Guilford Dudley--had been provided for -them, a King he would himself be at all times ready to serve. - -The envoys replied that the sorrowful news had reached them, but not -the joyous--that they were glad to hear so much from him. Don Diego -thereupon proceeded to impart the further fact of Edward’s will in -favour of Lady Jane. With the question whether the two daughters of -Henry VIII. were bastards or not, strangers, he observed, had nothing -to do. It was reasonable to accept as King him who had been declared -such by the nobles of the land; and Diego, for his part, was bound to -rejoice that His Majesty had been set in this office, since he was his -godfather, and--so long as the Emperor was in amity with him--would be -willing to shed his blood in his service.[166] - -This last personal detail probably contained the explanation of Don -Diego’s approbation of an arrangement which could scarcely be expected -to commend itself to his master, and likewise of the curiously -subordinate part awarded to Lady Jane in his account of it. But -whatever might be the opinion of foreigners, it had quickly been made -plain in England that the country would not be content to accept either -the sovereignty of Jane or of her husband without a struggle. - -Of the temper of the capital a letter or libel scattered abroad, -after the fashion of the day, during the week, is an example. In this -document, addressed by a certain “poor Pratte” to a young man who had -been placed in the pillory and had lost his ears in consequence of his -advocacy of Mary’s rights, love for the lawful Queen, and hatred of -the “ragged bear,” Northumberland, is expressed in every line. Should -England prove disloyal, misfortune will overtake it as a chastisement -for its sin; the Gospel will be plucked away and the Lady Mary replaced -by so cruel a Pharaoh as the ragged bear. Her Grace--in marked contrast -to the sentiments commonly attributed to the Duke--is doubtless more -sorrowful for her brother than glad to be Queen, and would have been as -glad of his life as the ragged bear of his death. In conclusion, the -writer trusts that God will shortly exalt Mary, “and pluck down that -Jane--I cannot nominate her Queen, for that I know no other Queen but -the good Lady Mary, her Grace, whom God prosper.” To those who would -Mary to be Queen poor Pratte wishes long life and pleasure; to her -opponents, the pains of Satan in hell.[167] - -Such was the delirious spirit of loyalty towards the dispossessed -heir, even amongst those who owed no allegiance to Rome. It was not -long before the Council were to be taught by more forcible means than -scurrilous abuse to correct their estimate of the situation and of the -forces at work, strangely misapprehended at the first by one and all. - -News was reaching London of the support tendered to Mary. The Earls of -Sussex and of Bath had declared in her favour; the county of Suffolk -had led the way in rising on her behalf; nobles and gentlemen, with -their retainers, were flocking to her standard; it was becoming clearer -with every hour that she would not consent to be ousted from her rights -without a fierce struggle. - -Measures for meeting the resistance of her adherents had to be taken -without delay; and Northumberland, wisely unwilling to absent himself -from the capital at a juncture so critical, had intended to depute -Suffolk to command the forces to be led against her; to gain, if -possible, possession of her person, and to bring her to London. This -was the arrangement hastily made on July 12. Before nightfall it had -been cancelled at the entreaty of the titular Queen. - -It is not difficult to enter into the Lady Jane’s feelings, threatened -with the absence of her father on a dangerous errand. With her nervous -fears of poison, her evident dislike of her mother-in-law, and ill -at ease in new circumstances and surroundings, she may well have -clung to the comfort and support afforded by his presence; nor is it -incomprehensible that she had “taken the matter heavily” when informed -of the decision of the Council. Her wishes might have had little effect -if other causes had not conspired to assist her to gain her object, and -it has been suggested that those of the lords already contemplating the -possibility of Mary’s success, and desirous of being freed from the -restraint imposed by Northumberland’s presence amongst them, may have -had a hand in instigating her request, proffered with tears, that her -father might tarry at home in her company. The entreaty was, at all -events, in full accordance with their desires, and pressure was brought -upon Northumberland to induce him to yield to her petition--leaving -Suffolk in his place at the Tower, and himself leading the troops north. - -Many reasons were urged rendering it advisable that the Duke should -take the field in person. He had been the victor in the struggle with -Kett, of which Norfolk had been the scene, and enjoyed, in consequence, -a great reputation in that county, where it seemed that the fight -with Mary and her adherents was to take place. He was, moreover, an -able soldier; Suffolk was not. On the other hand, it was impossible -for Northumberland to adduce the true motives prompting his desire to -continue at headquarters; since chief amongst them was the wisdom and -prudence of remaining at hand to maintain his personal influence over -his colleagues and to keep them true to the oaths they had sworn. In -the end he consented to bow to their wishes. - -“Since ye think it good,” he said, “I and mine will go, not doubting of -your fidelity to the Queen’s Majesty, which I leave in your custody.” - -More than the Queen’s Majesty was left to their care. The safety, if -not the life, of the man chiefly responsible for the conspiracy which -had made her what she was, hung upon their loyalty to their vows, and -Northumberland must have known it. But Lady Jane was to have her way, -and the Council, waiting upon her, brought the welcome news to the -Queen, who humbly thanked the Duke for reserving her father at home, -and besought him--she was already learning royal fashions--to use his -diligence. To this Northumberland, surely not without an inward smile, -answered that he would do what in him lay, and the matter was concluded. - -At Durham House, next day, the Duke’s retinue assembled.[168] In the -forenoon he met the Council, taking leave of them in friendly sort, -yet with words betraying his misgivings in the very terms used to -convey the assurance of his confidence in their good faith and fidelity. - -He and the other nobles who were to be his companions went forth, he -told the men left behind, as much to assure their safety as that of the -Queen herself. Whilst he and his comrades were to risk their lives in -the field, their preservation at home, with the preservation of their -children and families, was committed to those who stayed in London. And -then he spoke some weighty words, the doubts and forebodings within him -finding vent: - -“If we thought ye would through malice, conspiracy, or dissension, -leave us your friends in the briars and betray us, we could as well -sundry ways forsee and provide for our own safeguards as any of you, -by betraying us, can do for yours. But now, upon the only trust and -faithfulness of your honours, whereof we think ourselves most assured, -we do hazard and jubarde [jeopardize] our lives, which trust and -promise if ye shall violate, hoping thereby of life and promotion, yet -shall not God count you innocent of our bloods, neither acquit you -of the sacred and holy oath of allegiance made freely by you to this -virtuous lady, the Queen’s Highness, who by your and our enticement is -rather of force placed therein than by her own seeking and request.” -Commending to their consideration the interests of religion, he again -reiterated his warning. “If ye mean deceit, though not forthwith, -yet hereafter, God will revenge the same,” ending by assuring his -colleagues that his words had not been caused by distrust, but that he -had spoken them as a reminder of the chances of variance which might -grow in his absence. - -One of the Council--the narrator does not give his name--took upon him -to reply for the rest. - -“My Lord,” he answered, “if ye mistrust any of us in this matter -your Grace is far deceived. For which of us can wipe his hands clean -thereof? And if we should shrink from you as one that is culpable, -which of us can excuse himself as guiltless? Therefore herein your -doubt is too far cast.” - -It was characteristic of times and men that, far from resenting the -suspicion of unfaith, the sole ground upon which the Duke was asked to -base a confidence in the fidelity of his colleagues was that it would -not be to their interest to betray him. - -“I pray God it may be so,” he answered. “Let us go to dinner.” - -After dinner came an interview with Jane, who bade farewell to the Duke -and to the lords who were to accompany him on his mission. Everywhere -we are confronted by the same heavy atmosphere of impending treachery. -As the chief conspirator passed through the Council-chamber Arundel -met him--Arundel, who was to be one of the first to leave the sinking -ship, and who may already have been looking for a loophole of escape -from a perilous situation. Yet he now prayed God be with his Grace, -saying he was very sorry it was not his chance to go with him and bear -him company, in whose presence he could find it in his heart to shed -his blood, even at his foot. - -The words, with their gratuitous and unsolicited asseveration of loyal -friendship, must have been remembered by both when the two met again. -It is nevertheless possible that, moved and affected, the Earl was -sincere at the moment in his protestations. - -“Farewell, gentle Thomas,” he added to the Duke’s “boy,” Thomas Lovell, -taking him by the hand, “Farewell, gentle Thomas, with all my heart.” - -The next day Northumberland took his departure from the capital. As -he rode through the city, with some six hundred followers, the same -ominous silence that had greeted the proclamation of Lady Jane was -preserved by the throng gathered together to see her father-in-law -pass. The Duke noticed it. - -“The people press to see us,” he observed gloomily, “but not one sayeth -God speed us.” - -When next Northumberland and the London crowd were face to face it was -under changed circumstances. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -1553 - - Turn of the tide--Reaction in Mary’s favour in the Council--Suffolk - yields--Mary proclaimed in London--Lady Jane’s deposition--She - returns to Sion House. - - -Northumberland was gone. The weight of his dominant influence was -removed, and many of his colleagues must have breathed more freely. -In the Tower Lady Jane, with those of the Council left in London, -continued to watch and wait the course of events. It must have been -recognised that the future was dark and uncertain; and whilst the lords -and nobles looked about for a way of escape should affairs go ill -with the new government, the boy and girl arbitrarily linked together -may have been drawn closer by the growing sense of a common danger. -Guilford Dudley did not share his father’s unpopularity. Young and -handsome, he is said to have been endowed with virtues calling forth an -unusual amount of pity for his premature end,[169] and Heylyn declared -that of all Dudley’s brood he had nothing of his father in him.[170] -“He was,” says Fuller, adding his testimony, “a goodly and (for aught -I find to the contrary) a godly gentleman, whose worst fault was that -he was son to an ambitious father.”[171] The flash of boyish ambition -he had evinced in his determination to be content with nothing less -than kingship must have been soon extinguished by the consciousness -that life itself was at stake. - -For quicker and quicker came tidings of fresh triumphs for Mary, each -one striking at the hopes of her rival’s partisans. News was brought -that Mary had been proclaimed Queen first in Buckinghamshire; next at -Norwich. Her forces were gathering strength, her adherents gaining -courage. Again, six vessels placed at Yarmouth to intercept her flight, -should she attempt it, were won over to her side, their captains, with -men and ordnance, making submission; whereat “the Lady Mary”--from -whose mind nothing had been further than flight--“and her company were -wonderful joyous.” - -This last blow hit the party acknowledging Jane as Queen hard; nor were -its effects long in becoming visible. In the Tower “each man began to -pluck in his horns,” and to cast about for a manner of dissevering his -private fortunes from a cause manifestly doomed to disaster. Pembroke, -who in May had associated himself with Northumberland by marrying -his son to Katherine Grey, was one of the foremost in considering -the possibility of quitting the Tower, so that he might hold -consultation with those without; but as yet he had not devised a means -of accomplishing his purpose. Each day brought its developments within -the walls of the fortress, and beyond them. On the Sunday night--not -a week after the crown had been fitted on Jane’s head--when the Lord -Treasurer, then officiously desirous of adding a second for her -husband, was leaving the building in order to repair to his own house, -the gates were suddenly shut and the keys carried up to the mistress of -the Tower. What was the reason? No one knew, but it was whispered that -a seal had been found missing. Others said that she had feared some -packinge [_sic_] in the Treasurer. The days were coming when it would -be in no one’s power to keep the Lords of the Council at their post -under lock and key. - -That Sunday morning--it was July 16--Ridley had preached at Paul’s -Cross before the Mayor, Aldermen, and people, pleading Lady Jane’s -cause with all the eloquence at his command. Let his hearers, he said, -contrast her piety and gentleness with the haughtiness and papistry -of her rival. And he told the story of his visit to Hunsdon, of his -attempt to convince Mary of her errors, and of its failure, conjuring -all who heard him to maintain the cause of Queen Jane and of the -Gospel. But his exhortations fell on deaf ears. - -And still one messenger of ill tidings followed hard upon the heels of -another. Cecil, with his natural aptitude for intrigue, was engaging -in secret deliberations with members of the Council inclined to be -favourable to Mary, finding in especial the Lord Treasurer, Winchester, -the Earl of Arundel, and Lord Darcy, willing listeners, “whereof I -did immediately tell Mr. Petre”--the other Secretary--“for both our -comfort.”[172] Presently a pretext was invented to cover the escape -of the lords from the Tower. It was said that Northumberland had sent -for auxiliaries, and that it was necessary to hold a consultation with -the foreign ambassadors as to the employment of mercenaries.[173] -The meeting was to take place at Baynard’s Castle, Arundel observing -significantly that he liked not the air of the Tower. He and his -friends may indeed have reflected that it had proved fatal to many less -steeped in treason than they. To Baynard’s Castle some of the lords -accordingly repaired, sending afterwards to summon the rest to join -them, with the exception of Suffolk, who remained behind, in apparent -ignorance of what was going forward. - -In the consultation, held on July 19, the deathblow was dealt to the -hopes of those faithful to the nine-days’ Queen. Arundel was the first -to declare himself unhesitatingly on Mary’s side, and to denounce the -Duke, from whom he had so lately parted on terms of devoted friendship. -He boasted of his courage in now opposing Northumberland--a man of -supreme authority, and--as one who had little or no conscience--fond -of blood. It was by no desire of vengeance that Arundel’s conduct was -prompted, he declared, but by conscience and anxiety for the public -welfare; the Duke was actuated by a desire neither for the good of the -kingdom nor by religious zeal, but purely by a desire for power, and he -proceeded to hold him up to the reprobation of his colleagues. - -Pembroke made answer, promising, with his hand on his sword, to make -Mary Queen. There were indeed few dissentient voices, and, though -some of the lords at first maintained that warning should be sent to -Northumberland and a general pardon obtained from Mary, their proposals -did not meet with favour, and they did not press them. - -A hundred men had been despatched on various pretexts, and by degrees, -to the Tower, with orders to make themselves masters of the place, -in case Suffolk would not leave it except upon compulsion; but the -Duke was not a man to lead a forlorn hope. Had Northumberland been at -hand a struggle might have taken place; as it was, not a voice was -raised against the decision of the Council, and with almost incredible -rapidity the face of affairs underwent a change, absolute and complete. -Suffolk, so soon as the determination of the lords was made known to -him, lost no time in expressing his willingness to concur in it and to -add his signature to the proclamation of Mary, already drawn up.[174] -He was, he said, but one man; and proclaiming his daughter’s rival in -person on Tower Hill, he finally struck his colours; going so far, as -some affirm, as to share in the demonstration in the new Queen’s honour -in Cheapside, where the proclamation was read by the Earl of Pembroke -amidst a scene of wild enthusiasm contrasting vividly with the coldness -and apathy shown by the populace when, nine days earlier, they had been -asked to accept the Duke of Northumberland’s daughter-in-law as their -Queen. - -“For my time I never saw the like,” says a news-letter,[175] “and by -the report of others the like was never seen. The number of caps that -were thrown up at the proclamation were not to be told.... I saw myself -money was thrown out at windows for joy. The bonfires were without -number, and, what with shouting and crying of the people and ringing of -the bells, there could no one hear almost what another said, besides -banquetings and singing in the street for joy.” - -Arundel was there, as well as Pembroke, with Shrewsbury and others, and -the day was ended with evensong at St. Paul’s. - -And whilst all this was going on outside, in the gloom of the Tower, -where the air must have struck chill even on that July day, sat the -little victim of state-craft--“Cette pauvre reine,” wrote Noailles -to his master, “qui s’en peut dire de la féve”--a Twelfth Night’s -Queen--in the fortress that had seen her brief exaltation, and was so -soon to become to her a prison. As the joy-bells echoed through the -City and the shouting of the people penetrated the thick walls she must -have wondered what was the cause of rejoicing. Presently she learnt it. - -That afternoon had been fixed for the christening of a child born -to Underhyll--nicknamed, on account of his religious zeal, the -Hot-Gospeller--on duty as a Gentleman Pensioner at the Tower. The baby -was highly favoured, since the Duke of Suffolk and the Earl of Pembroke -were to be his sponsors by proxy and Lady Jane had signified her -intention of acting as godmother, calling the infant Guilford, after -her husband. - -Lady Throckmorton, wife to Sir Nicholas, in attendance on Jane,[176] -had been chosen to represent her mistress at the ceremony; and, on -quitting the Tower for that purpose, had waited on the Queen and -received her usual orders, according to royal etiquette. Upon her -return, the baptism over, she found all--like a transformation scene at -the theatre--changed. The canopy of state had been removed from Lady -Jane’s apartment, and Lady Jane herself, divested of her sovereignty, -was practically a prisoner.[177] - -During the absence of the Lady-in-waiting, Suffolk, his part on -Cheapside played, had returned to the Tower, to set matters there on -their new footing. Informing his daughter, as one imagines with the -roughness of a man smarting under defeat, that since her cousin had -been elected Queen by the Council, and had been proclaimed, it was -time she should do her honour, he removed the insignia of royalty. The -rank she had possessed not being her own she must make a virtue of -necessity, and bow to that fortune of which she had been the sport and -victim. - -Rising to the occasion, Jane, as might be expected, made fitting -reply. The words now spoken by her father were, she answered, more -becoming and praiseworthy than those he had uttered on putting her in -possession of the crown; proceeding to moralise the matter after a -fashion that can only be attributed to the imaginative faculties of -the narrator of the scene. This done she, more naturally, withdrew -into her private apartments with her mother and other ladies and gave -way, in spite of her firmness, to “infinite sorrow.”[178] A further -scene narrated by the Italian, Florio, on the authority of the Duke of -Suffolk’s chaplain--“as her father’s learned and pious preacher told -me”--represents her as confronted with some at least of the men who had -betrayed her, and as reproaching them bitterly with their duplicity. -Without vouching for the accuracy of the speech reported, touches are -discernible in it--evidences of a very human wrath, indignation, and -scorn--unlikely to have been invented by men whose habit it was to -describe the speaker as the living embodiment of meekness and patience, -and it may be that the evangelist’s account is founded on fact. - -“Therefore, O Lords of the Council,” she is made to say, “there is -found in men of illustrious blood, and as much esteemed by the world -as you, double dealing, deceit, fickleness, and ruin to the innocent. -Which of you can boast with truth that I besought him to make me a -Queen? Where are the gifts I promised or gave on this account? Did ye -not of your own accord drag me from my literary studies, and, depriving -me of liberty, place me in this rank? Alas! double-faced men, how well -I see, though late, to what end ye set me in this royal dignity! How -will ye escape the infamy following upon such deeds?” How were broken -promises, violated oaths, to be coloured and disguised? Who would trust -them for the future? “But be of good cheer, with the same measure it -shall be meted to you again.” - -With this prophecy of retribution to follow she ended. “For a good -space she was silent; and they departed, full of shame, leaving her -well guarded.”[179] - -Her attendants were not long in availing themselves of the permission -accorded them to go where they pleased. The service of Lady Jane was, -from an honour, become a perilous duty; and they went to their own -homes, leaving their nine-days’ mistress “burdened with thought and -woe.” The following morning she too quitted the Tower, returning to -Sion House. It was no more than ten days since she had been brought -from it in royal state. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -1553 - - Northumberland at bay--His capitulation--Meeting with Arundel, and - arrest--Lady Jane a prisoner--Mary and Elizabeth--Mary’s visit to - the Tower--London--Mary’s policy. - - -The unanimous capitulation of the Council, in which he was by absence -precluded from joining, sealed Northumberland’s fate. The centre of -interest shifts from London to the country, whither he had gone to meet -the forces gathering round Mary. The ragged bear was at bay. - -Arundel and Paget had posted northwards on the night following the -revolution in London to inform the Queen of the proceedings of the -Council and to make their peace with the new sovereign; Paget’s success -in particular being so marked that the French looker-on reported that -his favour with the Queen “etait chose plaisante à voir et oir.” The -question all men were asking was what stand would be made by the leader -of the troops arrayed against her. That Northumberland, knowing that he -had sinned too deeply for forgiveness, would yield without a blow can -scarcely have been contemplated by the most sanguine of his opponents, -and the singular transmutation taking place in a man who hitherto, -whatever might have been his faults or crimes, had never been lacking -in courage, must have taken his enemies and what friends remained to -him by surprise. - -“Bold, sensitive, and magnanimous,” as some one describes him,[180] -he was to display a lack of every manly quality only explicable on -the hypothesis that the incessant strain and excitement of the last -three weeks had told upon nerves and spirits to an extent making it -impossible for him to meet the crisis with dignity and valour. - -Hampered with orders from the Council framed in Mary’s interest and -with the secret object of delaying his movements until her adherents -had had time to muster in force, he did not adopt the only course--that -of immediate attack--offering a possibility of success, and had -retreated to Cambridge when the news that Mary had been proclaimed in -London reached him. From that instant he abandoned the struggle. - -On the previous day the Vice-Chancellor of the University, Doctor -Sandys, had preached, at his request, a sermon directed against Mary. -Now, Duke and churchman standing side by side in the market-place, -Northumberland, with the tears running down his face, and throwing -his cap into the air, proclaimed her Queen. She was a merciful woman, -he told Sandys, and all would doubtless share in her general pardon. -Sandys knew better, and bade the Duke not flatter himself with false -hopes. Were the Queen ever so much inclined to pardon, those who ruled -her would destroy Northumberland, whoever else were spared. - -The churchman proved to have judged more accurately than the soldier. -An hour later the Duke received letters from the Council, indicating -the treatment he might expect at their hands. He was thereby bidden, -on pain of treason, to disarm, and it was added that, should he come -within ten miles of London, his late comrades would fight him. Could -greater loyalty and zeal in the service of the rising sun be displayed? - -Fidelity was at a discount. His troops melted away, leaving their -captain at the mercy of his enemies. In the camp confusion prevailed. -Northumberland was first put under arrest, then set again at liberty -upon his protest, based upon the orders of the Council that “all men -should go his way.” Was he, the leader, to be prevented from acting -upon their command? Young Warwick, his son, was upon the point of -riding away, when, the morning after the scene in the market-place, the -Earl of Arundel arrived from Queen Mary with orders to arrest the Duke. - -What ensued was a painful spectacle, Northumberland’s bearing, even in -a day when servility on the part of the fallen was so common as to be -almost a matter of course, being generally stigmatized as unworthy of -the man who had often given proof of a brave and noble spirit.[181] As -the two men met, it may be that the Duke augured well from the Queen’s -choice of a messenger. If he had, he was to be quickly undeceived. -Arundel was not disposed to risk his newly acquired favour with the -sovereign for the sake of a discredited comrade, and Northumberland -might have spared the abjectness of his attitude; as, falling on his -knees, he begged his former friend, for the love of God, to be good to -him. - -“Consider,” he urged, “I have done nothing but by the consents of you -and all the whole Council.” - -The plea was ill-chosen. That Arundel had been implicated in the -treason was a reason the more why he could not afford to show mercy -to a fellow-traitor; nor was he in a mood to discuss a past he would -have preferred to forget and to blot out. It is the unfortunate who -are prone to indulge in long memories, and the Earl had just achieved -a success which he was anxious to render permanent. Disregarding -Northumberland’s appeal, he turned at once to the practical matter in -hand. He had been sent there by the Queen’s Majesty, he told the Duke; -in her name he arrested him. - -Northumberland made no attempt at resistance. He obeyed, he answered -humbly; “and I beseech you, my Lord of Arundel, use mercy towards me, -knowing the case as it is.” - -Again Arundel coldly ignored the appeal to the past. - -“My lord,” he replied, “ye should have sought for mercy sooner. I -must do according to my commandment,” and he handed over his prisoner -forthwith to the guards who stood near. - -For two hours, denied so much as the services of his attendants, the -Duke paced the chamber wherein he was confined, till, looking out of -the window, he caught sight of Arundel passing below, and entreated -that his servants might be admitted to him. - -“For the love of God,” he cried, “let me have Cox, one of my chamber, -to wait on me!” - -“You shall have Tom, your boy,” answered the Earl, naming the -lad, Thomas Lovell, of whom, a few days earlier, he had taken so -affectionate a leave. Northumberland protested. - -“Alas, my lord,” he said, “what stead can a boy do me? I pray you let -me have Cox.” And so both Lovell and Cox were permitted to attend their -master. It was the single concession he could obtain.[182] - -Thus Northumberland met his fate. - -The Queen’s justice had overtaken more innocent victims. Lady Jane’s -stay at Sion House had not been prolonged. By July 23, not more than -three days after she had quitted the Tower, she returned to it, not as -a Queen, but as a captive, accompanied by the Duchess of Northumberland -and Guilford Dudley, her husband. More prisoners were quickly added to -their number. Northumberland was brought, with others of his adherents, -from Cambridge. Northampton, who had hurried to Framlingham, where -Mary then was, to throw himself upon her mercy, arrived soon after; -with Bishop Ridley, who, notwithstanding his recent declamations -against the Queen, had resorted with the rest to Norfolk, had met with -an unfriendly reception from Mary, and was sent back to London “on a -halting horse.”[183] - -It is singular that to the Duke of Suffolk, prominent amongst those who -had been arrayed against her, the new Queen showed unusual indulgence. -So far as actual deeds were concerned, he had been second in guilt -only to Northumberland; though there can be little doubt that he -was led and governed by the stronger will and more soaring ambition -of his confederate. Lady Jane being, besides, his daughter, and not -merely married to his son, it would have been natural to expect that -he would have been called to a stricter account than Dudley. He was, -as a matter of course, arrested and consigned to the Tower; but when -a convenient attack of illness laid him low--a news-letter reporting -that he was “in such case as no man judgeth he could live”[184]--and -his wife represented his desperate condition to her cousin the Queen, -adding that, if left in the Tower, death would ensue, Mary appears to -have made no difficulty in granting her his freedom, merely ordering -him to confine himself to his house, rather as restraint than as -chastisement.[185] - -Mary could afford to show mercy. On August 3 she made her triumphal -entry into the capital which had proved so loyal to her cause, riding -on a white horse, with the Earl of Arundel bearing before her the sword -of state, and preceded by some thousand gentlemen in rich array. - -Elizabeth was at her side--Elizabeth, who had learnt wisdom since -the days, nearly five years ago, when she had compromised herself -for the sake of Seymour. During the crisis now over, she had shown -both prudence and caution, playing in fact a waiting game, as she -looked on at the contest between her sister and Northumberland, and -carefully abstaining from taking any side in it, until it should be -seen which of the two would prove victorious. To her, as well as to -Mary, a summons had been sent as from her dying brother; more wary -than her sister, she detected the snare, and remained at Hatfield, -whilst Mary came near to falling a prey to her enemies. At Hatfield -she continued during the ensuing days, being visited by commissioners -from Northumberland, who offered a large price, in land and money, in -exchange for her acquiescence in Edward’s appointment of Lady Jane as -his successor. If Elizabeth loved money, she loved her safety more; and -returned an answer to the effect that it was with her elder sister that -an agreement must be made, since in Mary’s lifetime she herself had -neither claim nor title to the succession. Leti,[186] representing her -as regarding Lady Jane as a _jeune étourdie_--the first and only time -the epithet can have been applied to Suffolk’s grave daughter--states -that she indignantly expostulated with Northumberland upon the wrong -done to herself and Mary. She is more likely to have kept silence; -and it is certain that an opportune attack of illness afforded her an -excuse for prudent inaction. When Mary’s cause had become triumphant -she had recovered sufficiently to proceed to London, meeting her sister -on the following day at Aldgate, and riding at her side when she made -her entry into the capital. - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting attributed to F. - Zuccaro. - -QUEEN ELIZABETH.] - -The two presented a painful contrast: Mary prematurely aged by -grief and care, small and thin, “unlike in every respect to father -or mother,” says Michele, the Venetian ambassador, “with eyes so -piercing as to inspire not only reverence, but fear”; Elizabeth, now -twenty, tall and well made, though possessing more grace than beauty, -with fine eyes, and, above all, beautiful hands, “della quale fa -professione”--which she was accustomed to display. - -Her entry into the City made, Mary proceeded, according to ancient -custom, and as her unwilling rival had done three weeks before, to -the Tower, where a striking scene took place. On her entrance she -was met by a group of those who, imprisoned during the two previous -reigns, awaited her on their knees. Her kinsman, Edward Courtenay, -was there--since he was ten years old he had known no other home--and -the Duchess of Somerset, widow of the Protector, with the old Duke of -Norfolk, father to Surrey, Tunstall, the deprived Bishop of Durham, -and Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester. In Mary’s eyes some of these were -martyrs, suffering for their fidelity to the faith for which she had -herself been prepared to go to the scaffold; for others she felt the -natural compassion due to captives who have wasted long years within -prison walls; and, touched and overcome by the sight of that motley -company, she burst into tears. - -“These are my prisoners,” she said, as she bent and kissed them. - -Their day was come. By August 11 Gardiner was reinstated in Winchester -House, which had been appropriated to the use of the Marquis of -Northampton, now perhaps inhabiting the Bishop’s quarters in the Tower. -The Duke of Norfolk, the Duchess of Somerset, Courtenay, were all at -liberty. Bonner was once more exercising his functions as Bishop -of London. But their places in the old prison-house were not left -vacant: fresh captives being sent to join those already there. Report -declared--prematurely--that sentence had been passed on Northumberland, -Huntingdon, Gates, and others. Pembroke, notwithstanding the zealous -share he had taken in proclaiming Mary Queen, as well as Winchester and -Darcy, were confined to their houses. - -All necessary measures had been taken for the security of the -Government. It was time to think of the dead boy lying unburied -whilst the struggle for his inheritance had been fought out. In the -arrangements for her brother’s funeral Mary displayed a toleration -that must have gone far to raise the hopes of the Protestant party, -awaiting, in anxiety and dread, enlightenment as to the course the -new ruler would pursue with regard to religion. Permitting her -brother’s obsequies to be celebrated by Cranmer according to the ritual -prescribed by the reformed Prayer-book, she caused a Requiem Mass -to be sung for him in the Tower in the presence of some hundreds of -worshippers, notwithstanding the fact that, according to Griffet, “this -was not in conformity with the laws of the Roman Church, since the -Prince died in schism and heresy.”[187] - -It was the moment when Mary, the recipient, as she told the French -ambassador, of more graces than any living Princess; the object of the -love and devotion of her subjects; her long years of misfortune ended; -her record unstained, should have died. But, unfortunately, five more -years of life remained to her. - -The presage of coming trouble was not absent in the midst of the -general rejoicing, and the first notes of discord had already been -struck. Emboldened by the Requiem celebrated in the Tower, a priest -had taken courage, and had said Mass in the Church of St. Bartholomew -in the City. It was then seen how far the people were from being -unanimous in including in their devotion to the Queen toleration for -her religion. “This day,” reports a news-letter of August 11, “an old -priest said Mass at St. Bartholomew’s, but after that Mass was done, -the people would have pulled him to pieces.”[188] “When they saw him -go up to the altar,” says Griffet, “there was a great tumult, some -attempting to throw themselves upon him and strike him, others trying -to prevent this violence, so that there came near to being blood -shed.”[189] - -Scenes of this nature, with the open declarations of the Protestants -that they would meet the re-establishment of the old worship with an -armed resistance, and that it would be necessary to pass over the -bodies of twenty thousand men before a single Mass should be quietly -said in London, were warnings of rocks ahead. That Mary recognised -the gravity of the situation was proved by the fact that, after an -interview with the Mayor, she permitted the priest who had disregarded -the law to be put into prison, although taking care that an opportunity -of escape should shortly be afforded him.[190] - -A proclamation made in the middle of August also testified to some -desire upon the Queen’s part, at this stage, to adopt a policy of -conciliation. In it she declared that it was her will “that all men -should embrace that religion which all men knew she had of long time -observed, and meant, God willing, to continue the same; willing all men -to be quiet, and not call men the names of heretick and papist, but -each man to live after the religion he thought best until further order -were taken concerning the same.”[191] - -Though the liberty granted was only provisional and temporary, there -was nothing in the proclamation to foreshadow the fires of Smithfield, -and it was calculated to allay any fears or forebodings disquieting the -minds of loyal subjects. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -1553 - - Trial and condemnation of Northumberland--His recantation--Final - scenes--Lady Jane’s fate in the balances--A conversation with her. - - -The great subject of interest agitating the capital, when the -excitement attending the Queen’s triumphal entry had had time to -subside, was the approaching trial of the Duke of Northumberland and -his principal accomplices. On August 18 the great conspirator, with -his son, the Earl of Warwick, and the Marquis of Northampton, were -arraigned at Westminster Hall, the Duke of Norfolk, lately himself a -prisoner, presiding, as High Steward of England, at the trial. - -Its issue was a foregone conclusion. If ever man deserved to suffer -the penalty for high treason, that man was Northumberland. His brain -had devised the plot intended to keep the Queen out of the heritage -hers by birth and right; his hand had done what was possible to execute -it. He had commanded in person the forces arrayed against her, and had -been taken, as it were, red-handed. He must have recognised the fact -that any attempt at a defence would be hopeless. Two points of law, -however, he raised: Could a man, acting by warrant of the great seal -of England, and by the authority of the Council, be accused of high -treason? And further, could he be judged by those who, implicated in -the same offence, were his fellow-culprits? - -The argument was quickly disposed of. If, as Mr. Tytler supposes,[192] -the Duke’s intention was to appeal to the sanction of the great seal -affixed to Edward’s will, the judges preferred to interpret his -plea, as most historians have concurred in doing, as referring to -the seal used during Lady Jane’s short reign; and, thus understood, -the authority of a usurper could not be allowed to exonerate her -father-in-law from the guilt of rebellion. As to his second question, -so long as those by whom he was to be judged were themselves -unattainted, they were not disqualified from filling their office. -Sentence was passed without delay, the Duke proffering three requests. -First, he asked that he might die the death of a noble; secondly, that -the Queen would be gracious to his children, since they had acted by -his command, and not of their own free will; and thirdly, that two -members of the Council Board might visit him, in order that he might -declare to them matters concerning the public welfare. - -The trial had been conducted on a Friday. The uncertainty prevailing -as to the condition of public sentiment in the city may be inferred -from the fact, that, when the customary sermon was to be preached at -Paul’s Cross on the following Sunday, it was considered expedient -to have the preacher chosen by the Queen surrounded by her guards, -lest a tumult should ensue. The state of feeling in the capital must -have been curiously mixed. Mary was the lawful sovereign, and had -been brought to her rights amidst universal rejoicing. Northumberland -was an object of detestation to the populace. Yet, whilst the Queen -was undisguisedly devoted to a religion to which the majority of her -subjects were hostile, the Duke was regarded as, with Suffolk, the -chief representative and support of the faith they held and the Church -as by law established. If his adherence to Protestant doctrine, as was -now to appear, had been a matter of policy rather than of conviction, -it had been singularly successful in imposing upon the multitude; -though, according to the story which makes him observe to Sir Anthony -Browne that he certainly thought best of the old religion, “but, -seeing a new one begun, run dog, run devil, he would go forward,” he -had been at little pains to conceal his lack of genuine sympathy with -innovation.[193] When the speech was made, suspicion of Catholic -proclivities would have been fatal to his position and his schemes. -The case was now reversed. He was about to forfeit, by the fashion of -his death, the solitary merit he had possessed in the eyes of a large -section of his countrymen; to throw off the mask, however carelessly -it had been worn; and to give the lie, at that supreme moment, to the -professions of years. - -It is said that, in consequence of the request he had preferred at -his trial that he might be visited by some members of the Council, he -was granted an interview with Gardiner and another of his colleagues, -name unknown; that the Bishop of Winchester subsequently interceded -with the Queen on his behalf, and was sanguine of success; but that, -in deference to the Emperor’s advice, Mary decided in the end that the -Duke must die.[194] To Arundel, in spite of the little encouragement he -had received at Cambridge to hope that the Earl would prove his friend, -Northumberland wrote, begging for life, “yea, the life of a dog, that -he may but live and kiss the Queen’s feet.”[195] All was in vain. -Prayers, supplications, entreaties, were useless. He was to die. - -Of those tried together with him, two shared his sentence--Sir Thomas -Palmer and Sir John Gates. Monday, August 21, had been fixed for the -executions, Commendone, the Pope’s agent, delaying his journey to -Italy at Mary’s request that he might be present on the occasion.[196] -For some unexplained reason, they were deferred. It was probably in -order to leave Northumberland time to make his recantation at leisure; -for he had expressed his desire to renounce his errors “and to hear -Mass and to receive the Sacrament according to the old accustomed -manner.”[197] - -The account of what followed has been preserved in detail. At nine in -the morning the altar in the chapel was prepared; and thither the Duke -was presently conducted by Sir John Gage, Constable of the Tower, four -of the lesser prisoners being brought in by the Lieutenant. Dying men, -three of them, and the rest in jeopardy, it was a solemn company there -assembled as the officiating priest proceeded with the ancient ritual. -At a given moment the service was interrupted, so that the Duke might -make his confession of faith and formally abjure the new ways he had -followed for sixteen years, “the which is the only cause of the great -plagues and vengeance which hath light upon the whole realm of England, -and now likewise worthily fallen upon me and others here present for -our unfaithfulness; ... and this I pray you all to testify, and pray -for me.” - -After which, kneeling down, he asked forgiveness from all, and forgave -all. - -“Amongst others standing by,” says the narrator of the scene, “were -the Duke of Somerset’s sons,” Hertford and his brother, boys scarcely -emerged from childhood; watching the fallen enemy of their house, and -remembering that to him had been chiefly due their father’s death. - -Other spectators were some fourteen or fifteen merchants from the City, -bidden to the chapel that they might witness the ceremony and perhaps -make report of the Duke’s recantation to their fellows. - -The news of what was going forward must have spread through the -Tower, partly palace, partly dungeon, partly fortress; and men must -have looked strangely upon one another as they heard that the leader -principally responsible for all that had happened in the course of the -last month, to whom the safety of the Protestant faith had been war-cry -and watchword, had abjured it as the work of the devil. Where was -truth, or sincerity, or pure conviction to be found? - -Of Lady Jane, during this day, there is but one mention. The limelight -had been turned off her small figure, and she had fallen back into -obscurity. Yet we hear that, looking through a window, she had seen -her father-in-law led to the chapel, where he was, in her eyes, to -imperil his soul. But whether she had been made aware of what was in -contemplation we are ignorant. - -The final scene took place on the succeeding day. At nine o’clock the -scaffold was ready, and Sir John Gates, with young Lord Warwick, were -brought forth to receive Communion in the chapel (“Memorandum,” says -the chronicler again, “the Duke of Somerset’s sons stood by”). By one -after the other, their abjuration had been made, and the priest present -had offered what comfort he might to the men appointed to die. - -“I would,” he said, “ye should not be ignorant of God’s mercy, which is -infinite. And let not death fear you, for it is but a little while, ye -know, ended in one half-hour. What shall I say? I trust to God it shall -be to you a short passage (though somewhat sharp) out of innumerable -miseries into a most pleasant rest--which God grant.” - -As the other prisoners were led out the Duke and Sir John Gates met at -the garden gate. Northumberland spoke. - -“Sir John,” he said, “God have mercy on us, for this day shall end both -our lives. And I pray you, forgive me whatsoever I have offended; and -I forgive you, with all my heart, although you and your counsel was a -great occasion thereof.” - -“Well, my Lord,” was the reply, “I forgive you, as I would be forgiven. -And yet you and your authority was the only original cause of all -together. But the Lord pardon you, and I pray you forgive me.” - -So, not without a recapitulation of each one’s grievance, they made -obeisance, and the Duke passed on. Again, “the Duke of Somerset’s sons -stood thereby”--the words recur like a sinister refrain. - -The end had come. Standing upon the scaffold, the Duke put off his -damask gown; then, leaning on the rail, he repeated the confession -of faith made on the previous day, begging those present to remember -the old learning, and thanking God that He had called him to be a -Christian. With his own hands he knit the handkerchief about his eyes, -laid him down, and so met the executioner’s blow. - -Gates followed, with few words. Sir Thomas Palmer, having witnessed the -ghastly spectacle, came last. That morning, whilst preparations for the -executions were being made, he had been walking in the Lieutenant’s -garden, observed, says that “resident in the Tower” in whose diary so -many incidents of this time have been preserved, to seem “more cheerful -in countenance than when he was most at liberty in his lifetime”; and -when the end was at hand, he met it, as some men did meet death in -those days, with undaunted courage, and with a heroism not altogether -unaffected by dramatic instinct. - -Though apparently implicitly included amongst the prisoners who had -made their peace with the Church, he is not recorded to have taken -any prominent part in the affair, and his dying speech dealt with no -controversial matters, but with eternal verities confessed alike by -Catholic and Protestant. At his trial he had denied that he had ever -borne arms against the Queen; though, charged with having been present -when others did so, he acknowledged his guilt. He now passed that -matter over, with a brief admission that his fate had been deserved at -God’s hands: “For I know it to be His divine ordinance by this mean to -call me to His mercy and to teach me to know myself, what I am, and -whereto we are all subject. I thank His merciful goodness, for He has -caused me to learn more in one little dark corner in yonder Tower than -ever I learned by any travail in so many places as I have been.” For -there he had seen God; he had seen himself; he had seen and known what -the world was. “Finally, I have seen there what death is, how near -hanging over every man’s head, and yet how uncertain the time, and how -unknown to all men, and how little it is to be feared. And why should -I fear death, or be sad therefore? Have I not seen two die before -mine eyes, yea, and within the hearing of mine ears? No, neither the -sprinkling of the blood, or the shedding thereof, nor the bloody axe -itself, shall not make me afraid.” - -Taking leave of all present, he begged their prayers, forgave the -executioner, and, master of himself to the last, kneeling, laid his -head upon the block. - -“I will see how meet the block is for my neck,” he said, “I pray thee, -strike me not yet, for I have a few prayers to say. And that done, -strike in God’s name. Good leave have thou.” - -So the scene came to an end. The three rebels whose life Mary had -taken--no large number--had paid the forfeit of their deed. That night -the Lancaster Herald, a dependant of the Duke of Northumberland, more -faithful to old ties and memories than those in higher place, sought -the Queen, and begged of her his master’s head, that he might give it -sepulture. In God’s name, Mary bade him take his lord’s whole body and -bury him. By a curious caprice of destiny the Duke was laid to rest in -the Tower at the side of Somerset.[198] There, in the reconciliation of -a common defeat, the ancient rivals were united. - -The three chief victims had thus paid the supreme penalty. The rest -of the participators in Northumberland’s guilt, if not pardoned, were -suffered to escape with life. Young Warwick had shared his father’s -condemnation, and, finding that the excuse of youth was not to be -allowed to avail in so grave a matter, had contented himself with -begging that, out of his goods, forfeited to the Crown, his debts -might be paid. Returning to the Tower, he had afterwards followed his -father’s example in abjuring Protestantism, and had listened, with -the older victims, to the words addressed by the priest to the men -appointed to die. Whether or not he had been aware that he was to be -spared, Mass concluded, he had been taken back to his lodging and had -not shared the Duke’s fate. - -Northampton’s defence had been a strange one. He had, he said, forborne -the execution of any public office during the interregnum and, being -intent on hunting and other sports, had not shared in the conspiracy. -The plea was not allowed to stand, but though he, like Warwick, was -condemned, he was likewise permitted to escape with life. As Warwick’s -youth may have made its appeal to Mary, so she may have remembered that -Northampton was the brother of her dead friend, Katherine Parr, and -have allowed that memory to save him. - -Lady Jane’s fate had hung in the balances. By some she was still -considered a menace to the stability of her cousin’s throne. Charles -V.’s ambassadors, representing to the Queen the need of proceeding -with caution in matters of religion, urged the necessity of executing -punishment upon the more guilty of those who had striven to deprive her -of her crown, clemency being used towards the rest. In which class was -Jane to be included? The determination of that question would decide -her fate. At an interview between Mary and Simon Renard, one of the -Emperor’s envoys, it was discussed, the Queen declaring that she could -not make up her mind to send Lady Jane to the scaffold; that she had -been told that, before her marriage with Guilford Dudley, she had been -bestowed upon another man by a _contrat obligatoire_, rendering the -subsequent tie null and void. Mary drew from this hypothetical fact the -inference that her cousin was not the daughter-in-law of the Duke of -Northumberland’s, adding that she had had no share in his undertaking, -and that, as she was innocent, it would be against her own conscience -to put her to death. - -Renard demurred. He said, what was probably true, that it was to be -feared that the alleged contract of marriage had been invented to -save Lady Jane; and it would be necessary at the least to keep her a -prisoner, since many inconveniences might be expected were she set at -liberty. To this Mary agreed, promising that her cousin should not -be liberated without all precautions necessary to ensure that no ill -results would follow.[199] - -This interview must have taken place shortly before Northumberland’s -death; for on August 23 the Emperor, to whom it had been duly -reported, was replying by a reiteration of his opinion that all -those who had conspired against the Queen, as well as any concerned -in Edward’s death, should be chastised without mercy. He advised that -the executions should take place simultaneously, so that the pardon -of the less guilty should follow without delay. If Mary was unable to -resolve to put “Jeanne de Suffolck” to death, she ought at least to -relegate her to some place of security, where she could be kept under -supervision and rendered incapable of causing trouble in the realm. - -That Mary had decided upon this course is clear, and there is no -reason to believe that Lady Jane would have suffered death had it -not been for her father’s subsequent conduct. In the meantime, she -remained a prisoner in the Tower, and on August 29, eleven days after -the executions on Tower Hill, she is shown to us in one of the rare -pictures left of her during the time of her captivity. On that day--a -Tuesday--the diarist in the Tower, admitted to dine at the same -table as the royal prisoner, placed upon record an account of the -conversation. - -Besides Lady Jane, who sat at the end of the board, there was present -the narrator himself, one Partridge,[200] and his wife--it was in -“Partridge’s house,” or lodging within the Tower, that the guests -met--with Lady Jane’s gentlewoman and her man. Her presence had been -unexpected by the diarist, as he was careful to explain, excusing his -boldness in having accepted Partridge’s invitation on the score that he -had not been aware that she dined below. - -Lady Jane did not appear anxious to stand on her dignity. Desiring -guest and host to be covered, she drank to the new-comer and made him -welcome. The conversation turned, naturally enough, upon the conduct of -public affairs, of which Lady Jane was inclined to take a sanguine view. - -“The Queen’s Majesty is a merciful Princess,” she observed. “I beseech -God she may long continue, and send His merciful grace upon her.” - -Religious matters were discussed, Lady Jane inquiring as to who had -been the preacher at St. Paul’s the preceding Sunday. - -“I pray you,” she asked next, “have they Mass in London?” - -“Yea, forsooth,” was the answer, “in some places.” - -“It may be so,” she said. “It is not so strange as the sudden -conversion of the late Duke. For who would have thought he would have -so done?” negativing at once and decidedly the suggestion made by some -one present that a hope of escaping his imminent doom and winning -pardon from the Queen might supply an explanation of his change of -front. - -“‘Pardon?’ repeated the dead man’s daughter-in-law. ‘Woe worth him! He -hath brought me and our stock into most miserable calamity and misery -by his exceeding ambition. But for the answering that he hoped for -life by his turning, though other men be of that opinion, I utterly -am not. For what man is there living, I pray you, although he had -been innocent, that would hope of life in that case; being in the -field against the Queen in person as general, and, after his taking, -so hated and evil spoken of by the commons? and at his coming into -prison so wondered at as the like was never heard by any man’s time? -Who was judge that he should hope for pardon, whose life was odious -to all men? But what will ye more? Like as his life was wicked and -full of dissimulation, so was his end thereafter. I pray God I, nor no -friend of mine, die so. Should I who [am] young and in my fewers [few -years?] forsake my faith for the love of life? Nay, God forbid, much -more he should not, whose fatal course, although he had lived his just -number of years, could not have long continued. But life was sweet, it -appeared; so he might have lived, you will say, he did [not] care how. -Indeed the reason is good, he that would have lived in chains, to have -had his life, by like would leave no other means attempted. But God be -merciful to us, for He saith, whoso denyeth Him before men, He will not -know in His Father’s Kingdom.’” - -The conviction of Northumberland’s daughter-in-law that his recantation -had not been a mere device designed to lengthen his days may be allowed -in some sort to weigh in favour of the man she hated; and it is also -fair to remember that if his first abjuration may be accounted for by -a lingering hope that it might purchase life, any such expectation -must have been abandoned before the final repetition of it upon the -scaffold. In Lady Jane’s eyes, however, there seems to have been little -to choose between a sham apostacy and a genuine reversion to his older -creed. - -“With this and much like talk the dinner passed away,” and with -exchange of courtesies the little company separated. The brief shaft of -light throwing Lady Jane’s figure into relief fades and leaves her once -more in the shadow--a shadow that was to deepen above her till the end. -It was early days of captivity still. Yet one discerns something of the -passionate longing of the prisoner for freedom in her wonder that life -in chains could be accounted worth any sacrifice. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -1553 - - Mary’s marriage in question--Pole and Courtenay--Foreign - suitors--The Prince of Spain proposed to her--Elizabeth’s - attitude--Lady Jane’s letter to Hardinge--The coronation--Cranmer - in the Tower--Lady Jane attainted--Letter to her father--Sentence - of death--The Spanish match. - - -To Mary there were at present matters of more personal and pressing -moment than the fate of her ill-starred cousin. It was essential that -the kingdom should be provided as quickly as possible with an heir -whose title to the throne should admit of no question. Mary was no -longer young and there was no time to lose. The question in all men’s -minds was who was to be the Queen’s husband. Amongst Englishmen, Pole, -who, though a Cardinal, was not in priest’s orders, and Courtenay, the -prisoner of the Tower, were both of royal blood, and considered in the -light of possible aspirants to her hand. The first, however, was soon -set aside, as disqualified by age and infirmity. Towards Courtenay -she appeared for a time not ill-disposed. His unhappy youth, his long -captivity, may have told in his favour in the eyes of a woman herself -the victim of injustice and misfortune. He was young, not more than -twenty-seven, handsome--called by Castlenau “l’un des plus beaux entre -les jeunes seigneurs de son âge”--and the Queen cherished a special -affection for his mother. He had been restored to the forfeited honours -of his family, had been made Earl of Devonshire and Knight of the -Bath. Gardiner also, whose opinion carried weight, was an advocate of -the match. But on his enfranchisement from prison the young man had -not used his liberty wisely. His head turned by the position already -his, and the chance of a higher one, he had started his household -on a princely scale, inducing many of the courtiers to kneel in his -presence. Follies such as these Mary might have condoned, although the -fact that she directed her cousin to accept no invitations to dinner -without her permission indicates the exercise of a supervision somewhat -like that to be kept over an emancipated schoolboy. But at a moment -when he was aspiring to the highest rank to be enjoyed by any subject, -his moral misconduct was matter of public report and sufficient to -deter any woman from becoming his wife. He was also headstrong and -self-willed, “so difficult to guide,” sighed Noailles, “that he will -believe nobody; and as one who has spent his life in a tower, seeing -himself now in the enjoyment of entire liberty, cannot abstain from its -delights, having no fear of those things which may be placed before -him.” - -To these causes, rather than to the romantic passion for Elizabeth -attributed to Courtenay by some other writers, Dr. Lingard attributes -Mary’s refusal to entertain the idea of becoming his wife. “In public -she observed that it was not for her honour to marry a subject, but to -her confidential friends she attributed the cause to the immorality of -Courtenay.”[201] - -Her two English suitors disposed of, it remained to select a husband -from amongst foreign princes--the King of Denmark, the Prince of -Spain, the Infant of Portugal, the Prince of Piedmont, being all under -consideration. A few months ago Mary had been a negligible quantity -in the marriage market; she had now become one of the most desirable -matches in Europe. She was determined to follow in her choice the -advice of the Emperor; and the Emperor had hitherto abstained from -proffering it, contenting himself with negativing the candidature of -the son of the King of the Romans. It was not until September 20 that, -in answer to her repeated inquiries, he instructed his ambassadors -to offer her the hand of his son; requesting that the matter should -be kept secret, even from her ministers of State, until he had been -informed whether she was inclined to accept his suggestion.[202] The -contents of the Emperor’s despatch must have been communicated to -the Queen immediately before her coronation on September 30; but not -being as yet made public there was nothing to interfere with the loyal -rejoicings of the people, to whom the very idea of the Spanish match -would have been abhorrent. - -Meantime the attitude of Elizabeth was increasing the desire of the -Catholic party that a direct heir should be born to the Catholic -Queen. The nation was insensibly dividing itself into two camps, and -the Protestant and Catholic parties eyed one another with suspicion, -each looking to the sister who shared its faith for support. The -enthusiasm displayed towards Elizabeth by a section of the people was -not conducive to the continuance of affectionate relations between -the Queen and the next heir to the throne, Pope Julius describing the -younger sister as being in the heart and mouth of every one. Elizabeth -was in a position of no little difficulty. She desired to continue -on good terms with the Queen; she was not willing to relinquish her -chief title to honour in Protestant eyes; and it is possible that -genuine religious sentiment, a sincere preference for the creed she -professed, may have added to her embarrassment. It may have been due -to conviction that she declined to bow to her sister’s wishes by -attending Mass, refusing so much as to be present at the ceremonial -which created Courtenay Earl of Devonshire. It was satisfactory to know -that Protestant England looked on and applauded. It was less pleasant -to hear that some of the Queen’s hot-headed friends, interpreting her -refusal as an act of disrespect to their mistress, had demanded--though -vainly--her arrest; and though on September 6 Noailles reported to -his master that on the previous Saturday and Sunday the Princess had -proved deaf to the arguments of preachers and the solicitations of -Councillors, and had gone so far as to make a rude reply to the last, -she suddenly changed her tactics, fell on her knees, weeping, before -Mary, and begged that books and teachers might be supplied to her, so -that she might perhaps see cause to alter the faith in which she had -been brought up. The expectation seems to have been promptly realised. -On September 8 she accompanied the Queen to Mass, and, expressing an -intention of establishing a chapel in her house, wrote to the Emperor -to ask permission to purchase the ornaments for it in Brussels. - -It was a season of sudden conversions. Elizabeth was not the only -person who saw the wisdom of conforming in appearance or in sincerity -to the standard set up by the Queen. Hardinge, a chaplain of the -Duke of Suffolk’s--he must have succeeded to the post of the worthy -Haddon--had recognized his errors; and it is believed that to him a -letter of Lady Jane’s--though signed with her unmarried name--was -addressed. Printed in English, and abroad, perhaps through the -instrumentality of her former tutor, Aylmer, it is an epistle of -expostulation, reproof, and warning, couched in the violent language -of the time. To her “noble friend, newly fallen from the truth” she -writes, marvelling at him, and lamenting the case of one who, once the -lively member of Christ, was now the deformed imp of the devil, and -from the temple of God was become the kennel of Satan--with much more -in the same strain. It has not been recorded what effect, if any, the -missive produced upon the delinquent to whom it was addressed. - -Elizabeth, for her part, had effectually made her peace with her -sister. The coronation, on October 10, found their relations restored -to a pleasant footing, and Elizabeth’s proper place at the ceremony was -assured to her. To Mary, a sad and lonely woman, the reconciliation -must have been welcome. To Elizabeth the material advantages of -standing on terms of affection with the Queen will have appealed more -strongly than motives of sentiment; and that her attitude was surmised -by those about her would seem to be shown by a curious incident -reported in the despatches of the imperial ambassador. - -As the younger sister bore the crown to be placed upon Mary’s head, she -complained to M. de Noailles, who stood near, of its weight. It was -heavy, she said, and she was weary. - -The Frenchman replied with a flippant jest, overheard by Charles’s -ambassador, though Noailles himself, perhaps convicted of indiscretion, -makes no mention of it in his account of the day’s proceedings. Let -Elizabeth have patience, he replied. When the crown should shortly be -upon her own head it would appear lighter.[203] - -Outwardly all was as it should be. Mary held her sister’s hand in an -affectionate clasp, assigning to her the place of honour next her own -at the ensuing banquet, and court and nation looked on and were edified. - -Gardiner, now not only Bishop of Winchester but Lord Chancellor, -had performed the rites of the coronation, in the absence of the -Archbishops, both in confinement. The Tower had been once more opening -its hospitable doors, and a fortnight earlier its resident diarist had -noted Cranmer’s arrival. “Item, the Bishop of Canterbury was brought -into the Tower as prisoner, and lodged in the Tower over the gate -anenst the water-gate, where the Duke of Northumberland lay before his -death.” - -Nor was Cranmer the only churchman to find a lodging there. Doctor -Ridley had preceded him to the universal prison-house, and on the same -day that the Archbishop took up his residence in it “Master Latimer was -brought to the Tower prisoner; who at his coming said to one Rutter, -a warder there, ‘What, my old friend, how do you? I am now come to -be your neighbour again,’ and was lodged in the garden in Sir Thomas -Palmer’s lodging.” - -Ominous quarters both! It was a day when the great fortress received, -and discharged, many guests. - -If Cranmer had drawn his imprisonment upon himself, the imprudence -to which it was due did him honour. He had at first been treated by -Mary with an indulgence the more singular when it is remembered that -he had been the instrument of her mother’s divorce, and a strenuous -supporter of Lady Jane. Prudence would have dictated the adoption -on his part of a policy of silence; but, confined to his house at -Lambeth, and regarding with the bitterness inevitable in a man of his -convictions the steps in course of being taken for the restoration of -the ancient worship, the news that Mass had been once again celebrated -in Canterbury Cathedral, and that it was commonly reported that it -had been done with his consent and connivance, was too much for him. -Feeling the need of clearing himself from what he regarded as a -damaging imputation, he wrote and spread abroad a declaration of his -faith and opinions, adding to it a violent attack upon the rites of the -Catholic Church. By Mary and her advisers the challenge could scarcely -have been ignored; and it was this document, read to the people in the -streets, which was the cause of the Archbishop being called before the -Council and committed to the Tower on a charge of treason accompanied -by the spreading abroad of seditious libels.[204] - -The Tower continued to be, in some sort, the centre of all that was -going forward. On September 27, two days before the coronation, Mary -had again visited the fortress whither she had so nearly escaped being -brought in quite another character and guise. Elizabeth came with her, -and she was attended by the whole Council--just as they had, not three -months before, attended upon Jane, the innocent usurper. And somewhere -in the great dark building the little Twelfth-night Queen must have -listened to the pealing of the joy-bells and to the acclamations of the -people who had kept so ominous a silence when she herself had made her -entry. Perhaps young Guilford Dudley too, who a week or two before had -been accorded “the liberty of the leads on Beacham’s Tower,” may have -stood above, catching a glimpse of the show, and remembering the day -when he and his wife had their boy-and-girl quarrel, because she would -not make him a King. - -The two questions of the hour were those relating to the Queen’s -marriage and to matters of religion. When Parliament met on October 5, -the news of the Spanish match had not been announced, and the bills -of chief interest passed were one dealing with the important point of -the validity of Katherine of Aragon’s marriage, and a second, which, -avoiding any discussion of the Papal supremacy, the only thoroughly -unpopular article of the Catholic creed, cancelled recent legislation -on ecclesiastical matters, and restored the ritual in use during the -last year of Henry’s reign. The other important measure carried in this -session was the attainder of Cranmer, Lady Jane and her husband, and -Sir Ambrose Dudley. - -So far as Lady Jane was concerned the step was purely formal, intended -to serve as a warning to her friends, and it was understood on all -hands that a pardon would be granted to the guiltless figure-head of -the conspiracy. Yet to a nervous child, not yet seventeen, there may -well have been something terrifying in the sentence hanging over her, -and it seems to have been about this time that she addressed a letter -to her father which could scarcely have been otherwise conceived had -she expected in truth to suffer the penalty due to treason. - -[Illustration: - - From an etching by W. Hollar. Photo by W. A. Mansell & Co. - -THE TOWER OF LONDON.] - -“If I may without offence rejoice in mine own mishap,” she wrote, -“meseems in this I may account myself blessed, that washing mine hands -with the innocency of my fact, my guiltless blood may cry before -the Lord, mercy, mercy to the innocent. And yet I must acknowledge -that being constrained, and, as you wot well enough, continually -assailed, in taking upon me I seemed to consent, and therein offended -the Queen and her laws, yet do I assuredly trust that this mine offence -towards God is much the less, in that being in so royal an estate as I -was, mine enforced honour never agreed with mine innocent heart.”[205] - -The trial was held on November 13, on which day Cranmer, with Guilford, -and his brother, and Lady Jane, were all conducted on foot to the -Guildhall to answer the charge of treason. - -The Archbishop led the way, followed by young Dudley. After them came -Lady Jane, a childish figure of woe, dressed in black, with a French -hood, also black, a book bound in black velvet hanging at her side, and -another in her hand. - -Her condemnation was a foregone conclusion, and, pleading guilty, she -was sentenced to death, by the axe or by fire, according to the old -brutal law dealing with a woman convicted of treason. As she returned -to the Tower a demonstration took place in her honour, not unlikely -to be productive of some uneasiness to those in power, and little -calculated to serve her cause. - -The London populace were more favourably disposed towards her in -misfortune, than in her brief period of prosperity. The sight of the -forlorn pair, still no more than boy and girl, touched and moved the -multitude, and crowds accompanied them to their place of captivity. It -is said that this was the solitary occasion upon which she and Guilford -Dudley met during their imprisonment. - -Another cause, besides simple pity, was perhaps responsible for the -tenderness displayed towards the Queen’s rival. A week or two before -the trial the news of the Spanish match had been made known to the -public, and may have had the effect of suggesting doubts as to the -wisdom of the enthusiastic welcome given to Mary. At the beginning of -November the affair had been undecided, and Gardiner was telling the -Emperor’s envoy candidly that, if the Queen asked his advice, he would -counsel her to choose an Englishman for her husband. The nation, he -added, was deeply prejudiced against foreign domination, especially in -the case of Spaniards, and the proposed union would also produce war -with France. - -Mary’s mind, however, was made up, nor had she any intention of being -swayed by Gardiner’s advice. On the night of October 30 she took -the singular step of summoning the ambassador, Simon Renard, to her -apartment; when, in the presence of the Blessed Sacrament, and after -repeating on her knees the _Veni Creator_, she gave him her promise to -wed the Prince of Spain. In the face of the curious determination thus -shown to bind herself by a contract irrevocable in her own eyes, it -is strange to find historians attributing to her a continued leaning -towards Courtenay. - -When the fact got abroad that the Emperor’s son was destined to -become the Queen’s husband, London thrilled with indignation; whilst -Parliament made its sentiments plain by means of a deputation which, -in an address containing an entreaty that she would marry, expressed -a hope that her choice would fall upon an Englishman. But Mary was a -Tudor. Dispensing with the customary medium of the Chancellor, she -gave her reply in person. Thanking the petitioners for their zeal, -she declared herself disposed to act upon their advice and to take a -husband. It was, however, for herself alone to select one, according to -her inclination, and for the good of her kingdom. - -Simon Renard, reporting the scene, observed that her speech had been -applauded by the nobles present, Arundel informing the Chancellor -in jest that he had been deprived of his office, since the Queen -had undertaken the functions belonging to it. In the pleasantry the -Emperor’s envoy detected a warning that should Gardiner continue his -opposition to the match he would not long retain his present post.[206] - -The Bishop yielded. He may have agreed with Renard. At all events, the -Queen being determined, and recognising that he was unable to deter -her from the measure upon which she had decided, he took the prudent -step of putting himself on her side. His opposition removed, Renard was -able to inform his master, on December 17, that Mary had received him -in open daylight, had informed him that the necessity for secrecy was -at an end, and that she regarded her marriage as a thing definitely and -irrevocably fixed.[207] - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -1553-1554 - - Discontent at the Spanish match--Insurrections in the - country--Courtenay and Elizabeth--Suffolk a rebel--General - failure of the insurgents--Wyatt’s success--Marches to - London--Mary’s conduct--Apprehensions in London, and at the - palace--The fight--Wyatt a prisoner--Taken to the Tower. - - -When the year 1553 drew towards its close there was nothing to -indicate that any catastrophe was at hand. The crisis appeared to be -past and no further danger to be apprehended. Northumberland and his -principal accomplices had paid the penalty of their treason. Suffolk, -with lesser criminals, had been allowed to escape it; the rest of the -confederates had been practically pardoned. If some were still in -confinement it was understood to be without danger to life or limb. -In the Tower Lady Jane and her husband lay formally under sentence of -death, but the conditions of their captivity had been lightened; on -December 18 Lady Jane was accorded “the liberty of the Tower,” and was -permitted to walk in the Queen’s garden and on the hill; Guilford and -his brother--Elizabeth’s Leicester--were allowed the liberty of the -leads in the Bell Tower. Both Northampton and young Warwick--who did -not long survive his enfranchisement--had been released. No further -chastisement seemed likely to be inflicted in expiation of the late -attempt to keep Mary out of her rights. - -Yet discontent was on the increase. As early as November steps had been -taken to induce Courtenay to head a new conspiracy. He was timid and -faint-hearted, and urged delay, and nothing had, so far, come of it. -It would be well, he said, advocating a policy of procrastination, to -wait to be certain that the Queen was determined upon the Spanish match -before taking hazardous measures to oppose it.[208] - -Thus Christmas had found the country ostensibly at peace, and the -prisoners in the Tower with no reason to fear any change for the worse -in their condition. On the following day the thunder of the cannon -discharged as a welcome to the Emperor’s ambassadors sounded in their -ears, and was, though they were ignorant of it, the prelude of their -destruction. The arrival of envoys expressly charged with the marriage -negotiations put the matter beyond doubt; nor was England in a mood to -submit passively to a union it hated and feared. - -By January 2 the Counts of Egmont and Laing and the Sieur de Corriers -had reached the capital; landing at the Tower, where they were greeted -with a salute from the guns, and met by the Earl of Devonshire, who -escorted them through the City. “The people, nothing rejoicing, held -down their heads sorrowfully.” When on the previous day the retinue -of the Spanish envoys had ridden through the town, more forcible -expression had been given to public opinion, and they had been pelted -with snowballs.[209] - -Matters were pressed quickly on. By January 13 the formal announcement -of the unpopular arrangement, with its provisions, was made by Gardiner -in the Presence-chamber at Westminster to the lords and nobles there -assembled; hope could no longer be entertained that the Queen would be -otherwise persuaded. “These news,” adds the Tower diarist, “although -they were not unknown to many and very much disliked, yet being now in -this wise pronounced, was not only credited, but also heavily taken of -sundry men; yea, and almost each man was abashed, looking daily for -worse matters to grow shortly after.” - -They did not look in vain. The unpopularity of the Spanish match was -the direct cause of the insurrections which soon broke out. Indirectly -it was the cause of the death of Lady Jane Grey. - -Wild tales were afloat, rousing the passions of the angry people to -fever-heat. Some reports stated that Edward was still alive; others -asserted that the tower and the forts were to be seized and held by an -imperialist army; abuse of every kind was directed against the Prince -of Spain and his nation. Mary was said to have given her pledge that -she would marry no foreigner, and by the breach of this promise she was -declared to have forfeited the crown. Fresh schemes were set on foot -for a rising in the spring. It does not appear that the substitution -of Lady Jane for her cousin was again generally contemplated. That -plan had resulted in so complete a failure that it had probably been -tacitly admitted that the arrangement would not work. But the eyes of -many were turning towards Elizabeth. She was to wed Courtenay, and they -were jointly to occupy the throne. The two principally concerned were -not likely to have refused to fall in with the project had it seemed to -offer a fair chance of success, and France was in favour of it. - -“By what I hear,” wrote Noailles, “it will be by my Lord Courtenay’s -own fault if he does not marry her, and she does not follow him to -Devonshire,”--the selected centre of operations--“but the misfortune -is that the said Courtenay is in such fear that he dares undertake -nothing. I see no reason that prevents him save lack of heart.” - -Courtenay was in truth not the stuff of which conductors of revolutions -are made. Gratitude and loyalty would not have availed to keep him -true to Mary, and in able hands he might have become the instrument -of a rebellion. But Gardiner found no difficulty in so playing on his -apprehensions as to lead him to divulge the plots that were on foot; -and his revelations, or betrayals, whichever they are to be called, -precipitated the action of the conspirators. If their enterprise was to -be attempted, no time must be lost.[210] - -On January 20 it became known that Devonshire was in arms, “resisting -the King of Spain’s coming,” and that Exeter was in the hands of the -insurgents. By the 25th the Duke of Suffolk, with his two brothers, -Lord John and Lord Leonard Grey, had fled from his house at Sheen, and -gone northwards to rouse his Warwickshire tenants to insurrection. It -was currently reported that he had narrowly escaped being detained, -a messenger from the Queen having arrived as he was on the point of -starting, with orders that he should repair to Court. - -“Marry,” said the Duke, “I was coming to her Grace. Ye may see I am -booted and spurred ready to ride, and I will but break my fast and go.” - -Bestowing a present upon the messenger, he gave him drink, and himself -departed, no one then knew whither. - -That same day tidings had reached the Council that Kent had risen, Sir -Thomas Wyatt at its head, with Culpepper, Cobham, and others, alleging, -as their sole motives, resistance to the Prince of Spain, and the -removal of certain lords from the Council Board. Sir John Crofts had -proceeded to Wales to call upon it to join the insurrectionary movement. - -The country being thus in a turmoil the two persons who should have -taken the lead and upon whom much of the success of the insurgents -depended were playing a cautious game. Courtenay was at Court, and -Elizabeth remained at Ashridge to watch the event, no doubt prepared -to shape her course accordingly. A letter addressed to her by her -partisans, counselling her withdrawal to Dunnington, as to a place of -greater safety, had been intercepted by the authorities; and she had -received an invitation, or command, to join her sister at St. James’s, -where, it was significantly added, she would be more secure than either -at Ashridge or Dunnington. On the score of ill-health she disobeyed the -summons, fortifying the house, and assembling around it some numbers of -armed retainers. - -[Illustration: - - From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting by Joannes Corvus in - the National Portrait Gallery. - -HENRY GREY, DUKE OF SUFFOLK, K.G.] - -The hopes built by the insurgents upon the general discontent -throughout the country were doomed to disappointment. It was one thing -to disapprove of the Queen’s choice; it was quite another to take up -arms against her. Devonshire proved cold; most of the leaders there -were seized, or compelled to make their escape to France; Crofts had -been pursued to Wales, and was arrested before he had time to rally any -support in the principality. - -Suffolk had done no better in the Midlands. Authorities are divided -as to his intentions. By Dr. Lingard it is considered uncertain -whether he meant to press Elizabeth’s claims or to revive those of his -daughter. With either upon the throne the dominance of the Protestant -religion would have been ensured, and, unlike Northumberland, Suffolk -was sincere and honest in his attachment to the principles of the -Reformation. Other writers, however, assert categorically that he -caused Lady Jane to be proclaimed at his halting-places as he went -north; and the sequel seems to make it probable that she had been once -more forced into a position of dangerous prominence. - -Whatever may have been the exact nature of the scheme he propounded, -the country made no response to his appeal; after a skirmish near -Coventry he gave up hopes of any immediate success, disbanded his -followers, and, betrayed by a tenant upon whose fidelity he had -believed he could count, fell into the hands of those in pursuit of -him. By February 10 he had gone to swell the numbers of the prisoners -in the Tower. - -The rising in Kent had alone answered in any degree to the expectations -of its promoters. Drawn into the conspiracy, if his own assertions are -to be credited, by Courtenay, Wyatt had become the most conspicuous -leader of the insurrection known by his name. He was well fitted -for the post. Brave, skilful, and secret, he was, says Noailles, “un -gentilhomme le plus vaillant et assuré que j’ai jamais ouï parler”; and -whether or not he had been deserted by the man to whom it was due that -he had taken up arms, he was not disposed to submit to defeat without a -struggle. - -Fixing his headquarters at Rochester, he had gathered together a body -of some fifteen thousand men, and was there found by the Duke of -Norfolk, sent at the head of the Queen’s forces against him. The utmost -enthusiasm prevailed amongst the insurgents, and when a herald arrived -in Rochester commissioned by the Duke to proclaim a pardon for all who -would consent to lay down arms, “each man cried that they had done -nothing wherefore they should need any pardon, and that quarrel which -they took they would die and live in it.”[211] Sir George Harper was in -fact the sole rebel who accepted the proffered boon. - -Worse was to follow. At the first encounter of the royal troops with -the Kentish men Captain Bret, leading five hundred Londoners, went -over to the rebels, explaining in a spirited speech the grounds for -his desertion, the miseries which might be expected to befall the -nation should the Spaniards bear rule over it, and expressing his -determination to spend his blood “in the quarrel of this worthy -captain, Master Wyatt.”[212] - -It was an ominous beginning to the struggle, and at the applause -greeting Bret’s announcement, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Ormond, -and Jerningham, Captain of the Guard, fled. Wyatt, taking instant -advantage of the situation, rode in amongst the Queen’s troops, crying -out that any who desired to join him should be welcome and that those -who wished might depart. - -Most of the men accepted the alternative of throwing in their lot with -Wyatt and his company, leaving their leaders to return without them -to London. “Ye should have seen,” adds the diarist, from whom these -details and many others of this episode are taken, “some of the Guard -come home, their coats turned, all ruined, without arrows or string in -their bow, or sword, in very strange wise; which discomfiture, like -as it was very heart-sore and displeasing to the Queen and Council, -even so it was almost no less joyous to the Londoners and most part of -others.” - -With the capital in this temper, the juncture was a critical one. Wyatt -was marching on London, and who could say what reception he would -meet with at the hands of the discontented populace? The fact that he -was encountered at Deptford by a deputation from the Council, sent to -inquire into his demands, is proof of the apprehensions entertained. -The interview did not end amicably. Flushed with victory, Wyatt was not -disposed to be moderate. To Sir Edward Hastings, who asked the reason -why, calling himself a true subject, he played the part of a traitor, -he answered boldly that he had assembled the people to defend the realm -from the danger of being overrun by strangers, a result which must -follow from the proposed marriage of the Queen. - -Hastings temporised. No stranger was yet come who need be suspected. -Therefore, if this was their only quarrel, the Queen would be content -they should be heard. - -“To that I yield,” returned Wyatt warily, “but for my further surety I -would rather be trusted than trust.” - -In carrying out this principle of caution it was reported that he had -pressed his demand for confidence so far as to require that the custody -of the Tower, and the Queen’s person within it, should be conceded to -him. If this was the case, he can scarcely have felt much surprise -that the negotiations were brought to an abrupt conclusion, Hastings -replying hotly that before his traitorous conditions should be granted, -Wyatt and twenty thousand with him should die. And thus the conference -ended.[213] - -London was in a ferment. Mayor, aldermen, and many of the citizens went -about in armour, “the lawyers pleaded their causes in harness,” and -when Dr. Weston said Mass before the Queen on Ash Wednesday he wore -a coat of mail beneath his vestments. There had been no need to bid -the Spanish ambassadors to depart, those gentlemen having prudently -decamped as speedily as possible. Upon February 2 Mary in person -proceeded to the Guildhall, and, there meeting the chief amongst the -citizens, made them a speech which was an admirable combination of -appeal and independence, and showed that if outwardly she bore no -resemblance to father or sister the Tudor spirit was alive in her. She -had come, she said, to tell them what they already knew--of the treason -of the Kentish rebels, who demanded the possession of her person, the -keeping of the Tower, and the placing and displacing of her counsellors. - -That day marked the crisis in the progress of the insurrection. Mary’s -visit to the Guildhall had taken place on February 2. When on the -following day Wyatt, leaving Deptford, marched to Southwark the tide -had turned. His followers were falling away; no other part of the -country was in arms to support him; and his position was becoming -desperate. His daring, nevertheless, did not fail. A price had been -put upon his head, and, aware of the proclamation, he caused his name -to be “fair written,” and set it on his cap. The act of bravado was -characteristic of the spirit of the popular leader. - -Meantime the measures to be taken against him were anxiously -discussed. On the 4th Sir Nicholas Poynings, on duty at the Tower, -waited upon the Queen to receive her orders, and to learn whether the -ordnance was to be directed upon Southwark, and the houses knocked down -upon the heads of Wyatt and his men, quartered in that district. - -Mary, to her honour, refused to authorise the drastic mode of attack. - -“Nay,” she replied, “that were pity; for many poor men and householders -are like to be undone there and killed. For, God willing, they shall be -fought with to-morrow.” - -The innocent were not to be involved in the destruction of the guilty. -Her decision was unwelcome at the Tower. The night before Sir John -Bridges had expressed his surprise to the sentinel on duty that the -rebels had not yet been fought. - -“By God’s mother,” he added, “I fear there is some traitor abroad, that -they be suffered all this while. For surely if it had been about my -sentry [or beat] I would have fought with them myself, by God’s grace.” - -Wyatt, strangely enough, was no less pitiful than the Queen. Although -she had refused permission for the discharge of the guns, they had been -directed by those responsible for them upon the spot where the rebel -body was stationed; and, in terror of a cannonade, the inhabitants, men -and women, approached the insurgent leader “in most lamentable wise,” -setting forth the danger his presence was bringing upon them, and -praying him for the love of God to have pity. The appeal was not made -in vain. - -“At which words he, being partly abashed, stayed awhile, and then said -these, or much like words, ‘I pray you, my friends, content yourselves -a little, and I will soon ease you of this mischief. For God forbid -that you, or the least child here, should be hurt or killed on my -behalf,’ and so in most speedy manner marched away.” - -A meeting was to have taken place before sunrise with some of the -disaffected in the City. By this means it had been hoped that a -surprise might be contrived. But a portion of Kingston Bridge, where -the river was to be crossed, had been destroyed; time was lost in -repairing it, and the assignation at Ludgate was missed. The scheme -had supplied Wyatt’s last chance and failure was staring him in the -face. Rats were leaving the sinking vessel. The Protestant Bishop of -Winchester, who had hitherto lent the countenance of his presence in -the camp to the insurgents, fled beyond seas; Sir George Harper, having -rejoined Wyatt’s forces, deserted for the second time, and made his -way to St. James’s to give warning to the Court of the approach of the -rebel leader. - -Such being the condition of things, it is singular to find that at the -palace something like a panic was prevailing. Mary was entreated by -her ministers to seek safety at the Tower; and, though deciding in the -end to remain at her post, she appears at first to have been inclined -to act upon the suggestion. A plan of action was determined upon in -a hurried consultation. Wyatt, it was agreed, was to be permitted to -reach the City, with a certain number of his followers, and having been -thus detached from the main body of his troops it was hoped that he -would be trapped and seized. - -In the meantime arrangements were made for the defence of the Queen and -the palace. Edward Underhyll, the Hot-Gospeller for whose child Lady -Jane had stood godmother six months earlier, and who was on duty as a -gentleman-pensioner at St. James’s, has left a graphic account of the -scene there that night, and of the terror of the Queen’s ladies when -the pensioners, armed with pole-axes, were placed on guard in their -mistress’s apartments. The breach of etiquette appears to have struck -them as an earnest of the peril to which it was owing. Was such a sight -ever seen, they cried, wringing their hands, that the Queen’s chamber -should be full of armed men? - -Underhyll, for his part, soon received his dismissal. As the usher -charged with the duty looked at the list of the pensioners before -calling them over, his eye was caught by the well-known name of the -Hot-Gospeller. - -“By God’s Body,” he said, “that heretic shall not watch here!” and -Underhyll, taking his men with him, and professing satisfaction at his -exemption from duty, went his way. - -By the morning he had reconsidered the matter, and thought it well to -ignore his rebuff and return to his post. For the present, he joined -company with one of the Throckmortons, who had just left the palace -after reporting there the welcome tidings of the capture of the Duke of -Suffolk at Coventry, the two proceeding together to Ludgate, intending -to pass the remainder of the night in the City. The gate, however, was -found to be fast locked, and those on guard within explained, with much -ill-timed laughter, to the tired wayfarers outside, that they were not -entrusted with the keys, and could give admittance to none. - -It was disconcerting intelligence to men in search of a lodging and -repose; and Throckmorton, in especial, fresh from his hurried journey, -felt that he was hardly treated. - -“I am weary and faint,” he complained, “and I wax now cold.” No man -would open his door in this dangerous time, and he would perish that -night. Such was his piteous lament. - -Underhyll, a man of resource, had a plan to propose. - -“Let us go to Newgate,” he suggested. He thought himself secure of -an entrance there into the city. At the worst, he had acquaintances -within the prison--like most men at that day--having recently been -in confinement there. The door of the keeper of the gaol was without -the gate, and Underhyll entertained no doubts of finding a hospitable -reception in his old quarters. Throckmorton, it was true, declared -at first that he would almost as soon die in the street as seek so -ill-omened a refuge; but in the end the two proceeded thither, and, a -friend of Underhyll’s being fortunately in command of the guard placed -outside the gate, the wanderers were permitted to enter the City. - -Whilst consternation and alarm were felt at the palace at the tidings -of Wyatt’s approach, the rebel leader himself must have been aware that -the game had been played and lost. Yet he kept up a bold front, and -refused to acknowledge that he was beaten. - -“Twice have I knocked, and not been suffered to enter,” he was reported -to have said. “If I knock the third time I will come in, by God’s -grace.” - -They were brave words. An incident of his march to Kingston -nevertheless sounds the note of a consciousness of impending defeat. -Meeting, as he went, a merchant of London who was known to him, he -charged him with a greeting to his fellow-citizens. “And say unto them -from me that when liberty and freedom was offered them they would not -accept it, neither would they admit me within their gates, who for -their freedom and the disburthening of their griefs and oppression by -strangers would have frankly spent my blood in that their cause and -quarrel; ... therefore they are the less to be bemoaned hereafter when -the miserable tyranny of strangers shall oppress them.” - -It may be that by some amongst the men to whom the message was sent his -words were remembered thereafter. - -Still the insurgents pushed on. By nine in the morning Knightsbridge -was reached. Disheartened, weary, and faint for lack of food, they -were in no condition to stand against the Queen’s troops. But the mere -fact of their vicinity was disquieting to those in no position to form -a correct estimate of their strength or weakness, and when Underhyll -returned to the palace he found confusion and turmoil there. - -His men were stationed in the hall, which was to be their special -charge. Sir John Gage, with part of the guard, was placed outside the -gate, the rest of the guard were within the great courtyard; the Queen -occupying the gallery by the gatehouse, whence she could watch what -should befall. - -This was the disposition of the defenders, when suddenly a body of the -rebels made their way to the very gates of the palace. A struggle took -place; Gage and three of the judges who had been with him retreated -hurriedly within the gates, Sir John, who was old, stumbling in his -haste and falling in the mire. Within all was in disorder. The gates -had clanged to behind Gage, his soldiers, and the men of law, as -they gained the shelter of the courtyard. Without the rebels were -using their bows and arrows. The guard stationed in the outer court, -attempting to make good their entrance to the hall, were forcibly -ejected by the gentlemen pensioners in charge of it. Poor Gage--“so -frighted that he could not speak to us”--and the three judges, also in -such terror that force would have been necessary to keep them out, were -alone admitted to the comparative safety it afforded. - -There was in truth little reason for alarm. The manœuvre decided upon -during the night had been executed. The Queen’s troops, Pembroke at -their head, had deliberately permitted Wyatt to break through their -lines, and, with some hundreds of his men, to proceed eastward. Behind -him the enemy had closed up, and he was separated from the main body of -the rebels, thus left leaderless to be engaged by the royal forces. The -Queen’s orders had been successfully carried out. But to the anxious -watchers in the palace the affair may have worn the aspect of a defeat, -if not of a treason, and there were not wanting those who suspected -Pembroke of a betrayal of his trust. A shout was raised that all was -lost. - -“Away, away! a barge, a barge!--let the Queen be placed in safety!” was -the cry. - -Again Mary was to show that she was a Tudor. She would not beat a -retreat before rebels. Where, she inquired, was the Earl of Pembroke? -and receiving the answer that he was in the field, “Well then,” she -said, “fall to prayer, and I warrant you that we shall have better news -anon, for my lord will not deceive me, I know well. If he would, God -will not, in Whom my chief trust is, Who will not deceive me.” - -Though it was well to have confidence in God, men with arms in their -hands would have liked to use them, and the pensioners entreated -Sir Richard Southwell, in authority within the palace, to have the -gates opened that they might try a fall with the enemy; else, they -threatened, they would break them down. It was too much shame that the -doors should be shut upon a few rebels. - -Southwell was quite of the same mind; and, interceding with Mary, -obtained her leave for the pensioners to have their way, provided they -would not go out of her sight, since her trust was in them--a command -she reiterated as, the gates being thrown open, the band marched under -the gallery, where she still kept her place. It was not long before her -confidence in the commander of the royal troops was justified, and news -was brought that put an end to all fear. Wyatt was taken. - -At the head of that body of his men who had been allowed to clear the -enemy’s lines, he had ridden on towards the City, had passed Temple -Bar and Fleet Street, till Ludgate was reached. There he halted. He -had kept his tryst, fulfilled the pledge he had given, and knocked, -as he had promised, at the gate. Let them open to him; Wyatt was -there--successful so long, he may have thought there was magic in the -name--Wyatt was there; the Queen had granted their requests. - -The City remained unmoved; and, in terms of insult, Sir William Howard -refused him entrance. - -“Avaunt, traitor,” he said, barring the way, “thou shalt not come in -here.” - -It was the last blow. The poor chance that the City might have lent its -aid had constituted the single remaining possibility of a retrieval -of the fortunes of the insurrection. That vanished, the end was -inevitable. London had blustered, had expressed its detestation for the -Spanish match, had paraded its Protestantism; it was now plain that it -had not meant business, and the man who had taken it at its word was -doomed. - -A strange little scene followed--a scene forming an interlude, as it -were, in the tumult and excitement of the hour. It may be that the -effects of the strain and fatigue of the last weeks, of the hopes -and fears that had filled them, of the march of the night before, -unlightened by any genuine anticipation of victory, were suddenly felt -by the man who had borne the burden and heat of the day. At any rate, -turning without further parley, he made his way back to the Bel Savage -Inn, and there “awhile stayed, and, as some say, rested him upon a -seat.” Sitting there, trapped by his enemies, in “the shirt of mail, -with sleeves very fair, velvet cassock, and the fair hat of velvet with -broad bone-work lace” he had worn that day, he may have looked on and -seen the future bounded by a scaffold. Then, rousing himself, he rose, -and returned by the way he had come, until Temple Bar was reached. - -Though the combat was there renewed, all must have known that further -resistance was vain, and at length, yielding to a remonstrance at the -shedding of useless blood, Wyatt consented to acknowledge his defeat -and to yield himself a prisoner to Sir Maurice Berkeley. He had fought -the battle of many men who had taken no weapon in hand to support him. -When false hopes had at one time been entertained of his success “many -hollow hearts rejoiced in London at the same.” But scant sympathy will -have been shown to the vanquished. - -It remained to consign the captives to the universal house of -detention. By five o’clock in the afternoon, as the spring day was -closing in, Wyatt and five of his comrades had been conducted to the -Tower by Jerningham. They arrived by water, and were met at the -bulwark by Sir Philip Denny, who greeted the prisoners with words of -fierce upbraiding. - -“Go, traitor,” he said, as Wyatt passed by, “there was never such a -traitor in England.” - -Wyatt turned upon him. - -“I am no traitor,” he answered. “I would thou should well know thou art -more traitor than I; and it is not the part of an honest man to call me -so.” - -He was right; but courtesy to the defeated was no article of the code -of the day. At the Tower Gate Sir John Bridges, the Lieutenant, stood, -likewise ready to receive and to revile his prisoners. To each in turn -he addressed some varied form of abuse, taking Wyatt, who came last, by -the collar “in very rigorous manner,” and shaking him. - -“‘Thou villain and unhappy traitor,’ he cried, ... ‘if it were not that -the law must justly pass upon thee, I would strike thee through with my -dagger.’ - -“To whom Wyatt made no answer, but, holding his arms under his side, -and looking grievously with a grim look upon the said Lieutenant, said, -‘It is no mastery now,’ and so they passed on.” - -Thus ended Wyatt’s rebellion. Together with her father’s treason, it -had sealed Lady Jane’s fate, and that of the boy-husband who shared her -captivity. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -1554 - - Lady Jane and her husband doomed--Her dispute with - Feckenham--Gardiner’s sermon--Farewell messages--Last - hours--Guilford Dudley’s execution--Lady Jane’s death. - - -Those anxious days when the fortunes of England and its Queen appeared -once more to hang in the balance had sealed the fate of the prisoners -in the Tower. They must die. Mary had been warned that the clemency -shown to her little cousin was unwise; she had struggled against the -counsellors who had striven to convince her that the usurper, so long -as she lived, was a menace to the peace of the realm, and the stability -of her government. Their warnings had been justified, and Jane must pay -the penalty. - -What was to be done was to be done quickly. It was perhaps feared -that, with leisure to reconsider the matter, the Queen would even now -retract her consent to deliver up the victim; nor was there any excuse -for delay. The boy and girl already lay under sentence of death; it -was only necessary to carry it into effect. So far as this life was -concerned Lady Jane’s doom was fixed. - -It remained to take thought for her soul. With death staring them in -the face, many had been lately found willing to conform their faith -to the Queen’s. Why should it not be so with the Queen’s cousin? To -compass this object Mary’s chaplain, Dr. Feckenham, the new Dean of St. -Paul’s, was sent to plead with the captive, and to strive to reconcile -her with God and the Church before she went hence. - -The ambassador was well chosen. Learned and devout, he had been bred -a Benedictine, and had, under Henry VIII., suffered imprisonment -on account of his faith; until Sir Philip Hoby, in his own words, -“borrowed him of the Tower.” Since then it had been his habit to hold -disputations, “earnest yet modest,” according to Fuller, in defence of -his religion, and was honoured by Mary and Elizabeth alike. This was -the man to whom was entrusted the difficult task of convincing Lady -Jane of her errors. It was scarcely to be anticipated that he would -succeed, but he seems to have performed the thankless duty laid upon -him with gentleness and good feeling. - -Arrived at the Tower--his whilom place of captivity--Feckenham, after -some preliminary courtesies, disclosed the object of his visit, adding -certain persuasive arguments, to which the prisoner made reply that -he had delayed too long, and time was over-short to allow her to give -attention to these matters. The answer, in whatever sense it was -meant, was sufficiently ambiguous to afford a sanguine and anxious -man grounds for hope that, with leisure for discussion, he might -win a favourable hearing; considering his proposed convert “in very -good dispositions,” he went to seek the Queen; and, describing his -interview, had no difficulty in inducing her to grant a three-days’ -reprieve. Friday, February 9, had been at first appointed for the -execution, and when--for reasons undisclosed to the public--it was -deferred until the following Monday, the change may have given rise -in some quarters to expectations unwarranted by the event. There were -those determined to hold Mary to her purpose. - -On Sunday, the 11th, Gardiner preached before the Queen, dealing first -with the doctrine of free will; secondly, with the institution of -Lent; thirdly, with the necessity of good works; and fourthly, with -Protestant errors. After which he came to the practical question in all -men’s minds. He asked a boon of the Queen’s Highness--that, like as -she had beforetime extended her mercy, particularly and privately, so -through her lenity and gentleness much conspiracy and open rebellion -were grown, according to the proverb, _nimia familiaritas parit -contemptum_, which he brought in for the purpose that she would now -be merciful to the body of the Commonwealth and conservation thereof, -which could not be unless the rotten and hurtful members thereof -were cut off and consumed. “And thus he ended soon after, whereby all -the audience did gather there should shortly follow sharp and cruel -execution.”[214] - -Whether or not Gardiner’s discourse was directed against a tendency to -waver in her intention on the part of his mistress, it was proved that -there was nothing in that direction to be apprehended. Meantime, armed -with the boon he had obtained, Feckenham had returned to the Tower, to -beg the captive to make use of the reprieve for the salvation of her -soul. - -Lady Jane’s reply was not encouraging. She had not, she told him, -intended her words to be repeated to the Queen; she had already -abandoned worldly things, had no thought of fear, and was prepared to -meet death patiently in whatsoever form might please the Queen. To the -flesh it was indeed painful, but her soul was joyful at quitting this -darkness, and rising, as by God’s mercy she hoped to rise, to eternal -light.[215] - -It was not to be expected that the priest, a good man, full of zeal for -his religion and of solicitude for the dying culprit, would consent -to relinquish, without an effort, the attempt to utilise the respite -he had been granted. Of what followed accounts vary, according to -the theological proclivities of the narrator of the scene, an early -pamphlet asserting that Feckenham, finding himself, in reasoning, -“in all holy gifts so short of [Lady Jane’s] excellence that he -acknowledged himself fitter to be her disciple than teacher, thereupon -humbly besought her to deliver unto him some brief sum of her faith -which he might hereafter keep, and as a faithful witness publish to -the world; to which she willingly condescended, and bade him boldly -question her in what points of religion soever it pleased him.”[216] - -The attitude ascribed to Queen Mary’s chaplain would seem more likely -to be due to imagination than to fact. It appears, however, that a -species of “catechising argument” did in truth take place in the -presence of witnesses, an account of which was set down in writing, and -received Lady Jane’s signature. The only result of the discussion was -the strengthening rather than shaking of her convictions; and though it -was not until she stood upon the scaffold that the last farewells of -the disputants were taken, Feckenham must soon have been aware that his -efforts would be made in vain. It may be hoped that to the imagination -of the chronicler is again to be ascribed the manner of the parting of -the two on this first occasion, when, feeling himself to be worsted -in argument, Feckenham is said to have “grown into a little choler,” -and used language unsuitable to his gravity, received with smiles and -patience by the cause of his irritation. It is further stated that to -a final speech of her visitor, to the effect that he was sorry for her -obstinacy, and was certain that they would meet no more, Lady Jane, not -altogether with the meekness attributed to her, retorted that his words -were indeed most true, since, unless he should repent, he was in a sad -and desperate case, and she prayed God that, as He had given him His -great gift of utterance, He might open his heart to His truth.[217] - -So the days passed, and the fatal one was at hand. On Saturday, -February 10, the Duke of Suffolk, with his brother, Lord John Grey, -had been brought prisoners to the Tower; but it does not appear -that any meeting took place between father and daughter, and Lady -Jane’s leave-taking was made in writing; sentences of farewell being -inscribed by her and her husband in a manual of prayers belonging, as -is conjectured, to the Lieutenant of the Tower, and used by her on the -scaffold. In this volume three sentences were written. - - “Your loving and obedient son,” wrote Guilford, “wisheth unto your - Grace long life in this world, with as much joy and comfort as - ever I wished to myself, and in the world to come joy everlasting. - - G. DUDDELEY.” - -Jane’s farewell followed: - - “The Lord comfort your Grace, and that in His word wherein all - creatures only are to be comforted. And though it has pleased God - to take away two of your children, yet think not, I most humbly - beseech your Grace, that you have lost them, but trust that we, - by leaving this mortal life, have won an immortal life. And I, - for my part, as I have honoured your Grace in this life, will - pray for you in another life. - - “Your Grace’s humble daughter, - “JANE DUDDELEY.” - -The same book bears another inscription addressed to the Lieutenant of -the Tower, Bridges, apparently at his own request. - - “Forasmuch as you have desired,” Jane wrote, “so simple a woman to - write in so worthy a book, good Master Lieutenant, therefore I - shall as a friend desire you, and as a Christian require you, to - call upon God to incline your heart to His laws, to quicken you - in His way, and not to take the word of truth utterly out of your - mouth. Live still to die, that by death you may purchase eternal - life, and remember the end of Methuselah, who, as we read in the - Scriptures, was the longest liver that was of a man, died at the - last; for as the preacher saith, there is a time to be born and a - time to die, and the day of death is better than the day of our - birth. Yours, as the Lord knoweth, as a friend, - - “JANE DUDDELEY.” - -Such an admonition to the Lieutenant, written when death was very near, -is characteristic. It was ever Lady Jane’s custom to use her pen, and -the habit clung to her. Tradition asserts that three sentences, the one -in Greek, the other in Latin, and the third in English, were written by -her in yet another book; and though it has been argued that she would -have been in no condition to compose epigrams in the dead languages -at a moment when death was staring her in the face, there is nothing -improbable in the story, unsupported as it is by evidence. As a man -lives, he dies; and Jane had been a scholar and a moralist from her -cradle. - -“If justice dwells in my body”--thus the sentences are said to have -run--“my soul will receive it from the mercy of God.--Death will pay -the penalty of my fault, but my soul will be justified before the Face -of God.--If my fault merited chastisement, my youth, at least, and my -imprudence, deserved excuse. God and posterity will show me grace.” - -A letter of exhortation addressed to her sister Katherine likewise -remains, another proof of her desire to impress upon others the lessons -life had taught her. Having been reading, the night before her death, -in “a fair New Testament in Greek,” she found, on closing it, some -few leaves of clean paper, unwritten, at the end of the volume, and -made use of them to convey her final farewell to the sister she was -leaving behind, giving it in charge to her servant as a token of love -and remembrance. As might have been expected, with the thought of -the morrow before her, death was the recurrent burden of her theme. -“Live still to die,” she told little Katherine, as she had told the -Lieutenant of the Tower, “and that by death you may purchase eternal -life; and trust not that the tenderness of your age shall lengthen your -life ... for as soon will the Lord be glorified in the young as in -the old.... Once more let me entreat thee to learn to die.... Desire -with St. Paul to be dissolved and to be with Christ, with whom even in -death there is life.... As touching my death, rejoice as I do ... that -I shall be delivered of this corruption and put on incorruption; for I -am assured that I shall, for losing of a mortal life, win one that is -immortal, joyful, and everlasting.” - -Another composition is extant, said to belong to this last period, and -showing the writer, it may be, in a more pathetic light than that -thrown upon her by disputes with controversialists, or exhortations to -those she left behind. This is a prayer, exhibiting not so much the -premature woman as the child--a child, it is true, facing death with -steadfast faith and resignation, but nevertheless frightened, unhappy, -“unquieted with troubles, wrapped in cares, overwhelmed with miseries, -vexed with temptations ... craving Thy mercy and help, without the -which so little hope of deliverance is left that I may utterly despair -of my liberty.”[218] - -Of liberty it was, in truth, time to despair. It is said that for two -hours on this last night two bishops, with other divines, made a vain -attempt to accomplish the conversion that Feckenham had failed to -effect[218]; after which we may hope that, worn out and exhausted, the -prisoner forgot her troubles in sleep. And so the night passed away. - -In another part of the great fortress young Guilford Dudley was also -preparing for the end. It is said[219] that, “desiring to give his wife -the last kisses and embraces,” he begged for an interview, but that she -refused the request--not disallowed by Mary--replying that, could sight -have given souls comfort, she would have been very willing; that since -it would only increase the misery of each, and bring greater grief, it -would be best to put off their meeting, since soon they would see each -other in another place and live joined for ever by an indissoluble tie. -If the story is true, there is something a little inhuman--or perhaps -only belonging to the coldness of a child--in the wisdom which, at that -moment, could weigh and balance the disadvantages of a leave-taking and -refuse it. It is not, however, out of character. - -It had been at first intended that the two should suffer together -on Tower Hill. Fearing the effect upon the populace, the order was -cancelled, and it was decided that, whilst Guilford’s execution should -take place as originally arranged, Lady Jane should meet her death -within the precincts of the Tower itself. As the lad, led to his doom, -passed below her window, the two looked upon each other for the last -time. Young Dudley met the end bravely. Taking Sir Anthony Browne, -John Throckmorton and others by the hand, he asked their prayers; -then, attended by no priest or minister, he knelt to pray, “holding up -his eyes and hands to God many times,” before the executioner did his -work and he went to join the father who was responsible for his fate, -“bewailed with lamentable tears” even by those of the spectators who -till that day had never seen him.[220] - -A ghastly incident, variously recorded, followed. His body thrown into -a cart, and his head wrapped in a cloth, he was brought into the -Tower chapel, where Lady Jane, having probably left her apartments -on her way to her own place of execution, encountered the cart and -those in charge of it, seeing the husband who had passed beneath her -window a few minutes earlier living, taken from it a corpse--a sight -to her, says the chronicler, no less than death. It “a little startled -her,” observes another narrator, “and many tears were seen to descend -and fall upon her cheeks, which her silence and great heart soon -dried.”[221] According to a third account, she addressed the dead. - -“Oh, Guilford, Guilford,” she is made to exclaim, “the antepast that -you have tasted and I shall soon taste, is not so bitter as to make -my flesh tremble; for all this is nothing to the feast that you and I -shall partake this day in Paradise.” - -It had been ten o’clock when Guilford had left his prison. By the time -that the first act of the tragedy was over, a scaffold had been erected -upon the green over against the White Tower, and led by the Lieutenant, -the chief victim was brought forth, “her countenance nothing abashed, -neither her eyes moisted with tears,”[222] as she moved onwards, a book -in her hand--the same she gave afterwards to Sir John Bridges--from -which she prayed all the way until the scaffold was reached. With -her were her two gentlewomen, Elizabeth Tylney and Eleyn, who both -“wonderfully wept” as they accompanied their mistress; and Feckenham -was also present, her kindly opponent, perhaps even now hoping against -hope that success might crown his efforts. As the two stood together at -the place of execution, she took him by the hand, and, embracing him, -bade him leave her--desiring, it may be, to spare him the sight of what -was to follow. Might God our Lord, she said, give him all his desires; -she was grateful for his company, although it had given her more -disquiet than, now, the fear of death.[223] - -Like most of her fellow-sufferers she had come prepared with a speech. -That her sentence was lawful she admitted, but reasserted the absence -on her part of any desire for her elevation to the throne, “touching -the procurement and desire thereof by me or my half, I do wash my hands -in innocency before God and the face of you, good Christian people, -this day,” and therewith she wrung her hands, in which she had her -book; proceeding to make confession of the faith in which she died, -owning that she had neglected the word of God, and loved herself and -the world, and thereby merited her punishment. “And yet I thank God -that He hath thus given me time and respite to repent. And now, good -people, while I am alive, I pray you to assist me with your prayers.” - -After this, kneeling down, she turned to Feckenham, who had not availed -himself of her suggestion that he should leave her. - -“Shall I say this psalm?” she asked him; and on his assenting repeated -the _Miserere_ in English, before, rising again, she prepared for the -end, giving her book to Bridges, brother to the Lieutenant, who stood -by, and her gloves and handkerchief to one of her ladies. With her -own hands she untied her gown, rejecting the aid of the executioner, -and, turning to her maids for assistance, removed her “frose -paast”--probably some kind of head-dress--let down her hair, throwing -it over her eyes, and knit a “fair handkerchief” about them. - -After kneeling for her forgiveness, the executioner directed her to -take her place on the straw. - -“Then she said, - -“‘I pray you despatch me quickly.’ - -“Then she kneeled down, saying, - -“‘Will you take it off before I lay me down?’ - -“And the hangman answered her, - -“‘No, madame.’” - -The handkerchief was bound about her eyes, blinding her. - -“What shall I do?” she said, feeling for the block. “Where is it?” - -Then, as some one standing near guided her, she laid down her head, -and saying, “Lord, into Thy hands I commend my spirit,” met the blow of -the executioner. - -Thus died Lady Jane Grey, most guiltless of traitors; who, to quote -Fuller’s panegyric, possessed, at sixteen, the innocency of childhood, -the beauty of youth, the solidity of middle, and the gravity of old, -age; who had had the birth of a princess, the learning of a clerk, the -life of a saint, and the death of a malefactor. - - - - -INDEX - - - Annebaut, Admiral d’, French ambassador, 33 - - Arundel, Earl of, 222, 236, 240, 241, 242, 247, 249-51, 253, 262, 287 - - Ascham, Roger, 141-4, 152 - - Ashley, Katherine, Princess Elizabeth’s governess, 88-91, 110, 115, - 116 - - Ashridge, Princess Elizabeth at, 294 - - Askew, Anne, Trial and execution of, 36-41 - - Aylmer, John, Lady Jane’s tutor, 143, 149, 150, 152, 154-7, 165 - - - Baker, Sir Richard, 204 - - Barnes, Dr., burnt, 6 - - Bath, Earl of, 231 - - Baynard’s Castle, Meeting at, 240 - - Bel Savage Inn, Wyatt at, 309 - - Berkeley, Sir Maurice, Wyatt surrenders to, 309 - - Bloody Statute, The, 4 - - Bodoaro, Venetian ambassador to Charles V., 198 - - Bonner, Dr., Bishop of London, 32, 38, 175, 255, 256 - - Borough, Lord, Katherine Parr’s first husband, 19 - - Bradgate Park, 25 _seq._ - - Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 24 - - Bret, Captain, 296 - - Bridges, Sir John, Lieutenant of the Tower, 300, 310, 317, 318 - - Bromley, Sir Thomas, 204 - - Browne, Sir Anthony, 61, 166, 261, 321 - - Bucer, the reformer, 150, 151 - - Bullinger, Henry, 145-55, 161, 165, 179, 180, 211 - - Burgoyne, 159 - - - Calvin, 159 - - Cecil, Secretary, 160, 179, 227, 240 - - Charles V., The Emperor, 2, 49, 176, 277, 288 - - Cheke, John, Edward VI.’s tutor, 22 - - Clerkenwell, Lady Jane visits Mary at, 183 - - Commendone, the Pope’s agent, 262 - - Corriers, Sieur de, 290 - - Courtenay, Edward, afterwards Earl of Devonshire, 255, 275-7, 280, - 290, 292-4 - - Cox, Dr., tutor to Edward VI., 22 - - Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, 7, 8-10, 59, 62, 72, 131, 133, 135, - 152, 153, 174, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285 - - Crofts, Sir John, 294 - - Crome, Dr., 34 - - Cromwell, Thomas, 5; - executed, 6, 7 - - Culpeper, Thomas, 11 - - - Darcy, Lord, 240, 256 - - Day, Bishop, 175 - - Denmark, King of, 277 - - Denny, Sir Anthony, 58 - - -- Sir Philip, 310 - - Deptford, Wyatt at, 297 - - Diego, Don, 229 - - Dorset, Marchioness of, afterwards Duchess of Suffolk. _See_ Suffolk - - Dorset, Marquis of, afterwards Duke of Suffolk. _See_ Suffolk - - Dudley, Lord Guilford, married to Lady Jane Grey, 196 _seq._, 221, - 222, 229, 237, 238, 283; - attainted and sentenced, 284-6, 289, 316, 320; - executed, 321, 322 - - -- Sir Ambrose, 284 - - -- _See_ Warwick and Northumberland - - - Edward, Prince, afterwards Edward VI., 1; - education, 22, 23; - relations with Lady Jane, 28; - and with Elizabeth, 29; - his coronation, 62; - his uncles, 83-85, 134-8, 162, 163, 169-71; - illness, 172, 173, 175; - religious scruples, 176; - dying, 189, 193, 194, 199; - his will, 202-7; - death, 209; - funeral, 256 - - Egmont, Count of, 290 - - Eleyn, Lady Jane Grey’s attendant, 323 - - Elizabeth, Princess, 1, 13, 20, 29; - Seymour her suitor, 70, 71, 73, 78; - relations with Seymour, 88-91, 95, 108 _seq._, 155, 156; - set aside by Edward’s will, 203; - enters London with Mary, 253-5, 278, 279; - at Mary’s coronation, 280, 281, 283, 292, 294 - - Eyre, Christopher, 122 - - - Feckenham, Dr., Dean of St. Paul’s, 312, 314, 315, 316, 323, 324 - - Fitzpatrick, Barnaby, 23, 162, 172, 208 - - Florio, Michel Angelo, 192, 245 - - Fowler, John, 85 - - Fuller, quoted, 69, 159, 325 - - - Gage, Sir John, Constable of the Tower, 263, 305, 306 - - Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, 7, 13, 16, 32, 39, 42 _seq._, 60, 64, - 175, 255, 262, 286, 287, 288, 313, 314 - - Garrard, burned, 6 - - Gates, Sir John, 204, 215, 256; - sentenced, 263, 265; - executed, 266 - - Grey, Lady Jane, 2, 23; - childhood and education, 26; - relations with her cousins, 28-30; - consigned to Seymour’s custody, 67 _seq._; - her parents’ severity, 69; - with Queen Katherine Parr, 77 _seq._; - reclaimed by her parents, 100-104; - sent back to Seymour, 105-107, 166; - return to Bradgate, 139; - interview with Ascham, 141-4; - intercourse with Protestant divines, 145-52; - love of dress, 154, 155, 156, 165; - visits Mary, 173; - letter to Bullinger, 178, 179; - visit to Mary, 183; - at Tylsey, 188; - her eulogists, 190, 191; - Florio’s description of her, 192; - her marriage, 196 _seq._; - made Edward’s heiress, 203, _seq._; - receives the news, 212, 217-220; - at the Tower, 220; - quarrels with Guilford Dudley, 221, 222; - proclaimed, 223; - her reign, 225; - begs that her father may remain in London, 232; - takes leave of Northumberland, 233; - deposed, 244-6; - returns to Sion House, _ibid._, 264; - her fate uncertain, 269, 270, 271; - conversation in the Tower, 271-4; - letter to Hardinge 279, 280; - attainted, 284; - tried and sentenced, 285; - indulgence shown her, 289, 295; - her fate sealed, 311; - interviews with Feckenham, 312, 314-16; - her written farewells, 317-19; - refuses to see Guilford Dudley, 320, 321; - meets his body, 322; - her execution, 323-5 - - Grey, Lady Katherine, 196; - Lady Jane’s letter to, 319 - - -- Lord John, 293, 316 - - -- Lord Leonard, 293 - - -- _See_ Suffolk - - - Haddon, James, 148, 149, 165, 179-83 - - Hardinge, Lady Jane’s letter to, 279, 280 - - Harper, Sir George, 296, 301 - - Harrington, Lord Seymour’s servant, 67, 68, 104 - - Hastings, Lord, 196 - - -- Sir Edward, 298 - - Heath, Bishop, 175 - - Henry VIII., King, 1 _seq._, 34, 35, 36; - displeased with his wife, 44 _seq._; - reconciled with her, 47; - dying, 48; - death, 56 _seq._ - - Herbert, Lady, 43, 45, 75 - - -- Lord, of Cherbury, quoted, 44 - - Hertford, Lord, son of the Protector, 87, 106 - - -- _See_ Somerset - - Hoby, Sir Philip, 228, 229, 313 - - Hooper, Bishop, 149 - - Howard, Sir William, 308 - - Hunsdon, Mary at, 184 - - Huntingdon, Earl of, 218, 256 - - Huyck, Dr. Robert, 98 - - - Jerningham, Captain of the Guard, 297, 309 - - Jerome, burned, 6 - - - Katherine, Queen, of Aragon, 3 - - -- Howard, Queen, 10, 11, 12 - - -- Parr, Queen, 12; - marriage to Henry, 13; - her past, 14, 15; - as Queen, 17 _seq._; - Protestant sympathies, 41; - plot against her, 43 _seq._; - her escape, 47; - Queen-dowager, 65; - marriage to Lord Seymour, 69-77; - married life, 80 _seq._; - illness and death, 96-9 - - Kett’s Rebellion, 130, 232 - - - Laing, Count of, 290 - - Lane, Lady, Katherine Parr’s cousin, 43, 45 - - Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, 5, 6, 94, 129, 130, 281, 282 - - -- Lord, Katherine Parr’s second husband, 18 - - Lee, Sir Richard a, 131 - - Lovell, Thomas, 236, 251 - - - Maeterlinck, quoted, 78 - - Mary Stuart, 1, 2, 128 - - -- Tudor, Princess, afterwards Queen, 1, 13, 18, 19, 29-32, 59, 73, - 76, 155; - quarrels with Council, 174-7; - visited by Ridley, 184-6; - set aside in Edward’s will, 203; - plot against, 214; - escape, 215, 216; - at Kenninghall, 226, 227; - popular enthusiasm for, 230, 231; - successful, 238 _seq._; - proclaimed, 242, 247, 248; - enters London, 253, 254; - at the Tower, 255, 256, 258, 268, 269-71; - marriage question, 275 _seq._; - coronation, 280, 281; - Spanish match, 286 _seq._; - at the Guildhall, 299; - conduct during Wyatt’s Rebellion, 300 _seq._, 311, 313, 314 - - Mary of Lorraine, Queen-Dowager of Scotland, 156, 165 - - Michele, Venetian ambassador, 198 - - Montagu, Sir Edward, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, 204, 205, 206 - - Morysine, Sir Richard, 228, 229 - - - Newhall, Mary and Lady Jane at, 173 - - Noailles, French ambassador, 193, 194, 207, 208, 243, 276, 279, 280, - 281, 296 - - Norfolk, Duke of, 52; - imprisoned, 55, 159, 255, 259, 296, 297 - - Northampton, Earl of, at first Lord Parr, 16, 93, 106, 158, 204, 255, - 259, 269 - - Northumberland, Duchess of, 212, 218, 222, 228 - - -- Duke of, at first Earl of Warwick, 82, 128, 132, 133, 145, 157; - his unpopularity, 160, 161, 164, 169, 170, 171; - his schemes, 189, 190, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 200; - his character, 201; - dictates Edward’s will, 202, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 212; - his conspiracy, 215, 216; - at Sion House with Lady Jane, 218 _seq._; - commander of the forces, 232-6; - fall and arrest, 247-51; - trial and sentence, 259 _seq._; - recantation, 263; - execution, 266; - burial, 268; - discussed by Lady Jane, 272, 273 - - - Ormond, Earl of, 297 - - Owen, Dr., 209 - - - Paget, Lady, 72 - - -- Secretary, 72, 131, 132, 133, 135, 247 - - Palmer, Sir Thomas, 262, 266, 267, 268 - - Parkhurst, Rev. John, 98 - - Parr, Lord. _See_ Northampton - - Parry, Princess Elizabeth’s Cofferer, 88, 114, 115, 116 - - Partridge’s lodging in the Tower, Lady Jane at, 271 _seq._ - - Pellican, Conrad, 147 - - Pembroke, Earl of, 196, 218, 222, 238, 241; - proclaims Mary, 242, 243, 306, 307 - - Petre, Secretary of the Council, 240 - - Philip, Prince of Spain, 277, 286, 291, 292, 293 - - Piedmont, Prince of, 277 - - Pinkie, Battle of, 128 - - Pole, Cardinal, 275 - - “Poor Pratte,” 230 - - Portugal, Infant of, 277 - - Powell, Dr., hanged, 6 - - Poynings, Sir Nicholas, 300 - - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, quoted, 1, 58 - - Renard, Simon, imperial envoy, 270, 286, 287 - - “Resident in the Tower,” The, 271 _seq._ - - Rich, Lord Chancellor, 159, 160 - - Richmond, Duchess of, 52, 53 - - Ridley, Bishop, 184-6, 239, 252, 281 - - Russell, Lord, Privy Seal, 113 - - - Sandys, Dr., Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, 248, 249 - - Seymour, Sir Thomas, Lord Admiral, afterwards Lord Seymour of - Sudeley, 13; - Katherine Parr’s lover, 14, 15, 17; - opposes his brother, 64; - obtains Lady Jane’s custody, 66, 67, 68; - is suitor to Elizabeth, 70, 71; - marries Katherine Parr, 72-7, 81, 82, 83 _seq._; - relations with Elizabeth, 88-91; - his wife’s death, 96 _seq._; - again Elizabeth’s suitor, 108 _seq._; - in the Tower, 117, 122, 123; - trial and execution, 124, 125 - - -- _See_ Somerset - - Shaxton, Nicholas, 40 - - Shrewsbury, Earl of, 242 - - Sion House, Lady Jane at, 213 _seq._ - - Somerset, Duchess of, 82, 83, 136, 255 - - -- Edward Seymour, Duke of, at first Earl of Hertford, 13; - rivalry between him and Surrey, 50 _seq._; - Lord Protector, 61; - and Duke of Somerset, 63; - campaign in Scotland, 64; - dissensions with his brother, 64, 65, 71, 81, 82, 83, 84, 92, 96, - 109; - his wealth, 127; - in danger, 130 _seq._; - prisoner, 135; - pardoned, 136; - in the Tower, 157 _seq._; - trial, 161; - execution, 165, 166, 167; - his spoils, 197, 213 - - Southwell, Sir Richard, 307 - - Sudeley Castle, 80, 93 - - Suffolk, Duchess of, at first Marchioness of Dorset, Lady Jane Grey’s - mother, 24, 27, 36, 102, 103, 105, 142, 145, 148, 218 - - Suffolk, Duke of, at first Marquis of Dorset, 24, 62, 67, 68, 100-7, - 142, 148; - created Duke, 178, 179, 231, 232, 233, 242, 243, 244, 245, 252, 253, - 293, 295, 316, 317 - - Surrey, Henry Howard, Earl of, 48 _seq._, 54; - trial, 55; - execution, 56 - - Sydney, Lady, 213 - - - Throckmorton House, 215 - - -- John, 321 - - -- Lady, 243, 244 - - -- Sir Nicholas, 111, 202, 215, 216, 243 note - - Traheron, 152 - - Tudor, Mary, daughter of Henry VII., 24 - - -- _See_ Mary - - Tunstall, Bishop of Durham, 255 - - Tylney, Elizabeth, 323 - - Tyrwhitt, Lady, 43, 97, 98, 112, 120, 121 - - Tyrwhitt, Sir Robert, 112, 118, 119, 120, 121 - - - Ulmis, John ab, 146, 147, 153, 161, 180 - - Underhyll, Edward, the “Hot-Gospeller,” 243, 302-5 - - - Warwick, Earl of. _See_ Northumberland - - -- Earl of, son to Duke of Northumberland, 249, 259, 265, 268, 269 - - Weston, Dr., 298 - - Wharton, Sir Thomas, 186 - - Wightman, Sir Thomas Seymour’s servant, 111 - - Winchester, Marquis of, 221, 239, 240, 256 - - Wriothesley, Chancellor, and afterwards Earl of Southampton, 16, 32, - 40, 47, 60, 61 - - Wyatt, Sir Thomas, rebel leader, 293, 295 _seq._, 307, 309, 310 - - -_Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury._ - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] Hall’s _Chronicle_. - -[2] Martin Hume, _The Wives of Henry VIII._, p. 447. - -[3] Ellis’s _Original Letters_, Series III., vol. iii., p. 203. - -[4] _Grey Friar’s Chronicle_ (Camden Society), p. 44. - -[5] Martin Hume, _Wives of Henry VIII._, p. 344. - -[6] Holinshed. - -[7] Strype’s _Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer_. - -[8] Hall’s _Chronicle_. - -[9] _Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII._, translated by Martin Hume. - -[10] Hayward’s _Life of Edward VI._ - -[11] Sir H. Ellis, _Original Letters_. - -[12] _Calendar, Henry VIII._, vol. xviii., p. 1. - -[13] Speed. - -[14] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._, translated by Martin Hume. - -[15] Martin Hume, _Wives of Henry VIII._, p. 438. - -[16] Heylyn’s _Reformation_. - -[17] Heylyn’s _Reformation_. - -[18] Andrew Bloxam. - -[19] _Calendar of State Papers_ (Venetian), p. 346. - -[20] It is stated in the _Dictionary of National Biography_ that Lady -Jane was attached to the Queen’s household in 1546, but I am unable -to discover any proof of the fact. Speed, in his chronicle, makes two -or three mentions of her, from which other biographers have concluded -that she was in close attendance on Katherine Parr during the King’s -lifetime. But it seems clear that he made a confusion between Lady -_Jane_, the King’s great-niece, and Lady _Lane_, Katherine’s cousin, -born Maud Parr, who was at that time a member of her household. - -[21] Naunton. - -[22] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_. - -[23] _Grey Friars’ Chronicle_ (Camden Society), p. 50. - -[24] G. Leti, _Vie d’Elizabeth, Reine d’Angleterre_, t. i., p. 153. - -[25] _Grey Friars’ Chronicle_ (Camden Society), p. 51. - -[26] Ellis’s _Original Letters_, Series II., vol. ii., p. 176. - -[27] Lord Herbert of Cherbury, _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 537. - -[28] N. D., quoted, with disapproval, by Speed. - -[29] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 200. - -[30] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_. - -[31] Dr. Lingard, quoting the narrative attributed to Anne, credits -neither it nor the addition for which Foxe is responsible, stating -that there is no other instance of a woman being subjected to -torture, that a written order from the Lords of the Council was -necessary before it could be inflicted, and that it was not customary -for either the Chancellor or his colleagues to be present on these -occasions.--_History_, vol. v., p. 201. - -[32] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_. - -[33] _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 561. - -[34] Speed, and Miss Strickland following him, read the name “Jane.” - -[35] _Acts and Monuments_, Speed’s _Chronicle_, Lord Herbert of -Cherbury, etc. - -[36] Bapst, _Deux Gentilshommes Poëtes_, p. 275. - -[37] Bapst, _Deux Gentilshommes Poëtes_, p. 287. - -[38] Lord Herbert of Cherbury, _Life of Henry VIII._, p. 564. - -[39] _Ibid._, p. 563. - -[40] _Chronicle of King Henry VIII. of England_ (translated by Martin -Hume), p. 182. - -[41] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 152. - -[42] Bapst, _Deux Gentilshommes Poëtes_, p. 346. - -[43] _Grey Friars’ Chronicle_, p. 52. - -[44] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 147. - -[45] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 148. - -[46] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_, vol. v., p. 689. - -[47] _History of the World._ - -[48] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._ (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 152. - -[49] _Acts and Monuments_, vol. v., p. 689. - -[50] _Acts and Monuments_, vol. v., p. 691. - -[51] _Literary Remains of Edward VI._, Roxburgh Club, ed. Nichols. - -[52] Hayward’s _Life of Edward VI._, p. 82. - -[53] Leti, _Vie de la Reine Elizabeth_, p. 166. - -[54] Haynes, _State Papers_. It is difficult to distinguish between -statements relating to the negotiations with regard to Lady Jane -carried on at this date, and those taking place eighteen months later. - -[55] Tytler, _England under Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i. - -[56] Fuller’s _Worthies_. - -[57] Leti, _Vie de la Reine Elizabeth_, p. 163. - -[58] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._, p. 158. - -[59] Leti, _Vie de la Reine Elizabeth_, p. 170. - -[60] Haynes, _State Papers_. - -[61] _An Historical Account of Sudeley Castle._ - -[62] Quoted by Strype. - -[63] _Chronicle of Henry VIII._, p. 156. - -[64] Hayward, _Life of Edward VI._, p. 82. - -[65] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, p. 71. - -[66] Haynes, _State Papers_. - -[67] _Ibid._ - -[68] Haynes, _State Papers_. - -[69] _State Papers._ Quoted in Strickland’s _Queens of England_, vol. -iii., p. 272. - -[70] Haynes, _State Papers_. - -[71] Haynes, _State Papers_. - -[72] Leti is responsible for it. - -[73] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 96. - -[74] Tytler, _Edward and Mary_, vol. i., p. 70. - -[75] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 61. - -[76] _Ibid._ - -[77] Quoted _Remains of Edward VI._ - -[78] Tytler, _Edward and Mary_, vol. i. - -[79] Haynes, _State Papers_, pp. 103, 104. - -[80] Miss Strickland, _Queens of England_, vol. iii., p 281. - -[81] Haynes, _State Papers_, pp. 77, 78. - -[82] Haynes, _State Papers_, pp. 78, 79. - -[83] Tytler, _Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i., p. 134. - -[84] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 76. - -[85] _Ibid._, pp. 79, 80. - -[86] _Chronicle of King Henry VIII._, p. 163. - -[87] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 89. - -[88] Haynes, _State Papers_. - -[89] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 109. - -[90] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 98. - -[91] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 108. - -[92] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 71. - -[93] Haynes, _State Papers_, p. 106. - -[94] Latimer’s _Sermons_, quoted by Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 279. - -[95] Leti, _Vie de la Reine Elizabeth_. - -[96] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 293. - -[97] Strype’s _Ecclesiastical Memorials_, vol. ii., p. 2. - -[98] Tytler, _Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i., p. 174. - -[99] Holinshed, vol. iii., p. 1014. - -[100] _Chronicle of King Henry VIII._, p. 187. - -[101] See Tytler, _Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i., p. 241. Dr. Lingard -expresses doubts as to the document upon which Tytler relies, and -Froude acquits the Council of treachery. - -[102] Tytler, _Edward VI. and Mary_, vol. i., p. 242. - -[103] _Chronicle of King Henry VIII._, p. 192. - -[104] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_, vol. vi., pp. 351, 352. - -[105] Ascham describes her as fifteen--a manifest error. - -[106] Roger Ascham, _The Schoolmaster_, bk. ii. - -[107] Ascham, _The Schoolmaster_, bk. i. - -[108] _Zurich Letters_, Parker Society. - -[109] _Ibid._ - -[110] _Zurich Letters_, vol. ii., Parker Society, p. 399. - -[111] _Ibid._, p. 427. - -[112] _Zurich Letters_, vol. ii., p. 430. - -[113] _Zurich Letters_, p. 433. - -[114] There is little mention of Lady Jane’s mother in contemporary -records. But the nature of the woman, and her heritage of Tudor blood, -is sufficiently indicated by the fact that not a fortnight after her -husband had been executed, and about a month after Lady Jane’s death -she bestowed herself in marriage upon her equerry. - -[115] Becon’s _Jewel of Joy_, Parker Society. - -[116] _Zurich Letters_, p. 103. - -[117] _Zurich Letters_, vol. i., p. 5. - -[118] _Zurich Letters_, vol. i., p. 72. - -[119] _Zurich Letters_, vol. i., pp. 76, 77. - -[120] _Church History_, vol. i., p. 338. - -[121] _Church History_, vol. i., p. 340. - -[122] _Zurich Letters_, vol. ii., p. 441. - -[123] Fuller’s _Church History_, vol. i., p. 341. - -[124] Ellis’s _Original Letters_, Series III., vol. i., p. 216. - -[125] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, vol. ii., p. 7. - -[126] Soranzo’s Report (_Venetian Calendar_), p. 535. - -[127] Strype’s _Ecclesiastical Memorials_, vol. ii., p. 2. - -[128] _Venetian Calendar_, p. 535. - -[129] Fuller’s _Church History_, vol, i., p. 345. - -[130] _Zurich Letters_, vol. ii., p. 466. Meaning that Cranmer, who had -already been married some years, had brought his wife from Germany, and -owned her openly. See Strype. - -[131] Two victims were burnt for heresy, Joan Bocher and a Dutch -surgeon, named Pariss. A priest is also stated by Wriothesley to have -been hanged and quartered, July 7, 1548. - -[132] _Zurich Letters_, pp. 281 _et seq._ - -[133] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_, vol. vi., pp. 354-5. Heylyn’s -_Reformation_. - -[134] Speed’s _Chronicle_, p. 1122. - -[135] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, vol. i., p. 291. - -[136] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, p. 5. - -[137] Wriothesley’s _Chronicle_, vol. ii., p. 82. - -[138] _Ibid._ - -[139] Florio’s _Life_, p. 27. - -[140] _Ibid._, p. 28. - -[141] _Ibid._ - -[142] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, p. 297. - -[143] _Ambassades de Noailles_; Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements sur -l’Histoire de Marie_. - -[144] Wriothesley’s _Chronicle_, vol. ii., p. 79. - -[145] _Reformation_, vol. i., p. 294. - -[146] Heylyn’s _Reformation_, vol. i., p. 294. - -[147] Griffet, _Éclaircissements_, etc., p. 16. - -[148] _Ambassades de Noailles_, vol. i., p. 49. - -[149] _Ibid._, p. 57. - -[150] Quoted in Strickland’s _Queen Mary_. - -[151] Fuller’s _Church History_, vol. i., pp. 369 _et seq._ - -[152] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_. - -[153] Griffet’s _Éclaircissements_, etc. - -[154] Foxe’s _Acts and Monuments_, vol. vi., p. 352. - -[155] The paper is only to be found in two Italian histories, Pollini’s -_Istoria Ecclesiastica della Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra_ and Raviglio -Rosso’s account of the events following upon Edward’s death, stated to -be partly drawn from the despatches of Bodoaro. The discrepancies here -and there in the translation point to both having had access to an -English version. - -[156] _History of Syon Monastery_, Aungier. - -[157] _Chronicle of Queen Jane_ (Camden Society), p. 2. - -[158] Speed’s _Chronicle_, p. 1127. - -[159] Heylyn makes Durham House the scene of the announcement. In -this he seems clearly to be mistaken, as it is stated in the _Grey -Friar’s Chronicle_ that she was brought down the river from Richmond to -Westminster, and so to the Tower. - -[160] _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_ (Camden Society), p. -3. - -[161] Letter from Jane to Mary, Pollini’s _Istoria Ecclesiastica della -Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra_, pp. 355-8. - -[162] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, p. 13. - -[163] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, p. 9. - -[164] Heylyn’s _Reformation_. - -[165] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_. - -[166] Strype’s _Memorials_. - -[167] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, ed. John Nichols -(Camden Society), App., pp. 116-121. - -[168] The foregoing details are mostly taken from Stowe’s _Chronicle_. -At this point _The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_ by a -Resident in the Tower (Camden Society), takes up the tale. The -anonymous author plainly speaks from personal knowledge, and is the -principal authority for this period. - -[169] Grafton’s _Chronicle_. - -[170] Heylyn’s _Reformation_. - -[171] Fuller’s _Worthies_. - -[172] Tytler’s _Edward and Mary_, vol. ii., p. 202. - -[173] Rosso’s _Succesi_. - -[174] Rosso’s _Succesi_. - -[175] Quoted in _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 11. - -[176] This fact, together with Sir Nicholas’s subsequent trial, seems -to throw doubt upon the veracity of his versified account of the -services he had rendered to Mary. - -[177] _Biog. Brit._ Quoted in _Lady Jane Grey’s Literary Remains_. - -[178] _L’Istoria Ecclesiastica della Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra._ -Pollini, pp. 274, 275. Rosso’s _Succesi_, p. 20. - -[179] M. A. Florio, _Vita_, pp. 58, 59. - -[180] _Dictionary of National Biography._ - -[181] Rosso, _Succesi_, p. 23. - -[182] _Chronicle of Queen Jane_, etc., pp. 10, 11. - -[183] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_. - -[184] _Chronicle of Queen Jane_, etc. p. 16. - -[185] Rosso. - -[186] _Vie d’Elizabeth_, p. 198. - -[187] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 23. - -[188] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 16. - -[189] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 25. - -[190] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, pp. 26, 27. - -[191] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 24. - -[192] _Edward and Mary_, vol. ii., p. 224. - -[193] _Peerage of England_ (1799), vol. ii., p. 406. Quoted in -_Strickland’s Queens of England_. - -[194] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., pp. 390, 391. - -[195] _Ibid._, p. 391. - -[196] Tytler, _Edward and Mary_, vol. ii., p. 227. - -[197] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, from which the -following details of the execution are mostly taken. - -[198] _Peerage of England_ (1709), vol. ii., p. 406. Quoted in Miss -Strickland’s _Queens_. - -[199] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 55. - -[200] Dr. Nichols suggests that Partridge may have been Queen Mary’s -goldsmith of that name, apparently resident in the Tower during the -following year. - -[201] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 393. - -[202] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 65. - -[203] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 60. - -[204] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 401. - -[205] Speed’s _Chronicle_. - -[206] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, pp. 125-6. - -[207] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 127. - -[208] Lingard, _History_, vol. v., p. 411. - -[209] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 34. - -[210] Griffet, _Nouveaux Éclaircissements_, p. 118. - -[211] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 38 _et seq._ - -[212] _Ibid._ - -[213] Speed’s _Chronicle_, p. 1133. - -[214] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, p. 54. - -[215] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, p. 53. - -[216] _Life and Death of Lady Jane Grey_, 1615, p. 22. - -[217] It will be seen that the bearing of the two opponents on the -scaffold would seem to give the lie to this account of their interview; -unless, the heat of argument over, both should have regretted what had -passed. - -[218] _Life and Death of Lady Jane Grey_, 1615, p. 25. - -[219] Rosso, _Succesi_, etc., p. 57. - -[220] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary._ - -[221] _Life and Death of Lady Jane Grey_, 1615, p. 30. - -[222] _Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary_, pp. 54-6. The author, -“resident in the Tower,” was doubtless an eye-witness of the scene. - -[223] Rosso, _Succesi d’Inghilterra_, etc., pp. 57, 58. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not -changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced -quotation marks retained. - -Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. - -Index not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references. - -Index often used semi-colons between page number references. They have -been replaced by commas in this eBook. Semi-colons between sub-entries -have been retained. - -Frontispiece: The original caption attributes the painting to “Lucas -? Heere” where the “?” represents an indistinct letter. It should be -“de”, and that is what is used in this eBook. - -The illustrations on the Title Page are just very small decorations. - -Page 13: The chapter number was misprinted as “I”; changed here to “II”. - -Page 29: “to my cousin, Jane Gray,” was printed with the surname -spelled that way. - -Page 35: Closing quotation mark added after “and served.” - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Lady Jane Grey and Her Times, by -Ida Ashworth Taylor - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LADY JANE GREY AND HER TIMES *** - -***** This file should be named 51057-0.txt or 51057-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/0/5/51057/ - -Produced by MWS, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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margin-left: 5%;} - .poem {display: block;} - .poem .tb {text-align: left; padding-left: 2em;} - .poem .stanza {page-break-inside: avoid;} - - .transnote { - page-break-inside: avoid; - margin-left: 2%; - margin-right: 2%; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - padding: .5em; - } - .covernote {visibility: visible; display: block; text-align: center;} -} - </style> - </head> - -<body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's Lady Jane Grey and Her Times, by Ida Ashworth Taylor - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Lady Jane Grey and Her Times - -Author: Ida Ashworth Taylor - -Release Date: January 27, 2016 [EBook #51057] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LADY JANE GREY AND HER TIMES *** - - - - -Produced by MWS, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="transnote covernote"> -<p class="center">Transcriber’s Note<br /> -Cover created by Transcriber and placed in the Public Domain.</p> -</div> - -<div id="i_frontis" class="figcenter" style="width: 597px;"> - <img src="images/i_001.jpg" width="597" height="600" alt="" /> - <div class="caption"><p><i>Lady Jane Grey</i></p></div> - <p class="smaller"><i>From a photo by Emery Walker after the picture by Lucas de Heere in the National portrait Gallery</i></p></div> - -<h1 class="vspace">LADY JANE GREY<br /> -<span class="subhead"><i>AND HER TIMES</i></span></h1> - -<p class="p2 center large wspace"> -By I. A. TAYLOR</p> - -<p class="p1 center smaller vspace"><i>Author of “Queen Hortense and her Friends”<br /> -“Queen Henrietta Maria,” etc.</i></p> - -<p class="p2 center">WITH SEVENTEEN ILLUSTRATIONS</p> - -<div id="if_i_002" class="figcenter" style="width: 31px;"> - <img src="images/i_002.jpg" width="31" height="32" alt="decoration" /></div> - -<p class="p2 center vspace wspace larger">London: HUTCHINSON & CO.<br /> -Paternoster Row <img src="images/i_002a.jpg" width="95" height="12" alt="decoration" class="nopad" /> 1908 -</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iii">iii</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CONTENTS"></a>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table id="toc" summary="Contents"> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</a></td></tr> - <tr class="small"> - <td> </td> - <td class="tdr">PAGE</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">The condition of Europe and England—Retrospect—Religious Affairs—A reign of terror—Cranmer in danger—Katherine Howard</td> - <td class="tdr">1</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1546</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Katherine Parr—Relations with Thomas Seymour—Married to Henry VIII.—Parties in court and country—Katherine’s position—Prince Edward</td> - <td class="tdr">13</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1546</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">The Marquis of Dorset and his family—Bradgate Park—Lady Jane Grey—Her relations with her cousins—Mary Tudor—Protestantism at Whitehall—Religious persecution</td> - <td class="tdr">24</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1546</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Anne Askew—Her trial and execution—Katherine Parr’s danger—Plot against her—Her escape</td> - <td class="tdr">36</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1546</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">The King dying—The Earl of Surrey—His career and his fate—The Duke of Norfolk’s escape—Death of the King</td> - <td class="tdr">48</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1547</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Triumph of the new men—Somerset made Protector—Coronation of Edward VI.—Measures of ecclesiastical reform—The Seymour brothers—Lady Jane Grey entrusted to the Admiral—The Admiral and Elizabeth—His marriage to <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_iv">iv</a></span>Katherine</td> - <td class="tdr">60</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1547-1548</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Katherine Parr’s unhappy married life—Dissensions between the Seymour brothers—The King and his uncles—The Admiral and Princess Elizabeth—Birth of Katherine’s child, and her death</td> - <td class="tdr">80</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1548</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Lady Jane’s temporary return to her father—He surrenders her again to the Admiral—The terms of the bargain</td> - <td class="tdr">100</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1548-1549</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Seymour and the Princess Elizabeth—His courtship—He is sent to the Tower—Elizabeth’s examinations and admissions—The execution of the Lord Admiral</td> - <td class="tdr">108</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1549-1550</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">The Protector’s position—Disaffection in the country—Its causes—The Duke’s arrogance—Warwick his rival—The success of his opponents—Placed in the Tower, but released—St. George’s Day at Court</td> - <td class="tdr">126</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1549-1551</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Lady Jane Grey at home—Visit from Roger Ascham—The German divines—Position of Lady Jane in the theological world</td> - <td class="tdr">139</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1551-1552</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">An anxious tutor—Somerset’s final fall—The charges against him—His guilt or innocence—His trial and condemnation—The King’s indifference—Christmas at Greenwich—The Duke’s execution</td> - <td class="tdr">154</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1552</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Northumberland and the King—Edward’s illness—Lady Jane and Mary—Mary refused permission to practise her religion—The <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v">v</a></span>Emperor intervenes</td> - <td class="tdr">169</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1552</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Lady Jane’s correspondence with Bullinger—Illness of the Duchess of Suffolk—Haddon’s difficulties—Ridley’s visit to Princess Mary—The English Reformers—Edward fatally ill—Lady Jane’s character and position</td> - <td class="tdr">178</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1553</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">The King dying—Noailles in England—Lady Jane married to Guilford Dudley—Edward’s will—Opposition of the law officers—They yield—The King’s death</td> - <td class="tdr">193</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1553</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">After King Edward’s death—Results to Lady Jane Grey—Northumberland’s schemes—Mary’s escape—Scene at Sion House—Lady Jane brought to the Tower—Quarrel with her husband—Her proclamation as Queen</td> - <td class="tdr">210</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1553</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Lady Jane as Queen—Mary asserts her claims—The English envoys at Brussels—Mary’s popularity—Northumberland leaves London—His farewells</td> - <td class="tdr">225</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1553</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Turn of the tide—Reaction in Mary’s favour in the Council—Suffolk yields—Mary proclaimed in London—Lady Jane’s deposition—She returns to Sion House</td> - <td class="tdr">237</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1553</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Northumberland at bay—His capitulation—Meeting with Arundel, and arrest—Lady Jane a prisoner—Mary and Elizabeth—Mary’s visit to the Tower—London—Mary’s policy</td> - <td class="tdr">247</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1553</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Trial and condemnation of Northumberland—His recantation—Final scenes—Lady Jane’s fate in the balances—A <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi">vi</a></span>conversation with her</td> - <td class="tdr">259</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXI">CHAPTER XXI</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1553</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Mary’s marriage in question—Pole and Courtenay—Foreign suitors—The Prince of Spain proposed to her—Elizabeth’s attitude—Lady Jane’s letter to Hardinge—The coronation—Cranmer in the Tower—Lady Jane attainted—Letter to her father—Sentence of death—The Spanish match</td> - <td class="tdr">275</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXII">CHAPTER XXII</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1553-1554</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Discontent at the Spanish match—Insurrections in the country—Courtenay and Elizabeth—Suffolk a rebel—General failure of the insurgents—Wyatt’s success—Marches to London—Mary’s conduct—Apprehensions in London, and at the palace—The fight—Wyatt a prisoner—Taken to the Tower</td> - <td class="tdr">289</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2"><a href="#CHAPTER_XXIII">CHAPTER XXIII</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdc chapsub" colspan="2">1554</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">Lady Jane and her husband doomed—Her dispute with Feckenham—Gardiner’s sermon—Farewell messages—Last hours—Guilford Dudley’s execution—Lady Jane’s death</td> - <td class="tdr">311</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl tpad"><span class="smcap"><a href="#INDEX">Index</a></span></td> - <td class="tdr tpad">327</td></tr> -</table> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii">vii</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="LIST_OF_ILLUSTRATIONS"></a>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> -</div> - -<table id="loi" summary="List of Illustrations"> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">LADY JANE GREY (Photogravure)—<a href="#i_frontis"><i>Frontispiece</i></a>.</td></tr> - <tr class="small"> - <td> </td> - <td class="tdr">FACING PAGE</td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">HENRY VIII.</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_6">6</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">KATHERINE HOWARD</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_12">12</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">HENRY VIII. AND HIS THREE CHILDREN</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_20">20</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">PRINCE EDWARD, AFTERWARDS EDWARD VI.</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_32">32</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">HENRY HOWARD, EARL OF SURREY</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_54">54</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">KATHERINE PARR</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_82">82</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">WILLIAM, LORD PAGET, K.G.</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_132">132</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">EDWARD VI.</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_136">136</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">LADY JANE GREY</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_142">142</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">ARCHBISHOP CRANMER</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_152">152</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">EDWARD SEYMOUR, DUKE OF SOMERSET, K.G.</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_168">168</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">PRINCESS MARY, AT THE AGE OF TWENTY-EIGHT</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_184">184</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">LADY JANE GREY</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_200">200</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">QUEEN ELIZABETH</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_254">254</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">THE TOWER OF LONDON</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_284">284</a></td></tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdl">HENRY GREY, DUKE OF SUFFOLK, K.G.</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#ip_294">294</a></td></tr> -</table> -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1">1</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><span class="larger">LADY JANE GREY AND<br /> -HER TIMES</span></h2> -</div> - -<hr /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I<br /> - -<span class="subhead"> </span> -<span class="subhead">The condition of Europe and England—Retrospect—Religious -Affairs—A reign of terror—Cranmer in danger—Katherine -Howard.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">In</span> 1546 it must have been evident to most -observers that the life of the man who had for -thirty-five years been England’s ruler and tyrant—of -whom Raleigh affirmed that if all the patterns -of a merciless Prince had been lost in the world they -might have been found in this one King—was not -likely to be prolonged; and though it had been -made penal to foretell the death of the sovereign, -men must have been secretly looking on to the -future with anxious eyes.</p> - -<p>Of all the descendants of Henry VII. only one -was male, the little Prince Edward, and in case -of his death the succession would lie between his -two sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, branded by successive -Acts of Parliament with illegitimacy, the infant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2">2</a></span> -Queen of Scotland, whose claims were consistently -ignored, and the daughters and grand-daughters of -Henry VII.’s younger daughter, Mary Tudor.</p> - -<p>The royal blood was to prove, to more than one -of these, a fatal heritage. To Mary Stuart it was -to bring captivity and death, and by reason of it -Lady Jane Grey was to be forced to play the part -of heroine in one of the most tragic episodes of the -sixteenth century.</p> - -<p>The latter part of Henry VIII.’s reign had been -eventful at home and abroad. In Europe the three-cornered -struggle between the Emperor Charles V., -Francis of France, and Henry had been passing -through various phases and vicissitudes, each of the -wrestlers bidding for the support of a second of the -trio, to the detriment of the third. New combinations -were constantly formed as the kaleidoscope was -turned; promises were lavishly made, to be broken -without a scruple whensoever their breach might -prove conducive to personal advantage. Religion, -dragged into the political arena, was used as a party -war-cry, and employed as a weapon for the destruction -of public and private foes.</p> - -<p>At home, England lay at the mercy of a King who -was a law to himself and supreme arbiter of the destinies -of his subjects. Only obscurity, and not always -that, could ensure a man’s safety, or prevent him -from falling a prey to the jealousy or hate of those -amongst his enemies who had for the moment the ear<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3">3</a></span> -of the sovereign. Pre-eminence in rank, or power, -or intellect, was enough to give the possessor of the -distinction an uneasy sense that he was marked out -for destruction, that envy and malice were lying -in wait to seize an opportunity to denounce him to -the weak despot upon whose vanity and cowardice -the adroit could play at will. Every year added -its tale to the long list of victims who had met their -end upon the scaffold.</p> - -<p>For fifteen years, moreover, the country had been -delivered over to the struggle carried on in the -name of religion. In 1531 the King had responded -to the refusal of the Pope to sanction his divorce -from Katherine of Aragon by repudiating the -authority of the Holy See and the assertion of his -own supremacy in matters spiritual as well as -temporal. Three years later Parliament, servile and -subservient as Parliaments were wont to be under -the Tudor Kings, had formally endorsed and confirmed -the revolt.</p> - -<p>“The third day of November,” recorded the -chronicler, “the King’s Highness held the high -Court of Parliament, in the which was concluded -and made many and sundry good, wholesome, and -godly statutes, but among all one special statute -which authorised the King’s Highness to be supreme -head of the Church of England, by which the -Pope ... was utterly abolished out of this realm.”<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">1</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4">4</a></span> -Since then another punishable crime was added -to those, already none too few, for which a man -was liable to lose his head, and the following year -saw the death upon the scaffold of Fisher and -of More. The execution of Anne Boleyn, by -whom the match had, in some sort, been set to the -mine, came next, but the step taken by the King -was not to be retraced with the absence of the -motive which had prompted it; and Catholics and -Protestants alike had continued to suffer at the -hands of an autocrat who chastised at will those who -wandered from the path he pointed out, and refused -to model their creed upon the prescribed pattern.</p> - -<p>In 1546 the “Act to abolish Diversity of -Opinion”—called more familiarly the Bloody Statute, -and designed to conform the faith of the nation -to that of the King—had been in force for seven -years, a standing menace to those persons, in high -or low place, who, encouraged by the King’s defiance -of Rome, had been emboldened to adopt the tenets -of the German Protestants. Henry had opened -the floodgates; he desired to keep out the flood. -The Six Articles of the Statute categorically reaffirmed -the principal doctrines of the Catholic -Church, and made their denial a legal offence. On -the other hand the refusal to admit the royal -supremacy in matters spiritual was no less penal. -A reign of terror was the result.</p> - -<p>“Is thy servant a dog?” The time-honoured<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5">5</a></span> -question might have risen to the King’s lips in the -days, not devoid of a brighter promise, of his youth, -had the veil covering the future been withdrawn. -“We mark curiously,” says a recent writer, “the -regular deterioration of Henry’s character as the -only checks upon his action were removed, and -he progressively defied traditional authority and -established standards of conduct without disaster to -himself.” The Church had proved powerless to -punish a defiance dictated by passion and perpetuated -by vanity and cupidity; Parliaments had cringed to -him in matters religious or political, courtiers and -sycophants had flattered, until “there was no power -on earth to hold in check the devil in the breast -of Henry Tudor.”<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">2</a></p> - -<p>Such was the condition of England. Old barriers -had been thrown down; new had not acquired -strength; in the struggle for freedom men had -cast aside moral restraint. Life was so lightly -esteemed, and death invested with so little tragic -importance, that a man of the position and standing -of Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, when appointed -to preach on the occasion of the burning of a -priest, could treat the matter with a flippant levity -scarcely credible at a later day.</p> - -<p>“If it be your pleasure, as it is,” he wrote to -Cromwell, “that I shall play the fool after my -customary manner when Forest shall suffer, I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6">6</a></span> -would that my stage stood near unto Forest” (so -that the victim might benefit by his arguments).... -“If he would yet with heart return to his abjuration, -I would wish his pardon, such is my foolishness.”<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">3</a></p> - -<p>Yet there was another side to the picture; -here and there, amidst the din of battle and the -confusion of tongues, the voice of genuine conviction -was heard; and men and women were ready, -at the bidding of conscience, to give up their lives -in passionate loyalty to an ancient faith or to a -new ideal. “And the thirtieth day of the same -month,” June 1540, runs an entry in a contemporary -chronicle, “was Dr. Barnes, Jerome, and Garrard, -drawn from the Tower to Smithfield, and there -burned for their heresies. And that same day also -was drawn from the Tower with them Doctor -Powell, with two other priests, and there was a -gallows set up at St. Bartholomew’s Gate, and -there were hanged, headed, and quartered that same -day”—the offence of these last being the denial -of the King’s supremacy, as that of the first had -been adherence to Protestant doctrines.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">4</a></p> - -<div id="ip_6" class="figcenter" style="width: 483px;"> - <img src="images/i_006.jpg" width="483" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after a painting by Holbein.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>HENRY VIII.</p></div></div> - -<p>No one was safe. The year 1540 had seen the -fall of Cromwell, the Minister of State. “Cranmer -and Cromwell,” wrote the French ambassador, “do -not know where they are.”<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> Cromwell at least was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7">7</a></span> -not to wait long for the certainty. For years all-powerful -in the Council, he was now to fall a victim -to jealous hate and the credulity of the master he -had served. At his imprisonment “many lamented, -but more rejoiced, ... for they banquetted and -triumphed together that night, many wishing that -day had been seven years before; and some, fearing -that he should escape although he were imprisoned, -could not be merry.”<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> They need not have feared -the King’s clemency. The minister had been -arrested on June 10. On July 28 he was executed -on Tower Hill.</p> - -<p>If Cromwell, in spite of his services to the Crown, -in spite of the need Henry had of men of his -ability, was not secure, who could call themselves -safe? Even Cranmer, the King’s special friend -though he was, must have felt misgivings. A -married man, with children, he was implicitly condemned -by one of the Six Articles of the Bloody -Statute, enjoining celibacy on the clergy, and was -besides well known to hold Protestant views. His -embittered enemy, Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, -vehement in his Catholicism though pandering to -the King on the subject of the royal supremacy, -was minister; and his fickle master might throw -the Archbishop at any moment to the wolves.</p> - -<p>One narrow escape he had already had, when -in 1544 a determined attempt had been hazarded<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8">8</a></span> -to oust him from his position of trust and to convict -him of his errors, and the party adverse to him in -the Council had accused the Primate “most -grievously” to the King of heresy. It was a bold -stroke, for it was known that Henry loved him, -and the triumph of his foes was the greater when -they received the royal permission to commit the -Lord Archbishop to the Tower on the following -day, and to cause him to undergo an examination on -matters of doctrine and faith. So far all had gone -according to their hopes, and his enemies augured -well of the result. But that night, at eleven -o’clock, when Cranmer, in ignorance of the plot -against him, was in bed, he received a summons to -attend the King, whom he found in the gallery at -Whitehall, and who made him acquainted with the -action of the Council, together with his own consent -that an examination should take place.</p> - -<p>“Whether I have done well or no, what say you, -my lord?” asked Henry in conclusion.</p> - -<p>Cranmer answered warily. Knowing his master, -and his jealousy of being supposed to connive at -heresy, save on the one question of the Pope’s authority, -he cannot have failed to recognise the gravity of -the situation. He put, however, a good face upon -it. The King, he said, would see that he had a fair -trial—“was indifferently heard.” His bearing was -that of a man secure that justice would be done him. -Both he, in his heart, and the King, knew better.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9">9</a></span> -“Oh, Lord God,” sighed Henry, “what fond -simplicity have you, so to permit yourself to be -imprisoned!” False witnesses would be produced, -and he would be condemned.</p> - -<p>Taking his precautions, therefore, Henry gave -the Archbishop his ring—the recognised sign that -the matter at issue was taken out of the hands of -the Council and reserved for his personal investigation. -After which sovereign and prelate parted.</p> - -<p>When, at eight o’clock the next morning, Cranmer, -in obedience to the summons he had received, arrived -at the Council Chamber, his foes, insolent in their -premature triumph, kept him at the door, awaiting -their convenience, close upon an hour. My lord -of Canterbury was become a lacquey, some one -reported to the King, since he was standing among -the footmen and servants. The King, comprehending -what was implied, was wroth.</p> - -<p>“Have they served my lord so?” he asked. -“It is well enough; I shall talk with them by and -by.”</p> - -<p>Accordingly when Cranmer, called at length and -arraigned before the Council, produced the ring—the -symbol of his enemies’ discomfiture—and -was brought to the royal presence that his cause -might be tried by the King in person, the positions -of accused and accusers were reversed. Acting, not -without passion, rather as the advocate of the menaced -man than as his judge, Henry received the Council<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10">10</a></span> -with taunts, and in reply to their asseverations that -the trial had been merely intended to conduce to the -Archbishop’s greater glory, warned them against -treating his friends in that fashion for the future. -Cranmer, for the present, was safe.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">7</a></p> - -<p>Protestant England rejoiced with the Protestant -Archbishop. But it rejoiced in trembling. The -Archbishop’s escape did not imply immunity to lesser -offenders, and the severity used in administering the -law is shown by the fact that a boy of fifteen was -burnt for heresy—no willing martyr, but ignorant, -and eager to catch at any chances of life, by casting -the blame of his heresy on others. “The poor boy,” -says Hall, “would have gladly said that the twelve -Apostles taught it him ... such was his childish -innocency and fear.”<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> And England, with the -strange patience of the age, looked on.</p> - -<p>Side by side with religious persecution ran -the story of the King’s domestic crimes. To go -back no further, in the year 1542 Katherine -Howard, Henry’s fifth wife, had met her fate, -and the country had silently witnessed the pitiful and -shameful spectacle. As fact after fact came to light, -the tale will have been told of the beautiful, neglected -child, left to her own devices and to the companionship -of maid-servants in the disorderly household -of her grandmother, the Duchess of Norfolk, with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11">11</a></span> -the results that might have been anticipated; of how -she had suddenly become of importance when it had -been perceived that the King had singled her out for -favour; and of how, still “a very little girl,” as -some one described her, she had been used as a pawn -in the political game played by the Howard clan, -and married to Henry. Only a few months after -she had been promoted to her perilous dignity her -doom had overtaken her; the enemies of the party -to which by birth she belonged had not only made -known to her husband misdeeds committed before -her marriage and almost ranking as the delinquencies -of a misguided child, but had hinted at -more unpardonable misdemeanours of which the -King’s wife had been guilty. The story of Katherine’s -arraignment and condemnation will have spread -through the land, with her protestations that, though -not excusing the sins and follies of her youth—she -was seventeen when she was done to death—she -was guiltless of the action she was specially to expiate -at the block; whilst men may have whispered the -tale of her love for Thomas Culpeper, her cousin -and playmate, whom she would have wedded had -not the King stepped in between, and who had -paid for her affection with his blood. “I die a -Queen,” she is reported to have exclaimed upon the -scaffold, “but I would rather have died the wife of -Culpeper.”<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> And it may have been rumoured that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12">12</a></span> -her head had fallen, not so much to vindicate the -honour of the King as to set him free to form -fresh ties.</p> - -<p>However that might be, Katherine Howard had -been sent to answer for her offences, or prove her -innocence, at another bar, and her namesake, Katherine -Parr, reigned in her stead.</p> - -<div id="ip_12" class="figcenter" style="width: 413px;"> - <img src="images/i_012.jpg" width="413" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after a painting of the School of Holbein.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>KATHERINE HOWARD.</p></div></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13">13</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1546</span> - -<span class="subhead">Katherine Parr—Relations with Thomas Seymour—Married to -Henry VIII.—Parties in court and country—Katherine’s -position—Prince Edward.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">It</span> was now three years since Katherine Parr had -replaced the unhappy child who had been her -immediate predecessor. For three perilous years -she had occupied—with how many fears, how many -misgivings, who can tell?—the position of the King’s -sixth wife. On a July day in 1543 Lady Latimer, -already at thirty twice a widow, had been raised -to the rank of Queen. If the ceremony was -attended with no special pomp, neither had it been -celebrated with the careful privacy observed with -respect to some of the King’s marriages. His two -daughters, Mary—approximately the same age as the -bride, and who was her friend—and Elizabeth, had -been present, as well as Henry’s brother-in-law, -Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, and other officers -of State. Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, afterwards -her dangerous foe, performed the rite, in the -Queen’s Closet at Hampton Court.</p> - -<p>Sir Thomas Seymour, Hertford’s brother and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14">14</a></span> -Lord Admiral of England, was not at Hampton -Court on the occasion, having been despatched -on some foreign mission. More than one reason -may have contributed to render his absence advisable. -A wealthy and childless widow, of unblemished -reputation, and belonging by birth to a race connected -with the royal house, was not likely to remain -long without suitors, and Lord Latimer can scarcely -have been more than a month in his grave before -Thomas Seymour had testified his desire to replace -him and to become Katherine’s third husband. Nor -does she appear to have been backward in responding -to his advances.</p> - -<p>Twice married to elderly men whose lives lay -behind them, twice set free by death from her -bonds, she may fairly have conceived that the time -was come when she was justified in wedding, not -for family or substantial reasons, not wholly perhaps, -as before, in wisdom’s way, but a man she loved.</p> - -<p>Seymour was not without attractions calculated -to commend him to a woman hitherto bestowed -upon husbands selected for her by others. Young -and handsome, “fierce in courage, courtly in fashion, -in personage stately, in voice magnificent, but -somewhat empty in matter,”<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> the gay sailor appears -to have had little difficulty in winning the heart of -a woman who, in spite of the learning, the prudence, -and the piety for which she was noted, may have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15">15</a></span> -felt, as she watched her youth slip by, that she had -had little good of it; and it is clear, from a letter -she addressed to Seymour himself when, after -Henry’s death, his suit had been successfully renewed, -that she had looked forward at this earlier date to -becoming his wife.</p> - -<p>“As truly as God is God,” she then wrote, “my -mind was fully bent, the other time I was at liberty, -to marry you before any man I know. Howbeit -God withstood my will therein most vehemently -for a time, and through His grace and goodness -made that possible which seemed to me most -impossible; that was, made me renounce utterly -mine own will and follow His most willingly. It -were long to write all the processes of this matter. -If I live, I shall declare it to you myself. I can -say nothing, but as my Lady of Suffolk saith, ‘God -is a marvellous man.’”<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">11</a></p> - -<p>Strange burdens of responsibility have ever been -laid upon the duty of obedience to the will of -Providence, nor does it appear clear to the casual -reader why the consent of Katherine to become a -Queen should have been viewed by her in the -light of a sacrifice to principle. Whether her point -of view was shared by her lover does not appear. -It is at all events clear that both were wise enough -in the world’s lore not to brave the wrath of the -despot by crossing his caprice. Seymour retired<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16">16</a></span> -from the field, and Katherine, perhaps sustained -by the inward approval of conscience, perhaps -partially comforted by a crown, accepted the -dangerous distinction she was offered.</p> - -<p>To her brother, Lord Parr, when writing to -inform him of her advancement, she expressed no -regret. It had pleased God, she told him, to -incline the King to take her as his wife, the greatest -joy and comfort that could happen to her. She -desired to communicate the great news to Parr, -as being the person with most cause to rejoice -thereat, and added, with a suspicion of condescension, -her hope that he would let her hear of his health -as friendly as if she had not been called to this -honour.<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">12</a></p> - -<p>Although the actual marriage had not taken place -until some six months after Lord Latimer’s death, -no time can have been lost in arranging it, since -before her husband had been two months in the -grave Henry was causing a bill for her dresses to -be paid out of the Exchequer.</p> - -<p>It was generally considered that the King had -chosen well. Wriothesley, the Chancellor, was sure -His Majesty had never a wife more agreeable to his -heart. Gardiner had not only performed the marriage -ceremony but had given away the bride. -According to an old chronicle the new Queen was -a woman “compleat with singular humility.”<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> She<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17">17</a></span> -had, at any rate, the adroitness, in her relations with -the King, to assume the appearance of it, and was a -well-educated, sensible, and kindly woman, “quieter -than any of the young wives the King had had, -and, as she knew more of the world, she always got -on pleasantly with the King, and had no caprices.”<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">14</a></p> - -<p>The story of the marriage was an old one in 1546. -Seymour had returned from his mission and resumed -his former position at Court as the King’s brother-in-law -and the uncle of his heir, and not even the Queen’s -enemies—and she had enough of them and to spare—had -found an excuse for calling to mind the relations -once existing between the Admiral and the King’s -wife. Nevertheless, and in spite of the blamelessness -of her conduct, the satisfaction which had greeted the -marriage was on the wane. A hard task would have -awaited Queen or courtier who should have attempted -to minister to the contentment of all the rival -parties striving for predominance in the State and at -Court, and to be adjudged the friend of the one was -practically equivalent to a pledge of distrust from -the other. Whitehall, like the country at large, was -divided against itself by theological strife; and -whilst the men faithful to the ancient creed in its -entirety were inevitably in bitter opposition to the -adherents of the new teachers whose headquarters -were in Germany, a third party, more unscrupulous -than either, was made up of the middle men who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18">18</a></span> -moulded—outwardly or inwardly—their faith upon -the King’s, and would, if they could, have created a -Papacy without a Pope, a Catholic Church without -its corner-stone.</p> - -<p>At Court, as elsewhere, each of these three -parties were standing on their guard, ready to -parry or to strike a blow when occasion arose, -jealous of every success scored by their opponents. -The fall of Cromwell had inspired the Catholics -with hope, and, with Gardiner as Minister and -Wriothesley as Chancellor, they had been in a more -favourable position than for some time past at the -date of the King’s last marriage. It had then been -assumed that the new Queen’s influence would be -employed upon their side—an expectation confirmed -by her friendship with the Princess Mary. The -discovery that the widow of Lord Latimer—so -fervent a Catholic that he had joined in the north-country -insurrection known as the Pilgrimage of -Grace—had broken with her past, openly displayed -her sympathy with Protestant doctrine, and, in -common with the King’s nieces, was addicted to -what was called the “new learning,” quickly disabused -them of their hopes, rendered the Catholic -party at Court her embittered enemies, and lent -additional danger to what was already a perilous -position by affording those at present in power a -motive for removing from the King’s side a woman -regarded as the advocate of innovation.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19">19</a></span> -So far their efforts had been fruitless. Katherine -still held her own. During Henry’s absence in -France, whither he had gone to conduct the campaign -in person, she had administered the Government, -as Queen-Regent, with tact and discretion; -the King loved her—as he understood love—and, -what was perhaps a more important matter, she -had contrived to render herself necessary to him. -Wary, prudent, and pious, and notwithstanding the -possession of qualities marking her out in some sort -as the superior woman of her day, she was not above -pandering to his love of flattery. Into her book -entitled <cite>The Lamentations of a Sinner</cite>, she introduced -a fulsome panegyric of the godly and learned King -who had removed from his realm the veils and mists -of error, and in the guise of a modern Moses had -been victorious over the Roman Pharaoh. What she -publicly printed she doubtless reiterated in private; -and the King found the domestic incense soothing to -an irritable temper, still further acerbated by disease.</p> - -<p>By other methods she had commended herself to -those who were about him open to conciliation. She -had served a long apprenticeship in the art of the step-mother, -both Lord Borough, her first husband, and -Lord Latimer having possessed children when she -married them; and her skill in dealing with the little -heir to the throne and his sisters proved that she -had turned her experience to good account. Her -genuine kindness, not only to Mary, who had been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20">20</a></span> -her friend from the first, but to Elizabeth, ten years -old at the time of the marriage, was calculated to -propitiate the adherents of each; and to her good -offices it was in especial due that Anne Boleyn’s -daughter, hitherto kept chiefly at a distance from -Court, was brought to Whitehall. The child, young -as she was, was old enough to appreciate the importance -of possessing a friend in her father’s wife, -and the letter she addressed to her step-mother on -the occasion overflowed with expressions of devotion -and gratitude. To the place the Queen won in the -affections of the all-important heir, the boy’s letters -bear witness.</p> - -<div id="ip_20" class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"> - <img src="images/i_020.jpg" width="600" height="384" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From an engraving by F. Bartolozzi after a picture by Holbein.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>HENRY VIII. AND HIS THREE CHILDREN.</p></div></div> - -<p>There is no need to assume that Katherine’s -course of action was wholly dictated by interested -motives. Yet in this case principle and prudence -went hand in hand. Henry was becoming increasingly -sick and suffering, and, with the shadow -of death deepening above him, the gifts he asked -of life were insensibly changing their character. -His autocratic and violent temper remained the -same, but peace and quiet, a soothing atmosphere -of submissive affection, the absence of domestic -friction, if not sufficient to ensure his wife immunity -from peril, constituted her best chance of -escaping the doom of her predecessors. To a -selfish man the appeal must be to self-interest. -This appeal Katherine consistently made and it had -so far proved successful. For the rest, whether<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21">21</a></span> -she suffered from terror of possible disaster -or resolutely shut her eyes to what might have -unnerved and rendered her unfit for the part she -had to play, none can tell, any more than it can -be determined whether, as she looked from the man -she had married to the man she had loved, she -indulged in vain regrets for the happiness of which -she had caught a glimpse in those brief days when -she had dreamed of a future to be shared with -Thomas Seymour.</p> - -<p>In spite, however, of her caution, in spite of the -perfection with which she performed the duties of -wife and nurse, by 1546 disquieting reports were -afloat.</p> - -<p>“I am confused and apprehensive,” wrote -Charles V.’s ambassador from London in the -February of that year, “to have to inform Your -Majesty that there are rumours here of a new -Queen, although I do not know how true they -be.... The King shows no alteration in his -behaviour towards the Queen, though I am informed -that she is annoyed by the rumours.”<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">15</a></p> - -<p>With the history of the past to quicken her -apprehensions, she may well have been more than -“annoyed” by them. But, true or false, she -could but pursue the line of conduct she had -adopted, and must have turned with relief from -domestic anxieties to any other matters that could<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22">22</a></span> -serve to distract her mind from her precarious -future. Amongst the learned ladies of a day when -scholarship was becoming a fashion she occupied -a foremost place, and was actively engaged in promoting -educational interests. Stimulated by her -step-mother’s approval, the Princess Mary had been -encouraged to undertake part of the translation of -Erasmus’s paraphrases of the Gospels; and Elizabeth -is found sending the Queen, as a fitting offering, a -translation from the Italian inscribed on vellum and -entitled the <cite>Glasse of the Synneful Soule</cite>, accompanying -it by the expression of a hope that, having -passed through hands so learned as the Queen’s, -it would come forth from them in a new form. -The education of the little Prince Edward too -was pushed rapidly forward, and at six years old, -the year of his father’s marriage, he had been -taken out of the hands of women and committed -to the tuition of John Cheke and Dr. Richard Cox. -These two, explains Heylyn, being equal in -authority, employed themselves to his advantage -in their several kinds—Dr. Cox for knowledge of -divinity, philosophy, and gravity of manners, Mr. -Cheke for eloquence in the Greek and Latin tongues; -whilst other masters instructed the poor child in modern -languages, so that in a short time he spoke French -perfectly, and was able to express himself “magnificently -enough” in Italian, Greek, and Spanish.<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">16</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23">23</a></span> -His companion and playfellow was one Barnaby -Fitzpatrick, to whom he clung throughout his short -life with constant affection. It was Barnaby’s office -to bear whatever punishment the Prince had merited—a -method more successful in the case of the Prince -than it might have proved with a less soft-hearted -offender, since it is said that “it was not easy to -affirm whether Fitzpatrick smarted more for the -default of the Prince, or the Prince conceived more -grief for the smart of Fitzpatrick.”<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">17</a></p> - -<p>Katherine Parr is not likely to have regretted -the pressure put upon her stepson; and the boy, -apologising for his simple and rude letters, adds his -acknowledgments for those addressed to him by -the Queen, “which do give me much comfort and -encouragement to go forward in such things wherein -your Grace beareth me on hand.”</p> - -<p>The King’s latest wife was, in fact, a teacher by -nature and choice, and admirably fitted to direct the -studies of his son and daughters, as well as of any -other children who might be brought within the -sphere of her influence. That influence, it may be, -had something to do with moulding the character -and the destiny of a child fated to be unhappily -prominent in the near future. This was Lady Jane -Grey.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24">24</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1546</span> - -<span class="subhead">The Marquis of Dorset and his family—Bradgate Park—Lady Jane -Grey—Her relations with her cousins—Mary Tudor—Protestantism -at Whitehall—Religious persecution.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap al"><span class="smcap1">Amongst</span> the households where both affairs at -Court and the religious struggle distracting -the country were watched with the deepest interest -was that of the Marquis of Dorset, the husband -of the King’s niece and father of Lady Jane Grey.</p> - -<p>Married at eighteen to the infirm and aged Louis -XII. of France, Mary Tudor, daughter of Henry VII. -and friend of the luckless Katherine of Aragon, had -been released by his death after less than three -months of wedded life, and had lost no time in -choosing a more congenial bridegroom. At Calais, -on her way home, she had bestowed her hand upon -“that martial and pompous gentleman,” Charles -Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, who, sent by her brother -to conduct her back to England, thought it well to -secure his bride and to wait until the union was -accomplished before obtaining the King’s consent. -Of this hurried marriage the eldest child was the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25">25</a></span> -mother of Jane Grey, who thus derived her disastrous -heritage of royal blood.</p> - -<p>It was at the country home of the Dorset family, -Bradgate Park, that Lady Jane had been born, in -1537. Six miles distant from the town of Leicester, -and forming the south-east end of Charnwood -Forest, it was a pleasant and quiet place. Over the -wide park itself, seven miles in circumference, -bracken grew freely; here and there bare rocks rose -amidst the masses of green undergrowth, broken -now and then by a solitary oak, and the unwooded -expanse was covered with “wild verdure.”<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">18</a></p> - -<p>The house itself had not long been built, nor is -there much remaining at the present day to show -what had been its aspect at the time when Lady Jane -was its inmate. Early in the eighteenth century it -was destroyed by fire, tradition ascribing the catastrophe -to a Lady Suffolk who, brought to her -husband’s home as a bride, complained that the -country was a forest and the inhabitants were -brutes, and, at the suggestion of her sister, took -the most certain means of ensuring a change of -residence.</p> - -<p>But if little outward trace is left of the place -where the victim of state-craft and ambition was born -and passed her early years, it is not a difficult matter -to hazard a guess at the religious and political atmosphere -of her home. Echoes of the fight carried on,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26">26</a></span> -openly or covertly, between the parties striving for -predominance in the realm must have almost daily -reached Bradgate, the accounts of the incidents -marking the combat taking their colour from the -sympathies of the master and mistress of the house, -strongly enlisted upon the side of Protestantism. At -Lord Dorset’s house, though with closed doors, -the condition of religious affairs must have supplied -constant matter for discussion; and Jane will have -listened to the conversation with the eager attention -of an intelligent child, piecing together the fragments -she gathered up, and gradually realising, with a thrill -of excitement, as she became old enough to grasp the -significance of what she heard, that men and women -were suffering and dying in torment for the sake -of doctrines she had herself been taught as a matter -of course. Serious and precocious, and already beginning -an education said to have included in later -years Greek, Latin, Hebrew, Chaldaic, Arabic, French, -and Italian, the stories reaching her father’s house of -the events taking place in London and at Court must -have imprinted themselves upon her imagination at -an age specially open to such impressions, and it is -not unnatural that she should have grown up nurtured -in the principles of polemics and apt at controversy.</p> - -<p>Nor were edifying tales of martyrdom or of -suffering for conscience’ sake the only ones to penetrate -to the green and quiet precincts of Bradgate. -At his niece’s house the King’s domestic affairs—<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27">27</a></span>a -scandal and a by-word in Europe—must have -been regarded with the added interest, perhaps the -sharper criticism, due to kinship. Henry was not -only Lady Dorset’s sovereign, but her uncle, and she -had a more personal interest than others in what -Messer Barbaro, in his report to the Venetian -senate, described as “this confusion of wives.”<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> To -keep a child ignorant was no part of the training -of the day, and Jane, herself destined for a court -life, no doubt had heard, as she grew older, -many of the stories of terror and pity circulating -throughout the country, and investing, in the eyes of -those afar off, the distant city—the stage whereon -most of them had been enacted—with the atmosphere -of mystery and fear and excitement belonging to a -place where martyrs were shedding their blood, or -heretics atoning for their guilt, according as the -narrators inclined to the ancient or the novel faith; -where tragedies of love and hatred and revenge -were being played, and men went in hourly peril -of their lives.</p> - -<p>Of this place, invested with the attraction and -glamour belonging to a land of glitter and romance, -Lady Jane had glimpses on the occasions when, -as a near relation of the King’s, she accompanied -her mother to Court, becoming for a while a -sharer in the life of palaces and an actor, by -reason of her strain of royal blood, in the pageant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28">28</a></span> -ever going forward at St. James’s or Whitehall;<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> -and though it does not appear that she was finally -transferred from the guardianship of her parents to -that of the Queen until after the death of Henry -in the beginning of the year 1547, it is not unlikely -that the book-loving child of nine may have attracted -the attention of the scholarly Queen during her -visits to Court and that Katherine’s belligerent -Protestantism had its share in the development of -the convictions which afterwards proved so strong -both in life and in death.</p> - -<p>There is at this date little trace of any connection -between Jane and her cousins, the King’s -children. A strong affection on the part of Edward -is said to have existed, and to it has been attributed -his consent to set his sisters aside in Lady Jane’s -favour. “She charmed all who knew her,” says -Burnet, “in particular the young King, about -whom she was bred, and who had always lived -with her in the familiarity of a brother.” For -this statement there is no contemporary authority, -and, so far as can be ascertained, intercourse between<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29">29</a></span> -the two can have been but slight. Between -Edward and his younger sister, on the other hand, -the bond of affection was strong, their education -being carried on at this time much together -at Hatfield; and “a concurrence and sympathy -of their natures and affections, together with the -celestial bond, conformity in religion,”<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> made it -the more remarkable that the Prince should have -afterwards agreed to set aside, in favour of his -cousin, Elizabeth’s claim to the succession. It is -true that in their occasional meetings the studious -boy and the serious-minded little girl may have -discovered that they had tastes in common, but such -casual acquaintanceship can scarcely have availed to -counterbalance the affection produced by close companionship -and the tie of blood; and grounds -for the Prince’s subsequent conduct, other than the -influence and arguments of those about him, can -only be matter of conjecture.</p> - -<p>Of the relations existing between Jane and the -Prince’s sisters there is little more mention; but -the entry by Mary Tudor in a note-book of the -gift of a gold necklace set with pearls, made “to -my cousin, Jane Gray,” shows that the two had -met in the course of this summer, and would seem -to indicate a kindly feeling on the part of the older -woman towards the unfortunate child whom, not -eight years later, she was to send to the scaffold.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30">30</a></span> -Could the future have been laid bare it would -perhaps not have been the victim who would have -recoiled from the revelation with the greatest -horror.</p> - -<p>Although what was to follow lends a tragic significance -to the juxtaposition of the names of the two -cousins, there was nothing sinister about the King’s -elder daughter as she filled the place at Court in -which she had been reinstated at the instance of her -step-mother. A gentle, brown-eyed woman, past -her first youth, and bearing on her countenance -the traces of sickness and sorrow and suffering, -she enjoyed at this date so great a popularity as -almost, according to a foreign observer, to be an -object of adoration to her father’s subjects, obstinately -faithful to her injured and repudiated -mother. But, ameliorated as was the Princess’s -condition, she had been too well acquainted, from -childhood upwards, with the reverses of fortune to -count over-securely upon a future depending upon -her father’s caprice.</p> - -<p>Her health was always delicate, and during the early -part of the year she had been ill. By the spring, -however, she had resumed her attendance at Court, -and—to judge by a letter from her little wise brother, -contemplating from a safe distance the dangerous -pastimes of Whitehall—was taking a conspicuous -part in the entertainments in fashion. Writing in -Latin to his step-mother, Prince Edward besought<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31">31</a></span> -her “to preserve his dear sister Mary from the -enchantments of the Evil One, by beseeching her -no longer to attend to foreign dances and merriments, -unbecoming in a most Christian Princess”—and -least of all in one for whom he expressed the -wish, in the course of the same summer, that the -wisdom of Esther might be hers.</p> - -<p>It does not appear whether or not Mary took -the admonitions of her nine-year-old Mentor to -heart. The pleasures of court life are not likely -to have exercised a perilous fascination over the -Princess, her spirits clouded by the memory of her -melancholy past and the uncertainty of her future, -and probably represented to her a more or less -wearisome part of the necessary routine of existence.</p> - -<p>Whilst the entertainments the Prince deplored -went forward at Whitehall, they were accompanied -by other practices he would have wholly approved. -Not only was his step-mother addicted to personal -study of the Scriptures, but she had secured the -services of learned men to instruct her further in -them; holding private conferences with these -teachers; and, especially during Lent, causing a -sermon to be delivered each afternoon for her own -benefit and that of any of her ladies disposed to -profit by it, when the discourse frequently turned or -touched upon abuses in the Church.<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">22</a></p> - -<p>It was a bold stroke, Henry’s claims to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32">32</a></span> -position of sole arbiter on questions of doctrine -considered. Nevertheless the Queen acted openly, -and so far her husband had testified no dissatisfaction. -Yet the practice must have served to accentuate -the dividing line of theological opinion, already -sufficiently marked at Court; some members of -the royal household, like Princess Mary, holding -aloof; others eagerly welcoming the step; the -Seymours, Cranmer, and their friends looking on -with approval, whilst the Howard connection, with -Gardiner and Wriothesley, took note of the Queen’s -imprudence, and waited and watched their opportunity -to turn it to their advantage and to her -destruction.</p> - -<div id="ip_32" class="figcenter" style="width: 448px;"> - <img src="images/i_032.jpg" width="448" height="600" alt="" /> - <div class="caption"><p class="p0">Edward Prince</p></div> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From an engraving by R. Dalton after a drawing by Holbein.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>PRINCE EDWARD, AFTERWARDS EDWARD VI.</p></div></div> - -<p>Such was the internal condition of the Court. -The spring had meanwhile been marked by rejoicings -for the peace with foreign powers, at last concluded. -On Whit-Sunday a great procession proceeded from -St. Paul’s to St. Peter’s, Cornhill, accompanied by a -banner, and by crosses from every parish church, -the children of St. Paul’s School joining in the show. -It was composed of a motley company. Bishop -Bonner—as vehement in his Catholicism as Gardiner, -and so much less wary in the display of his opinions -that his brother of Winchester was wont at times to -term him “asse”—carried the Blessed Sacrament -under a canopy, with “clerks and priests and vicars -and parsons”; the Lord Mayor was there in crimson -velvet, the aldermen were in scarlet, and all the crafts<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33">33</a></span> -in their best apparel. The occasion was worthy of -the pomp displayed in honour of it, for it was—the -words sound like a jest—the festival of a “Universal -Peace for ever,” announced by the Mayor, standing -between standard and cross, and including in the -proclamation of general amity the names of the -Emperor, the King of England, the French King, -and all Christian Kings.<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">23</a></p> - -<p>If soldiers had for the moment consented to -proclaim a truce and to name it, merrily, eternal, -theologians had agreed to no like suspension of -hostilities, and the perennial religious strife showed -no signs of intermission.</p> - -<p>“Sire,” wrote Admiral d’Annebaut, sent by -Francis to London to ratify the peace, “I know -not what to tell your Majesty as to the order given -me to inform myself of the condition of religious -affairs in England; except that Henry has declared -himself head of the Anglican Church, and woe -to whomsoever refuses to recognise him in that -capacity. He has also usurped all ecclesiastical -property, and destroyed all the convents. He -attends Mass nevertheless daily, and permits the -papal nuncio to live in London. What is strangest -of all is that Catholics are there burnt as well as -Lutherans and other heretics. Was anything like -it ever seen?”<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">24</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34">34</a></span> -Punishment was indeed dealt out with singular -impartiality. During the spring Dr. Crome had -been examined touching a sermon he had delivered -against Catholic doctrine. Two or three weeks -later, preaching once more at Paul’s Cross, he had -boldly declared he was not there for the purpose -of denying his former assertions; but a second -“examination” had proved more effective, and on -the Sunday following the feast of Corpus Christi he -eschewed his heresies.<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> “Our news here,” wrote a -merchant of London to his brother on July 2, “of -Dr. Crome’s canting, recanting, decanting, or rather -double-canting, be this.”<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> The transaction was -representative of many others, which, with their -undercurrent of terror, struggle, intimidation, -menace, and remorse, formed a melancholy and -recurrent feature of the day, the victory remaining -sometimes with a man’s conscience—whatever it -dictates might be—sometimes with his fears.</p> - -<p>The King was, in fact, still endeavouring to stem -the torrent he had set loose. In his speech to -Parliament on Christmas Eve, 1545, after commending -and thanking Lords and Commons for -their loyalty and affection towards himself, he had -spoken with severity of the discord and dissension -prevalent in the realm; the clergy, by their sermons -against each other, sowing debate and discord<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35">35</a></span> -amongst the people.... “I am very sorry to know -and hear how unreverently that most precious jewel, -the Word of God, is disputed, rimed, sung and -jangled in every ale-house and tavern ... and -yet I am even as much sorry that the readers of the -same follow it in doing so faintly and so coldly. -For of this I am sure, that charity was never so -faint amongst you, and virtuous and godly living -was never less used, nor God Himself amongst -Christians was never less reverenced, honoured, and -served.”<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">27</a></p> - -<p>Delivered scarcely more than a year before his -death, Henry’s speech was a singular commentary -upon the condition of the realm, consequent upon -his own policy, during the concluding years of his -reign.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36">36</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1546</span> - -<span class="subhead">Anne Askew—Her trial and execution—Katherine Parr’s -danger—Plot against her—Her escape.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap al"><span class="smcap1">As</span> the months of 1546 went by the measures -taken by the King and his advisers to enforce -unanimity of practice and opinion in matters of -religion did not become less drastic. A great -burning of books disapproved by Henry took place -during the autumn, preceded in July by the -condemnation and execution of a victim whose -fate attracted an unusual amount of attention, the -effect at Court being enhanced by the fact that the -heroine of the story was personally known to the -Queen and her ladies. It was indeed reported that -one of the King’s special causes of displeasure was -that she had been the means of imbuing his nieces—among -whom was Lady Dorset, Jane Grey’s mother—as -well as his wife, with heretical doctrines.</p> - -<p>Added to the species of glamour commonly -surrounding a spiritual leader, more particularly in -times of persecution, Anne Askew was beautiful -and young—not more than twenty-five at the time<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37">37</a></span> -of her death—and the thought of her racked -frame, her undaunted courage, and her final agony -at the stake, may well have haunted with the -horror of a night-mare those who had been her -disciples, and who looked on from a distance, and -with sympathy they dared not display.</p> - -<p>There were other circumstances increasing the -interest with which the melancholy drama was -watched. Well born and educated, Anne had been -the wife of a Lincolnshire gentleman of the name -of Kyme. Their life together had been of short -duration. In a period of bitter party feeling and -recrimination, it is difficult to ascertain with certainty -the truth on any given point; and whilst a hostile -chronicler asserts that Anne left her husband in -order “to gad up and down a-gospelling and -gossipping where she might and ought not, but -especially in London and near the Court,”<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> another -authority explains that Kyme had turned her out -of his house upon her conversion to Protestant -doctrines. Whatever might have been the origin -of her mode of life, it is certain that she resumed -her maiden name, and proceeded to “execute the -office of an apostle.”<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">29</a></p> - -<p>Her success in her new profession made her -unfortunately conspicuous, and in 1545 she was -committed to Newgate, “for that she was very<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38">38</a></span> -obstinate and heady in reasoning on matters of -religion.” The charge, it must be confessed, is -corroborated by her demeanour under examination, -when the qualities of meekness and humility were -markedly absent, and her replies to the interrogatories -addressed to her were rather calculated to -irritate than to prove conciliatory. On this first -occasion, for example, asked to interpret certain -passages in the Scriptures, she declined to comply -with the request on the score that she would not -cast pearls among swine—acorns were good enough; -and, urged by Bonner to open her wound, she -again refused. Her conscience was clear, she said; -to lay a plaster on a whole skin might seem much -folly, and the similitude of a wound appeared to her -unsavoury.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">30</a></p> - -<p>For the time she escaped; but in the course of -the following year her case was again brought -forward, and on this occasion she found no mercy. -Her examinations, mostly reported by herself, show -her as alike keen-witted and sharp-tongued, rarely -at a loss for an answer, and profoundly convinced -of the justice of her cause. If she was not without -the genuine enjoyment of the born controversialist -in the opportunity of argument and discussion, she -possessed, underlying the self-assertion and confidence -natural in a woman holding the position of a -religious leader, a fund of indomitable heroism.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39">39</a></span> -For she must have been fully conscious of her -danger. It is possible that, had she not been -brought into prominence by her association with -those in high places, she might again have escaped; -but, apart from the grudge owed her for her -influence over the King’s own kin, her attitude -was almost such as to court her fate. Refusing “to -sing a new song of the Lord in a strange land,” -she replied to the Bishop of Winchester, when he -complained that she spoke in parables, that it was -best for him that she should do so. Had she -shown him the open truth, he would not accept it.</p> - -<p>“Then the Bishop said he would speak with me -familiarly. I said, ‘So did Judas when he unfriendlily -betrayed Christ....’ In conclusion,” she ended, in -her account of the interview, “we could not agree.”</p> - -<p>Spirited as was her bearing, and thrilling as the -prisoner plainly was with all the excitement of a battle -of words, it was not strange that the strain should -tell upon her.</p> - -<p>“On the Sunday,” she proceeds—and there is a -pathetic contrast between the physical weakness to -which she confesses and her undaunted boldness in -confronting the men bent upon her destruction—“I -was sore sick, thinking no less than to die.... -Then was I sent to Newgate in my extremity of -sickness, for in all my life I was never in such pain. -Thus the Lord strengthen us in His truth. Pray, -pray, pray.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40">40</a></span> -Her condemnation was a foregone conclusion. It -followed quickly, with a subsequent visit from one -Nicholas Shaxton, who, having, for his own part, -made his recantation, counselled her to do the same. -He spoke in vain. It were, she told him, good for -him never to have been born, “with many like -words.” More was to follow. If her assertion is to -be believed—and there seems no valid reason to doubt -it—the rack was applied “till I was nigh dead.... -After that I sat two long hours reasoning with my -Lord Chancellor upon the bare floor. Then was I -brought into a house and laid in a bed with as weary -and painful bones as ever had patient Job. I thank -my God therefore.”</p> - -<p>A scarcely credible addition is made to the story, -to the effect that when the Lieutenant of the Tower -had refused to put the victim to the torture a second -time, the Lord Chancellor, Wriothesley, less merciful, -took the office upon himself, and applied the rack -with his own hands, the Lieutenant departing to -report the matter to the King, “who seemed not very -well to like such handling of a woman.”<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> What is -certain is the final scene at Smithfield, where Shaxton -delivered a sermon, Anne listening, endorsing his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41">41</a></span> -words when she approved of them and correcting -them “when he said amiss.”</p> - -<p>So the shameful episode was brought to an end. -The tale, penetrating even the thick walls of a -palace, must have caused a thrill of horror at -Whitehall, accentuated by reason of certain events -going forward there about the same time.</p> - -<p>The King’s disease was gaining upon him apace. -He had become so unwieldy in bulk that the use -of machinery was necessary to move him, and with -the progress of his disorder his temper was becoming -more and more irritable. In view of his approaching -death the question of the guardianship and custody -of the heir to the throne was increasing in importance -and the jealousy of the rival parties was becoming -more embittered. In the course of the summer the -Catholics about the Court ventured on a bold stroke, -directed against no less a person than the Queen.</p> - -<p>Emboldened by the tolerance displayed by the -King towards her religious practices and the preachers -and teachers she gathered around her, Katherine had -grown so daring as to make matters of doctrine a -constant subject of conversation with Henry, urging -him to complete the work he had begun, and to free -the Church of England from superstition.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> Henry -appears at first—though he was a man ill to argue -with—to have shown singular patience under his -wife’s admonitions. But daily controversy is not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42">42</a></span> -soothing to a sick man’s nerves and temper, and -Katherine’s enemies, watching their opportunity, -conceived that it was at hand.</p> - -<p>Henry’s habits had been altered by illness, and it -had become the Queen’s custom to wait for a -summons before visiting his apartments; although -on some occasions, after dinner or supper, or when -she had reason to imagine she would be welcome, -she repaired thither on her own initiative. But -perhaps the more as she perceived that time was -short, she continued her imprudent exhortations. -And still her enemies, wary and silent, watched.</p> - -<p>Henry appears—and it says much for his affection -for her—to have for a time maintained the attitude -of a not uncomplacent listener. On a certain day, -however, when Katherine was, as usual, descanting -upon questions of theology, he changed the subject -abruptly, “which somewhat amazed the Queen.” -Reassured by perceiving no further signs of displeasure, -she talked upon other topics until the -time came for the King to bid her farewell, which -he did with his customary affection.</p> - -<p>The account of what followed—Foxe being, as -before, the narrator—must be accepted with reservation. -Gardiner, chancing to be present, was made -the recipient of his master’s irritation. It was a good -hearing, the King said ironically, when women were -become clerks, and a thing much to his comfort, to -come in his old days to be taught by his wife.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43">43</a></span> -Gardiner made prompt use of the opening afforded -him; he had waited long for it, and it was not -wasted. The Queen, he said, had forgotten herself, -in arguing with a King whose virtues and whose -learnedness in matters of religion were not only -greater than were possessed by other princes, but -exceeded those of doctors in divinity. For the -Bishop and his friends it was a grievous thing to -hear. Proceeding to enlarge upon the subject at -length, he concluded by saying that, though he -dared not declare what he knew without special -warranty from the King, he and others were aware -of treason cloaked in heresy. Henry, he warned -him, was cherishing a serpent in his bosom.</p> - -<p>It was risking much, but the Bishop knew to -whom he spoke, and, working adroitly upon -Henry’s fears and wrath, succeeded in obtaining -permission to consult with his colleagues and to draw -up articles by which the Queen’s life might be -touched. “They thought it best to begin with such -ladies as she most esteemed and were privy to all her -doings—as the Lady Herbert, her sister, the Lady -Lane, who was her first cousin, and the Lady -Tyrwhitt, all of her privy chamber.” The plan -was to accuse these ladies of the breach of the Six -Articles, to search their coffers for documents or -books compromising to the Queen, and, in case anything -of that nature were found, to carry Katherine -by night to the Tower. The King, acquainted with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44">44</a></span> -the design, appears to have given his consent, and -all went on as before, Henry still encouraging, -or at least not discouraging, his wife’s discourse on -spiritual matters.</p> - -<p>Time was passing; the bill of articles against the -Queen had been prepared, and Henry had affixed his -signature to it, whether with a deliberate intention -of giving her over to her enemies, or, as some said, -meaning to deter her from the study of prohibited -literature—in which case, as Lord Herbert of -Cherbury observes, it was “a terrible jest.”<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> That -Katherine herself did not regard the affair, as soon -as she came to be cognisant of it, in the light of a -kindly warning, is plain; for when, by a singular -accident, the document containing the charges against -her was dropped by one of the council and brought -for her perusal, the effect upon her was such that the -King’s physicians were summoned to attend her, and -Henry himself, ignorant of the cause of her illness, -and possibly softened by it, paid her a visit, and, -hearing that she entertained fears that she had -incurred his displeasure, reassured her with sweet -and comfortable words, remained with her an hour, -and departed.</p> - -<p>Though Katherine had played her part well, she -must have been aware that she stood on the brink of -a precipice, and the ghosts of Anne Boleyn and -Katherine Howard warned her how little reliance<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45">45</a></span> -could be placed upon the King’s fitful affection. -Deciding upon a bold step, she sought his bed-chamber -uninvited after supper on the following -evening, attended only by her sister, Lady Herbert, -and with Lady Lane,<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> her cousin, to carry the candle -before her. Henry, found in conversation with -his attendant gentlemen, gave his wife a courteous -welcome, entering at once—contrary to his custom—upon -the subject of religion, as if moved by a desire -of gaining instruction from her replies. Read in the -light of what Katherine already knew, this new -departure may well have been viewed by her with -misgiving; and she hastened to disclaim the position -the King appeared anxious to assign her. The -inferiority of women being what it was, she said, it -was for man to supply from his wisdom what they -lacked. She being a silly poor woman, and his -Majesty so wise, how could her judgment be of -use to him, in all things her only anchor, and, next -to God, her supreme head and governor on earth?</p> - -<p>The King demurred. The attitude of submission -may have struck him as unfamiliar.</p> - -<p>“Not so, by St. Mary,” he said. “You are -become a doctor, Kate, to instruct us, as we take -it, and not to be instructed or directed by us.”</p> - -<p>The plain charge elicited, it was more easy -to reply to it. The King had much mistaken her,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46">46</a></span> -Katherine humbly declared. It had ever been her -opinion that it was unseemly for the woman to -instruct and teach her lord and husband; her place -was rather to learn of him. If she had been bold -to maintain opinions differing from the King’s, it -had been to “minister talk”—to make conversation, -in modern language—to distract him from the -thought of his infirmities, as also in the hope of profiting -by his learned discourse—with more of the -same nature.</p> - -<p>Henry, perhaps not sorry to be convinced, yielded -to the skilful flattery thus administered.</p> - -<p>“Is it even so, sweetheart?” he said, “and tend -your arguments to no worse end? Then perfect -friends we are now again,” adding, as he took her -in his arms and kissed her, that her words had done -him more good than news of a hundred thousand -pounds.</p> - -<p>The next day had been fixed for the Queen’s -arrest. As the appointed hour approached the -King sought the garden, sending for Katherine to -attend him there. Accompanied by the same ladies -as on the night before, the Queen obeyed the -summons, and there, under the July sun, the closing -scene of the serio-comic drama was played. Amused, -it may be, by the anticipation of his counsellors’ -discomfiture, Henry was in good spirits and “as -pleasant as ever he was in his life before,” when -the Chancellor, with forty of the royal guard,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47">47</a></span> -appeared, ready to take possession of the culprit. -What passed between Wriothesley and his master, -at a little distance from the rest of the party, could -only be matter of conjecture. The Chancellor’s -words, as he knelt before the angry King, were not -audible to the curious bystanders, but the King’s -rejoinder, “vehemently whispered,” was heard. -“Knave, arrant knave, beast and fool,” were the -epithets applied to the crestfallen official. After -which, he was promptly dismissed.</p> - -<p>Katherine, whether or not she divined the truth, -set herself to plead Wriothesley’s cause. Ignorance, -not will, was in her opinion the probable origin of -what had so manifestly moved Henry to wrath. -The advocacy of the intended victim softened the -King’s heart even more towards her.</p> - -<p>“Ah, poor soul,” he said, “thou little knowest -how ill he deserves this grace at thy hands. On -my word, sweetheart, he hath been towards thee an -arrant knave, and so let him go.”<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">35</a></p> - -<p>For the moment, at least, the danger was averted, -and before it recurred the despot was in his grave, -and Katherine was safe. It is curious to observe -that in the list of contents to the <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite> -the danger of the Queen is pointed out, “and how -gloriously she was preserved by her kind and loving -Husband the King.”</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48">48</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1546</span> - -<span class="subhead">The King dying—The Earl of Surrey—His career and his fate—The -Duke of Norfolk’s escape—Death of the King.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> King was dying. So much must have -been apparent to all who were in a position to -judge. None, however, dared utter their thought, -since it had been made an indictable offence—the -act being directed against soothsayers and prophets—to -foretell his death. Those who wished him well -or ill, those who would if they could have cared -for his soul and invited him to make his peace with -God before taking his way hence, were alike constrained -to be mute. Before he went to present -himself at a court of justice where king and crossing-sweeper -stand side by side, another judicial murder -was to be accomplished, and one more victim added -to the number of the accusers awaiting him there. -This was the poet Earl of Surrey, heir to the -Dukedom of Norfolk.</p> - -<p>Surrey was not more than thirty. But much had -been crowded, according to the fashion of the time, -into his short and brilliant life. Brought up during -his childhood at Windsor as the companion of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49">49</a></span> -King’s illegitimate son, the Duke of Richmond—who -subsequently married Mary Howard, his -friend’s sister—Surrey had suffered many vicissitudes -of fortune; had been in confinement on -a suspicion of sympathy with the Pilgrimage of -Grace; and in 1543 had again fallen into disgrace, -charged with breaking windows in London by -shooting pebbles at them. To this accusation he -pleaded guilty, explaining, in a satire directed against -the citizens of London, that his object had been -to prepare them for the divine retribution due for -their irreligion and wickedness:</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">This made me with a reckless brest,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">To wake thy sluggards with my bowe;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">A figure of the Lord’s behest,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">Whose scourge for synne the Scriptures shew.<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>He can scarcely have expected that the plea -would have availed, and he expiated his offence by -a short imprisonment, chiefly of importance as accentuating -his hatred towards the Seymours, who were -held responsible for it.<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">36</a></p> - -<p>In the course of the same year he was more -worthily employed in fighting the battles of England -abroad, where his conduct elicited a cordial tribute -of praise from Charles V. “Our cousin, the Earl -of Surrey,” wrote the Emperor to Henry, on -Surrey’s return to England, would supply him with -an account of all that had taken place. “We will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50">50</a></span> -therefore only add that he has given good proof -in the army of whom he is the son; and that he -will not fail to follow in the steps of his father and -forefathers, with <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">si gentil cœur</i> and so much dexterity -that there is no need to instruct him in aught, and -you will give him no command that he does not -know how to execute.”<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">37</a></p> - -<p>Two years later Surrey was in command of the -English forces at Boulogne, there suffered defeat, -and was, though not as an ostensible result of his -failure, superseded by his rival and enemy, the Earl -of Hertford, brother of the Admiral and head of -the Seymour clan.</p> - -<p>Such was the record of the man who was -to fall a prey to the malice and jealousy of the -opposite party in the State. His noble birth, his -long descent, and his brilliant gifts, were so many -causes tending to make him hated and feared; -besides which, even amongst men in whom humility -was a rare virtue, he was noted for his pride—“the -most foolish, proud boy,” as he was once described, -“that is in England.” When he came to be tried -for his life those of his own house came forward -to bear witness to the contempt he had displayed -towards inferiors in rank, if not in power. “These -new men,” he had said scornfully—it was his sister -who played the part of his accuser—“these new men -loved no nobility, and if God called away the King<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51">51</a></span> -they should smart for it.”<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> None of the King’s -Council, he was reported to have declared, loved -him, because they were not of noble birth, and also -because he believed in the Sacrament of the Altar.<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">39</a></p> - -<p>In verse he had likewise made his sentiments -clear, comparing himself, much to his advantage, -with the men he hated.</p> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i16">Behold our kyndes how that we differ farre;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">I seke my foes, and you your frendes do threten still with warre.<br /></span> -<span class="i0">I fawne where I am fled; you slay that sekes to you;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">I can devour no yelding pray; you kill where you subdue.<br /></span> -<span class="i0">My kinde is to desire the honoure of the field,<br /></span> -<span class="i0">And you with bloode to slake your thirst on such as to you yeld.<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p>It was a natural and inevitable consequence of his -attitude towards them that the “new men” hated -and sought the ruin of the poet who held them up -publicly to scorn; and if his great popularity in the -country was in some sort a shield, it was also calculated -to prove perilous, by giving rise to suspicion -and distrust on the part of a sovereign prone to -indulge in these sentiments, and thereby to render -the success of his foes more easy.</p> - -<p>The Seymours were aware that their time was short. -With the King’s approaching death the question of -the guardianship of the successor to the throne was -becoming daily more momentous; and when pride -and vanity on the part of the Earl, together with -treachery on that of friends and kin, placed a dangerous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52">52</a></span> -weapon in the hands of his opponents, they were -prompt to use it.</p> - -<p>During the summer there was nothing to serve as -a presage of his fate; and so late as August he took -part in the magnificent reception accorded to the French -ambassadors, successfully vindicating on that occasion -his right to precedence over the Earl of Hertford, -with whom he was as usual at open enmity.</p> - -<p>A new cause of quarrel had been added to the old. -The Duke of Norfolk, developing, as age crept upon -him, an unwonted desire for peace and amity, had -lately devised a method of terminating the feud -between his heir and the Seymour brothers, so -powerful, by reason of their kinship to Prince -Edward, in the State. Not only had he revived a -project for uniting his widowed daughter, the Duchess -of Richmond, to Thomas Seymour, Lord Admiral, -Katherine Parr’s former lover, but had made a further -proposal to cement the alliance between the rival -houses by marrying three of his grandchildren to -Hertford’s children.</p> - -<p>The old man’s scheme was not destined to succeed. -Whether or not the Seymours would have consented -to forget ancient grudges, Surrey remained -irreconcilable, flatly refusing his consent to his father’s -plan. So long as he lived, he declared, no son of -his should ever wed Lord Hertford’s daughter; and -when his sister—perhaps not insensible to Thomas -Seymour’s attractions—showed an inclination to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53">53</a></span> -yield to the Duke’s wishes, he addressed bitter taunts -to her. Since Seymour was in favour with the -King, he told her ironically, let her conclude the -farce of a marriage, and play in England the part -which had, in France, belonged to the Duchesse -d’Étampes, Francis I.’s mistress.</p> - -<p>Mary Howard did not marry the Admiral, but, -possibly sharing her brother’s pride, she never forgot -or forgave the insult he had offered her; and, -repeating the sarcasm as if it had been advice -tendered in all seriousness, did her best to damn -the Earl in his day of extremity. In a contemporary -Spanish chronicle further particulars, true -or false, of the quarrel are added. It is there -related that, grieved at the tales that had reached -him of his sister’s lightness of conduct, Surrey had -taken upon himself to administer a brotherly rebuke.</p> - -<p>“Sister,” he said, “I am very sorry to hear what -I do about you; and if it be true, I will never speak -to you again, but will be your mortal enemy.”<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">40</a></p> - -<p>The Duchess was not a woman to accept the -admonition meekly, and it was she who was to prove, -in the sequel, the more dangerous foe of the two.</p> - -<p>The offence for which Surrey nominally suffered -the capital penalty seems trivial enough. According -to the story told by contemporary authorities—and -it suits well with his overweening pride in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54">54</a></span> -his ancient blood and royal descent—he caused a -painting to be executed wherein the Norfolk arms -were joined to those of the royal house, the motto -<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Honi soit qui mal y pense</i> being replaced by the enigmatical -device <em>Till then thus</em>, and the whole concealed -by a canvas placed above it.</p> - -<div id="ip_54" class="figcenter" style="width: 447px;"> - <img src="images/i_054.jpg" width="447" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From an engraving by Scriven after a painting by Holbein.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>HENRY HOWARD, EARL OF SURREY.</p></div></div> - -<p>The very fact of the secrecy observed betrays the -Earl’s consciousness that he had committed an imprudence. -He was guilty of a worse when, notwithstanding -the terms upon which he stood with -his sister, he made her his confidant in the matter. -The Duchess, in her turn, informed her father of -what had been done, but to the Duke’s remonstrances -Surrey turned a deaf ear. His ancestors, he replied, -had borne these arms, and he was much better than -they. Powerless to move him, his father, reiterating -his fears that it might furnish occasion for a charge -of treason, begged that the affair might be kept -strictly private, to which Surrey readily agreed. -Both men, however, had reckoned without the -woman who was daughter to the one, sister to the -other. Whether, as some aver,<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> the Duchess took -the step of betraying her brother directly to the King, -or merely corroborated the accusations preferred -against him by others—Sir Richard Southwell, a -friend of Surrey’s childhood, being the first to denounce -him<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">42</a>—the matter soon became known, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55">55</a></span> -Earl was examined at length, and by the middle of -December was, with his father, lodged in the Tower -on the charge of treason, the assumption of the -royal arms being viewed as an implied claim to the -succession to the throne, and as a menace to the little -heir. Hertford and his brother were at hand to -exaggerate the peril to be feared from his ambition; -and the affection of the populace, who, as he was -taken through the city to his place of captivity, made -great lamentation,<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> was not fitted to allay apprehension. -A month later the Earl’s trial took place -at the Guildhall, crowds filling the streets as he -went by. Brought before his judges, he made so -spirited a defence that Holinshed admits that “if -he had tempered his answers with such modesty as -he showed token of a right perfect and ready wit, -his praise had been the greater”; and though neither -wit nor modesty was likely to avail to save him, -it was not without long deliberation that the jury -agreed to declare him guilty.</p> - -<p>Their verdict was pronounced by his implacable -enemy, Hertford; being greeted by the people with -“a great tumult, and it was a long while before they -could be silenced, although they cried out to them -to be quiet.”<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">44</a></p> - -<p>The prisoner received what was practically -sentence of death in characteristic fashion. His<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56">56</a></span> -enemies might have vanquished him, but he could -still despise them, still assert his inborn superiority -to his victors.</p> - -<p>“Of what have you found me guilty?” he -demanded. “Surely you will find no law that -justifies you; but I know that the King wants to -get rid of the noble blood around him, and to -employ none but low people.”<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">45</a></p> - -<p>On January 19, not a week after his trial, the poet, -King Henry VIII.’s latest victim, was beheaded on -Tower Hill. It was not the fault of Henry’s advisers -that his aged father did not follow him to the grave. -To have cleared Surrey out of their path was much; -but it was not enough. The Duke’s heir gone, -there were many eager to share amongst themselves -the Norfolk spoils; Henry was ready to send his -old servant to join his son; and only the King’s -death, on the very night before the day appointed -for the Duke’s execution, saved him from sharing -Surrey’s fate. On January 28, 1547, nine days after -the Earl had been slain, Henry was dead.</p> - -<p>The end can have taken few people by surprise. -Whether it was unexpected by the King none can -tell. His will was made—a will paving the way -for the misfortunes of one of his kin, and preparing -the scaffold upon which Lady Jane Grey was -to die; since, tacitly setting aside the claims of his -elder sister, Margaret of Scotland, and her heirs, he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57">57</a></span> -provided that, after his own children, Edward, Mary, -and Elizabeth, the descendants of Mary Tudor, of -whom Jane was, in the younger generation, the representative, -should stand next in the order of succession -to the throne. It was the first occasion upon which -Lady Jane’s position had been explicitly defined, -and was the prelude of the tragedy that was to -follow. Should the unrepealed statutes declaring -the King’s daughters illegitimate be permitted in the -future to weigh against his present provisions in -their favour, his great niece or her mother would, -in the event of Prince Edward’s death, become heirs -to the crown.</p> - -<p>For Henry the opportunity of cancelling, had it -been possible, the injustices of a lifetime was over. -“Soon after the death of the Earl of Surrey,” -writes the Spanish chronicler, “the King felt unwell; -and, as he was a wise man, he called his -council together, and said to them, ‘Gentlemen, I am -unwell, and cannot tell when God may call me, so -I wish to put my soul in order, and to reward my -servants for what they have done.’”</p> - -<p>The writer was probably drawing upon his imagination, -and presenting rather a picture of what, in -his opinion, ought to have taken place than of what -truly happened. It quickly became patent to all -that the end was at hand; but, though the physicians -represented to those about the dying man that it -was fitting that he should be warned of his condition,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58">58</a></span> -most of them shrank from the task. At length Sir -Anthony Denny took the performance of the duty -upon himself, exhorting his master boldly to prepare -for death, “calling himself to remembrance of -his former life, and to call upon God in Christ -betimes for grace and mercy.”<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">46</a></p> - -<p>What followed must again be largely matter of -conjecture, the various accounts being coloured -according to the theological views of the narrator. -It is possible that, feeling the end near, and calling -to mind, as Denny bade him, the life he had led, -Henry may have been visited by one of those deathbed -repentances so mercilessly described by Raleigh: -“For what do they do otherwise that die this kind -of well-dying, but say to God as followeth: We -beseech Thee, O God, that all the falsehoods, forswearings, -and treacheries of our lives past may be -pleasing unto Thee; that Thou wilt, for our sakes -(that have had no leisure to do anything for Thine) -change Thy nature (though impossible) and forget -to be a just God; that Thou wilt love injuries and -oppressions, call ambition wisdom, and charity foolishness.”<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> -Into the secrets of the deathbed none can -penetrate. Some say the King’s remorse, for the -execution of Anne Boleyn in particular, was genuine; -others that he was haunted by visionary fears and -terrors. In the Spanish chronicle quoted above, it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59">59</a></span> -is asserted that, sending for “Madam Mary,” his -injured daughter, he confessed that fortune—he -might have said himself—had been hard against -her, that he grieved not to have married her as he -wished, and prayed her further to be a mother to -the Prince, “for look, he is very little yet.”</p> - -<p>The same authority has also drawn what one -must believe to be an imaginary picture of a final -and affecting interview between Katherine and her -husband, “when the good Queen could not answer -for weeping.”<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> His account is uncorroborated by -other evidence, and it is impossible to believe that -she can have felt genuine sorrow for the death of a -man whose life was a perpetual menace to her own.</p> - -<p>According to Foxe, when Denny, the courageous -servant who had warned him of his danger, asked -whether he would see no learned divine, the King -replied that, were any such to be called, it should -be Cranmer, but him not yet. He would first sleep, -and then, according as he felt, would advise upon -the matter. When, an hour or two later, finding -his weakness increasing, he sent for the Archbishop, -it was too late for speech. “Notwithstanding ... -he, reaching his hand to Dr. Cranmer, did hold him -fast,” and, desired by the latter to give some token -of trust in God, he “did wring his hand in his as -hard as he could, and so, shortly after, departed.”<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">49</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60">60</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1547</span> - -<span class="subhead">Triumph of the new men—Somerset made Protector—Coronation of -Edward VI.—Measures of ecclesiastical reform—The Seymour -brothers—Lady Jane Grey entrusted to the Admiral—The -Admiral and Elizabeth—His marriage to Katherine.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">With</span> the death of the King a change, complete -and sudden, passed over the face of -affairs. So long as Henry drew breath all was -uncertain; security there was none. The men who -were in favour to-day might be disgraced to-morrow, -and with regard to the government of the country -and the guardianship of the new sovereign all -depended upon the state of mind in which death -might find him. Happening when it actually did, -it left the “new men,” the objects of Surrey’s -contempt, triumphant. Norfolk was in prison on -a capital charge; his son was dead. Gardiner had -fallen into disgrace at the same time as the Howards, -and, though averting a worse fate by a timely show -of submission, had never regained his power, his -name being omitted by Henry from the list of his -executors, all, with the exception of Wriothesley -the Chancellor, adherents of the Seymours and for the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61">61</a></span> -most part pledged to the support of the Protestant -interest. Henry had acted deliberately.</p> - -<p>“My Lord of Winchester—I think by negligence—is -left out of Your Majesty’s will,” said Sir -Anthony Browne, kneeling by the King’s side, and -recalling to the dying man the Bishop’s long service -and great abilities. But Henry refused to reconsider -the question.</p> - -<p>“Hold your peace,” he returned. “I remembered -him well enough, and of good purpose have left him -out; for surely, if he were in my testament, and one -of you, he would cumber you all, and you should -never rule him, he is of so troublesome a nature.”<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">50</a></p> - -<p>Gardiner removed, there was no one left of -sufficient influence to combat the Seymours. Their -day was come.</p> - -<p>The King’s death had taken place on Friday, -January 28. The Council, for reasons of their own, -kept the news secret until the following Monday, -when, amidst a scene of strong emotion, real or -simulated, the fact was made known to Lords and -Commons, Parliament was dissolved, and the Commons -dismissed, the peers staying in London to -welcome their new sovereign. On February 1 a fresh -and crowning success was scored by the dominant -party, and Hertford—Wriothesley’s being the sole -dissentient voice in the governing body—was made -Protector and guardian of the King. That afternoon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62">62</a></span> -Edward received the homage of the Lords spiritual -and temporal, and the new reign was inaugurated.</p> - -<p>On the 20th of the same month the coronation -took place with all magnificence. On the previous -day the nine-year-old King had been brought -“through his city of London in most royal and -goodly wise” to Westminster, the crafts standing -on one side of the streets to see him pass, priests -and clerks on the other, with crosses and censers, -waiting to cense the new sovereign as he went by. -The sword of state was borne by Dorset, as -Constable of England, and his daughter, the same -age as the King, was probably a witness of the -splendid pageant and watched her cousin as, in his -gown of cloth of silver embroidered in gold and with -his white velvet jerkin and cape, he rode through the -city.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">51</a></p> - -<p>At the coronation on the following day Dorset -again occupied a prominent place, standing by the -King and carrying the sceptre, Somerset bearing the -crown. Cranmer, with no longer anything to fear -from his enemies, performed the ceremony and delivered -an address that can have left no doubt in the -minds of any of his hearers, if such there were, who -had clung to the hope that a moderate policy would -be pursued in ecclesiastical matters, of what was to -be expected from the men who had in their hands -the little head of Church and State. As God’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63">63</a></span> -Vice-regent and Christ’s Vicar, Edward Tudor was -exhorted to see that God was worshipped, idolatry -destroyed, the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome -banished, and images removed, the hybrid ceremony -being concluded by a solemn high mass, Cranmer -acting as celebrant.</p> - -<p>Signal success had attended the inauguration of -the new régime. Dissentients were almost nonexistent. -Wriothesley, now Earl of Southampton, -remained the solitary genuine adherent of the old -faith belonging to the Council. His lack of caution -in putting the great seal into commission without the -authority of his colleagues afforded them an excuse -for ousting him from his post of Chancellor; he was -compelled to resign his office, and received orders to -confine himself to his house, whilst Hertford, become -Duke of Somerset, took advantage of his absence -to obtain letters patent by which he became virtually -omnipotent in the State.</p> - -<p>The earlier months of his government were -chiefly devoted to carrying through drastic measures -of ecclesiastical reform, in which he was aided by -conviction in some, and cupidity in others, of his -colleagues, eager to benefit by the spoliation of the -Church. With the education of the King in the -hands of the Protector, they could count upon -immunity when he should come to an age to execute -justice on his own account, and the work went -swiftly forward. Gardiner, it was true, offered a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64">64</a></span> -determined opposition. If he had pandered to his -old master, he vindicated his character for courage -by braving the resentment of the men now in power, -and paid for his boldness by imprisonment.</p> - -<p>By September the internal affairs of the kingdom -were on a sufficiently settled footing to allow the -Protector to turn his attention to Scotland. Crossing -the border with an army of twenty thousand men, he -conducted in person a short campaign ending with -the victory of Pinkie, after which, to the surprise of -those who expected to see him follow up his success, -he hurried home.</p> - -<p>His hasty retreat was ascribed to different causes. -Some supposed him eager to be again at his post, -with the prestige of his victory still fresh. By -others it was imagined that he feared the intrigues -of his enemies, and in especial of his brother the -Admiral. Nor would such uneasiness have been without -justification. So long as their combined strength -was necessary to enable them to stand against -their enemies, the two had made common cause. -Somerset was popular in the country; the nobles -preferred the Admiral. For both a certain distrust -was entertained by those who felt that “their new -lustre did dim the light of men honoured with ancient -nobility.<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">52</a>” The consciousness of insecurity kept -them at one with each other. Become all-powerful -in the State, jealousy and passion sundered them.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65">65</a></span> -Ambitious, proud, and resentful of the Duke’s -assumption of undivided authority, Seymour had -quickly shown an intention of undermining his -brother’s position in the country, with his hold -upon the King, and the Protector may reasonably -have felt that it was neither safe nor politic, so far -as his personal interest was concerned, to remain too -long at a distance from the centre of government.</p> - -<p>To the jealousies natural to ambitious men -other causes of dissension had been added. These -were due to the position achieved by Seymour some -months previous to the Scotch campaign by his -marriage with the King’s widow.</p> - -<p>The conduct of Katherine at this juncture is -allowed by her warmest partisans to furnish matter -for regret. Little information is forthcoming concerning -her movements at the time of the King’s -death; nor does any blame attach to her if she -regarded that event in the light of a timely release, -an emancipation from a condition of perpetual unrest -and anxiety. In any case the age was not one -when overmuch time was squandered in mourning, -real or conventional, for the dead; and, judging -by the sequel, it is possible that, even before the -final close was put to her married life, she may -have been contemplating the recovery of her lost -lover. It is said that when the Lord Admiral paid -her his formal visit of condolence she not only -received him in private, but candidly confessed how<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66">66</a></span> -slight was her reason to regret a man who had -done her the wrong of appropriating her youth.<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">53</a></p> - -<p>If the conversation is correctly reported, Seymour -would augur well of the Queen’s willingness, so far as -was possible, to make up for lost time. But he was -not himself inclined to be hurried. Intent upon -securing every means within his power to assist him -in the coming struggle for pre-eminence, he did -not at once convince himself that it was his best -policy to become the husband of the King’s step-mother, -and that a more advantageous alliance was -not within his grasp.</p> - -<p>Other matters were also occupying his attention; -and it was now that Lady Jane Grey, unfortunately -a factor of importance in the political world, was -brought prominently forward and that her small -figure comes first into view in connection with the -competition for power and influence.</p> - -<p>Although allied with the royal house, and in a -position to share in some sort Surrey’s contempt -for the parvenu nobility of whom the Seymours were -representative, Dorset and the King’s uncles, agreed -upon the crucial matter of religion, were on good -terms; and Henry was no sooner dead than it -occurred to the Admiral that he might steal a march -upon his brother and secure to himself a point of -vantage in the contest between them, by obtaining -the custody for the present, and the disposal in the -future, of the marquis’s eldest daughter.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67">67</a></span> -He lost no time in attempting to compass his -purpose. Immediately after the late King’s death—according -to statements made when, at a later -date, Seymour had fallen upon evil times—Lord -Dorset received a visit from a dependant of the -Admiral’s, named Harrington, and the negotiations -ending in the transference of the practical guardianship -of the child to Seymour were set on foot.</p> - -<p>Harrington was, it would seem, the bearer of a -letter from his master, containing the proposal that -Lady Jane should be committed to his care; and -found the Marquis, on this first occasion, “somewhat -cold” in the matter. The messenger, however, -proceeded to urge the wishes of his principal, -supporting them by arguments well calculated to -appeal to an ambitious man. He reported that he -had heard Seymour say “that Lady Jane was as -handsome as any lady in England, and that, if -the King’s Majesty, when he came of age, would -marry within the realm, it was as likely he would -be there as in any other place, and that he [the -Admiral] would wish it.”<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">54</a></p> - -<p>Such was Harrington’s deposition. Dorset’s -account of the interview is to much the same -effect. Visiting him at his house at Westminster -“immediately after the King’s death,” he stated -that Seymour’s envoy had advised him to be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68">68</a></span> -content that his daughter should be with the -Admiral, assuring him that he would find means -to place her in marriage much to his comfort.</p> - -<p>“With whom?” demanded Dorset, plainly anxious -to obtain an explicit pledge.</p> - -<p>“Marry,” answered Harrington, “I doubt not -you shall see him marry her to the King.”</p> - -<p>As a consequence of this conversation Dorset -called upon the Admiral at Seymour House a week -later, and as the two walked in the garden an -agreement was arrived at, and her father was won -over to send for the child, who thereafter remained -in the Admiral’s house “continually” until the -death of the Queen.<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">55</a></p> - -<p>It was a strange arrangement; the more so that -it was evidently concluded before the marriage of -the late King’s widow to Seymour, a man one would -imagine to have been in no wise fit to be entrusted -with the sole guardianship of the little girl. But -Dorset was ambitious; the favour of the King’s -uncle, with the possibility of securing the King -himself as a son-in-law, was not lightly to be forgone; -and the sacrifice of Jane was made, not for the last -time, to her father’s interest.</p> - -<p>To the child herself the change from the Bradgate -fields and parks to the London home of her new -guardian must have been abrupt. Yet, though she -may have felt bewildered and desolate in her new<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69">69</a></span> -surroundings and separated from her two little -sisters, her training at home had not been of a -description to cause her overmuch regret at a parting -from those responsible for it. It has been said that -every child should dwell for a time within an Eden -of its own, and with many men and women the -recollection of the unclouded irrational joy belonging -to a childhood surrounded by love and tenderness -may have constituted in after years a pledge and -a guarantee that happiness is possible, and that, in -spite of sin and sorrow and suffering, the world is -still, as God saw it at creation, very good. The -garden in which little Jane’s childhood was passed -was one of a different nature. “No lady,” says -Fuller pitifully, “which led so many pious, lived so -few pleasant days, whose soul was never out of the -nonage of affliction till Death made her of full years -to inherit happiness, so severe her education.” Her -father’s house was to her a house of correction.<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">56</a></p> - -<p>Such being the case, the less regret can have -mingled with the natural excitement of a child -brought into wholly new conditions of life, and -treated perhaps for the first time as a person of -importance. Nor was it long before circumstances -provided her with a home to which no exception -could be taken. By June Seymour’s marriage -with the Queen-Dowager had been made public.</p> - -<p>In the interval, short though it was, that elapsed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70">70</a></span> -between the King’s death and the union of his -widow and the Admiral, Seymour had had time, -before committing himself to a renewal of his suit to -Katherine, to attempt a more brilliant match. Henry -had been scarcely a month dead before he addressed -a letter, couched in the correct terms of conventional -love-making, to the Princess Elizabeth, now fourteen. -He wished, he wrote, that it were possible to -communicate to the missive the virtue of rousing in -her heart as much favour towards him as his was full -of love for her, proceeding to pay the customary -tribute to the beauty and charm, together with -“a certain fascination I cannot resist,” by which he -had been subjugated.</p> - -<p>Elizabeth, at fourteen, was keen-witted enough -to estimate aright the advantages offered by a -marriage with the uncle of the reigning sovereign. -Nor was she, perhaps, judging by what followed, -indifferent to the personal attractions of this, her -first suitor. Though a certain impression of -vulgarity is conveyed, in spite of his magnificent -voice and splendid appearance, by the Lord Admiral, -a child twenty years younger than himself was not -likely to detect, in the recognised Adonis of the -Court, the presence of this somewhat indefinable -attribute. In her eyes he was doubtless a dazzling -figure; and though she replied by a polite refusal to -entertain his addresses, it is said that she afterwards -owed her step-mother a grudge for having discouraged<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71">71</a></span> -her from accepting them. Her answer was, however, -a model of maidenly modesty. She had, she -stated, neither age nor inclination to think of -marriage, and would never have believed that the -subject would have been broached so soon after her -father’s death. Two years at least must be passed -in mourning, nor could she decide to become a wife -before she had reached years of discretion.<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">57</a></p> - -<p>That problematical date would not be patiently -awaited by a man intent upon building up without -delay the fabric of his fortunes; and, denied -the late King’s daughter, Seymour promptly fell -back upon his wife. A graphic account of the -beginning of his courtship is supplied by the Spanish -chronicle, and, if not reliable for accuracy, the -narrative no doubt represents what was believed in -London, where the writer was resident. The -question of the marriage had been, according to -him, first mooted to the Council by the Protector, -and though other authorities assert that the Duke -was opposed to the match, both facts may be true. -It is not inconceivable that, whilst he would have -preferred that his brother should have looked less -high for a wife, the possibility that Seymour might -have obtained the hand of the King’s sister may -have caused the Protector to regard with favour an -arrangement putting a marriage with the Princess -out of the question.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72">72</a></span> -At the Council Board it is said that the proposal -received the approbation of the Chancellor. Cranmer, -though characterising it as an act of disrespect to the -memory of the late King, promised to interpose no -obstacle. Paget, the Secretary, went further, engaging -that his wife, in attendance on the Queen, should -push the matter to the best of her ability.</p> - -<p>After dinner one day, accordingly—to continue -the narrative of the Spaniard—when the Queen, with -all her ladies, was in the great hall of the palace, and -the Lord Admiral entered, “looking so handsome -that every one had something to say about him,” -Lady Paget, taking her opportunity, made a whispered -inquiry to the Queen as to her opinion -of Seymour’s appearance. To which the Queen -answered that she liked it very much—“oh, how -changeable,” sighs the chronicler, “are women in that -country!” Encouraged by Katherine’s reply, Lady -Paget ventured to go further, and to hint at a -marriage; answering, when the Queen replied by -demurring on the score of her superior rank as -Queen-Dowager, that to win so pretty a man you -might well stoop. Katherine would, she added, -continue to retain her royal title.<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">58</a></p> - -<p>The Queen did not prove difficult to persuade. -If it is true that she had been cognisant of Seymour’s -attempt to obtain the hand of her step-daughter, the -fact might have warned her of the nature of the love<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73">73</a></span> -he was offering to herself. But a woman in her -state of mind is not accessible to reason. A little -more than a month after Henry’s death the betrothal -took place, the marriage following upon it in May, -and the haste displayed giving singular proof of how -far the Queen’s old passion had mastered prudence -and discretion. The world was scandalised, and the -King’s daughters in particular were strong in their -disapproval; Mary, the more energetic of the two -on this occasion, summoning her sister to visit her, -that together they might devise means of preventing -the impending insult to their father’s memory, -or concert a method of making their attitude -clear.</p> - -<p>Elizabeth, though her objections to the match -were probably, on personal grounds, stronger than -those of her sister, was more cautious than Mary. -The girl, or her advisers, may have been aware of -the fact that opposition to the King’s uncle would -be a dangerous course to be pursued by any one -whose future was as ill assured as her own; and, -in answer to her sister, she pointed out, though -expressing her grief at the affair, that their sole consolation -would lie in submission to the will of -Providence, since neither was able to offer practical -resistance to the project. Dissimulation, under these -circumstances, would be their best policy. Mary -might decline to visit the Queen, but in Elizabeth’s -subordinate position she would herself be compelled<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74">74</a></span> -to do so, her step-mother having shown her so -much kindness.<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">59</a></p> - -<p>Despite public censure, despite the blame and -disapproval of critics whose disapproval would carry -more weight, Katherine may not at this time have -regretted her defiance of conventional propriety; -and those spring weeks, passed at her jointure palace -in Chelsea, were probably the happiest of her -life. The nightmare sense of insecurity, which can -never have been wholly laid to rest so long as Henry -lived, was removed; the price exacted for her royal -dignity had been paid, to the uttermost farthing; -and she was a free woman. Her old love for -Seymour had re-awakened in full force, and she -believed it was returned. Pious and prudent, -Katherine had forgotten to be wise. Disillusionment -might come later, but at present the future smiled -upon her; and she may fairly have counted upon -it to pay, at long last, the debts of the past.</p> - -<p>Her letters, light and tender, grave and gay, -indicate her mood as she awaited the day when she -would take her place before the world as Seymour’s -wife. Whether a marriage had already taken place, -though kept private as a concession to public opinion, -or whether it was still to come, there were secret -meetings in the early spring mornings by the river, -when the town was scarcely awake, the more welcome, -it may be, because of the sense that they were stolen.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75">75</a></span> -“When it shall be your pleasure to repair hither,” -wrote Kateryn the Quene—her invariable signature—to -her lover, “ye must take some pains to come -early in the morning, that ye may be gone again -by seven o’clock; and so I suppose ye may come -hither without suspect. I pray you let me have -knowledge over-night at what hour ye will come, -that your portress [herself] may wait at the gate of -the fields for you.... By her that is, and shall -be, your humble, true, and loving wife during her -life.”</p> - -<p>Poor, learned Katherine had fallen an unresisting -victim, like any other common woman, to the gifts -and attractions of the man who was to prove so -unsatisfactory a husband!</p> - -<p>By May 17, if not before, it is clear that the -marriage had taken place, though the secret had -been so closely kept that it was a surprise to the -bridegroom to discover that it was known to the -Queen’s own sister, Lady Herbert. On visiting -the latter, he told Katherine in a letter of this date, -she had charged him “touching my lodging with -your Highness at Chelsea,” the Admiral stoutly -maintaining that he had done no more than pass by -the garden on his way to the house of the Bishop -of London; “till at last she told me further tokens, -which made me change colour,” and he had arrived -at the conclusion that Lady Herbert had been taken -into her sister’s confidence.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76">76</a></span> -Meantime the inconvenience of the present condition -of things was evident; and to Mary—curiously -enough, since her disapproval of the projected marriage -had been so pronounced—Seymour applied -for help which should enable him to put an end -to it. Although he preserved the attitude of a -mere suitor for the Queen’s hand, it may be that -the Princess suspected that she was being consulted -after the event. Her answer was not encouraging. -Had the matter concerned her nearest kinsman and -dearest friend it would, she told the Admiral, stand -least with her poor honour than with any other -creature to meddle in the affair, considering whose -wife the Queen had lately been.</p> - -<p>“If the remembrance of the King’s Majesty my -father ... will not suffer her to grant your suit, -I am nothing able to persuade her to forget the -loss of him who is, as yet, very rife in mine own -remembrance.” If, however, the Princess refused -the assistance he begged, she assured him that, -“wooing matters apart, wherein, being a maid, I -am nothing cunning,” she would be ready in other -things to serve him.</p> - -<p>The young King, to whom recourse was next -had, was found more accommodating; and indeed -appears to have been skilfully convinced that it -was by his persuasions that his step-mother had -been induced to bestow her hand upon his uncle, -writing to thank the Queen for her gentle acceptation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77">77</a></span> -of his suit. The boy, after Katherine’s death -and her husband’s disgrace, gave an account of the -methods used to obtain his intervention:</p> - -<p>“The Lord Admiral came to me ... and desired -me to write a thing for him. I asked him what. -He said it was none ill thing; it is for the Queen’s -Majesty. I said if it were good the Lords would -allow it; if it were ill I would not write on it. -Then he said they would take it in better part if -I would write. I desired him to let me alone in -that matter. Cheke said afterwards to me, ‘Ye -were best not to write.’”<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">60</a></p> - -<p>The boy’s letter to the Queen proves that he had -subsequently yielded to his uncle’s request; and in -June the fact of the marriage became public property.</p> - -<p>The progress of the love-affair will have been -watched with interest by the curious and jealous -eyes of Elizabeth, the half-grown girl, who, placed -by the Council under her step-mother’s care at -Chelsea, had ample opportunities of forming her -conclusions. Lady Jane Grey may, not improbably, -have been likewise a spectator of what was going -forward. There is no evidence to show whether it -was before or after the public avowal of the marriage -that she took up her residence under the Queen’s -roof. But, having obtained his point and gained -her custody, it is not unreasonable to imagine that -the Admiral may have found a child of ten an encumbrance<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78">78</a></span> -in his household, and have taken the -earliest opportunity of consigning her to Katherine’s -care.</p> - -<p>A passive asset as she was in the political reckoning, -the debates concerning her guardianship must -have done something to bring home to her mind -the consciousness of her importance; and she -had doubtless been made well aware of her title -to consideration by the time that she became an -honoured inmate of the Lord Admiral’s house. -But concerning the details of her existence at this -date history is dumb, and we can but guess at -her attitude as, fresh from her country home, she -watched, under the roof of her new guardian in -Seymour Place, the life of the great city around; -or within the more tranquil precincts of Chelsea -Palace, with the broad river flowing past, shared -in the studies and pursuits of her cousin Elizabeth, -ready-witted, full of vitality, and already displaying -some of the traits marking the Queen of future -years.</p> - -<p>Did the shadow of predestined and early death -single little Jane out from her companions? Like -the comrades of whom Maeterlinck tells, “children -of precocious death,” possessing no friends amongst -the playmates who were not about to die, did she -stand in some sort apart and separate, regarding -those around her with a grave smile? We build -up the unrecorded days of childhood from the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79">79</a></span> -few short years that followed; and reading backwards, -and fitting the fragments of a life into its -place, we find it difficult to believe that Jane -Grey’s laughter rang like that of other undoomed -children through the pleasant Chelsea gardens, -that she shared with a whole heart in the games -of her playfellows, or that the strange seriousness -of her youth did not envelope the small, -sedate figure of the child.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80">80</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1547-1548</span> - -<span class="subhead">Katherine Parr’s unhappy married life—Dissensions between the -Seymour brothers—The King and his uncles—The Admiral -and Princess Elizabeth—Birth of Katherine’s child, and her -death.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> belated idyll of love and happiness enjoyed -by “Kateryn the Quene” was of pitifully short -duration. During the first days of September 1548, -some fifteen months after the stolen marriage at -Chelsea, a funeral procession left Sudeley Castle, -and the body of the wife of the Lord Admiral -was carried forth to burial, Lady Jane Grey, his -ward, then in her twelfth year, acting as chief -mourner.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">61</a></p> - -<p>Jane had good cause to mourn, in other than -an official capacity. It is hard to believe that, had -Katherine Parr been living, the child she had cared -for and who had made her home under her roof, -would not have been saved from the doom destined -to overtake her not six years later.</p> - -<p>Katherine’s dream had died before she did, and -the period of her marriage, short though it was,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81">81</a></span> -must have been a time of rapid disillusionment. -It could scarcely, taking the circumstances into -account, have been otherwise. Seymour was not -the man to make the happiness of a wife touching -upon middle age, studious, learned, and devout, -“avoiding all occasions of idleness, and contemning -vain pastimes.”<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> His love, if indeed it had been ever -other than disguised ambition, was short-lived, and -Katherine’s awakening must have come all too swiftly.</p> - -<p>Nor was the revelation of her husband’s true -character her only cause of trouble. Minor vexations -had, from the first, attended her new condition -of life, and she had been made to feel that the wife -of the Protector’s younger brother could not expect -to enjoy the deference due to a Dowager-Queen. -To Katherine, who clung to her former dignity, the -loss of it was no light matter, and her sister-in-law, -the Duchess of Somerset, and she were at open war.</p> - -<p>Contemporary and early writers are agreed as -to the nature of the woman with whom she had -to deal. “The Protector,” explains the Spanish -chronicler, giving the popular version of the affair, -“had a wife who was prouder than he was, and she -ruled the Protector so completely that he did whatever -she wished, and she, finding herself in such -great state, became more presumptuous than -Lucifer.”<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> Hayward attributes the subsequent -disunion between the brothers, in the first place,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82">82</a></span> -to “the unquiet vanity of a mannish, or rather a -devilish woman ... for many imperfections -intolerable, but for pride monstrous”;<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> whilst -Heylyn represents the Duchess as observing that, if -Mr. Admiral should teach his wife no better manners, -“I am she that will.”<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">65</a></p> - -<p>The struggle for precedence carried on between -the wives could scarcely fail to have a bad effect -upon the relationship of the husbands, already at -issue upon graver questions; and Warwick, -Somerset’s future rival, was at hand to foment -the strife between Protector and Admiral, and, -“secretly playing with both hands,” paved the -way for the fall of the younger brother and the -consequent weakening of the forces which barred -the way to the attainment of his personal ambitions.</p> - -<div id="ip_82" class="figcenter" style="width: 463px;"> - <img src="images/i_082.jpg" width="463" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after an engraving.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>KATHERINE PARR.</p></div></div> - -<p>Nor can there be any doubt that, apart from -the ill offices of those who desired to separate the -interests of the brothers, the Protector had good -reason to stand upon his guard. When Seymour -was tried for his life during the winter of 1548-9, -dependants and equals alike came forward to bear -witness to his intriguing propensities, their evidence -going far to prove that, whatever may be thought -of Somerset’s conduct as a brother in sending him to -the scaffold, as head of the State and responsible for -the government of the realm, he was not without<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83">83</a></span> -justification. It is clear that from the first the -Admiral, jealous of the position accorded to the -Duke by the Council, had been sedulously engaged -in attempting to undermine his power, and had -not disguised his resentment at his appropriation -of undivided authority. Never had it been seen -in a minority—so he informed a confidant<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">66</a>—that -the one brother should bear all rule, the other -none. One being Protector, the other should -have filled the post of Governor to the King, so -he averred; although, on another occasion, contradicting -himself, he declared he would wish the -earth to open and swallow him rather than accept -either post. There was abundant proof that he -had done his utmost, whenever opportunity was -afforded him, to rouse the King to discontent. -It was a disagreeable feature of the day that men -were in no wise slack in accusing their friends in -times of disgrace, thereby seeking to safeguard their -reputations; and Dorset came forward later to -testify that Seymour had told him that his nephew -had divers times made his moan, saying that “My -uncle of Somerset dealeth very hardly with me, and -keepeth me so straight that I cannot have money at -my will.” The Lord Admiral, added the boy, both -sent him money and gave it to him.<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">67</a></p> - -<p>Perhaps the most significant testimony brought -against the Admiral was that of the little King<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84">84</a></span> -himself, who asserted that Seymour had charged -him with being “bashful” in his own affairs, asking -why he did not speak to bear rule as did other Kings. -“I said I needed not, for I was well enough,” the -boy replied on this occasion. At another time, -according to his confession, a conversation took -place the more grim from the simplicity of the -language in which it is recorded.</p> - -<p>“Within these two years at least,” said Edward, -now eleven years old, “he said, ‘Ye must take upon -yourself to rule, and then ye may give your men -somewhat; for your uncle is old, and I trust he will -not live long.’ I answered it were better that he -should die.”<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">68</a></p> - -<p>It was scarcely possible that the Protector should -not have been cognisant of a part at least of his -brother’s machinations; and he naturally, so far as -was possible, kept his charge from falling further -under the influence of his enemies. The young -King’s affection for his step-mother had been a -cause of disquiet to her brother-in-law and his -wife, care being taken to separate him from her -as much as was possible. So long as Katherine -remained in London it had been Edward’s habit to -visit her apartments unattended, and by a private -entrance. Familiar intercourse of this kind terminated -when she removed to a distance; and, so -far as the Lord Protector could ensure obedience,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85">85</a></span> -little communication was permitted between the -two during the short time the Queen had to live. -The boy, however, was constant to old affection, and -used what opportunities he could to express it.</p> - -<p>“If his Grace could get any spare time,” wrote -one John Fowler, a servant of the royal household, -to the Admiral, “his Grace would write -a letter to the Queen’s Grace, and to you. His -Highness desires your lordship to pardon him, for -his Grace is not half a quarter of an hour alone. -But in such leisure as his Grace has, his Majesty -hath written (here enclosed) his commendations to -the Queen’s Grace and to your lordship, that he is -so much bound to you that he must remember you -always, and, as his Grace may have time, you shall -well perceive by such small lines of recommendations -with his own hand.”<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">69</a></p> - -<p>The scribbled notes, on scraps of paper, written -by stealth and as he could find opportunity, by the -King, testify to the closeness of the watch kept -upon him; their contents show the means by which -the Admiral strove to maintain his hold upon his -nephew.</p> - -<p>“My lord,” so runs the first, “send me, per -Latimer, as much as ye think good, and deliver it -to Fowler.” The second note is one of thanks.</p> - -<p>An attempt was made by the Admiral to obtain<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86">86</a></span> -a letter from the King which, complaining of the -Protector’s system of restraint, should be laid before -Parliament; but the intrigue was discovered, the -Admiral summoned to appear before the Council, -and, though he was at first inclined to bluster, and -replied by a defiance, a hint of imprisonment brought -him to reason, and some sort of hollow reconciliation -between the brothers followed.</p> - -<p>The King, the unfortunate subject of dispute, was -probably lonely enough. For his tutor, Sir John -Cheke, and for his school-mate, Barnaby Fitzpatrick, -he appears to have entertained a real affection; but -for his elder uncle and guardian he had little liking, -nor was the Duchess of Somerset a woman to win -the heart of her husband’s ward. From his step-mother -and the Admiral he was practically cut off; -and his sisters, for whom his attachment was genuine, -were at a distance, and paid only occasional visits to -Court. Mary’s influence, as a Catholic, would -naturally have been feared; and Elizabeth, living -for the time under the Admiral’s roof, would be -regarded likewise with suspicion. But the happiness -of the nominal head of the State was not a -principal consideration with those around him, mostly -engaged in a struggle not only to secure present -personal advantages, but to ensure their continuance -at such time as Edward should have attained his -majority.</p> - -<p>The relations between the Seymour brothers being<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87">87</a></span> -that of a scarcely disguised hostility, the Admiral had -the more reason to congratulate himself upon having -obtained the possession and disposal of the person -of Lady Jane Grey—third, save for her mother, -in the line of succession to the throne. Should her -guardian succeed in effecting her marriage with the -King the arrangement might prove of vital importance. -On the other hand, Somerset’s matrimonial -schemes for the younger members of the -royal house were of an altogether different nature. -He would have liked to marry the King to a daughter -of his own, another Lady Jane, and to have obtained -the hand of Lady Jane Grey for his son, young -Lord Hertford.</p> - -<p>Such projects, however, belonged to the future. -Nothing could be done for the present, nor does it -appear that, when Somerset’s scheme afterwards -became known to the King, it met with any favour -in his eyes; since, noting it in his journal, he added -his private intention of wedding “a foreign princess, -well stuffed and jewelled.”</p> - -<p>So far as Katherine was concerned, her domestic -affairs were probably causing her too much anxiety -to leave attention to spare for those of King or -kingdom, except as they were gratifying, or the -reverse, to her husband. Since the May day when -she had given herself, rashly and eagerly, into -the keeping of the Lord Admiral, she had been -sorrowfully enlightened as to the nature of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88">88</a></span> -man and of his affection; and, if she still loved -him, her heart must often have been heavy. The -presence of the Princess Elizabeth under her roof -had been disastrous in its consequences; and, -though it was at first the interest of all to keep -the matter secret, the inquisition made at the time -of the Admiral’s disgrace into the circumstances -of his married life affords an insight into his wife’s -wrongs.</p> - -<p>In a conversation held between Mrs. Ashley, -Elizabeth’s governess, and her cofferer, Parry, after -the Queen’s death, the possibility of a marriage -between the widower and the Princess was discussed, -Parry raising objections to the scheme, on the score -that he had heard evil of Seymour as being covetous -and oppressive, and also “how cruelly, dishonourably, -and jealously he had used the Queen.”</p> - -<p>Ashley, from first to last eager to forward the -Admiral’s interests, brushed the protest aside.</p> - -<p>“Tush, tush,” she replied, “that is no matter. -I know him better than ye do, or those that do so -report him. I know he will make but too much of -her, and that she knows well enough.”<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">70</a></p> - -<p>The same witness confessed at this later date that -she feared the Admiral had loved the Princess too -well, and the Queen had been jealous of both—an -avowal corroborated by Elizabeth’s admissions, -when she too underwent examination concerning the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89">89</a></span> -relations which had existed between herself and her -step-mother’s husband.</p> - -<p>“Kat Ashley told me,” she deposed, “after the -Lord Admiral was married to the Queen, that if my -lord might have had his own will, he would have -had me, afore the Queen. Then I asked her how -she knew that. Then she said she knew it well -enough, both from himself and from others.”<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">71</a></p> - -<p>If the correspondence quoted in a previous page is -genuine,<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> Elizabeth, though she may have had reason -to keep her knowledge to herself, can have been in -no doubt as to the Admiral’s sentiments at the time -of her father’s death. With a governess of Mrs. -Ashley’s type, a girl of fifteen such as Elizabeth -was shown to be by her subsequent career, and a -man like Seymour, it would not have been difficult -to prophesy trouble. That the Admiral was in -love with his wife’s charge may be doubted; in -the same way that ambition, rather than any other -sentiment, may be credited with his desire to obtain -her hand a few months earlier. What was certain -was that he amused himself, after his boisterous -fashion, with the sharp-witted girl to an extent calculated -to cause both uneasiness and anger to the -Queen. That no actual harm was intended may be -true—he could scarcely have been blind to the consequences -had he dared to deal otherwise with the -daughter and sister of Kings; and the whole story,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90">90</a></span> -when it subsequently came to light, reads like an -instance of coarse and vulgar flirtation, in harmony -with the nature of the man and the habits of the -times. What is less easy to account for is Katherine’s -partial connivance, in its earlier stages, at the rough -horse-play, if nothing worse, carried on by her -husband and her step-daughter. A scene, for -example, is described as taking place at Hanworth, -where the Admiral, in the garden with his wife and -the Princess, cut the girl’s gown, “being black cloth,” -into a hundred pieces; Elizabeth replying to Mrs. -Ashley’s protests by saying that “she could not -strive with all, for the Queen held her while the -Lord Admiral cut the dress.” Nor was this the -only occasion upon which Katherine appears to have -looked on without disapproval whilst her husband -treated her charge in a fashion befitting her character -neither as Princess nor guest.</p> - -<p>The explanation may lie in the fact that the unfortunate -Queen was attempting to adapt her taste -and her manners to those of the man she had married. -But the condition of the household could not last. -A crisis was reached when one day Katherine, coming -unexpectedly upon the two, found Seymour with the -Princess in his arms, and decided, none too soon, -that an end must be put to the situation. It was -not long after that the households of Queen and -Princess were parted, “and as I remember,” explained -Parry the cofferer, “this was the cause why she was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91">91</a></span> -sent from the Queen, or else that her Grace parted -from the Queen. I do not perfectly remember -whether of both she [Ashley] said she went of herself -or was sent away.”<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">73</a></p> - -<p>There can be little doubt, one would imagine, that -it was Katherine who determined to disembarrass -herself of her visitor. A letter from Elizabeth, evidently -written after their separation, appears to show -that farewell had been taken in outwardly friendly -fashion, although the promise she quotes Katherine -as making has an ambiguous sound about it. The -Princess wrote to say that she had been replete in -sorrow at leaving the Queen, “and albeit I answered -little, I weighed it more deeply when you said you -would warn me of all evils that you should hear of -me; for if your Grace had not a good opinion of -me, you would not have offered friendship to me -that way, that all men judge the contrary.”<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">74</a></p> - -<p>It is not difficult to detect the sore feeling underlying -Elizabeth’s acknowledgments of a promise of -open criticism. Katherine must have breathed more -freely when the Princess and her governess had -quitted the house.</p> - -<p>Meantime, in spite of disappointment and anger -and care, the winter was to bring the Queen one -genuine cause of rejoicing. Thrice married without -children, she was hoping to give Seymour an heir,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92">92</a></span> -and the prospect was hailed with delight by husband -and wife alike. In her gladness, and the chief cause -of dissension removed, her just grounds of complaint -were forgotten; her letters continued to be couched -in terms as loving as if no domestic friction had -interrupted her wedded happiness, and she ranged -herself upon Seymour’s side in his recurrent disputes -with his brother with a passionate vehemence -out of keeping with her character.</p> - -<p>“This shall be to advertise you,” she wrote some -time in 1548, “that my lord your brother hath -this afternoon made me a little warm. It was -fortunate we were so much distant, for I suppose -else I should have bitten him. What cause have -they to fear having such a wife! It is requisite for -them continually to pray for a dispatch of that hell. -To-morrow, or else upon Saturday ... I will see -the King, where I intend to utter all my choler to -my lord your brother, if you shall not give me -advice to the contrary.”<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">75</a></p> - -<p>Another letter, also indicating the strained relations -existing between the brothers, is again full of affection -for the man who deserved it so ill.</p> - -<p>“I gave your little knave your blessing,” she tells -the Admiral, alluding to the unborn child neither -parent was to see grow up, “... bidding my -sweetheart and loving husband better to fare than -myself.”<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">76</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93">93</a></span> -A few months more, and hope and fear and love -and disappointment were alike to find an end. -Sudeley Castle, where the final scene took place, -was a property granted to the Admiral on the death -of the late King, from which he took his title as Lord -Seymour of Sudeley. It was a question whether -those responsible for the government had the right -of alienating possessions of the Crown during the -minority of a sovereign, and the tenure upon which -the place was held was therefore insecure, Katherine -asserting on one occasion that it was her husband’s -intention to restore it to his nephew when he should -come of age. In awaiting that event Seymour and -his wife had the enjoyment of the beauty for which -the old building had long been noted.</p> - -<p>“Ah, Sudeley Castle, thou art the traitor, not -I!” said one of its former lords as, arrested by the -orders of Henry IV. for treason, and taken away to -abide his trial, he cast a last look back at his home—a -possession worthy of being coveted by a King, -and by the attainder of its owner forfeited to the -Crown.</p> - -<p>Here, during the summer of 1548—the last -Katherine was to see—a motley company gathered -round the Queen. Jane Grey, “the young and -early wise,” was still a member of her household, -and the repudiated wife of Katherine’s brother, the -Earl of Northampton—placed, it would seem, under -some species of restraint—was in the keeping of her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94">94</a></span> -sister-in-law. Her true and tried friend, Lady -Tyrwhitt, described by her husband as half a Scripture -woman, kept her company, as she had done in her -perilous days of royal state. Learned divines, living -with her in the capacity of chaplains, were inmates -of the castle, charged with the duty of performing -service twice each day—exercises little to the taste -of the master of the house, who made no secret of -his aversion for them.</p> - -<p>“I have heard say,” affirmed Latimer, in the -course of one of the sermons, preached after -Seymour’s execution, in which the Bishop took -occasion again and again to revile the dead man, -“I have heard say that when the good Queen that -is gone had ordained daily prayer in her house, -both before noon and after noon, the Admiral -getteth him out of the way, like a mole digging in -the earth. He shall be Lot’s wife to me as long as -I live.”<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">77</a></p> - -<p>To Sudeley also had repaired, in the course of -the summer, Lord Dorset, possibly desirous of -assuring himself that all was well with his little -daughter. He may have had other objects in view. -According to his subsequent confession, Seymour -had discussed with him the methods to be pursued -in order to gain popularity in the country, making -significant inquiries as to the formation of the -marquis’s household.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95">95</a></span> -Learning that Dorset had divers gentlemen who -were his servants, the Admiral admitted that it was -well. “Yet,” he added shrewdly, “trust not too -much to the gentlemen, for they have something -to lose”; proceeding to urge his ally to make much -of the chief yeomen and men of their class, who -were able to persuade the multitude; to visit them -in their houses, bringing venison and wine; to use -familiarity with them, and thus to gain their love. -Such, he added, was his own intention.<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">78</a></p> - -<p>Another inmate had been received at Sudeley -not more than a few weeks before Katherine’s confinement. -This was the Princess Elizabeth, who -appears, by a letter she addressed to the Queen when -the visit had been concluded, to have been at this -time again on terms of friendship and affection -with her step-mother, since writing to Katherine -with very little leisure on the last day of July, she -returned humble thanks for the Queen’s wish that -she should have remained with her “till she were -weary of that country.” Yet in spite of the -hospitable desire, she can scarcely have been a -welcome guest, and it must have been with little -regret that her step-mother saw her depart.</p> - -<p>Meantime, the birth of the Queen’s child was -anxiously expected. Seymour characteristically desired -a son who “should God give him life to live -as long as his father, will avenge his wrongs”—the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96">96</a></span> -problematical wrongs of a man who had risen to -his heights. Elizabeth, who had done her best to -wreck the Queen’s happiness and peace, was “praying -the Almighty God to send her a most lucky deliverance”; -and Mary, more sincere in her friendship, -wrote a letter full of affection to her step-mother. -The preparations made by Katherine for the new-comer -equalled in magnificence those that might -have befitted a Prince of Wales; and though the -birth of a girl, on August 30, must have been in -some degree a disappointment, she received a -welcome scarcely less warm than might have been -accorded to the desired son. A general reconciliation -appears to have taken place on the occasion, and -the Protector responded to the announcement of -the event in terms of cordial congratulation, regarding -the advent of so pretty a daughter in the -light of a “prophesy and good hansell to a great -sort of happy sons.”</p> - -<p>Eight days after the rejoicings at the birth Katherine -was dead.</p> - -<p>Into the circumstances attending her illness and -death close inquisition was made at a time when -it had become an object to throw discredit upon the -Admiral, and foul play—the use of poison—was -suggested. The charge was probably without -foundation; the facts elicited nevertheless afford -additional proof of the unsatisfactory relations existing -between husband and wife, and throw a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97">97</a></span> -melancholy light upon the closing scene of the -union from which so much had been hoped.</p> - -<p>It was deposed by Lady Tyrwhitt, one of the -principal witnesses, that, upon her visiting the -chamber of the sick woman one morning, two days -before her death, Katherine had asked where she -had been so long, adding that “she did fear such -things in herself that she was sure she could not -live.” When her friend attempted to soothe her by -reassuring words, the Queen went on to say—holding -her husband’s hand and being, as Lady -Tyrwhitt thought, partly delirious—“I am not well -handled; for those that be about me care not for -me, but stand laughing at my grief, and the more -good I will to them the less good they will to me.”</p> - -<p>The words, to those cognisant of the condition -of the household, must have been startling. The -Queen may have been wandering, yet her complaint, -as such complaints do, pointed to a truth. Others -besides Lady Tyrwhitt were standing by; and -Seymour made no attempt to ignore his wife’s -meaning, or to deny that the charge was directed -against himself.</p> - -<p>“Why, sweet heart,” he said, “I would do you -no hurt.”</p> - -<p>“No, my lord, I think not,” answered -Katherine aloud, adding, in his ear, “but, my -lord, you have given me many shrewd taunts.”</p> - -<p>“These words,” said Lady Tyrwhitt in her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98">98</a></span> -narrative, “I perceived she spake with good memory, -and very sharply and earnestly, for her mind was -sore disquieted.”</p> - -<p>After consultation it was decided that Seymour -should lie down by her side and seek to quiet her -by gentle words; but his efforts were ineffectual, the -Queen interrupting him by saying, roundly and -sharply, “that she would have given a thousand -marks to have had her full talk with the doctor on -the day of her delivery, but dared not, for fear of -his displeasure.”</p> - -<p>“And I, hearing that,” said the lady-in-waiting, -“perceived her trouble to be so great, that my heart -would serve me to hear no more.”<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">79</a></p> - -<p>Yet on that same day the dying Queen made -her will and, “being persuaded and perceiving the -extremity of death to approach her,” left all she -possessed to her husband, wishing it a thousand -times more in value than it was.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">80</a></p> - -<p>Whether pressure was used, or whether, in spite -of all, her old love awakened and stirred her to -kindness towards the man she was leaving, there -is nothing to show. But the names of the witnesses—Robert -Huyck, the physician attending her, and -John Parkhurst, her chaplain, afterwards a Bishop—would -seem a guarantee that the document, dictated -but not signed—no uncommon case—was genuine.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99">99</a></span> -For the rest, Seymour was coarse and heartless, a -man of ambition, and intent upon the furtherance -of his fortunes. It is not unlikely that, when his -wife lay dying, his thoughts may have turned to -the girl to whom he had in his own way already -made love; who, of higher rank than the Queen, -might serve his interests better, and whom her -death would leave him free to win as his bride. -And Katherine, with the memories of the last two -years to aid her and with the intuitions born of -love and jealousy, may have divined his thoughts. -But of murder, or of hastening the end by actual -unkindness, there is no reason to suspect him. The -affair was in any case sufficiently tragic, and one -more mournful recollection to be stored in the -minds of those who had loved the Queen.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100">100</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1548</span> - -<span class="subhead">Lady Jane’s temporary return to her father—He surrenders her -again to the Admiral—The terms of the bargain.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">One</span> of the secondary but immediate effects of -the Queen’s death was to send Lady Jane -Grey back to her parents. It was indeed to Seymour, -and not to his wife, that the care of the child had -been entrusted; but in his first confusion of mind -after what he termed his great loss, the Admiral -appears to have recognised the difficulty of providing -a home for a girl in her twelfth year in a house -without a mistress, and to have offered to relinquish -her to her natural guardians.</p> - -<p>Having acted in haste, he was not slow to -perceive that he had committed a blunder, and -quickly reawakened to the importance of retaining -the possession and disposal of the child. On September -17, not ten days after Katherine’s death, -he was writing to Lord Dorset to cancel, so far as it -was possible, his hasty suggestion that she should -return to her father’s house, and begging that she -might be permitted to remain in his hands. In his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101">101</a></span> -former letter, he explained, he had been partly so -amazed at the death of the Queen as to have small -regard either to himself or his doings, partly had -believed that he would be compelled, in consequence -of it, to break up his household. Under these circumstances -he had suggested sending Lady Jane -to her father, as to him who would be most tender -of her. Having had time to reconsider the -question, he found that he would be in a position to -maintain his establishment much on its old footing. -“Therefore, putting my whole affiance and trust in -God,” he had begun to arrange his household as -before, retaining the services not only of the gentlewomen -of the late Queen’s privy chamber, but also -her inferior attendants. “And doubting lest your -lordship should think any unkindness that I should -by my said letter take occasion to rid me of your -daughter so soon after the Queen’s death, for the -proof both of my hearty affection towards you and -good will towards her, I mind now to keep her until -I shall next speak to your lordship ... unless I -shall be advertised from your lordship of your -express mind to the contrary.” His mother will, -he has no doubt, be as dear to Lady Jane as though -she were her daughter, and for his part he will -continue her half-father and more.<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">81</a></p> - -<p>It was clear that the Admiral would only yield the -point upon compulsion. Dorset, however, was not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102">102</a></span> -disposed to accede to his wishes. Developing a -sudden parental anxiety concerning the child he had -been content to leave to the care of others for more -than eighteen months, he replied, firmly though -courteously negativing the Admiral’s request.</p> - -<p>“Considering,” he said, “the state of my daughter -and her tender years wherein she shall hardly rule -herself as yet without a guide, lest she should, for -lack of a bridle, take too much the head and conceive -such opinion of herself that all such good behaviour -as she heretofore have learned by the Queen’s and -your most wholesome instruction, should either -altogether be quenched in her, or at the least much -diminished, I shall in most hearty wise require your -lordship to commit her to the governance of her -mother, by whom, for the fear and duty she owes -her, she shall be most easily ruled and framed towards -virtue, which I wish above all things to be most -plentiful in her.” Seymour no doubt would do his -best; but, being destitute of any one who should -correct the child as a mistress and monish her as a -mother, Dorset was sure that the Admiral would -think, with him, that the eye and oversight of his -wife was necessary. He reiterated his former -promise to dispose of her only according to Seymour’s -advice, intending to use his consent in that matter -no less than his own. “Only I seek in these her -young years, wherein she now standeth either to -make or mar (as the common saying is) the addressing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103">103</a></span> -of her mind to humility, soberness, and -obedience.”<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">82</a></p> - -<p>It was the letter of a model parent, anxious -concerning the welfare, spiritual and mental, of a -beloved child, and Dorset, as he sealed and despatched -it, will have felt that policy and conscience were for -once in full accord. Lady Dorset likewise wrote, -endorsing her husband’s views.</p> - -<p>“Whereas of a friendly and brotherly good will -you wish to have Jane, my daughter, continuing still -in your house, I give you most hearty thanks for -your gentle offer, trusting, nevertheless, that for the -good opinion you have in your sister [by courtesy, -meaning herself] you will be content to charge her -with her, who promiseth you not only to be ready -at all times to account for the ordering of your dear -niece, but also to use your counsel and advice on the -bestowing of her, whensoever it shall happen. Wherefore, -my good brother, my request shall be, that I -may have the oversight of her with your good will, -and thereby I shall have good occasion to think that -you do trust me in such wise as is convenient that a -sister be trusted of so loving a brother.”</p> - -<p>The singular humility of the language used by -a king’s grand-daughter in demanding restitution of -her child is proof of the position held by the Admiral -in the eyes of those as well fitted to judge of it -as Dorset and his wife, only six months before<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104">104</a></span> -he was sent to the scaffold. It was none the less -plain that they were determined to regain possession -of their daughter, and, though not abandoning the -hope of moving her parents from their purpose, -Seymour yielded provisionally to their will and sent -Lady Jane home. A letter from the small bone -of contention, dated October 1, thanking him for -his great goodness and stating that he had ever been -to her a loving and kind father, proves that her -removal had taken place by that time. The same -courier probably conveyed a letter from her mother, -making her acknowledgments for Seymour’s kindness -to the child, and his desire to retain her, and -adding an ambiguous hope that at their next meeting -both would be satisfied.<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">83</a></p> - -<p>The Admiral, at all events, intended to obtain -satisfaction. Where his interest was concerned -he was an obstinate man. Notwithstanding his -apparent acquiescence, he meant to retain the custody -of Lord Dorset’s daughter, and he did so. Even -his household understood that the concession made -in sending her home was but temporary; and, in -a conversation with another dependant, Harrington—the -same who had served his master as go-between -before—observed that he thought the maids were -continuing with the Admiral in the hope of Lady -Jane’s return.</p> - -<p>A visit paid by Seymour to Dorset decided the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105">105</a></span> -question. “In the end”—it is the latter who -speaks—“after long debating and much sticking -of our sides, we did agree that my daughter should -return.” The Admiral had come to his house, and -had been so earnest in his persuasions that he could -not resist him. The old bait had been once again -held out—Lady Jane, if Seymour could compass it, -was to marry the King. Her mother was wrought -upon till her consent was gained to a second -parting; and when this was the case, observed -the marquis, throwing, according to precedent, the -responsibility upon his wife, it was impossible for -him to refuse his own. He added a pledge that, -“except the King,” he would spend life and blood -for Seymour. Thus the alliance between the two -was renewed and cemented. A further item in the -transaction throws an additional and unpleasant light -upon the means taken to ensure the Lord Marquis’s -surrender.</p> - -<p>The Admiral was a practical man, and knew with -whom he had to deal. He had not confined himself -to vague pledges, which Dorset knew as well as he -did that he might never be in a position to fulfil. -He had accompanied his promises by a gift of hard -cash. “Whether, as it were, for an earnest penny -of the favour that he would show unto him when -the said Lord Marquis had sent his daughter to the -said Lord Admiral, he sent the said Lord Marquis -immediately £500, parcell of £2,000 which he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106">106</a></span> -promised to lend unto him and would have asked -no bond of him at all for it, but only to leave the -Lord Marquis’s daughter for a gage.”<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">84</a></p> - -<p>Five hundred golden arguments, and more to -follow, were found irresistible by the needy Dorset. -The pressing necessity that Jane should be under -her mother’s eye disappeared; the bargain was -struck, and the guardianship of the child bought -and sold.</p> - -<p>The Admiral was triumphant. It was not only -the point of vantage implied by the possession of -the little ward which he had feared to forfeit, but -that his loss might be the gain of his brother and -rival. There would be much ado for my Lady -Jane, he told his brother-in-law, Northampton, and -my Lord Protector and my Lady Somerset would -do what they could to obtain her yet for my Lord -of Hertford, their son. They should not, however, -prevail therein, for my Lord Marquis had given her -wholly to him, upon certain covenants between them -two. “And then I asked him,” said Northampton, -describing the conversation, “what he would do -if my Lord Protector, handling my Lord Marquis -of Dorset gently, should obtain his good will and -so the matter to lie wholly in his own neck? He -answered he would never consent thereto.”<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">85</a></p> - -<p>Thus Lady Jane was, for the first time, made -an instrument of obtaining that of which her father<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107">107</a></span> -stood in need. On this occasion it was money; -on the next her life was to be staked upon a more -desperate hazard. In future she appears and disappears, -now in sight, now passing behind the scenes, -against the dark background of intrigue and hatred -and bloodshed belonging to her times.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108">108</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1548-1549</span> - -<span class="subhead">Seymour and the Princess Elizabeth—His courtship—He is sent -to the Tower—Elizabeth’s examinations and admissions—The -execution of the Lord Admiral.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> matter of Jane’s guardianship satisfactorily -settled, Seymour turned his attention to one -concerning him yet more intimately. He was a -free man, and he meant to make use of his freedom. -As after the death of Henry, so now when fate rendered -the project once more possible, he determined -to attempt to obtain the Princess Elizabeth as his -wife. The history of the autumn, as regarding -him, is of his continued efforts to increase his -power and influence in the country and to win -the hand of the King’s sister. Again the contemporary -Spanish chronicler supplies a popular -summary of the affair which, inaccurate as it is, is -useful in showing how his scheme was regarded by -the public.</p> - -<p>According to this dramatic account of his proceedings, -the Admiral went boldly before the Council; -observed that, as uncle to the King, it was fitting -that he should marry honourably; and that, having<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109">109</a></span> -formerly been husband to the Queen, it would not -be much more were he to be accorded Madam -Elizabeth, whom he deserved better than any other -man. Referred by the Lords of the Council to the -Protector, he is represented as approaching the -Duke with the modest request that he might be -granted not only Elizabeth as his bride, but also the -custody of the King.</p> - -<p>“When his brother heard this, he said he would -see about it.” Calling the Council together, he -repeated to them the demand made by the Admiral -that his nephew should be placed in his hands; -continuing, as the Lords “looked at each other,” -that the matter must be well considered, since in his -opinion his brother could have no good intent in -asking first for the Princess, and then for the custody -of the King. “The devil is strong,” said the -Protector. “He might kill the King and Madam -Mary, and then claim the crown.”<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">86</a></p> - -<p>Whilst this was the version of the Admiral’s -project current in the street, there is no doubt that -his desire to obtain a royal princess for his wife was -calculated to accentuate the distrust with which -he was regarded by the Protector and his friends. -He was well known to aspire to at least a share -in the government. As Elizabeth’s husband -his position would be so much strengthened that it -might be difficult to deny it to him, or to maintain<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110">110</a></span> -the right of Somerset to retain supreme -power. His proceedings were therefore watched -with jealous vigilance, his designs upon the King’s -sister becoming quickly matter of public gossip. -It was not a day marked by an over-scrupulous -observance of respect for the dead, and Katherine -was hardly in her grave before the question of her -successor was freely canvassed amongst those chiefly -concerned in it.</p> - -<p>“When I asked her [Ashley] what news she -had from London,” Elizabeth admitted when under -examination at a later date, “she answered merrily -‘They say that your Grace shall have my Lord -Admiral, and that he will shortly come to woo -you.’”<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">87</a></p> - -<p>The woman, an intriguer by nature and keen -to advance Seymour’s interests, would have further -persuaded her mistress to write a letter of condolence -to comfort him in his sorrow, “because,” as -Elizabeth explained, “he had been my friend in -the Queen’s lifetime and would think great kindness -therein. Then I said I would not, for he needs -it not.”</p> - -<p>The blunt sincerity prompting the girl’s refusal -did her credit. It must have been patent to all -acquainted with the situation, and most of all to -Elizabeth, that the new-made widower stood in no -need of consolation. But, in spite of her refusal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111">111</a></span> -to open communications with him, and though -a visit proposed by Seymour was discouraged “for -fear of suspicion,” he can have felt little doubt that -in a struggle with Protector and Council he would -have the Princess on his side.</p> - -<p>In Seymour’s household, naturally concerned in -his fortunes, the projected marriage was a subject of -anxious debate; and it was recognised by its members -that their master was playing a perilous game. In a -conversation between two of his dependants, Nicholas -Throckmorton and one Wightman, both shook their -heads over the risk he would run should he attempt -to carry his plan into effect.</p> - -<p>Beginning with the conventional acknowledgment -of the Admiral’s great loss, they wisely decided that -it might after all turn to his advantage, in “making -him more humble in heart and stomach towards my -Lord Protector’s Grace.” It was also hoped that, -Katherine being dead, the Duchess of Somerset -might forget old grudges and, unless by his own -fault, be once again favourable towards her husband’s -brother. The two men nevertheless agreed that the -world was beginning to speak evil of Seymour, and, -discussing the chances of his attempt to match with -one of the Princesses, they determined, as they loved -him, to do their best to prevent it, Wightman in -especial engaging to do all he could to “break the -dance.”<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">88</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112">112</a></span> -If Seymour was going to his ruin it was not to be -for lack of warnings. Sleeping at the house of -Katherine’s friends, the Tyrwhitts, one night soon -after her death, the question of a marriage with -a sister of the King’s was mooted; when, although -Seymour’s aspirations were not definitely mentioned, -Sir Robert spoke in a fashion frankly discouraging -to any scheme of the kind on the part of his guest.</p> - -<p>Conversing after supper with his hostess, Seymour -called to her husband as he passed by, saying jestingly -that he was talking with my lady his wife in -divinity—or divining of the future; that he had -told her he wished the crown of England might be -in as good a surety as that of France, where it was -well known who was heir. So would it be in -England were the Princesses married.</p> - -<p>Tyrwhitt answered drily. Whosoever married -one of them without the consent of King or Council, -he said he would not wish to be in his place.</p> - -<p>“Why so?” asked the Admiral. If he, for instance, -had married thus, would it not be surety for -the King? Was he not made by the King? Had he -not all he had by the King? Was he not most bound -to serve him truly?</p> - -<p>Tyrwhitt refused to be convinced, reiterating that -the man who married either Princess had better be -stronger than the Council, for “if they catch hold of -him, they will shut him up.”<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">89</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113">113</a></span> -Lord Russell, the Lord Privy Seal, spoke no -less openly to the adventurer of the danger he was -running. The two were riding together to Parliament -House in the Protector’s train, when Russell -opened the subject by observing that certain -rumours were abroad which he was very sorry to -hear, and that if the Admiral were seeking to marry -either of the King’s sisters—the special one being left -discreetly uncertain—“ye seek the means to undo -yourself and all those who shall come of you.”</p> - -<p>Seymour replied carelessly that he had no such -thought, and the subject dropped. A few days later, -however, he himself re-introduced it, demanding -what reason existed to prevent him, or another man, -wedding one of the late King’s daughters? Again -Russell reiterated his warning. The marriage, he -declared, would prove fatal to him who made it, -proceeding to point out—knowing that the argument -would have more weight with the man with whom -he had to do than recommendations to caution and -prudence—that from a pecuniary point of view the -match would carry with it no great advantage, a -statement vehemently controverted by the Admiral, -who throughout neither felt nor feigned any indifference -to the financial aspect of the affair.</p> - -<p>During the ensuing months he was busily engaged -in the prosecution of his scheme. He may have had -a genuine liking for the girl to whom his attentions -had already proved compromising; he could<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114">114</a></span> -scarcely doubt that he had won her affections. -But by a clandestine marriage Elizabeth would, under -the terms of her father’s will, have forfeited her right -to the succession, and she was therefore safeguarded -from any attempt on her suitor’s part to induce her -to dispense with the consent of the lawful authorities. -Forced to proceed with circumspection, he made use -of any opportunity that offered for maintaining a -hold upon her, aided and abetted by the partisanship -of her servants. A fortnight before Christmas he -proffered the loan of his London house as a lodging -when she should pay her winter visit to the -capital, adding to her cofferer, through whom the -suggestion was made, that he would come and see -her Grace; “which declaration,” reported to her by -Parry, “she seemed to take very gladly and to accept -it joyfully.” Observing, moreover, that when the conversation -turned upon Seymour, and especially when -he was commended, the Princess “showed such -countenance that it should appear she was very glad -to hear of him,” the cofferer was emboldened to -inquire whether, should the Council approve, she -would marry him.</p> - -<p>“When that time comes to pass,” answered -Elizabeth, in the language of the day, “I will do as -God shall put in my mind.”</p> - -<p>Notwithstanding her refusal to commit herself, it -was not difficult for those about her to divine after -what fashion she would, in that case, be moved to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115">115</a></span> -act. Yet she retained her independence of spirit, -and when told that the Admiral advised her to -appeal to the Protector through his wife for -certain grants of land, as well as for a London -residence, she turned upon those who had played -the part of his mouthpiece in a manner indicating no -intention of becoming his passive tool.</p> - -<p>“I dare say he did not so,” she replied hotly, -refusing to credit the suggestion he was reported -to have made that she, a Tudor, should sue to his -brother’s wife in order to obtain her rights, “nor -would so.”</p> - -<p>Parry adhered to his statement.</p> - -<p>“Yes,” he answered, “by my faith.”</p> - -<p>“Well, I will not do so,” returned his mistress, -“and so tell him. I will not come there, nor begin -to flatter now.”</p> - -<p>If the Admiral possessed partisans in the members -of Elizabeth’s household, it was probably no less -owing to hostility towards the Somersets than to -liking for himself; a passage of arms having taken -place between Mrs. Ashley and the Duchess, who had -found fault with the governess, on account of the -Princess having gone on a barge on the Thames by -night, “and for other light parts,” observing—in -which she was undoubtedly right—that Ashley was -not worthy to have the charge of the daughter of -a King. Such home-truths were not unfitted to -quicken the culprit’s zeal in the cause of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116">116</a></span> -Admiral, and Ashley was always at hand to push -his interests.</p> - -<p>It was, nevertheless, necessary that the Princess’s -dependants should act with caution; and, discussing -with Lord Seymour the question of a visit he -desired to pay her, Parry declined to give any -opinion on the subject, professing himself unacquainted -with his mistress’s pleasure. The Admiral -answered with assumed indifference. It was no -matter, he said, “for there has been a talk of -late ... they say now I shall marry my Lady -Jane,” adding, “I tell you this but merrily, I tell -you this but merrily.”<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">90</a></p> - -<p>The gossip may have been repeated in the certainty -that it would reach Elizabeth’s ears and in the -hope of rousing her to jealousy. But had it suited -his plans, there is no reason to doubt that Seymour -would not have hesitated to gain permanent possession -of the ward who had been left him “as a gage.” -Elizabeth was, however, nearer to the throne, -and was, beside her few additional years, better -suited to please his taste than the quiet child who -dwelt under his roof.</p> - -<p>As it proved he was destined to further his -ambitious projects neither by marriage with Jane -nor her cousin. By the middle of January the -Protector had struck his blow—a blow which was -to end in fratricide. Charged with treason, in conspiring<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117">117</a></span> -to change the form of government and to -carry off the person of the King, Seymour was sent -on January 16 to the Tower—in those days so often -the ante-room to death.</p> - -<p>Though he had long been suspected of harbouring -designs against his brother’s administration, the -specific grounds of his accusation were based upon -the confessions of one Sherrington, master of the -mint at Bristol; who, under examination, and in -terror for his personal safety, had declared, truly -or falsely, that he had promised to coin money for -the Admiral, and had heard him boast of the -number of his friends, saying that he thought more -gentlemen loved him than loved the Lord Protector. -The same witness added that he had heard Seymour -say that, for her qualities and virtues, Lady Jane -Grey was a fit match for the King, and he would -rather he should marry her than the daughter -of the Protector.</p> - -<p>Many of great name and place in England must -have been disquieted by the news of the arrest of -the man who stood so near the King, and who, if -any one, could have counted upon being safeguarded -by position and rank from the consequences of his -rashness. His assertion that he was more loved -than his brother amongst his own class was true, -and not a few nobles will have trembled lest -they should be implicated in his fall. Loyalty to -a disgraced friend was not amongst the customs of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118">118</a></span> -a day when the friendship might mean death, -and most men were anxious, on these occasions, to -dissociate themselves from a former comrade.</p> - -<p>Elizabeth was not one of those with least to fear, -and it is the more honourable to her that she showed -no inclination to follow the example of others, or -to abandon the cause of her lover. She was in -an embarrassing, if not a dangerous situation. -No one knew to what extent she had been compromised, -morally or politically, and the distrust -of the Government was proved by the arrest of -both Ashley and Parry, and by the searching -examination to which the Princess, as well as her -servants, was subjected.</p> - -<p>Sir Robert Tyrwhitt, placed in charge of the -delinquent, with directions to obtain from her all -the information he could, found it no easy task.</p> - -<p>“I do assure your Grace,” he wrote to Somerset, -“she hath a good wit, and nothing is to be got -from her but by great policy.”</p> - -<p>She would own to no “practice” with regard -to Seymour, either on her part or that of her -dependants. “And yet I do see in her face,” said -Sir Robert, “that she is guilty, and yet perceive -she will abide more storms before she will accuse -Mrs. Ashley.”</p> - -<p>Whatever may be thought of Elizabeth’s former -conduct, she displayed at this crisis no less staunchness -and fidelity in the support of those she loved<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119">119</a></span> -than a capacity and ability rare in a girl of fifteen, -practically standing alone, confronted with enemies, -and without advisers to direct her course. Writing -to the Protector on January 28, she thanked him -for the gentleness and good will he had displayed; -professed her readiness to declare the truth in the -matter at issue; gave an account of her relations -with the Admiral, asserting her innocence of any -intention of marrying him without the sanction of -the Council; and vindicated her servants from blame.</p> - -<p>“These be the things,” she concluded, “which -I declared to Master Tyrwhitt, and also whereof -my conscience beareth witness, which I would not -for all earthly things offend in anything, for I know -I have a soul to be saved as well as other folks -have; wherefore I will, above all things, have respect -unto the same.” One request she made, namely, -that she might come to Court. Rumours against -her honour were afloat, accusing her with being with -child by the Lord Admiral; and upon these grounds, -that she might show herself as she was, as well as -upon a desire to see the King, she based her -demand.</p> - -<p>Tyrwhitt shook his head over the composition. -The singular harmony existing between Elizabeth’s -story and the depositions extracted from her -dependants in the Tower struck him as suspicious, -and as pointing to a preconcerted tale.</p> - -<p>“They all sing one song,” he wrote, “and so, I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120">120</a></span> -think, they would not, unless they had set the note -before”; and he continued to watch his charge -narrowly, and to report her demeanour at headquarters, -assisted in his office by his wife, who -had been sent to replace the untrustworthy Ashley -as governess to the Princess.</p> - -<p>“She beginneth now a little to droop,” he wrote, -“by reason she heareth that my Lord Admiral’s -houses be dispersed. And my wife telleth me she -cannot hear him discommended, but she is ready to -make answer thereto.”<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">91</a></p> - -<p>Put as brave a face as she might upon the matter, -Elizabeth was in a position of singular loneliness -and difficulty. Her lover was in prison on a -capital charge, her friend and confidant removed -from her, her reputation tarnished. Nor was she -disposed to accept in a humble spirit the oversight -of the duenna sent her by the Council. As the -close friend of the step-mother whose kindness the -Princess had so ill requited, Lady Tyrwhitt, for -her part, would not in any case have been prejudiced -in favour of her charge, or inclined to take an -indulgent view of her misdemeanours; and the -reception accorded her when she arrived to assume -her thankless post was not such as to promote good -feeling. Mrs. Ashley, the girl told the new-comer, -was her mistress, and she had not so conducted -herself that the Council should give her another.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121">121</a></span> -Lady Tyrwhitt, no more inclined than she to -conciliation, retorted that, seeing the Princess had -allowed Mrs. Ashley to be her mistress, she need -not be ashamed to have any other honest woman -in that place, and so the intercourse of governess -and pupil was inaugurated.</p> - -<p>That Lady Tyrwhitt’s taunt was undeniably -justified did not the more soften the Princess towards -her, and it was duly reported to the authorities in -London that she had taken “the matter so heavily -that she wept all that night and lowered all the -next day.... The love,” it was added, “she -yet beareth [Ashley] is to be wondered at.”</p> - -<p>Tact and discretion might in time have availed -to reconcile the Princess to the change in her household; -but the methods employed by the Tyrwhitts -do not appear to have been judicious. Sir Robert, -taking up his wife’s quarrel, told her significantly -that if she considered her honour she would rather -ask to have a mistress than to be left without one; -and, complaining to his superiors that she could -not digest his advice in any way, added vindictively, -“If I should say my phantasy, it were more meet -she should have two than one.”<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">92</a></p> - -<p>So the days went by, no doubt uncomfortably -enough for all concerned. Regarding Tyrwhitt and -his wife in the capacity of gaolers, charged with -the duty of eliciting her confessions, it was not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122">122</a></span> -with them that Elizabeth would take counsel as -to the best course open to her. The revelations -attained by cross-examination from her imprisoned -servants as to the relations upon which she had -stood during the Queen’s lifetime with Katherine’s -husband, were sufficiently damaging to lend additional -colour to the scandalous reports in circulation, and -her spirited demand that her fair fame should be -vindicated by a proclamation forbidding the propagation -of slanders concerning the King’s sister -was fully in character with the woman she was to -become. Though not without delay, her request -was granted, and the circumstantial fable of a child -born and destroyed may be supposed to have been -effectually suppressed.</p> - -<p>Whilst this had been Elizabeth’s condition during -the spring, the man to whom her troubles were -chiefly due had been undergoing alternations of -hope and fear. It may have seemed impossible -that his brother should proceed to extremities. -But there were times when, in the silence and -seclusion of the prison-house, his spirits grew -despondent. On February 16, when his confinement -had lasted a month, and his fate was still -undecided, his keeper, Christopher Eyre, reported -that on the previous Friday the Lord Admiral had -been very sad.</p> - -<p>“I had thought,” he said, upon Eyre remarking -on his depression, “before I came to this place<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123">123</a></span> -that my Lord’s Grace, with all the rest of the -Council, had been my friends, and that I had as -many friends as any man within this realm. But -now I think they have forgotten me,” proceeding -to declare that never was poor knave more true -to his Prince than he; nor had he meant evil to -his brother, though he had thought he might have -had the custody of the King.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">93</a></p> - -<p>There is something pathetic in the dejection of -the Admiral, arrogant, proud, vain and ambitious, -thus deserted by all upon whose friendship he had -imagined himself able to count. It is impossible -to avoid the conviction that, in spite of a surface -boldness, the nobles of his day were apt to turn -craven where personal danger was in question. On the -battlefield valour was common enough, and when -once hope was over men had learnt—a needful -lesson—to meet death on the scaffold with -dignity and courage. But so long as a chance of -life remained, it was their constant habit to abase -themselves in order to escape their doom. We do -not hear of a single voice raised in Seymour’s -defence. The common people, when Somerset in -his turn had fallen a victim to jealousy and hate, -made no secret of their sorrow and their love; but -the nobles who had been his brother’s supporters -were silent and cowed, or went to swell the number -of his accusers.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124">124</a></span> -By March 20 hope and fear were alike at an end. -A Bill of Attainder had been brought into the -House of Lords, after an examination of the culprit -before the Council, when his demand to be confronted -with his accusers had been refused. The -evidence against him was reiterated by certain of -the peers; the bill was passed without a division; -and, in spite of the opposition of the Commons, who -supported his claim to be heard in his own defence, -the Protector cut the matter short by a message -from the King declaring it unnecessary that the -demand should be conceded. His doom was sealed.</p> - -<p>Was he innocent or guilty? Dr. Lingard, after -an examination of the facts, believes that he was -unjustly condemned; that, if he had sought a -portion of the power vested in the Protector, and -might have been dangerous to the authority of his -brother, the charge for which he was condemned—a -design to carry off the King and excite a civil -war—is unproved.</p> - -<p>Innocent or guilty, he was to die. In the words -of Latimer—who, in sermons preached after the -execution, made himself the apologist of the Council -by abuse levelled at the dead man—he perished -“dangerously, irksomely, horribly.... Whether -he be saved or no, I leave it to God. But surely -he was a wicked man, and the realm is well rid -of him.”<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">94</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125">125</a></span> -Thus Thomas Seymour was done to death by -a brother, and cursed by a churchman. Sherrington, -who had supplied the principal part of the evidence -against him, received a pardon and was reinstated -in his office.</p> - -<p>Of regret upon the part of friends or kinsfolk -there is singularly little token. As they had fallen -from his side in life, so they held apart from him -in death. If Elizabeth mourned him she was -already too well versed in the world’s wisdom to -avow her grief, and is reported to have observed, -on his execution, that a man had died full of ability -(<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">esprit</i>) but of scant judgment.<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> Whether or not -the Lord Protector was troubled by remorse, he was -not likely to make the public his confidant; and -Katherine, the woman who had loved him so devotedly, -was dead.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126">126</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1549-1550</span> - -<span class="subhead">The Protector’s position—Disaffection in the country—Its causes—The -Duke’s arrogance—Warwick his rival—The success of -his opponents—Placed in the Tower, but released—St. George’s -Day at Court.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> Protector’s conduct with regard to his -brother does much to alienate sympathy from -him in his approaching fall, in a sense the consequence -and outcome of the fratricide. He “had -sealed his doom the day on which he signed the -warrant for the execution of his brother.”<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> If -the Admiral, having crossed his will, was not safe, -who could believe himself to be so? Yet the fashion -of the accomplishing of his downfall, the treachery and -deception practised towards him by men upon whom -he might fairly have believed himself able to count, -lend a pathos to the end it might otherwise have -lacked.</p> - -<p>For the present his power and position showed -no signs of diminution. The Queen, his wife’s -rival, was dead. The Admiral, who had dared to -measure his strength against his brother’s, would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127">127</a></span> -trouble him no more, unless as an unquiet ghost, -an unwelcome visitant confronting him in unexpected -places. During his Protectorate he had -added property to property, field to field, and -was the master of two hundred manors. If -the public finances were low, Somerset was rich, -and during this year the building of the house -destined to bear his name was carried on on a -scale of splendour proportionate to his pretensions. -Having thrown away the chief prop of his house, -says Heylyn, he hoped to repair the ruin by erecting -a magnificent palace.</p> - -<p>The site he had chosen was occupied by three -episcopal mansions and one parish church; but it -would have been a bold man who would have disputed -the will of the all-powerful Lord Protector, -and the owners submitted meekly to be dispossessed -in order to make room for his new abode. Materials -running short, there were rough-and-ready ways -of providing them conveniently near at hand; and -certain “superstitious buildings” close to St. Paul’s, -including one or two chapels and a “fair charnel-house” -were demolished to supply what was necessary, -the bones of the displaced dead being left to -find burial in the adjacent fields, or where they might. -As the great pile rose, more was required, and -St. Margaret’s, Westminster, was to have been -destroyed to furnish it, had not the people, less -subservient than the Bishops, risen to protect their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128">128</a></span> -church, and forcibly driven away the labourers -charged with the work of destruction. St. Margaret’s -was saved, but St. John’s of Jerusalem, not -far from Smithfield, was sacrificed in its stead, being -blown up with gunpowder in order that its stone-work -might be turned to account.</p> - -<p>The Protector pursued his way unconscious of -danger. The Earl of Warwick, his future supplanter, -looked on and bided his time. The condition of -the country had become such as to facilitate the -designs of those bent upon a change in the Government. -Into the course of public affairs, at home -and abroad, it is impossible to enter at length; a -brief summary will suffice to show that events -were tending to create discontent and to strengthen -the hands of Somerset’s enemies.</p> - -<p>The victory of Pinkie Cleugh, though gratifying -to national pride, had in nowise served the purpose -of terminating the war with Scotland. Renewed -with varying success, the Scots, by means of French -aid, had upon the whole improved their position, -and the hopes indulged in England of a union -between the two countries, to be peacefully effected -by the marriage of the King with the infant Mary -Stuart, had been disappointed, the little Queen -having been sent to France and affianced to the -Dauphin. In the distress prevailing amongst -the working classes of England, more pressing -cause for dissatisfaction and agitation was found.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129">129</a></span> -Partly the result of the depreciation of the currency -during the late reign, it was also due to the action -of the new owners who, enriched by ecclesiastical -property, had enclosed portions of Church lands -heretofore left open to be utilised by the labourers -for their personal profit. Pasturage was increasing -in favour compared with tillage; less labour was -required, and wages had in consequence fallen.</p> - -<p>To material ills and privations, other grievances -were added. Associated in the minds of the people -with their condition of want were the changes lately -enforced in the sphere of religion. The new ministers -were often ignorant men, who gave scandal by -their manner of life, their parishioners frequently -making complaints of them to the Bishops.</p> - -<p>“Our curate is naught,” they would say, “an -ass-head, a dodipot [?], a lack-latin, and can do -nothing. Shall I pay him tithe that doth us no -good, nor none will do?”<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">97</a></p> - -<p>In some cases the fault lay with patrons, who -preferred to select a man unlikely to assert his -authority. Economy on the part of the Government -was responsible for other unfit appointments, -and capable Churchmen being permitted to hold -secular offices, they were removed from their parishes -and their flocks were left unshepherded. Against -this practice Latimer protested in a sermon at St. -Paul’s, on the occasion of a clergyman having been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130">130</a></span> -made Comptroller of the Mint. Who controlled -the devil at home in his parish, asked the rough-tongued -preacher, whilst he controlled the Mint?</p> - -<p>The condition of things thus produced was not -calculated to commend the innovations it accompanied -to the people, and the introduction of the -new Prayer-book was in particular bitterly resented -in country districts. In many parts of England, -interest and religion joining hands, fierce insurrections -broke out, and the measures taken by “the -good Duke” to allay popular irritation, by ordering -that the lands newly enclosed should be re-opened, -had the double effect of stirring the people, thus -far successful, to yet more strenuous action in -vindication of their rights, and of increasing the dislike -and distrust with which his irresponsible exercise -of authority was regarded by the upper classes.</p> - -<p>Upon domestic troubles—Ket’s rebellion in Norfolk, -one of large dimensions in the west, and -others—followed a declaration of war with France, -certain successes on the part of the enemy serving -to discredit the Protector and his management of -affairs still further.</p> - -<p>Whilst rich and poor were alike disaffected in -the country at large, the Duke had become an -object of jealousy to the members of the Council -Board who were responsible for having placed -him in the position he occupied. To a man with -the sagacity to look ahead and take account of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131">131</a></span> -forces at work, it must have been plain that the -possession of absolute and undivided power on the -part of a subject was necessarily fraught with danger, -and that the Duke’s astonishing success in obtaining -the patent conferring upon him supreme -and regal authority contained in itself the seed and -prophecy of ruin. But, besides more serious causes -of offence, his bearing in the Council-chamber, far -from being adapted to conciliate opposition, further -exasperated his colleagues against him. Cranmer -and Paget were the last to abandon his cause, but -on May 8—not two months after his brother’s -execution—the latter wrote to give him frank -warning of the probable consequences of his “great -cholerick fashions.” It is evident that a stormy -scene had taken place that afternoon, and that Paget -must have been strongly convinced of the need -for interference before he addressed his remonstrance -to the despotic head of the Government.</p> - -<p>“Poor Sir Richard a Lee,” he wrote, “this afternoon, -after your Grace had very sore, and much -more than needed, rebuked him, came to my chamber -weeping, and there complaining, as far as became -him, of your handling of him, seemed almost out of -wits and out of heart. Your Grace had put him -clean out of countenance.” After which he proceeded -to warn the Duke solemnly, “for the very love he -bore him,” of the consequences should he not change -his manner of conduct.<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">98</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132">132</a></span> -Paget’s love was quickly to grow cold. During -the summer the various rebellions in different parts -of the country were suppressed, the Earl of Warwick -playing an important part in the operations. On September -25 the Protector was, to all appearance, still -in fulness of power and authority. By October 13 -he was in the Tower.</p> - -<p>The Spanish spectator again supplies an account -of the view taken by the man in the street of -the initiation of the quarrel which led to the -Duke’s disgrace and fall. Returned to London, -Warwick, accompanied by the captains, English -and foreign, who had served under him against -the rebels, is said to have come to Court to -demand for his soldiers the rewards he considered -their due. Met by a refusal on the part of the -Protector of anything over and above their ordinary -wages, his indignation found vent. If money was -not to be had, it was because of the sums squandered -by the Duke in building his own palace. The French -forts were already lost. If the Protector continued -in power he would end by losing everything.</p> - -<div id="ip_132" class="figcenter" style="width: 456px;"> - <img src="images/i_132.jpg" width="456" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting in the National Portrait Gallery.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>WILLIAM, LORD PAGET, K.G.</p></div></div> - -<p>Somerset replied with no less heat. He deserved, -he said, that Warwick should speak as he had spoken, -by the favour he had shown him. Warwick -having retorted that it was with himself and his -colleagues that the fault lay, since they had bestowed -so much power on the Protector, the two parted. -Of what followed Holinshed gives a description.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133">133</a></span> -“Suddenly, upon what occasion many marvelled -but few knew, every lord and councillor went -through the city weaponed, and had their servants -likewise weaponed ... to the great wondering of -many; and at the last a great assembly of the said -Council was made at the Earl of Warwick’s lodging, -which was then at Ely Place, in Holborn, whither all -the confederates came privily armed, and finally -concluded to possess the Tower of London.”<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">99</a></p> - -<p>As a counterblast, Somerset issued a proclamation -in the King’s name, summoning all his subjects to -Hampton Court for his defence and that of his “most -entirely beloved uncle.” Open war was declared.</p> - -<p>So far the Archbishop and Paget, both resident -with the Court, together with the two Secretaries, -had adhered to the Protector. Upon Cranmer, if -upon any one, Somerset, who had done more than -any other person to establish religion upon its new -basis, should have been able to count, if not for -support, for a loyal opposition. But fear is strong -and—again it must be repeated—fidelity to the -unfortunate was no feature of the times; and by -both Archbishop and Paget the cause of the falling -man was abandoned. Not only did they secretly -embrace the cause of the party headed by Warwick, -but private directions were furnished by Paget as to -the means to be employed in seizing the person of -the Duke.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134">134</a></span> -Meantime, Hampton Court being judged insufficiently -secure, Somerset, with a guard of five hundred -men, had removed the King, at dead of night, to -Windsor, a graphic account of the journey being -given by the chronicler.</p> - -<p>“As he went along the road the King was all -armed, and carried his little sword drawn, and kept -saying to the people on the way:</p> - -<p>“‘My vassals, will you help me against the people -who want to kill me?’</p> - -<p>“And everybody cried out, ‘Sir, we will all die for -you.’”<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">100</a></p> - -<p>Windsor reached, the defence of the Castle and -of the sovereign was wisely entrusted, in the first -instance, to men upon whom the Duke could depend. -But the Council was successful in lulling any -apprehensions of violent action to rest. Sir Philip -Hoby, according to some authorities,<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> was despatched -from London with open, as well as secret, letters, -wherein it was declared that no harm was intended -to the Duke; order was merely to be taken for -the Protectorship. Somerset had by this time -yielded so far to the forces arrayed against him as -to recognise the necessity of consenting to some -change in the government; and at the reassuring -terms of the communication all present gave way to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135">135</a></span> -emotion; wept with joy, after the fashion of the -times; thanked God, and prayed for the Lords; -Paget, in particular, clasping the Duke about the -knees, and crying with tears, “O my Lord, ye see -what my lords be!”</p> - -<p>The Protector’s ruin had been assured. Trusting -to the declarations of the Council, he fell -an easy prey into their hands. Yielding to the -representations of Cranmer and Paget, to whose -“diligent travail” his enemies gratefully ascribed -their success, he permitted his trusty followers to be -replaced in the defence of the Castle by the usual -royal guard; on October 11 he had been seized and -placed in safe keeping, and it was reported that the -King had a bad cold, and “much desireth to be hence, -saying that ‘Methinks I am in prison. Here be no -galleries nor no gardens to walk in.’”<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> The young -sovereign had also, with a merry countenance and a -loud voice, asked how their Lordships of the Council -were, and when he would see them, saying that they -should be welcome whensoever they came.</p> - -<p>It was plain that objections to a transference of -his guardianship were not to be expected from the -nephew of the Lord Protector, and the Duke was -removed from Windsor to the Tower, followed by -three hundred lords and gentlemen, “as if he had -been a captive carried in triumph.” It would, -however, have been more difficult to induce the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136">136</a></span> -boy to consent to the execution of another of his -closest kin, and there may have been some fraction -of truth in the report which gained currency that -the King had not been made acquainted with the -fact that his uncle was actually a prisoner until -he learnt it from the Duchess. He then sent for -the Archbishop and questioned him on the subject.</p> - -<p>“Godfather,” he is made to say, “what has -become of my uncle, the Duke?” The explanation -furnished him by Cranmer—to the effect that, -had God not helped the Lords, the country would -have been ruined, and it was feared that the Protector -might have slain the King himself—did not -appear to commend itself to the young sovereign. -The Duke, he said, had never done him any harm, -and he did not wish him to be killed.</p> - -<p>A King’s wishes, even at thirteen, have weight, -and Warwick suddenly discovered that good should -be returned for evil; and that since it was the King’s -desire, and the first thing he had asked of his -Council, the Duke must be pardoned.<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">103</a></p> - -<div id="ip_136" class="figcenter" style="width: 436px;"> - <img src="images/i_136.jpg" width="436" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after a painting by Holbein.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>EDWARD VI.</p></div></div> - -<p>What is more certain is that, on condition of -an unqualified acknowledgment of his guilt, accompanied -by forfeiture of offices and property, it -was decided that Somerset should be set at liberty. -Self-respect or dignity was not in fashion, and in -the eyes of some the submission of the late Lord -Protector assumed the character of an “abjectness.”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137">137</a></span> -For the moment it purchased for him safety, and -he was gradually permitted to regain a certain -amount of influence and power. Some portion of -his wealth was restored to him, and he was at length -readmitted to the Council and to a limited share -in the government. To sanguine eyes all seemed -to have been placed on a satisfactory footing; but -jealousy, distrust, and hatred take much killing. -The position of the man who was the King’s -nearest of kin amongst his nobles, and had lately -been all-powerful in the State, was a difficult one. -Warwick was rising, and meant to rise; Somerset -was not content to remain fallen and discredited. -What seemed a peace was merely an armistice.</p> - -<p>Meantime Warwick and his friends were no -more successful than his rival in maintaining the -national honour, and the peace with France concluded -during the spring was regarded by the nation as -a disgrace. Boulogne was surrendered to its natural -owners, and in magniloquent terms war was once -more stated to be at an end for ever between the -two countries.</p> - -<p>Court and courtiers troubled themselves little -with such matters, and on St. George’s Day a -brilliant company of Lords of the Council and -Knights of the Garter kept the festival at Greenwich; -when a glimpse of the thirteen-year-old King is -to be caught, in a more boyish mood than usual.</p> - -<p>Coming out from the discourse preached in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138">138</a></span> -honour of the day, in high spirits and in the -argumentative humour fostered by sermons, the -“godly and virtuous imp” turned to his train.</p> - -<p>“My Lords,” he demanded, “I pray you, what -saint is St. George, that we here so honour him?”</p> - -<p>The sudden attack was unexpected, and, the Lords -of the Council being “astonied” by it, it was the -Treasurer who made reply.</p> - -<p>“If it please Your Majesty,” he said, “I did -never read in any history of St. George, but only -in <cite>Legenda Aurea</cite>, where it is thus set down, that -St. George out with his sword and ran the dragon -through with his spear.”</p> - -<p>The King, when he could not a great while -speak for laughing, at length said:</p> - -<p>“I pray you, my Lord, and what did he do with -his sword the while?”</p> - -<p>“That I cannot tell Your Majesty,” said he.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">104</a></p> - -<p>Poor little King! poor “godly imp”! It is seldom -that his laughter rings out through the centuries. -Perhaps some of the grave Councillors or divines -present may have looked askance, considering that -it was not with the weapon of ridicule that the -patron saint of England should be most fitly attacked, -but with the more legitimate one of theological -criticism. But to us it is satisfactory to find -that there were times when even the modern Josiah -could not speak for laughing.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139">139</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1549-1551</span> - -<span class="subhead">Lady Jane Grey at home—Visit from Roger Ascham—The German -divines—Position of Lady Jane in the theological world.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Whilst</span> these events had been taking place -Jane Grey had been once more relegated -to the care of her parents, to whose house she had -been removed upon the imprisonment of her guardian, -the Admiral, in January, 1549. To the helpless and -passive plaything of worldly and political exigencies, -the change from Seymour Place and Hanworth, -where she had lived under Seymour’s roof, to the -quiet of her father’s Leicestershire home, must have -been great.</p> - -<p>Nor was the difference in the moral atmosphere -less marked. Handsome, unprincipled, gay, magnificent, -one imagines that the Admiral, in spite of -the faults to which she was probably not blind, must -have been an imposing personage in the eyes of -his little charge; and self-interest—the interest -of a man who did not guess that the future held -nothing for him but a grave—as well as natural -kindliness towards a child dependent upon him, -will have led him to play the part of her “half-<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140">140</a></span>father” -in a manner to win her affection. Was she -not destined, should his schemes prosper, to fill the -place of Queen Consort? or, failing that, might it -not be well to turn into earnest the “merry” possibility -he had mentioned to Parry, and, if Elizabeth -was denied him, to make her cousin his wife? In -any case, so long as she lived in his house, Jane -was a guest of importance, of royal blood, to be -treated with consideration, cared for, and flattered.</p> - -<p>But now the ill-assorted house-mates had parted. -Seymour had taken his way to the Tower, as a stage -towards the scaffold; and Jane had returned—gladly -or sorrowfully, who can tell?—to the shelter of the -parental roof, and to the care of a father and mother -determined upon neutralising by their conduct any -ill-effects produced by her two years of emancipation -from their control. Once more she was an insignificant -member of her father’s family, the eldest of -his three children, subjected to the strictest discipline -and, whatever the future might bring forth, -of little consequence in the present.</p> - -<p>It is possible that Lord Dorset’s fears, expressed -at the time when he was attempting to regain possession -of his daughter, had been in part realised; -and that Jane, “for lack of a bridle,” had “taken -too much the head,” and conceived an unduly -high opinion of herself—it would indeed have been -a natural outcome of the position she held both -in her guardian’s house and, as will be seen, in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141">141</a></span> -the estimation of divines. If this was the case, her -mother and he were to do their best to “address -her mind to humility, soberness, and obedience.” -The means taken to carry out their intentions -were harsh.</p> - -<p>Of the year following upon Jane’s return to -Bradgate little is known; but in the summer of -1550, a picturesque and vivid sketch is afforded -by Roger Ascham of the child of thirteen<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> upon -whom so many hopes centred and so many expectations -were built. In the description given in his -<cite>Schoolmaster</cite><a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> of the visit paid by the great scholar -to Bradgate, light is thrown alike upon the system -of training pursued by Lord Dorset, upon the -character of his daughter, and upon the spirit she -displayed in conforming to the manner of life enforced -upon her.</p> - -<p>Ascham, in his capacity of tutor to her cousin -Elizabeth, had known Jane intimately at Court—so -he states in a letter to Sturm, another of the academic -brotherhood—and had already received learned -letters from her. Before starting on a diplomatic -mission to Germany in the summer of 1550, he had -visited some friends in Yorkshire, and on his way -south turned aside to renew his acquaintance with -Lady Jane, and to pay his respects to her father, -who stood high in the estimation of the religious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142">142</a></span> -party to which Ascham belonged. To this visit we -owe one of the most distinct glimpses of the girl -that we possess.</p> - -<p>By a fortunate chance he found “that most noble -Lady Jane Grey, to whom I was exceeding much -beholden,” alone. Lord and Lady Dorset, with all -their household, were hunting in the park, and Jane, -in the seclusion of her chamber, was engaged in -studying the <cite>Phaedo</cite> of Plato, “with as much delight -as some gentlemen would read a merry tale in -Boccaccio,” when Ascham presented himself to her.</p> - -<p>The conversation between the scholar and the -student places Lady Jane’s small staid figure in -clear relief. Notwithstanding Plato’s <cite>Phaedo</cite>, notwithstanding, -too, the sun outside, the sounds of -horns, the baying of hounds, and all the other -allurements she had proved able to resist, there is -something very human and unsaintly in her fashion -of unburthening herself to a congenial spirit concerning -the wrongs sustained at the parental hands. -To Ascham, with whom she had been so well -acquainted under different circumstances, she opened -her mind freely when, “after salutation and duty -done,” he inquired how it befell that she had left -the pastimes going forward in the Park.</p> - -<div id="ip_142" class="figcenter" style="width: 461px;"> - <img src="images/i_142.jpg" width="461" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">After an engraving.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>LADY JANE GREY.</p></div></div> - -<p>“I wis,” she answered smiling—the smile, surely, -of conscious and complacent superiority—“all their -sport in the Park is but a shadow to the pleasure -that I find in Plato. Alas, good folk, they never -felt what true pleasure meant.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143">143</a></span> -“And how came you, Madame,” asked Ascham, -“to this deep knowledge of pleasure, and what did -chiefly allure you to it, seeing not many women, -but very few men, have attained thereto?”</p> - -<p>Jane, nothing loath to satisfy her guest’s curiosity, -did so at length.</p> - -<p>“I will tell you,” she answered, “and tell you a -truth, which perchance you will marvel at. One -of the greatest benefits that ever God gave me is -that He sent me so sharp and severe parents and -so gentle a schoolmaster. For when I am in -presence either of father or mother, whether I speak, -keep silence, sit, stand, or go, eat, drink, be merry -or sad, be sewing, playing, dancing, or doing anything -else, I must do it, as it were, in such weight, -measure, and number, even so perfectly as God -made the world, or else I am so sharply taunted, -so cruelly threatened, yea presently sometimes with -pinches, nips, and bobs, and other ways, which I -will not name for the honour I bear them, so without -measure disordered, that I think myself in hell, -till time come that I must go to Mr. Elmer, who -teacheth me so gently, so pleasantly, with such fair -allurements to learning, that I think all the time -nothing whiles I am with him. And when I am -called away from him I fall on weeping, because, -whatever I do else but learning is full of grief, -trouble, fear, and whole misliking unto me. And -thus my book hath been so much my pleasure, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144">144</a></span> -bringeth daily to me more pleasure and more, that -in respect of it all other pleasures in very deed be -but trifles and troubles to me.”<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">107</a></p> - -<p>Jane’s recital of her wrongs, if correctly reported—and -Ascham says he remembers the conversation -gladly, both because it was so worthy of memory, -and because it was the last time he ever saw that -noble and worthy lady—proves that her command -of the vernacular was equal to her proficiency in -the dead languages, and that she cherished a very -natural resentment for the treatment to which she -was subjected. There is something irresistibly provocative -of laughter in the thought of the two -scholars, old and young, and of the lofty compassion -displayed by the chidden child towards the frivolous -tastes and amusements of the parents to whom she -doubtless outwardly accorded the exaggerated respect -and reverence demanded by custom. Few would -grudge the satisfaction derived from a sympathetic -listener to the girl whose pleasures were to be so -few and days for enjoying them so short.</p> - -<p>When Ascham took leave he had received a -promise from Jane to write to him in Greek, provided -that he would challenge her by a letter from -Germany. And so they parted, to meet no more.</p> - -<p>It may be that Lady Jane’s sense of the harshness -and severity of her treatment at home was accentuated -by the tone adopted with regard to her by many<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145">145</a></span> -of the leading Protestant divines. To these men—men -to whom Mary was Jezebel, Gardiner that -lying and subtle Cerberus,<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> and by whom persons -holding theological views at variance with their own -were freely and unreservedly handed over to the -devil—Jane was not only wise, learned, and saintly -beyond her years, but to her they turned their eyes, -hoping for a future when, at the King’s side, she -might prove the efficient protectress and patroness -of the reformed Church. Her name was a household -word amongst them, and whilst it can have been -scarcely possible that she was indifferent to the -incense offered by those to whom she had been -instructed to look up, it may have rendered the -system of repression adopted by her parents more -unendurable than might otherwise have been the case.</p> - -<p>Bradgate was a centre of strong and militant -Protestantism. In conjunction with Warwick, the -Marquis of Dorset was regarded by the German -school of theologians as one of the “two most -shining lights of the Church;”<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> and the many letters -sent from England to Henry Bullinger at Zurich—some -of them dated from Bradgate itself—abound -in allusions to the family, and throw a useful -light upon this part of Lady Jane’s life. In these -epistles her father’s name recurs again and again, -always in terms of extravagant eulogy, and as that -of a munificent patron of needy divines. Thus he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146">146</a></span> -had bestowed a pension at first sight upon Ulmis, -a young disciple of Bullinger’s, doubling it some -months later; and his grateful <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">protégé</i>, striving to -make what return is possible, impresses upon the -foreign master the advisability of dedicating one of -his works to the generous Marquis, anxiously -sending him, when his request has been granted, -the full title to be used in so doing. “He told me, -indeed,” he adds, “that he had the title of Prince, -but that he would not wish to be so styled by you, -so you must judge for yourself whether to keep -it back or not.”<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> Bullinger is likewise urged to -present a copy of one of his books to the Marquis’s -daughter, “and, take my word for it, you will never -repent having done so.” A most learned and -courteous letter would thereby be elicited from her. -She had already translated into Greek a good part -of Bullinger’s treatise on marriage, put by Ulmis -himself into Latin, and had given it to her father -as a New Year’s gift.<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> In May, 1551, another letter -records that two days had been very agreeably -passed at Bradgate with Jane, my Lord’s daughter, -and those excellent and holy persons Aylmer, her -tutor, and Haddon, chaplain to the Marquis. “For -my own part, I do not think there ever lived any -one more deserving of respect than this young -lady, if you regard her family; more learned, if<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147">147</a></span> -you consider her age; or more happy, if you -consider both. A report has prevailed, and has -begun to be talked of by persons of consequence, -that this most noble virgin is to be betrothed and -given in marriage to the King’s majesty. Oh, if -that event should take place, how happy would be -the union, and how beneficial to the church!”<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">112</a></p> - -<p>A letter despatched by Ulmis on the same day to -another of his brethren in the faith, Conrad Pellican, -craves his advice on behalf of Lady Jane with regard -to the best means of acquiring Hebrew, a language -she was anxious to study. She had written to -consult Bullinger on the subject, but Bullinger was -a busy man, and all the world knew how perfect -was Pellican’s acquaintance with the subject. -Pellican may argue that he might seem lacking -in modesty should he address a young lady, the -daughter of a nobleman, unknown to him personally. -But he is besought by Ulmis to entertain no -fears of the kind, and his correspondent will bear all -the blame if he ever repents of the deed, or if -Lady Jane does not most willingly acknowledge his -courtesy. “In truth,” he adds, “I do not think -that amongst the English nobility for many ages -past there has arisen a single individual who, to -the highest excellences of talent and judgment, has -united so much diligence and assiduity in the -cultivation of every liberal pursuit.... It is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148">148</a></span> -incredible how far she has advanced already, and -to what perfection she will advance in a few years; -for I well know that she will complete what she -has begun, unless perhaps she be diverted from -her pursuits by some calamity of the times.... -If you write a letter to her, take care, I pray you, -that it be first delivered to me.”<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">113</a></p> - -<p>The letter is dated from the house of the daughter -of the Marquis. Her mother, it is true, seems -to have been at home, though Dorset was in -Scotland; but it is a curious fact that the grand-daughter -of Henry VII., through whom Jane’s royal -blood was transmitted to her, appears to have been -by common consent tacitly passed over, as a person -of no consequence in comparison with her daughter.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">114</a></p> - -<p>Quite a budget of letters were entrusted to the -courier who left Bradgate on May 29, and was the -bearer of the missives addressed by Ulmis to his -master and his friend. Both John Aylmer, tutor -to Lord Dorset’s children and afterwards Bishop of -London, and Haddon, the Marquis’s chaplain, had -taken the opportunity of writing to Bullinger, doubtless -stimulated to the effort by his young disciple.</p> - -<p>The preceptor who compared so favourably in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149">149</a></span> -Lady Jane’s eyes with her parents, was a young -Norfolk man, of about twenty-nine, and singularly -well learned in the Latin and Greek tongues.<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> On -James Haddon, Bishop Hooper, writing from prison -when, three years later, the friends of the Reformation -had fallen on evil days, pronounced a eulogy in -a letter to Bullinger. Master James Haddon, he -said, was not only a friend and very dear brother in -Christ, but one he had always esteemed on account of -his singular erudition and virtue. “I do not think,” -he added, “that I have ever been acquainted with -any one in England who is endued either with more -sincere piety towards God or more removed from -all desire of those perishing objects desired by foolish -mortals.”<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> From Bishop Hooper the panegyric is -evidence that Haddon belonged to the extreme party -in theological matters, in which Aylmer was probably -in full accord with him. On this particular day -in May both these devoted and conscientious men -were sending letters to the great director of souls in -Zurich, that of Haddon being written to a man -to whom he was personally unknown, and with the -sole object of opening a correspondence and offering -a tribute of respect.</p> - -<p>Aylmer’s case was a different one. Though also -a stranger, he wrote at some length, chiefly in the -character of the preceptor entrusted with Lady<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150">150</a></span> -Jane’s education, making due acknowledgments -for the letters and advice which had been of so -much use in keeping his patron and his patron’s -family in the right path, and begging Bullinger to -continue these good offices towards the pupil, -just fourteen, concerning whom it is strange to find -the young man entertaining certain fears and misgivings.</p> - -<p>“At that age,” he observes, “as the comic poet -tells us, all people are inclined to follow their own -ways, and, by the attractiveness of the objects and -the corruptions of nature, are more easily carried -headlong in pleasure ... than induced to follow -those studies that are attended with the praise of -virtue.” The time teemed with many disorders; -discreet physicians must therefore be sought, and -to tender minds there should not be wanting the -counsel of the aged nor the authority of grave and -influential men. Aylmer accordingly entreats that -Bullinger will minister, by letter and advice, to the -improvement of his charge.</p> - -<p>An epistle from Jane, dated July 1551, shows -that the German theologian responded at once to -the appeal, since in it she acknowledges the receipt -of a most eloquent and weighty letter, and mentioning -the loss she had sustained in the death of -Bucer, who appears to have taken his part in her -theological training, congratulates herself upon the -possession of a friend so learned as Bullinger, so<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151">151</a></span> -pious a divine, and so intrepid a champion of true -religion. Bereaved of the “pious Bucer ... who -unweariedly did not cease, day and night, and to the -utmost of his ability, to supply me with all necessary -instructions and directions for my conduct in life, -and who by his excellent advice promoted and encouraged -my progress and advancement in all virtue, -godliness, and learning,” she proceeds to beg -Bullinger to fill the vacant place, and to spur her on -if she should loiter and be disposed to delay. By -this means she will enjoy the same advantages -granted to those women to whom St. Jerome imparted -instruction, or to the elect lady to whom the -epistle of St. John was addressed, or to the mother -of Severus, taught by Origen. As Bullinger could -be deemed inferior to none of these teachers, she -entreats him to manifest a like kindness.<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> It is -plain that Lady Jane, in addressing this “brightest -ornament and support of the whole Church,” is -determined not to be outdone in the art of pious -flattery; and in her correspondence with men who -both as scholars and divines held a foremost place -in the estimation of those by whom she was surrounded, -she indemnified herself for the mortifications -inflicted upon her at home.</p> - -<p>The reformers, for their part, were keeping an -anxious watch upon the course of events in England; -and to strengthen and maintain their influence over<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152">152</a></span> -one who might have a prominent part to play -in future years was of the first importance. A letter -from Ascham, who was still abroad, dated some -months later, supplies yet another example of the -incense offered to the child of fourteen, and of -fulsome adulation by which an older head might -have been turned. Nothing, he told her, in -his travels, had raised in him greater admiration -than had been caused when, on his visit to -Bradgate, he had found one so young and lovely—so -divine a maid—engaged in the study of Plato whilst -friends and relations were enjoying field sports. Let -her proceed thus, to the honour of her country, the -delight of her parents, her own glory, the praise of -her preceptor, the comfort of her relations and -acquaintances, and the admiration of all. O happy -Aylmer, to have a like scholar!</p> - -<div id="ip_152" class="figcenter" style="width: 462px;"> - <img src="images/i_152.jpg" width="462" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by W. Mansell & Co. after a painting by G. Fliccius in the National Portrait Gallery.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>ARCHBISHOP CRANMER.</p></div></div> - -<p>It would be easy to multiply quotations which -indicate the place accorded to Lord Dorset’s -daughter in the estimation of the leaders of the -extreme party of Protestantism, in whose eyes -Cranmer was regarded as a possible trimmer. -Allowing to him “right views,” Hooper, in writing -to Bullinger, adds: “we desire nothing more for -him than a firm and manly spirit.”<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> “Contrary to -general expectation,” Traheron writes, the Archbishop -had most openly, firmly, and learnedly maintained -the opinion of the German divine upon the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153">153</a></span> -Eucharist; and Ulmis, alluding to him in terms of -praise, repeats that he had unexpectedly given a -correct judgment on this point. Even the youngest -of the German theologians felt himself competent -to weigh in the balances the head of Protestant -England.</p> - -<p>Protestant England was itself keeping a wary eye -upon its Primate. “The Archbishop of Canterbury,” -wrote Hooper to Bullinger, “to tell the truth, -neither took much note of your letter nor of your -learned present. But now, as I hope, Master -Bullinger and Canterbury entertain the same -opinion.” “The people ... that many-headed -monster,” he wrote again, “is still wincing, partly -through ignorance, and partly persuaded by the inveiglements -of the Bishops and the malice and -impiety of the mass-priests.”<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">119</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154">154</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1551-1552</span> - -<span class="subhead">An anxious tutor—Somerset’s final fall—The charges against him—His -guilt or innocence—His trial and condemnation—The King’s -indifference—Christmas at Greenwich—The Duke’s execution.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap al"><span class="smcap1">Aylmer</span> had been so far encouraged by the -success of his appeal to Henry Bullinger -on behalf of his pupil that he is found, some seven -months later, calling the Swiss churchman again into -council. He was possibly over-anxious, but the tone -of his communication makes it clear that Lady Jane -Grey had been once more causing her tutor disquiet. -Responding, in the first place, to Bullinger’s congratulations -upon his privilege in acting as teacher -to so excellent a scholar, and in a family so well -disposed to learning and religion, he proceeds to -request that his correspondent will, in his next -letter, instruct Lady Jane as to the proper degree -of embellishment and adornment of the person -becoming in young women professing godliness. -The tutor is plainly uneasy on this subject, and it is -to be feared that Jane had been developing an undue -love of dress. Yet the example of the Princess -Elizabeth might be fitly adduced, observes Aylmer,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155">155</a></span> -furnishing the monitor with arguments of which he -might, if he pleased, make use. She at least went -clad in every respect as became a young maiden, and -yet no one was induced by the example of “a lady -in so much gospel light to lay aside, much less look -down upon, gold, jewels, and braidings of the hair.” -Preachers might declaim, but no one amended her -life. Moreover, and as a less important matter, -Aylmer desires Bullinger to prescribe the amount of -time to be devoted to music. If he would handle -these points at some length there would probably be -some accession to the ranks of virtue.</p> - -<p>One would imagine that it argued ignorance of -human nature on the part of Lady Jane’s instructor -to believe that the admonitions of an old man at -a distance would have more effect than those of a -young man close at hand; nor does it appear -whether or not Bullinger sent the advice for which -Aylmer asked. But that his pupil’s incipient leaning -towards worldly vanities was successfully checked -would appear from her reply, reported by himself, -when a costly dress had been presented to her by her -cousin Mary. “It were a shame,” she is said to have -answered, in rejecting the gift, “to follow my Lady -Mary, who leaveth God’s Word, and leave my Lady -Elizabeth, who followeth God’s Word.”</p> - -<p>It might have been well for Jane had she practised -greater courtesy towards a cousin at this time out of -favour at Court; but no considerations of policy or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156">156</a></span> -of good breeding could be expected to influence a -zealot of fifteen, and Mary, more than double her -age, may well have listened with a smile.</p> - -<p>When Aylmer’s letter was written, the Grey -family had left Bradgate and were in London. The -Marquis had, some two months earlier, been advanced -to the rank of Duke of Suffolk, upon the -title becoming extinct through the death of his -wife’s two half-brothers, and the tutor may have -had just cause for disquietude lest the world should -make good its claims upon the little soul he was -so carefully tending. In November 1551 Mary -of Lorraine, Queen-Dowager of Scotland, had -applied for leave to pass through England on her -way north. It had not only been granted, but she -had been accorded a magnificent reception, Lady -Jane, with her mother, taking part in the ceremony -when the royal guest visited the King at -Whitehall. Two days later she was amongst -the ladies assembled to do the Queen honour at -her departure for Scotland. It may be that this -participation in the pomp and splendour of court -life had produced a tendency in John Aylmer’s -charge to bestow overmuch attention upon worldly -matters, nor can it be doubted that his heart was -sore at the contrast she had presented to Elizabeth, -“whose plainness of dress,” he says, still commending -the Princess, “was especially noticed on the occasion -of the visit of the Queen-Dowager of Scotland.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157">157</a></span> -Perhaps, too, the master looked back with regret to -the quiet days of uninterrupted study. The Dorset -household, when not in London itself, were now to -be chiefly resident at Sheen, within reach of the -Court. Jane, too, was growing up; Aylmer was -young; and to the “gentle schoolmaster” the -training of Lord Dorset’s eldest daughter may have -had an interest not wholly confined to scholarship -or to theology. It is nevertheless impossible to put -back the clock, and the days when his pupil could -be expected to devote herself exclusively to her -studies were irrevocably past.</p> - -<p>Meantime the hollow treaty of amity between the -two great competitors for supremacy in the realm -was to end. In the spring of 1551 Somerset and -Warwick were on terms of outward cordiality, and -a marriage between the Duke’s daughter and the -eldest son of his rival, which took place with much -magnificence in the presence of the King, might have -been expected to cement their friendship. But -by October “carry-tales and flatterers,” says one -chronicler, had rendered harmony—even the semblance -of harmony—impossible; or, as was more -probable, Warwick, suspicious of the intention on the -part of the Duke of regaining the direction of -affairs, had determined to free himself once for all -from the rivalry of the King’s uncle. Somerset had -again been lodged in the Tower, to leave it, this -time, only for the scaffold.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158">158</a></span> -On the question of his innocence or guilt there has -been much discussion amongst historians, nor is it -possible to enter at length into the question. -The crimes of which he stood accused were of the -blackest dye. “The good Duke,” as the people still -loved to call him, was charged with plotting to gain -possession of the King’s person, of contriving the -murder of Warwick, now to be created Duke of -Northumberland, of Northampton and Herbert, and -was to be tried for treason and felony.</p> - -<p>Many and various are the views taken as to the -guilt of the late Protector. Mr. Tytler, most conscientious -of historians, after a careful comparison of -contemporary evidence, has decided in his favour. -Others have come to a different conclusion. The -balance of opinion appears to be on his side. His -bearing throughout the previous summer had been -that of an innocent man, who had nothing to fear -from justice. But justice was hard to come by. -His enemy was strong and relentless—“a competent -lawyer, known soldier, able statesman”—and in -each of these capacities he was seeking to bring a -dangerous competitor to ruin. It was, says Fuller, -almost like a struggle between a naked and an armed -man.<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> Yet, open-hearted and free from distrust as -he is described, Somerset must have been aware -of some part of his danger. His friends amongst -the upper classes had ever been few and cold.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159">159</a></span> -The reformers, for whom he had done so much, -had begun to indulge doubts of his zeal. Become -possibly weary of persecution, he had tried to -make a way for Gardiner to leave the prison in -which he was languishing, and, alone of the Council, -had been in favour of permitting to Mary the -exercise of her religion. These facts were sufficient, -in the eyes of many, to justify the assertion made by -Burgoyne to Calvin that he had grown lukewarm, -and had scarcely anything less at heart than religion.</p> - -<p>He was naturally the last to hear of the intrigues -against him, and of the accusations brought in his -absence from the Council-chamber. An attempt, -it is true, was made to warn him by Lord Chancellor -Rich, by means of a letter containing an account of -the proceedings which had taken place; but, carelessly -addressed only “To the Duke,” it was delivered, by -a blunder of the Chancellor’s servant, to Norfolk, -Somerset’s enemy. Surprised at the speedy return -of his messenger, Rich inquired where he had found -“the Duke.”</p> - -<p>“In the Charter House,” was the reply, “on -the same token that he read it at the window and -smiled thereat.”</p> - -<p>“But the Lord Rich,” adds Fuller, in telling -the story, “smiled not”; resigning his post on the -following day, on the plea of old age and a desire -to gain leisure to attend to his devotions, and -thereby escaping the dismissal which would have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160">160</a></span> -resulted from a betrayal of the secrets of the -Council.<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">121</a></p> - -<p>By October 14 the Duke was cognisant to some -extent of the mischief that was a-foot, for it is stated -in the King’s journal that he sent for the Secretary -Cecil “to tell him that he suspected some ill. Mr. -Cecil answered that, if he were not guilty, he might -be of good courage; if he were, he had nothing -to say but to lament him.” It was not an encouraging -reply to an appeal for sympathy and -support, and must have been an earnest of the -attitude likely to be adopted towards the Duke -by the rest of his colleagues. Two days later -Edward’s journal notes his apprehension.</p> - -<p>The issue of the struggle was nevertheless uncertain. -In spite of his unpopularity amongst the -nobles, and though, to judge by the entries in the -royal diary, the course of events was followed by his -nephew with cold indifference, Somerset was not without -his partisans. Constant to their old affection, -the attack upon him was watched by the common -people with breathless interest, accentuated by the -detestation universally felt for the man who had -planned his destruction. Hatred for Northumberland -joined hands with love for Somerset to range -them on his side. The political atmosphere was -charged with excitement. Could it be true that the -“good Duke” had designed the murder of his rival,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161">161</a></span> -who, whatever might be thought of him in other -respects, was one of the chief props of Protestantism? -Had the King, as some alleged, been in -danger? The trial would show; and when it -became known that the prisoner had been acquitted -of treason, and the axe was therefore, according to -custom, carried out of court, his cause was considered -to be won; a cry arose that the innocence of the -popular favourite had been established, and the -applause of the crowd testified to their rejoicing. -It had been premature. Acquitted of the principal -offence with which he stood charged, he was found -guilty of felony, and sentenced to death.</p> - -<p>The verdict was received with ominous murmurs, -and, in a letter to Bullinger, Ulmis states that, -observing the grave and sorrowful aspect of the -audience, the Duke of Northumberland was wary -enough to take his cue from it, and to attempt to -propitiate in his own favour the discontented crowd.</p> - -<p>“O Duke of Somerset,” he exclaimed from his -seat, “you see yourself brought into the utmost -danger, and that nothing but death awaits you. I -have once before delivered you from a similar -hazard of your life; and I will not now desist from -serving you, how little soever you may expect it.” -Let Somerset appeal to the royal clemency, and -Northumberland, forgiving him his offences, would -do all in his power to save him.<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">122</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162">162</a></span> -Northumberland’s tardy magnanimity fails to carry -conviction. But, besides his victim’s popularity in -the country, it was reported that the “King took -it not in good part,” and it was thought well to -delay the execution, by which means his supplanter -might gain credit for exercising his generosity by -an attempt to avert his doom. Christmas was at -hand, and it was arranged that the Duke should -remain in prison, under sentence of death, whilst -the feast was celebrated at Court.</p> - -<p>In spite of the assertion that the young King had -not been unaffected by a tragedy that should have -touched him closely, there is nothing in his own -words to indicate any other attitude than that of -the indifferent spectator—an attitude recalling unpleasantly -the callousness shown by his father as -the women he had loved and the statesmen he had -trusted and employed were successively sent to the -block. Though, in justice to Edward, it should -be remembered that he had never loved his uncle, -there is something revolting in his casual mention -of the measures adopted against him.</p> - -<p>“Little has been done since you went,” he wrote -to Barnaby Fitzpatrick, the comrade of his childish -days, now become his favourite, “but the Duke -of Somerset’s arraignment for felonious treason and -the muster of the newly erected gendarmery;”<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> and -the journal wherein he traces the progress of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163">163</a></span> -trial, varying the narrative by the introduction of -other topics, such as the visit of the Queen-Dowager -of Scotland and the festivities in her honour, conveys -a similar impression of coldness. “And so he was -adjudged to be hanged,” he records in conclusion, -noting, with no expression of regret, the result of -the proceedings.</p> - -<p>“It were well that he should die,” Edward had -told the Duke’s brother in those earlier childish -days when incited by the Admiral to rebel against -the strictness of the discipline enforced by the -Protector. But, under the mask of indifference, -it may be that misgivings awoke and made themselves -apparent to those who, watching him closely, -feared that ties of blood might vindicate their -strength, and that at their bidding, or through compassion, -he might interpose to avert the fate of one -of the only near relations who remained to him. -It appears to have been determined that the King’s -mind must be diverted from the subject; and whilst -the prisoner was awaiting in the Tower the execution -of his sentence, special merry-makings were arranged -by the men who had the direction of affairs at Greenwich, -where the court was to keep Christmas. Thus -it was hoped to “remove the fond talk out of men’s -mouths,” and to recreate and refresh the troubled -spirits of the young sovereign. A Lord of Misrule -was accordingly appointed, who, dubbed the Master -of the King’s Pastimes, took order for the general<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164">164</a></span> -amusement, though conducting himself more discreetly -than had been the wont of his predecessors, -and the festival was gaily observed. By these means, -says Holinshed, the minds and ears of murmurers -were well appeased, till it was thought well to -proceed to the business of executing judgment upon -the Duke.</p> - -<p>In whatever light the ghastly contrast between the -uncle awaiting a bloody death in the Tower and the -noisy merry-making intended to drown the sound -of the passing-bell in the nephew’s ears may strike -students of a later day, it is likely that there was -nothing in it to affect painfully those who joined -in the proceedings. Life was little considered. Men -were daily accustomed to witness violent reverses -of fortune. The Duke had aimed over-high; he -was a danger to rivals whose turn it was to rise; -he must make way for others. He had moreover -been too deeply injured to forgive; and, to make -all safe, he must die. The reign of the Seymours -was at an end; that of Northumberland was -beginning. Two more years and their supplanter, -with Suffolk and his other adherents, would in -their turn have paid the penalty of a great ambition, -and, “with the sons of the Duke of Somerset standing -by,” would have followed the Lord Protector -to the grave.</p> - -<p>There was none to prophesy their fate. Had it -been otherwise, it is not probable that a warning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165">165</a></span> -would have turned them from their purpose. For -they were reckless gamblers, and to foretell ruin -to a man who is staking his all upon a throw of -the dice is to speak to deaf ears.</p> - -<p>So the merry Christmas passed, Jane—third in -succession to the throne—occupying a prominent -position at Court. And Aylmer, fearful lest the fruits -of his care should be squandered, looked on helplessly, -and besought Bullinger, on that 23rd of -December, to set a limit, for the benefit of a pupil -in danger, to the attention lawfully to be bestowed -on the world and its vanities; a letter from Haddon, -the Duke’s chaplain, following fast and betraying -his participation in the anxieties of his colleague by -an entreaty that, from afar, the eminent divine would -continue to exercise a beneficent influence upon his -master’s daughter.</p> - -<p>Meantime the day had arrived when it was -considered safe to carry matters against the King’s -uncle to extremities, and on January 23, six weeks -after his trial, the Duke of Somerset was taken to -Tower Hill, to suffer death in the presence of a -vast crowd there assembled.</p> - -<p>Till the last moment the throng had persisted in -hoping against hope that the life of the man they -loved might even now, at the eleventh hour, be -spared; and at one moment it seemed that they -were not to be disappointed. The Duke had -taken his place upon the scaffold, and had begun<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166">166</a></span> -his speech, when an interruption occurred, occasioned, -as it afterwards proved, by an accidental -collision between the mass of spectators and a body -of troops who had received orders to be present -at the execution, and, finding themselves late, had -ridden hard and fast to make up for lost time. -This was the simple explanation of the occurrence; -but, to the excited mob gathered together, every -nerve strained and full of pity and fear and horror, -the sound of the thundering hoofs seemed something -supernatural and terrible. Was it a sign of -divine interposition?</p> - -<p>“Suddenly,” recounts an eye-witness, “suddenly -came a wondrous fear upon the people ... by a -great sound which appeared unto many above in -the element as it had been the sound of gunpowder -set on fire in a close house bursting out, and by -another sound upon the ground as it had been the -sight of a great number of great horses running -on the people to overrun them; so great was the -sound of this that the people fell down one upon -the other, many with bills; and other ran this way, -some that way, crying aloud, ‘Jesus, save us! Jesus, -save us!’ Many of the people crying, ‘This way -they come, that way they come, away, away.’ And -I looked where one or other should strike me on -the head, so I was stonned [stunned?]. The people -being thus amazed, espies Sir Anthony Brown upon -a little nag riding towards the scaffold, and therewith<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167">167</a></span> -burst out crying in a voice, ‘Pardon, pardon, -pardon!’ hurling up their caps and cloaks with -these words, saying, ‘God save the King! God save -the King!’ The good Duke all the while stayed, -and, with his cap in his hand, waited for the people -to come together.”<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">124</a></p> - -<p>Whatever had been Sir Anthony’s errand, it had -not been one of mercy; and when the excitement -following upon the panic was calmed the doomed -man and the crowd were alike aware that the people -had been misled by hope, and that no pardon had -been brought. It is at such a moment that a man’s -mettle is shown. With admirable dignity Somerset -bore the blow. As for a moment he had participated -in the expectation of the cheering throng the colour -had flickered over his face; but, recovering himself -at once, he resumed his interrupted speech.</p> - -<p>“Beloved friends,” he said, “there is no such -matter as you vainly hope and believe.” Let the -people accept the will of God, be quiet as he was -quiet, and yield obedience to King and Council. -A few minutes more and all was over. Somerset, -in the words of a chronicler, had taken his death -very patiently—with the strange patience in which -the victims of injustice scarcely ever failed; the -crowd, true to the last to their faith, pressing forward -to dip their handkerchiefs in his blood, as in -that of a martyr.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168">168</a></span> -The laconic entry in the King’s journal, to the -effect that the Duke of Somerset had had his head -cut off on Tower Hill, presents a sharp contrast to -the popular emotion and grief. The deed was, at -all events, done; Northumberland had cleared his -most formidable competitor from his path, and -had no suspicion that the tragedy of that winter’s -day was in truth paving the way for his own ultimate -undoing.</p> - -<div id="ip_168" class="figcenter" style="width: 469px;"> - <img src="images/i_168.jpg" width="469" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting in the National Portrait Gallery.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>EDWARD SEYMOUR, DUKE OF SOMERSET, K.G.</p></div></div> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169">169</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1552</span> - -<span class="subhead">Northumberland and the King—Edward’s illness—Lady Jane and -Mary—Mary refused permission to practise her religion—The -Emperor intervenes.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">For</span> the moment master of the field, Northumberland -addressed himself sedulously to the -task of strengthening and consolidating the position -he had won. In the Council he had achieved -predominance, but the King’s minority would not -last for ever, and the necessity of laying the -foundation of a power that should continue when -Edward’s nominal sovereignty should have become -a real one was urgent.</p> - -<p>The lad was growing up; nor were there -wanting moments causing those around him to -look on with disquietude to the day when the -nobles ruling in his name might be called upon to -give an account of their stewardship. A curious -anecdote tells how, as Northumberland stood one -day watching the King practising the art of archery, -the boy put a “sharp jest” upon him, not without -its significance.</p> - -<p>“Well aimed, my liege,” said the Duke merrily, -as the arrow hit the white.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170">170</a></span> -“But you aimed better,” retorted the lad, “when -you shot off the head of my uncle Somerset.”<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">125</a></p> - -<p>It was a grim and ominous pleasantry, and in -the direct charge it contained of responsibility for -the death of Edward’s nearest of kin another shaft -besides the arrow may have been sent home. -The Tudors were not good at forgiving. Even -had the King seen the death of the Duke’s rival and -victim without regret, it was possible that he -would none the less owe a grudge to the man -to whom it was due; nor was Northumberland -without a reason for anticipating with uneasiness -the day when Edward, remembering -all, should hold the reins of Government in his -own hands.</p> - -<p>Under these circumstances it was clearly his -interest to commend himself to the young sovereign, -and the system he pursued with regard to his -education and training were carefully adapted to -that purpose. Whilst the Protector had had the -arrangement of affairs, his nephew had been kept -closely to his studies; Northumberland, “a soldier -at heart and by profession, had him taught to -ride and handle his weapons,” the boy welcoming -the change, and, though not neglecting his books, -taking pleasure in every form of bodily exercise;<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> -not without occasional pangs of conscience, when<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171">171</a></span> -more time had been spent in pastime than he -“thought convenient.”</p> - -<p>“We forget ourselves,” he would observe, -finding fault with himself sententiously in royal -phrase, upon such occasions, “that should not -lose <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">substantia pro accidente</i>.”<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">127</a></p> - -<p>It had been the Protector’s custom to place -little money at his nephew’s disposal, thus rendering -him comparatively straitened in the means of exercising -the liberality befitting his position; and -part of the boy’s liking for the Admiral had been -owing to the gifts contrasting with the niggardliness -of the elder brother. Profiting by his predecessor’s -mistakes, Northumberland’s was a different policy. -He supplied Edward freely with gold, encouraged -him to make presents, and to show himself a -King; acquainting him besides with public business, -and flattering him by asking his opinion upon -such matters.<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">128</a></p> - -<p>The Duke might have spared his pains. It -was not by Edward that he was to be called to -account. But at that time there were no signs -to indicate how futile was the toil of those who -were seeking to build their fortunes upon his -favour. A well-grown, handsome lad, his health -had given no special cause for anxiety up to the -spring of 1552. In the March of that year,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172">172</a></span> -however, a sharp and complicated attack of illness -laid him low and sowed the seeds of future delicacy.</p> - -<p>“I fell sick of the smallpox and the measles,” -recorded the boy in his diary. “April 15th the -Parliament broke up because I was sick and unable -to go abroad.”</p> - -<p>To us, who read the laconic entry in the light -thrown upon it by future events, it marks the -beginning of the end—not only the end of -the King’s short life, but the beginning of the -drama in which many other actors were to be -involved and were to meet their doom. As yet -none of the anxious watchers suspected that -death had set his broad arrow upon the lad; and -in the summer he had so far recovered as to be -sending a blithe account to Barnaby Fitzpatrick, -then in France, of a progress he had made in the -country, and its attendant enjoyments. Whilst his -old playfellow had been occupied in killing his enemies, -and sore skirmishing and divers assaults, the -King had been killing wild beasts, having pleasant -journeys and good fare, viewing fair countries, and -seeking rather to fortify his own than to spoil another -man’s<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">129</a>—so he wrote gaily to Fitzpatrick.</p> - -<p>Meantime his illness, with the dissolution of -Parliament consequent upon it, had probably -emptied London; the Suffolk family, with others, -returning to their country home. In July Lady<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173">173</a></span> -Jane was on a visit to her cousin, the Princess -Mary, at Newhall; when, once more, an indiscreet -speech—a scoff, on this occasion, directed against -the outward tokens of that Catholic faith to which -Mary was so vehemently loyal—may, repeated to -her hostess, have served to irritate her towards the -offender against the rules of courtesy and good -taste. Under other circumstances, it might have -been passed over by the older woman with a -smile; but subjected to annoyance and petty persecution -by reason of her religion and saddened -and embittered by illness and misfortune, the -trifling instance of ill-manners on the part of a -malapert child of fifteen may have had its share -in accentuating a latent antagonism.</p> - -<p>In the course of the previous year a controversy -had reached its height which had been more or -less imminent since the statute enjoining the use -of the new Prayer-book had been passed, a work -said to have afforded the King—then eleven -years of age—“great comfort and quietness of -mind.” From that time forward—the decree had -become law in 1549—there had been trouble in -the royal family, as might be expected when -opinion on vital points of religion, the burning -question of the day, was widely and violently -divergent, and friends and advisers were ever at -hand to fan the flame of discord in their own -interest or that of their party.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174">174</a></span> -No one could be blind to the fact that the ardent -Catholicism of the Princess Mary, next in succession -to the throne, constituted a standing menace to -the future of religion as recently by law established, -and to the durability of the work hastily carried -through in creating a new Church on a new basis. -Furthermore it was considered that her present -attitude of open and determined opposition to the -decree passed by Parliament was a cause of scandal -in the realm. It was certainly one of annoyance -to the King and Council.</p> - -<p>Cranmer would probably have liked to keep the -peace. An honest man, but no fanatic and holding -moderate views, he might have been inclined, having -got what he personally wanted, to adopt a policy of -conciliation. Affairs had gone well with him; his -friends were in power; and, if he failed to inspire -the foreign divines and their English disciples -with entire trust, it was admitted in 1550 by John -Stumpius, of that school, that things had been put -upon a right footing. “There is,” he added, “the -greatest hope as to religion, for the Archbishop -of Canterbury has lately married a wife.”<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">130</a></p> - -<p>Matters being thus comfortably arranged, Cranmer, -if he had had his way, might have preferred to leave -them alone. But what could one man do in the -interests of peace, when Churchmen and laity were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175">175</a></span> -alike clamouring for war, when the King’s Council -were against the concession of any one point at issue, -and the King himself had composed, before he was -twelve years old, and “sans l’aide de personne -vivant,” a treatise directed against the supremacy of -the Pope? To the honour of the King’s counsellors, -few victims had suffered the supreme penalty during -his reign on account of their religious opinions;<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> -but Gardiner and Bonner, as well as Bishops Day -and Heath, were in prison, and if the lives of the -adherents of the ancient faith were spared, no other -mitigation of punishment or indulgence was to be -expected by them.</p> - -<p>Under pressure from the Emperor the principal -offender had been at first granted permission to -continue the practice of her religion. But when -peace with France rendered a rupture with Charles -a less formidable contingency than before, it was -decided that renewed efforts should be made to -compel the Princess Mary to bow to the fiat of -King and Council. Love of God and affection for -his sister forbade her brother, he declared, to -tolerate her obstinacy longer, the intimation being -accompanied by an offer of teachers who should -instruct her ignorance and refute her errors.</p> - -<p>Mary was a match for both King and Council. -In an interview with the Lords she told them that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176">176</a></span> -her soul was God’s, and that neither would she -change her faith nor dissemble her opinions; the -Council replying by a chilling intimation that -her faith was her own affair, but that she must -obey like a subject, not rule like a sovereign. The -Princess, however, had a card to play unsuspected by -her adversaries. The dispute had taken place on -August 18. On the 19th the Council was unpleasantly -surprised by a strong measure on the part -of the imperial ambassador, in the shape of a -declaration of war in case his master’s cousin was -not permitted the exercise of her religion.</p> - -<p>The Council were in a difficulty. War with the -Emperor, at that moment, and without space for -preparation, would have been attended with grave -inconvenience. On the other hand Edward’s tender -conscience had outrun that of his ministers, and had -become so difficult to deal with that all the persuasions -of the Primate and two other Bishops were -needed to convince the boy, honest and zealous in -his intolerance, that “to suffer or wink at [sin] for a -time might be borne, so all haste possible was -used.”</p> - -<p>A temporising answer was therefore returned -to the imperial ambassador, “all haste possible” -being made in removing English stores from -Flanders, so that, in case of a rupture, they -might not fall into Charles’s hands. This accomplished, -fresh and stringent measures were taken<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177">177</a></span> -to compel the Princess’s obedience; her chief -chaplain was committed to the Tower, charged -with having celebrated Mass in his mistress’s house, -and three of the principal officers of her household -were sent to join him there as a punishment for -declining to use coercion to prevent a recurrence of -the offence.</p> - -<p>An interview followed between Mary and a -deputation of members of the Council, who visited -her with the object of enforcing the King’s orders. -The Princess received her guests with undisguised -impatience; requested them to be brief; and, having -listened to what they had to say, answered shortly -that she would lay her head upon a block—no idle -rhetoric in those days—sooner than use any other -form of service than that in use at her father’s death; -when her brother was of full age she was ready -to obey his commands, but at present—good, -sweet King!—he could not be a judge in such -matters. Her chaplains, for the rest, could do as -they pleased in the matter of saying Mass, “but -none of your new service shall be used in my house, -or I will not tarry in it.”</p> - -<p>Thus the controversy practically ended. The -Council dared not proceed to extremities against the -Emperor’s cousin, and tacitly agreed to let her alone, -having supplied her with one more bitter memory to -add to the account which was to be lamentably -settled in the near future.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178">178</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1552</span> - -<span class="subhead">Lady Jane’s correspondence with Bullinger—Illness of the Duchess -of Suffolk—Haddon’s difficulties—Ridley’s visit to Princess -Mary—the English Reformers—Edward fatally ill—Lady Jane’s -character and position.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> removal of the two Seymour brothers, -whilst it had left Northumberland predominant, -had also increased the importance of the -Duke of Suffolk. Both by reason of the position -he personally filled, and owing to his connection, -through his wife, with the King, he was second to -none in the State save the man to whom Somerset’s -fall was due and who had succeeded to his power. -He shared Northumberland’s prominence, as he was -afterwards to share his ruin; and, as one of the chief -props of Protestantism, he and his family continued -to be objects of special interest to the divines of that -persuasion, foreign and English.</p> - -<p>Lady Jane, as before, was in communication with -the learned Bullinger, and in the same month—July -1552—that her visit had been paid to the -Princess Mary she was sending him another letter, -dated from Bradgate, expressing her gratitude for -the “great friendship he desired to establish between -them, and acknowledging his many favours.” After<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179">179</a></span> -a second perusal of his latest letter—since a single -one had not contented her—the benefit derived from -it had surpassed that to be obtained from the best -authors, and in studying Hebrew she meant to -pursue the method he recommended.</p> - -<p>In August more pressing interests must have -taken the place of study, for at Richmond in Surrey -her mother was attacked by a sickness threatening -at one time to prove fatal.</p> - -<p>“This shall be to advertise you,” wrote the -Duchess’s husband, hastily summoned from London, -to Cecil, “that my sudden departing from the Court -was for that I had received letters of the state my wife -was in, who I assure you is more liker to die than to -live. I never saw a sicker creature in my life than she -is. She hath three diseases.... These three being -enclosed in one body, it is to be feared that death -must needs follow. By your most assured and loving -cousin, who, I assure you, is not a little troubled.”</p> - -<p>His anxiety was soon relieved. The Duchess -was not only to outlive, but, in her haste to -replace him, was to show little respect for his -memory. She must quickly have got the better of -her present threefold disorder, for in the course of -the same month a letter was sent from Richmond -by James Haddon, the domestic chaplain, to Bullinger, -making no mention of any cause of uneasiness as to -the physical condition of his master’s wife. He was -preoccupied by other matters, disquieted by scruples<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180">180</a></span> -of conscience, and glad to unburthen himself to the -universal referee with regard to certain difficulties -attending his position in the Duke’s household.</p> - -<p>It was true that he might have hesitated to communicate -the fears and misgivings by which he was -beset to a guide at so great a distance, had not John -ab Ulmis—who, as portrayed by these letters, was -somewhat of a busybody, eager to bring all his friends -into personal relations, and above all to magnify the -authority and importance of his master in spiritual -things—just come in and encouraged him to write, -stating that it would give Bullinger great satisfaction -to be informed of the condition of religion in -England, and likewise—a more mundane curiosity—of -that of the Suffolk household. Entering into -a description of both, therefore, in a missive containing -some three thousand words, Haddon fully -detailed the sorrows and perplexities attending the -exercise of the office of chaplain, even in the most -orthodox and pious of houses.</p> - -<p>After dealing with the first and important subject -of religion at large, he proceeded to treat of -the more complicated question—the condition of the -ducal household, and especially the duties attaching -to his own post.</p> - -<p>Of the general regulation of the house, Ulmis, he -said, was more capable than he of giving an account. -It was rather to be desired that Bullinger should -point out the method he would recommend. But<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181">181</a></span> -upon one point Haddon was anxious to obtain the -advice of so eminent a counsellor, and he went on -to explain at length the case of conscience by which -he had been troubled. This was upon the question -of the lawfulness or unlawfulness of conniving, -by silence, at the practice of gambling.</p> - -<p>The situation was this. The Duke and Duchess -had strictly forbidden the members of their household -to play at cards or dice for money. So far -they had the entire approval of their chaplain. But—and -here came in Haddon’s cause of perplexity—the -Duke himself and his most honourable lady, -with their friends—perhaps, too, their daughter, -though there is no mention of her—not only claimed -a right to play in their private apartments, but also -to play for money. The divergence between precept -and practice—common in all ages—was grievous -to the chaplain, weighted with the responsibility -for the spiritual and moral welfare of the whole -establishment, from his “patron” the Duke, down -to the lowest of the menials. At wearisome and -painstaking length he recapitulated the arguments -he was wont to employ in his remonstrances against -the gambling propensities he deplored, retailing, as -well, the arguments with which the offenders met -them. “In this manner and to this effect,” he says, -“the dispute is often carried on.”</p> - -<p>During the past months matters had reached a -climax. As late as up to the previous Christmas he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182">182</a></span> -had confined himself to administering private -rebukes; but, perceiving that his words had taken -no effect, he had forewarned the culprits that a public -reprimand would follow a continued disregard of his -monitions. Upon this he had been relieved to perceive -that there had been for a time a cessation of the -reprehensible form of amusement, and had cherished -a hope that all would be well. It had been a vain -one. Christmas had come round—the season marked -by mummeries and wickedness of every kind, when -persons especially served the devil in imitation, as it -seemed, of the ancient Saturnalia; and though this -was happily not the case in the Suffolk family, Duke -and Duchess had joined in the general backsliding -to the extent of returning to their old evil habit. -Such being the case, Haddon had felt that he had -no choice but to carry out his threat.</p> - -<p>In his Christmas sermon he had taken occasion to -administer a reproof as to the general fashion of keeping -the feast, including in his rebuke, “though in -common and general terms,” those who played cards -for money. No one in the household was at a loss -to fix upon the offenders at whom the shaft was -directed. The Duke’s servants, if they followed his -example, took care never to be detected in so doing; -and, accepting the reprimand as addressed to themselves, -the Duke and Duchess took it in bad part, -arguing that Haddon would have performed all that -duty required of him by a private remonstrance.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183">183</a></span> -From that time, offence having been given by his plain -speech, the chaplain had returned to his old custom -of administering only private rebukes; thus conniving, -in a measure, at the practice he condemned, -lest loss of influence in matters of greater moment -should follow. “I bear with it,” he sighed, “as a -man who holds a wolf by the ears.” Conscience -was, however, uneasy, and he begged Bullinger to -advise in the matter and to determine how far such -concessions might be lawfully made.</p> - -<p>Looking impartially at the question, it says much -for the Duke’s good temper and toleration that the -worthy Haddon continued to fill his post, and that -when, a few months later, he was promoted to be -Dean of Exeter, he wrote that the affection between -himself and his master was so strong that the connection -would even then not be altogether severed.<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> -His attitude is a curious and interesting example of -the position and status of a chaplain in his day, being -wholly that of a dependant, and yet carrying with it -duties and rights strongly asserted on the one side -and not disallowed upon the other.</p> - -<p>The Duchess, having recovered from her illness, -had taken her three daughters to visit their cousin -Mary, and when the younger children were sent -home Jane remained behind at St. John’s, Clerkenwell, -the London dwelling of the Princess, until her father -came to fetch wife and daughter away. That the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184">184</a></span> -whole family had been thus entertained indicates -that they were at this time on a friendly footing -with the Princess. But though the Duke of -Suffolk was doubtless alive to the necessity of -maintaining amicable relations, so far as it was -possible, with his wife’s cousin and the next heir -to the crown, it must have been no easy matter, -at a time when party spirit ran so high, for one -of the chief recognised supporters of Protestantism -to continue on terms of cordiality with the head and -hope of the Catholic section of the nation. Mary was -not becoming more conciliatory in her bearing as time -went on, and an account of a visit paid her by Ridley, -now Bishop of London in place of Bonner, deprived -and in prison, is illustrative of her present -attitude.</p> - -<div id="ip_184" class="figcenter" style="width: 454px;"> - <img src="images/i_184.jpg" width="454" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting by Joannes Corvus in the National Portrait Gallery.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>PRINCESS MARY, AT THE AGE OF TWENTY-EIGHT.</p></div></div> - -<p>It was to Hunsdon that, in the month of September, -Ridley came to pay his respects to the King’s sister, -cherishing, it may be, a secret hope that where King -and Council had failed, he might succeed; and his -courteous reception by the officers of her household -was calculated to encourage his sanguine anticipations. -Mary too, when, at eleven o’clock, he was admitted -to her presence, conversed with her guest right -pleasantly for a quarter of an hour, telling him that -she remembered the time when he had acted as -chaplain to her father, and inviting him to stay to -dinner. It was not until after the meal was ended -that the Bishop unfolded the true object of his visit.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185">185</a></span> -It was not one of simple courtesy; he had come, he -said, to do his duty by her as her diocesan, and to -preach before her on the following Sunday.</p> - -<p>If Mary prepared for battle, she answered at first -with quiet dignity. It was observed that she flushed; -her response, however, was merely to bid him “make -the answer to that himself.” When, refusing to -take the hint, the Bishop continued to urge his -point, she spoke more plainly.</p> - -<p>“I pray you, make the answer (as I have said) to -this matter yourself,” she repeated, “for you know the -answer well enough. But if there be no remedy but -I must make you answer, this shall be your answer: -the door of the parish church adjoining shall be open -for you if you come, and you may preach if you -list; but neither I nor any of mine shall hear you.”</p> - -<p>To preach to an empty church, or to a handful of -country yokels, would not have answered the episcopal -purpose; and Ridley was plainly losing his temper.</p> - -<p>He hoped, he said, she would not refuse to hear -God’s word. The Princess answered with a scoff. -She did not know what they now called God’s word; -she was sure it was not the same as in her father’s -time—to whom, it will be remembered, the Bishop -had been chaplain.</p> - -<p>The dispute was becoming heated. God’s word, -Ridley retorted, was the same at all times, but -had been better understood and practised in some -ages than in others. To this Mary replied by a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186">186</a></span> -personal thrust. He durst not, she told him, for -his ears, have avowed his present faith in King -Henry’s time; then—asking a question to which she -must have known the answer—was he of the Council? -she demanded. The inquiry was probably intended -as a reminder that his rights did not extend to interference -with the King’s sister, as well as to elicit, as it -did, the confession that he held no such post.</p> - -<p>“You might well enough, as the Council goeth -nowadays,” observed Mary carelessly; proceeding, -at parting, to thank the Bishop for his gentleness in -coming to see her, “but for your offering to preach -before me I thank you never a whit.”</p> - -<p>In the presence of his hostess the discomfited -guest appears to have kept his temper under control, -but, having duly drunk of the stirrup cup presented -to him by her steward, Sir Thomas Wharton, he gave -free expression to his sentiments.</p> - -<p>“Surely I have done amiss,” he said, looking -“very sadly,” and explaining, in answer to Wharton’s -interrogation, that he had erred in having drunk -under a roof where God’s word was rejected. He -should rather have shaken the dust off his feet for -a testimony against the house and departed instantly, -he told the listeners assembled to speed him on -his way—whose hair, says Heylyn, in relating this -story, stood on end with his denunciations.<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">133</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187">187</a></span> -If scenes of this kind were not adapted to promote -good feeling between belligerents in high places, -neither was the spirit of the dominant party in the -country one to conciliate opposition. It is not -easy, as the figures of the English pioneers of -Protestantism pass from time to time across the -stage, in these years of their first triumph, to do -them full justice. To judge a man by one period of -his life, whether it is youth or manhood or old age, -is scarcely fairer than to pronounce upon the colour -and pattern of an eastern carpet, only one square yard -of it being visible. The adherents of the new faith -are here necessarily represented in a single phase, -that of prosperity. At the top of the wave, -they are seen at their worst, assertive, triumphant, -intolerant and self-satisfied, the bull-dogs of the -Reformation, only withheld by the leash from worrying -their fallen antagonist. Thus, for the most -part, they appear in Edward’s reign. And yet these -men, a year or two later, were many of them -capable of an undaunted courage, an impassioned belief -in the common Lord of Protestant and Catholic, and -a power of endurance, which have graven their -names upon the national roll-call of heroes.</p> - -<p>Meantime, more and more, the King’s precarious -health was suggestive of disturbing contingencies. -It may be that, as some assert, his uncle’s death, once -become irrevocable, had preyed upon his spirits—that -he “mourned, and soon missed the life of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188">188</a></span> -Protector, thus unexpectedly taken away, who, now -deprived of both uncles, howsoever the time were -passed with pastimes, plays and shows, to drive -away dumps, yet ever the remembrance of them sat -so near his heart that lastly he fell sick....”<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> But -though it is possible that, as his strength declined, -matters he had taken lightly weighed upon his -spirits, it is not necessary to seek other than -natural and constitutional causes for a failure of -health. That failure must have filled many hearts -with forebodings.</p> - -<p>There had been no attempt hitherto to ignore or -deny the position occupied by Mary as next heir to -the throne. When, at the New Year, she visited -her brother, the honours rendered to her were a -recognition of her rights, and the Northumberlands -and Suffolks occupied a foremost place amongst the -“vast throng” who rode with her through the city -or met her at the palace gate and brought her to -the presence-chamber of the King. Before the next -New Year’s Day came round Edward was to be in -his grave; Mary would fill his place; and the little -cousin Jane, now spending a gay Christmas with -her father’s nephews and wards, the young -Willoughbys, at Tylsey, would be awaiting her doom -in the Tower.</p> - -<p>The shadow was already darkening over the -King. It is said that the seeds of his malady had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189">189</a></span> -been sown by over-heating in his sports, during -the progress of which he had sent so joyous an -account to Fitzpatrick.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> Soon after his sister’s -visit he caught a bad cold, and unfavourable symptoms -appeared. He had, however, youth in his -favour, and few at first anticipated how speedy -would be the end. Vague disquiet nevertheless -quickly passed into definite alarm. In February -the patient’s condition was such that Northumberland, -who of all men had most at stake, summoned -no less than six physicians, desiring them to -institute an examination and to declare upon their -oath, first, whether they considered the King’s -disease mortal, and, if so, how long he was likely to -live. The reply made by the doctors was that the -malady was incurable, and that the patient might -live until the following September.<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> Northumberland -had obtained his answer; it was for him to -take measures accordingly.</p> - -<p>In March Edward’s last Parliament met and ended. -“The King being a little diseased by cold-taking,” -recorded a contemporary chronicle,<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> “it was not -meet for his Grace to ride to Westminster in the -air,”<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> and on the 31st—it was Good Friday—the -Upper House waited upon him at Whitehall, -Edward in his royal robes receiving the Lords<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190">190</a></span> -Spiritual and Temporal. At seven that evening -Parliament was dissolved.</p> - -<p>Many hearts, loyal and true and pitiful, will have -grieved at the signs of their King’s decay. But to -Northumberland, watching them with the keenness -lent by personal interest, personal ambition, and -possibly by a consciousness of personal peril, they -must have afforded absorbing matter of preoccupation. -The exact time at which the designs -by which the Duke trusted to turn the boy’s death -to his advantage rather than to his ruin took definite -shape and form must remain to some extent undetermined—his -plans were probably decided by the -verdict given by the doctors in February; it is -certain that in the course of the spring they were -elaborated, and that in them Lady Jane Grey, -ignorant and unsuspicious, was a factor of primary -importance. She was to be the figure-head of the -Duke’s adventurous vessel.</p> - -<p>The precise date of her birth is not known, but -she was now in her sixteenth or seventeenth year—a -sorrowful one for her and for all she loved. Childhood -was a thing she had left behind; she was -touching upon her brief space of womanhood; a -few months later and that too would be over; -she would have paid the penalty for the schemes -and ambitions of others.</p> - -<p>The eulogies of her panegyrists have, as a natural -effect of extravagant praise, done in some sort an<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191">191</a></span> -injury to this little white saint of the English -Reformation. We do not readily believe in miracles; -nor do infant prodigies either in the sphere of morals -or attainments attract us. Yet, setting aside the -tragedy of her end, there is something that appeals -for pity in the very precocity upon which her contemporaries -are fond of dwelling, testifying as it does -to a wasted childhood, to a life robbed of its natural -early heritage of carelessness and grace. To have had -so short a time to spend on the green earth, and to -have squandered so large a portion of it amongst -dusty folios, and in the acquirement of learning; to -have pored over parchments while sun and air, -flowers and birds and beasts—all that should make -the delight of a child’s life, the pageant of a child’s -spring, was passed by as of no account; further, to -have grown up versed in the technicalities of barren -theological debate, the simple facts of Christ’s religion -overlaid and obscured by the bitterness of professional -controversialists,—almost every condition of -her brief existence is an appeal for compassion, and -Jane, from her blood-stained grave, cries out that -she had not only been robbed of life by her -enemies, but of a childhood by her friends.</p> - -<p>To a figure defaced by flattery and adulation, -whose very virtues and gifts were made to minister -to party ends, it is difficult to restore the original -brightness and beauty which nevertheless belonged -to it. But here and there in the pages of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192">192</a></span> -Italian evangelist, Michel Angelo Florio, who was -personally acquainted with her, pictures are to -be found which, drawn with tender touches, set -the girl more vividly before us than is done by -the stilted commendations of English devotees or -German doctors of theology. Many times, he -says—times when it may be hoped she had forgotten -that there were opponents to be argued with -or heretics to be convinced or doctrinal subtleties -to be set forth—she would speak of the Word of -God and almost preach it to those who served -her;<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> and Florio himself, recounting the indignities -and insults he had suffered by reason of his -opinions, had seen her weep with pity, so that he -well knew how much she had true religion at heart.<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">140</a></p> - -<p>Her attendants, too—in days when her melancholy -end had caused each trifling incident to be treasured -like a relic by those to whom she had been dear—related -that she did not esteem rank or wealth or -kingdom worth a straw in comparison with the knowledge -God had granted to her of His only Son.<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> -It must be remembered that in no long time she -was to give proof, by her fashion of meeting death, that -these phrases were no repetition of a lesson learned -by rote, no empty and conventional form of words, -but the true and sincere confession of a living faith.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193">193</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1553</span> - -<span class="subhead">The King dying—Noailles in England—Lady Jane married to -Guilford Dudley—Edward’s will—Opposition of the law -officers—They yield—The King’s death.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> King was becoming rapidly worse, and as -his malady increased upon him, strange suspicions -were afloat amongst the people, their hatred -to Northumberland giving its colour to their -explanation of the situation. He himself, or those -upon whom he could count, were ever with the sick -boy, and hints were uttered—as was sure to be the -case—of poison. For this, murmured the populace, -had the King’s uncles been removed, his faithful -nobles disgraced; and the condition of public opinion -caused the Duke, alarmed at its hostility, to publish -it abroad that Edward was better.<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">142</a></p> - -<p>In May a rally appears to have in fact taken place, -giving rise in some quarters to false hopes of recovery, -and Mary wrote to offer her congratulations -to her brother upon the improvement in his health. -On May 13 the new French ambassador, Noailles, -whose audience had been deferred from day to day, -was informed by the Council that their master was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194">194</a></span> -so much better that he would doubtless be admitted -to the royal presence in the course of a few days. -The doctors told a different story, and Noailles -believed the doctors. A diplomatist himself, he -knew the uses of lying perhaps too well to condemn -it severely. That the King was dying was practically -certain, and though those whose object it was -to conceal the fact lest measures should be concerted -to ensure the succession of the rightful heir, might -do their best to disguise the fact, the truth must -become known before long.</p> - -<p>Meantime the French envoy, in the interest of -the reformed party in England—not by reason of -their religion, but as opposed to Mary, the Emperor’s -cousin—was quite willing to play into Northumberland’s -hands, and to assist him in the work of -spreading abroad the report that the King’s malady -was yielding to treatment. He and his colleagues -were accordingly conducted to an apartment near -to the presence-chamber, where they were left for a -certain time alone, in order to convey the impression -that they had been personally received by the -sovereign. Some days later it was confessed, but as -a peril past, that Edward had been seriously ill. He -was then stated to be out of danger, and the -ambassadors were admitted to his presence, finding -him very weak, and coughing much.<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">143</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195">195</a></span> -The rally had been of short duration. Hope of -recovery had, in truth, been abandoned; and those -it concerned so intimately were forced to face the -situation to be created by his death. It was a -situation momentous alike to men whose fortunes -had been staked upon the young King’s life, and to -others honestly and sincerely solicitous regarding -the welfare of the realm and the consequences to -the new religion should his eldest sister succeed to -the throne.</p> - -<p>Every one of the Lords of the Council and -officers of the Crown, with almost all the Bishops, -save those who had suffered captivity and deprivation, -had personal reasons for apprehension. Scarcely -a single person of influence or power could count -upon being otherwise than obnoxious to the heir -to the crown. That most of them would be displaced -from their posts was to be expected. Some -at least must have felt that property and life -hung in the balance. But it was Northumberland -who, as he had most to lose, had most to fear. -The practical head of the State, and wielding -a power little less than that of Somerset, he had -amassed riches and offices to an amount bearing witness -to his rapacity. In matters of religion he had -been as strong, though less sincere, in his opposition -to the Church claiming Mary’s allegiance as his -predecessor. During the preceding autumn the -iconoclastic work of destruction had been carried on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196">196</a></span> -in the metropolitan Cathedral; the choir, where -the high altar had been accustomed to stand, had -been broken down and the stone-work destroyed.<a href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> -Gardiner and Bonner, who, as prominent sufferers -for the Catholic cause, would have Mary’s ear, were -in prison. For all this Northumberland, with the -King’s Council as aiders and abettors, was responsible. -Not a single claim could be advanced to the -liking or toleration of the woman presently to become -head of the State. If safety was to be ensured -to the advisers of her brother, steps must be taken -at once for that purpose. Northumberland and -Suffolk set themselves to do so.</p> - -<p>It was on May 18 that Noailles and his colleagues -had been at length permitted to pay their respects to -the sick boy. On Whitsunday, the 23rd—the date, -though not altogether certain, is probable—three -marriages were celebrated at Durham House, the -London dwelling-place of the Duke of Northumberland. -On that day the eldest daughter of the Duke -of Suffolk became the wife of Lord Guilford -Dudley, the Duke of Northumberland’s fourth and, -some say, favourite son; her sister Katherine was -bestowed upon Lord Herbert, the earl of Pembroke’s -heir—to be repudiated by him the following year—and -Lady Katherine Dudley, Northumberland’s -daughter, was married to Lord Hastings.<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">144</a></p> - -<p>The object of the threefold ceremony was clear.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197">197</a></span> -The main cause of it, and of the haste shown in -carrying it through, was a dying boy, whose life was -flickering out a few miles distant at Greenwich. It -behoved his two most powerful subjects, Northumberland -and Suffolk, to strengthen their position as -speedily as might be, and by this means it was hoped -to accomplish that object.</p> - -<p>The place chosen for the celebration of the -weddings might have served—perhaps it did—to -host and guests as a reminder of the perils of -those who climbed too high. Durham House, -appropriated in his days of prosperity by Somerset—to -the indignation of Elizabeth, who laid claim -to the property—had been forfeited to the Crown -upon his attainder, and was the dwelling of his -more fortunate rival; and, as if to drive the lesson -further home, the very cloth of gold and silver lent -from the royal coffers to deck the bridal party -had been likewise drawn from the possessions of the -ill-starred Duke. The dead furnished forth the festal -array of the living.</p> - -<p>That day, with its splendid ceremonial—the -marriages took place with much magnificence in the -presence of a great assembly, including the principal -personages of the realm—presents a grim and striking -contrast to what was to follow. None were present, -so far as we know, with the eyes of a seer, to discern -the thin red ring foretelling the proximate fate of -the girl who played the most prominent part in it, or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198">198</a></span> -to recognise in death the presiding genius of the -pageant. Yet the destiny said in old days to dog -the steps of those doomed to a violent death and -to be present at their side from the cradle to the -grave must have stood by many, besides the bride, -who joined in the proceedings on that Whitsunday. -Where would Northumberland be that day year? -or Suffolk? or young Guilford Dudley? or, a little -later, the Bishop who tied the knots?</p> - -<p>How Jane played her part we can only guess, or -what she had thought of the arrangement, hurriedly -concluded, by which her future was handed over to -the keeping of her boy husband. Whether willing -or unwilling, she had no choice but to obey, to -accept the bridegroom chosen for her—a tall, handsome -lad of seventeen or nineteen, it is not clear -which—and to make the best of it. Rosso indeed, -deriving his information from Michele, Venetian -ambassador in London, and Bodoaro, Venetian -ambassador to Charles V., states that after much -resistance, urged by her mother and beaten by her -father, she had consented to their wishes. It may -have been true; and, standing at the altar, her -thoughts may have wandered from the brilliant scene -around her to the room at Greenwich, where the -husband proposed for her in earlier days was dying. -She might have been Edward’s wife, had he lived. -She can scarcely have failed to have been aware of -the hopes and designs of her father, of those of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199">199</a></span> -dead Admiral, and of others; she had, in a measure, -been brought up in the expectation of filling a throne. -But the plan was forgotten now. Edward was to be -the husband neither of Jane nor of that other -cousin, not of royal blood, the daughter of his -sometime Protector, whose father was dead and -mother in the Tower; nor yet of the foreign bride, -well stuffed and jewelled, of whom he had himself -bragged. He was dying, like any other boy of -no royal race, upon whose life no momentous -issues hung. From his sick-bed he had taken a keen -interest in what was going forward, appearing, says -Heylyn, as forward in the marriages as if he had been -one of the principals in the plot against him.<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> He -might be fond of Jane, but even had he loved her—which -there is nothing to show—he was too far -within the shadow of the grave to feel any jealousy -in seeing her handed over to another bridegroom.</p> - -<p>At the demeanour of the little victim of the -Whitsun sacrifice we can but guess. Grave and -serious we picture her, as it was her wont to be, -with the steadfast face depicted by the painters of -the day—far, in spite of Seymour’s boast, from being -“as handsome as any lady in England,” but with a -purity and simplicity, a stillness and repose, restful -to those who looked into the quiet eyes and marked -the tranquillity of the countenance. Did she, in -her inward cogitations, divine that there was danger<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200">200</a></span> -ahead? If so we can fancy she was ready to face -it. Were it God’s will, then let it come. Peril -was the anteroom, death the portal, of the eternal -city—the heavenly Jerusalem in which she believed.</p> - -<p>Such was the image printed upon the time by the -woman-child who was never to know maturity, as it -lived in the tender and loving remembrance of her -contemporaries, the delicately sculptured figure of -a saint in the temples of the iconoclasts.</p> - -<div id="ip_200" class="figcenter" style="width: 396px;"> - <img src="images/i_200.jpg" width="396" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From an engraving by George Noble after a painting by Holbein.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>LADY JANE GREY.</p></div></div> - -<p>By the country at large the sudden marriages -were regarded with suspicion. “The noise of these -marriages bred such amazement in the hearts of the -common people, apt enough in themselves to speak -the worst of Northumberland, that there was nothing -left unsaid which might serve to show their hatred -against him, or express their pity for the King.”<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> -Overbearing and despotic, the merciless “bear of -Warwick,” as he was nicknamed, was so detested -that by some the failure of his scheme was afterwards -ascribed rather to his unpopularity than to -love for Mary. Yet it was Northumberland who, -with the blindness born of a sanguine ambition, was -to trust, six weeks later, to the populace to join -with him in dispossessing the King’s sister, for -whom they had always shown affection, and in -placing his daughter-in-law and her boy-husband -upon the throne. So glaring a misapprehension of -the situation demands explanation, and it is partly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201">201</a></span> -supplied by a French appreciation of the Duke’s -character. According to M. Griffet, he was more -heedful to conceal his own sentiments than capable -of discerning those of others; a man of ambition -who neither knew whom to trust nor whom to -suspect; who, blinded by presumption, was therefore -easily deceived, and who nevertheless believed -himself to possess to the highest degree the gift of -deceiving all the world.<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> Such as he was, he had -deceived himself to his undoing.</p> - -<p>Meantime Lady Jane’s marriage had made for -the moment little change in her manner of life. -She had answered the purpose for which she was -required, and was permitted temporarily to retire -behind the scenes. It is said—and there is nothing -unlikely in the assertion—that, the ceremony over -and obedience having been rendered to her parents’ -behest, she entreated that she might continue with -her mother for the present. She and her new -husband were so young, she pleaded. Her request -was granted. She was Guilford Dudley’s wife, -could be the wife of no other man, and that was, -for the moment, sufficient.</p> - -<p>There was much to think of, much to do. -Measures had to be taken to keep the King’s sisters -at a distance, lest his old affection, for Elizabeth in -particular, reawakening might frustrate the designs -of those bent upon moulding events to their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202">202</a></span> -advantage. Above all, there was the pressing -necessity of inducing the King to exclude them by -will from their rightful heritage. On June 16 -Noailles had again been conferring with the doctors, -and had learnt that, in their opinion, Edward could -not live till August. Ten days later Northumberland -came from Greenwich to visit the envoy, and -to prevent his going to Court. He then told the -Frenchman that, nine days earlier, the King had -executed his will in favour of the Duke’s daughter-in-law, -Lady Jane<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">148</a>—“qui est vertueuse, sage, et -belle,” reported the envoy to his master some three -weeks later.<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">149</a></p> - -<p>Of the manner in which the will had been obtained -full information is available. It was not out -of love for Northumberland that Edward had -yielded to his representations. The Throckmorton -MS.<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> asserts that Edward abhorred the Duke on -account of his uncle’s death. Sir Nicholas -Throckmorton, in attendance on the King, should -be a good authority; on the other hand, he -was opposed to the Duke’s designs. Whether or -not the latter was personally distasteful to the boy, -it was no difficult matter to represent the situation -in a fashion to lead him to believe the sole alternative -was the course suggested to him. Conscientious, -pious, scrupulous to a fault, and worn by disease,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203">203</a></span> -the future of religion could be made to hang upon -his fiat, and the thought of Mary, a devout Catholic, -or even Elizabeth, who might marry a foreign prince, -seated upon the throne, filled him with apprehensions -for the welfare of a people for whom he felt himself -responsible. Yet he, with little to love, had loved -both his sisters, and the thought of the sick lad, -torn between duty and affection, a tool in the hands -of unprincipled and ambitious men who could play -on his sensitive conscience and over-strained nerves -at will, and turn his piety to their advantage, is a -painful one.</p> - -<p>The Duke’s arguments lay ready to his hand. -Religion was in danger, the Church set up by -Edward in jeopardy; the work that he had done -might be destroyed as soon as he was in his grave. -How could he answer it before God were he, who -was able to avert it, to permit so great an evil? -The remedy was clear. Let him pass over his -sisters, already pronounced severally illegitimate by -unrepealed statutes of Parliament, and entail the -crown upon those who, under his father’s will, would -follow upon Mary and Elizabeth, the descendants of -Mary Tudor, known to be firm in their attachment -to the reformed faith.</p> - -<p>Edward yielded. Given the circumstances, the -power exercised by the Duke over him, his -physical condition, his fears for religion, he could -scarcely have done less. With his own hand he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204">204</a></span> -drew up the draft of a will which, amended at -Northumberland’s bidding, left the crown in unmistakable -terms to Lady Jane and her heirs -male. It had now to be made law and accepted -by the Council.</p> - -<p>On June 11 Sir Edward Montagu, Chief Justice -of the Common Pleas, Sir Thomas Bromley, -another Justice of the same court, Sir Richard Baker, -Chancellor of the Augmentations, and the Attorney- -and Solicitor-General were called to Greenwich, and -were introduced into the King’s apartment, Northampton, -Gates, and others being present at the -interview. If what took place on this occasion and -at the other audiences of the legal officers with the -King, as recorded by themselves, is naturally, as -Dr. Lingard has pointed out, represented in such a -manner as to extenuate their conduct in Mary’s eyes, -there seems no reason to doubt that Montagu’s -account is substantially true.<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">151</a></p> - -<p>In his sickness, Edward told them, he had considered -the state of the realm, and of the succession, -should he die without leaving direct heirs; -and, proceeding to point out the danger to religion -and to liberty should his sister Mary succeed to the -throne, he ordered them to “make a book with -speed” of his articles.</p> - -<p>The lawyers demurred, but the King, feverishly -eager to put an end to the business, and conscious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205">205</a></span> -perhaps that if the thing were not done quickly -it might not be done at all, refused to listen to -the objections they would have urged, dismissing -them with orders to carry out his pleasure with haste. -For all his gentleness and piety, Edward was a Tudor, -and no less peremptory than others of his race.</p> - -<p>Two days later—it was June 14—having deliberated -on the question, the men of law acquainted -the Council with their decision. The thing could -not be done. To make or execute the “devise” -according to the King’s instructions would be treason. -The report was made to Sir William Petre at Ely -Place; but the Duke of Northumberland was at -hand, and came thereupon into the Council-chamber, -“being in a great rage and fury, trembling -for anger, and, amongst all his ragious talk -called Sir Edward Montagu traitor, and further said -he would fight any man in his shirt in that quarrel.” -It was plain that no technical or legal obstacles were -to be permitted to turn him from his purpose.</p> - -<p>The following day the law-officers were again -called to Greenwich. Conveyed in the first place to -a chamber behind the dining-room, they met with a -chilling reception. “All the lords looked upon them -with earnest countenances, as though they had not -known them;” and, brought into the King’s presence, -Edward demanded, “with sharp words and angry -countenance,” why his book was not made?</p> - -<p>Montagu, as spokesman for his colleagues, explained.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206">206</a></span> -Had the King’s device been executed -it would become void at the King’s death, the -Statute of Succession passed by Parliament -being still in force. A statute could be altered -by statute alone. On Edward’s replying that -Parliament should then shortly be called together, -Montagu caught at the solution. The matter -could be referred to it, and all perils saved. But -this was not the King’s meaning. The deed, he -explained, was to be executed at once, and was to -be afterwards ratified by Parliament. With growing -excitement, he commanded the officers, “very -sharply,” to do his bidding; some of the lords, -standing behind the King, adding that, did they -refuse, they were traitors.</p> - -<p>The epithet was freely bandied about in those -days, yet it never failed to carry a menace; and -Montagu, in as “great fear as ever he was in all his -life before, seeing the King so earnest and sharp, -and the Duke so angry the day before,” and being -an “old weak man and without comfort,” began to -look about for a method of satisfying King and -Council without endangering his personal safety. In -the end he gave way, consenting to prepare the -required papers, on condition that he might first -be given a commission under the great seal to draw -up the instrument, and likewise a pardon for having -done so. Northumberland had won the day.</p> - -<p>It was afterwards reported that when the will was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207">207</a></span> -signed a great tempest arose, with a whirlwind such -as had never been seen, the sky dark and fearful, -lightning and infinite thunder; one of the thunderbolts -accompanying that terrible storm falling upon -the miserable church where heresy was first -begotten.... “This accident was observed by -many persons of sense and prudence, and was considered -a great sign of the avenging justice of God.”<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">152</a></p> - -<p>The Council, undeterred by the manifestations of -divine wrath, were not backward in endorsing the -deed. Overborne by the Duke, probably also influenced -by the apprehension of a compulsory -restoration of Church spoils should Mary succeed, -they unanimously acquiesced in the act of injustice. -To a second paper, designed by the Duke to commit -his colleagues further, twenty-four councillors and -legal advisers set their hands. By June 21 the -official instrument had received the signatures of -the Lords of the Council, other peers, judges, and -officers of the Crown, to the number of 101. The -Princesses had been set aside, and the fatal heritage, -so far as it was possible, secured to Lady Jane. The -King, at the direction of her nearest of kin, had in -effect affixed his signature to her death-sentence.</p> - -<p>When Northumberland was assured of success -he gave a magnificent musical entertainment, to -which the French ambassador was bidden. Three -days earlier it had been reported to Noailles that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208">208</a></span> -Edward was at the point of death, and he was -surprised at the merry-making and the good spirits -prevalent. The affair, it was explained to him, was -in honour of the convalescence of the King, who had -been without fever for two days, and whose recovery -appeared certain.<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> The envoy doubtless expressed -no incredulity, and congratulated the company upon -the good tidings. He knew that Edward was -moribund, and understood that the rejoicings were -in truth to celebrate the approaching elevation to the -throne of Northumberland’s daughter-in-law.</p> - -<p>Was she present? We cannot tell; but it was the -Duke’s policy to make her a prominent figure, and -Noailles’ description of her beauty and goodness -implies a personal acquaintance.</p> - -<p>It only remained for Edward to die. All those -around him, with perhaps some few exceptions -amongst his personal attendants, were eagerly -awaiting the end. All had been accomplished that -was possible whilst he was yet alive, and Northumberland -and his friends were probably impatient -to be up and doing. His sisters were at a distance, -his uncles dead, Barnaby Fitzpatrick was abroad, and -he was practically alone with the men who had made -him their tool. The last scene is full of pathos. -Three hours before the end, lying with his eyes -shut, he was heard praying for the country which -had been his charge.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209">209</a></span> -“‘O God,’ he entreated, ‘deliver me out of this -miserable and wretched life, and take me among Thy -chosen; howbeit not my will, but Thine, be done. -Lord, I commend my spirit to Thee. O Lord, -Thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with -Thee. Yet, for Thy chosen’s sake, send me life and -health, that I may truly serve Thee. O my Lord -God, bless Thy people and save Thine inheritance. -O Lord God, save Thy chosen people of England. -O Lord God, defend this realm from Papistry and -maintain Thy true religion, that I and my people may -praise Thy holy Name, for Jesus Christ His sake.’</p> - -<p>“Then turned he his face, and seeing who was -by him, said to them:</p> - -<p>“‘Are ye so nigh? I thought ye had been further -off.’</p> - -<p>“Then Doctor Owen said:</p> - -<p>“‘We heard you speak to yourself, but what you -said we know not.’</p> - -<p>“He then (after his fashion, smilingly) said, ‘I -was praying to God.’”<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">154</a></p> - -<p>The end was near.</p> - -<p>“I am faint,” he said. “Lord, have mercy upon -me, and take my spirit”; and so on July 7, towards -night, he passed away. On the following day -Noailles communicated to his Court “<span xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">le triste et -piteux inconvénient de la mort</span>” of Edward VI., -last of the Tudor Kings.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210">210</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1553</span> - -<span class="subhead">After King Edward’s death—Results to Lady Jane Grey—Northumberland’s -schemes—Mary’s escape—Scene at Sion -House—Lady Jane brought to the Tower—Quarrel with her -husband—Her proclamation as Queen.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">A boy</span> was dead. A frail little life, long failing, -had gone out. That was all. Nevertheless -upon it had hung the destinies of England.</p> - -<p>Speculations and forecasts as to the consequences -had Edward lived are unprofitable. Yet one -wonders what, grown to manhood, he would have -become—whether the gentle lad, pious, studious, -religious, the modern Josiah, as he was often called, -would have developed, as he grew to maturity, -the dangerous characteristics of his Tudor race, the -fierceness and violence of his father, the melancholy -and relentless fanaticism of Mary, the absence of -principle and sensuality of Elizabeth. Or would he -have fulfilled the many hopes which had found their -centre in him and have justified the love of his -subjects, given him upon credit?</p> - -<p>It is impossible to say. What was certain was -that his part was played out, and that others were to -take his place. Amongst these his little cousin Jane<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211">211</a></span> -was at once the most innocent and the most unfortunate.</p> - -<p>Hitherto she had looked on as a spectator at life. -Her skiff moored in a creek of the great river, she -had watched from a place of comparative calm the -stream as it rushed by. Here and there a wave -might make itself felt even in that quiet place; -a wreck might be carried past, or she might catch -the drowning cry of a swimmer as he sank. But to -the young such things are accidents from participation -in which they tacitly consider themselves -exempted, regarding them with the fearlessness due -to inexperience. Suddenly all was to be changed. -Torn from her anchorage, she was to be violently -borne along by the torrent towards the inevitable -catastrophe.</p> - -<p>As yet she was ignorant of the destiny prepared -for her. Under her father’s roof, she had -pursued her customary occupations, and by some -authorities her third extant letter to Bullinger—another -tribute of admiration and flattery, and containing -no allusion to current events—is believed to -belong to the interval occurring between her marriage -and the King’s death. The allusion to herself -as an “untaught virgin,” and the signature “Jane -Grey,” seem to give it a date earlier in the year. -The time was fast approaching when leisure for -literary exercises of the kind would be lacking.</p> - -<p>It would have been difficult to trace her movements<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212">212</a></span> -precisely at this juncture were it not that she -has left a record of them in a document—either -directly addressed to Mary from her prison or intended -for her eyes—in which she demonstrated her -innocence.<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> Notwithstanding the promise made by -the Duchess of Northumberland at her marriage that -she should be permitted to remain at home, she appears -to have been by this time living with her husband’s -parents, and, upon Edward’s death becoming imminent, -she was informed of the fact by her father-in-law, -who forbade her to leave his house; adding -the startling announcement that, when it should -please God to call the King to His mercy, she would -at once repair to the Tower, her cousin having -nominated her heir to the throne.</p> - -<p>The news found her totally unprepared; and, -shocked and partly incredulous, she refused obedience -to the Duke’s commands, continuing to visit -her mother daily, in spite of the indignation of the -Duchess of Northumberland, who “grew wroth -with me and with her, saying that she was determined -to keep me in her house; that she would likewise -keep my husband there, to whom I should go later -in any case, and that she would be under small -obligation to me. Therefore it did not seem to me<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213">213</a></span> -lawful to disobey her, and for three or four days -I stayed in her house, until I obtained permission to -resort to the Duke of Northumberland’s palace -at Chelsea.” At this place—the reason of her -preference for it is not given—she continued, sick -and anxious, until a summons reached her to go to -Sion House, there to receive a message from the -King. It was Lady Sydney, a married daughter of -the Duke’s, who brought the order, saying, “with -more gravity than usual,” that it was necessary -that her sister-in-law should obey it; and Lady Jane -did not refuse to do so.</p> - -<p>Sion House, where the opening scene of the -drama took place, was another of the possessions of -the Duke of Somerset, passed into the hands of -his rival. A monastery, founded by Henry V. at -Isleworth, it had been seized, with other Church -property, in 1539, and had served two years later -as prison to the unhappy child, Katherine Howard. -The place had been acquired by Somerset in the -days of his power, when the building of the great -house, which was to replace the convent, was begun. -The gardens were enclosed by high walls, a triangular -terrace in one of their angles alone allowing the -inmates to obtain a view of the country beyond.<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> -In 1552 it had, with most of the late Protector’s -goods and chattels, been confiscated, and during the -following year, the year of the King’s death, had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214">214</a></span> -been granted to Northumberland. It was to this -place that Lady Jane was taken to receive the -message said to be awaiting her from the King.</p> - -<p>Her destination reached, Sion House was found -empty; but it was not long before those who -were pulling the strings arrived. The message from -the King had been a fiction. Edward’s gentle -spirit was at rest, and he himself forgotten in the -rush of events. There was little time for thought -of the dead. The interests of religion and of the -State, as some would call it, the ambition of unscrupulous -and unprincipled men, as it would be -named by others, demanded the whole attention of -the steersmen who stood, for the moment, at the helm.</p> - -<p>It had been decided to keep the fact of the King’s -death secret until measures should have been taken -to ensure the success of the desperate game they -were playing. To secure possession of the person -of his natural successor was of the first importance; -and a letter had been despatched to Mary when her -brother was manifestly at the point of death which -it was hoped would avail to bring her to London and -would enable her enemies to fulfil their purpose. -Stating that the King was very ill, she was entreated -to come to him, as he earnestly desired the comfort -of her presence.</p> - -<p>Mary must have been well aware of the risk she -would run in responding to the appeal; and it says -much for her courage and her affection that she did<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215">215</a></span> -not hesitate to incur it. A fortunate chance, however, -frustrated the designs against her. Starting from -Hunsdon, where the tidings had found her, she -had reached Hoddesden on her way to Greenwich, -when she was met by intelligence that determined -her to go no further. The King was dead; nor -was it difficult to discern in the urgent summons, -sent too late to accomplish its ostensible purpose, -a transparent attempt to induce her to place herself -in the power of her enemies.</p> - -<p>Opinions have differed as to the means by which -Northumberland’s scheme was frustrated. Some say -that the news was conveyed to the Princess by the -Earl of Arundel. Sir Nicholas Throckmorton also -claims credit for the warning. According to this -account of the matter, a young brother of his, in -attendance upon Northumberland, had become cognisant -of the intended treachery, and had come -post-haste to report what was a-foot at his father’s -house. A few words spoken by Sir John Gates, -visiting the Duke before he had risen, were all -that had reached the young man’s ears, but those -words had been of startling significance, the state -of affairs being what it was.</p> - -<p>“What, sir,” he had heard Gates say, “will you let -the Lady Mary escape, and not secure her person?”</p> - -<p>A consultation was hurriedly held at Throckmorton -House, between the father and his three sons. Sir -Nicholas, who had been present at the King’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216">216</a></span> -death, was too well aware of the circumstances to -minimise the importance of his brother’s story, and, -summoning the Princess Mary’s goldsmith, it was -decided to entrust him with the duty of conveying a -caution to his mistress, and stopping her journey. -Sir Nicholas’s metrical version of what followed -may be given.<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">157</a></p> - -<div class="poem-container"> -<div class="poem"><div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Mourning, from Greenwich did I straight depart,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">To London, to a house which bore our name.<br /></span> -<span class="i0">My brethren guessèd by my heavie hearte,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">The King was dead, and I confess’d the same:<br /></span> -<span class="i4">The hushing of his death I didd unfolde,<br /></span> -<span class="i4">Their meaning to proclaime Queene Jane I tolde.<br /></span> -</div> - -<div class="tb">* <span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">* </span><span class="in2">*</span></div> - -<div class="stanza"> -<span class="i0">Wherefore from four of us the newes was sent<br /></span> -<span class="i2">How that her brother hee was dead and gone;<br /></span> -<span class="i0">In post her goldsmith then from London went,<br /></span> -<span class="i2">By whom the message was dispatcht anon.<br /></span> -<span class="i4">Shee asked, “If wee knewe it certainlie?”<br /></span> -<span class="i4">Who said, “Sir Nicholas knew it verilie.”<br /></span> -</div></div> -</div> - -<p class="in0">The first stroke hazarded by the conspirators had -resulted in failure. Mary, after some deliberation, -turned her face northwards, and escaped the snare -laid for her by her enemies.</p> - -<p>The next object of Northumberland and his friends -was to obtain the concurrence of the City to the -substitution of his daughter-in-law for the rightful -heir. Various as were the views of the best means -of ensuring success, all the Council were agreed -on one point, namely, “that London was the hand -which must reach Jane the crown.”<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> London was to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217">217</a></span> -be made to do it. On July 8 the Lord Mayor, with -six aldermen, six “merchants of the staple, and as -many merchant adventurers,” were summoned to -Greenwich, were there secretly informed of the King’s -death, and of his will by letters patent, “to which -they were sworn and charged to keep it secret.”</p> - -<p>All this had been done before Lady Jane was -summoned to Sion House. It was time for the -stage Queen to make her appearance, and at Sion -the facts were made known to her.<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">159</a></p> - -<p>Of her reception of the great news accounts vary. -A graphic picture, painted in the first place by -Heylyn, has been copied by divers other historians. -The learned John Nichols, unable to trace it in -any contemporary documents or records, has decided -that it must be classed amongst “those dramatic -scenes in which historical writers formerly considered -themselves justified in indulging.”<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">160</a></p> - -<p>He is probably right; yet an early and generally -accepted tradition has a value of its own, and may -be true to the spirit, if not to the letter, of what -actually occurred. Mary herself afterwards told the -envoy of Charles V. that she believed her cousin -to have had no part in the Duke of Northumberland’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218">218</a></span> -enterprise; and, supposing her to have been -ignorant, or only dimly cognisant, of the plot, the -revelation of it may easily have occasioned her a -shock. It has been constantly asserted that, in this -first interview with those who, calling themselves her -subjects, were practically the masters of her fate, -she began by declining to be a party to their scheme; -and if her letter, written at a later date, from the -Tower to Mary, does not wholly confirm the assertion, -it points to an attitude of reluctant assent. -Her mother-in-law had given her hints of what was -intended, but, like the announcement made by -the Duke at Durham House of her approaching -greatness, they were too incredible to be taken -seriously; and the fact that when she was joined -at Sion by the Dukes of Northumberland and -Suffolk they did not at once make the matter -plain, but confined the conversation for a time to -indifferent subjects, seems to indicate a doubt upon -their part of her pliability. There was, nevertheless, -a change in their demeanour and bearing -giving rise in her mind to an uneasy consciousness -of a mystery she had not fathomed; whilst -Huntingdon and Pembroke, who were present, -treated her with even more incomprehensible -reverence, and went so far as to bow the knee.</p> - -<p>On the arrival of her mother, together with the -Duchess of Northumberland, the explanation of the -riddle took place. The tidings of the King’s death<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219">219</a></span> -and of her exaltation was broken to her, together -with the reasons prompting Edward to set aside his -sisters in her favour. The nobles fell upon their -knees, took her formally for their Queen, and -swore—it was shortly to be proved how little the -oath was worth—to shed their blood in defence of -her rights.</p> - -<p>“Having heard which things,” pursues Lady Jane -in her apology, “with infinite grief of spirit, I call -to witness those lords who were present that I was -so stunned and stupefied that, overcome by sudden -and unexpected sorrow, they saw me fall to the -ground, weeping very bitterly. And afterwards, -declaring to them my insufficiency, I lamented much -the death of so noble a prince; and at the same -time turned to God, humbly praying and beseeching -Him that, if what was given me was in truth and -legitimately mine, He would grant me grace and -power to govern to His glory and service, and for -the good of this realm.”<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">161</a></p> - -<p>There is, as Dr. Lingard points out, nothing unnatural -in this description of what had occurred; -whereas the grandiloquent language attributed to -her by some historians is most unlikely to have -been used at a moment both of grief and -excitement. According to these authorities, not -only did she defend Mary’s right, and denounce<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220">220</a></span> -those who had conspired against it, but delivered -a lengthy oration upon the fickleness of fortune. -“If she enrich any, it is but to make them the -subject of her sport; if she raise others, it is but -to pleasure herself with their ruins. What she -adored yesterday, to-day is her pastime. And if -I now permit her to adorn and crown me, I must -to-morrow suffer her to crush and tear me to -pieces”—proceeding to cite Katherine of Aragon -and Anne Boleyn as examples of those who had, -to their own undoing, worn a crown. “If you love -me sincerely and in good earnest,” she is made to say, -“you will rather wish me a secure and quiet fortune, -though mean, than an exalted condition exposed -to the wind, and followed by some dismal fall.”</p> - -<p>Poor little plaything of the fortune she is represented -as anathematising, the designs of those who -were striving to exalt her were due to nothing -less than a sincere love. Any other puppet -would have answered their purpose equally well, -so that the excuse of royal blood was in her veins. -But Jane, willing or unwilling, was to be made use -of for their ends, and it was vain for her to protest.</p> - -<p>On the following day, July 10, the Queen-designate -was brought, following the ancient custom -of Kings on their accession, to the Tower; reaching -it at three o’clock, to be received at the gate by -Northumberland, and formally presented with the -keys in the presence of a great crowd who looked<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221">221</a></span> -on at the proceedings in sinister silence and gave -no sign of rejoicing or cordiality.</p> - -<p>Shortly after, the Marquis of Winchester, in his -capacity of Treasurer, brought the crown jewels, -with the crown itself, “asking me,” wrote Jane, -“to put it on my head, to try whether it fitted me -or not. Who knows well that, with many excuses, -I refused. He not the less insisted that I should -boldly take it, and that another should be made -that my husband might be crowned with me, which -I certainly heard unwillingly, and with infinite grief -and displeasure.”<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">162</a></p> - -<p>The idea that young Guilford Dudley, with -no royal blood to make his claim colourable, was -intended to share her dignity appears to have -roused his wife, somewhat strangely, to hot indignation. -She at least was a Tudor on her mother’s -side; but what was Dudley, that he should aspire so -high? Had she loved her boy-husband she might -have taken a different view of his pretensions; but -there is nothing to show that she regarded him with -any special affection, and she was disposed to use -her authority after a fashion neither he nor his -father would tolerate.</p> - -<p>At first Guilford, taken by surprise, appeared -inclined to yield the point, and in a conversation -between the two, when Winchester had withdrawn, -he agreed that, were he to be made King, it should<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222">222</a></span> -be only by Act of Parliament. Thereupon, losing -no time in setting the matter on a right footing, -Jane sent for the Earls of Arundel and Pembroke, -and informed them that, if she were to be Queen, -she would be willing to make her husband Duke; -“but to make him King I would not consent.”</p> - -<p>Though Arundel and Pembroke were probably -quite at one with her on the question, that she should -show signs of exercising an independent judgment -was naturally exasperating to those to whom it was -due that she was placed in her present position; and -when the Duchess of Northumberland became -aware of what was going forward she not only -treated Lady Jane, according to her own account, -very ill, but stirred up Guilford to do the like; the -boy, primed by his mother, declaring that he would -in no wise be Duke, but King, and, holding sulkily -aloof from his wife that night, so that she was -compelled, “as a woman, and loving my husband,” -to send the Earls of Arundel and Pembroke to bring -him to her, otherwise he would have left in the -morning, at his mother’s bidding, for Sion. “Thus,” -ends the poor child, “I was in truth deceived by the -Duke and Council, and badly treated by my husband -and his mother.”</p> - -<p>The discussion was premature. Boy and girl -were all too soon to learn that it was not to be a -question of crowns for either so much as of heads to -wear them. Whilst the wrangle had been carried<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223">223</a></span> -on in the Tower, the first step had been taken -towards bringing the disputants to the scaffold. -The death of the King had been made public, -together with the provisions of his will, and Jane -had been proclaimed Queen in two or three parts of -the City.</p> - -<p>“The tenth day of the same month,” runs the -entry in the <cite>Grey Friar’s Chronicle</cite>, “after seven -o’clock at night, was made a proclamation in Cheap -by three heralds and one trumpet ... for Jane, -the Duke of Suffolk’s daughter, to be Queen of -England. But few or none said ‘God save her.’”</p> - -<p>There was a singular unanimity upon the subject -amongst the citizens of London. It is said that -upon the faces of the heralds forced to proclaim -the new Queen their discontent was visible;<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> and -a curious French letter sent from London at the -time states, after mentioning the absence of any -acclamation upon the part of the people, that a -moment afterwards they had broken out into -lamentation, clamour, tears, sighs, sadness, and -desolation impossible to describe.</p> - -<p>Thus inauspiciously was Lady Jane’s nine days’ -reign inaugurated. On a great catafalque in Westminster -Abbey the dead boy-King was lying, -guarded day and night by twelve watchers until -he should be given sepulture. But there was little -leisure to attend to his obsequies on the part of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224">224</a></span> -the men who had made him their tool, and had -staked their lives and fortunes upon the success of -their plot. For the present all had gone according -to their hopes. “Through the pious intents of -Edward, the religion of Mary, the ambition of -Northumberland, the simplicity of Suffolk, the -fearfulness of the judges, and the flattery of the -courtiers”—thus Fuller sums up the causes to -which the situation was due—“matters were made -as sure as man’s policy can make that good which -in itself is bad.” It was quickly to be seen to what -that security amounted.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225">225</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XVII"></a>CHAPTER XVII<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1553</span> - -<span class="subhead">Lady Jane as Queen—Mary asserts her claims—The English -envoys at Brussels—Mary’s popularity—Northumberland leaves -London—His farewells.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">To</span> enter in any degree into the position of -“Jane the Queen” during the brief period -when she was the nominal head of the State, the time -in which she lived, as well as the prevalent conception -of royalty in England, must be taken into the -reckoning.</p> - -<p>In our own days she would not only have been a -mere cipher—as indeed she was—but would have -been content to remain such, so far as actual power -was concerned. Royalty, stripped of its reality, -is largely become a mere matter of show, a part -of the pageant of State. In the case of a child -of sixteen it would wear that character alone. But -in the days of the Tudors a King was accustomed -to govern; even in the hands of a minor a sceptre -was not a mere symbolic ornament.</p> - -<p>And Lady Jane was precisely the person to -take a serious view of her duties. Thoughtful, -conscientious, and grave beyond her years, she<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226">226</a></span> -had no sooner found herself a Queen than she had -asserted her authority in opposition to that of the -man who had invested her with the dignity by -announcing her intention of refusing to allow it -to be shared by his son—already, it appears by -letters from Brussels, recognised there as Prince -Consort—and shut up in the gloomy fortress to -which she had been taken she was occupied -with the thought of her duty to the kingdom she -believed herself to be called to rule over, of the -necessity of providing for the wants of the nation, -and more especially for the future of religion. -Whilst, perhaps, all the time there lingered in her -mind a misgiving, lifting its head to confront her -from time to time with a paralysing doubt, torturing -to a sensitive and scrupulous nature; was she indeed -the rightful Queen of England?</p> - -<p>Mary had lost no time in asserting her claims. -On July 9—the day before that of Jane’s proclamation—she -had written a letter to the Council from -Kenninghall in Norfolk, expressing her astonishment -that they had neither communicated to her the fact -of her brother’s death, nor had caused her to be -proclaimed Queen, and requiring them to perform -this last duty without delay. The rebuke reaching -London on the morning of January 11 “seemed to -give their Lordships no other trouble than the -returning of an answer,”<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> which they did in terms<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227">227</a></span> -of studied insult, reminding her of her alleged -illegitimacy, and exhorting her to submit to her -lawful sovereign, Queen Jane, else she should prove -grievous unto them and unto herself. This unconciliatory -document received the signature of every -one of the Council, including Cecil, who was -afterwards at much pains to explain his concurrence -in the proceedings of his colleagues; and -Northumberland, as he despatched it, must have -felt with satisfaction that it would be difficult for -those responsible for the missive to make their -peace with the woman to whom it was addressed.</p> - -<p>The terms in which the defiance was couched show -the little importance attached to the chances that -Henry VIII.’s eldest daughter would ever be in -a position to vindicate her rights. Once again -her enemies had failed to take into account the -stubborn justice of the people. Though by many -of them Mary’s religion was feared and disliked, -they viewed with sullen disapproval the conspiracy -to rob her of her heritage. And Northumberland -they hated.</p> - -<p>The sinister rumours current during the last few -years were still afloat; justified, as it seemed, by the -course of recent events. It was said that the Duke -had incited Somerset to put his brother to death, and -had then slain Somerset, in order that, bereft -of his nearest of kin, the young King might the -more easily become his victim. The reports of foul<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228">228</a></span> -play were repeated, and it was said that Edward -had been removed by poison to make way for -Northumberland’s daughter-in-law. That he had -not come by his death by fair means was indeed -so generally believed that the Emperor, writing to -Mary when she had defeated her enemies, counselled -her to punish all those that had been concerned -in it.<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">165</a></p> - -<p>The charge of poisoning was not so uncommon -as to make it strange that it should be thought to -have been instrumental in removing an obstacle from -the path of an ambitious man. In Lady Jane’s -pitiful letter to her cousin she stated—doubtless in -good faith—that poison had twice been administered -to her, once in the house of the Duchess of Northumberland—when -the motive would have been hard -to find—and again in the Tower, “as I have certain -evidence.” What the poor child honestly believed -had been attempted in her case, the angry people -imagined had been successfully accomplished in -the case of their young King, and his death was -another item laid to the charge of the man they -hated.</p> - -<p>The news of what was going forward in England -had by this time become known abroad. Though -letters had been addressed by the Council to Sir -Philip Hoby and Sir Richard Morysine, ambassadors -at Brussels, announcing the King’s death and his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229">229</a></span> -cousin’s accession, the tidings had reached them -unofficially before the arrival of the despatches from -London. As the envoys were walking in the garden, -they were joined by a servant of the Emperor’s, -Don Diego by name, who, making profession of -personal good will towards their country, expressed -his regret at its present loss, adding at the same -time his congratulations that so noble a King—meaning, -it would seem, Guilford Dudley—had been -provided for them, a King he would himself be at -all times ready to serve.</p> - -<p>The envoys replied that the sorrowful news had -reached them, but not the joyous—that they were -glad to hear so much from him. Don Diego thereupon -proceeded to impart the further fact of Edward’s -will in favour of Lady Jane. With the question -whether the two daughters of Henry VIII. were -bastards or not, strangers, he observed, had nothing -to do. It was reasonable to accept as King him who -had been declared such by the nobles of the land; -and Diego, for his part, was bound to rejoice that -His Majesty had been set in this office, since he was -his godfather, and—so long as the Emperor was -in amity with him—would be willing to shed his -blood in his service.<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">166</a></p> - -<p>This last personal detail probably contained the -explanation of Don Diego’s approbation of an -arrangement which could scarcely be expected to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230">230</a></span> -commend itself to his master, and likewise of the -curiously subordinate part awarded to Lady Jane -in his account of it. But whatever might be the -opinion of foreigners, it had quickly been made -plain in England that the country would not be -content to accept either the sovereignty of Jane or -of her husband without a struggle.</p> - -<p>Of the temper of the capital a letter or libel -scattered abroad, after the fashion of the day, -during the week, is an example. In this document, -addressed by a certain “poor Pratte” to a -young man who had been placed in the pillory and -had lost his ears in consequence of his advocacy of -Mary’s rights, love for the lawful Queen, and hatred -of the “ragged bear,” Northumberland, is expressed -in every line. Should England prove disloyal, misfortune -will overtake it as a chastisement for its -sin; the Gospel will be plucked away and the Lady -Mary replaced by so cruel a Pharaoh as the ragged -bear. Her Grace—in marked contrast to the sentiments -commonly attributed to the Duke—is doubtless -more sorrowful for her brother than glad to -be Queen, and would have been as glad of his life -as the ragged bear of his death. In conclusion, the -writer trusts that God will shortly exalt Mary, -“and pluck down that Jane—I cannot nominate her -Queen, for that I know no other Queen but the -good Lady Mary, her Grace, whom God prosper.” -To those who would Mary to be Queen poor<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231">231</a></span> -Pratte wishes long life and pleasure; to her -opponents, the pains of Satan in hell.<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">167</a></p> - -<p>Such was the delirious spirit of loyalty towards -the dispossessed heir, even amongst those who owed -no allegiance to Rome. It was not long before the -Council were to be taught by more forcible means -than scurrilous abuse to correct their estimate of the -situation and of the forces at work, strangely -misapprehended at the first by one and all.</p> - -<p>News was reaching London of the support tendered -to Mary. The Earls of Sussex and of Bath had -declared in her favour; the county of Suffolk had -led the way in rising on her behalf; nobles and -gentlemen, with their retainers, were flocking to -her standard; it was becoming clearer with every -hour that she would not consent to be ousted from -her rights without a fierce struggle.</p> - -<p>Measures for meeting the resistance of her adherents -had to be taken without delay; and -Northumberland, wisely unwilling to absent himself -from the capital at a juncture so critical, had intended -to depute Suffolk to command the forces to be led -against her; to gain, if possible, possession of her -person, and to bring her to London. This was -the arrangement hastily made on July 12. Before -nightfall it had been cancelled at the entreaty of -the titular Queen.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232">232</a></span> -It is not difficult to enter into the Lady Jane’s -feelings, threatened with the absence of her father -on a dangerous errand. With her nervous fears -of poison, her evident dislike of her mother-in-law, -and ill at ease in new circumstances and surroundings, -she may well have clung to the comfort and -support afforded by his presence; nor is it incomprehensible -that she had “taken the matter heavily” -when informed of the decision of the Council. -Her wishes might have had little effect if other -causes had not conspired to assist her to gain her -object, and it has been suggested that those of the -lords already contemplating the possibility of Mary’s -success, and desirous of being freed from the restraint -imposed by Northumberland’s presence amongst them, -may have had a hand in instigating her request, -proffered with tears, that her father might tarry at -home in her company. The entreaty was, at all -events, in full accordance with their desires, and -pressure was brought upon Northumberland to induce -him to yield to her petition—leaving Suffolk -in his place at the Tower, and himself leading the -troops north.</p> - -<p>Many reasons were urged rendering it advisable -that the Duke should take the field in person. He -had been the victor in the struggle with Kett, -of which Norfolk had been the scene, and enjoyed, -in consequence, a great reputation in that county, -where it seemed that the fight with Mary and her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233">233</a></span> -adherents was to take place. He was, moreover, -an able soldier; Suffolk was not. On the other -hand, it was impossible for Northumberland to adduce -the true motives prompting his desire to continue at -headquarters; since chief amongst them was the -wisdom and prudence of remaining at hand to maintain -his personal influence over his colleagues and to -keep them true to the oaths they had sworn. In -the end he consented to bow to their wishes.</p> - -<p>“Since ye think it good,” he said, “I and mine -will go, not doubting of your fidelity to the -Queen’s Majesty, which I leave in your custody.”</p> - -<p>More than the Queen’s Majesty was left to their -care. The safety, if not the life, of the man chiefly -responsible for the conspiracy which had made her -what she was, hung upon their loyalty to their vows, -and Northumberland must have known it. But -Lady Jane was to have her way, and the Council, -waiting upon her, brought the welcome news to -the Queen, who humbly thanked the Duke for -reserving her father at home, and besought him—she -was already learning royal fashions—to use his -diligence. To this Northumberland, surely not -without an inward smile, answered that he would -do what in him lay, and the matter was concluded.</p> - -<p>At Durham House, next day, the Duke’s retinue -assembled.<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> In the forenoon he met the Council,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234">234</a></span> -taking leave of them in friendly sort, yet with words -betraying his misgivings in the very terms used -to convey the assurance of his confidence in their -good faith and fidelity.</p> - -<p>He and the other nobles who were to be his companions -went forth, he told the men left behind, as -much to assure their safety as that of the Queen -herself. Whilst he and his comrades were to risk -their lives in the field, their preservation at home, -with the preservation of their children and families, -was committed to those who stayed in London. -And then he spoke some weighty words, the doubts -and forebodings within him finding vent:</p> - -<p>“If we thought ye would through malice, conspiracy, -or dissension, leave us your friends in the -briars and betray us, we could as well sundry ways -forsee and provide for our own safeguards as any of -you, by betraying us, can do for yours. But now, -upon the only trust and faithfulness of your honours, -whereof we think ourselves most assured, we do -hazard and jubarde [jeopardize] our lives, which trust -and promise if ye shall violate, hoping thereby of life -and promotion, yet shall not God count you -innocent of our bloods, neither acquit you of the -sacred and holy oath of allegiance made freely by -you to this virtuous lady, the Queen’s Highness, -who by your and our enticement is rather of force<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235">235</a></span> -placed therein than by her own seeking and request.” -Commending to their consideration the interests -of religion, he again reiterated his warning. “If -ye mean deceit, though not forthwith, yet hereafter, -God will revenge the same,” ending by assuring his -colleagues that his words had not been caused by -distrust, but that he had spoken them as a reminder -of the chances of variance which might grow in his -absence.</p> - -<p>One of the Council—the narrator does not give -his name—took upon him to reply for the rest.</p> - -<p>“My Lord,” he answered, “if ye mistrust any of -us in this matter your Grace is far deceived. For -which of us can wipe his hands clean thereof? And -if we should shrink from you as one that is culpable, -which of us can excuse himself as guiltless? -Therefore herein your doubt is too far cast.”</p> - -<p>It was characteristic of times and men that, far -from resenting the suspicion of unfaith, the sole -ground upon which the Duke was asked to base a -confidence in the fidelity of his colleagues was that -it would not be to their interest to betray him.</p> - -<p>“I pray God it may be so,” he answered. “Let -us go to dinner.”</p> - -<p>After dinner came an interview with Jane, -who bade farewell to the Duke and to the lords -who were to accompany him on his mission. Everywhere -we are confronted by the same heavy atmosphere -of impending treachery. As the chief<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236">236</a></span> -conspirator passed through the Council-chamber -Arundel met him—Arundel, who was to be one -of the first to leave the sinking ship, and who may -already have been looking for a loophole of escape -from a perilous situation. Yet he now prayed God -be with his Grace, saying he was very sorry it was -not his chance to go with him and bear him company, -in whose presence he could find it in his heart -to shed his blood, even at his foot.</p> - -<p>The words, with their gratuitous and unsolicited -asseveration of loyal friendship, must have been -remembered by both when the two met again. It -is nevertheless possible that, moved and affected, the -Earl was sincere at the moment in his protestations.</p> - -<p>“Farewell, gentle Thomas,” he added to the -Duke’s “boy,” Thomas Lovell, taking him by the -hand, “Farewell, gentle Thomas, with all my -heart.”</p> - -<p>The next day Northumberland took his departure -from the capital. As he rode through the city, with -some six hundred followers, the same ominous -silence that had greeted the proclamation of Lady -Jane was preserved by the throng gathered together -to see her father-in-law pass. The Duke noticed it.</p> - -<p>“The people press to see us,” he observed -gloomily, “but not one sayeth God speed us.”</p> - -<p>When next Northumberland and the London -crowd were face to face it was under changed circumstances.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237">237</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XVIII"></a>CHAPTER XVIII<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1553</span> - -<span class="subhead">Turn of the tide—Reaction in Mary’s favour in the Council—Suffolk -yields—Mary proclaimed in London—Lady Jane’s -deposition—She returns to Sion House.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Northumberland</span> was gone. The weight -of his dominant influence was removed, and -many of his colleagues must have breathed more -freely. In the Tower Lady Jane, with those of the -Council left in London, continued to watch and -wait the course of events. It must have been -recognised that the future was dark and uncertain; -and whilst the lords and nobles looked about for -a way of escape should affairs go ill with the new -government, the boy and girl arbitrarily linked -together may have been drawn closer by the -growing sense of a common danger. Guilford -Dudley did not share his father’s unpopularity. -Young and handsome, he is said to have been -endowed with virtues calling forth an unusual -amount of pity for his premature end,<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> and Heylyn -declared that of all Dudley’s brood he had nothing -of his father in him.<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> “He was,” says Fuller, adding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238">238</a></span> -his testimony, “a goodly and (for aught I find to the -contrary) a godly gentleman, whose worst fault was -that he was son to an ambitious father.”<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> The -flash of boyish ambition he had evinced in his -determination to be content with nothing less than -kingship must have been soon extinguished by the -consciousness that life itself was at stake.</p> - -<p>For quicker and quicker came tidings of fresh -triumphs for Mary, each one striking at the hopes -of her rival’s partisans. News was brought that Mary -had been proclaimed Queen first in Buckinghamshire; -next at Norwich. Her forces were gathering -strength, her adherents gaining courage. Again, six -vessels placed at Yarmouth to intercept her flight, -should she attempt it, were won over to her side, -their captains, with men and ordnance, making -submission; whereat “the Lady Mary”—from whose -mind nothing had been further than flight—“and -her company were wonderful joyous.”</p> - -<p>This last blow hit the party acknowledging Jane -as Queen hard; nor were its effects long in becoming -visible. In the Tower “each man began to pluck in -his horns,” and to cast about for a manner of dissevering -his private fortunes from a cause manifestly -doomed to disaster. Pembroke, who in May had -associated himself with Northumberland by marrying -his son to Katherine Grey, was one of the foremost -in considering the possibility of quitting the Tower, so<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239">239</a></span> -that he might hold consultation with those without; -but as yet he had not devised a means of accomplishing -his purpose. Each day brought its developments -within the walls of the fortress, and beyond them. -On the Sunday night—not a week after the crown -had been fitted on Jane’s head—when the Lord -Treasurer, then officiously desirous of adding a -second for her husband, was leaving the building -in order to repair to his own house, the gates were -suddenly shut and the keys carried up to the mistress -of the Tower. What was the reason? No one -knew, but it was whispered that a seal had been -found missing. Others said that she had feared -some packinge [<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">sic</i>] in the Treasurer. The days -were coming when it would be in no one’s power -to keep the Lords of the Council at their post -under lock and key.</p> - -<p>That Sunday morning—it was July 16—Ridley -had preached at Paul’s Cross before the Mayor, -Aldermen, and people, pleading Lady Jane’s cause -with all the eloquence at his command. Let his -hearers, he said, contrast her piety and gentleness -with the haughtiness and papistry of her rival. And -he told the story of his visit to Hunsdon, of his -attempt to convince Mary of her errors, and of its -failure, conjuring all who heard him to maintain -the cause of Queen Jane and of the Gospel. But -his exhortations fell on deaf ears.</p> - -<p>And still one messenger of ill tidings followed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240">240</a></span> -hard upon the heels of another. Cecil, with his -natural aptitude for intrigue, was engaging in -secret deliberations with members of the Council -inclined to be favourable to Mary, finding in -especial the Lord Treasurer, Winchester, the Earl -of Arundel, and Lord Darcy, willing listeners, -“whereof I did immediately tell Mr. Petre”—the -other Secretary—“for both our comfort.”<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> -Presently a pretext was invented to cover the escape -of the lords from the Tower. It was said that -Northumberland had sent for auxiliaries, and that -it was necessary to hold a consultation with the -foreign ambassadors as to the employment of -mercenaries.<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> The meeting was to take place at -Baynard’s Castle, Arundel observing significantly -that he liked not the air of the Tower. He and -his friends may indeed have reflected that it had -proved fatal to many less steeped in treason than -they. To Baynard’s Castle some of the lords -accordingly repaired, sending afterwards to summon -the rest to join them, with the exception of Suffolk, -who remained behind, in apparent ignorance of what -was going forward.</p> - -<p>In the consultation, held on July 19, the deathblow -was dealt to the hopes of those faithful to the -nine-days’ Queen. Arundel was the first to declare -himself unhesitatingly on Mary’s side, and to denounce<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241">241</a></span> -the Duke, from whom he had so lately -parted on terms of devoted friendship. He boasted -of his courage in now opposing Northumberland—a -man of supreme authority, and—as one who had -little or no conscience—fond of blood. It was by -no desire of vengeance that Arundel’s conduct was -prompted, he declared, but by conscience and anxiety -for the public welfare; the Duke was actuated -by a desire neither for the good of the kingdom nor -by religious zeal, but purely by a desire for power, -and he proceeded to hold him up to the reprobation -of his colleagues.</p> - -<p>Pembroke made answer, promising, with his hand -on his sword, to make Mary Queen. There were -indeed few dissentient voices, and, though some of -the lords at first maintained that warning should -be sent to Northumberland and a general pardon -obtained from Mary, their proposals did not meet -with favour, and they did not press them.</p> - -<p>A hundred men had been despatched on various -pretexts, and by degrees, to the Tower, with orders to -make themselves masters of the place, in case Suffolk -would not leave it except upon compulsion; but the -Duke was not a man to lead a forlorn hope. Had -Northumberland been at hand a struggle might -have taken place; as it was, not a voice was raised -against the decision of the Council, and with almost -incredible rapidity the face of affairs underwent -a change, absolute and complete. Suffolk, so soon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242">242</a></span> -as the determination of the lords was made known -to him, lost no time in expressing his willingness to -concur in it and to add his signature to the proclamation -of Mary, already drawn up.<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> He was, he -said, but one man; and proclaiming his daughter’s -rival in person on Tower Hill, he finally struck his -colours; going so far, as some affirm, as to share in -the demonstration in the new Queen’s honour in -Cheapside, where the proclamation was read by the -Earl of Pembroke amidst a scene of wild enthusiasm -contrasting vividly with the coldness and apathy -shown by the populace when, nine days earlier, they -had been asked to accept the Duke of Northumberland’s -daughter-in-law as their Queen.</p> - -<p>“For my time I never saw the like,” says a news-letter,<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> -“and by the report of others the like was -never seen. The number of caps that were thrown -up at the proclamation were not to be told.... I -saw myself money was thrown out at windows for -joy. The bonfires were without number, and, what -with shouting and crying of the people and ringing -of the bells, there could no one hear almost what -another said, besides banquetings and singing in -the street for joy.”</p> - -<p>Arundel was there, as well as Pembroke, with -Shrewsbury and others, and the day was ended with -evensong at St. Paul’s.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243">243</a></span> -And whilst all this was going on outside, in the -gloom of the Tower, where the air must have struck -chill even on that July day, sat the little victim -of state-craft—“Cette pauvre reine,” wrote Noailles -to his master, “qui s’en peut dire de la féve”—a -Twelfth Night’s Queen—in the fortress that had -seen her brief exaltation, and was so soon to become -to her a prison. As the joy-bells echoed through -the City and the shouting of the people penetrated -the thick walls she must have wondered what -was the cause of rejoicing. Presently she learnt -it.</p> - -<p>That afternoon had been fixed for the christening -of a child born to Underhyll—nicknamed, on account -of his religious zeal, the Hot-Gospeller—on duty -as a Gentleman Pensioner at the Tower. The baby -was highly favoured, since the Duke of Suffolk and -the Earl of Pembroke were to be his sponsors by -proxy and Lady Jane had signified her intention of -acting as godmother, calling the infant Guilford, after -her husband.</p> - -<p>Lady Throckmorton, wife to Sir Nicholas, in -attendance on Jane,<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> had been chosen to represent her -mistress at the ceremony; and, on quitting the -Tower for that purpose, had waited on the Queen -and received her usual orders, according to royal<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244">244</a></span> -etiquette. Upon her return, the baptism over, she -found all—like a transformation scene at the -theatre—changed. The canopy of state had been -removed from Lady Jane’s apartment, and Lady -Jane herself, divested of her sovereignty, was -practically a prisoner.<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">177</a></p> - -<p>During the absence of the Lady-in-waiting, Suffolk, -his part on Cheapside played, had returned to the -Tower, to set matters there on their new footing. -Informing his daughter, as one imagines with the -roughness of a man smarting under defeat, that -since her cousin had been elected Queen by the -Council, and had been proclaimed, it was time she -should do her honour, he removed the insignia -of royalty. The rank she had possessed not being -her own she must make a virtue of necessity, and -bow to that fortune of which she had been the sport -and victim.</p> - -<p>Rising to the occasion, Jane, as might be expected, -made fitting reply. The words now spoken by her -father were, she answered, more becoming and -praiseworthy than those he had uttered on putting -her in possession of the crown; proceeding to -moralise the matter after a fashion that can only -be attributed to the imaginative faculties of the -narrator of the scene. This done she, more -naturally, withdrew into her private apartments with -her mother and other ladies and gave way, in spite<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245">245</a></span> -of her firmness, to “infinite sorrow.”<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> A further -scene narrated by the Italian, Florio, on the authority -of the Duke of Suffolk’s chaplain—“as her father’s -learned and pious preacher told me”—represents -her as confronted with some at least of the men who -had betrayed her, and as reproaching them bitterly -with their duplicity. Without vouching for the -accuracy of the speech reported, touches are discernible -in it—evidences of a very human wrath, -indignation, and scorn—unlikely to have been -invented by men whose habit it was to describe -the speaker as the living embodiment of meekness -and patience, and it may be that the evangelist’s -account is founded on fact.</p> - -<p>“Therefore, O Lords of the Council,” she is -made to say, “there is found in men of illustrious -blood, and as much esteemed by the world as you, -double dealing, deceit, fickleness, and ruin to the -innocent. Which of you can boast with truth that -I besought him to make me a Queen? Where -are the gifts I promised or gave on this account? -Did ye not of your own accord drag me from my -literary studies, and, depriving me of liberty, place -me in this rank? Alas! double-faced men, how well -I see, though late, to what end ye set me in this -royal dignity! How will ye escape the infamy -following upon such deeds?” How were broken<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246">246</a></span> -promises, violated oaths, to be coloured and disguised? -Who would trust them for the future? -“But be of good cheer, with the same measure it -shall be meted to you again.”</p> - -<p>With this prophecy of retribution to follow she -ended. “For a good space she was silent; and they -departed, full of shame, leaving her well guarded.”<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">179</a></p> - -<p>Her attendants were not long in availing themselves -of the permission accorded them to go where -they pleased. The service of Lady Jane was, from -an honour, become a perilous duty; and they went -to their own homes, leaving their nine-days’ mistress -“burdened with thought and woe.” The following -morning she too quitted the Tower, returning to -Sion House. It was no more than ten days since -she had been brought from it in royal state.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247">247</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XIX"></a>CHAPTER XIX<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1553</span> - -<span class="subhead">Northumberland at bay—His capitulation—Meeting with Arundel, -and arrest—Lady Jane a prisoner—Mary and Elizabeth—Mary’s -visit to the Tower—London—Mary’s policy.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> unanimous capitulation of the Council, in -which he was by absence precluded from -joining, sealed Northumberland’s fate. The centre -of interest shifts from London to the country, whither -he had gone to meet the forces gathering round -Mary. The ragged bear was at bay.</p> - -<p>Arundel and Paget had posted northwards on the -night following the revolution in London to inform -the Queen of the proceedings of the Council and to -make their peace with the new sovereign; Paget’s -success in particular being so marked that the French -looker-on reported that his favour with the Queen -“etait chose plaisante à voir et oir.” The question -all men were asking was what stand would be made -by the leader of the troops arrayed against her. -That Northumberland, knowing that he had sinned -too deeply for forgiveness, would yield without a -blow can scarcely have been contemplated by the -most sanguine of his opponents, and the singular<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248">248</a></span> -transmutation taking place in a man who hitherto, -whatever might have been his faults or crimes, had -never been lacking in courage, must have taken his -enemies and what friends remained to him by surprise.</p> - -<p>“Bold, sensitive, and magnanimous,” as some one -describes him,<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> he was to display a lack of every -manly quality only explicable on the hypothesis that -the incessant strain and excitement of the last three -weeks had told upon nerves and spirits to an extent -making it impossible for him to meet the crisis with -dignity and valour.</p> - -<p>Hampered with orders from the Council framed -in Mary’s interest and with the secret object of -delaying his movements until her adherents had had -time to muster in force, he did not adopt the only -course—that of immediate attack—offering a possibility -of success, and had retreated to Cambridge -when the news that Mary had been proclaimed -in London reached him. From that instant he -abandoned the struggle.</p> - -<p>On the previous day the Vice-Chancellor of the -University, Doctor Sandys, had preached, at his -request, a sermon directed against Mary. Now, -Duke and churchman standing side by side in the -market-place, Northumberland, with the tears running -down his face, and throwing his cap into the air, -proclaimed her Queen. She was a merciful woman, -he told Sandys, and all would doubtless share in her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249">249</a></span> -general pardon. Sandys knew better, and bade the -Duke not flatter himself with false hopes. Were -the Queen ever so much inclined to pardon, those -who ruled her would destroy Northumberland, whoever -else were spared.</p> - -<p>The churchman proved to have judged more -accurately than the soldier. An hour later the Duke -received letters from the Council, indicating the -treatment he might expect at their hands. He was -thereby bidden, on pain of treason, to disarm, and -it was added that, should he come within ten miles -of London, his late comrades would fight him. -Could greater loyalty and zeal in the service of the -rising sun be displayed?</p> - -<p>Fidelity was at a discount. His troops melted -away, leaving their captain at the mercy of his -enemies. In the camp confusion prevailed. -Northumberland was first put under arrest, then set -again at liberty upon his protest, based upon the -orders of the Council that “all men should go his -way.” Was he, the leader, to be prevented from -acting upon their command? Young Warwick, his -son, was upon the point of riding away, when, the -morning after the scene in the market-place, the -Earl of Arundel arrived from Queen Mary with -orders to arrest the Duke.</p> - -<p>What ensued was a painful spectacle, Northumberland’s -bearing, even in a day when servility on the -part of the fallen was so common as to be almost a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250">250</a></span> -matter of course, being generally stigmatized as unworthy -of the man who had often given proof of -a brave and noble spirit.<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> As the two men met, it -may be that the Duke augured well from the Queen’s -choice of a messenger. If he had, he was to be -quickly undeceived. Arundel was not disposed to -risk his newly acquired favour with the sovereign for -the sake of a discredited comrade, and Northumberland -might have spared the abjectness of his attitude; -as, falling on his knees, he begged his former friend, -for the love of God, to be good to him.</p> - -<p>“Consider,” he urged, “I have done nothing -but by the consents of you and all the whole -Council.”</p> - -<p>The plea was ill-chosen. That Arundel had been -implicated in the treason was a reason the more why -he could not afford to show mercy to a fellow-traitor; -nor was he in a mood to discuss a past he -would have preferred to forget and to blot out. It -is the unfortunate who are prone to indulge in long -memories, and the Earl had just achieved a success -which he was anxious to render permanent. Disregarding -Northumberland’s appeal, he turned at once -to the practical matter in hand. He had been sent -there by the Queen’s Majesty, he told the Duke; -in her name he arrested him.</p> - -<p>Northumberland made no attempt at resistance. -He obeyed, he answered humbly; “and I beseech<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251">251</a></span> -you, my Lord of Arundel, use mercy towards me, -knowing the case as it is.”</p> - -<p>Again Arundel coldly ignored the appeal to the -past.</p> - -<p>“My lord,” he replied, “ye should have sought -for mercy sooner. I must do according to my -commandment,” and he handed over his prisoner -forthwith to the guards who stood near.</p> - -<p>For two hours, denied so much as the services of -his attendants, the Duke paced the chamber wherein -he was confined, till, looking out of the window, -he caught sight of Arundel passing below, and -entreated that his servants might be admitted to -him.</p> - -<p>“For the love of God,” he cried, “let me have -Cox, one of my chamber, to wait on me!”</p> - -<p>“You shall have Tom, your boy,” answered the -Earl, naming the lad, Thomas Lovell, of whom, a -few days earlier, he had taken so affectionate a leave. -Northumberland protested.</p> - -<p>“Alas, my lord,” he said, “what stead can a -boy do me? I pray you let me have Cox.” And -so both Lovell and Cox were permitted to attend -their master. It was the single concession he could -obtain.<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">182</a></p> - -<p>Thus Northumberland met his fate.</p> - -<p>The Queen’s justice had overtaken more innocent -victims. Lady Jane’s stay at Sion House had not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252">252</a></span> -been prolonged. By July 23, not more than three -days after she had quitted the Tower, she returned -to it, not as a Queen, but as a captive, accompanied -by the Duchess of Northumberland and Guilford -Dudley, her husband. More prisoners were quickly -added to their number. Northumberland was -brought, with others of his adherents, from -Cambridge. Northampton, who had hurried to -Framlingham, where Mary then was, to throw -himself upon her mercy, arrived soon after; with -Bishop Ridley, who, notwithstanding his recent -declamations against the Queen, had resorted with -the rest to Norfolk, had met with an unfriendly -reception from Mary, and was sent back to London -“on a halting horse.”<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">183</a></p> - -<p>It is singular that to the Duke of Suffolk, prominent -amongst those who had been arrayed against -her, the new Queen showed unusual indulgence. -So far as actual deeds were concerned, he had been -second in guilt only to Northumberland; though -there can be little doubt that he was led and governed -by the stronger will and more soaring ambition of -his confederate. Lady Jane being, besides, his -daughter, and not merely married to his son, it -would have been natural to expect that he would -have been called to a stricter account than Dudley. -He was, as a matter of course, arrested and consigned -to the Tower; but when a convenient attack<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253">253</a></span> -of illness laid him low—a news-letter reporting that -he was “in such case as no man judgeth he could -live”<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">184</a>—and his wife represented his desperate condition -to her cousin the Queen, adding that, if left -in the Tower, death would ensue, Mary appears to -have made no difficulty in granting her his freedom, -merely ordering him to confine himself to his house, -rather as restraint than as chastisement.<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">185</a></p> - -<p>Mary could afford to show mercy. On August 3 -she made her triumphal entry into the capital which -had proved so loyal to her cause, riding on a white -horse, with the Earl of Arundel bearing before her -the sword of state, and preceded by some thousand -gentlemen in rich array.</p> - -<p>Elizabeth was at her side—Elizabeth, who had -learnt wisdom since the days, nearly five years ago, -when she had compromised herself for the sake of -Seymour. During the crisis now over, she had -shown both prudence and caution, playing in fact -a waiting game, as she looked on at the contest between -her sister and Northumberland, and carefully -abstaining from taking any side in it, until it should -be seen which of the two would prove victorious. -To her, as well as to Mary, a summons had been -sent as from her dying brother; more wary than -her sister, she detected the snare, and remained at -Hatfield, whilst Mary came near to falling a prey -to her enemies. At Hatfield she continued during<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254">254</a></span> -the ensuing days, being visited by commissioners -from Northumberland, who offered a large price, in -land and money, in exchange for her acquiescence -in Edward’s appointment of Lady Jane as his -successor. If Elizabeth loved money, she loved her -safety more; and returned an answer to the effect -that it was with her elder sister that an agreement -must be made, since in Mary’s lifetime she herself -had neither claim nor title to the succession. Leti,<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> -representing her as regarding Lady Jane as a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">jeune -étourdie</i>—the first and only time the epithet can have -been applied to Suffolk’s grave daughter—states that -she indignantly expostulated with Northumberland -upon the wrong done to herself and Mary. She is -more likely to have kept silence; and it is certain -that an opportune attack of illness afforded her an -excuse for prudent inaction. When Mary’s cause had -become triumphant she had recovered sufficiently to -proceed to London, meeting her sister on the following -day at Aldgate, and riding at her side when she made -her entry into the capital.</p> - -<div id="ip_254" class="figcenter" style="width: 459px;"> - <img src="images/i_254.jpg" width="459" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting attributed to F. Zuccaro.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>QUEEN ELIZABETH.</p></div></div> - -<p>The two presented a painful contrast: Mary prematurely -aged by grief and care, small and thin, -“unlike in every respect to father or mother,” says -Michele, the Venetian ambassador, “with eyes so -piercing as to inspire not only reverence, but fear”; -Elizabeth, now twenty, tall and well made, though -possessing more grace than beauty, with fine eyes,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255">255</a></span> -and, above all, beautiful hands, “della quale fa -professione”—which she was accustomed to display.</p> - -<p>Her entry into the City made, Mary proceeded, -according to ancient custom, and as her unwilling -rival had done three weeks before, to the Tower, -where a striking scene took place. On her entrance -she was met by a group of those who, imprisoned -during the two previous reigns, awaited her on their -knees. Her kinsman, Edward Courtenay, was there—since -he was ten years old he had known no other -home—and the Duchess of Somerset, widow of the -Protector, with the old Duke of Norfolk, father to -Surrey, Tunstall, the deprived Bishop of Durham, -and Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester. In Mary’s -eyes some of these were martyrs, suffering for their -fidelity to the faith for which she had herself been -prepared to go to the scaffold; for others she felt -the natural compassion due to captives who have -wasted long years within prison walls; and, touched -and overcome by the sight of that motley company, -she burst into tears.</p> - -<p>“These are my prisoners,” she said, as she bent -and kissed them.</p> - -<p>Their day was come. By August 11 Gardiner -was reinstated in Winchester House, which had been -appropriated to the use of the Marquis of Northampton, -now perhaps inhabiting the Bishop’s quarters -in the Tower. The Duke of Norfolk, the Duchess -of Somerset, Courtenay, were all at liberty. Bonner<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256">256</a></span> -was once more exercising his functions as Bishop -of London. But their places in the old prison-house -were not left vacant: fresh captives being -sent to join those already there. Report declared—prematurely—that -sentence had been passed on -Northumberland, Huntingdon, Gates, and others. -Pembroke, notwithstanding the zealous share he -had taken in proclaiming Mary Queen, as well as -Winchester and Darcy, were confined to their houses.</p> - -<p>All necessary measures had been taken for the -security of the Government. It was time to think -of the dead boy lying unburied whilst the struggle -for his inheritance had been fought out. In the -arrangements for her brother’s funeral Mary displayed -a toleration that must have gone far to raise -the hopes of the Protestant party, awaiting, in -anxiety and dread, enlightenment as to the course -the new ruler would pursue with regard to religion. -Permitting her brother’s obsequies to be celebrated -by Cranmer according to the ritual prescribed by the -reformed Prayer-book, she caused a Requiem Mass -to be sung for him in the Tower in the presence -of some hundreds of worshippers, notwithstanding -the fact that, according to Griffet, “this was not -in conformity with the laws of the Roman Church, -since the Prince died in schism and heresy.”<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">187</a></p> - -<p>It was the moment when Mary, the recipient, as -she told the French ambassador, of more graces than<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257">257</a></span> -any living Princess; the object of the love and -devotion of her subjects; her long years of misfortune -ended; her record unstained, should have -died. But, unfortunately, five more years of life -remained to her.</p> - -<p>The presage of coming trouble was not absent in -the midst of the general rejoicing, and the first notes -of discord had already been struck. Emboldened by -the Requiem celebrated in the Tower, a priest had -taken courage, and had said Mass in the Church of -St. Bartholomew in the City. It was then seen how -far the people were from being unanimous in including -in their devotion to the Queen toleration -for her religion. “This day,” reports a news-letter -of August 11, “an old priest said Mass at -St. Bartholomew’s, but after that Mass was done, -the people would have pulled him to pieces.”<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> -“When they saw him go up to the altar,” says -Griffet, “there was a great tumult, some attempting -to throw themselves upon him and strike him, -others trying to prevent this violence, so that there -came near to being blood shed.”<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">189</a></p> - -<p>Scenes of this nature, with the open declarations -of the Protestants that they would meet the re-establishment -of the old worship with an armed -resistance, and that it would be necessary to pass -over the bodies of twenty thousand men before a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258">258</a></span> -single Mass should be quietly said in London, were -warnings of rocks ahead. That Mary recognised -the gravity of the situation was proved by the fact -that, after an interview with the Mayor, she permitted -the priest who had disregarded the law to -be put into prison, although taking care that an -opportunity of escape should shortly be afforded -him.<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">190</a></p> - -<p>A proclamation made in the middle of August -also testified to some desire upon the Queen’s part, -at this stage, to adopt a policy of conciliation. In -it she declared that it was her will “that all men -should embrace that religion which all men knew -she had of long time observed, and meant, God -willing, to continue the same; willing all men to -be quiet, and not call men the names of heretick -and papist, but each man to live after the religion -he thought best until further order were taken -concerning the same.”<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">191</a></p> - -<p>Though the liberty granted was only provisional -and temporary, there was nothing in the proclamation -to foreshadow the fires of Smithfield, and it was -calculated to allay any fears or forebodings disquieting -the minds of loyal subjects.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259">259</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XX"></a>CHAPTER XX<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1553</span> - -<span class="subhead">Trial and condemnation of Northumberland—His recantation—Final -scenes—Lady Jane’s fate in the balances—A conversation -with her.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">The</span> great subject of interest agitating the -capital, when the excitement attending the -Queen’s triumphal entry had had time to subside, -was the approaching trial of the Duke of Northumberland -and his principal accomplices. On -August 18 the great conspirator, with his son, the -Earl of Warwick, and the Marquis of Northampton, -were arraigned at Westminster Hall, the Duke -of Norfolk, lately himself a prisoner, presiding, as -High Steward of England, at the trial.</p> - -<p>Its issue was a foregone conclusion. If ever man -deserved to suffer the penalty for high treason, that -man was Northumberland. His brain had devised -the plot intended to keep the Queen out of the -heritage hers by birth and right; his hand had done -what was possible to execute it. He had commanded -in person the forces arrayed against her, and -had been taken, as it were, red-handed. He must -have recognised the fact that any attempt at a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260">260</a></span> -defence would be hopeless. Two points of law, -however, he raised: Could a man, acting by warrant -of the great seal of England, and by the authority of -the Council, be accused of high treason? And -further, could he be judged by those who, implicated -in the same offence, were his fellow-culprits?</p> - -<p>The argument was quickly disposed of. If, as -Mr. Tytler supposes,<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> the Duke’s intention was to -appeal to the sanction of the great seal affixed to -Edward’s will, the judges preferred to interpret his -plea, as most historians have concurred in doing, -as referring to the seal used during Lady Jane’s -short reign; and, thus understood, the authority -of a usurper could not be allowed to exonerate -her father-in-law from the guilt of rebellion. As to -his second question, so long as those by whom -he was to be judged were themselves unattainted, -they were not disqualified from filling their office. -Sentence was passed without delay, the Duke -proffering three requests. First, he asked that -he might die the death of a noble; secondly, that -the Queen would be gracious to his children, since -they had acted by his command, and not of their -own free will; and thirdly, that two members of the -Council Board might visit him, in order that he -might declare to them matters concerning the public -welfare.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261">261</a></span> -The trial had been conducted on a Friday. The -uncertainty prevailing as to the condition of public -sentiment in the city may be inferred from the fact, -that, when the customary sermon was to be preached -at Paul’s Cross on the following Sunday, it was -considered expedient to have the preacher chosen by -the Queen surrounded by her guards, lest a tumult -should ensue. The state of feeling in the capital must -have been curiously mixed. Mary was the lawful -sovereign, and had been brought to her rights -amidst universal rejoicing. Northumberland was an -object of detestation to the populace. Yet, whilst -the Queen was undisguisedly devoted to a religion -to which the majority of her subjects were hostile, -the Duke was regarded as, with Suffolk, the chief -representative and support of the faith they held -and the Church as by law established. If his adherence -to Protestant doctrine, as was now to appear, had -been a matter of policy rather than of conviction, -it had been singularly successful in imposing upon -the multitude; though, according to the story which -makes him observe to Sir Anthony Browne that he -certainly thought best of the old religion, “but, -seeing a new one begun, run dog, run devil, he would -go forward,” he had been at little pains to conceal -his lack of genuine sympathy with innovation.<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> -When the speech was made, suspicion of Catholic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262">262</a></span> -proclivities would have been fatal to his position -and his schemes. The case was now reversed. He -was about to forfeit, by the fashion of his death, -the solitary merit he had possessed in the eyes of a -large section of his countrymen; to throw off the -mask, however carelessly it had been worn; and -to give the lie, at that supreme moment, to the -professions of years.</p> - -<p>It is said that, in consequence of the request -he had preferred at his trial that he might be visited -by some members of the Council, he was granted an -interview with Gardiner and another of his colleagues, -name unknown; that the Bishop of Winchester -subsequently interceded with the Queen on his -behalf, and was sanguine of success; but that, in -deference to the Emperor’s advice, Mary decided in -the end that the Duke must die.<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> To Arundel, -in spite of the little encouragement he had received -at Cambridge to hope that the Earl would prove his -friend, Northumberland wrote, begging for life, -“yea, the life of a dog, that he may but live and -kiss the Queen’s feet.”<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> All was in vain. Prayers, -supplications, entreaties, were useless. He was to -die.</p> - -<p>Of those tried together with him, two shared his -sentence—Sir Thomas Palmer and Sir John Gates. -Monday, August 21, had been fixed for the executions, -Commendone, the Pope’s agent, delaying his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263">263</a></span> -journey to Italy at Mary’s request that he might be -present on the occasion.<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> For some unexplained -reason, they were deferred. It was probably in -order to leave Northumberland time to make his -recantation at leisure; for he had expressed his -desire to renounce his errors “and to hear Mass -and to receive the Sacrament according to the old -accustomed manner.”<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">197</a></p> - -<p>The account of what followed has been preserved -in detail. At nine in the morning the altar in the -chapel was prepared; and thither the Duke was -presently conducted by Sir John Gage, Constable -of the Tower, four of the lesser prisoners being -brought in by the Lieutenant. Dying men, -three of them, and the rest in jeopardy, it was -a solemn company there assembled as the officiating -priest proceeded with the ancient ritual. At a given -moment the service was interrupted, so that the -Duke might make his confession of faith and -formally abjure the new ways he had followed for -sixteen years, “the which is the only cause of the -great plagues and vengeance which hath light upon -the whole realm of England, and now likewise -worthily fallen upon me and others here present for -our unfaithfulness; ... and this I pray you all -to testify, and pray for me.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264">264</a></span> -After which, kneeling down, he asked forgiveness -from all, and forgave all.</p> - -<p>“Amongst others standing by,” says the narrator -of the scene, “were the Duke of Somerset’s sons,” -Hertford and his brother, boys scarcely emerged -from childhood; watching the fallen enemy of -their house, and remembering that to him had been -chiefly due their father’s death.</p> - -<p>Other spectators were some fourteen or fifteen -merchants from the City, bidden to the chapel -that they might witness the ceremony and perhaps -make report of the Duke’s recantation to their -fellows.</p> - -<p>The news of what was going forward must have -spread through the Tower, partly palace, partly -dungeon, partly fortress; and men must have -looked strangely upon one another as they heard -that the leader principally responsible for all that -had happened in the course of the last month, to -whom the safety of the Protestant faith had been -war-cry and watchword, had abjured it as the -work of the devil. Where was truth, or sincerity, -or pure conviction to be found?</p> - -<p>Of Lady Jane, during this day, there is but one -mention. The limelight had been turned off her -small figure, and she had fallen back into obscurity. -Yet we hear that, looking through a window, she -had seen her father-in-law led to the chapel, where -he was, in her eyes, to imperil his soul. But<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265">265</a></span> -whether she had been made aware of what was in -contemplation we are ignorant.</p> - -<p>The final scene took place on the succeeding day. -At nine o’clock the scaffold was ready, and Sir John -Gates, with young Lord Warwick, were brought -forth to receive Communion in the chapel (“Memorandum,” -says the chronicler again, “the Duke of -Somerset’s sons stood by”). By one after the other, -their abjuration had been made, and the priest -present had offered what comfort he might to the -men appointed to die.</p> - -<p>“I would,” he said, “ye should not be ignorant -of God’s mercy, which is infinite. And let not -death fear you, for it is but a little while, ye know, -ended in one half-hour. What shall I say? I -trust to God it shall be to you a short passage -(though somewhat sharp) out of innumerable miseries -into a most pleasant rest—which God grant.”</p> - -<p>As the other prisoners were led out the Duke and -Sir John Gates met at the garden gate. Northumberland -spoke.</p> - -<p>“Sir John,” he said, “God have mercy on us, -for this day shall end both our lives. And I pray -you, forgive me whatsoever I have offended; and -I forgive you, with all my heart, although you and -your counsel was a great occasion thereof.”</p> - -<p>“Well, my Lord,” was the reply, “I forgive you, -as I would be forgiven. And yet you and your -authority was the only original cause of all together.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266">266</a></span> -But the Lord pardon you, and I pray you forgive -me.”</p> - -<p>So, not without a recapitulation of each one’s -grievance, they made obeisance, and the Duke -passed on. Again, “the Duke of Somerset’s sons -stood thereby”—the words recur like a sinister -refrain.</p> - -<p>The end had come. Standing upon the scaffold, -the Duke put off his damask gown; then, leaning on -the rail, he repeated the confession of faith made on -the previous day, begging those present to remember -the old learning, and thanking God that He -had called him to be a Christian. With his own -hands he knit the handkerchief about his eyes, -laid him down, and so met the executioner’s -blow.</p> - -<p>Gates followed, with few words. Sir Thomas -Palmer, having witnessed the ghastly spectacle, came -last. That morning, whilst preparations for the -executions were being made, he had been walking -in the Lieutenant’s garden, observed, says that -“resident in the Tower” in whose diary so many -incidents of this time have been preserved, to seem -“more cheerful in countenance than when he was -most at liberty in his lifetime”; and when the -end was at hand, he met it, as some men did meet -death in those days, with undaunted courage, and -with a heroism not altogether unaffected by dramatic -instinct.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267">267</a></span> -Though apparently implicitly included amongst the -prisoners who had made their peace with the Church, -he is not recorded to have taken any prominent part -in the affair, and his dying speech dealt with no controversial -matters, but with eternal verities confessed -alike by Catholic and Protestant. At his trial he had -denied that he had ever borne arms against the Queen; -though, charged with having been present when others -did so, he acknowledged his guilt. He now passed -that matter over, with a brief admission that his fate -had been deserved at God’s hands: “For I know it -to be His divine ordinance by this mean to call me -to His mercy and to teach me to know myself, what -I am, and whereto we are all subject. I thank His -merciful goodness, for He has caused me to learn -more in one little dark corner in yonder Tower than -ever I learned by any travail in so many places as I -have been.” For there he had seen God; he had -seen himself; he had seen and known what the -world was. “Finally, I have seen there what death -is, how near hanging over every man’s head, and yet -how uncertain the time, and how unknown to all -men, and how little it is to be feared. And why -should I fear death, or be sad therefore? Have -I not seen two die before mine eyes, yea, and within -the hearing of mine ears? No, neither the sprinkling -of the blood, or the shedding thereof, nor the -bloody axe itself, shall not make me afraid.”</p> - -<p>Taking leave of all present, he begged their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268">268</a></span> -prayers, forgave the executioner, and, master of -himself to the last, kneeling, laid his head upon the -block.</p> - -<p>“I will see how meet the block is for my neck,” -he said, “I pray thee, strike me not yet, for I have -a few prayers to say. And that done, strike in God’s -name. Good leave have thou.”</p> - -<p>So the scene came to an end. The three rebels -whose life Mary had taken—no large number—had -paid the forfeit of their deed. That night the -Lancaster Herald, a dependant of the Duke of -Northumberland, more faithful to old ties and -memories than those in higher place, sought the -Queen, and begged of her his master’s head, that -he might give it sepulture. In God’s name, Mary -bade him take his lord’s whole body and bury him. -By a curious caprice of destiny the Duke was laid to -rest in the Tower at the side of Somerset.<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> There, -in the reconciliation of a common defeat, the ancient -rivals were united.</p> - -<p>The three chief victims had thus paid the supreme -penalty. The rest of the participators in Northumberland’s -guilt, if not pardoned, were suffered to escape -with life. Young Warwick had shared his father’s -condemnation, and, finding that the excuse of youth -was not to be allowed to avail in so grave a matter, -had contented himself with begging that, out of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269">269</a></span> -goods, forfeited to the Crown, his debts might be -paid. Returning to the Tower, he had afterwards -followed his father’s example in abjuring Protestantism, -and had listened, with the older victims, to the -words addressed by the priest to the men appointed -to die. Whether or not he had been aware that -he was to be spared, Mass concluded, he had been -taken back to his lodging and had not shared the -Duke’s fate.</p> - -<p>Northampton’s defence had been a strange one. -He had, he said, forborne the execution of any -public office during the interregnum and, being -intent on hunting and other sports, had not shared -in the conspiracy. The plea was not allowed to -stand, but though he, like Warwick, was condemned, -he was likewise permitted to escape with life. As -Warwick’s youth may have made its appeal to -Mary, so she may have remembered that Northampton -was the brother of her dead friend, Katherine Parr, -and have allowed that memory to save him.</p> - -<p>Lady Jane’s fate had hung in the balances. By -some she was still considered a menace to the -stability of her cousin’s throne. Charles V.’s ambassadors, -representing to the Queen the need of -proceeding with caution in matters of religion, urged -the necessity of executing punishment upon the more -guilty of those who had striven to deprive her of -her crown, clemency being used towards the rest. -In which class was Jane to be included? The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270">270</a></span> -determination of that question would decide her -fate. At an interview between Mary and Simon -Renard, one of the Emperor’s envoys, it was -discussed, the Queen declaring that she could not -make up her mind to send Lady Jane to the scaffold; -that she had been told that, before her marriage with -Guilford Dudley, she had been bestowed upon -another man by a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">contrat obligatoire</i>, rendering the -subsequent tie null and void. Mary drew from -this hypothetical fact the inference that her cousin -was not the daughter-in-law of the Duke of -Northumberland’s, adding that she had had no -share in his undertaking, and that, as she was -innocent, it would be against her own conscience -to put her to death.</p> - -<p>Renard demurred. He said, what was probably -true, that it was to be feared that the alleged contract -of marriage had been invented to save Lady Jane; -and it would be necessary at the least to keep her -a prisoner, since many inconveniences might be -expected were she set at liberty. To this Mary -agreed, promising that her cousin should not be -liberated without all precautions necessary to ensure -that no ill results would follow.<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">199</a></p> - -<p>This interview must have taken place shortly -before Northumberland’s death; for on August 23 -the Emperor, to whom it had been duly reported, -was replying by a reiteration of his opinion that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271">271</a></span> -all those who had conspired against the Queen, as -well as any concerned in Edward’s death, should be -chastised without mercy. He advised that the -executions should take place simultaneously, so that -the pardon of the less guilty should follow without -delay. If Mary was unable to resolve to put -“Jeanne de Suffolck” to death, she ought at least -to relegate her to some place of security, where she -could be kept under supervision and rendered -incapable of causing trouble in the realm.</p> - -<p>That Mary had decided upon this course is clear, -and there is no reason to believe that Lady Jane -would have suffered death had it not been for -her father’s subsequent conduct. In the meantime, -she remained a prisoner in the Tower, and on -August 29, eleven days after the executions on -Tower Hill, she is shown to us in one of the rare -pictures left of her during the time of her captivity. -On that day—a Tuesday—the diarist in the Tower, admitted -to dine at the same table as the royal prisoner, -placed upon record an account of the conversation.</p> - -<p>Besides Lady Jane, who sat at the end of the -board, there was present the narrator himself, one -Partridge,<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> and his wife—it was in “Partridge’s -house,” or lodging within the Tower, that the -guests met—with Lady Jane’s gentlewoman and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272">272</a></span> -her man. Her presence had been unexpected by -the diarist, as he was careful to explain, excusing -his boldness in having accepted Partridge’s invitation -on the score that he had not been aware that she -dined below.</p> - -<p>Lady Jane did not appear anxious to stand on -her dignity. Desiring guest and host to be covered, -she drank to the new-comer and made him welcome. -The conversation turned, naturally enough, upon the -conduct of public affairs, of which Lady Jane was -inclined to take a sanguine view.</p> - -<p>“The Queen’s Majesty is a merciful Princess,” -she observed. “I beseech God she may long continue, -and send His merciful grace upon her.”</p> - -<p>Religious matters were discussed, Lady Jane -inquiring as to who had been the preacher at -St. Paul’s the preceding Sunday.</p> - -<p>“I pray you,” she asked next, “have they Mass -in London?”</p> - -<p>“Yea, forsooth,” was the answer, “in some -places.”</p> - -<p>“It may be so,” she said. “It is not so strange -as the sudden conversion of the late Duke. For -who would have thought he would have so done?” -negativing at once and decidedly the suggestion -made by some one present that a hope of escaping -his imminent doom and winning pardon from the -Queen might supply an explanation of his change -of front.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273">273</a></span> -“‘Pardon?’ repeated the dead man’s daughter-in-law. -‘Woe worth him! He hath brought me -and our stock into most miserable calamity and -misery by his exceeding ambition. But for the -answering that he hoped for life by his turning, -though other men be of that opinion, I utterly am -not. For what man is there living, I pray you, -although he had been innocent, that would hope -of life in that case; being in the field against the -Queen in person as general, and, after his taking, -so hated and evil spoken of by the commons? and -at his coming into prison so wondered at as the like -was never heard by any man’s time? Who was -judge that he should hope for pardon, whose life -was odious to all men? But what will ye more? -Like as his life was wicked and full of dissimulation, -so was his end thereafter. I pray God I, nor no -friend of mine, die so. Should I who [am] young -and in my fewers [few years?] forsake my faith for -the love of life? Nay, God forbid, much more he -should not, whose fatal course, although he had -lived his just number of years, could not have long -continued. But life was sweet, it appeared; so he -might have lived, you will say, he did [not] care -how. Indeed the reason is good, he that would have -lived in chains, to have had his life, by like would -leave no other means attempted. But God be merciful -to us, for He saith, whoso denyeth Him before -men, He will not know in His Father’s Kingdom.’”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274">274</a></span> -The conviction of Northumberland’s daughter-in-law -that his recantation had not been a mere -device designed to lengthen his days may be allowed -in some sort to weigh in favour of the man she -hated; and it is also fair to remember that if his -first abjuration may be accounted for by a lingering -hope that it might purchase life, any such expectation -must have been abandoned before the final repetition -of it upon the scaffold. In Lady Jane’s eyes, however, -there seems to have been little to choose -between a sham apostacy and a genuine reversion -to his older creed.</p> - -<p>“With this and much like talk the dinner passed -away,” and with exchange of courtesies the little -company separated. The brief shaft of light throwing -Lady Jane’s figure into relief fades and leaves her -once more in the shadow—a shadow that was to -deepen above her till the end. It was early days of -captivity still. Yet one discerns something of the -passionate longing of the prisoner for freedom in -her wonder that life in chains could be accounted -worth any sacrifice.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275">275</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XXI"></a>CHAPTER XXI<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1553</span> - -<span class="subhead">Mary’s marriage in question—Pole and Courtenay—Foreign suitors—The -Prince of Spain proposed to her—Elizabeth’s attitude—Lady -Jane’s letter to Hardinge—The coronation—Cranmer in -the Tower—Lady Jane attainted—Letter to her father—Sentence -of death—The Spanish match.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">To</span> Mary there were at present matters of more -personal and pressing moment than the fate -of her ill-starred cousin. It was essential that the -kingdom should be provided as quickly as possible -with an heir whose title to the throne should admit -of no question. Mary was no longer young and -there was no time to lose. The question in all -men’s minds was who was to be the Queen’s -husband. Amongst Englishmen, Pole, who, though -a Cardinal, was not in priest’s orders, and Courtenay, -the prisoner of the Tower, were both of royal blood, -and considered in the light of possible aspirants to -her hand. The first, however, was soon set aside, -as disqualified by age and infirmity. Towards -Courtenay she appeared for a time not ill-disposed. -His unhappy youth, his long captivity, may have -told in his favour in the eyes of a woman herself -the victim of injustice and misfortune. He was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276">276</a></span> -young, not more than twenty-seven, handsome—called -by Castlenau “l’un des plus beaux entre les -jeunes seigneurs de son âge”—and the Queen -cherished a special affection for his mother. He -had been restored to the forfeited honours of his -family, had been made Earl of Devonshire and -Knight of the Bath. Gardiner also, whose opinion -carried weight, was an advocate of the match. But -on his enfranchisement from prison the young -man had not used his liberty wisely. His head -turned by the position already his, and the chance -of a higher one, he had started his household on -a princely scale, inducing many of the courtiers to -kneel in his presence. Follies such as these Mary -might have condoned, although the fact that she -directed her cousin to accept no invitations to dinner -without her permission indicates the exercise of a -supervision somewhat like that to be kept over an -emancipated schoolboy. But at a moment when he -was aspiring to the highest rank to be enjoyed by -any subject, his moral misconduct was matter -of public report and sufficient to deter any woman -from becoming his wife. He was also headstrong -and self-willed, “so difficult to guide,” sighed -Noailles, “that he will believe nobody; and as -one who has spent his life in a tower, seeing -himself now in the enjoyment of entire liberty, -cannot abstain from its delights, having no fear of -those things which may be placed before him.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277">277</a></span> -To these causes, rather than to the romantic -passion for Elizabeth attributed to Courtenay by -some other writers, Dr. Lingard attributes Mary’s -refusal to entertain the idea of becoming his wife. -“In public she observed that it was not for her -honour to marry a subject, but to her confidential -friends she attributed the cause to the immorality -of Courtenay.”<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">201</a></p> - -<p>Her two English suitors disposed of, it remained -to select a husband from amongst foreign princes—the -King of Denmark, the Prince of Spain, the -Infant of Portugal, the Prince of Piedmont, being -all under consideration. A few months ago Mary -had been a negligible quantity in the marriage -market; she had now become one of the most -desirable matches in Europe. She was determined -to follow in her choice the advice of the -Emperor; and the Emperor had hitherto abstained -from proffering it, contenting himself with negativing -the candidature of the son of the King of the -Romans. It was not until September 20 that, in -answer to her repeated inquiries, he instructed his -ambassadors to offer her the hand of his son; -requesting that the matter should be kept secret, -even from her ministers of State, until he had been -informed whether she was inclined to accept his -suggestion.<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> The contents of the Emperor’s despatch<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278">278</a></span> -must have been communicated to the Queen immediately -before her coronation on September 30; -but not being as yet made public there was nothing -to interfere with the loyal rejoicings of the people, -to whom the very idea of the Spanish match would -have been abhorrent.</p> - -<p>Meantime the attitude of Elizabeth was increasing -the desire of the Catholic party that a direct heir -should be born to the Catholic Queen. The nation -was insensibly dividing itself into two camps, and -the Protestant and Catholic parties eyed one another -with suspicion, each looking to the sister who shared -its faith for support. The enthusiasm displayed -towards Elizabeth by a section of the people was not -conducive to the continuance of affectionate relations -between the Queen and the next heir to the -throne, Pope Julius describing the younger sister -as being in the heart and mouth of every one. -Elizabeth was in a position of no little difficulty. -She desired to continue on good terms with the -Queen; she was not willing to relinquish her chief -title to honour in Protestant eyes; and it is possible -that genuine religious sentiment, a sincere preference -for the creed she professed, may have added to her -embarrassment. It may have been due to conviction -that she declined to bow to her sister’s wishes by -attending Mass, refusing so much as to be present -at the ceremonial which created Courtenay Earl -of Devonshire. It was satisfactory to know that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279">279</a></span> -Protestant England looked on and applauded. It -was less pleasant to hear that some of the Queen’s -hot-headed friends, interpreting her refusal as an act -of disrespect to their mistress, had demanded—though -vainly—her arrest; and though on September 6 -Noailles reported to his master that on -the previous Saturday and Sunday the Princess had -proved deaf to the arguments of preachers and the -solicitations of Councillors, and had gone so far as to -make a rude reply to the last, she suddenly changed -her tactics, fell on her knees, weeping, before Mary, -and begged that books and teachers might be supplied -to her, so that she might perhaps see cause to alter -the faith in which she had been brought up. The -expectation seems to have been promptly realised. -On September 8 she accompanied the Queen to -Mass, and, expressing an intention of establishing a -chapel in her house, wrote to the Emperor to -ask permission to purchase the ornaments for it -in Brussels.</p> - -<p>It was a season of sudden conversions. Elizabeth -was not the only person who saw the wisdom of -conforming in appearance or in sincerity to the -standard set up by the Queen. Hardinge, a chaplain -of the Duke of Suffolk’s—he must have succeeded -to the post of the worthy Haddon—had recognized -his errors; and it is believed that to him a letter -of Lady Jane’s—though signed with her unmarried -name—was addressed. Printed in English, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280">280</a></span> -abroad, perhaps through the instrumentality of her -former tutor, Aylmer, it is an epistle of expostulation, -reproof, and warning, couched in the violent language -of the time. To her “noble friend, newly fallen -from the truth” she writes, marvelling at him, and -lamenting the case of one who, once the lively -member of Christ, was now the deformed imp of -the devil, and from the temple of God was become -the kennel of Satan—with much more in the same -strain. It has not been recorded what effect, if any, -the missive produced upon the delinquent to whom -it was addressed.</p> - -<p>Elizabeth, for her part, had effectually made -her peace with her sister. The coronation, on -October 10, found their relations restored to a -pleasant footing, and Elizabeth’s proper place at -the ceremony was assured to her. To Mary, a sad -and lonely woman, the reconciliation must have been -welcome. To Elizabeth the material advantages -of standing on terms of affection with the Queen -will have appealed more strongly than motives -of sentiment; and that her attitude was surmised -by those about her would seem to be shown by -a curious incident reported in the despatches of the -imperial ambassador.</p> - -<p>As the younger sister bore the crown to be placed -upon Mary’s head, she complained to M. de Noailles, -who stood near, of its weight. It was heavy, she -said, and she was weary.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281">281</a></span> -The Frenchman replied with a flippant jest, -overheard by Charles’s ambassador, though Noailles -himself, perhaps convicted of indiscretion, makes -no mention of it in his account of the day’s proceedings. -Let Elizabeth have patience, he replied. -When the crown should shortly be upon her own -head it would appear lighter.<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">203</a></p> - -<p>Outwardly all was as it should be. Mary held -her sister’s hand in an affectionate clasp, assigning -to her the place of honour next her own at the -ensuing banquet, and court and nation looked on -and were edified.</p> - -<p>Gardiner, now not only Bishop of Winchester -but Lord Chancellor, had performed the rites of the -coronation, in the absence of the Archbishops, both -in confinement. The Tower had been once more -opening its hospitable doors, and a fortnight earlier -its resident diarist had noted Cranmer’s arrival. -“Item, the Bishop of Canterbury was brought -into the Tower as prisoner, and lodged in the -Tower over the gate anenst the water-gate, where -the Duke of Northumberland lay before his death.”</p> - -<p>Nor was Cranmer the only churchman to find -a lodging there. Doctor Ridley had preceded -him to the universal prison-house, and on the -same day that the Archbishop took up his residence -in it “Master Latimer was brought to the Tower -prisoner; who at his coming said to one Rutter,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282">282</a></span> -a warder there, ‘What, my old friend, how do you? -I am now come to be your neighbour again,’ and -was lodged in the garden in Sir Thomas Palmer’s -lodging.”</p> - -<p>Ominous quarters both! It was a day when -the great fortress received, and discharged, many -guests.</p> - -<p>If Cranmer had drawn his imprisonment upon -himself, the imprudence to which it was due did -him honour. He had at first been treated by -Mary with an indulgence the more singular when -it is remembered that he had been the instrument -of her mother’s divorce, and a strenuous -supporter of Lady Jane. Prudence would have -dictated the adoption on his part of a policy of -silence; but, confined to his house at Lambeth, -and regarding with the bitterness inevitable in a -man of his convictions the steps in course of being -taken for the restoration of the ancient worship, -the news that Mass had been once again celebrated -in Canterbury Cathedral, and that it was commonly -reported that it had been done with his consent -and connivance, was too much for him. Feeling -the need of clearing himself from what he regarded -as a damaging imputation, he wrote and spread -abroad a declaration of his faith and opinions, -adding to it a violent attack upon the rites of -the Catholic Church. By Mary and her advisers -the challenge could scarcely have been ignored;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283">283</a></span> -and it was this document, read to the people in -the streets, which was the cause of the Archbishop -being called before the Council and committed to -the Tower on a charge of treason accompanied by -the spreading abroad of seditious libels.<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">204</a></p> - -<p>The Tower continued to be, in some sort, -the centre of all that was going forward. On -September 27, two days before the coronation, -Mary had again visited the fortress whither she -had so nearly escaped being brought in quite another -character and guise. Elizabeth came with her, and -she was attended by the whole Council—just as they -had, not three months before, attended upon Jane, -the innocent usurper. And somewhere in the -great dark building the little Twelfth-night Queen -must have listened to the pealing of the joy-bells -and to the acclamations of the people who had -kept so ominous a silence when she herself had -made her entry. Perhaps young Guilford Dudley -too, who a week or two before had been accorded -“the liberty of the leads on Beacham’s Tower,” -may have stood above, catching a glimpse of the -show, and remembering the day when he and his -wife had their boy-and-girl quarrel, because she -would not make him a King.</p> - -<p>The two questions of the hour were those -relating to the Queen’s marriage and to matters -of religion. When Parliament met on October 5,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284">284</a></span> -the news of the Spanish match had not been announced, -and the bills of chief interest passed were -one dealing with the important point of the validity -of Katherine of Aragon’s marriage, and a second, -which, avoiding any discussion of the Papal -supremacy, the only thoroughly unpopular article -of the Catholic creed, cancelled recent legislation -on ecclesiastical matters, and restored the ritual -in use during the last year of Henry’s reign. The -other important measure carried in this session was -the attainder of Cranmer, Lady Jane and her -husband, and Sir Ambrose Dudley.</p> - -<p>So far as Lady Jane was concerned the step was -purely formal, intended to serve as a warning to -her friends, and it was understood on all hands that -a pardon would be granted to the guiltless figure-head -of the conspiracy. Yet to a nervous child, -not yet seventeen, there may well have been something -terrifying in the sentence hanging over her, -and it seems to have been about this time that she -addressed a letter to her father which could scarcely -have been otherwise conceived had she expected in -truth to suffer the penalty due to treason.</p> - -<div id="ip_284" class="figcenter" style="width: 600px;"> - <img src="images/i_284.jpg" width="600" height="359" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From an etching by W. Hollar.</p> - <p class="up1 right smaller">Photo by W. A. Mansell & Co.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>THE TOWER OF LONDON.</p></div></div> - -<p>“If I may without offence rejoice in mine own -mishap,” she wrote, “meseems in this I may -account myself blessed, that washing mine hands -with the innocency of my fact, my guiltless blood -may cry before the Lord, mercy, mercy to the -innocent. And yet I must acknowledge that being<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285">285</a></span> -constrained, and, as you wot well enough, continually -assailed, in taking upon me I seemed to consent, and -therein offended the Queen and her laws, yet do I -assuredly trust that this mine offence towards God -is much the less, in that being in so royal an estate -as I was, mine enforced honour never agreed with -mine innocent heart.”<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">205</a></p> - -<p>The trial was held on November 13, on which -day Cranmer, with Guilford, and his brother, and -Lady Jane, were all conducted on foot to the -Guildhall to answer the charge of treason.</p> - -<p>The Archbishop led the way, followed by young -Dudley. After them came Lady Jane, a childish -figure of woe, dressed in black, with a French hood, -also black, a book bound in black velvet hanging at -her side, and another in her hand.</p> - -<p>Her condemnation was a foregone conclusion, -and, pleading guilty, she was sentenced to death, -by the axe or by fire, according to the old brutal -law dealing with a woman convicted of treason. -As she returned to the Tower a demonstration took -place in her honour, not unlikely to be productive -of some uneasiness to those in power, and little -calculated to serve her cause.</p> - -<p>The London populace were more favourably -disposed towards her in misfortune, than in her -brief period of prosperity. The sight of the -forlorn pair, still no more than boy and girl,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286">286</a></span> -touched and moved the multitude, and crowds -accompanied them to their place of captivity. It -is said that this was the solitary occasion upon -which she and Guilford Dudley met during their -imprisonment.</p> - -<p>Another cause, besides simple pity, was perhaps -responsible for the tenderness displayed towards -the Queen’s rival. A week or two before the trial -the news of the Spanish match had been made -known to the public, and may have had the effect -of suggesting doubts as to the wisdom of the -enthusiastic welcome given to Mary. At the -beginning of November the affair had been undecided, -and Gardiner was telling the Emperor’s -envoy candidly that, if the Queen asked his advice, -he would counsel her to choose an Englishman for -her husband. The nation, he added, was deeply -prejudiced against foreign domination, especially in -the case of Spaniards, and the proposed union -would also produce war with France.</p> - -<p>Mary’s mind, however, was made up, nor had -she any intention of being swayed by Gardiner’s -advice. On the night of October 30 she took -the singular step of summoning the ambassador, -Simon Renard, to her apartment; when, in the -presence of the Blessed Sacrament, and after repeating -on her knees the <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">Veni Creator</i>, she gave -him her promise to wed the Prince of Spain. In -the face of the curious determination thus shown<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287">287</a></span> -to bind herself by a contract irrevocable in her own -eyes, it is strange to find historians attributing to -her a continued leaning towards Courtenay.</p> - -<p>When the fact got abroad that the Emperor’s -son was destined to become the Queen’s husband, -London thrilled with indignation; whilst Parliament -made its sentiments plain by means of a deputation -which, in an address containing an entreaty that -she would marry, expressed a hope that her choice -would fall upon an Englishman. But Mary was -a Tudor. Dispensing with the customary medium -of the Chancellor, she gave her reply in person. -Thanking the petitioners for their zeal, she declared -herself disposed to act upon their advice and to -take a husband. It was, however, for herself alone -to select one, according to her inclination, and for -the good of her kingdom.</p> - -<p>Simon Renard, reporting the scene, observed that -her speech had been applauded by the nobles present, -Arundel informing the Chancellor in jest that he -had been deprived of his office, since the Queen -had undertaken the functions belonging to it. -In the pleasantry the Emperor’s envoy detected a -warning that should Gardiner continue his opposition -to the match he would not long retain his present -post.<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">206</a></p> - -<p>The Bishop yielded. He may have agreed with -Renard. At all events, the Queen being determined,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288">288</a></span> -and recognising that he was unable to deter her -from the measure upon which she had decided, -he took the prudent step of putting himself on her -side. His opposition removed, Renard was able -to inform his master, on December 17, that Mary -had received him in open daylight, had informed -him that the necessity for secrecy was at an end, -and that she regarded her marriage as a thing -definitely and irrevocably fixed.<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">207</a></p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289">289</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XXII"></a>CHAPTER XXII<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1553-1554</span> - -<span class="subhead">Discontent at the Spanish match—Insurrections in the country—Courtenay -and Elizabeth—Suffolk a rebel—General failure of -the insurgents—Wyatt’s success—Marches to London—Mary’s -conduct—Apprehensions in London, and at the palace—The -fight—Wyatt a prisoner—Taken to the Tower.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">When</span> the year 1553 drew towards its close -there was nothing to indicate that any -catastrophe was at hand. The crisis appeared to -be past and no further danger to be apprehended. -Northumberland and his principal accomplices had -paid the penalty of their treason. Suffolk, with -lesser criminals, had been allowed to escape it; the -rest of the confederates had been practically pardoned. -If some were still in confinement it was -understood to be without danger to life or limb. -In the Tower Lady Jane and her husband lay -formally under sentence of death, but the conditions -of their captivity had been lightened; on -December 18 Lady Jane was accorded “the liberty -of the Tower,” and was permitted to walk in the -Queen’s garden and on the hill; Guilford and -his brother—Elizabeth’s Leicester—were allowed -the liberty of the leads in the Bell Tower. Both<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290">290</a></span> -Northampton and young Warwick—who did not -long survive his enfranchisement—had been released. -No further chastisement seemed likely to be inflicted -in expiation of the late attempt to keep Mary -out of her rights.</p> - -<p>Yet discontent was on the increase. As early as -November steps had been taken to induce Courtenay -to head a new conspiracy. He was timid and -faint-hearted, and urged delay, and nothing had, -so far, come of it. It would be well, he said, advocating -a policy of procrastination, to wait to be -certain that the Queen was determined upon the -Spanish match before taking hazardous measures to -oppose it.<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">208</a></p> - -<p>Thus Christmas had found the country ostensibly -at peace, and the prisoners in the Tower with no -reason to fear any change for the worse in their -condition. On the following day the thunder -of the cannon discharged as a welcome to the -Emperor’s ambassadors sounded in their ears, and -was, though they were ignorant of it, the prelude -of their destruction. The arrival of envoys expressly -charged with the marriage negotiations put -the matter beyond doubt; nor was England in a mood -to submit passively to a union it hated and feared.</p> - -<p>By January 2 the Counts of Egmont and Laing -and the Sieur de Corriers had reached the capital; -landing at the Tower, where they were greeted<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291">291</a></span> -with a salute from the guns, and met by the Earl -of Devonshire, who escorted them through the -City. “The people, nothing rejoicing, held down -their heads sorrowfully.” When on the previous -day the retinue of the Spanish envoys had ridden -through the town, more forcible expression had been -given to public opinion, and they had been pelted -with snowballs.<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">209</a></p> - -<p>Matters were pressed quickly on. By January 13 -the formal announcement of the unpopular arrangement, -with its provisions, was made by Gardiner in -the Presence-chamber at Westminster to the lords -and nobles there assembled; hope could no longer -be entertained that the Queen would be otherwise -persuaded. “These news,” adds the Tower diarist, -“although they were not unknown to many and -very much disliked, yet being now in this wise -pronounced, was not only credited, but also heavily -taken of sundry men; yea, and almost each man -was abashed, looking daily for worse matters to -grow shortly after.”</p> - -<p>They did not look in vain. The unpopularity of -the Spanish match was the direct cause of the -insurrections which soon broke out. Indirectly it -was the cause of the death of Lady Jane Grey.</p> - -<p>Wild tales were afloat, rousing the passions of the -angry people to fever-heat. Some reports stated -that Edward was still alive; others asserted that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292">292</a></span> -the tower and the forts were to be seized and held -by an imperialist army; abuse of every kind was -directed against the Prince of Spain and his nation. -Mary was said to have given her pledge that she -would marry no foreigner, and by the breach of -this promise she was declared to have forfeited the -crown. Fresh schemes were set on foot for a -rising in the spring. It does not appear that the -substitution of Lady Jane for her cousin was again -generally contemplated. That plan had resulted -in so complete a failure that it had probably been -tacitly admitted that the arrangement would not -work. But the eyes of many were turning towards -Elizabeth. She was to wed Courtenay, and they -were jointly to occupy the throne. The two -principally concerned were not likely to have refused -to fall in with the project had it seemed to offer a fair -chance of success, and France was in favour of it.</p> - -<p>“By what I hear,” wrote Noailles, “it will be -by my Lord Courtenay’s own fault if he does not -marry her, and she does not follow him to Devonshire,”—the -selected centre of operations—“but the -misfortune is that the said Courtenay is in such -fear that he dares undertake nothing. I see no -reason that prevents him save lack of heart.”</p> - -<p>Courtenay was in truth not the stuff of which -conductors of revolutions are made. Gratitude -and loyalty would not have availed to keep -him true to Mary, and in able hands he might<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293">293</a></span> -have become the instrument of a rebellion. But -Gardiner found no difficulty in so playing on his -apprehensions as to lead him to divulge the plots -that were on foot; and his revelations, or betrayals, -whichever they are to be called, precipitated the -action of the conspirators. If their enterprise was -to be attempted, no time must be lost.<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">210</a></p> - -<p>On January 20 it became known that Devonshire -was in arms, “resisting the King of Spain’s coming,” -and that Exeter was in the hands of the insurgents. -By the 25th the Duke of Suffolk, with his two -brothers, Lord John and Lord Leonard Grey, had -fled from his house at Sheen, and gone northwards -to rouse his Warwickshire tenants to insurrection. -It was currently reported that he had narrowly -escaped being detained, a messenger from the Queen -having arrived as he was on the point of starting, -with orders that he should repair to Court.</p> - -<p>“Marry,” said the Duke, “I was coming to -her Grace. Ye may see I am booted and spurred -ready to ride, and I will but break my fast and go.”</p> - -<p>Bestowing a present upon the messenger, he gave -him drink, and himself departed, no one then knew -whither.</p> - -<p>That same day tidings had reached the Council -that Kent had risen, Sir Thomas Wyatt at its head, -with Culpepper, Cobham, and others, alleging, as -their sole motives, resistance to the Prince of Spain,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294">294</a></span> -and the removal of certain lords from the Council -Board. Sir John Crofts had proceeded to Wales -to call upon it to join the insurrectionary movement.</p> - -<p>The country being thus in a turmoil the two -persons who should have taken the lead and -upon whom much of the success of the insurgents -depended were playing a cautious game. Courtenay -was at Court, and Elizabeth remained at Ashridge -to watch the event, no doubt prepared to shape -her course accordingly. A letter addressed to -her by her partisans, counselling her withdrawal -to Dunnington, as to a place of greater safety, had -been intercepted by the authorities; and she had -received an invitation, or command, to join her sister -at St. James’s, where, it was significantly added, she -would be more secure than either at Ashridge or -Dunnington. On the score of ill-health she -disobeyed the summons, fortifying the house, and -assembling around it some numbers of armed -retainers.</p> - -<div id="ip_294" class="figcenter" style="width: 423px;"> - <img src="images/i_294.jpg" width="423" height="600" alt="" /> - <p class="p0 in0 smaller">From a photo by Emery Walker after a painting by Joannes Corvus in the National Portrait Gallery.</p> - <div class="caption"><p>HENRY GREY, DUKE OF SUFFOLK, K.G.</p></div></div> - -<p>The hopes built by the insurgents upon the general -discontent throughout the country were doomed to -disappointment. It was one thing to disapprove of -the Queen’s choice; it was quite another to take -up arms against her. Devonshire proved cold; -most of the leaders there were seized, or compelled -to make their escape to France; Crofts had been -pursued to Wales, and was arrested before he had -time to rally any support in the principality.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295">295</a></span> -Suffolk had done no better in the Midlands. -Authorities are divided as to his intentions. By -Dr. Lingard it is considered uncertain whether -he meant to press Elizabeth’s claims or to revive -those of his daughter. With either upon the -throne the dominance of the Protestant religion -would have been ensured, and, unlike Northumberland, -Suffolk was sincere and honest in his attachment -to the principles of the Reformation. Other writers, -however, assert categorically that he caused Lady -Jane to be proclaimed at his halting-places as he -went north; and the sequel seems to make it -probable that she had been once more forced into -a position of dangerous prominence.</p> - -<p>Whatever may have been the exact nature of -the scheme he propounded, the country made no -response to his appeal; after a skirmish near Coventry -he gave up hopes of any immediate success, disbanded -his followers, and, betrayed by a tenant -upon whose fidelity he had believed he could count, -fell into the hands of those in pursuit of him. By -February 10 he had gone to swell the numbers -of the prisoners in the Tower.</p> - -<p>The rising in Kent had alone answered in any -degree to the expectations of its promoters. -Drawn into the conspiracy, if his own assertions -are to be credited, by Courtenay, Wyatt had -become the most conspicuous leader of the insurrection -known by his name. He was well<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296">296</a></span> -fitted for the post. Brave, skilful, and secret, he -was, says Noailles, “un gentilhomme le plus vaillant -et assuré que j’ai jamais ouï parler”; and whether -or not he had been deserted by the man to whom -it was due that he had taken up arms, he was -not disposed to submit to defeat without a struggle.</p> - -<p>Fixing his headquarters at Rochester, he had -gathered together a body of some fifteen thousand -men, and was there found by the Duke of Norfolk, -sent at the head of the Queen’s forces against him. -The utmost enthusiasm prevailed amongst the -insurgents, and when a herald arrived in Rochester -commissioned by the Duke to proclaim a pardon -for all who would consent to lay down arms, “each -man cried that they had done nothing wherefore -they should need any pardon, and that quarrel -which they took they would die and live in it.”<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> -Sir George Harper was in fact the sole rebel who -accepted the proffered boon.</p> - -<p>Worse was to follow. At the first encounter -of the royal troops with the Kentish men Captain -Bret, leading five hundred Londoners, went over -to the rebels, explaining in a spirited speech -the grounds for his desertion, the miseries which -might be expected to befall the nation should the -Spaniards bear rule over it, and expressing his -determination to spend his blood “in the quarrel -of this worthy captain, Master Wyatt.”<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">212</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297">297</a></span> -It was an ominous beginning to the struggle, -and at the applause greeting Bret’s announcement, -the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Ormond, and -Jerningham, Captain of the Guard, fled. Wyatt, -taking instant advantage of the situation, rode -in amongst the Queen’s troops, crying out that -any who desired to join him should be welcome -and that those who wished might depart.</p> - -<p>Most of the men accepted the alternative of -throwing in their lot with Wyatt and his company, -leaving their leaders to return without them to -London. “Ye should have seen,” adds the diarist, -from whom these details and many others of this -episode are taken, “some of the Guard come home, -their coats turned, all ruined, without arrows or -string in their bow, or sword, in very strange wise; -which discomfiture, like as it was very heart-sore -and displeasing to the Queen and Council, even so -it was almost no less joyous to the Londoners and -most part of others.”</p> - -<p>With the capital in this temper, the juncture -was a critical one. Wyatt was marching on London, -and who could say what reception he would meet -with at the hands of the discontented populace? -The fact that he was encountered at Deptford by a -deputation from the Council, sent to inquire into his -demands, is proof of the apprehensions entertained. -The interview did not end amicably. Flushed -with victory, Wyatt was not disposed to be moderate.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298">298</a></span> -To Sir Edward Hastings, who asked the reason why, -calling himself a true subject, he played the part of -a traitor, he answered boldly that he had assembled -the people to defend the realm from the danger of -being overrun by strangers, a result which must -follow from the proposed marriage of the Queen.</p> - -<p>Hastings temporised. No stranger was yet come -who need be suspected. Therefore, if this was -their only quarrel, the Queen would be content -they should be heard.</p> - -<p>“To that I yield,” returned Wyatt warily, “but -for my further surety I would rather be trusted -than trust.”</p> - -<p>In carrying out this principle of caution it was -reported that he had pressed his demand for confidence -so far as to require that the custody of -the Tower, and the Queen’s person within it, -should be conceded to him. If this was the case, -he can scarcely have felt much surprise that the -negotiations were brought to an abrupt conclusion, -Hastings replying hotly that before his traitorous -conditions should be granted, Wyatt and twenty -thousand with him should die. And thus the -conference ended.<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">213</a></p> - -<p>London was in a ferment. Mayor, aldermen, -and many of the citizens went about in armour, -“the lawyers pleaded their causes in harness,” and -when Dr. Weston said Mass before the Queen on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299">299</a></span> -Ash Wednesday he wore a coat of mail beneath -his vestments. There had been no need to bid -the Spanish ambassadors to depart, those gentlemen -having prudently decamped as speedily as possible. -Upon February 2 Mary in person proceeded to -the Guildhall, and, there meeting the chief amongst -the citizens, made them a speech which was an -admirable combination of appeal and independence, -and showed that if outwardly she bore no resemblance -to father or sister the Tudor spirit was alive in her. -She had come, she said, to tell them what they -already knew—of the treason of the Kentish rebels, -who demanded the possession of her person, the -keeping of the Tower, and the placing and displacing -of her counsellors.</p> - -<p>That day marked the crisis in the progress of -the insurrection. Mary’s visit to the Guildhall had -taken place on February 2. When on the following -day Wyatt, leaving Deptford, marched to Southwark -the tide had turned. His followers were falling -away; no other part of the country was in arms -to support him; and his position was becoming -desperate. His daring, nevertheless, did not fail. -A price had been put upon his head, and, aware -of the proclamation, he caused his name to be -“fair written,” and set it on his cap. The act of -bravado was characteristic of the spirit of the -popular leader.</p> - -<p>Meantime the measures to be taken against him<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300">300</a></span> -were anxiously discussed. On the 4th Sir Nicholas -Poynings, on duty at the Tower, waited upon the -Queen to receive her orders, and to learn whether -the ordnance was to be directed upon Southwark, -and the houses knocked down upon the heads of -Wyatt and his men, quartered in that district.</p> - -<p>Mary, to her honour, refused to authorise the -drastic mode of attack.</p> - -<p>“Nay,” she replied, “that were pity; for many -poor men and householders are like to be undone -there and killed. For, God willing, they shall be -fought with to-morrow.”</p> - -<p>The innocent were not to be involved in the -destruction of the guilty. Her decision was unwelcome -at the Tower. The night before Sir John -Bridges had expressed his surprise to the sentinel -on duty that the rebels had not yet been fought.</p> - -<p>“By God’s mother,” he added, “I fear there is -some traitor abroad, that they be suffered all this -while. For surely if it had been about my sentry -[or beat] I would have fought with them myself, -by God’s grace.”</p> - -<p>Wyatt, strangely enough, was no less pitiful than -the Queen. Although she had refused permission -for the discharge of the guns, they had been directed -by those responsible for them upon the spot where -the rebel body was stationed; and, in terror of -a cannonade, the inhabitants, men and women, -approached the insurgent leader “in most lamentable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301">301</a></span> -wise,” setting forth the danger his presence was -bringing upon them, and praying him for the love of -God to have pity. The appeal was not made in vain.</p> - -<p>“At which words he, being partly abashed, stayed -awhile, and then said these, or much like words, -‘I pray you, my friends, content yourselves a -little, and I will soon ease you of this mischief. -For God forbid that you, or the least child here, -should be hurt or killed on my behalf,’ and so in -most speedy manner marched away.”</p> - -<p>A meeting was to have taken place before sunrise -with some of the disaffected in the City. By -this means it had been hoped that a surprise -might be contrived. But a portion of Kingston -Bridge, where the river was to be crossed, had -been destroyed; time was lost in repairing it, -and the assignation at Ludgate was missed. The -scheme had supplied Wyatt’s last chance and -failure was staring him in the face. Rats were -leaving the sinking vessel. The Protestant -Bishop of Winchester, who had hitherto lent the -countenance of his presence in the camp to the -insurgents, fled beyond seas; Sir George Harper, -having rejoined Wyatt’s forces, deserted for the -second time, and made his way to St. James’s to -give warning to the Court of the approach of the -rebel leader.</p> - -<p>Such being the condition of things, it is singular -to find that at the palace something like a panic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302">302</a></span> -was prevailing. Mary was entreated by her ministers -to seek safety at the Tower; and, though deciding -in the end to remain at her post, she appears at first -to have been inclined to act upon the suggestion. -A plan of action was determined upon in a hurried -consultation. Wyatt, it was agreed, was to be permitted -to reach the City, with a certain number of -his followers, and having been thus detached from -the main body of his troops it was hoped that he -would be trapped and seized.</p> - -<p>In the meantime arrangements were made for -the defence of the Queen and the palace. Edward -Underhyll, the Hot-Gospeller for whose child Lady -Jane had stood godmother six months earlier, and -who was on duty as a gentleman-pensioner at St. -James’s, has left a graphic account of the scene -there that night, and of the terror of the Queen’s -ladies when the pensioners, armed with pole-axes, -were placed on guard in their mistress’s apartments. -The breach of etiquette appears to have struck them -as an earnest of the peril to which it was owing. -Was such a sight ever seen, they cried, wringing -their hands, that the Queen’s chamber should be -full of armed men?</p> - -<p>Underhyll, for his part, soon received his -dismissal. As the usher charged with the duty -looked at the list of the pensioners before calling -them over, his eye was caught by the well-known -name of the Hot-Gospeller.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303">303</a></span> -“By God’s Body,” he said, “that heretic shall -not watch here!” and Underhyll, taking his men -with him, and professing satisfaction at his exemption -from duty, went his way.</p> - -<p>By the morning he had reconsidered the matter, -and thought it well to ignore his rebuff and return -to his post. For the present, he joined company -with one of the Throckmortons, who had just left -the palace after reporting there the welcome tidings -of the capture of the Duke of Suffolk at Coventry, -the two proceeding together to Ludgate, intending -to pass the remainder of the night in the City. -The gate, however, was found to be fast locked, and -those on guard within explained, with much ill-timed -laughter, to the tired wayfarers outside, that they -were not entrusted with the keys, and could give -admittance to none.</p> - -<p>It was disconcerting intelligence to men in search -of a lodging and repose; and Throckmorton, in -especial, fresh from his hurried journey, felt that -he was hardly treated.</p> - -<p>“I am weary and faint,” he complained, “and I -wax now cold.” No man would open his door in -this dangerous time, and he would perish that night. -Such was his piteous lament.</p> - -<p>Underhyll, a man of resource, had a plan to -propose.</p> - -<p>“Let us go to Newgate,” he suggested. He -thought himself secure of an entrance there into<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304">304</a></span> -the city. At the worst, he had acquaintances within -the prison—like most men at that day—having -recently been in confinement there. The door of -the keeper of the gaol was without the gate, and -Underhyll entertained no doubts of finding a -hospitable reception in his old quarters. Throckmorton, -it was true, declared at first that he would -almost as soon die in the street as seek so ill-omened -a refuge; but in the end the two proceeded thither, -and, a friend of Underhyll’s being fortunately in -command of the guard placed outside the gate, the -wanderers were permitted to enter the City.</p> - -<p>Whilst consternation and alarm were felt at -the palace at the tidings of Wyatt’s approach, -the rebel leader himself must have been aware that -the game had been played and lost. Yet he -kept up a bold front, and refused to acknowledge -that he was beaten.</p> - -<p>“Twice have I knocked, and not been suffered -to enter,” he was reported to have said. “If I -knock the third time I will come in, by God’s -grace.”</p> - -<p>They were brave words. An incident of his march -to Kingston nevertheless sounds the note of a consciousness -of impending defeat. Meeting, as he went, -a merchant of London who was known to him, he -charged him with a greeting to his fellow-citizens. -“And say unto them from me that when liberty -and freedom was offered them they would not accept<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305">305</a></span> -it, neither would they admit me within their gates, -who for their freedom and the disburthening of -their griefs and oppression by strangers would have -frankly spent my blood in that their cause and -quarrel; ... therefore they are the less to be -bemoaned hereafter when the miserable tyranny of -strangers shall oppress them.”</p> - -<p>It may be that by some amongst the men to -whom the message was sent his words were remembered -thereafter.</p> - -<p>Still the insurgents pushed on. By nine in -the morning Knightsbridge was reached. Disheartened, -weary, and faint for lack of food, they -were in no condition to stand against the Queen’s -troops. But the mere fact of their vicinity was -disquieting to those in no position to form a -correct estimate of their strength or weakness, and -when Underhyll returned to the palace he found -confusion and turmoil there.</p> - -<p>His men were stationed in the hall, which was -to be their special charge. Sir John Gage, with -part of the guard, was placed outside the gate, the -rest of the guard were within the great courtyard; -the Queen occupying the gallery by the gatehouse, -whence she could watch what should befall.</p> - -<p>This was the disposition of the defenders, when -suddenly a body of the rebels made their way to -the very gates of the palace. A struggle took place; -Gage and three of the judges who had been with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306">306</a></span> -him retreated hurriedly within the gates, Sir John, -who was old, stumbling in his haste and falling in the -mire. Within all was in disorder. The gates had -clanged to behind Gage, his soldiers, and the men -of law, as they gained the shelter of the courtyard. -Without the rebels were using their bows and -arrows. The guard stationed in the outer court, -attempting to make good their entrance to the hall, -were forcibly ejected by the gentlemen pensioners -in charge of it. Poor Gage—“so frighted that he -could not speak to us”—and the three judges, also -in such terror that force would have been necessary -to keep them out, were alone admitted to the -comparative safety it afforded.</p> - -<p>There was in truth little reason for alarm. The -manœuvre decided upon during the night had -been executed. The Queen’s troops, Pembroke at -their head, had deliberately permitted Wyatt to -break through their lines, and, with some hundreds -of his men, to proceed eastward. Behind him the -enemy had closed up, and he was separated from -the main body of the rebels, thus left leaderless to -be engaged by the royal forces. The Queen’s -orders had been successfully carried out. But to -the anxious watchers in the palace the affair may -have worn the aspect of a defeat, if not of a treason, -and there were not wanting those who suspected -Pembroke of a betrayal of his trust. A shout was -raised that all was lost.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307">307</a></span> -“Away, away! a barge, a barge!—let the Queen -be placed in safety!” was the cry.</p> - -<p>Again Mary was to show that she was a Tudor. -She would not beat a retreat before rebels. Where, -she inquired, was the Earl of Pembroke? and -receiving the answer that he was in the field, -“Well then,” she said, “fall to prayer, and I -warrant you that we shall have better news anon, -for my lord will not deceive me, I know well. If -he would, God will not, in Whom my chief trust -is, Who will not deceive me.”</p> - -<p>Though it was well to have confidence in God, -men with arms in their hands would have liked to -use them, and the pensioners entreated Sir Richard -Southwell, in authority within the palace, to have -the gates opened that they might try a fall with -the enemy; else, they threatened, they would break -them down. It was too much shame that the -doors should be shut upon a few rebels.</p> - -<p>Southwell was quite of the same mind; and, -interceding with Mary, obtained her leave for the -pensioners to have their way, provided they would -not go out of her sight, since her trust was in -them—a command she reiterated as, the gates being -thrown open, the band marched under the gallery, -where she still kept her place. It was not long -before her confidence in the commander of the royal -troops was justified, and news was brought that -put an end to all fear. Wyatt was taken.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308">308</a></span> -At the head of that body of his men who -had been allowed to clear the enemy’s lines, he had -ridden on towards the City, had passed Temple -Bar and Fleet Street, till Ludgate was reached. -There he halted. He had kept his tryst, fulfilled -the pledge he had given, and knocked, as he had -promised, at the gate. Let them open to him; -Wyatt was there—successful so long, he may have -thought there was magic in the name—Wyatt was -there; the Queen had granted their requests.</p> - -<p>The City remained unmoved; and, in terms of -insult, Sir William Howard refused him entrance.</p> - -<p>“Avaunt, traitor,” he said, barring the way, -“thou shalt not come in here.”</p> - -<p>It was the last blow. The poor chance that -the City might have lent its aid had constituted the -single remaining possibility of a retrieval of the -fortunes of the insurrection. That vanished, the -end was inevitable. London had blustered, had -expressed its detestation for the Spanish match, -had paraded its Protestantism; it was now plain -that it had not meant business, and the man who -had taken it at its word was doomed.</p> - -<p>A strange little scene followed—a scene forming -an interlude, as it were, in the tumult and excitement -of the hour. It may be that the effects of the -strain and fatigue of the last weeks, of the hopes -and fears that had filled them, of the march of -the night before, unlightened by any genuine<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309">309</a></span> -anticipation of victory, were suddenly felt by the -man who had borne the burden and heat of the day. -At any rate, turning without further parley, he -made his way back to the Bel Savage Inn, and there -“awhile stayed, and, as some say, rested him upon -a seat.” Sitting there, trapped by his enemies, in -“the shirt of mail, with sleeves very fair, velvet -cassock, and the fair hat of velvet with broad -bone-work lace” he had worn that day, he may -have looked on and seen the future bounded by -a scaffold. Then, rousing himself, he rose, and -returned by the way he had come, until Temple Bar -was reached.</p> - -<p>Though the combat was there renewed, all must -have known that further resistance was vain, and at -length, yielding to a remonstrance at the shedding -of useless blood, Wyatt consented to acknowledge -his defeat and to yield himself a prisoner to Sir -Maurice Berkeley. He had fought the battle of -many men who had taken no weapon in hand to -support him. When false hopes had at one time -been entertained of his success “many hollow hearts -rejoiced in London at the same.” But scant -sympathy will have been shown to the vanquished.</p> - -<p>It remained to consign the captives to the -universal house of detention. By five o’clock in -the afternoon, as the spring day was closing in, -Wyatt and five of his comrades had been conducted -to the Tower by Jerningham. They arrived by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310">310</a></span> -water, and were met at the bulwark by Sir Philip -Denny, who greeted the prisoners with words of -fierce upbraiding.</p> - -<p>“Go, traitor,” he said, as Wyatt passed by, “there -was never such a traitor in England.”</p> - -<p>Wyatt turned upon him.</p> - -<p>“I am no traitor,” he answered. “I would thou -should well know thou art more traitor than I; and -it is not the part of an honest man to call me so.”</p> - -<p>He was right; but courtesy to the defeated was -no article of the code of the day. At the Tower -Gate Sir John Bridges, the Lieutenant, stood, likewise -ready to receive and to revile his prisoners. -To each in turn he addressed some varied form of -abuse, taking Wyatt, who came last, by the collar -“in very rigorous manner,” and shaking him.</p> - -<p>“‘Thou villain and unhappy traitor,’ he cried, ... -‘if it were not that the law must justly pass upon -thee, I would strike thee through with my dagger.’</p> - -<p>“To whom Wyatt made no answer, but, holding -his arms under his side, and looking grievously -with a grim look upon the said Lieutenant, said, -‘It is no mastery now,’ and so they passed on.”</p> - -<p>Thus ended Wyatt’s rebellion. Together with -her father’s treason, it had sealed Lady Jane’s fate, -and that of the boy-husband who shared her -captivity.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311">311</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="CHAPTER_XXIII"></a>CHAPTER XXIII<br /> - -<span class="subhead">1554</span> - -<span class="subhead">Lady Jane and her husband doomed—Her dispute with Feckenham—Gardiner’s -sermon—Farewell messages—Last hours—Guilford -Dudley’s execution—Lady Jane’s death.</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class="drop-cap"><span class="smcap1">Those</span> anxious days when the fortunes of -England and its Queen appeared once more -to hang in the balance had sealed the fate of the -prisoners in the Tower. They must die. Mary had -been warned that the clemency shown to her little -cousin was unwise; she had struggled against the -counsellors who had striven to convince her that -the usurper, so long as she lived, was a menace -to the peace of the realm, and the stability of her -government. Their warnings had been justified, -and Jane must pay the penalty.</p> - -<p>What was to be done was to be done quickly. -It was perhaps feared that, with leisure to reconsider -the matter, the Queen would even now retract her -consent to deliver up the victim; nor was there -any excuse for delay. The boy and girl already lay -under sentence of death; it was only necessary -to carry it into effect. So far as this life was -concerned Lady Jane’s doom was fixed.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312">312</a></span> -It remained to take thought for her soul. With -death staring them in the face, many had been lately -found willing to conform their faith to the Queen’s. -Why should it not be so with the Queen’s cousin? -To compass this object Mary’s chaplain, Dr. -Feckenham, the new Dean of St. Paul’s, was sent to -plead with the captive, and to strive to reconcile -her with God and the Church before she went hence.</p> - -<p>The ambassador was well chosen. Learned and -devout, he had been bred a Benedictine, and had, -under Henry VIII., suffered imprisonment on account -of his faith; until Sir Philip Hoby, in his -own words, “borrowed him of the Tower.” Since -then it had been his habit to hold disputations, -“earnest yet modest,” according to Fuller, in defence -of his religion, and was honoured by Mary -and Elizabeth alike. This was the man to whom -was entrusted the difficult task of convincing Lady -Jane of her errors. It was scarcely to be anticipated -that he would succeed, but he seems to have -performed the thankless duty laid upon him with -gentleness and good feeling.</p> - -<p>Arrived at the Tower—his whilom place of captivity—Feckenham, -after some preliminary courtesies, -disclosed the object of his visit, adding certain -persuasive arguments, to which the prisoner made -reply that he had delayed too long, and time -was over-short to allow her to give attention to -these matters. The answer, in whatever sense it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313">313</a></span> -was meant, was sufficiently ambiguous to afford a -sanguine and anxious man grounds for hope that, -with leisure for discussion, he might win a favourable -hearing; considering his proposed convert -“in very good dispositions,” he went to seek the -Queen; and, describing his interview, had no difficulty -in inducing her to grant a three-days’ reprieve. -Friday, February 9, had been at first appointed for -the execution, and when—for reasons undisclosed -to the public—it was deferred until the following -Monday, the change may have given rise in some -quarters to expectations unwarranted by the event. -There were those determined to hold Mary to her -purpose.</p> - -<p>On Sunday, the 11th, Gardiner preached before -the Queen, dealing first with the doctrine of free -will; secondly, with the institution of Lent; thirdly, -with the necessity of good works; and fourthly, -with Protestant errors. After which he came to -the practical question in all men’s minds. He -asked a boon of the Queen’s Highness—that, like -as she had beforetime extended her mercy, particularly -and privately, so through her lenity and -gentleness much conspiracy and open rebellion were -grown, according to the proverb, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">nimia familiaritas -parit contemptum</i>, which he brought in for the -purpose that she would now be merciful to the -body of the Commonwealth and conservation -thereof, which could not be unless the rotten and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314">314</a></span> -hurtful members thereof were cut off and consumed. -“And thus he ended soon after, whereby all the -audience did gather there should shortly follow -sharp and cruel execution.”<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">214</a></p> - -<p>Whether or not Gardiner’s discourse was directed -against a tendency to waver in her intention on -the part of his mistress, it was proved that there -was nothing in that direction to be apprehended. -Meantime, armed with the boon he had obtained, -Feckenham had returned to the Tower, to beg the -captive to make use of the reprieve for the salvation -of her soul.</p> - -<p>Lady Jane’s reply was not encouraging. She -had not, she told him, intended her words to be -repeated to the Queen; she had already abandoned -worldly things, had no thought of fear, and -was prepared to meet death patiently in whatsoever -form might please the Queen. To the flesh it -was indeed painful, but her soul was joyful at -quitting this darkness, and rising, as by God’s -mercy she hoped to rise, to eternal light.<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">215</a></p> - -<p>It was not to be expected that the priest, -a good man, full of zeal for his religion and of -solicitude for the dying culprit, would consent to -relinquish, without an effort, the attempt to utilise -the respite he had been granted. Of what followed -accounts vary, according to the theological proclivities<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315">315</a></span> -of the narrator of the scene, an early -pamphlet asserting that Feckenham, finding himself, -in reasoning, “in all holy gifts so short of [Lady -Jane’s] excellence that he acknowledged himself -fitter to be her disciple than teacher, thereupon -humbly besought her to deliver unto him some -brief sum of her faith which he might hereafter -keep, and as a faithful witness publish to the world; -to which she willingly condescended, and bade him -boldly question her in what points of religion soever -it pleased him.”<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">216</a></p> - -<p>The attitude ascribed to Queen Mary’s chaplain -would seem more likely to be due to imagination -than to fact. It appears, however, that a species -of “catechising argument” did in truth take place -in the presence of witnesses, an account of which -was set down in writing, and received Lady Jane’s -signature. The only result of the discussion was -the strengthening rather than shaking of her convictions; -and though it was not until she stood -upon the scaffold that the last farewells of the -disputants were taken, Feckenham must soon have -been aware that his efforts would be made in -vain. It may be hoped that to the imagination -of the chronicler is again to be ascribed the -manner of the parting of the two on this first -occasion, when, feeling himself to be worsted in -argument, Feckenham is said to have “grown into<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316">316</a></span> -a little choler,” and used language unsuitable to his -gravity, received with smiles and patience by the -cause of his irritation. It is further stated that to -a final speech of her visitor, to the effect that he -was sorry for her obstinacy, and was certain that -they would meet no more, Lady Jane, not altogether -with the meekness attributed to her, retorted that -his words were indeed most true, since, unless he -should repent, he was in a sad and desperate case, -and she prayed God that, as He had given him -His great gift of utterance, He might open his -heart to His truth.<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">217</a></p> - -<p>So the days passed, and the fatal one was at hand. -On Saturday, February 10, the Duke of Suffolk, -with his brother, Lord John Grey, had been brought -prisoners to the Tower; but it does not appear that -any meeting took place between father and daughter, -and Lady Jane’s leave-taking was made in writing; -sentences of farewell being inscribed by her and her -husband in a manual of prayers belonging, as is -conjectured, to the Lieutenant of the Tower, and -used by her on the scaffold. In this volume three -sentences were written.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>“Your loving and obedient son,” wrote Guilford, -“wisheth unto your Grace long life in this world,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317">317</a></span> -with as much joy and comfort as ever I wished to -myself, and in the world to come joy everlasting.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="smcap">G. Duddeley.</span>” -</p></blockquote> - -<p>Jane’s farewell followed:</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>“The Lord comfort your Grace, and that in His -word wherein all creatures only are to be comforted. -And though it has pleased God to take away two -of your children, yet think not, I most humbly -beseech your Grace, that you have lost them, but -trust that we, by leaving this mortal life, have won -an immortal life. And I, for my part, as I have -honoured your Grace in this life, will pray for you -in another life.</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -<span class="l4">“Your Grace’s humble daughter,</span><br /> -“<span class="smcap">Jane Duddeley</span>.” -</p></blockquote> - -<p>The same book bears another inscription addressed -to the Lieutenant of the Tower, Bridges, -apparently at his own request.</p> - -<blockquote> - -<p>“Forasmuch as you have desired,” Jane wrote, -“so simple a woman to write in so worthy a book, -good Master Lieutenant, therefore I shall as a -friend desire you, and as a Christian require you, -to call upon God to incline your heart to His laws, -to quicken you in His way, and not to take the -word of truth utterly out of your mouth. Live -still to die, that by death you may purchase eternal -life, and remember the end of Methuselah, who, as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318">318</a></span> -we read in the Scriptures, was the longest liver that -was of a man, died at the last; for as the preacher -saith, there is a time to be born and a time to die, -and the day of death is better than the day of our -birth. Yours, as the Lord knoweth, as a friend,</p> - -<p class="sigright"> -“<span class="smcap">Jane Duddeley</span>.” -</p></blockquote> - -<p>Such an admonition to the Lieutenant, written -when death was very near, is characteristic. It -was ever Lady Jane’s custom to use her pen, and -the habit clung to her. Tradition asserts that -three sentences, the one in Greek, the other in -Latin, and the third in English, were written by -her in yet another book; and though it has been -argued that she would have been in no condition -to compose epigrams in the dead languages at a -moment when death was staring her in the face, -there is nothing improbable in the story, unsupported -as it is by evidence. As a man lives, he dies; and -Jane had been a scholar and a moralist from her -cradle.</p> - -<p>“If justice dwells in my body”—thus the -sentences are said to have run—“my soul will -receive it from the mercy of God.—Death will pay -the penalty of my fault, but my soul will be justified -before the Face of God.—If my fault merited -chastisement, my youth, at least, and my imprudence, -deserved excuse. God and posterity will show me -grace.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_319">319</a></span> -A letter of exhortation addressed to her sister -Katherine likewise remains, another proof of her -desire to impress upon others the lessons life had -taught her. Having been reading, the night -before her death, in “a fair New Testament in -Greek,” she found, on closing it, some few leaves -of clean paper, unwritten, at the end of the volume, -and made use of them to convey her final farewell -to the sister she was leaving behind, giving it in -charge to her servant as a token of love and -remembrance. As might have been expected, with -the thought of the morrow before her, death was -the recurrent burden of her theme. “Live still -to die,” she told little Katherine, as she had -told the Lieutenant of the Tower, “and that by -death you may purchase eternal life; and trust -not that the tenderness of your age shall lengthen -your life ... for as soon will the Lord be glorified -in the young as in the old.... Once more let -me entreat thee to learn to die.... Desire with -St. Paul to be dissolved and to be with Christ, with -whom even in death there is life.... As touching -my death, rejoice as I do ... that I shall be -delivered of this corruption and put on incorruption; -for I am assured that I shall, for losing of a mortal -life, win one that is immortal, joyful, and everlasting.”</p> - -<p>Another composition is extant, said to belong -to this last period, and showing the writer, it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_320">320</a></span> -may be, in a more pathetic light than that thrown -upon her by disputes with controversialists, or -exhortations to those she left behind. This is -a prayer, exhibiting not so much the premature -woman as the child—a child, it is true, facing death -with steadfast faith and resignation, but nevertheless -frightened, unhappy, “unquieted with troubles, -wrapped in cares, overwhelmed with miseries, vexed -with temptations ... craving Thy mercy and help, -without the which so little hope of deliverance is -left that I may utterly despair of my liberty.”<a href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">218</a></p> - -<p>Of liberty it was, in truth, time to despair. It -is said that for two hours on this last night two -bishops, with other divines, made a vain attempt -to accomplish the conversion that Feckenham had -failed to effect<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">218</a>; after which we may hope that, -worn out and exhausted, the prisoner forgot her -troubles in sleep. And so the night passed away.</p> - -<p>In another part of the great fortress young -Guilford Dudley was also preparing for the end. -It is said<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> that, “desiring to give his wife the last -kisses and embraces,” he begged for an interview, -but that she refused the request—not disallowed by -Mary—replying that, could sight have given souls -comfort, she would have been very willing; that -since it would only increase the misery of each, -and bring greater grief, it would be best to put off<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_321">321</a></span> -their meeting, since soon they would see each -other in another place and live joined for ever by -an indissoluble tie. If the story is true, there is -something a little inhuman—or perhaps only -belonging to the coldness of a child—in the wisdom -which, at that moment, could weigh and balance -the disadvantages of a leave-taking and refuse it. -It is not, however, out of character.</p> - -<p>It had been at first intended that the two should -suffer together on Tower Hill. Fearing the effect -upon the populace, the order was cancelled, and it -was decided that, whilst Guilford’s execution should -take place as originally arranged, Lady Jane should -meet her death within the precincts of the Tower -itself. As the lad, led to his doom, passed below -her window, the two looked upon each other for -the last time. Young Dudley met the end bravely. -Taking Sir Anthony Browne, John Throckmorton -and others by the hand, he asked their prayers; -then, attended by no priest or minister, he knelt -to pray, “holding up his eyes and hands to God -many times,” before the executioner did his work -and he went to join the father who was responsible -for his fate, “bewailed with lamentable tears” even -by those of the spectators who till that day had -never seen him.<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">220</a></p> - -<p>A ghastly incident, variously recorded, followed. -His body thrown into a cart, and his head wrapped<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_322">322</a></span> -in a cloth, he was brought into the Tower chapel, -where Lady Jane, having probably left her apartments -on her way to her own place of execution, -encountered the cart and those in charge of it, -seeing the husband who had passed beneath her -window a few minutes earlier living, taken from -it a corpse—a sight to her, says the chronicler, no -less than death. It “a little startled her,” observes -another narrator, “and many tears were seen to -descend and fall upon her cheeks, which her silence -and great heart soon dried.”<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> According to a -third account, she addressed the dead.</p> - -<p>“Oh, Guilford, Guilford,” she is made to exclaim, -“the antepast that you have tasted and I -shall soon taste, is not so bitter as to make my -flesh tremble; for all this is nothing to the feast -that you and I shall partake this day in Paradise.”</p> - -<p>It had been ten o’clock when Guilford had left -his prison. By the time that the first act of the -tragedy was over, a scaffold had been erected upon -the green over against the White Tower, and led -by the Lieutenant, the chief victim was brought -forth, “her countenance nothing abashed, neither -her eyes moisted with tears,”<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> as she moved onwards, -a book in her hand—the same she gave afterwards -to Sir John Bridges—from which she prayed all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_323">323</a></span> -the way until the scaffold was reached. With her -were her two gentlewomen, Elizabeth Tylney and -Eleyn, who both “wonderfully wept” as they -accompanied their mistress; and Feckenham was -also present, her kindly opponent, perhaps even -now hoping against hope that success might crown -his efforts. As the two stood together at the place -of execution, she took him by the hand, and, -embracing him, bade him leave her—desiring, it -may be, to spare him the sight of what was to -follow. Might God our Lord, she said, give him -all his desires; she was grateful for his company, -although it had given her more disquiet than, now, -the fear of death.<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">223</a></p> - -<p>Like most of her fellow-sufferers she had -come prepared with a speech. That her sentence -was lawful she admitted, but reasserted the absence -on her part of any desire for her elevation to the -throne, “touching the procurement and desire thereof -by me or my half, I do wash my hands in -innocency before God and the face of you, good -Christian people, this day,” and therewith she wrung -her hands, in which she had her book; proceeding -to make confession of the faith in which she died, -owning that she had neglected the word of God, -and loved herself and the world, and thereby -merited her punishment. “And yet I thank God -that He hath thus given me time and respite to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_324">324</a></span> -repent. And now, good people, while I am alive, -I pray you to assist me with your prayers.”</p> - -<p>After this, kneeling down, she turned to Feckenham, -who had not availed himself of her suggestion -that he should leave her.</p> - -<p>“Shall I say this psalm?” she asked him; and -on his assenting repeated the <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">Miserere</i> in English, -before, rising again, she prepared for the end, giving -her book to Bridges, brother to the Lieutenant, -who stood by, and her gloves and handkerchief to -one of her ladies. With her own hands she untied -her gown, rejecting the aid of the executioner, and, -turning to her maids for assistance, removed her -“frose paast”—probably some kind of head-dress—let -down her hair, throwing it over her eyes, and -knit a “fair handkerchief” about them.</p> - -<p>After kneeling for her forgiveness, the executioner -directed her to take her place on the straw.</p> - -<p>“Then she said,</p> - -<p>“‘I pray you despatch me quickly.’</p> - -<p>“Then she kneeled down, saying,</p> - -<p>“‘Will you take it off before I lay me down?’</p> - -<p>“And the hangman answered her,</p> - -<p>“‘No, madame.’”</p> - -<p>The handkerchief was bound about her eyes, -blinding her.</p> - -<p>“What shall I do?” she said, feeling for the -block. “Where is it?”</p> - -<p>Then, as some one standing near guided her,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_325">325</a></span> -she laid down her head, and saying, “Lord, into -Thy hands I commend my spirit,” met the blow -of the executioner.</p> - -<p>Thus died Lady Jane Grey, most guiltless of -traitors; who, to quote Fuller’s panegyric, possessed, -at sixteen, the innocency of childhood, the -beauty of youth, the solidity of middle, and the -gravity of old, age; who had had the birth of a -princess, the learning of a clerk, the life of a saint, -and the death of a malefactor.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_326">326</a><a class="hidev" id="Page_327">327</a></span></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2><a id="INDEX"></a>INDEX</h2> -</div> - -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Annebaut, Admiral d’, French ambassador, <a href="#Page_33">33</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Arundel, Earl of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249-51</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ascham, Roger, <a href="#Page_141">141-4</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ashley, Katherine, Princess Elizabeth’s governess, <a href="#Page_88">88-91</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ashridge, Princess Elizabeth at, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Askew, Anne, Trial and execution of, <a href="#Page_36">36-41</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Aylmer, John, Lady Jane’s tutor, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154-7</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Baker, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Barnes, Dr., burnt, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bath, Earl of, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Baynard’s Castle, Meeting at, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bel Savage Inn, Wyatt at, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Berkeley, Sir Maurice, Wyatt surrenders to, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bloody Statute, The, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bodoaro, Venetian ambassador to Charles V., <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bonner, Dr., Bishop of London, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Borough, Lord, Katherine Parr’s first husband, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bradgate Park, <a href="#Page_25">25</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bret, Captain, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bridges, Sir John, Lieutenant of the Tower, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bromley, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Browne, Sir Anthony, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bucer, the reformer, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Bullinger, Henry, <a href="#Page_145">145-55</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Burgoyne, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Calvin, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cecil, Secretary, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Charles V., The Emperor, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cheke, John, Edward VI.’s tutor, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Clerkenwell, Lady Jane visits Mary at, <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Commendone, the Pope’s agent, <a href="#Page_262">262</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Corriers, Sieur de, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Courtenay, Edward, afterwards Earl of Devonshire, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275-7</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292-4</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cox, Dr., tutor to Edward VI., <a href="#Page_22">22</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_328">328</a></span></li> - -<li class="indx">Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8-10</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Crofts, Sir John, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Crome, Dr., <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Cromwell, Thomas, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">executed, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Culpeper, Thomas, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Darcy, Lord, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Day, Bishop, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Denmark, King of, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Denny, Sir Anthony, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Sir Philip, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Deptford, Wyatt at, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Diego, Don, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dorset, Marchioness of, afterwards Duchess of Suffolk. <i>See</i> <a href="#Suffolk">Suffolk</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dorset, Marquis of, afterwards Duke of Suffolk. <i>See</i> <a href="#Suffolk">Suffolk</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Dudley, Lord Guilford, married to Lady Jane Grey, <a href="#Page_196">196</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">attainted and sentenced, <a href="#Page_284">284-6</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">executed, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Sir Ambrose, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— <i>See</i> <a href="#Warwick">Warwick</a> and <a href="#Northumberland">Northumberland</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Edward, Prince, afterwards Edward VI., <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">education, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">relations with Lady Jane, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and with Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his coronation, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his uncles, <a href="#Page_83">83-85</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134-8</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169-71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">illness, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">religious scruples, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dying, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his will, <a href="#Page_202">202-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">funeral, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Egmont, Count of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Eleyn, Lady Jane Grey’s attendant, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Elizabeth, Princess, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Seymour her suitor, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">relations with Seymour, <a href="#Page_88">88-91</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">set aside by Edward’s will, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">enters London with Mary, <a href="#Page_253">253-5</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Mary’s coronation, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Eyre, Christopher, <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Feckenham, Dr., Dean of St. Paul’s, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fitzpatrick, Barnaby, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Florio, Michel Angelo, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fowler, John, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Fuller, quoted, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Gage, Sir John, Constable of the Tower, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Garrard, burned, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Gates, Sir John, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sentenced, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">executed, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Grey, Lady Jane, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">childhood and education, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">relations with her cousins, <a href="#Page_28">28-30</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">consigned to Seymour’s custody, <a href="#Page_67">67</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_329">329</a></span></li> -<li class="isub1">her parents’ severity, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">with Queen Katherine Parr, <a href="#Page_77">77</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reclaimed by her parents, <a href="#Page_100">100-104</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sent back to Seymour, <a href="#Page_105">105-107</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">return to Bradgate, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">interview with Ascham, <a href="#Page_141">141-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">intercourse with Protestant divines, <a href="#Page_145">145-52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">love of dress, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">visits Mary, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter to Bullinger, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">visit to Mary, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Tylsey, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her eulogists, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Florio’s description of her, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her marriage, <a href="#Page_196">196</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">made Edward’s heiress, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">receives the news, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217-220</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at the Tower, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">quarrels with Guilford Dudley, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">proclaimed, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her reign, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">begs that her father may remain in London, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">takes leave of Northumberland, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">deposed, <a href="#Page_244">244-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">returns to Sion House, <cite>ibid.</cite>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her fate uncertain, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">conversation in the Tower, <a href="#Page_271">271-4</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">letter to Hardinge <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">attainted, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">tried and sentenced, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">indulgence shown her, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her fate sealed, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">interviews with Feckenham, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314-16</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her written farewells, <a href="#Page_317">317-19</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">refuses to see Guilford Dudley, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">meets his body, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her execution, <a href="#Page_323">323-5</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Grey, Lady Katherine, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Lady Jane’s letter to, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Lord John, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Lord Leonard, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— <i>See</i> <a href="#Suffolk">Suffolk</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Haddon, James, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179-83</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hardinge, Lady Jane’s letter to, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Harper, Sir George, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Harrington, Lord Seymour’s servant, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hastings, Lord, <a href="#Page_196">196</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Sir Edward, <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Heath, Bishop, <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Henry VIII., King, <a href="#Page_1">1</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">displeased with his wife, <a href="#Page_44">44</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">reconciled with her, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dying, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_56">56</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Herbert, Lady, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Lord, of Cherbury, quoted, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hertford, Lord, son of the Protector, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— <i>See</i> <a href="#Somerset">Somerset</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hoby, Sir Philip, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hooper, Bishop, <a href="#Page_149">149</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Howard, Sir William, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Hunsdon, Mary at, <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Huntingdon, Earl of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Huyck, Dr. Robert, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Jerningham, Captain of the Guard, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Jerome, burned, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Katherine, Queen, of Aragon, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Howard, Queen, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Parr, Queen, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marriage to Henry, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her past, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">as Queen, <a href="#Page_17">17</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_330">330</a></span></li> -<li class="isub1">Protestant sympathies, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plot against her, <a href="#Page_43">43</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">her escape, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Queen-dowager, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marriage to Lord Seymour, <a href="#Page_69">69-77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">married life, <a href="#Page_80">80</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">illness and death, <a href="#Page_96">96-9</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Kett’s Rebellion, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Laing, Count of, <a href="#Page_290">290</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lane, Lady, Katherine Parr’s cousin, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Lord, Katherine Parr’s second husband, <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lee, Sir Richard a, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Lovell, Thomas, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_251">251</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Maeterlinck, quoted, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mary Stuart, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— <a id="Tudor"></a>Tudor, Princess, afterwards Queen, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29-32</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">quarrels with Council, <a href="#Page_174">174-7</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">visited by Ridley, <a href="#Page_184">184-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">set aside in Edward’s will, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">plot against, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">escape, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Kenninghall, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">popular enthusiasm for, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">successful, <a href="#Page_238">238</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">proclaimed, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">enters London, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at the Tower, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269-71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marriage question, <a href="#Page_275">275</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">coronation, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Spanish match, <a href="#Page_286">286</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at the Guildhall, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">conduct during Wyatt’s Rebellion, <a href="#Page_300">300</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Mary of Lorraine, Queen-Dowager of Scotland, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Michele, Venetian ambassador, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Montagu, Sir Edward, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Morysine, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Newhall, Mary and Lady Jane at, <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Noailles, French ambassador, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Norfolk, Duke of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">imprisoned, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Northampton"></a>Northampton, Earl of, at first Lord Parr, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Northumberland"></a>Northumberland, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Duke of, at first Earl of Warwick, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his unpopularity, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his schemes, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his character, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dictates Edward’s will, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his conspiracy, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">at Sion House with Lady Jane, <a href="#Page_218">218</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">commander of the forces, <a href="#Page_232">232-6</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">fall and arrest, <a href="#Page_247">247-51</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">trial and sentence, <a href="#Page_259">259</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">recantation, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">execution, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">burial, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">discussed by Lady Jane, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ormond, Earl of, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Owen, Dr., <a href="#Page_209">209</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_331">331</a></span></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Paget, Lady, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Secretary, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Palmer, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Parkhurst, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Parr, Lord. <i>See</i> <a href="#Northampton">Northampton</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Parry, Princess Elizabeth’s Cofferer, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Partridge’s lodging in the Tower, Lady Jane at, <a href="#Page_271">271</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Pellican, Conrad, <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pembroke, Earl of, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">proclaims Mary, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Petre, Secretary of the Council, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Philip, Prince of Spain, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Piedmont, Prince of, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pinkie, Battle of, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Pole, Cardinal, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li> - -<li class="indx">“Poor Pratte,” <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Portugal, Infant of, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Powell, Dr., hanged, <a href="#Page_6">6</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Poynings, Sir Nicholas, <a href="#Page_300">300</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Raleigh, Sir Walter, quoted, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Renard, Simon, imperial envoy, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a></li> - -<li class="indx">“Resident in the Tower,” The, <a href="#Page_271">271</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Rich, Lord Chancellor, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Richmond, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Ridley, Bishop, <a href="#Page_184">184-6</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Russell, Lord, Privy Seal, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Sandys, Dr., Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Seymour, Sir Thomas, Lord Admiral, afterwards Lord Seymour of Sudeley, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Katherine Parr’s lover, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">opposes his brother, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">obtains Lady Jane’s custody, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">is suitor to Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">marries Katherine Parr, <a href="#Page_72">72-7</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">relations with Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_88">88-91</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his wife’s death, <a href="#Page_96">96</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">again Elizabeth’s suitor, <a href="#Page_108">108</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in the Tower, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">trial and execution, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— <i>See</i> <a href="#Somerset">Somerset</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Shaxton, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Shrewsbury, Earl of, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sion House, Lady Jane at, <a href="#Page_213">213</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Somerset"></a>Somerset, Duchess of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Edward Seymour, Duke of, at first Earl of Hertford, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">rivalry between him and Surrey, <a href="#Page_50">50</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Lord Protector, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and Duke of Somerset, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">campaign in Scotland, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">dissensions with his brother, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his wealth, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in danger, <a href="#Page_130">130</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">prisoner, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">pardoned, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in the Tower, <a href="#Page_157">157</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub1">trial, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">execution, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">his spoils, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Southwell, Sir Richard, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sudeley Castle, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Suffolk, Duchess of, at first Marchioness of Dorset, Lady Jane Grey’s mother, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a></li> - -<li class="indx"><a id="Suffolk"></a>Suffolk, Duke of, at first Marquis of Dorset, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100-7</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_332">332</a></span></li> -<li class="isub1">created Duke, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Surrey, Henry Howard, Earl of, <a href="#Page_48">48</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">trial, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">execution, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Sydney, Lady, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Throckmorton House, <a href="#Page_215">215</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— John, <a href="#Page_321">321</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Lady, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Sir Nicholas, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a> note</li> - -<li class="indx">Traheron, <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tudor, Mary, daughter of Henry VII., <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— <i>See</i> <a href="#Tudor">Mary</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tunstall, Bishop of Durham, <a href="#Page_255">255</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tylney, Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tyrwhitt, Lady, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Tyrwhitt, Sir Robert, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Ulmis, John ab, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Underhyll, Edward, the “Hot-Gospeller,” <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302-5</a></li> - -<li class="ifrst"><a id="Warwick"></a>Warwick, Earl of. <i>See</i> <a href="#Northumberland">Northumberland</a></li> - -<li class="indx">— Earl of, son to Duke of Northumberland, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Weston, Dr., <a href="#Page_298">298</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wharton, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wightman, Sir Thomas Seymour’s servant, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Winchester, Marquis of, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wriothesley, Chancellor, and afterwards Earl of Southampton, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a></li> - -<li class="indx">Wyatt, Sir Thomas, rebel leader, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a> <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a></li> -</ul> - -<p class="p2 center smaller"><i>Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury.</i></p> - -<div class="chapter"> -<div class="footnotes"> -<h2 class="nobreak p1"><a id="FOOTNOTES"></a>FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="fnanchor">1</a> Hall’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="fnanchor">2</a> Martin Hume, <cite>The Wives of Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 447.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="fnanchor">3</a> Ellis’s <cite>Original Letters</cite>, Series III., vol. iii., p. 203.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="fnanchor">4</a> <cite>Grey Friar’s Chronicle</cite> (Camden Society), p. 44.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="fnanchor">5</a> Martin Hume, <cite>Wives of Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 344.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="fnanchor">6</a> Holinshed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="fnanchor">7</a> Strype’s <cite>Memorials of Archbishop Cranmer</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="fnanchor">8</a> Hall’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn1"><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="fnanchor">9</a> <cite>Spanish Chronicle of Henry VIII.</cite>, translated by Martin Hume.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="fnanchor">10</a> Hayward’s <cite>Life of Edward VI.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="fnanchor">11</a> Sir H. Ellis, <cite>Original Letters</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="fnanchor">12</a> <cite>Calendar, Henry VIII.</cite>, vol. xviii., p. 1.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="fnanchor">13</a> Speed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="fnanchor">14</a> <cite>Chronicle of Henry VIII.</cite>, translated by Martin Hume.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="fnanchor">15</a> Martin Hume, <cite>Wives of Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 438.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="fnanchor">16</a> Heylyn’s <cite>Reformation</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="fnanchor">17</a> Heylyn’s <cite>Reformation</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="fnanchor">18</a> Andrew Bloxam.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="fnanchor">19</a> <cite>Calendar of State Papers</cite> (Venetian), p. 346.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="fnanchor">20</a> It is stated in the <cite>Dictionary of National Biography</cite> that Lady -Jane was attached to the Queen’s household in 1546, but I am -unable to discover any proof of the fact. Speed, in his chronicle, -makes two or three mentions of her, from which other biographers -have concluded that she was in close attendance on Katherine Parr -during the King’s lifetime. But it seems clear that he made a -confusion between Lady <em>Jane</em>, the King’s great-niece, and Lady -<em>Lane</em>, Katherine’s cousin, born Maud Parr, who was at that time -a member of her household.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="fnanchor">21</a> Naunton.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="fnanchor">22</a> Foxe, <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="fnanchor">23</a> <cite>Grey Friars’ Chronicle</cite> (Camden Society), p. 50.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="fnanchor">24</a> G. Leti, <cite>Vie d’Elizabeth, Reine d’Angleterre</cite>, t. i., p. 153.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="fnanchor">25</a> <cite>Grey Friars’ Chronicle</cite> (Camden Society), p. 51.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="fnanchor">26</a> Ellis’s <cite>Original Letters</cite>, Series II., vol. ii., p. 176.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="fnanchor">27</a> Lord Herbert of Cherbury, <cite>Life of Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 537.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="fnanchor">28</a> N. D., quoted, with disapproval, by Speed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="fnanchor">29</a> Lingard, <cite>History</cite>, vol. v., p. 200.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="fnanchor">30</a> Foxe, <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="fnanchor">31</a> Dr. Lingard, quoting the narrative attributed to Anne, credits -neither it nor the addition for which Foxe is responsible, stating -that there is no other instance of a woman being subjected to -torture, that a written order from the Lords of the Council was -necessary before it could be inflicted, and that it was not customary -for either the Chancellor or his colleagues to be present on these -occasions.—<cite>History</cite>, vol. v., p. 201.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="fnanchor">32</a> Foxe, <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="fnanchor">33</a> <cite>Life of Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 561.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="fnanchor">34</a> Speed, and Miss Strickland following him, read the name -“Jane.”</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="fnanchor">35</a> <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>, Speed’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>, Lord Herbert of -Cherbury, etc.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="fnanchor">36</a> Bapst, <cite>Deux Gentilshommes Poëtes</cite>, p. 275.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="fnanchor">37</a> Bapst, <cite>Deux Gentilshommes Poëtes</cite>, p. 287.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="fnanchor">38</a> Lord Herbert of Cherbury, <cite>Life of Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 564.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="fnanchor">39</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, p. 563.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="fnanchor">40</a> <cite>Chronicle of King Henry VIII. of England</cite> (translated by -Martin Hume), p. 182.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="fnanchor">41</a> <cite>Chronicle of Henry VIII.</cite> (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 152.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="fnanchor">42</a> Bapst, <cite>Deux Gentilshommes Poëtes</cite>, p. 346.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="fnanchor">43</a> <cite>Grey Friars’ Chronicle</cite>, p. 52.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="fnanchor">44</a> <cite>Chronicle of Henry VIII.</cite> (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 147.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="fnanchor">45</a> <cite>Chronicle of Henry VIII.</cite> (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 148.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="fnanchor">46</a> Foxe, <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>, vol. v., p. 689.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="fnanchor">47</a> <cite>History of the World.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="fnanchor">48</a> <cite>Chronicle of Henry VIII.</cite> (tr. by Martin Hume), p. 152.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="fnanchor">49</a> <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>, vol. v., p. 689.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="fnanchor">50</a> <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>, vol. v., p. 691.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="fnanchor">51</a> <cite>Literary Remains of Edward VI.</cite>, Roxburgh Club, ed. Nichols.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="fnanchor">52</a> Hayward’s <cite>Life of Edward VI.</cite>, p. 82.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="fnanchor">53</a> Leti, <cite>Vie de la Reine Elizabeth</cite>, p. 166.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="fnanchor">54</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>. It is difficult to distinguish between -statements relating to the negotiations with regard to Lady Jane -carried on at this date, and those taking place eighteen months later.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="fnanchor">55</a> Tytler, <cite>England under Edward VI. and Mary</cite>, vol. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="fnanchor">56</a> Fuller’s <cite>Worthies</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="fnanchor">57</a> Leti, <cite>Vie de la Reine Elizabeth</cite>, p. 163.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="fnanchor">58</a> <cite>Chronicle of Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 158.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="fnanchor">59</a> Leti, <cite>Vie de la Reine Elizabeth</cite>, p. 170.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="fnanchor">60</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="fnanchor">61</a> <cite>An Historical Account of Sudeley Castle.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="fnanchor">62</a> Quoted by Strype.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="fnanchor">63</a> <cite>Chronicle of Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 156.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="fnanchor">64</a> Hayward, <cite>Life of Edward VI.</cite>, p. 82.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="fnanchor">65</a> Heylyn’s <cite>Reformation</cite>, p. 71.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="fnanchor">66</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="fnanchor">67</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="fnanchor">68</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="fnanchor">69</a> <cite>State Papers.</cite> Quoted in Strickland’s <cite>Queens of England</cite>, -vol. iii., p. 272.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="fnanchor">70</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="fnanchor">71</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="fnanchor">72</a> Leti is responsible for it.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="fnanchor">73</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, p. 96.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="fnanchor">74</a> Tytler, <cite>Edward and Mary</cite>, vol. i., p. 70.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="fnanchor">75</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, p. 61.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="fnanchor">76</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="fnanchor">77</a> Quoted <cite>Remains of Edward VI.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="fnanchor">78</a> Tytler, <cite>Edward and Mary</cite>, vol. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="fnanchor">79</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, pp. 103, 104.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="fnanchor">80</a> Miss Strickland, <cite>Queens of England</cite>, vol. iii., p 281.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="fnanchor">81</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, pp. 77, 78.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="fnanchor">82</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, pp. 78, 79.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="fnanchor">83</a> Tytler, <cite>Edward VI. and Mary</cite>, vol. i., p. 134.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="fnanchor">84</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, p. 76.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="fnanchor">85</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, pp. 79, 80.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="fnanchor">86</a> <cite>Chronicle of King Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 163.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="fnanchor">87</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, p. 89.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="fnanchor">88</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="fnanchor">89</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, p. 109.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="fnanchor">90</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, p. 98.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="fnanchor">91</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, p. 108.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="fnanchor">92</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, p. 71.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="fnanchor">93</a> Haynes, <cite>State Papers</cite>, p. 106.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="fnanchor">94</a> Latimer’s <cite>Sermons</cite>, quoted by Lingard, <cite>History</cite>, vol. v., p. 279.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="fnanchor">95</a> Leti, <cite>Vie de la Reine Elizabeth</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="fnanchor">96</a> Lingard, <cite>History</cite>, vol. v., p. 293.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="fnanchor">97</a> Strype’s <cite>Ecclesiastical Memorials</cite>, vol. ii., p. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="fnanchor">98</a> Tytler, <cite>Edward VI. and Mary</cite>, vol. i., p. 174.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn2"><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="fnanchor">99</a> Holinshed, vol. iii., p. 1014.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="fnanchor">100</a> <cite>Chronicle of King Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 187.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="fnanchor">101</a> See Tytler, <cite>Edward VI. and Mary</cite>, vol. i., p. 241. Dr. Lingard -expresses doubts as to the document upon which Tytler relies, and -Froude acquits the Council of treachery.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="fnanchor">102</a> Tytler, <cite>Edward VI. and Mary</cite>, vol. i., p. 242.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="fnanchor">103</a> <cite>Chronicle of King Henry VIII.</cite>, p. 192.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="fnanchor">104</a> Foxe, <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>, vol. vi., pp. 351, 352.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="fnanchor">105</a> Ascham describes her as fifteen—a manifest error.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="fnanchor">106</a> Roger Ascham, <cite>The Schoolmaster</cite>, bk. ii.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="fnanchor">107</a> Ascham, <cite>The Schoolmaster</cite>, bk. i.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="fnanchor">108</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, Parker Society.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="fnanchor">109</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="fnanchor">110</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, vol. ii., Parker Society, p. 399.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="fnanchor">111</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, p. 427.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="fnanchor">112</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, vol. ii., p. 430.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="fnanchor">113</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, p. 433.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="fnanchor">114</a> There is little mention of Lady Jane’s mother in contemporary -records. But the nature of the woman, and her heritage of Tudor -blood, is sufficiently indicated by the fact that not a fortnight after -her husband had been executed, and about a month after Lady -Jane’s death she bestowed herself in marriage upon her -equerry.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="fnanchor">115</a> Becon’s <cite>Jewel of Joy</cite>, Parker Society.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="fnanchor">116</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, p. 103.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="fnanchor">117</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, vol. i., p. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="fnanchor">118</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, vol. i., p. 72.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="fnanchor">119</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, vol. i., pp. 76, 77.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="fnanchor">120</a> <cite>Church History</cite>, vol. i., p. 338.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="fnanchor">121</a> <cite>Church History</cite>, vol. i., p. 340.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="fnanchor">122</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, vol. ii., p. 441.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="fnanchor">123</a> Fuller’s <cite>Church History</cite>, vol. i., p. 341.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="fnanchor">124</a> Ellis’s <cite>Original Letters</cite>, Series III., vol. i., p. 216.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="fnanchor">125</a> Heylyn’s <cite>Reformation</cite>, vol. ii., p. 7.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="fnanchor">126</a> Soranzo’s Report (<cite>Venetian Calendar</cite>), p. 535.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="fnanchor">127</a> Strype’s <cite>Ecclesiastical Memorials</cite>, vol. ii., p. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="fnanchor">128</a> <cite>Venetian Calendar</cite>, p. 535.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="fnanchor">129</a> Fuller’s <cite>Church History</cite>, vol, i., p. 345.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="fnanchor">130</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, vol. ii., p. 466. Meaning that Cranmer, who had -already been married some years, had brought his wife from -Germany, and owned her openly. See Strype.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="fnanchor">131</a> Two victims were burnt for heresy, Joan Bocher and a Dutch -surgeon, named Pariss. A priest is also stated by Wriothesley to -have been hanged and quartered, July 7, 1548.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="fnanchor">132</a> <cite>Zurich Letters</cite>, pp. 281 <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="fnanchor">133</a> Foxe, <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>, vol. vi., pp. 354-5. Heylyn’s -<cite>Reformation</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="fnanchor">134</a> Speed’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>, p. 1122.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="fnanchor">135</a> Heylyn’s <cite>Reformation</cite>, vol. i., p. 291.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="fnanchor">136</a> Rosso, <cite>Succesi d’Inghilterra</cite>, p. 5.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="fnanchor">137</a> Wriothesley’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>, vol. ii., p. 82.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="fnanchor">138</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="fnanchor">139</a> Florio’s <cite>Life</cite>, p. 27.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="fnanchor">140</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, p. 28.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="fnanchor">141</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="fnanchor">142</a> Heylyn’s <cite>Reformation</cite>, p. 297.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="fnanchor">143</a> <cite>Ambassades de Noailles</cite>; Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements -sur l’Histoire de Marie</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="fnanchor">144</a> Wriothesley’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>, vol. ii., p. 79.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="fnanchor">145</a> <cite>Reformation</cite>, vol. i., p. 294.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="fnanchor">146</a> Heylyn’s <cite>Reformation</cite>, vol. i., p. 294.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="fnanchor">147</a> Griffet, <cite>Éclaircissements</cite>, etc., p. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="fnanchor">148</a> <cite>Ambassades de Noailles</cite>, vol. i., p. 49.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="fnanchor">149</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, p. 57.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="fnanchor">150</a> Quoted in Strickland’s <cite>Queen Mary</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="fnanchor">151</a> Fuller’s <cite>Church History</cite>, vol. i., pp. 369 <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="fnanchor">152</a> Rosso, <cite>Succesi d’Inghilterra</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="fnanchor">153</a> Griffet’s <cite>Éclaircissements</cite>, etc.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="fnanchor">154</a> Foxe’s <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>, vol. vi., p. 352.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="fnanchor">155</a> The paper is only to be found in two Italian histories, Pollini’s -<cite>Istoria Ecclesiastica della Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra</cite> and Raviglio -Rosso’s account of the events following upon Edward’s death, stated -to be partly drawn from the despatches of Bodoaro. The discrepancies -here and there in the translation point to both having had -access to an English version.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="fnanchor">156</a> <cite>History of Syon Monastery</cite>, Aungier.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="fnanchor">157</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane</cite> (Camden Society), p. 2.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="fnanchor">158</a> Speed’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>, p. 1127.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="fnanchor">159</a> Heylyn makes Durham House the scene of the announcement. -In this he seems clearly to be mistaken, as it is stated in the <cite>Grey -Friar’s Chronicle</cite> that she was brought down the river from -Richmond to Westminster, and so to the Tower.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="fnanchor">160</a> <cite>The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite> (Camden Society), -p. 3.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="fnanchor">161</a> Letter from Jane to Mary, Pollini’s <cite>Istoria Ecclesiastica della -Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra</cite>, pp. 355-8.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="fnanchor">162</a> Rosso, <cite>Succesi d’Inghilterra</cite>, p. 13.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="fnanchor">163</a> Rosso, <cite>Succesi d’Inghilterra</cite>, p. 9.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="fnanchor">164</a> Heylyn’s <cite>Reformation</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="fnanchor">165</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="fnanchor">166</a> Strype’s <cite>Memorials</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="fnanchor">167</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite>, ed. John Nichols -(Camden Society), App., pp. 116-121.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="fnanchor">168</a> The foregoing details are mostly taken from Stowe’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>. -At this point <cite>The Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite> -by a Resident in the Tower (Camden Society), takes up the tale. -The anonymous author plainly speaks from personal knowledge, -and is the principal authority for this period.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="fnanchor">169</a> Grafton’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="fnanchor">170</a> Heylyn’s <cite>Reformation</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="fnanchor">171</a> Fuller’s <cite>Worthies</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="fnanchor">172</a> Tytler’s <cite>Edward and Mary</cite>, vol. ii., p. 202.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="fnanchor">173</a> Rosso’s <cite>Succesi</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="fnanchor">174</a> Rosso’s <cite>Succesi</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="fnanchor">175</a> Quoted in <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite>, p. 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="fnanchor">176</a> This fact, together with Sir Nicholas’s subsequent trial, seems -to throw doubt upon the veracity of his versified account of the -services he had rendered to Mary.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="fnanchor">177</a> <cite>Biog. Brit.</cite> Quoted in <cite>Lady Jane Grey’s Literary Remains</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="fnanchor">178</a> <cite>L’Istoria Ecclesiastica della Rivoluzione d’Inghilterra.</cite> Pollini, -pp. 274, 275. Rosso’s <cite>Succesi</cite>, p. 20.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="fnanchor">179</a> M. A. Florio, <cite>Vita</cite>, pp. 58, 59.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="fnanchor">180</a> <cite>Dictionary of National Biography.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="fnanchor">181</a> Rosso, <cite>Succesi</cite>, p. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="fnanchor">182</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane</cite>, etc., pp. 10, 11.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="fnanchor">183</a> Foxe, <cite>Acts and Monuments</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="fnanchor">184</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane</cite>, etc. p. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="fnanchor">185</a> Rosso.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="fnanchor">186</a> <cite>Vie d’Elizabeth</cite>, p. 198.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="fnanchor">187</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>, p. 23.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="fnanchor">188</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite>, p. 16.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="fnanchor">189</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>, p. 25.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="fnanchor">190</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>, pp. 26, 27.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="fnanchor">191</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite>, p. 24.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="fnanchor">192</a> <cite>Edward and Mary</cite>, vol. ii., p. 224.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="fnanchor">193</a> <cite>Peerage of England</cite> (1799), vol. ii., p. 406. Quoted in -<cite>Strickland’s Queens of England</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="fnanchor">194</a> Lingard, <cite>History</cite>, vol. v., pp. 390, 391.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="fnanchor">195</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite>, p. 391.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="fnanchor">196</a> Tytler, <cite>Edward and Mary</cite>, vol. ii., p. 227.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="fnanchor">197</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite>, from which the -following details of the execution are mostly taken.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="fnanchor">198</a> <cite>Peerage of England</cite> (1709), vol. ii., p. 406. Quoted in Miss -Strickland’s <cite>Queens</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="fnanchor">199</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>, p. 55.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="fnanchor">200</a> Dr. Nichols suggests that Partridge may have been Queen -Mary’s goldsmith of that name, apparently resident in the Tower -during the following year.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="fnanchor">201</a> Lingard, <cite>History</cite>, vol. v., p. 393.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="fnanchor">202</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>, p. 65.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="fnanchor">203</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>, p. 60.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="fnanchor">204</a> Lingard, <cite>History</cite>, vol. v., p. 401.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="fnanchor">205</a> Speed’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="fnanchor">206</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>, pp. 125-6.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="fnanchor">207</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>, p. 127.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="fnanchor">208</a> Lingard, <cite>History</cite>, vol. v., p. 411.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="fnanchor">209</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite>, p. 34.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="fnanchor">210</a> Griffet, <cite>Nouveaux Éclaircissements</cite>, p. 118.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="fnanchor">211</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite>, p. 38 <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">et seq.</i></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="fnanchor">212</a> <cite>Ibid.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="fnanchor">213</a> Speed’s <cite>Chronicle</cite>, p. 1133.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="fnanchor">214</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite>, p. 54.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="fnanchor">215</a> Rosso, <cite>Succesi d’Inghilterra</cite>, p. 53.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="fnanchor">216</a> <cite>Life and Death of Lady Jane Grey</cite>, 1615, p. 22.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="fnanchor">217</a> It will be seen that the bearing of the two opponents on the -scaffold would seem to give the lie to this account of their interview; -unless, the heat of argument over, both should have regretted what -had passed.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="fnanchor">218</a> <cite>Life and Death of Lady Jane Grey</cite>, 1615, p. 25.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="fnanchor">219</a> Rosso, <cite>Succesi</cite>, etc., p. 57.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="fnanchor">220</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary.</cite></p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="fnanchor">221</a> <cite>Life and Death of Lady Jane Grey</cite>, 1615, p. 30.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="fnanchor">222</a> <cite>Chronicle of Queen Jane and Queen Mary</cite>, pp. 54-6. The -author, “resident in the Tower,” was doubtless an eye-witness of -the scene.</p></div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p class="fn3"><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="fnanchor">223</a> Rosso, <cite>Succesi d’Inghilterra</cite>, etc., pp. 57, 58.</p></div> -</div></div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<div class="transnote"> -<h2 class="nobreak p1"><a id="Transcribers_Notes"></a>Transcriber’s Notes</h2> - -<p>Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a predominant -preference was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed.</p> - -<p>Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced -quotation marks retained.</p> - -<p>Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained.</p> - -<p>Index not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page references.</p> - -<p>Index often used semi-colons between page number references. They have -been replaced by commas in this eBook. Semi-colons between sub-entries -have been retained.</p> - -<p>Frontispiece: The original caption attributes the painting to “Lucas ? -Heere” where the “?” represents an indistinct letter. It should be “de”, -and that is what is used in this eBook.</p> - -<p>The illustrations on the Title Page are just very small decorations.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_13">13</a>: The chapter number was misprinted as “I”; changed here to “II”.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_29">29</a>: “to my cousin, Jane Gray,” was printed with the surname -spelled that way.</p> - -<p>Page <a href="#Page_35">35</a>: Closing quotation mark added after “and served.”</p> -</div></div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Lady Jane Grey and Her Times, by -Ida Ashworth Taylor - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LADY JANE GREY AND HER TIMES *** - -***** This file should be named 51057-h.htm or 51057-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/1/0/5/51057/ - -Produced by MWS, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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