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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..1670a92 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #51025 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/51025) diff --git a/old/51025-0.txt b/old/51025-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index d8bcebf..0000000 --- a/old/51025-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,15586 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Charles Sumner; his complete works, volume -20 (of 20), by Charles Sumner - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Charles Sumner; his complete works, volume 20 (of 20) - -Author: Charles Sumner - -Editor: George Frisbie Hoar - -Release Date: January 24, 2016 [EBook #51025] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHARLES SUMNER; COMPLETE WORKS, VOL 20 *** - - - - -Produced by Mark C. Orton and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - -Transcriber’s Note: All other volumes are available as Project Gutenberg -ebooks. A list is given at the end. - - - - - [Illustration: Eng’d by A H Ritchie: HORACE GREELEY] - - Statesman Edition Vol. XX - - Charles Sumner - - HIS COMPLETE WORKS - - With Introduction - BY - HON. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR - - [Illustration] - - BOSTON - LEE AND SHEPARD - MCM - - COPYRIGHT, 1883, - BY - FRANCIS V. BALCH, EXECUTOR. - - COPYRIGHT, 1900, - BY - LEE AND SHEPARD. - - Statesman Edition. - LIMITED TO ONE THOUSAND COPIES. - OF WHICH THIS IS - No. 320. - - Norwood Press: - NORWOOD, MASS., U.S.A. - - - - -CONTENTS OF VOLUME XX. - - - PAGE - - THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: ITS PROPER NUMBER. Remarks in the - Senate, on the Bill for the Apportionment of Representatives among - the States, January 29, 1872 1 - - REFORM AND PURITY IN GOVERNMENT: NEUTRAL DUTIES. SALE OF ARMS TO - BELLIGERENT FRANCE. Speech in the Senate, February 28, 1872 5 - - PARLIAMENTARY LAW ON THE APPOINTMENT OF SPECIAL COMMITTEES OF THE - SENATE. Two Protests against the Competency of the Senate Committee - to investigate the Sale of Arms to France, March 26 and 27, 1872 45 - - BOOKS ON THE FREE LIST. Remarks in the Senate on moving an - Amendment to a Tariff Bill, March 27, 1872 61 - - THE NASBY LETTERS. Introduction to the Collection, April 1, 1872 65 - - ADVICE TO THE COLORED PEOPLE. Letter to the National Convention of - Colored People at New Orleans, April 7, 1872 68 - - DIPLOMATIC AGENTS OF THE UNITED STATES NOT TO ACCEPT GIFTS FROM - FOREIGN POWERS. Remarks in the Senate, May 2, 1872 70 - - PRESERVATION OF THE PARK AT WASHINGTON. Remarks in the Senate, - May 15, 1872 72 - - HOURS OF LABOR. Letter to the Convention of the Massachusetts - Labor Union in Boston, May 25, 1872 79 - - ARBITRATION AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR WAR. Resolutions in the Senate, - May 31, 1872, concerning Arbitration as a Substitute for War in - determining Differences between Nations 80 - - REPUBLICANISM _vs._ GRANTISM. Speech in the Senate, May 31, 1872 83 - - INTEREST AND DUTY OF COLORED CITIZENS IN THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. - Letter to Colored Citizens, July 29, 1872 173 - - LETTER TO SPEAKER BLAINE. August 5, 1872 196 - - RETROSPECT AND PROMISE. Address at a Serenade before his House in - Washington, August 9, 1872 202 - - FREDERICK DOUGLASS AND PRESIDENT GRANT. Letter to Hon. Andrew D. - White, President of Cornell University, August 10, 1872 205 - - GREELEY OR GRANT? Speech intended to be delivered at Faneuil Hall, - Boston, September 3, 1872 209 - - NO NAMES OF BATTLES WITH FELLOW-CITIZENS ON THE ARMY-REGISTER OR - THE REGIMENTAL COLORS OF THE UNITED STATES. Bill in the Senate, - December 2, 1872 255 - - TRIBUTE TO HORACE GREELEY. Remarks intended to be made in the - Senate, in seconding a Motion for Adjournment on the Occasion of - Mr. Greeley’s Funeral, December 3, 1872 256 - - RELIEF OF BOSTON. Remarks in the Senate, December 12, 1872 258 - - THE LATE HON. GARRETT DAVIS, SENATOR OF KENTUCKY. Remarks in the - Senate, on his Death, December 18, 1872 261 - - EQUALITY IN CIVIL RIGHTS. Letter to the Committee of Arrangements - for the Celebration of the Anniversary of Emancipation in the - District of Columbia, April 16, 1873 266 - - EQUAL RIGHTS OF COLORED FELLOW-CITIZENS IN NORMAL SCHOOLS. Letter - read at a Public Meeting in Washington, June 22, 1873 268 - - THE PRESIDENT OF HAYTI AND MR. SUMNER. Letter in Reply to one from - the Former, July 4, 1873 270 - - INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION. Letter to Henry Richard, M.P., on the - Vote in the House of Commons agreeing to his Motion for an Address - to the Queen, praying Communication with Foreign Powers with a View - to a General and Permanent System of International Arbitration, - July 10, 1873 273 - - A COMMON-SCHOOL SYSTEM IRRESPECTIVE OF COLOR. Letter to the Colored - Citizens of Washington, July 29, 1873 275 - - BOSTON: ITS PROPER BOUNDARIES. Letter to Hon. G. W. Warren, of - Charlestown, on the Annexion to Boston of the Suburban Towns, - October 4, 1873 279 - - YELLOW FEVER AT MEMPHIS AND SHREVEPORT: AID FOR THE SUFFERERS. - Remarks before the Board of Trade at Boston, October 24, 1873 281 - - THE CASE OF THE VIRGINIUS. Letter to the Cuban Mass Meeting in - New York, November 15, 1873 284 - - THE SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL-RIGHTS BILL AGAIN: IMMEDIATE ACTION URGED. - Remarks in the Senate, December 2, 1873 286 - - OUR PILGRIM FOREFATHERS. Speech at the Dinner of the New England - Society in New York, December 22, 1873 291 - - SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL-RIGHTS BILL: THE LAST APPEAL. Remarks in the - Senate, January 27, 1874 301 - - INDEX 317 - - - - -THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: ITS PROPER NUMBER. - -REMARKS IN THE SENATE, ON THE BILL FOR THE APPORTIONMENT OF -REPRESENTATIVES AMONG THE STATES, JANUARY 29, 1872. - - -MR. PRESIDENT,--Before the vote is taken I desire to make one remark. I -was struck with the suggestion of the Senator from Ohio [Mr. SHERMAN], -the other day, with regard to the proposition which comes from the -House. He reminded us that it was a House proposition, and that it was -natural that the House should be allowed to regulate itself. I think -there is much in that worthy of consideration. I doubt if the Senate -would receive with much favor any proposition from the House especially -applicable to us. I think we should be disposed to repel it. I think we -should say that our experience should enable us to judge that question -better than the experience of the House. And now I ask whether the -experience of the House does not enable them to judge of the question -of numbers better than we can judge of it? On general grounds I confess -I should myself prefer a smaller House; personally I incline that way; -but I am not willing on that point to set myself against the House. - -Then, Sir, I cannot be insensible to the experience of other countries. -I do not know whether Senators have troubled themselves on that head; -but if they have not, I think it will not be uninteresting to them to -have their attention called to the numbers of the great legislative -bodies of the world at this moment. For instance, beginning with -England, there is the upper House, the Chamber of Peers, composed of -four hundred and sixty-six members; then the lower House, the House -of Commons, with six hundred and fifty-eight members. We know that, -practically, these members attend only in comparatively small numbers; -that it is only on great questions that either House is full. - - MR. TRUMBULL. Did the House of Lords ever have anything like that - number present? - -MR. SUMNER. It has had several hundred. There are four hundred and -sixty-six entitled to seats in the House of Lords. - -Pass over to France. The National Assembly, sitting at Versailles at -this moment, elected February 8 and July 2, 1871, consists of seven -hundred and thirty-eight members. - -Pass on to Prussia. The upper Chamber of the Parliament of Prussia has -two hundred and sixty-seven members; the lower Chamber has four hundred -and thirty-two. Now we all know that Prussia is a country where no rule -of administration or of constitution is adopted lightly, and everything -is considered, if I may so express myself, in the light of science. - -Pass to Austria, under the recent organization. You are aware that -there are two different Parliaments now in Austria,--one for what is -called the cis-Leithan territories, territories this side of the river -Leitha; the other, trans-Leithan, or those on the other side, being the -Hungarian territory. Beginning with those on this side of the river, -the upper House consists of one hundred and seventy-five members: -observe, it is more than twice as large as our Senate. The lower House -consists of two hundred and three members: smaller than our House of -Representatives. But now pass to the other side of the river and look -at the Hungarian Parliament. There the upper House contains two hundred -and sixty-six members, and the lower House, or Chamber of Deputies, as -it is called, four hundred and thirty-eight. - -Pass to Italy, a country organized under a new constitution in the -light of European and American experience, liberal, and with a -disposition to found its institutions on the basis of science. The -Senate of Italy contains two hundred and seventy members, the Chamber -of Deputies five hundred and eight. - -Then pass to Spain. There the upper branch of the Cortes contains one -hundred and ninety-six members, and the lower branch four hundred and -sixteen. - -So that you will find in all these countries,--Great Britain, France, -Prussia, Austria in its two Parliaments, Italy, and Spain,--that the -number adopted for the lower House is much larger than any now proposed -for our House of Representatives. - -I call attention to this fact because it illustrates by the experience -of other nations what may be considered as a rule on this subject. At -any rate, it shows that other nations are not deterred by anything in -political experience from having a House with these large numbers; -and this perhaps is of more value because European writers, political -philosophers for successive generations, have warred against large -bodies. We have the famous saying of the Cardinal de Retz, that -any body of men above a hundred is a mob; and that saying, coming -from so consummate a statesman and wit, has passed into a proverb, -doubtless affecting the judgment of many minds; and yet in the face of -this testimony, and with the writings of political philosophers all -inclining against numbers, we find that the actual practical experience -of Europe has gone the other way. The popular branch in all these -considerable countries is much more numerous than it is now proposed to -make our House of Representatives. - - - - -REFORM AND PURITY IN GOVERNMENT: NEUTRAL DUTIES. SALE OF ARMS TO -BELLIGERENT FRANCE. - -SPEECH IN THE SENATE, FEBRUARY 28, 1872. - - - February 12, 1872, Mr. Sumner introduced a resolution, with a - preamble setting forth its grounds, providing,-- - - “That a select committee of seven be appointed to investigate - all sales of ordnance stores made by the Government of the - United States during the war between France and Germany; - to ascertain the persons to whom such sales were made, the - circumstances under which they were made, and the real parties - in interest, and the sums respectively paid and received by the - real parties; and that the committee have power to send for - persons and papers; and that the investigation be conducted in - public.” - - And on his motion it was ordered to lie on the table and be printed. - - On the 14th the resolution was taken up for consideration, when - Mr. Sumner entered into an exposition of the matter referred to - in the preamble, and of the law applicable thereto, remarking in - conclusion:-- - - “For the first time has the United States, within my knowledge, - fallen under suspicion of violating the requirement of - neutrality on this subject. Such seems to be our present - position. We are under suspicion. What I propose is a searching - inquiry, according to the magnitude of the interests involved, - to ascertain if this is without just grounds.” - - Thereupon ensued a long and acrimonious debate,--toward the close - of which, Mr. Sumner, on the 28th, in review of the case, spoke as - follows:-- - -MR PRESIDENT,--Besides the unaccustomed interest which this debate -excites, I cannot fail to note that it has wandered far beyond any -purpose of mine, and into fields where I have no desire to follow. In -a few plain remarks I shall try to bring it back to the real issue, -which I hope to present without passion or prejudice. I declare only -the rule of my life, when I say that nothing shall fall from me to-day -which is not prompted by the love of truth and the desire for justice; -but you will pardon me, if I remember that there is something on this -planet higher than the Senate or any Senator, higher than any public -functionary, higher than any political party: it is the good name of -the American people and the purity of Government, which must be saved -from scandal. In this spirit and with this aspiration I shall speak -to-day. - -In considering this resolution we must not forget the peculiar -demands of the present moment. An aroused community in the commercial -metropolis of our country has unexpectedly succeeded in overthrowing a -corrupt ring by which millions of money had been sacrificed. Tammany -has been vanquished. Here good Democrats vied with Republicans. The -country was thrilled by the triumph, and insisted that it should -be extended. Then came manifestations against abuses of the civil -service generally, and especially in that other Tammany, the New York -custom-house. The call for investigation at last prevailed in this -Chamber, and the newspapers have been burdened since with odious -details. Everybody says there must be reform, so that the Government -in all its branches shall be above suspicion. The cry for reform is -everywhere,--from New York to New Orleans. Within a few days we hear -of a great meeting, amounting to ten thousand, in the latter city, -without distinction of party, calling for reform; and the demand is -echoed from place to place. Reform is becoming a universal watchword. - -In harmony with this cry is the appointment of a Civil-Service -Commission, which has proposed mild measures looking to purity and -independence in office-holders. - -Amidst these transactions, occupying the attention of the country, -certain facts are reported, tending to show abuses in the sale of arms -at the Ordnance Office, exciting at least suspicion in that quarter; -and this is aggravated by a seeming violation of neutral duties at a -critical moment, when, on various grounds, the nation was bound to -peculiar care. It appeared as if our neutral duties were sacrificed to -money-making, if not to official jobbers. The injunction of Iago seemed -to be obeyed: “Put money in thy purse.” These things were already known -in Europe, especially through a notorious trial,[1] and then by a -legislative inquiry, so as to become a public scandal. It was time that -something should be done to remove the suspicion. This could be only -by a searching investigation in such way as to satisfy all at home and -abroad that there was no whitewashing. - -In proportion to the magnitude of the question and the great interests -involved, whether of money or neutral duty, was the corresponding -responsibility on our part. Here was a case for action without delay. - -Under these circumstances I brought forward the present motion. Here -I acted in entire harmony with that movement, now so much applauded, -which overthrew Tammany, and that other movement which has exposed -the Custom-House. Its object was inquiry into the sale of arms. This -was the objective point. But much of this debate has turned on points -merely formal, if not entirely irrelevant. - -More than once it has been asserted that I am introducing “politics”; -and then we have been reminded of the Presidential election, which to -certain Senators is a universal prompter. I asked for reform, and the -Senator from Indiana [Mr. MORTON], seizing the party bugle, sounded “To -arms!” But I am not tempted to follow him. I have nothing to say of -the President or of the Presidential election. The Senator cannot make -me depart from the rule I have laid down for myself. I introduce no -“politics,” but only a question which has become urgent, affecting the -civil service of the country. - -Now, Sir, I have been from the beginning in favor of civil-service -reform. I am the author of the first bill on that subject ever -introduced into Congress, as long ago as the spring of 1864.[2] I am -for a real reform that shall reach the highest as well as the lowest, -and I know no better way to accomplish this beneficent result than by -striving at all times for purity in the administration of Government. -Therefore, when officials fall under suspicion, I should feel myself -disloyal to the Government, if I did not insist on the most thorough -inquiry. So I have voted in the past, so I must vote in the future. -Call you this politics? Not in the ordinary sense of the term. It is -only honesty and a just regard for the public weal. - -Then it has been said that I am a French agent, and even a Prussian -agent,--two in one. Sir, I am nothing but a Senator, whose attention -was first called to this matter by a distinguished citizen not named in -this debate. Since then I have obtained such information with regard to -it as was open to me,--all going to develop a case for inquiry. - -I should say nothing more in reply to this allegation but for the -vindictive personal assault made upon a valued friend, the Marquis de -Chambrun. The Senator from Missouri [Mr. SCHURZ] has already spoken -for him; but I claim this privilege also. Besides his own merits, -this gentleman is commended to Americans by his association with the -two French names most cherished in our country, Lafayette and De -Tocqueville. I have known him from the very day of his arrival in -Washington early in the spring of 1865, and have seen him since, in -unbroken friendship, almost daily. Shortly after his arrival I took him -with me on a visit to Mr. Lincoln at the front, close upon the capture -of Richmond. This stranger began his remarkable intimacy with American -life by several days in the society of the President only one week -before his death. He was by the side of the President in his last visit -to a military hospital, and when he last shook hands with the soldiers; -also when he made his last speech from the window of the Executive -Mansion, the stranger was his guest, standing by his side. From that -time down to this day of accusation his intimacies have extended beyond -those of any other foreigner. His studies of our institutions have been -minute and critical, being second only to those of his late friend De -Tocqueville. Whether conversing on his own country or on ours, he is -always at home. - -If at any time the Marquis de Chambrun sustained official relations -with the French Government, or was its agent, he never spoke of it to -me; nor did I ever know it until the papers produced by the Senator -from Iowa [Mr. HARLAN]. Our conversation was always that of friends, -and on topics of general interest, not of business. Though ignorant -of any official relations with his own Government, I could not fail -to know his close relations with members of our Government, ending in -his recent employment to present our case in French for the Geneva -tribunal,--an honorable and confidential service, faithfully performed. - -The Senator from Indiana knew of the arms question some five months -before the meeting of Congress. I did not. It was after the session -began, and just before the holidays, that I first knew of it. And -here my informant was not a foreigner, but, as I have already said, a -distinguished citizen. The French “spy,” as he is so happily called, -though with me daily, never spoke of it; nor did I speak of it to -him. By-and-by the Senator from Missouri mentioned it, and then, in -my desire to know the evidence affecting persons here, if any such -existed, I spoke to my French friend. This was only a few days before -the resolution. - -Such is the history of my relations with the accused. There is nothing -to disguise, nothing that I should not do again. I know no rule of -senatorial duty or of patriotism which can prevent me from obtaining -information of any kind from any body, especially when the object is to -pursue fraud and to unmask abuse. Is not a French gentleman a competent -witness? Once the black could not testify against the white, and now -in some places the testimony of a Chinese is rejected. But I tolerate -no such exclusion. Let me welcome knowledge always, and from every -quarter. “Hail, holy light!”--no matter from what star or what nation -it may shine. - -And this gentleman, fresh from a confidential service to our own -Government, enjoying numerous intimacies with American citizens, -associated with illustrious names in history and literature, and -immediately connected with one of the highest functionaries of the -present French Government, M. de Rémusat, Minister for Foreign Affairs, -is insulted here as an “emissary” and a “spy”; nay, more, France is -insulted,--for these terms are applied only to the secret agents of -an enemy in time of war. But enough. To such madness of error and -vindictive accusation is this defence carried! - -Another charge is that I am making a case for Prussia against our own -country. Oh, no! I am making a case for nobody. I simply try to relieve -my country from an odious suspicion, and to advance the cause of good -government. The Senator from Indiana supposes that this effort of mine, -having such objects, may prejudice the Emperor of Germany against us -in the arbitration of the San Juan question. The Senator does not pay -a lofty compliment to that enlightened and victorious ruler. Nay, Sir, -the very suggestion of the Senator is an insult to him, which he is too -just to resent, but which cannot fail to excite a smile of derision. -Surely the Senator was not in earnest. - -The jest of the Senator, offered for argument, seems to forget that -all these things are notorious in Europe, through the active press of -Paris and London. Why, Sir, our own State Department furnishes official -evidence that the alleged sale of arms to the French by our Government -is known in Berlin itself, right under the eyes of the Emperor. Our -Minister there, Mr. Bancroft, in his dispatch of January 7, 1871, -furnishes the following testimony from the London “Times”:-- - - “During the Crimean War, arms and munitions of war had been freely - exported from Prussia to Russia; and recently rifled cannon - and ammunition have been furnished to the French in enormous - quantities, _not only by private American traders, but by the War - Department at Washington_.”[3] - -These latter words are italicized in the official publication of our -Government, and thus blazoned to the world. I do not adduce them to -show that the War Department did sell arms to belligerent France, but -that even in Berlin the imputation upon us was known and actually -reported by our Minister. If the latter made any observations on -this imputation I know not; for at this point in his dispatch are -those convenient asterisks which are the substitute for inconvenient -revelations. - -In the same spirit with the last triviality, but in the anxiety to -clutch at something, it is said that the Alabama Claims are endangered -by this inquiry. Very well, Sir. On this point I am clear. If these -historic claims, so interesting to the American people, are to be -pressed at the cost of purity in our own Government, they are not worth -the terrible price. Better give them up at once. Let them all go, every -dollar. “First pure, then peaceable”;[4] above all things purity. Sir, -I have from the beginning insisted that England should be held to just -account for her violation of international duty toward us. Is that -any reason why I should not also insist upon inquiry into the conduct -of officials at home, to the end that the Government may be saved -from reproach? Surely we shall be stronger, infinitely stronger, in -demanding our own rights, if we show a determination to allow no wrong -among ourselves. Our example must not be quoted against us at any time. -Especially must it not be allowed to harden into precedent. But this -can be prevented only by prompt correction, so that it shall be without -authority. Therefore, because I would have my country irresistible in -its demands, do I insist that it shall place itself above all suspicion. - -The objection of Senators is too much like the old heathen cry, “Our -country, right or wrong.” Unhappy words, which dethrone God and exalt -the Devil! I am for our country with the aspiration that it may be -always right; but I am for nothing wrong. When I hear of wrong, I -insist at all hazards that it shall be made right, knowing that in this -way I best serve my country and every just cause. - -This same objection assumes another form, equally groundless, when it -is said that I reflect upon our country and hurt its good name. Oh, no! -They reflect upon our country and hurt its good name who at the first -breath of suspicion fail to act. Our good name is not to be preserved -by covering up anything. Not in secrecy, but in daylight, must we live. -What sort of good name is that which has a cloud gathering about it? -Our duty is to dispel the cloud. Especially is this the duty of the -Senate. Here at least must be that honest independence which shall -insist at all times upon purity in the Government, no matter what -office-holders are exposed. - -Again it is said that our good name cannot be compromised by these -suspicions. This is a mistake. Any suspicion of wrong is a compromise, -all the more serious when it concerns not only money, but the violation -of neutral obligations. And the actual fact is precisely according to -reason. Now while we debate, the national character is compromised at -Paris, at London, at Berlin, at Geneva, where all these things are -known as much as in this Chamber. But your indifference, especially -after this debate, will not tend to elevate the national character -either at home or abroad. - -Such are some of the objections to which I reply. They are words only, -as Hamlet says, “Words, words, words.” From words let us pass to things. - - * * * * * - -Mr. President, I come now to the simple question before the Senate, -which I presented originally, whether there is not sufficient reason -for inquiry into the sale of arms during the French and German War. I -state the question thus broadly. The inquiry is into the sale of arms; -and this opens two questions,--first, of international duty; and, -secondly, of misfeasance in our officials, the latter involving what -may be compendiously called the money question. - -My object is simply to show grounds for inquiry; and I naturally begin -with the rule of international duty. - -In the discharge of neutral obligations a nation is bound to _good -faith_. This is the supreme rule, to which all else is subordinate. -This is the starting-point of all that is done. Without good faith -neutral obligations must fail. In proportion to the character of this -requirement must be the completeness of its observance. There can be -no evasion, not a jot. Any evasion is a breach, without the bravery -of open violation. But evasion may be sometimes by closing the eyes to -existing facts, or even by acting without sufficient inquiry. These -things are so plain and entirely reasonable as to be self-evident. - -Now nothing can be more clear than that no neutral nation is permitted -to furnish arms and war material to a belligerent power. Such is a -simple statement of the law. I do not cite authorities, as I did it -amply on a former occasion.[5] - -But there is an excellent author whom I would add to the list as worthy -of consideration, especially at this moment, in view of the loose -pretensions put forth in the debate. I refer to Mr. Manning, who, in -his Commentaries, thus teaches neutral duty:-- - - “It is no interference with the right of a third party to say that - he shall not carry to my enemy instruments with which I am to be - attacked. Such commerce is, on the other hand, a deviation from - neutrality,--or rather would be so, _if it were the act of a State_ - and not of individuals.”[6] - -The distinction is obvious between what can be done by the individual -and what can be done by the State. The individual may play the merchant -and take the risk of capture; but the State cannot play the merchant -in dealing with a belligerent. Of course, if the foreign power is at -peace, there is no question; but when the power has become belligerent, -then it is excluded from the market. So far as that power is concerned, -all sales must be suspended. The interdict is peremptory and absolute. -In such a case there can be no sale knowingly without mixing in the -war,--precisely as France mixed in the war of our Revolution in those -muskets sent by the witty Beaumarchais, which England resented by open -war. - -And this undoubted principle of International Law was recognized by -the Secretary of War, when he directed the Chief of Ordnance not to -entertain any bids from E. Remington & Sons, who had stated that they -were agents of the French Government. In giving these orders he only -followed the rule of duty on which the country can stand without -question or reproach; but it remains to be seen whether persons under -him did not content themselves with obeying the order in letter only, -breaking it in spirit. I assume that the order was given in good faith. -Was it obeyed in good faith? Here we start with the admitted postulate -that it was wrong to sell arms to France. - -But if this cannot be done directly, it is idle to say that it can be -done indirectly without a violation of good faith. If it cannot be done -openly, it cannot be done privily. If it cannot be done above-board, it -cannot be done clandestinely. It is idle to reject the bid of the open -agent of a belligerent power and then at once accept the bid of another -who may be a mere man-of-straw, unless after careful inquiry into his -real character. - -Nothing can be clearer than the duty of the proper officers to consider -all bids in the sunlight of the conspicuous events then passing. A -terrible war was convulsing the Old World. Two mighty nations were in -conflict, one of which was already prostrate _and disarmed_. Meanwhile -came bids for arms and war material on a gigantic scale, on a scale -absolutely unprecedented. Plainly these powerful batteries, these -muskets by the hundred thousand, and these cartridges by the million -were for the disarmed belligerent and nobody else. It was impossible -not to see it. It is insulting to common-sense to imagine it otherwise. -Who else could need arms and war material to the amount of four million -dollars at once? Now it appears by the dispatches of the French -Consul-General at New York, which I find in an official document, that -on the 22d October, 1870, he telegraphed to the Armament Commission at -Tours:-- - - “The prices of adjudication have been 100,000 muskets at $9.30; - 40,000 at $12.30; 100,000 at $12.25; 50,000,000 cartridges at - $16.30 the thousand: altogether, with the commission to Remington - and the incidental expenses, more than four million dollars.” - -Such gigantic purchases, made at one time, or in the space of a few -days, could have but one destination. It is weakness to imagine -otherwise. Obviously, plainly, unquestionably, they were for the -disarmed belligerent. The telegraph each morning proclaimed the -constant fearful struggle, and we all became daily spectators. In the -terrible blaze, filling the heavens with lurid flame, it was impossible -not to see the exact condition of the two belligerents,--Germany always -victorious, France still rallying for the desperate battle. But the -officials of the Ordnance Bureau saw this as plainly as the people. -Therefore were they warned, so that every applicant for arms and war -material on a large scale was open to just suspicion. These officials -were put on their guard as much as if a notice or _caveat_ had been -filed at the War Department. In neglecting that commanding notice, -in overruling that unprecedented _caveat_, so far as to allow these -enormous supplies to be forwarded to the disarmed belligerent, they -failed in that proper care required by the occasion. If I said that -they failed in good faith, I should only give the conclusion of law on -unquestionable facts. - -In the case of the _Gran Para_, Chief-Justice Marshall, after exposing -an attempt to evade our neutral obligations by an ingenious cover, -exclaimed, in words which he borrowed from an earlier period of our -history, but which have been often quoted since: “This would, indeed, -be a fraudulent neutrality, disgraceful to our own Government, and -of which no nation would be the dupe.”[7] I forbear at present to -apply these memorable words, which show with what indignant language -our great Chief-Justice blasted an attempt to evade our neutral -obligations. In calling it fraudulent he was not deterred by the petty -cry of a false patriotism, that his judgment might affect the good name -of our country. Full well he knew that national character could suffer -only where fraud is maintained. - -I doubt much if the true rule can be laid down in better words than -those I quoted on a former occasion from the Spanish minister at -Stockholm, denouncing the sale of Swedish frigates.[8] He protested -against “arms and munitions furnished through _intermediate -speculators_, under pretence of not knowing the result,” which -he exhibited as an “act of hostility” and a “political scandal.” -According to this excellent protest, the sale is not protected from -condemnation merely by “intermediate speculators” and the “pretence -of not knowing the result.” And this is only according to undoubted -reason. It is simply a question of good faith; and if, taking into view -the circumstances of the case and the condition of the times, there -is reasonable ground to believe that “intermediate speculators” are -purchasing for a belligerent, then the sale cannot be made, nor will -any “pretence of not knowing the result” be of avail. - -In harmony with this Spanish protest is the calm statement of a Joint -Committee of Congress, where this question of international duty is -treated wisely. I read from the report of Mr. Jenckes on the sale of -certain ironclads:-- - - “Perhaps the international feature of this transaction is the - most grave one for the consideration of Congress. It is a matter - of notorious public history that war was being carried on in the - years 1865 and 1866 between the Government of Spain, on the one - hand, and the Governments of Peru and Chili, on the other. During - the pendency of hostilities, applications were made to obtain - possession of these vessels for one of the belligerents. If the - Government of the United States had been _privy_ to any arrangement - by which these vessels of war should be delivered to the agents - of a belligerent, either in our own ports or upon the high seas, - it would certainly have violated its international obligations. - Of course, when Congress authorized the sale of these vessels, it - was known that individuals had no use for them; yet it might have - assumed, as in the case of the Dunderberg and the Onondaga,”-- - -Now mark the words, if you please,-- - - “that the Executive Department would take care that any - individual who should purchase with a view to a resale to some - foreign power would not be permitted to violate the obligations of - the United States as a neutral nation.”[9] - -Observe, if you please, the language employed. If the Government of the -United States had been “privy” to any arrangement for the delivery of -these vessels to the agents of a belligerent, it would certainly have -violated its international obligations. This is undoubtedly correct. -Then comes the assumption “that the Executive Department would _take -care_ that any individual who should purchase _with a view to a resale_ -to some foreign power would not be permitted to violate the obligations -of the United States as a neutral nation.” Here again is the true rule. -The Executive is bound to take care that there shall be no sale with a -view to a resale in violation of neutral duties. - -All this is so entirely reasonable, indeed so absolutely essential to -the simplest performance of international duty, that I feel humbled -even in stating it. The case is too clear. It is like arguing the -Ten Commandments or the Multiplication Table. International Law is -nothing but international morality for the guidance of nations. And -be assured, Sir, that interpretation is the truest which subjects the -nation most completely to the Moral Law. “Thou shalt not sell arms -to a belligerent,” is a commandment addressed to nations, and to be -obeyed precisely as that other commandment, “Thou shalt not steal.” -No temptation of money, no proffer of cash, no chink of “the almighty -dollar,” can excuse any departure from this supreme law; nor can any -intervening man-of-straw have any other effect than to augment the -offence by the shame of a trick. - -Here, Sir, I am sensitive for my country. I can imagine no pecuniary -profits, no millions poured into the Treasury, that can compensate for -a departure from that international honesty which is at once the best -policy and the highest duty. The dishonesty of a nation is illimitable -in its operation. How true are the words,-- - - “’Twill be recorded for a precedent; - And many an error, by the same example, - Will rush into the State: it cannot be.”[10] - -The demoralization is felt not at home only. Whatever any nation does -is an example for other nations; whatever the Great Republic does is a -testimony. I would have that testimony pure, lofty, just, so that we -may welcome it when commended to ourselves; so that, indeed, it may be -a glorious landmark in the history of civilization. - -Therefore do I insist that international obligations, especially when -war is raging, cannot be evaded, cannot be slighted, cannot be trifled -with. They are not only sacred, they are sacrosanct; and whoso lays -hands on them, whoso neglects them, whoso closes his eyes to their -violation, is guilty of a dishonesty which, to the extent of its -influence, must weaken public morals at home, while it impairs the -safeguards of peace with other nations and sets ajar the very gates of -War. - -This question cannot be treated with levity, and waved out of sight -by a doubtful story. Even if Count Bismarck, adapting himself to the -situation, and anxious to avoid additional controversy, had declared -in conversation that he would take these arms on the banks of the -Loire,[11] this is no excuse for us. Our rule of duty is not found -in the courageous gayety of any foreign statesman, but in the Law of -Nations, which we are bound to obey, not only for the sake of others, -but for the sake of ourselves. All other nations may be silent; Count -Bismarck may be taciturn; but we cannot afford to cry, “Hush!” The evil -example must be corrected, and the more swiftly the better. - -On this simple statement of International Law, it is evident that -there must be inquiry to see if through the misfeasance of officials -our Government has not in some way failed to comply with its neutral -duties. Subordinates in England are charged with allowing the escape of -the Alabama. Have any subordinates among us played a similar part? It -is of subordinates that I speak. Has the Government suffered through -them? Has their misfeasance, their jobbery, their illicit dealing, -compromised our country? Is there any ring about the Ordnance Bureau -through which our neutral duties have been set at nought? Here I might -stop without proceeding further. The question is too grave to be -blinked out of sight; it must be met on the law and the facts. - -In this presentation I do not argue. The case requires a statement -only. Beyond this I point to the honorable example which our country -has set in times past. The equity with which we have discharged our -neutral obligations has been the occasion of constant applause. Mr. -Ward, the accomplished historian of the Law of Nations, and also -of a treatise on the “Rights and Duties of Belligerent and Neutral -Powers,” which Chancellor Kent says “exhausted all the law and learning -applicable to the question,”[12] wrote in 1801, four years after -Washington’s retirement:-- - - “Of the great trading nations, America is almost the only one that - has shown consistency of principle. The firmness and thorough - understanding of the Laws of Nations, which during this war [the - French Revolution] she has displayed, must forever rank her high in - the scale of enlightened communities.”[13] - -Another English writer, Sir Robert Phillimore, author of the -comprehensive work on International Law, speaks of the conduct of the -United States as, “under the most trying circumstances, marked not only -by a perfect consistency, but by _preference for duty and right_ over -interest and the expediency of the moment.”[14] Then again, in another -place, the same English authority, after a summary of our practice and -jurisprudence in seizing and condemning vessels captured in violation -of neutrality, declares:-- - - “In these doctrines a severe, _but a just_, conception of the - duties and rights of neutrality appears to be embodied.”[15] - -An excellent French writer on International Law, Baron de Cussy, -remarks, on mentioning our course with reference to a steamer purchased -by Prussia in its war with Denmark in 1849,-- - - “It affords a genuine proof of respect for the obligations of - neutrality.”[16] - -American loyalty to neutral duties received the homage of the eminent -orator and statesman Mr. Canning, who, from his place in Parliament, -said:-- - - “If I wished for a guide in a system of neutrality, I should - take that laid down by America in the days of the Presidency of - Washington and the Secretaryship of Jefferson.”[17] - -These testimonies may be fitly concluded by the words of Mr. Rush, so -long our Minister in England, who records with just pride the honor -accorded to our doctrines on neutral duties:-- - - “They are doctrines that will probably receive more and more - approbation from all nations as time goes on, and continues to - bring with it, as we may reasonably hope, further meliorations to - the code of war. They are as replete with international wisdom as - with American dignity and spirit.… - - “Come what may in the future, we can never be deprived of this - inheritance. It is a proud and splendid inheritance.”[18] - -Such is the great and honest fame already achieved by our Republic -in upholding neutral duties. No victory in our history has conferred -equal renown. Surely you are not ready to forget the precious -inheritance. No, Sir, let us guard it as one of the best possessions -of our common country,--guard it loyally, so that it shall continue -without diminution or spot. Here there must be no backward step. Not -_Backward_, but _Forward_, must be our watchword in the march of -civilization. - - * * * * * - -I am now brought to that other branch of the subject which concerns -directly the conduct of our officials; and here my purpose is to -simplify the question. Therefore I shall avoid details, which have -occupied the Senate for days; and I put aside the apparent discrepancy -between the Annual Report of the War Department and the Annual Report -of the Treasurer, which has been satisfactorily explained on this -floor, so that this ground of inquiry is removed. I bring the case to -certain heads, which, taken together in their mass, make it impossible -for us to avoid inquiry, without leaving the Government or some of its -officials exposed to serious suspicion. Now, as at the beginning, I -make no accusation against any officer of our Government,--none against -the President, none against the Secretary of War; but I exhibit reasons -for the present proceeding. - -The case naturally opens with the resolution of the Committee of the -French Assembly, asking the United States “to furnish the result of the -inquiry into the conduct of American officials who were suspected of -participating in the purchase of arms for the French Government during -the war.” This seems to have been adopted as late as February 9th last -past. At least it appears in the cable dispatch of that date.[19] From -this resolution three things are manifest: first, that the sale of arms -by our Government is occupying the attention of the French Legislature; -secondly, that American officials are suspected of participating in the -purchase for the French Government; and, thirdly, that it is supposed -that our Government has instituted an inquiry into the case. - -This resolution is, I believe, without precedent. I recall no other -instance where a foreign legislative assembly has made any inquiry -into the conduct of the officials of another country. If this were -done in an inimical or even a critical spirit, it might, perhaps, -be dismissed with indifference. But France, once in our history an -all-powerful ally, is now a friendly power, with which we are in the -best relations. Any movement on her part with regard to the conduct of -our officials must be received according to the rules of comity and -good-will. It cannot be disregarded. It ought to be anticipated. This -resolution alone would justify inquiry on our part. - -Passing to evidence, I come to the telegraphic dispatch of Squire, -son-in-law and agent of Remington, actually addressed in French cipher -to the latter in France, under date of October 8, 1870. Though brief, -it is most important:-- - - “We have _the strongest influences_ working for us, which will use - all their efforts to succeed.” - -Considering the writer of this dispatch, his family and business -relations with Remington, to whom it was addressed, it is difficult -to regard it except as a plain revelation of actual facts. It was -important that Remington should know the precise condition of things. -His son-in-law and agent telegraphs that “the strongest influences” -are at work for them. What can this mean? Surely here is no broker -or arms-merchant, engaged in the course of business. It is something -else,--plainly something else. What? That is the point for inquiry. Mr. -Squire is an American citizen. Let him be examined and cross-examined, -under oath. Let him disclose what he meant by “the strongest -influences.” He could not have intended to deceive his father-in-law, -and puff himself. He was doubtless in earnest. Did he deceive himself? -On this he is a witness. But until those words are so far explained -as to show that they do not point to officials, the natural inference -is that it was on them that he relied,--that they were “the strongest -influences” by which the job was to be carried through; for, of course, -it was a job which he announced. - -It cannot be doubted that this dispatch of Mr. Squire by itself alone -is enough to justify inquiry. Without the resolution of the French -Assembly, and without the supplementary testimony to be adduced, it -throws a painful suspicion upon our officials, which should compel them -to explain. - -But the letter of Mr. Remington, already adduced,[20] carries this -suspicion still further, by adding his positive testimony that he -dealt with the Government. Before referring again to this testimony, -it is important to consider the character of the witness; and here we -have the authentication of the Secretary of War, who has recommended -and indorsed him, in a formal paper to be used in France. Others may -question the statements of Mr. Remington, but no person speaking for -the Secretary will hesitate to accept them. If the testimony of the -Secretary needed support, it would be found in the open declarations -on this floor by the Senator from New York [Mr. CONKLING], and in the -following letter, which the Senator dated from the Senate Chamber -during the recess, when notoriously the Senate was not in session:-- - - “SENATE CHAMBER, - - “WASHINGTON, D. C., November 17, 1871. - - “MY DEAR SIR,--I learn with surprise that your personal and - commercial situation and the good name of the house of Remington & - Sons have been questioned. Having known your father and sons for - many years, having lived within a stone-throw, so to say, of your - house for a number of years, and being one of the Senators of your - State, I cannot hesitate to give you my testimony relative to the - accusations that have, as has been told me, been brought against - you in France. - - “As to what concerns personal situation, importance of affairs, - success, solvency, wealth, and fidelity to the Government of the - United States, your house has for a long time occupied a front - rank, not only in the State of New York, but also in the Union. - - “The allegation that you lack experience as a manufacturer of - arms, or in anything that can, as a man of business, entitle - you to respect, is, I can affirm in all sincerity, destitute of - foundation, and must proceed from ignorance or malignity. - - “Sincerely, your obedient servant, - - “ROSCOE CONKLING. - - “Mr. SAMUEL REMINGTON.” - -Thus does the Senator from New York vouch for the “good name” of Mr. -Remington. - -Thus introduced, thus authenticated, and thus indorsed, Mr. Remington -cannot be rejected as a witness, especially when he writes an official -letter to the Chairman of the French Armament Commission at Tours. You -already know something of that letter, dated at New York, December 13, -1870. My present object is to show how, while announcing his large -purchases of batteries, arms, and cartridges, he speaks of dealing with -Government always, and not even with any intermediate agent. - - MR. CONKLING. Will the Senator allow me there one moment, as he has - referred to me? - - MR. SUMNER. Certainly. - - MR. CONKLING. He is engaged at this point, if I understand him - aright, in supporting Mr. Remington in his character; and as the - document from which he made the translation of my letter also - contains stronger fortification in aid of the Senator and of Mr. - Remington, I beg to call attention to it. The Senator might refer - not only to my letter, but to letters written by Governor Hoffman, - ex-Governor Horatio Seymour, Edwin D. Morgan, late a member of this - body, General John A. Dix, not unknown here, and other citizens of - the State of New York, who certify, I believe in somewhat stronger - terms than those I employed, to the probity and standing of Mr. - Remington. - -MR. SUMNER. I am obliged to the Senator for the additional testimony -that he bears. It only fortifies the authority of Mr. Remington, -which was my object. I took the liberty of introducing the letter -of the Senator, because he is among us, and had vouched for Mr. -Remington personally. I gladly welcome the additional evidence which -the Senator introduces. It is entirely in harmony with the case that -I am presenting. I wish to show how Mr. Remington was regarded by -the Senator, by the Secretary of War, and by other distinguished -citizens,--so that, when he writes an official letter to the Chairman -of the Arms Committee of Tours, he cannot be rejected as a witness. - -The letter is long, and early in it the writer alludes to a credit from -France and certain instructions with regard to it, saying:-- - - “This we could not do, as a considerable portion had been _already - paid out to the Government_.” - -Then coming to the purchase of breech-loading Springfield muskets, he -writes:-- - - “_The Government_ has never made but about seventy-five thousand, - all told; and forty thousand is the greatest number _they think it - prudent to spare_.” - -In order to increase the number he proposed an exchange of his own, and -here he says:-- - - “This question of an exchange, _with the very friendly feeling I - find existing to aid France_, I hope to be able to procure more.” - -Where was “the very friendly feeling existing to aid France”? Not among -merchants, agents, or brokers. This would hardly justify the important -declaration with regard to a feeling which was so efficacious. - -Then comes the question of cartridges; and here the dealings with the -Government become still more manifest:-- - - “Cartridges for these forty thousand will in a great measure - require to be made, as _the Government_ have but about three - millions on hand. But _the Government_ has consented to allow the - requisite number, four hundred for each gun, to be made, and the - cartridge-works have had orders, given yesterday, to increase - production to the full capacity of works.” - -Observe here, if you please, the part performed by the Government,--not -only its consent to the manufacture, but the promptitude of this -consent. This was not easily accomplished, as the well-indorsed witness -testifies:-- - - “This question of making the cartridges _at the Government works_ - was a difficult one to get over. But it is done.” - -Naturally difficult; but the agent of France overcame all obstacles. -Then as to price:-- - - “The price _the Government_ will charge for the guns and cartridges - will be ----, or as near that as possible.” - -Always “the Government”! Then comes another glimpse:-- - - “The forty thousand guns cannot all be shipped immediately, as they - are distributed _in the various arsenals throughout the country_.” - -That is, the Government arsenals. - -Then appears one of our officials on the scene:-- - - “_The Chief of Ordnance_ thinks it may take twenty to thirty days - before all could be brought in.” - -Then again the witness reports:-- - - “_The Chief of Ordnance_ estimates the cost of the arms, including - boxing and expense of freight to bring them to New York, at $20.60 - currency.” - -Then as to the harness:-- - - “_The Government_ have not full complete sets to the extent of - twenty-five hundred after selling the number required for the fifty - batteries.” - -Always “the Government”! - -Then, after mentioning that some parts of the harness are wanting, he -says:-- - - “I have made arrangements to have this deficiency made good by - either _the Government_ or by outside persons.” - -But the Government does all it can:-- - - “In the mean time _the Government_ have ordered the harness to be - sent here immediately.” - -Then at the close the witness says:-- - - “I forgot to say _the Government_ have no Spencer rifles, having - never had but a small number, and all of those you have bought.” - -And he adds-- - - that “they have from three to four thousand transformed - Springfields,” which he “may think best to take _after - examination_,”-- - -showing again his intimate dealings with the Government. - -Such is the testimony of Mr. Remington, the acknowledged agent of -France. It is impossible to read these repeated allusions to “the -Government” and “the Chief of Ordnance” without feeling that the -witness was dealing directly in this quarter. If there was any -middleman, he was of straw only; but a man-of-straw is nobody. If Mr. -Remington’s character were not vouched so completely, if he did not -appear on authentic testimony so entirely above any misrepresentation, -if he were not elevated to be the model arms-dealer, this letter, with -its numerous averments of relations with the Government, would be of -less significance. But how can these be denied or explained without -impeaching this witness? - -But Mr. Remington is not without important support in his allegations. -His French correspondent, M. Le Cesne, Chairman of the Armament -Committee, has testified in open court that the French dealt directly -with the Government. He may have been mistaken; but his testimony shows -what he understood to be the case. The Senator from Missouri [Mr. -SCHURZ] has already called attention to this testimony, which he cited -from a journal enjoying great circulation on the European continent, -“L’Indépendance Belge.” The Senator from Vermont, [Mr. EDMUNDS,] not -recognizing the character of this important journal, distrusted the -report. But this testimony does not depend upon that journal alone. I -have it in another journal, “Le Courrier des États-Unis,” of October -27, 1871, evidently copied from a Parisian journal, probably one of the -law journals, where it is given according to the formal report of a -trial, with question and answer:-- - - “THE PRESIDING JUDGE. Did not this indemnity of twenty-five cents - represent certain material expenses, certain disbursements, - incidental expenses? - - “M. LE CESNE. We could not admit these expenses; _for we had an - agreement with the American Federal Government, which had engaged - to deliver free on board all the arms on account of France_.” - -Now I make no comment on this testimony except to remark that it is in -entire harmony with the letter of Mr. Remington, and that beyond all -doubt it was given in open court under oath, and duly reported in the -trial, so as to become known generally in Europe. The position of M. Le -Cesne gave it authority; for, beside his recent experience as Chairman -of the Arms Committee, he is known as a former representative in the -Assembly from the large town of Havre, and also a resident for twenty -years in the United States. In confirmation of the value attached to -this testimony, I mention that my attention was first directed to it by -Hon. Gustavus Koerner, of Illinois, Minister of the United States at -Madrid, under President Lincoln. - -To this cumulative testimony I add that already supplied by our -Minister at Berlin, under date of January 7, 1871, and published by -the Department of State, where it is distinctly said that “recently -rifled cannon and ammunition have been furnished to the French in -enormous quantities, not only by private American traders, _but by -the War Department at Washington_.” This I have already adduced under -another head.[21] It is mentioned now to show how the public knowledge -of Europe was in harmony with the other evidence. - -There is another piece of testimony, which serves to quicken suspicion. -It is already admitted by the Secretary of War, that, after refusing -Mr. Remington because he was an agent of France, bids were accepted -from Thomas Richardson, who was in point of fact an attorney-at-law -at Ilion, and agent and attorney of Mr. Remington. But the course of -Mr. Remington, and his relations with this country attorney, are not -without official illustration. Since this debate began I have received -a copy of a law journal of Paris, “Le Droit, Journal des Tribunaux,” -of January 18, 1872, containing the most recent judicial proceedings -against the French Consul-General at New York. Here I find an official -report from the acting French Consul there, addressed to the French -Minister of Foreign Affairs, under date of August 25, 1871, where a -fact is described which was authenticated at the Consulate, being an -affidavit or deposition before a notary by a clerk of Mr. Remington, on -which the report remarks:-- - - “This declaration establishing that this manufacturer caused the - books of his house to be recopied three times, and in doing so - altered the original form.” - -The Report adds:-- - - “It is in this document that mention is made of the character, I - might say criminal, which the name of Richardson appears to have - assumed in the affairs of Mr. Remington.” - -After remarking that the witness who has thus testified has exposed -himself to the penalties of perjury, being several years of -imprisonment, the Report proceeds:-- - - “You see from this that the operations of Mr. Remington give only - too much of a glimpse of the most audacious frauds.” - -Here is testimony tending at least to stimulate inquiry: Mr. -Remington’s books altered three times, and the name of Richardson -playing a criminal part. I quote this from an official document, and -leave it. - - * * * * * - -Here, then, are six different sources of testimony, all prompting -inquiry: first, the resolution of a committee of the French Assembly, -showing suspicion of American officials; secondly, the cable dispatch -of Squire, son-in-law and agent of Mr. Remington, declaring that “we -have the strongest influences working for us, which will use all their -efforts to succeed”; thirdly, the letter of Mr. Remington, reporting, -in various forms and repetitions, that he is dealing with the American -Government; fourthly, the testimony of M. Le Cesne, the Chairman of -the French Armament Committee, made in open court and under oath, that -the French “had an agreement with the American Federal Government, -which had engaged to deliver free on board all the arms on account -of France”; fifthly, the positive declaration of the London “Times” -in the face of Europe, and reported by our Minister at Berlin, that -rifled cannon and ammunition had been furnished to the French in -enormous quantities by the War Department at Washington; and, sixthly, -the testimony of a clerk of Mr. Remington, authenticated by the French -Consul-General at New York, that Mr. Remington had altered his books -three times, and also speaking of the criminal character of Richardson -in the affairs of Mr. Remington. On this cumulative and concurring -testimony from six different sources is it not plain that there must -be inquiry? The Senate cannot afford to close its eyes. The resolution -of the committee of the French Assembly alone would be enough; but -reinforced as it is from so many different quarters, the case is -irresistible. Not to inquire is to set at defiance all rules of decency -and common-sense. - - * * * * * - -To these successive reasons I add the evidence, which has been much -discussed, showing a violation of the statute authorizing the sale of -“the old cannon, arms, and other ordnance stores, now in possession -of the War Department, which are damaged or otherwise unsuitable for -the United States military service or for the militia of the United -States,”[22]--inasmuch as stores were sold which were not “damaged” -or “otherwise unsuitable.” I think no person can have heard the -debate without admitting that here at least is something for careful -investigation. The Senator from Missouri has already exposed this -apparent dereliction of duty, which in its excess ended in actually -disarming the country, so as to impair its defensive capacity. One of -the crimes of the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan on the eve of the Rebellion -was that the North had been disarmed. It is important to consider -whether, in the strange greed for money or in the misfeasance of -subordinates, something similar was not done when good arms were sold -to France. The Chief of Ordnance, in his last Annual Report, which will -be found in the Report of the Secretary of War, makes the following -statement:-- - - “Now there are less than ten thousand breech-loading muskets in the - arsenals for issue. This number of muskets is not half sufficient - to supply the States with the muskets they are now entitled to - receive under their apportionment of the permanent appropriation - for arming and equipping the militia.” - -Why, then, were breech-loading muskets exchanged for French gold? The -Chief of Ordnance then proceeds:-- - - “This Department should, as soon as possible, be placed in a - condition to fill all proper requisitions by the States upon - it, and should also have on hand in store a large number of - breech-loading muskets and carbines to meet any emergency that may - arise.” - -But these very breech-loading muskets have gone to France. The Chief of -Ordnance adds:-- - - “Ten years ago the country felt that not less than a million of - muskets should be kept in store in the arsenals.”[23] - -Why was not this remembered, when the arsenals were stripped to supply -France? - -This important testimony speaks for itself. It is not sufficient to -recount against it the arms actually in the national arsenals. The -Chief of Ordnance answers the allegation by his own statements. He -regrets the small number of breech-loading muskets on hand, and refers -as an example to the standard ten years ago, when it was felt that a -million of muskets should be kept in store. It is not I who say this; -it is the Chief of Ordnance. - - * * * * * - -But these several considerations, while making inquiry imperative, do -not touch the money question involved. If in the asserted dealings -with a belligerent power, in violation of our neutral duties, there -is reason to believe corrupt practices of any kind, if there are -large sums of money that seem to be unaccounted for, then is there -additional ground for inquiry. Two questions are presented: first, as -to the violation of neutral duties; and, secondly, as to misfeasance of -subordinates involving money. In both cases the question, I repeat, is -of inquiry. - -I do not dwell now on the sums lost by France in this business. They -are supposed to count by the million; but here I make no allegation. I -allude only to what appears elsewhere. - -Unquestionably there are enormous discrepancies between the sums paid -by France for arms actually identified as coming from our arsenals and -the sums received by our Ordnance Bureau. In different reports these -discrepancies assume different forms. Not to repeat what has been said -on other occasions, I introduce the report of the acting French Consul -at New York, dated August 25, 1871, where, after showing that France -received only 368,000 muskets and 53,000,000 cartridges, while the -accounts with Mr. Remington enumerate a sum-total of 425,000 arms and -54,000,000 cartridges, it is said:-- - - “Whence comes this difference of 57,000 between the arms said to - be sent from here and those which were received in France, if in - fact the report of M. Riant signifies that they have only received - a total of 368,000? How explain that there were 425,000 put on the - bills of lading, and that the price of these was paid in New York?” - -Now this discrepancy may be traced exclusively to French agents, so -that our subordinates shall not in any way be involved; but when we -consider all the circumstances of this transaction, it affords grounds -of inquiry. - -But there is another witness on this head, not before mentioned in -this debate. I have here an extract from the official report of M. de -Bellonet, the French _Chargé d’Affaires_ at Washington, made to his -Government on this very question of losses down to a certain period. -His language is explicit: “The _dry loss_ to the Treasury of France -must have been about $1,500,000, or seven million francs.” This, be -it remembered, is only a partial report down to a certain period. Now -there is nothing in this report to charge this “dry loss” upon our -officials. It may be that it was all absorbed by the intermediate -agents. But taken in connection with the telegram of Squire and the -abundant letter of Mr. Remington, it leaves a suspicion at least -adverse to our officials. - -Sir, let me be understood. I do not believe that any inquiry by any -committee can give back to France any of the enormous sums she has -lost. They have already gone beyond recall into the portentous mass -of her terrible sacrifices destined to be an indefinite mortgage on -that interesting country. Not for the sake of France or of any French -claimant do I propose inquiry, but for our sake, for the sake of our -own country. We read of that vast Serbonian bog “where armies whole -have sunk.” It is important to know if there is any such bog anywhere -about our Ordnance Office, where millions whole have sunk. - -Investigation is the order of the day. Already in France, amid all -the anxieties of her distracted condition, these purchases of arms -have occupied much attention. As far back as last April, the “Soir,” -a journal at Versailles, where the Convention was sitting, called for -parliamentary inquiry. Its language was strong:-- - - “A parliamentary inquiry made in full day can alone establish - either the culpability of some or the perfect honorableness of - others.” - -And the same French organ added:-- - - “The Chamber, in consigning this matter to its pigeonholes, refused - satisfaction to an awakened public morality.” - -There is, then, in France an awakened public morality, as we hope there -is also in the United States, which demands investigation where there -is suspicion of corrupt practices. The French Chamber has instituted -inquiry. - - * * * * * - -Mr. President, as a Republic, we are bound to the most strenuous -care, so that our example may not in any way suffer. If we fail, then -does Republican Government everywhere feel the shock. For the sake of -others as well as of ourselves must we guard our conduct. How often do -I insist that we cannot at any moment, or in any transaction, forget -these great responsibilities! As no man “liveth to himself,” so no -nation “liveth” to itself; especially is this the condition of the -Great Republic. By the very name it bears, and by its lofty dedication -to the rights of human nature, is it vowed to all those things which -contribute most to civilization, keeping its example always above -suspicion. That great political philosopher, Montesquieu, announces -that the animating sentiment of Monarchy is “Honor,” but the animating -sentiment of a Republic is “Virtue.”[24] I would gladly accept this -flattering distinction. Therefore, in the name of that Virtue which -should inspire our Government and keep it forever above all suspicion, -do I move this inquiry. - -On this whole matter the Senate will act as it thinks best, ordering -that investigation which the case requires. For myself I have but -one desire, which is, that this effort, begun in the discharge of a -patriotic duty, may redound to the good of our country, and especially -to the purity of the public service. - - -APPENDIX. - -(A.) Page 15. - -AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN SPEECH. - - -Wheaton, our great authority, in Lawrence’s edition, page 727, quotes -Vattel as laying down the rule of neutrality:-- - - “To give no assistance where there is no previous stipulation to - give it; nor voluntarily to furnish troops, arms, ammunition, or - anything of direct use in war.” - -Vattel, as quoted, then says:-- - - “I do not say, _To give assistance equally_, but, _To give no - assistance_; for it would be absurd that a State should assist at - the same time two enemies.”--_Le Droit des Gens_, Liv. III. ch. - vii. § 104. - -Another home authority, the late General Halleck, in his work on -International Law, after speaking of merchants engaged in selling -ships and munitions of war to a belligerent, says:-- - - “The act is wrong in itself, and the penalty results from his - violation of moral duty as well as of law. The duties imposed upon - the citizens and subjects flow from exactly the same principle as - those which attach to the government of neutral States.” - -He then says, quoting another:-- - - “By these acts he makes himself personally a party to a war in - which, as a neutral, he had no right to engage, and his property is - justly treated as that of an enemy.”--_International Law_, p. 631. - -Our other home authority, Professor Woolsey, in his work on -International Law, section 162, says:-- - - “International Law does not require of the neutral sovereign - that he should keep the citizen or subject within the same - strict lines of neutrality which he is bound to draw for - himself.”--_Introduction to the Study of International Law_, 2d - edition, p. 270. - -That is, a citizen may sell ships and arms to a belligerent and take -the penalty, but the Government cannot do any such thing. - -Another authority of considerable weight, Bluntschli, the German, lays -down the rule as follows:-- - - “The neutral State must neither send troops to a belligerent, nor - put ships of war at its disposal, nor furnish subsidies to aid it - in making the war. - - “In coming _directly_ to the aid of one of the belligerent powers - by the sending of men or war material, one takes part in the - war.”--_Droit International Codifié_, tr. LARDY, art. 757, p. 381. - -There is the true principle: “By the sending of men or war material one -takes part in the war.” - - * * * * * - -But the most important illustration of this question, and the only case -bearing directly on this point, which, according to my recollection, -has ever been diplomatically discussed, is one somewhat famous at the -time, known as that of the Swedish Frigate, which will be found in the -second series of “Causes Célèbres,” by Baron Charles de Martens. - -It seems that in 1825, after ten years of peace, the Swedish Government -conceived the idea of parting with ships, some of them more than twenty -years old, as comparatively useless. A contract for their sale was made -with a commercial house in London. The Spanish Government, by their -minister at Stockholm, protested, on the alleged ground, that, though -nominally sold to merchants, they were purchased for the revolted -colonies in Mexico and South America, and in his communication, dated -the 1st of July, 1825, used the following energetic language, which I -translate:-- - - “And what would his Majesty the King of Sweden think, on the - supposition of the revolt of one of his provinces,--of the kingdom - of Norway for example,--if friendly and allied powers furnished the - rebels with arms, munitions, a fleet even, through intermediate - speculators, and under pretence of not knowing the result-- - -I translate literally,-- - - “intermediate speculators, and under pretence of not knowing the - result? Informed of these preparations, would the Cabinet of - Stockholm wait till the steel and the cannon furnished to its - enemies had mown down its soldiers, till the vessels delivered to - the rebels had annihilated its commerce and desolated its coasts, - to protest against similar supplies, and to prevent them if - possible? And if the protests were rejected, independently of every - other measure, would it not raise its voice throughout Europe, and - at the courts of all its allies, against this _act of hostility_, - against this violation of the rights of sovereignty, and against - this _political scandal_?”--_Causes Célèbres_, Tom. II. pp. 472-73. - -These are strong words, but they only give expression to the feelings -naturally awakened in a Power that seemed to be imperilled by such an -act. - -In another communication the same minister said to the Swedish -Government:-- - - “It is the doctrine of irresponsibility which the Cabinet of - Stockholm professes with regard to the sale of these war vessels, - which excites the most lively representations on the part of the - undersigned.”--_Note of 15 July 1825_: Ibid., p. 480. - -Mark the words, “the doctrine of irresponsibility.” Then, again, the -minister says in other words worthy of consideration at this moment:-- - - “The Swedish Government on this occasion, creating this new kind - of commerce, determined to furnish ships of war indiscriminately - to every purchaser, even to private individuals without - guaranty,--establishing, as it seems to indicate, that the - commercial benefits of these sales are for the State a necessity of - an order superior to political considerations the most elevated, as - to moral obligations the most respectable.”--_Note of 9 September, - 1825_: Ibid., p. 486. - -I ask if these words are not applicable to the present case? Did it -not become the Government of the United States at this time, when -making these large sales, almost gigantic, so that its suspicion was -necessarily aroused, to institute inquiry into the real character of -the purchaser? Was it not put on its guard? Every morning told us of -war unhappily raging in Europe. Could there be doubt that these large -purchases were for the benefit of one of the belligerents? Was our -Government so situated that for the sake of these profits it would -neglect political considerations called in this dispatch the most -elevated, as moral obligations the most respectable? Was it ready to -assume the responsibility characterized by the Spanish minister in a -case less plain, as “an act of hostility,” a “violation of the rights -of sovereignty,” a “political scandal”? - - - - -PARLIAMENTARY LAW ON THE APPOINTMENT OF SPECIAL COMMITTEES OF THE -SENATE. - -TWO PROTESTS AGAINST THE COMPETENCY OF THE SENATE COMMITTEE TO -INVESTIGATE THE SALE OF ARMS TO FRANCE; MARCH 26 AND 27, 1872. - - - March 26, 1872, Mr. Sumner appeared before the Committee to - investigate the sale of arms by the United States during the French - and German War, in response to a communication signed by the - chairman of the Committee requesting his attendance. After reading - this communication, Mr. Sumner proceeded to read and file a protest - in the following terms:-- - - -PROTEST. - -Personally, I object to no examination. Willingly would I submit to the -most searching scrutiny, not only in the present case, but in all my -public life. There is not an act, letter, or conversation at any time, -that I would save from investigation. I make this statement, because I -would not have the protest I deem it my duty to offer open to suspicion -that there is anything I desire to conceal or any examination I would -avoid. - -But appearing before the Committee on an invitation which is in the -nature of a summons, to testify in the investigation originally moved -by me into the sale of arms to France, I am obliged to consider -my duty as a Senator. Personal inclinations, whatever they may be, -cannot be my guide. I must do what belongs to a Senator under the -circumstances of the case. - -Before answering any questions, I am constrained to consider the -competency of the Committee which has summoned me. It is of less -importance what these questions may be, although there are certain -obvious limitations, to which I will allude at the outset. - - * * * * * - -The examination of a Senator by a Committee of the Senate on a matter -outside of the Senate, and not connected with his public duties, is -sustained by precedents,--as when Mr. Seward and Mr. Wilson were -examined with reference to the expedition of John Brown;[25] but any -examination with regard to his public conduct, and especially with -regard to a matter which he has felt it his duty to lay before the -Senate in the discharge of his public duties, is of very doubtful -propriety. In his public conduct a Senator acts on his responsibility, -under sanction of an oath, and the Constitution declares that “for any -speech or debate” he “shall not be questioned in any other place.” This -inhibition, while not preventing questions of a certain character, -must limit the inquiry; but the law steps forward with its own -requirements, according to which it is plain that a Senator cannot be -interrogated, first, with regard to his conference with other Senators -on public business, and, secondly, with regard to witnesses who have -confidentially communicated with him. - -Referring to the most approved work on the Law of Evidence,--I mean -that of Professor Greenleaf,--we find under the head of “Evidence -excluded from Public Policy”[26] at least four different classes of -cases, which may enlighten us in determining the questions proper for -Senators. - -1. Communications between a lawyer and client. And are not the -relations of Senators, in the discharge of their public duties, equally -sacred? - -2. Judges and arbitrators enjoy a similar exemption with regard to -matters before them. - -3. Grand jurors, embracing even the clerk and prosecuting officer, -cannot be examined on matters before them. - -4. Transactions between the heads of Departments and their subordinate -officers are treated as confidential. - -Plainly, the conferences of a Senator, in the discharge of his public -duties, cannot be less protected. - -This rule is equally imperative with regard to witnesses who have -confidentially communicated with a Senator. Here again I quote -Professor Greenleaf, who quotes the eminent English judge of the close -of the last century, Lord Chief-Justice Eyre, as follows:-- - - “There is a rule which has universally obtained on account of its - importance to the public for the detection of crimes, that those - persons who are the channel by means of which that detection is - made should not be unnecessarily disclosed.”[27] - -Then the learned professor proceeds:-- - - “All were of opinion that all those questions which tend to the - discovery of the channels by which the disclosure was made to - the officers of justice were, upon the general principles of the - convenience of public justice, to be suppressed; that all persons - in that situation were protected from the discovery.”[28] - -These words are explicit, and nobody can question them. - -I am led to make these remarks and adduce these authorities because, -perusing the testimony of Mr. Schurz, I find that he was interrogated -on these very matters; and since I, too, am summoned as a witness, -I desire to put on record my sense of the impropriety of such -questions. It is important that they should not become a precedent. -And here again I declare that I have nothing to conceal, nothing -that I would not willingly give to the world under any examination -and cross-examination; but I am unwilling to aid in the overthrow -of a rule of law which stands on unquestionable grounds of public -policy. Especially is it important in the Senate, where, without -such protection, a tyrannical majority might deter a minority from -originating unwelcome inquiries. - - * * * * * - -From these preliminaries I proceed to consider the competency of the -present Committee. Requested as a Senator to appear before you, I deem -it my duty to protest against the formation and constitution of the -Committee as contrary to unquestionable requirements of Parliamentary -Law; and I ask the Committee to receive this protest as my answer to -their letter of invitation. I make this more readily because in my -speech in the Senate, February 28, 1872, entitled “Reform and Purity in -Government, Neutral Duties, Sale of Arms to Belligerent France,”[29] -I have set forth what moved me to the inquiry, being grounds of -suspicion, which, in my judgment, rendered the most searching inquiry -by a committee friendly to inquiry absolutely necessary. - -The general parliamentary rule in the appointment of special committees -requires that they should be organized so as to promote the business -or inquiry for which the committee is created. This requirement -is according to obvious reason, and is sustained by parliamentary -authorities. In familiar language, a proposition is committed to its -friends and not to its enemies. - -In illustration of this rule, we are told that members who have spoken -directly against what is called “the body of the bill,” meaning, of -course, the substance of the inquiry, are not expected to serve on the -committee, but, should they be so nominated, to decline. Their presence -on a committee is not unlike participation in a trial by a judge or -juror interested in the result. - -Very little reflection shows how natural is this rule as an instrument -of justice. The friends of a measure, or the promoters of an inquiry, -though in the majority on a committee, can do no more than adduce -evidence that exists, so that the business cannot suffer through -them,--while those unfriendly to a measure, or hostile to an inquiry, -may, from lukewarmness, or neglect, or possible prejudice, fail to -present the proper evidence or recognize its just value, so that the -business will suffer. In legislation, plainly, those who believe an -inquiry necessary are the most proper persons to conduct it, and being -so, they are selected by Parliamentary Law. - -This rule may be traced in the history of Parliament anterior to the -settlement of our country. The ancient statement was simply that “those -against the bill should not be on the committee.” The meaning of the -rule is distinctly seen in historic cases, which I proceed to adduce. - -In the House of Commons, as far back as November 7, 1601, in the -reign of Queen Elizabeth, on the commitment of a bill relating to -misdemeanors, the entry in the Journal mentions that it was delivered -to a certain member, and then says, “and Mr. Serjeant Harris to be -_exempted out of the Committee_, because he spake against the body of -the Bill,” according to the ancient order in Parliament.[30] In other -words, a speech against a measure disqualified the learned member, so -that, according to the expressive words, he was “exempted out of the -Committee.” - -Again, in the case of the commitment of a bill affecting the city of -London, which came up November 11, 1601, on the question whether the -members for London, known to be against the bill, could be of the -Committee, the rule of the House was stated in these positive words: -“That those against the Bill should be no Committees.” Of course, this -rule was not merely of _form_, but of _substance_. It meant that those -really against the measure were not proper for the Committee, all of -which appeared in the recorded debate and proceedings that ensued. A -leading member, Mr. Wiseman, said:-- - - “The House allowing of this Bill to be committed are, in my - opinion, to _disallow_ any that will be against the Body of the - Bill for being Committees.” - -Sir Edward Hobby followed:-- - - “And for my own opinion, I think that he that is against the Body - of the Bill can be no Committee.” - -The report then proceeds:-- - - “Then the Speaker stood up and said, ‘… All that will have a man - that hath been against the Body of the Bill to be a Committee, let - them show their opinions by saying _Yea_.’ And not one said _Yea_. - ‘All that will not, say _No_.’ And all said _No_.” - -I take this important precedent from Townshend’s “Historical -Collections: or, An Exact Account of the Proceedings of the Four Last -Parliaments of Q. Elizabeth,” pp. 208, 209. The same account is found -also in D’Ewes’s “Journals of all the Parliaments during the Reign of -Queen Elizabeth,” pp. 634-35. - -Thus, on submission of the question by the Speaker, the House -unanimously decided that they would “not have a man that hath been -against the Body of the Bill to be a Committee.” According to the -report, “All said _No_”; and that unanimous “No” is the voice of -Parliamentary Law, repeated ever since. The phrase “against the Body -of the Bill” is strong and suggestive, showing the purpose to exclude -those who were unfriendly to the measure. - -Following the history of the rule, we meet it again, as stated by -Hakewel in his “Modus tenendi Parliamentum,” published in 1671:-- - - “He that speaketh directly against the body of the bill may not - be named a committee; for he that would totally destroy will not - amend.”[31] - -Here again is the declared purpose to save the measure from the hands -of enemies. - -Then follows a case remarkable for words which have become familiar -in Parliamentary Law. It was that of Colonel Birch, who, February 11, -1677, brought into Parliament a Bill for Settling a Public Register for -Lands in the several Counties, and in his remarks said:-- - - “I begged you formerly _not to put the child to a nurse that cared - not for it_. For it was formerly committed to two lawyers, and the - thing was lost.”[32] - -Here the commitment of a bill for reform in law to “two lawyers” was -condemned, because they were a nurse that did not care for it; and the -casual remark of the author of the bill has become historical. There -is good law as well as sense in his saying, that a child is not put -to a nurse that cares not for it. Parliamentary Law, in the creation -of special committees, always seeks those who care for the business, -whatever it may be. One against an inquiry, or believing that there is -no occasion for it, is repudiated by this rule, so just and benign, and -also so venerable with years. - -The preparation of articles of impeachment against the Earl of Danby, -Lord High Treasurer in the reign of Charles the Second, December 21, -1678, presented the same rule in another aspect. It was no longer a -bill, but an inquiry or investigation, when the Speaker said:-- - - “No man, by the ancient rules of the House, is to be of a committee - of a _thing_ he is against.”[33] - -Here the language is somewhat broadened, though in entire keeping with -the other cases. A man cannot be on a committee “of a _thing_ he is -against.” In other words, if he is against the inquiry for which a -committee is created, he cannot be on it. And here again good faith -requires that the rule should be observed not merely in form, but in -substance. - -These cases were analyzed and adopted by Mr. Jefferson in his -authoritative “Manual”; so that they have become American Parliamentary -Law, as obligatory here as in England. Speaking always by their -essential reason, but with the weight of precedent also, they are not -less binding than if promulgated with an enacting clause. - -Mr. Jefferson furnishes other and most important words of his own:-- - - “And when any member who is against the bill hears himself named of - its committee, _he ought to ask to be excused_.”[34] - -This is the language of our Manual, declaring the duty of a member -who hears himself named of a committee on a bill he is against. Of -course the general rule is applicable to any other matter referred -to a committee. The words are, “he _ought_ to ask to be excused.” Of -course his continuance on the committee, or any attempt to exercise its -duties, is a violation of Parliamentary Law, unless you are ready to -discard this positive injunction. - -Mr. Jefferson then adds, by way of illustration:-- - - “Thus, March 7, 1606, Mr. Hadley was, on the question being put, - excused from being of a committee, declaring himself to be against - the matter itself.”[35] - -And our great authority declares that this is “a constant rule.”[36] - -Such is Parliamentary Law; and Mr. Jefferson has answered in advance -the possible objection, that this is English and not American. After -saying, in his preface to the “Manual,” that the Senate has given to -these rules “the sanction of their approbation,” he announces “the -law of proceedings in the Senate as composed of the precepts of the -Constitution, the regulations of the Senate, and, where these are -silent, of _the rules of Parliament_.” Such, according to him, is -the law of our proceedings. The “Manual” which he presents he hopes -others may fill up, “_till a code of rules_ shall be formed for the -use of the Senate, the effects of which may be accuracy in business, -economy of time, order, uniformity, and impartiality.” The last word is -“_impartiality_,” which, doubtless, is a main object to be secured. - -Any one disposed to neglect these rules will find a warning from Mr. -Jefferson. In his opening chapter he quotes these words from the famous -Speaker Onslow:-- - - “That these forms, as instituted by our ancestors, operated as a - check and control on the actions of the majority, and that they - were in many instances a shelter and _protection to the minority - against the attempts of power_.” - -Mr. Jefferson follows this quotation by declaring “the forms and rules -of proceeding” to be “the only weapons by which the minority can defend -themselves,” and by which “the weaker party can be protected from those -irregularities and abuses which these forms were intended to check, and -which the wantonness of power is but too often apt to suggest to large -and successful majorities.” - -Thus is the parliamentary rule which forbids a person unfriendly to the -business of the committee, whatever it may be, whether bill or inquiry, -from serving on the committee, one of those inhibitions by which public -business is promoted, by which impartiality is secured, and especially -by which a minority is shielded against the wantonness of power. - -“The Congressional Globe” makes it easy to apply what has been said to -several of this Committee. Unless the law, as illustrated by ancient -cases, and adopted by Mr. Jefferson, is entirely neglected, unless -the rule so frequently enunciated is set at defiance or treated as a -sham, there are at least three serving on the Committee in violation -of Parliamentary Law. In undertaking to serve, they were undoubtedly -oblivious of the time-honored requirement, or did not appreciate its -stringency. - -Not only every Senator, but the whole country has an immeasurable -interest in the preservation of those rules by which what Mr. Jefferson -justly calls “the wantonness of power” is restrained, and minorities -are protected against majorities. Any shock to them, as in the present -case, becomes a precedent by which liberty and justice suffer. As a -Senator appearing before this Committee at their request, I deem it my -duty to file this Protest, in the sincere hope, that, whatever may be -the result of the present inquiry, the open violation of Parliamentary -Law in the formation and constitution of the Committee will not be -permitted to become a precedent hereafter. When law is sacrificed, -individuals may for a moment seem to triumph, but it is at the cost of -a great safeguard for the good of all. - -CHARLES SUMNER. - -SENATE CHAMBER, March 26, 1872. - - On motion of Mr. Carpenter, of the Committee, it was ordered that - a subpœna in regular form be issued to Mr. Sumner, returnable the - next day, to be served by the Sergeant-at-Arms; which was duly - issued and served. - - March 27th, Mr. Sumner appeared, and, after the reading of the - subpœna, proceeded to read a second Protest. - - -SECOND PROTEST. - -Since reading and filing my Protest yesterday, I have received by the -hands of the Sergeant-at-Arms a subpœna commanding me to appear before -this Committee. In answer to this subpœna, I now appear. - -It is my duty to declare that my judgment as originally set forth in my -Protest is in no respect altered by this subpœna. I do not think the -Committee more competent to-day than yesterday. I still find several -occupying seats on the Committee in violation of an unquestionable rule -of Parliamentary Law. The record shows that they signalized themselves -in the Senate by open speech against the pending inquiry and those who -brought it forward, or, according to the language of the old rule, -“against the thing,” and therefore disqualified themselves as much as a -judge who has been counsel in a case, or a juror who has declared his -opinion beforehand. This disqualification is not founded on argument -or inference, but on peremptory rule, traced back many generations, -illustrated by numerous authorities, and constituting part of what Mr. -Jefferson calls the “code” for the government of the Senate, having, as -he says, “the sanction of their approbation.” - -Besides the authorities which I cited yesterday, there are two others -from our own country, which I deem it my duty to adduce. The first -is that of Cushing’s “Lex Parliamentaria Americana” or “The Law and -Practice of Legislative Assemblies in the United States.” Here we -learn how completely a committee is placed by Parliamentary Law in the -hands of the mover, thus:-- - - “It became the established practice for the member upon whose - motion a committee had been ordered, to move the names of the - members to compose it,--being, of course, of his own selection: - his own name being among them, and perhaps the first named on the - list. If he felt any delicacy in moving his own name, the motion - might be made by some friend: as on the occasion of the appointment - of the committee to prepare articles of impeachment against Lord - Melville, which had been ordered on the motion of Mr. Whitbread, - that gentleman was first appointed one of the committee on the - motion of Lord Temple, and then on the motion of Mr. Whitbread - the other members of the committee (Lord Temple being one) were - appointed.”[37] - -As this was a case of investigation, it is a precedent for us now. But -our Committee was constituted in a very different manner. Mr. Cushing -vindicates the practice of allowing the mover of a proposition himself -to nominate the committee for the consideration of the House, saying:-- - - “That the House, by adopting the resolution for the committee, has - signified its willingness that the subject should be so considered - or investigated; that the member nominating the committee must be - supposed to feel as strong an interest in the proper consideration - of the subject as any one, and also to possess or to be willing to - obtain the knowledge necessary to enable him to decide upon the - qualifications of the members he selects.”[38] - -In this vindication the careful and elaborate author shows how -completely the early rule is recognized. The same learned authority, -while stating the English and American Parliamentary Law, shows how -the examination is conducted:-- - - “When an inquiry is instituted and an examination of witnesses - undertaken by the House in its inquisitorial capacity, it is - customary for the member on whose motion or suggestion the inquiry - has been engaged in, or for some of the members voting with him for - the inquiry, to take the lead in the examination of the witnesses, - … or, in other words, to examine the witnesses in chief.”[39] - -Plainly, according to this usage, Mr. Schurz, and not Mr. Hamlin, -should take the lead and examine the witnesses in chief. - -The other parliamentary authority to which I refer is Hon. R. M. -T. Hunter, former Speaker of the House of Representatives. In his -valedictory speech, March 3, 1841, this gentleman, who brought thought -and study to the discharge of his public duties, took occasion to -explain the principles governing the formation of committees, and -all must admit that he did it with a clearness and philosophy not -surpassed in parliamentary history. According to him, those having -the affirmative of a proposition should have the direction of the -committee. Speaking generally, he says:-- - - “The party upon which it naturally devolves to propose a question - ought to have the power, it would seem, to present its proposition - in the shape for which it is willing to be responsible; and as the - different parties hold the affirmative according to the nature of - the question, so ought the constitution of the committees to be - varied.” - -Then, in language precisely applicable to the present case, the Speaker -says:-- - - “In committees of investigation it is equally clear that the - opposition, _who hold the affirmative_, should have the majority - and the power.”[40] - -This instructive statement is in admirable harmony with the rule, as -declared in early times, that those “against the thing” cannot go on -the committee,--and that a measure, like a child, is not put to a nurse -that cares not for it. The old Parliamentarians were less philosophical -than the American Speaker, but each meant the same thing. The prime -object is opportunity and fair play for those bringing forward a -proposition, or holding the affirmative. A committee _organized to -sustain the negative_ is the very committee described as a nurse that -cares not for the child, and therefore is a committee not tolerated by -Parliamentary Law. - -Thus from all quarters--beginning with the distant in time, embracing -Jefferson, the father of American Parliamentary Law, Cushing, its -most authoritative American expounder, and not forgetting an American -Speaker--proceeds concurring testimony to the parliamentary rule -requiring an inquiry to be placed in the hands of its friends; -especially is it necessary that the chairman, who directs the inquiry -and examines the witnesses, should be known as one of its friends. - -Therefore I must be pardoned, if I renew my Protest against the -competency of the present Committee. I protest against it as -constituted in flagrant violation of Parliamentary Law; and I protest -especially against the acting Chairman, who undertakes to direct this -inquiry and to examine witnesses, as not coming within the conditions -established by rule, by usage, and by reason. The record shows that -he did not move the inquiry, nor did he coöperate with the mover, or -take any part in sustaining him, while in open speech he showed himself -“against the thing.” I object to the acting Chairman as to a judge or -juror disqualified to sit in a court. - -I make this second Protest with infinite reluctance. But the Committee -leave me no alternative. In their invitation, in the nature of a -summons, and now in their subpœna, they compel me to declare my -objection to their competency. Seeing it as clearly as I do, and -feeling it as strongly as I do, I cannot avoid expressing it. If I do -so twice, it is because the Committee have laid me twice under this -obligation. Beyond that sentiment of duty which is with me a rule of -life, I am encouraged to this effort by the hope that, even if the -present Committee cannot be corrected in conformity with Parliamentary -Law, its incompetency is so clearly exposed that it will be powerless -hereafter as a precedent. If obliged to witness the present dishonor -of a time-honored rule, I would at least save this safeguard for the -future. - -In thus declaring my profound sense of the wrong that has been -attempted, I do all in my power to maintain Parliamentary Law -inviolate. I regret that I cannot do more. - -With this explanation, and yielding to the command of the Committee, I -offer myself for examination on matters proper for inquiry; but I do it -under protest. - -CHARLES SUMNER. - -SENATE CHAMBER, 27th March, 1872. - - Mr. Carpenter moved that the two Protests be returned to Mr. - Sumner, as disrespectful to the Committee. On a subsequent day the - motion was withdrawn. - - - - -BOOKS ON THE FREE LIST. - -REMARKS IN THE SENATE ON MOVING AN AMENDMENT TO A TARIFF BILL, MARCH -27, 1872. - - - On the question of concurrence in an amendment made in Committee of - the Whole relative to the free list, Mr. Sumner said:-- - -I move to amend that amendment by adding after the provision as to -books, as arranged alphabetically in the free list,-- - - Books in the ancient and foreign languages. - -I have letters very often from learned professors in different parts of -the country, complaining of the cost of books that they are constrained -to purchase in order to carry on their studies and to enable them to -teach. This is the case with Greek professors, professors in all the -languages, ancient and modern. It is also the case with men of science, -who desire works in the Continental languages; they complain bitterly -of the expense to which they are put. - -Now, if I can have the attention of the Senate one moment, I will -endeavor to show that these works cannot come in competition with -any books here at home. Certainly they cannot with regard to any -considerable interest. I think, if these could be put on the free -list, an essential service would be done; the revenue would lose very -little, and no considerable interest in our country would suffer. I -hope, therefore, there can be no question but that the Senate will -allow this to be adopted. - - MR. MORRILL [of Vermont]. I trust this amendment will not be - adopted. It is evidently an old acquaintance of the Senate. - I think the Senator from Massachusetts has always moved it - whenever he has had an opportunity. - - To the argument advanced by Mr. Morrill in support of this - objection,--namely, “that the school-books of America should be - American in character, and printed and published by American - publishers,”--Mr. Sumner replied:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT,--The argument of my friend is against English books, -and not books in ancient or foreign languages. At any rate, the chief -point of his argument was addressed to works in the English language. -He called our attention, for instance, to Smith’s “Dictionary of the -Bible,” an English work; and he knows well, that, as it is a recent -work, it is not on our free list, and the amendment which I move does -not touch it. My amendment concerns books in the ancient languages, and -in foreign languages, that is, in the languages of modern Europe; and -the single point of the Senator is school-books. Now I ask whether we -should not do all we can to make the school-books as cheap as possible? -Will the Senator put a protective duty on school-books?--make the child -with “shining morning face” as he goes to school pay a duty? I would -have the school-books as cheap as possible. But then how few are the -school-books that would come in under this provision? - -My amendment reaches the large amount of works concerning science and -literature and jurisprudence in ancient and in foreign languages; and -why should these be subjected to a duty? Why should those scholars, -those enlightened professional men who import these books, be -subjected to this additional expense? Sir, I honor the man, whether of -scholarship, of science, or of a profession, who imports these works of -learning. He is a benefactor to his country. Every such work becomes -a fountain in the neighborhood: but I would not put a duty on that -fountain; I would unseal it; I would open it, and let it flow as amply -as possible. - - MR. MORRILL [of Maine]. I should like to ask the Senator from - Massachusetts whether there are any books in foreign languages that - are not published in this country. Are not all the books in the - ancient languages published in this country? - -MR. SUMNER. I beg to call the Senator’s attention to the boundless -annual literature of Germany, where the volumes are counted by the -thousand,--to the extensive literature of France, where the volumes are -counted by the thousand,--to the less ample literature of Spain and -Italy, with numerous publications, all of which, if imported, pay a -duty. Now I wish to encourage that importation. - - MR. MORRILL. I understood the Senator’s argument to be in favor of - ancient books. - -MR. SUMNER. It is also, certainly. - - MR. MORRILL. My inquiry is, whether those books are not all - republished in this country. - -MR. SUMNER. Not at all. For instance, take most of the considerable -works of scholarship in German, annually produced, bearing on the -classics; they are not republished in our country, but our professors -import them at cost. Then take another class of works, on science, in -the German language, in the French language,--I would say also in the -Italian language, for there are some excellent contributions to science -as well as to literature in the Italian language,--those, if imported, -pay a duty; but they do not come into competition with anything printed -here. Why, then, should they pay a duty? Why not encourage their -importation? Why not help the man of science, or the learned professor, -who aspires to enlarge his library in this way? I have said that I -regard such a person as a benefactor. I wish to give him my thanks, and -my help, if I can. The best help I can give him is to try to save him -from this additional tax. - - Mr. Sumner’s Amendment was rejected,--Yeas 12, Nays not counted. - - - - -THE NASBY LETTERS. - -INTRODUCTION TO THE COLLECTION,[41] APRIL 1, 1872. - - -Beyond the interest in these letters as another instance of a peculiar -literature,--illustrated by Major Jack Downing, Sam Slick, and -the genius of Hosea Biglow,--they have an historic character from -the part they performed in the war with Slavery, and in advancing -Reconstruction. Appearing with a certain regularity and enjoying -an extensive circulation, they became a constant and welcome ally. -Unquestionably they were among the influences and agencies by which -disloyalty in all its forms was exposed, and public opinion assured on -the right side. It is impossible to measure their value. Against the -devices of Slavery and its supporters, each letter was like a speech, -or one of those songs which stir the people. Therefore they belong to -the political history of this critical period. - -Of publications during the war, none had such charm for Abraham -Lincoln. He read every letter as it appeared, and kept them all within -reach for refreshment. This strong liking illustrates his character, -and will always awaken an interest in the letters. An incident in my -own relations with him shows how easily he turned from care to humor. - -I had occasion to see President Lincoln very late in the evening of -March 17th, 1865. The interview was in the familiar room known as -his office, and also used for cabinet meetings. I did not take leave -of him until some time after midnight, and then the business was not -entirely finished. As I rose, he said, “Come to me when I open shop -in the morning; I will have the order written, and you shall see it.” -“When do you open shop?” said I. “At nine o’clock,” he replied. At -the hour named I was in the same room that I had so recently left. -Very soon the President entered, stepping quickly with the promised -order in his hands, which he at once read to me. It was to disapprove -and annul the judgment and sentence of a court-martial in a case that -had excited much feeling. While I was making an abstract of the order -for communication by telegraph to the anxious parties, he broke into -quotation from Nasby. Finding me less at home than himself with his -favorite humorist, he said pleasantly, “I must initiate you,” and then -repeated with enthusiasm the message he had sent to the author: “For -the genius to write these things I would gladly give up my office.” - -Rising from his seat, he opened a desk behind, and, taking from it a -pamphlet collection of the letters already published, proceeded to read -from it with infinite zest, while his melancholy features grew bright. -It was a delight to see him surrender so completely to the fascination. -Finding that I listened, he read for more than twenty minutes, and was -still proceeding, when it occurred to me that there must be many at -the door waiting to see him on graver matters. Taking advantage of a -pause, I rose, and, thanking him for the lesson of the morning, went -away. Some thirty persons, including Senators and Representatives, were -in the antechamber as I passed out. - -Though with the President much during the intervening time before his -death, this was the last business I transacted with him. A few days -later he left Washington for City Point, on the James River, where he -was at the surrender of Richmond. April 6th I joined him there. April -9th the party returned to Washington. On the evening of April 14th the -bullet of an assassin took his life. - -In this simple story Abraham Lincoln introduces Nasby. - -CHARLES SUMNER. - -WASHINGTON, April 1st, 1872. - - - - -ADVICE TO THE COLORED PEOPLE. - -LETTER TO THE NATIONAL CONVENTION OF COLORED PEOPLE AT NEW ORLEANS, -APRIL 7, 1872. - - - WASHINGTON, April 7, 1872. - - MY DEAR SIR,--In reply to your inquiry, I make haste to say, that, in - my judgment, the Colored Convention should think more of principles - than of men,--except so far as men stand for principles. Above all, - let them insist on the rights of their own much-abused and insulted - people. - - It is absurd for anybody to say that he “accepts the situation,” and - then deny the equal rights of the colored man. If the “situation” is - accepted in good faith, it must be entirely,--including not merely - the abolition of Slavery and the establishment of equal suffrage, - but also all those other rights which are still denied or abridged. - There must be complete equality before the law, so that in all - institutions, agencies, or conveniences, created or regulated by law, - there can be no discrimination on account of color, but a black man - shall be treated as a white man. - - In maintaining their rights, it will be proper for the Convention to - invoke the Declaration of Independence, so that its principles and - promises shall become a living reality, never to be questioned in - any way, but recognized always as a guide of conduct and a governing - rule in the interpretation of the National Constitution, being in the - nature of a Bill of Rights preceding the Constitution. - - It is not enough to “proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto - all the inhabitants thereof.” Equality must be proclaimed also; and - since both are promised by the great Declaration, which is a national - act, and as from their nature they should be uniform throughout the - country, both must be placed under the safeguard of national law. - There can be but one liberty and one equality, the same in Boston and - New Orleans, the same everywhere throughout the country. - - The colored people are not ungenerous, and therefore will incline to - any measures of good-will and reconciliation; but I trust no excess - of benevolence will make them consent to any postponement of those - equal rights which are still refused. The disabilities of colored - people, loyal and long-suffering, should be removed before the - disabilities of former Rebels; or at least the two removals should go - hand in hand. - - It only remains that I should say, “Stand firm!” The politicians will - then know that you are in earnest, and will no longer be trifled - with. Victory will follow soon, and the good cause be secure forever. - - Meanwhile accept my best wishes for the Convention, and believe me, - dear Professor, - - Faithfully yours, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - TO PROFESSOR JOHN M. LANGSTON, WASHINGTON. - - - - -DIPLOMATIC AGENTS OF THE UNITED STATES NOT TO ACCEPT GIFTS FROM FOREIGN -POWERS. - -REMARKS IN THE SENATE, MAY 2, 1872. - - - Mr. Cameron, having moved to take up a joint resolution reported by - him from the Committee on Foreign Relations, “permitting certain - diplomatic and consular officers of the United States in France to - accept testimonials from the Emperor of Germany for their friendly - services toward the subjects of the Emperor during the war between - France and Germany,”--Mr. Sumner promptly protested:-- - -I must object to it with my whole soul. I consider it a most vicious -proposition, utterly untenable. The Constitution of the United States -says:-- - - “No person holding any office of profit or trust under them [the - United States] shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept - of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, - from any king, prince, or foreign State.” - -Not even from the German Empire. Congress has followed one rule from -the beginning, I believe,--never to allow its diplomatic agents to -receive anything from a foreign power. It has allowed its naval -officers, who have rendered some humane service at sea to the subjects -of a foreign power, to receive some reward or recognition, some -honor, some compliment; but it has never allowed any person in its -diplomatic service to receive any such reward, honor, or compliment. -I think the Senate will see that this rule proceeds on a ground from -which we cannot depart. It is, that our representatives abroad must be -kept always above all suspicion of acting under foreign influence, or -the temptation of foreign reward. Nor should we, Sir, be gratified, -I think, to see these representatives abroad wearing at their -button-holes the insignia of any foreign power. - -I hope, Sir, the Senate will not take up this matter again. It ought to -be allowed to drop out of sight. - - The matter was dropped. - - - - -PRESERVATION OF THE PARK AT WASHINGTON. - -REMARKS IN THE SENATE, MAY 15, 1872. - - - The Senate having under consideration a bill from the House - confirming a grant by the City Council of Washington of a site for - a railway dépôt in the public park, Mr. Sumner said:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT,--To my mind this bill is injudicious; and in saying this -I give an opinion reached after the most careful consideration of it in -the Committee. I think it ought not to be adopted by the Senate. I say -this with reluctance, for I sympathize keenly with every improvement -and with every facility afforded to this growing and beautiful -metropolis; and may I say, also, I feel a personal sympathy with the -distinguished citizen of Pennsylvania particularly interested in this -measure? And yet, approaching its consideration with those biases in -its favor, I am bound to conclude against it. - -Sir, I do not think that this privilege ought to be granted, and my -reason is precise and specific. It proposes to take a considerable -section of land, which, if you look on the map, you will see properly -belongs to the Park of Washington. I am unwilling, at this early period -in the history of this metropolis, to begin by cutting out a slice -from this inclosure set apart for the future. If you do it now, where -are you to stop? Will you not be called to cut out another slice next -year, or in five years,--and may not the Park be reduced from that form -and those proportions it promises to enjoy? This metropolis is now at -its beginning, and yet doubling in a decade. During the last ten years -its population has multiplied twofold; and in the coming ten years -there is every reason to believe that the development will be as large, -if not larger. Of course with the increase of population is the demand -for a park, especially in the central situation which that enjoys. I -use the language of another, when I say that parks are the lungs of -a great city; but where will be the lungs of this metropolis, if you -begin now to reduce the Park? Rather should we sacredly keep it all -intact, so that hereafter, when you and I, Sir, have passed away, and -this metropolis has grown to a grandeur and beauty which imagination -cannot now conceive, that Park may remain in its entirety, a blessing -to the people, for which they themselves in turn will bless us. - -Sir, I was born in a city which has the enjoyment of such a blessing. -There is in Boston what is known as The Common, set apart in the very -earliest days of the old town, when it was in fact what the name -implies,--a common for the pasturage of cattle; but, though often -assailed, it has been preserved untouched. Railroad corporations and -other companies have tried in vain to obtain a corner from it. The -jealous city fathers have saved that beautiful piece of earth, till -now it is the first treasure of Boston,--unless we except her common -schools, where all are equal before the law. I have often thought -what would have ensued if some time ago, yielding to corporation -pressure in its various forms, the city had consented to sacrifice that -beautiful inclosure. There it is, the very apple of the eye to Boston; -and nobody now fears that it will be diminished by a foot. - -And should not Washington have a similar possession? Are you -willing, Sir, now at this early moment of her history, when she is -just beginning to grow, or rather when her growth is just beginning -to be apparent, to despoil her of this unquestionable attraction, -where the useful and the beautiful commingle? I think, Sir, you will -act improvidently, if you do so. I think you will act against the -best interests of the city, whether you look at health, beauty, or -enjoyment; for a park ministers to all these. - -Therefore, Sir, would I keep it intact. By no consent of Congress -would I allow any business interest or disturbing railroad company -to fasten itself upon this inclosure. They should be excluded; and -when I say this, I would not carry them off far. Let them plant their -stations just the other side. They will then be perhaps a third of a -mile from Pennsylvania Avenue, traversing the centre of population -with conveniences such as railroads in no other city enjoy. With those -open to them, why should we allow them to enter our pleasure-grounds? -If there were no proper place without going a long distance, a mile or -two miles, there would be some reason, perhaps, for entertaining this -question; but when I consider the facilities which they may enjoy only -the other side of the Park line, with land there cheap and easy to be -had, I am astonished that any one can be willing to sacrifice the Park -simply to bring them a few rods nearer Pennsylvania Avenue. - -And this brings me to the question of travel on the Avenue. If you put -a railway station as is proposed, you will bring on the Avenue all that -glut and accumulation of carriages and wagons always concentrated about -the terminus of a great line of travel. I think it will be injurious to -the Avenue. That alone would be a reason with me against the bill. - -But as often as I think of the question, I come back to the Park, -which, say what you will, is destined to be one of the most important -possessions of this metropolis, and for the special enjoyment of -the people. They will enjoy this Capitol, for it is beautiful to -behold,--also the other public edifices, some of them excellent in -style and grateful to the eye; but nothing of all these will be what -we may expect that Park to be,--a place where the young and old will -resort of an evening to enjoy innocent recreation and congenial -society, while the open air or the opportunities of exercise impart -to them that best blessing, health. Sir, that Park should not be -sacrificed; and if you have any doubt, let me lay before you the -testimony of another place. I have already cited Boston; I now call -your attention to Philadelphia. You know the remarkable park which -has been opened there. I stopped a day in Philadelphia last summer, -on my way home, especially to see and enjoy this magnificent resort; -and I was well rewarded. I beheld the most beautiful park, certainly -in its promise, on this continent; and I doubt if there is one even in -the European world of equal promise. But no one can enter its grounds -without annoyance and trouble from the railroad-crossings, and the -perpetual sound of the steam-engine with its shrill whistle, so little -in harmony with pleasure-grounds. - -It requires no scientific knowledge, no practical acquaintance with -railroads, to see that those crossings are a positive nuisance, and -that the hospitable park set apart for the population of a mighty city, -and destined to be one of the most beautiful objects of the civilized -world, actually suffers from the nuisance. I appeal to Senators who -have visited it; I know that there is not one who will say that I am -not right. There is not one who has ever entered those grounds, not -even the Senator from Pennsylvania who pioneers this bill, that will -not say he regrets those railroad-crossings and wishes them out of -the way. But I shall not rely upon the authority of the Senator or -my own testimony. I have in my hand the last annual report of the -Commissioners, and I wish the Senate to hear what they say:-- - - “At an early period of their organization the Commissioners - addressed themselves to the solution of the very difficult problem - of how to attain the best approaches to the Park, and they have not - at any time ceased to give that matter their earnest attention. If - a former generation could have foreseen”-- - -Now see, Senators, how this applies to the present case,-- - - “If a former generation could have foreseen that the liberal - views which far-sighted men among them held on the subject of - a park which should embrace both banks of the Schuylkill would - finally ripen into a fruition beyond what the most sanguine could - then have dreamed, the great railways which now run in close - proximity to that stream would have reached the city by other - routes, or at least would have been carried on tracks more remote - from the river. At that day this could readily have been done - without conflicting with any interest; but now that the conditions - have been long established, and trade and travel settled in - conformity to them, any violent change must be regarded as out of - the question.”[42] - -The Commissioners then make certain recommendations, which I will not -take up time to read. But I come to a brief passage:-- - - “The Commissioners, therefore, respectfully but strenuously - urge that steps shall be immediately taken to promote this most - desirable end. And they do this not alone in the interest of the - thousands whose vehicles are entangled at the railroad-crossing, - but much more in the interest of the hundreds of thousands - whose principal enjoyment of the Park has been and will be in - that portion of it which is most exposed to these dangerous - annoyances.”[43] - -That is testimony. If this were a court of justice instead of -the Senate, and if you, Sir, were a court and the Senators now -before me were a jury, that would be a testimony conclusive in the -case,--testimony of experts, who know by experience what they testify, -who have seen with their own eyes and felt in their own consciousness, -whenever they entered that park, the nuisance against which I now -protest. Sir, they testify against the present bill. Can you answer the -testimony? Is it not clear? Is it not complete? - -Sir, I need no testimony. I only ask Senators to look at the Park. Let -them pass through our Library and take their stand on that unequalled -portico from which they may look down upon an amphitheatre more like -that of ancient Rome than that of any other capital, with a river -beneath and hills in the distance,--a river much larger than the -ancient Tiber, and hills much more beautiful than those that stand -about Rome,--and a Capitol, too, but how much more beautiful than that -which once gave the law to mankind! Stand on that portico, Sir, and -survey the amphitheatre; your eye will then rest with satisfaction on -the outline of this very Park, stretching from the Capitol beyond the -Executive Mansion, and destined to be a breathing-place for the immense -population of future generations. Stand on that portico and try to -imagine what this Park may be. - -And now it is proposed not only to diminish that breathing-place, but -to disturb it by the smoke of steam-engines, and to confuse it by -the perpetual din of locomotives. I hope no such thing will be done. -There is a place for all things; and this I know, the place for a -railway-station is not a public park. - - - - -HOURS OF LABOR. - -LETTER TO THE CONVENTION OF THE MASSACHUSETTS LABOR UNION IN BOSTON, -MAY 25, 1872. - - - SENATE CHAMBER, May 25, 1872. - - GENTLEMEN,--I cannot take part in your public meeting, but I declare - my sympathy with the working-men in their aspirations for greater - equality of condition and increased opportunities. I therefore insist - that the experiment of an eight-hour law in the national workshops - shall be fairly tried, so that, if successful, it may be extended. - - Here let me confess that I find this law especially valuable, because - it promises more time for education and general improvement. If the - experiment is successful in this respect, I shall be less curious - on the question of pecuniary profit and loss; for to my mind the - education of the human family is above dollars and dividends. - - Meanwhile accept my best wishes, and believe me - - Faithfully yours, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - TO THE COMMITTEE. - - - - -ARBITRATION AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR WAR. - -RESOLUTIONS IN THE SENATE, MAY 31, 1872, CONCERNING ARBITRATION AS A -SUBSTITUTE FOR WAR IN DETERMINING DIFFERENCES BETWEEN NATIONS. - - -Whereas by International Law and existing custom War is recognized as a -form of Trial for the determination of differences between nations; and - -Whereas for generations good men have protested against the irrational -character of this arbitrament, where force instead of justice prevails, -and have anxiously sought for a substitute in the nature of a judicial -tribunal, all of which was expressed by Franklin in his exclamation, -“When will mankind be convinced that all wars are follies, very -expensive and very mischievous, and agree to settle their differences -by Arbitration?”[44] and - -Whereas war once prevailed in the determination of differences between -individuals, between cities, between counties, and between provinces, -being recognized in all these cases as the arbiter of justice, but -at last yielded to a judicial tribunal, and now, in the progress of -civilization, the time has come for the extension of this humane -principle to nations, so that their differences may be taken from the -arbitrament of war, and, in conformity with these examples, submitted -to a judicial tribunal; and - -Whereas Arbitration has been formally recognized as a substitute -for war in the determination of differences between nations, being -especially recommended by the Congress of Paris, where were assembled -the representatives of England, France, Russia, Prussia, Austria, -Sardinia, and Turkey, and afterward adopted by the United States in -formal treaty with Great Britain for the determination of differences -arising from depredations of British cruisers, and also from opposing -claims with regard to the San Juan boundary; and - -Whereas it becomes important to consider and settle the true character -of this beneficent tribunal, thus commended and adopted, so that its -authority and completeness as a substitute for war may not be impaired, -but strengthened and upheld, to the end that civilization may be -advanced and war be limited in its sphere: Therefore, - -1. _Resolved_, That in the determination of international differences -Arbitration should become a substitute for war in reality as in -name, and therefore coëxtensive with war in jurisdiction, so that -any question or grievance which might be the occasion of war or of -misunderstanding between nations should be considered by this tribunal. - -2. _Resolved_, That any withdrawal from a treaty recognizing -Arbitration, or any refusal to abide the judgment of the accepted -tribunal, or any interposition of technicalities to limit the -proceedings, is to this extent a disparagement of the tribunal as a -substitute for war, and therefore hostile to civilization. - -3. _Resolved_, That the United States, having at heart the cause -of peace everywhere, and hoping to help its permanent establishment -between nations, hereby recommend the adoption of Arbitration as a -just and practical method for the determination of international -differences, to be maintained sincerely and in good faith, so that war -may cease to be regarded as a proper form of trial between nations. - - - - -REPUBLICANISM VS. GRANTISM. - -THE PRESIDENCY A TRUST, NOT A PLAYTHING AND PERQUISITE.--PERSONAL -GOVERNMENT AND PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSIONS.--REFORM AND PURITY IN -GOVERNMENT. - -SPEECH IN THE SENATE, MAY 31, 1872. - - - _Socrates._ Then whom do you call the good? - - _Alcibiades._ I mean by the good those who are able to rule in the - city. - - _Socrates._ Not, surely, over horses? - - _Alcibiades._ Certainly not. - - _Socrates._ But over men? - - _Alcibiades._ Yes. - - PLATO, _Dialogues: First Alcibiades_. Tr. Jowett, Vol. IV. p. 545. - - * * * * * - - Amongst the foremost purposes ought to be the downfall of - this odious, insulting, degrading, aide-de-campish, incapable - dictatorship. At such a crisis, is this country to be left at the - mercy of barrack councils and mess-room politics?--_Letter of Lord - Durham to Henry Brougham, August, 1830_: _Life and Times of Henry - Lord Brougham_, Vol. III. p. 44. - - * * * * * - - It is a maxim in politics, which we readily admit as undisputed - and universal, that a power, however great, when granted by law - to an eminent magistrate, is not so dangerous to Liberty as an - authority, however inconsiderable, which he acquires from violence - and usurpation. - - HUME, _Essays_, Part II.: Essay X., _Of Some Remarkable Customs_. - - -SPEECH. - - The Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill coming up as unfinished - business, Mr. Sumner moved to postpone indefinitely its - consideration, and after remarking on the Report of the Committee - on the Sale of Arms to French Agents, he said:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT,--I have no hesitation in declaring myself a member of -the Republican Party, and one of the straitest of the sect. I doubt -if any Senator can point to earlier or more constant service in its -behalf. I began at the beginning, and from that early day have never -failed to sustain its candidates and to advance its principles. For -these I have labored always by speech and vote, in the Senate and -elsewhere,--at first with few only, but at last, as success began to -dawn, then with multitudes flocking forward. In this cause I never -asked who were my associates or how many they would number. In the -consciousness of right I was willing to be alone. To such a party, with -which so much of my life is intertwined, I have no common attachment. -Not without regret can I see it suffer; not without a pang can I see -it changed from its original character, for such a change is death. -Therefore do I ask, with no common feeling, that the peril which -menaces it may pass away. I stood by its cradle; let me not follow its -hearse. - - -ORIGIN AND OBJECT OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. - -Turning back to its birth, I recall a speech of my own at a State -Convention in Massachusetts, as early as September 7, 1854, where -I vindicated its principles and announced its name in these words: -“As _Republicans_ we go forth to encounter the _Oligarchs_ of -Slavery.”[45] The report records the applause with which this name was -received by the excited multitude. Years of conflict ensued, in which -the good cause constantly gained. At last, in the spring of 1860, -Abraham Lincoln was nominated by this party as its candidate for the -Presidency; and here pardon me, if I refer again to myself. On my way -home from the Senate I was detained in New York by the invitation of -party friends to speak at the Cooper Institute on the issues of the -pending election. The speech was made July 11, and, I believe, was the -earliest of the campaign. As published at the time, it was entitled -“Origin, Necessity, and Permanence of the Republican Party,” and to -exhibit these was its precise object. Both the necessity and permanence -of the party were asserted. A brief passage, which I take from the -report in the “New York Herald,” will show the duty and destiny I -ventured then to hold up. After dwelling on the evils of Slavery and -the corruptions it had engendered, including the purchase of votes at -the polls, I proceeded as follows:-- - - “Therefore, just so long as the present false theories of - Slavery prevail, whether concerning its character morally, - economically, and socially, or concerning its prerogatives under - the Constitution, just so long as the Slave Oligarchy, which is the - sleepless and unhesitating agent of Slavery in all its pretensions, - continues to exist as a political power, the Republican Party - must endure. [_Applause._] If bad men conspire for Slavery, good - men must combine for Freedom. [‘_Good! good!_’] Nor can the Holy - War be ended until the barbarism now dominant in the Republic is - overthrown, and the Pagan power is driven from our Jerusalem. - [_Applause._] And when this triumph is won, securing the immediate - object of our organization, the Republican Party will not die, - but, purified by its long contest with Slavery and filled with - higher life, it will be lifted to yet other efforts and with - nobler aims for the good of man. [_Applause, with three cheers for - Lincoln._]”[46] - -Such, on the eve of the Presidential election, was my description of -the Republican Party and my aspiration for its future. It was not to -die, but, “purified by its long contest with Slavery and filled with -higher life,” we were to behold it “lifted to yet other efforts and -with nobler aims for the good of man.” Here was nothing personal, -nothing mean or petty. The Republican Party was necessary and -permanent, and always on an ascending plane. For such a party there -was no death, but higher life and nobler aims; and this was the party -to which I gave my vows. But, alas, how changed! Once country was the -object, and not a man; once principle was inscribed on the victorious -banners, and not a name only. - - -THE REPUBLICAN PARTY SEIZED BY THE PRESIDENT. - -It is not difficult to indicate when this disastrous change, exalting -the will of one man above all else, became not merely manifest, but -painfully conspicuous. Already it had begun to show itself in personal -pretensions, to which I shall refer soon, when, suddenly and without -any warning through the public press or any expression from public -opinion, the President elected by the Republican Party precipitated -upon the country an ill-considered and ill-omened scheme for the -annexion of a portion of the island of San Domingo, in pursuance -of a treaty negotiated by a person of his own household styling -himself “Aide-de-Camp to the President of the United States.” Had -this effort, however injudicious in object, been confined to ordinary -and constitutional proceedings, with proper regard for a coördinate -branch of the Government, it would have soon dropped out of sight -and been remembered only as a blunder. But it was not so. Strangely -and unaccountably, it was pressed for months by every means and -appliance of power, whether at home or abroad, now reaching into the -Senate Chamber, and now into the waters about the island. Reluctant -Senators were subdued to its support, while, treading under foot the -Constitution in one of its most distinctive republican principles, -the President seized the war powers of the nation, instituted foreign -intervention, and capped the climax of usurpation by menace of violence -to the Black Republic of Hayti, where the colored race have begun -the experiment of self-government,--thus adding manifest outrage of -International Law to manifest outrage of the Constitution, while the -long-suffering African was condemned to new indignity. All these -things, so utterly indefensible and aggravating, and therefore to be -promptly disowned, found defenders on this floor. The President who -was the original author of the wrongs continued to maintain them, -and appealed to Republican Senators for help,--thus fulfilling the -eccentric stipulation with the Government of Baez executed by his -Aide-de-Camp. - -At last a Republican Senator, who felt it his duty to exhibit these -plain violations of the Constitution and of International Law, and -then in obedience to the irresistible promptings of his nature and in -harmony with his whole life pleaded for the equal rights of the Black -Republic, who declared that he did this as a Republican and to save the -party from this wretched complicity,--this Republican Senator, engaged -in a patriotic service, and anxious to save the colored people from -outrage, was denounced on this floor as a traitor to the party; and -this was done by a Senator speaking for the party, and known to be in -intimate relations with the President guilty of these wrongs. Evidently -the party was in process of change from that generous association -dedicated to Human Rights and to the guardianship of the African race. -Too plainly it was becoming the instrument of _one man and his personal -will_,--no matter how much he set at defiance the Constitution and -International Law, or how much he insulted the colored people. The -President was to be maintained at all hazards, notwithstanding his -aberrations, and all who called them in question were to be struck down. - -In exhibiting this autocratic pretension, so revolutionary and -unrepublican in character, I mean to be moderate in language and -to keep within the strictest bounds. The facts are indisputable, -and nobody can deny the gross violation of the Constitution and of -International Law with insult to the Black Republic,--the whole case -being more reprehensible, as also plainly more unconstitutional and -more illegal, than anything alleged against Andrew Johnson on his -impeachment. Believe me, Sir, I should gladly leave this matter to the -judgment already recorded, if it were not put in issue again by the -extraordinary efforts, radiating on every line of office, to press its -author for a second term as President; and since silence gives consent, -all these efforts are his efforts. They become more noteworthy when it -is considered that the name of the candidate thus pressed has become -a sign of discord and not of concord, dividing instead of uniting the -Republican Party, so that these extraordinary efforts tend directly -to the disruption of the party,--all of which he witnesses, and again -by his silence ratifies. “Let the party split,” says the President, -“I will not renounce my chance of a second term.” The extent of this -personal pressure and the subordination of the party to the will of an -individual compel us to consider his pretensions. These, too, are in -issue. - - -PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSIONS. - -“Upon what meat doth this our Cæsar feed,” that he should assume so -much? No honor for victory in war can justify disobedience to the -Constitution and to Law; nor can it afford the least apology for any -personal immunity, privilege, or license in the Presidential office. A -President must turn into a King before it can be said of him that he -can do no wrong. He is responsible always. As President he is foremost -servant of the Law, bound to obey its slightest mandate. As the elect -of the people he owes not only the example of willing obedience, but -also of fidelity and industry in the discharge of his exalted office, -with an absolute abnegation of all self-seeking. Nothing for self, but -all for country. And now, as we regard the career of this candidate, -we find to our amazement how little it accords with this simple -requirement. Bring it to the touchstone and it fails. - -Not only are Constitution and Law disregarded, but the Presidential -office itself is treated as little more than a plaything and a -perquisite,--when not the former, then the latter. Here the details are -ample, showing how from the beginning this august trust has dropped to -be a personal indulgence, where palace-cars, fast horses, and seaside -loiterings figure more than duties; how personal aims and objects have -been more prominent than the public interest; how the Presidential -office has been used to advance his own family on a scale of nepotism -dwarfing everything of the kind in our history, and hardly equalled -in the corrupt governments where this abuse has most prevailed; how -in the same spirit office has been conferred upon those from whom he -had received gifts or benefits, thus making the country repay his -personal obligations; how personal devotion to himself, rather than -public or party service, has been made the standard of favor; how the -vast appointing power conferred by the Constitution for the general -welfare has been employed at his will to promote his schemes, to reward -his friends, to punish his opponents, and to advance his election to -a second term; how all these assumptions have matured in a _personal -government_, semi-military in character and breathing the military -spirit,--being a species of Cæsarism or _personalism_, abhorrent to -republican institutions, where subservience to the President is the -supreme law; how in maintaining this subservience he has operated by -a system of combinations, military, political, and even senatorial, -having their orbits about him, so that, like the planet Saturn, he is -surrounded by rings,--nor does the similitude end here, for his rings, -like those of the planet, are held in position by satellites; how -this utterly unrepublican Cæsarism has mastered the Republican Party -and dictated the Presidential will, stalking into the Senate Chamber -itself, while a vindictive spirit visits good Republicans who cannot -submit; how the President himself, unconscious that a President has -no right to quarrel with anybody, insists upon quarrelling until he -has become the great Presidential quarreller, with more quarrels than -all other Presidents together, all begun and continued by himself; how -his personal followers back him in quarrels, insult those he insults, -and then, not departing from his spirit, cry out, with Shakespeare, -“We will have _rings_ and things and fine array”; and, finally, how -the chosen head of the Republic is known chiefly for Presidential -pretensions, utterly indefensible in character, derogatory to the -country, and of evil influence, making personal objects a primary -pursuit, so that, instead of a beneficent presence, he is a bad -example, through whom republican institutions suffer and the people -learn to do wrong. - -Would that these things could be forgotten! but since through -officious friends the President insists upon a second term, they must -be considered and publicly discussed. When understood, nobody will -vindicate them. It is easy to see that Cæsarism even in Europe is at a -discount, that “personal government” has been beaten on that ancient -field, and that “Cæsar with a Senate at his heels” is not the fit -model for our Republic. King George the Third of England, so peculiar -for narrowness and obstinacy, had retainers in Parliament who went -under the name of “The King’s Friends.” Nothing can be allowed here to -justify the inquiry, “Have we a King George among us?”--or that other -question, “Have we a party in the Senate of ‘The King’s Friends’?” - - -PERSONAL GOVERNMENT UNREPUBLICAN. - -Personal Government is autocratic. It is the One-Man Power elevated -above all else, and is therefore in direct conflict with republican -government, whose consummate form is tripartite, being executive, -legislative, and judicial,--each independent and coëqual. From Mr. -Madison, in “The Federalist,” we learn that the accumulation of -these powers “in the same hands” may justly be pronounced “the very -definition of Tyranny.”[47] And so any attempt by either to exercise -the powers of another is a tyrannical invasion, always reprehensible -in proportion to its extent. John Adams tells us, in most instructive -words, that “it is by balancing each of these powers against the other -two that the efforts in human nature towards tyranny can alone be -checked and restrained, and any degree of freedom preserved in the -Constitution.”[48] - -Then, again, the same authority says that the perfection of this -great idea is “by giving each division a power to defend itself by a -negative.”[49] In other words, each is armed against invasion by the -others. Accordingly, the Constitution of Virginia, in 1776, famous -as an historical precedent, declared expressly: “The legislative, -executive, and judiciary departments shall be separate and distinct, so -that neither exercise the powers properly belonging to the other; nor -shall any person exercise the powers of more than one of them at the -same time.”[50] - -The Constitution of Massachusetts, dating from 1780, embodied the same -principle in memorable words: “In the government of this Commonwealth, -the legislative department shall never exercise the executive and -judicial powers, or either of them; the executive shall never exercise -the legislative and judicial powers, or either of them; the judicial -shall never exercise the legislative and executive powers, or either of -them: to the end it may be a government of laws and not of men.”[51] - -A government of laws and not of men is the object of republican -government; nay, more, it is the distinctive essence without which it -becomes a tyranny. Therefore personal government in all its forms, -and especially when it seeks to sway the action of any other branch -or overturn its constitutional negative, is hostile to the first -principles of republican institutions, and an unquestionable outrage. -That our President has offended in this way is unhappily too apparent. - - -THE PRESIDENT AS A CIVILIAN. - -To comprehend the personal government that has been installed -over us we must know its author. His picture is the necessary -frontispiece,--not as soldier, let it be borne in mind, but as -civilian. The President is titular head of the Army and Navy of the -United States, but his office is not military or naval. As if to -exclude all question, he is classed by the Constitution among “civil -officers.” Therefore as civilian is he to be seen. Then, perhaps, may -we learn the secret of the policy so adverse to republicanism in which -he perseveres. - -To appreciate his peculiar character as a civilian it is important to -know his triumphs as a soldier, for the one is the natural complement -of the other. The successful soldier is rarely changed to the -successful civilian. There seems an incompatibility between the two, -modified by the extent to which one has been allowed to exclude the -other. One always a soldier cannot late in life become a statesman; one -always a civilian cannot late in life become a soldier. Education and -experience are needed for each. Washington and Jackson were civilians -as well as soldiers. - -In the large training and experience of Antiquity the soldier and -civilian were often united; but in modern times this has been seldom. -The camp is peculiar in the influence it exercises; it is in itself -an education; but it is not the education of the statesman. To -suppose that we can change without preparation from the soldier to -the statesman is to assume that training and experience are of less -consequence for the one than the other,--that a man may be born a -statesman, but can fit himself as a soldier only by four years at West -Point, careful scientific study, the command of troops, and experience -in the tented field. And is nothing required for the statesman? Is his -duty so slight? His study is the nation and its welfare, turning always -to history for example, to law for authority, and to the loftiest truth -for rules of conduct. No knowledge, care, or virtue, disciplined by -habit, can be too great. The pilot is not accepted in his trust until -he knows the signs of the storm, the secrets of navigation, the rocks -of the coast,--all of which are learned only by careful study with -charts and soundings, by coasting the land and watching the crested -wave. But can less be expected of that other pilot who is to steer the -ship which contains us all? - -The failure of the modern soldier as statesman is exhibited by Mr. -Buckle in his remarkable work on the “History of Civilization.” Writing -as a philosopher devoted to liberal ideas, he does not disguise that -in Antiquity “the most eminent soldiers were likewise the most eminent -politicians”; but he plainly shows the reason when he adds, that -“in the midst of the hurry and turmoil of camps these eminent men -cultivated their minds to the highest point that the knowledge of that -age would allow.”[52] The secret was culture not confined to war. In -modern Europe few soldiers have been more conspicuous than Gustavus -Adolphus and Frederick sometimes called the Great; but we learn from -our author that both “failed ignominiously in their domestic policy, -and showed themselves as short-sighted in the arts of peace as they -were sagacious in the arts of war.”[53] The judgment of Marlborough -is more pointed. While portraying him as “the greatest conqueror of -his age, the hero of a hundred fights, the victor of Blenheim and -of Ramillies,” the same philosophical writer adds that he was “a -man not only of the most idle and frivolous pursuits, but was so -miserably ignorant that his deficiencies made him the ridicule of his -contemporaries,” while his politics were compounded of selfishness and -treachery.[54] Nor was Wellington an exception. Though shining in the -field without a rival, and remarkable for integrity of purpose, an -unflinching honesty, and high moral feeling, the conqueror of Waterloo -is described as “nevertheless utterly unequal to the complicated -exigencies of political life.”[55] This judgment of the philosopher -is confirmed by that of Metternich, the renowned statesman, who, after -encountering Wellington at the Congresses of Vienna and Verona, did not -hesitate to write of him as “the great Baby.”[56] Such are the examples -of history, each with its warning. - -It would be hard to find anything in the native endowments or in -the training of our chieftain to make him an illustrious exception; -at least nothing of this kind is recorded. Was Nature more generous -with him than with Marlborough or Wellington, Gustavus Adolphus or -Frederick called the Great? or was his experience of life a better -preparation than theirs? And yet they failed, except in war. It is not -known that our chieftain had any experience as a civilian until he -became President, nor does any partisan attribute to him that double -culture which in Antiquity made the same man soldier and statesman. -It has often been said that he took no note of public affairs, never -voting but once in his life, and then for James Buchanan. After leaving -West Point he became a captain in the Army, but soon abandoned the -service, to reappear at a later day as a successful general. There is -no reason to believe that he employed this intermediate period in any -way calculated to improve him as a statesman. One of his unhesitating -supporters, my colleague, [Mr. WILSON,] in a speech intended to -commend him for reëlection, says: “Before the war we knew nothing of -Grant. He was earning a few hundred dollars a year in tanning hides -in Galena.”[57] By the war he passed to be President; and such was -his preparation to govern the Great Republic, making it an example -to mankind! Thus he learned to deal with all questions, domestic -and foreign, whether of peace or war, to declare Constitutional Law -and International Law, and to administer the vast appointing power, -creating Cabinet officers, judges, foreign ministers, and an uncounted -army of office-holders! - -To these things must be added, that when this soldier first began as -civilian he was already forty-six years old. At this mature age, close -upon half a century, when habits are irrevocably fixed, when the mind -has hardened against what is new, when the character has taken its -permanent form, and the whole man is rooted in his own unchangeable -individuality, our soldier entered abruptly upon the untried life of a -civilian in its most exalted sphere. Do not be surprised, that, like -other soldiers, he failed; the wonder would be had he succeeded. There -is a French saying, that at forty a man has given his measure. At least -his vocation is settled,--how completely is seen, if we suppose the -statesman, after traversing the dividing point, abruptly changed to -the soldier. And yet at an age nearly seven years later our soldier -precipitately changed to the statesman. - -This sudden metamorphosis cannot be forgotten, when we seek to -comprehend the strange pretensions which ensued. It is easy to see how -some very moderate experience in civil life, involving of course the -lesson of subordination to republican principles, would have prevented -indefensible acts. - - -TESTIMONY OF THE LATE EDWIN M. STANTON. - -Something also must be attributed to individual character. And here I -express no opinion of my own; I shall allow another to speak in solemn -words echoed from the tomb. - -On reaching Washington at the opening of Congress in December, 1869, -I was pained to hear that Mr. Stanton, lately Secretary of War, was -in failing health. Full of gratitude for his unsurpassed services, -and with a sentiment of friendship quickened by common political -sympathies, I lost no time in seeing him, and repeated my visits until -his death, toward the close of the same month. My last visit was marked -by a communication never to be forgotten. As I entered his bedroom, -where I found him reclining on a sofa, propped by pillows, he reached -out his hand, already clammy cold, and in reply to my inquiry, “How -are you?” answered, “Waiting for my furlough.” Then at once, with -singular solemnity, he said, “I have something to say to you.” When -I was seated, he proceeded without one word of introduction: “I know -General Grant better than any other person in the country can know him. -It was my duty to study him, and I did so night and day, when I saw him -and when I did not see him; and now I tell you what I know: _he cannot -govern this country_.” The intensity of his manner and the positiveness -of his judgment surprised me; for, though I was aware that the late -Secretary of War did not place the President very high in general -capacity, I was not prepared for a judgment so strongly couched. At -last, after some delay, occupied in meditating his remarkable words, -I observed, “What you say is very broad.” “It is as true as it is -broad,” he replied promptly. I added, “You are tardy; you tell this -late: why did you not say it before his nomination?” He answered, that -he was not consulted about the nomination, and had no opportunity of -expressing his opinion upon it, besides being much occupied at the time -by his duties as Secretary of War and his contest with the President. -I followed by saying, “But you took part in the Presidential election, -and made a succession of speeches for him in Ohio and Pennsylvania.” -“I spoke,” said he, “but I never introduced the name of General Grant. -I spoke for the Republican Party and the Republican cause.” This was -the last time I saw Mr. Stanton. A few days later I followed him to the -grave where he now rests. As the vagaries of the President became more -manifest, and the Presidential office seemed more and more a plaything -and perquisite, this dying judgment of the great citizen who knew him -so well haunted me constantly, day and night; and I now communicate -it to my country, feeling that it is a legacy which I have no right -to withhold. Beyond the intrinsic interest from its author, it is not -without value as testimony in considering how the President could have -been led into that Quixotism of personal pretension which it is my duty -to expose.[58] - - -DUTY TO MAKE EXPOSURE. - -Pardon me, if I repeat that it is my duty to make this exposure, -spreading before you the proofs of that personal government, which will -only pass without censure when it passes without observation. Insisting -upon reëlection, the President challenges inquiry and puts himself upon -the country. But even if his pressure for reëlection did not menace -the tranquillity of the country, it is important that the personal -pretensions he has set up should be exposed, that no President -hereafter may venture upon such ways, and no Senator presume to defend -them. The case is clear as noon. - - -TWO TYPICAL INSTANCES. - -In opening this catalogue I select two typical instances,--Nepotism, -and Gift-Taking with repayment by office, each absolutely indefensible -in the head of a Republic, most pernicious in example, and showing -beyond question that surpassing egotism which changed the Presidential -office into a personal instrumentality, not unlike the trunk of an -elephant, apt for all things, small as well as great, from provision -for a relation to forcing a treaty on a reluctant Senate, or forcing a -reëlection on a reluctant people. - - -NEPOTISM OF THE PRESIDENT. - -Between these two typical instances I hesitate which to place foremost: -but since the nepotism of the President is a ruling passion, revealing -the primary instincts of his nature,--since it is maintained by him -in utter unconsciousness of its offensive character,--since, instead -of blushing for it as an unhappy mistake, he continues to uphold -it,--since it has been openly defended by Senators on this floor,--and -since no true patriot anxious for republican institutions can doubt -that it ought to be driven with hissing and scorn from all possibility -of repetition,--I begin with this undoubted abuse. - -There has been no call of Congress for a return of the relations -holding office, stipend, or money-making opportunity under the -President. The country is left to the press for information on this -important subject. If there is any exaggeration, the President is -in fault,--since, knowing the discreditable allegations, he has not -hastened to furnish the precise facts, or at least his partisans have -failed in not calling for the official information. In the mood which -they have shown in this Chamber, it is evident that any resolution -calling for it, moved by a Senator not known to be for his reëlection, -would meet with opposition, and an effort to vindicate republican -institutions would be denounced as an assault on the President. But -the newspapers have placed enough beyond question for judgment on this -extraordinary case, although thus far there has been no attempt to -appreciate it, especially in the light of history. - -One list makes the number of beneficiaries as many as forty-two, -being probably every known person allied to the President by blood or -marriage. Persons seeming to speak for the President, or at least after -careful inquiries, have denied the accuracy of this list, reducing it -to thirteen. It will not be questioned that there is at least a baker’s -dozen in this category,--thirteen relations of the President billeted -on the country, not one of whom but for this relationship would have -been brought forward, the whole constituting a case of nepotism not -unworthy of those worst governments where office is a family possession. - -Beyond the list of thirteen are other revelations, showing that this -strange abuse did not stop with the President’s relations, but that -these obtained appointments for others in their circle,--so that every -relation became a centre of influence, while the Presidential family -extended indefinitely. - -Hitherto only one President has appointed relations, and that was -John Adams; but he found public opinion, inspired by the example of -Washington, so strong against it, that, after a slight experiment, -he replied to an applicant, “You know it is impossible for me to -appoint my own relations to anything, without drawing forth a torrent -of obloquy.”[59] The judgment of the country found voice in Thomas -Jefferson, who, in a letter written shortly after he became President, -used these strong words: “Mr. Adams _degraded himself infinitely_ by -his conduct on this subject.”[60] But John Adams, besides transferring -his son John Quincy Adams from one diplomatic post to another, -appointed only two relations. Pray, Sir, what words would Jefferson -use, if he were here to speak on the open and multifarious nepotism of -our President? - - -ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF NEPOTISM. - -The Presidential pretension is so important in every aspect, and the -character of republican institutions is so absolutely compromised by -its toleration, that it cannot be treated in any perfunctory way. It -shall not be my fault, if hereafter there is any doubt with regard to -it. - -The word “Nepotism” is of Italian origin. First appearing at Rome when -the Papal power was at its height, it served to designate the authority -and influence exercised by the nephews, or more generally the family, -of a Pope: all the family of a Pope were nephews, and the Pope was -universal uncle. From Italian the word passed into other European -languages, but in the lapse of time or process of naturalization it -has come to denote the misconduct of the appointing power, and has -amplified so as to embrace others besides Popes who appoint relations -to office. Johnson in his Dictionary defines it simply as “Fondness for -nephews”; but our latest and best lexicographer, Worcester, supplies -a definition more complete and satisfactory: “Favoritism shown to -relations; patronage bestowed _in consideration of family relationship -and not of merit_.” Such undoubtedly is the meaning of the word as now -received and employed. - -The character of this pretension appears in its origin and history. -As far back as 1667 this undoubted abuse occupied attention to such a -degree that it became the subject of an able historical work, entitled -“Il Nipotismo di Roma,” which is full of instruction and warning even -for our Republic. In the early days of the Church Popes are described -as discarding all relationship, whether of blood or alliance, and -inclining to merit alone in their appointments, although there were -some with so large a number of nephews, grand-nephews, brothers-in-law, -and relations, as to baffle belief; and yet it is recorded that no -sooner did the good Pope enter the Vatican, which is the Executive -Mansion of Rome, than relations fled, brothers-in-law hid themselves, -grand-nephews removed away, and nephews got at a long distance.[61] -Such was the early virtue. Nepotism did not exist, and the word itself -was unknown. - -At last, in 1471, twenty-one years before the discovery of America -by Columbus, Sixtus the Fourth became Pope, and with him began that -nepotism which soon became famous as a Roman institution.[62] Born -in 1414, the son of a fisherman, the eminent founder was already -fifty-seven years old, and he reigned thirteen years, bringing to his -functions large experience as a successful preacher and as general of -the Franciscan friars. Though cradled in poverty, and by the vows of -his Order bound to mendicancy, he began at once to heap office and -riches upon the various members of his family, so that his conduct, -from its barefaced inconsistency with the obligation of his life, -excited, according to the historian, “the amazement and wonder of -all.”[63] The useful reforms he attempted are forgotten, and this -remarkable pontiff is chiefly remembered now as the earliest nepotist. -Different degrees of severity are employed by different authors in -characterizing this unhappy fame. Bouillet, in his Dictionary of -History,[64] having Catholic approbation, describes him as “feeble -toward his nephews”; and our own Cyclopædia,[65] in a brief exposition -of his character, says “he made himself odious by excessive nepotism.” -But in all varieties of expression the offence stands out for judgment. - -The immediate successor of Sixtus was Innocent the Eighth, whom the -historian describes as “very cold to his relations,”[66] since three -only obtained preferment at his hands. But the example of the founder -so far prevailed that for a century nepotism, as was said, “lorded it -in Rome,”[67] except in a few instances worthy of commemoration and -example. - -Of these exceptions, the first in time was Julius the Second, founder -of St. Peter’s at Rome, whose remarkable countenance is so beautifully -preserved by the genius of Rafael. Though the nephew of the nepotist, -and not declining to appoint all relations, he did it with such -moderation that Rome was said to have been “almost without nepotism” -in his time.[68] Adrian the Sixth, early teacher of Charles the Fifth, -and successor of Leo the Tenth, set a better example by refusing -absolutely; but so accustomed had Rome become to this abuse, that not -only the ambassadors, but the people, condemned him as “too rude” with -his relations. A son of his cousin, studying in Siena, started for -Rome, trusting to obtain important recognition; but the Pope, without -seeing him, sent him back on a hired horse. Relations thronged from -other places, and even from across the Alps, longing for that greatness -which other Popes had lavished on family; but Adrian dismissed them -with a slight change of clothing and an allowance of money for the -journey: one who from poverty came on foot was permitted to return on -foot. This Pope carried abnegation of his family so far as to make -relationship an excuse for not rewarding one who had served the Church -well.[69] Similar in character was Marcellus the Second, who became -Pope in 1555. He was unwilling that any of his family should come to -Rome; even his brother was forbidden: but this good example was closed -by death, after a reign of twenty days only; and yet this brief period -of exemplary virtue has made this pontiff famous. Kindred in spirit was -Urban the Seventh, who reigned thirteen days only in 1590, but long -enough to repel his relations,--and also Leo the Eleventh, who reigned -twenty-five days in 1605. To this list may be added Innocent the Ninth, -who died after two months of service. It is related that his death -displeased his relations much, and dissolved the air-castles they had -built. They had hurried from Bologna, but, except a grand-nephew, all -were obliged to return poor as they came.[70] In this list I must not -forget Pius the Fifth, who reigned from 1566 to 1572. He set himself -so completely against aggrandizing his own family, that he was with -difficulty persuaded to make a sister’s son cardinal,--and would -not have done it, had not all the cardinals united, on grounds of -conscience, against the denial of this dignity to one most worthy of -it.[71] Such virtue was part of that elevated character which caused -his subsequent canonization. - -These good Popes were short-lived,--their reigns for the most -part counting by days only; but they opened happy glimpses of an -administration where the powers of government were not treated as a -personal perquisite. The opposite list had the advantage of time. - -Conspicuous among nepotists was Alexander the Sixth, whose family name -of Borgia is damned to fame. With him nepotism assumed its most brutal -and barbarous development, reflecting the character of its pontifical -author, who was without the smallest ray of good. Other Popes were -less cruel and bloody, but not less determined in providing for their -families. Paul the Third, who was of the great house of Farnese, would -have had the estates of the Church a garden for the “lilies” which -flourish on the escutcheon of his family.[72] It is related that when -Urban the Eighth, who was a Barberini, began his historic reign, all -his relations at a distance flew to Rome like the “bees” on the family -arms, to suck the honey of the Church, but not leaving behind the -sting with which they pricked while they sucked.[73] Whether lilies -or bees, it was the same. The latter pontiff gave to nepotism fulness -of power when he resolved “to have no business with any one not -dependent upon his house.”[74] In the same spirit he excused himself -from making a man cardinal because he had “always been the enemy of -his nephews.”[75] Although nothing so positive is recorded of Paul the -Fifth, who was a Borghese, his nepotism appears in the Roman saying, -that, “while serving the Church as a good shepherd, he gave too much -wool to his nephews.”[76] These instructive incidents, illustrating -the pontifical pretension, reflect light on the history of palaces and -galleries at Rome, now admired by the visitor from distant lands. If -not created, they were at least enlarged by nepotism. - -It does not always appear how many relations a Pope endowed. Often -it was all, as in the case of Gregory the Thirteenth, who, besides -advancing a nephew actually at Rome, called thither all his nephews and -grand-nephews, whether from brothers or sisters, and gave them offices, -dignities, governments, lordships, prelacies, and abbacies.[77] Cæsar -Borgia and his sister Lucretia were not the only relations of Alexander -the Sixth. I do not find the number adopted by Sixtus, the founder of -the system. Pius the Fourth, who was of the grasping Medicean family, -favored no less than twenty-five.[78] Alexander the Seventh, of the -Chigi family, had about him five nephews and one brother, which a -contemporary characterized as “nepotism all complete.”[79] This pontiff -began his reign by forbidding his relations to appear at Rome, which -redounded at once to his credit throughout the Christian world, while -the astonished people discoursed of his holiness and the purity of his -life, expecting even to see miracles. In making the change, he yielded -evidently to immoral pressure and the example of predecessors. - -The performances of papal nephews figure in history. After the Borgias -were the Caraffas, who obtained power through Paul the Fourth; but at -last becoming too insolent and rapacious, their uncle was compelled to -strip them of their dignities and drive them from Rome.[80] Sometimes -nephews were employed chiefly in ministering to pontifical pleasures, -as in the case of Julius the Third, who, according to the historian, -“thought of nothing but banqueting with this one and that one, keeping -his relations in Rome rather to accompany him at banquets than to -aid him in the government of the holy Church, about which he thought -little.”[81] This occasion for relations does not exist at Rome now, as -the pontiff leads a discreet life, always at home, and never banquets -abroad. - -These historic instances make us see nepotism in its original -seat. Would you know how it was regarded there? Sometimes it was -called a hydra with many heads, sprouting anew at the election of a -pontiff,[82] then again it was called Ottoman rather than Christian -in character.[83] The contemporary historian who has described it so -minutely says that those who merely read of it without seeing it will -find it difficult to believe or even imagine.[84] The qualities of a -Pope’s relation were said to be “ignorance and cunning.”[85] It is easy -to believe that this prostitution of the head of the Church was one -of the abuses which excited the cry for Reform, and awakened even in -Rome the echoes of Martin Luther. A Swedish nobleman visiting Rome is -recorded as declaring himself unwilling to be the subject of a pontiff -who was himself the subject of his own relations.[86] But even this -pretension was not without open defenders, while the general effrontery -with which it was maintained assumed that it was above question. If -some gave with eyes closed, most gave with eyes open. It was said that -Popes were not to neglect their own blood, that they should not show -themselves worse than the beasts, not one of which fails to caress its -relations; and the case of bears and lions, the most ferocious of all, -was cited as authority for this recognition of one’s own blood.[87] -All this was soberly said, and it is doubtless true. Not even a Pope -can justly neglect his own blood; but help and charity must be at his -own expense, and not at the expense of his country. In appointments to -office, merit and not blood is the only just recommendation. - -That nepotism has ceased to lord itself in Rome, that no pontiff -billets his relations upon the Church, that the appointing power -of the Pope is treated as a public trust and not as a personal -perquisite,--all this is the present testimony with regard to that -government which knows from experience the baneful character of this -abuse. - - -AMERICAN AUTHORITIES ON NEPOTISM. - -The nepotism of Rome was little known in our country, and I do not -doubt that Washington, when declining to make the Presidential office -a personal perquisite, was governed by that instinct of duty and -patriotism which rendered him so preëminent. Through all the perils of -a seven years’ war he had battled with that kingly rule which elevates -a whole family without regard to merit, fastening all upon the nation, -and he had learned that this royal system could find no place in a -republic. Therefore he rejected the claims of relations, and in nothing -was his example more beautiful. His latest biographer, Washington -Irving, records him as saying:-- - - “So far as I know my own mind, I would not be in the remotest - degree influenced in making nominations by motives arising from the - ties of family or blood.”[88] - -Then again he declared his purpose to “discharge the duties of the -office with that impartiality and zeal for the public good which ought -never to suffer connections of blood or friendship to intermingle so as -to have the least sway on decisions of a public nature.”[89] - -This excellent rule of conduct is illustrated by the advice to his -successor with regard to the promotion of his son, John Quincy Adams. -After giving it as his “decided opinion” that the latter “is the most -valuable public character we have abroad,” and promises to be “the -ablest of all our diplomatic corps,” Washington declares:-- - - “If he was now to be brought into that line, or into any other - public walk, I could not, upon the principle which has regulated my - own conduct, disapprove of the caution which is hinted at in the - letter.”[90] - -Considering the importance of the rule, it were better for the country -if it had prevailed over parental regard and the extraordinary merits -of the son. - -In vindicating his conduct at a later day, John Adams protested against -what he called “the hypersuperlative public virtue” of Washington, -and insisted: “A President ought not to appoint a man because he is -his relation; nor ought he to refuse or neglect to appoint him for -that reason.”[91] With absolute certainty that the President is above -all prejudice of family and sensitive to merit only, this rule is not -unreasonable; but who can be trusted to apply it? - -Jefferson developed and explained the true principles in a manner -worthy of republican institutions. In a letter to a relation -immediately after becoming President, he wrote: - - “The public will never be made to believe that an appointment of - a relative is made on the ground of merit alone, uninfluenced by - family views; _nor can they ever see with approbation offices, - the disposal of which they intrust to their Presidents for public - purposes, divided out as family property_. Mr. Adams degraded - himself infinitely by his conduct on this subject, as General - Washington had done himself the greatest honor. With two such - examples to proceed by, I should be doubly inexcusable to err.”[92] - -After his retirement from the Presidency, in a letter to a kinsman, he -asserts the rule again:-- - - “Towards acquiring the confidence of the people, the very first - measure is to satisfy them of his disinterestedness, and that he is - directing their affairs with a single eye to their good, and not to - build up fortunes for himself and family; and especially that the - officers appointed to transact their business are appointed because - they are the fittest men, not because they are his relations. So - prone are they to suspicion, that, where a President appoints a - relation of his own, however worthy, they will believe that favor, - and not merit, was the motive. I therefore laid it down as a law of - conduct for myself, never to give an appointment to a relation.”[93] - -That statement is unanswerable. The elect of the people must live so as -best to maintain their interests and to elevate the national sentiment. -This can be only by an example of unselfish devotion to the public weal -which shall be above suspicion. A President suspected of weakness for -his relations is already shorn of strength. - -In saying that his predecessor “degraded himself infinitely by -his conduct on this subject,” Jefferson shows the rigor of his -requirement. Besides the transfer of his son, John Quincy Adams, from -one diplomatic mission of lower grade to another of a higher, John -Adams is responsible for the appointment of his son-in-law, Colonel -Smith, as surveyor of the port of New York, and his wife’s nephew, -William Cranch, as chief-justice of the Circuit Court of the District -of Columbia,--both persons of merit, and the former “serving through -the war with high applause of his superiors.”[94] The public sentiment -appears in the condemnation of these appointments. In refusing another -of his relations, we have already seen[95] that John Adams wrote: -“You know it is impossible for me to appoint my own relations to -anything without drawing forth a torrent of obloquy.” But this torrent -was nothing but the judgment of the American people unwilling that -republican institutions at that early day should suffer. - -Thus far John Adams stands alone. If any other President has made -appointments from his own family, it has been on so petty a scale as -not to be recognized in history. John Quincy Adams, when President, did -not follow his father. An early letter to his mother foreshadows a rule -not unlike that of Jefferson:-- - - “I hope, my ever dear and honored mother, that you are fully - convinced from my letters, which you have before this received, - that upon the contingency of my father’s being placed in the first - magistracy I shall never give him any trouble by solicitation - for office of any kind. Your late letters have repeated so many - times that I shall in that case have nothing to _expect_, that - I am afraid you have imagined it possible that I _might_ form - expectations from such an event. I had hoped that _my mother_ knew - me better; that she did me the justice to believe that I have not - been so totally regardless or forgetful of the principles which my - education had instilled, nor so totally destitute of a _personal_ - sense of delicacy, as to be susceptible of a wish tending in that - direction.”[96] - -To Jefferson’s sense of public duty John Quincy Adams added the -sense of personal delicacy, both strong against such appointment of -relations. To the irresistible judgment against this abuse, a recent -moralist, of lofty nature, Theodore Parker, imparts new expression, -when he says, “It is a dangerous and unjust practice.”[97] This is -simple and monitory. - - -PRESIDENTIAL APOLOGIES FOR NEPOTISM. - -Without the avalanche of testimony against this Presidential -pretension, it is necessary only to glance at the defences sometimes -set up; for such is the insensibility bred by Presidential example, -that even this intolerable outrage is not without voices speaking -for the President. Sometimes it is said, that, his salary being far -from royal, the people will not scan closely an attempt to help -relations,--which, being interpreted, means that the President may -supplement the pettiness of his salary by the appointing power. Let -John Adams, who did not hesitate to bestow office upon a few relations -of unquestioned merit, judge this pretension. I quote his words:-- - - “Every public man should be honestly paid for his services.… But he - should be restrained from every _perquisite_ not known to the laws, - and he should make no claims upon the gratitude of the public, nor - ever confer an office within his patronage upon a son, a brother, a - friend, upon pretence that he is not paid for his services by the - profits of his office.”[98] - -It is impossible to deny the soundness of this requirement and its -completeness as an answer to one of the apologies. - -Sometimes the defender is more audacious, insisting openly upon the -Presidential prerogative without question, until we seem to hear in -aggravated form the obnoxious cry, “To the victor belong the spoils.” -I did not suppose that this old cry could be revived in any form; -but since it is heard again, I choose to expose it; and here I use -the language of Madison, whose mild wisdom has illumined so much of -constitutional duty. In his judgment the pretension was odious, “that -offices and emoluments were the spoils of victory, _the personal -property_ of the successful candidate for the Presidency”; and he adds -in words not to be forgotten at this moment:-- - - “The principle, if avowed without the practice, or - practised without the avowal, could not fail to degrade any - Administration,--both together, completely so.”[99] - -This is strong language. The rule in its early form could not fail to -degrade any Administration. But now this degrading rule is extended, -and we are told that to the President’s family belong the spoils. - -Another apology, vouchsafed even on this floor, is, that, if the -President cannot appoint his relations, they alone of all citizens -are excluded from office,--which, it is said, should not be. But is -it not for the public good that they should be excluded? Such was the -wise judgment of Jefferson, and such is the testimony from another -quarter. That eminent prelate, Bishop Butler, who has given to English -literature one of its most masterly productions, known as “Butler’s -Analogy,” after his elevation to the see of Durham with its remarkable -patronage, was so self-denying with regard to his family that a nephew -said to him, “Methinks, my Lord, it is a misfortune to be related to -you.”[100] Golden words of honor for the English Bishop! But none such -have been earned by the American President. - -Assuming that in case of positive merit designating a citizen for a -particular post the President might appoint a relation, it would be -only where the merit was so shining that his absence would be noticed. -At least it must be such as to make the citizen a candidate without -regard to family. But no such merit is attributed to the beneficiaries -of our President, some of whom have done little but bring scandal -upon the public service. At least one is tainted with fraud; and -another, with the commission of the Republic abroad, has been guilty of -indiscretions inconsistent with his trust. Appointed originally in open -defiance of republican principles, they have been retained in office -after their unfitness became painfully manifest. By the testimony -before a Congressional Committee, one of these, a brother-in-law, was -implicated in bribery and corruption. It is said that at last, after -considerable delay, the President has consented to his removal. - -Here I leave for the present this enormous unrepublican pretension, -waiting to hear if it can again find an apologist. Is there a single -Senator who will not dismiss it to judgment? - - -GIFT-TAKING,--AND REPAYMENT WITH OFFICE. - -From one typical abuse I pass to another. From a dropsical Nepotism -swollen to elephantiasis, which nobody can defend, I pass to -Gift-Taking, which with our President has assumed an unprecedented -form. Sometimes public men even in our country have taken gifts, -but it is not known that any President before has repaid the patron -with office. For a public man to take gifts is reprehensible; for -a President to select Cabinet councillors and other officers among -those from whom he has taken gifts is an anomaly in republican annals. -Observe, Sir, that I speak of it gently, unwilling to exhibit the -indignation which such a Presidential pretension is calculated to -arouse. The country will judge it, and blot it out as an example. - -There have been throughout history corrupt characters in official -station; but, whether in ancient or modern times, the testimony is -constant against the taking of gifts, and nowhere with more force than -in our Scriptures, where it is said: “Thou shalt not wrest judgment, -thou shalt not respect persons, _neither take a gift_; for a gift doth -blind the eyes of the wise.”[101] Here is the inhibition, and also the -reason, which slight observation shows to be true. Does not a gift -blind the eyes of the wise? The influence of gifts is represented by -Plutarch in the life of a Spartan king:-- - - “For he thought those ways of entrapping men by gifts and presents, - which other kings use, dishonest and inartificial; and it seemed to - him to be the most noble method and most suitable to a king to win - the affections of those that came near him by personal intercourse - and agreeable conversation, since between a friend and a mercenary - the only distinction is, that we gain the one by one’s character - and conversation, the other by one’s money.”[102] - -What is done under the influence of a gift is mercenary; but whether -from ruler to subject or from subject to ruler, the gift is equally -pernicious. An ancient patriot “feared the Greeks bearing gifts,”[103] -and these words have become a proverb; but there are Greeks bearing -gifts elsewhere than at Troy. A public man can traffic with such only -at his peril. At their appearance the prayer should be said, “Lead us -not into temptation.” - -The best examples testify. Thus, in the autobiography of Lord Brougham, -posthumously published, it appears that at a great meeting in Glasgow -five hundred pounds were subscribed as a gift to him for his public -service, to be put into such form as he might think best. He hesitated. -“This required,” he records, “much consideration, as such gifts were -liable to be abused.” Not content with his own judgment, he assembled -some friends to discuss it,--“Lord Holland, Lord Erskine, Romilly, and -Baring,”--and he wrote to Earl Grey, afterward Prime-Minister, who -replied:-- - - “Both Grenville and I accepted from the Catholics of Glasgow a - piece of plate--of no great value indeed--_after we were turned - out_ in 1807.… If you still feel scruples, I can only add that - it is impossible to err on the side of delicacy with respect to - matters of this nature.” - -It ended in his declining to accept anything more than the small top of -a gold inkstand.[104] - -In our country Washington keeps his lofty heights, setting himself -against gift-taking as against nepotism. In 1785, while in private -life, two years after he ceased to be commander-in-chief of our armies -and four years before he became President, he could not be induced to -accept a certain amount of canal stock offered him by the State of -Virginia, as appears in an official communication:-- - - “It gives me great pleasure to inform you that the Assembly - yesterday, without a dissenting voice, complimented you with fifty - shares in the Potomac Company and one hundred in the James River - Company.”[105] - -Fully to appreciate the reply of Washington, it must be borne in mind, -that, according to Washington Irving, his biographer, “some degree of -economy was necessary, for his financial concerns had suffered during -the war, and the products of his estate had fallen off.”[106] But he -was not tempted. Thus he wrote:-- - - “How would this matter be viewed by the eye of the world, and what - would be the opinion of it, when it comes to be related that George - Washington has received twenty thousand dollars and five thousand - pounds sterling of the public money as an interest therein?… - Under whatever pretence, and however customarily these gratuitous - gifts are made in other countries, should I not thenceforward be - considered as a dependant?”[107] - -And subsequently to Jefferson:-- - - “I never for a moment entertained an idea of accepting it.”[108] - -How admirably he touches the point when he asks, “Should I not -thenceforward be considered as a dependant?” According to our Scripture -the gift blinds the eyes; according to Washington it makes the receiver -a dependant. - -In harmony with this sentiment was his subsequent refusal, when -President, as is recorded by an ingenuous writer:-- - - “He was exceedingly careful about committing himself; _would - receive no favors of any kind_, and scrupulously paid for - everything.… A large house was set apart for him on Ninth Street, - [Philadelphia,] on the grounds now covered by the Pennsylvania - University, _which he refused to accept_.”[109] - -By such instances, brought to light recently, and shining in contrast -with our times, we learn to admire anew the virtue of Washington. - -It would be easy to show how in all ages the refusal of gifts has been -recognized as the sign of virtue, if not the requirement of duty. The -story of St. Louis of France is beautiful and suggestive. Leaving on -a crusade, he charged the Queen, who remained behind, “not to accept -presents for herself or her children.”[110] Such was one of the -injunctions by which this monarch, when far away on a pious expedition, -impressed himself upon his country. - -My own strong convictions on this Presidential pretension were aroused -in a conversation which it was my privilege to enjoy with John Quincy -Adams, as he sat in his sick-chamber at his son’s house in Boston, -a short time before he fell at his post of duty in the House of -Representatives. In a voice trembling with age and with emotion, -he said that no public man could take gifts without peril; and he -confessed that his own judgment had been quickened by the example of -Count Romanzoff, the eminent Chancellor of the Russian Empire, who, -after receiving costly gifts from foreign sovereigns with whom he had -negotiated treaties, felt a difficulty of conscience in keeping them, -and at last handed over their value to a hospital, as he related to Mr. -Adams, then Minister at St. Petersburg.[111] The latter was impressed -by this Russian example, and through his long career, as Minister -abroad, Secretary of State, President, and Representative, always -refused gifts, unless a book or some small article in its nature a -token and not a reward or bribe. - -The Constitution testifies against the taking of gifts by officers -of the United States, when it provides that “no person holding any -office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the -Congress, accept of any present or emolument from any king, prince, or -foreign State.” The acceptance of a present or emolument from our own -citizens was left without constitutional inhibition, to be constrained -by the public conscience and the just aversion to any semblance of -bargain and sale, or bribery, in the public service. - -The case of our President is exceptional. Notoriously he has taken -gifts while in the public service, some at least after he had been -elected President, until “the Galena tanner of a few hundred dollars -a year”--to borrow the words of my colleague [Mr. WILSON], one of -his supporters--is now rich in houses, lands, and stock, above his -salary, being probably the richest President since George Washington. -Notoriously he has appointed to his Cabinet several among these “Greeks -bearing gifts,” without seeming to see the indecorum, if not the -indecency, of the transaction. At least two, if not three, of these -Greeks, having no known position in the Republican Party, or influence -in the country, have been selected as his counsellors in national -affairs and heads of great departments of government. Again do I -repeat the words of our Scriptures, “A gift doth blind the eyes of the -wise”; again the words of Washington, “Should I not thenceforward be -considered as a dependant?” - -Nor does the case of the first Secretary of State differ in character -from that of the other three Cabinet officers referred to. The -President, feeling under personal obligation to Mr. Washburne for -important support, gave him a complimentary nomination, with the -understanding that after confirmation he should forthwith resign. I -cannot forget the indignant comment of the late Mr. Fessenden, as we -passed out of the Senate Chamber immediately after the confirmation. -“Who,” said he, “ever heard before of a man nominated Secretary of -State merely as a compliment?” But this is only another case of the -public service subordinated to personal considerations. - -Not only in the Cabinet, but in other offices, there is reason to -believe that the President has been under the influence of patrons. Why -was he so blind to Thomas Murphy? The custom-house of New York, with -all its capacity as a political engine, was handed over to this agent, -whose want of recognition in the Republican Party was outbalanced by -Presidential favor, and whose gifts have become notorious. And when the -demand for his removal was irresistible, the President accepted his -resignation with an effusion of sentiment natural toward a patron, but -without justification in the character of the retiring officer. - -Shakespeare, who saw intuitively the springs of human conduct, touches -more than once on the operation of the gift. “I’ll do thee service for -so good a gift,” said Gloster to Warwick.[112] Then, again, how truly -spoke the lord, who said of Timon,-- - - “No gift to him - But breeds the giver a return exceeding - All use of quittance.”[113] - -And such were the returns made by the President. - -Thus much for gifts, reciprocated by office. The instance is original -and without precedent in our history. - - -THE PRESIDENCY A PERQUISITE. - -I have now completed the survey of the two typical instances--Nepotism, -and Gift-Taking with repayment by office--in which we are compelled -to see the President. In these things he shows himself. Here is no -portrait drawn by critic or enemy; it is the original who stands -forth, saying: “Behold the generosity I practise to my relations at -the expense of the public service! also the gifts I take, and then -my way of rewarding the patrons, always at the expense of the public -service!” In this open exhibition we see how the Presidency, instead -of a trust, has become a perquisite. Bad as are these two capital -instances, and important as is their condemnation, so that they may not -become a precedent, I dwell on them now as illustrating character. A -President who can do such things, and not recognize at once the error -he has committed, shows that supereminence of egotism under which -Constitution, International Law, and Municipal Law, to say nothing of -Republican Government in its primary principles, are all subordinated -to the Presidential will; and this is Personal Government. Add an -insensibility to the honest convictions of others, and you have a -natural feature of this pretension. - -Lawyers cite what are called “Leading Cases.” A few of these show the -Presidential will in constant operation with little regard to precedent -or reason, so as to be a caprice, if it were not a pretension. -Imitating the Popes in Nepotism, the President has imitated them in -ostentatious assumption of Infallibility. - - -THE PRESIDENT’S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. - -Other Presidents have entered upon their high office with a -certain modesty and distrust. Washington in his Inaugural Address -declared his “anxieties,” also his sense of “the magnitude and -difficulty of the trust,” “awakening a distrustful scrutiny into his -qualifications.”[114] Jefferson, in his famous Inaugural, so replete -with political wisdom, after declaring his “sincere consciousness that -the task is above his talents,” says: “I approach it with those anxious -and awful presentiments which the greatness of the charge and the -weakness of my powers so justly inspire, … and humble myself before the -magnitude of the undertaking.”[115] - -Our soldier, absolutely untried in civil life, entirely a new man, -entering upon the sublimest duties, before which Washington and -Jefferson had shrunk, said in his Inaugural: “The responsibilities -of the position I feel, but _accept them without fear_.”[116] Great -predecessors, with ample preparation for the responsibilities, -had shrunk back with fear. He had none. Either he did not see the -responsibilities, or the Cæsar began to stir in his bosom. - - -SELECTION OF HIS CABINET. - -Next after the Inaugural Address, his first official act was the -selection of his Cabinet; and here the general disappointment was -equalled by the general wonder. As the President was little known -except from the victories which had commended him, it was not then -seen how completely characteristic was this initial act. Looking back -upon it, we recognize the pretension by which all tradition, usage, -and propriety were discarded, by which the just expectations of the -party that had elected him were set at nought, and the safeguards of -constitutional government were subordinated to the personal pretensions -of One Man. In this Cabinet were persons having small relations -with the Republican Party and little position in the country, some -absolutely without claims from public service, and some actually -disqualified by the gifts they had made to the President. Such was -the political phenomenon presented for the first time in American -history, while reported sayings of the President showed the simplicity -with which he acted. To a committee he described his Cabinet as his -“family,” with which no stranger could be allowed to interfere, and -to a member of Congress he announced that he selected his Cabinet “to -please himself and nobody else,”--being good rules unquestionably -for the organization of a household and the choice of domestics, to -which the Cabinet seem to have been likened. This personal government -flowered in the Navy Department, where a gift-bearing Greek was -suddenly changed to a Secretary. No less a personage than the grand -old Admiral, the brave, yet modest Farragut, was reported as asking, -on the fifth of March, the very day when the Cabinet was announced, -in unaffected ignorance, “Do you know anything of Borie?” And yet -this unconspicuous citizen, bearer of gifts to the President, was -constituted the naval superior of that historic character. If others -were less obscure, the Cabinet as a unit was none the less notable as -the creature of Presidential will, where Chance vied with Favoritism as -arbiter. - -All this is so strange, when we consider the true idea of a Cabinet. -Though not named in the Constitution, yet by virtue of unbroken usage -among us, and in harmony with constitutional governments everywhere, -the Cabinet has become a constitutional body, hardly less than if -expressly established by the Constitution itself. Its members, besides -being the heads of great departments, are the counsellors of the -President, with the duty to advise him of all matters within the sphere -of his office, being nothing less than the great catalogue in the -Preamble of the Constitution, beginning with duty to the Union, and -ending with the duty to secure the blessings of Liberty to ourselves -and our posterity. Besides undoubted fitness for these exalted -responsibilities, as head of a department and as counsellor, a member -should have such acknowledged position in the country that his presence -inspires confidence and gives strength to the Administration. How -little these things were regarded by the President need not be said. - -Unquestionably the President has a discretion in the appointment of -his Cabinet; but it is a constitutional discretion, regulated by -regard for the interests of the country and not by mere personal -will, by statesmanship and not by favoritism. A Cabinet is a national -institution and not a Presidential perquisite,--unless our President is -allowed to copy the example of Imperial France. In all constitutional -governments, the Cabinet is selected on public reasons, and with a -single eye to the public service; it is not in any respect the “family” -of the sovereign, nor is it “to please himself and nobody else.” -English monarchs have often accepted statesmen personally disagreeable, -when they had become representatives of the prevailing party,--as -when George the Third, the most obstinate of rulers, accepted Fox, -and George the Fourth, as prejudiced as his father was obstinate, -accepted Canning, each bringing to the service commanding faculties. -It is related that the Duke of Wellington, with military frankness, -encountered the personal objections of the King in the latter case, -by saying: “Your Majesty is the sovereign of England, with duties to -your people far above any to yourself; and these duties render it -imperative that you should at this time employ the abilities of Mr. -Canning.”[117] By such instances in a constitutional government is the -Cabinet fixed as a constitutional and not a personal body. It is only -by some extraordinary hallucination that the President of a Republic -dedicated to Constitutional Liberty can imagine himself invested with -a transforming prerogative above that of any English sovereign, by -which his counsellors are changed from public officers to personal -attendants, and a great constitutional body, in which all citizens have -a common interest, is made a perquisite of the President. - - -APPROPRIATION OF THE OFFICES. - -Marked among the spectacles which followed, and kindred in character -with the appropriation of the Cabinet as individual property, was -the appropriation of the offices of the country, to which I refer in -this place even at the expense of repetition. Obscure and undeserving -relations, marriage connections, personal retainers, army associates, -friends of unknown fame and notable only as personal friends or friends -of his relations, evidently absorbed the Presidential mind during -those months of obdurate reticence when a generous people supposed -the Cabinet to be the all-absorbing thought. Judging by the facts, it -would seem as if the chief and most spontaneous thought was how to -exploit the appointing power to his own personal behoof. At this period -the New York Custom-House presented itself to the imagination, and a -letter was written consigning a military dependant to the generosity of -the Collector. You know the rest. Dr. Johnson, acting as executor in -selling the distillery of Mr. Thrale, said: “We are not here to sell a -parcel of boilers and vats, but the potentiality of growing rich beyond -the dreams of avarice.”[118] If the President did not use the sounding -phrase of the great English moralist, it is evident that his military -dependant felt in that letter all the “potentiality” advertised in the -earlier case, and acted accordingly. - -It is not necessary to say that in these things there was departure -from the requirements of law, whether in the appointment of his Cabinet -or of personal favorites, even in return for personal benefactions, -although it was plainly unrepublican, offensive, and indefensible. But -this same usurping spirit, born of an untutored egotism, brooking no -restraint, showed itself in another class of transactions, to which I -have already referred, where Law and Constitution were little regarded. - - -PRESIDENTIAL ASSAULT ON A SAFEGUARD OF THE TREASURY. - -First in time and very indigenous in character was the Presidential -attempt against one of the sacred safeguards of the Treasury, the -original workmanship of Alexander Hamilton, being nothing less than -the “Act to establish the Treasury Department.” Here was an important -provision, “that no person appointed to any office instituted by this -Act shall directly or indirectly be concerned or interested in carrying -on the business of trade or commerce”; and any person so offending was -declared guilty of a high misdemeanor, and was to forfeit to the United -States three thousand dollars, with removal from office, and forever -thereafter to be incapable of holding any office under the United -States.[119] From the beginning this statute had stood unquestioned, -until it had acquired the character of fundamental law. And yet the -President, by a special message, dated March 6, 1869, being the -second day of his first service as a civilian, asked Congress to set -it aside, so as to enable Mr. Stewart, of New York already nominated -and confirmed as Secretary of the Treasury, to enter upon the duties -of this office.[120] This gentleman was unquestionably the largest -merchant who had transacted business in our country, and his imports -were of such magnitude as to clog the custom-house. If the statute was -anything but one of those cobwebs which catch the weak, but yield to -the rich, this was the occasion for it, and the President should have -yielded to no temptation against it. The indecorum of his effort stands -out more painfully when it is considered that the merchant for whom he -wished to set aside a time-honored safeguard was one of those from whom -he had received gifts. - -Such was the accommodating disposition of the Senate, that a bill -exempting the Presidential benefactor from the operation of the statute -was promptly introduced, and even read twice, until, as it seemed -about to pass, I felt it my duty to object to its consideration, -saying, according to the Globe, “I think it ought to be most profoundly -considered before it is acted on by the Senate.”[121] This objection -caused its postponement. The country was startled. By telegraph the -general anxiety was communicated to Washington. Three days later the -President sent a message requesting permission to withdraw the former -message.[122] But he could not withdraw the impression produced by such -open disregard of the law to promote his personal desire. - - -ILLEGAL MILITARY RING AT THE EXECUTIVE MANSION. - -The military spirit, which failed in the effort to set aside a -fundamental law as if it were a transient order, was more successful at -the Executive Mansion, which at once assumed the character of military -head-quarters. To the dishonor of the civil service, and in total -disregard of precedent, the President surrounded himself with officers -of the Army, and substituted military forms for those of civil life, -detailing for this service members of his late staff. The earliest -public notice of this military occupation appeared in the “Daily -Morning Chronicle” of March 8, 1869, understood to be the official -organ of the Administration:-- - - “President Grant was not at the White House yesterday, but the - following members of his staff were occupying the Secretaries’ - rooms and acting as such: Generals Babcock, Porter, Badeau, and - Dent.” - -This is to be regarded not only in its strange blazonry of the -Presidential pretension, but also as the first apparition of that minor -_military ring_ in which the President has lived ever since. - -Thus installed, Army officers became secretaries of the President, -delivering his messages to both Houses of Congress, and even -authenticating Presidential acts as if they were military orders. Here, -for instance, is an official communication:-- - - EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, D. C., - March 15, 1869. - - ROBERT MARTIN DOUGLAS, Esq.: - - SIR,--You are hereby appointed Assistant Private Secretary to the - President, to date from the 15th March, 1869. - - By order of the President, - - HORACE PORTER, - _Brevet Brigadier-General, Secretary_.[123] - -Mark the words, “By order of the President,” and then the signature, -“Horace Porter, Brevet Brigadier-General, Secretary.” - -The Presidential pretension which I exhibit on the simple facts, -besides being of doubtful legality, to say the least, was of evil -example, demoralizing alike to the military and civil service, and -an undoubted reproach to republican institutions in that primary -principle, announced by Jefferson in his first Inaugural Address, -“the supremacy of the civil over the military authority.”[124] It -seemed only to remain that the President should sign his Messages, -“Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United States.” Evidently a new -order of things had arrived. - -Observe the mildness of my language, when I call this Presidential -pretension “of doubtful legality.” The law shall speak for itself. -Obviously it was the same for our military President as for his -predecessors, and it was recent also:-- - - “The President is hereby authorized to appoint a private secretary - at an annual salary of $3,500, an assistant secretary at an annual - salary of $2,500, a short-hand writer at an annual salary of - $2,500, a clerk of pardons at an annual salary of $2,000, and three - clerks of the fourth class.”[125] - -It cannot be doubted that this provision was more than ample; for -Congress, by Act of July 20, 1868, repealed so much as authorized -a clerk of pardons, and also one of the three clerks of the fourth -class.[126] Therefore there could be no necessity for a levy of -soldiers to perform the duties of secretaries, and the conduct of the -President can be explained only by the supposition that he preferred -to be surrounded by Army officers rather than by civilians, continuing -in the Executive Mansion the traditions of head-quarters: all which, -though agreeable to him and illustrating his character, was an anomaly -and a scandal. - -In extenuation of this indefensible pretension, we have been reminded -of two things: first, that according to the record Washington sent -his first message by General Knox,--when in fact General Knox held -no military office at that time, but was actually Secretary of War; -and, secondly, that the military officers now occupying the Executive -Mansion are detailed for this service without other salary than that of -their grade. As the Knox precedent is moonshine, the minor military -ring can be vindicated only as a “detail” for service in the Executive -Mansion. - -Here again the law shall speak. By Act of Congress of March 3, 1863, it -is provided that “details to special service shall only be made with -the consent of the commanding officer of forces in the field”;[127] but -this, it will be seen, refers to a state of war. Congress, by Act of -July 16, 1866, authorized the President to “detail from the Army all -the officers and agents of this Bureau” [for the Relief of Freedmen and -Refugees];[128] also, by Act of July 28, 1866, to “detail” officers -of the Army, not exceeding twenty at any time, “to act as president, -superintendent, or professor” in certain colleges.[129] And then -again, by Act of July 15, 1870, it provided that “any retired officer -may, on his own application, be detailed to serve as professor in any -college.”[130] As there is no other statute authorizing details, this -exceptional transfer of Army officers to the Executive Mansion can be -maintained only on some undefined prerogative. - -The Presidential pretension, which is continued to the present time, -is the more unnatural when it is considered that there are at least -three different statutes in which Congress has shown its purpose to -limit the employment of military officers in civil service. As long -ago as July 5, 1838, it was positively provided that no Army officers -should be separated from their regiments and corps “for employment on -civil works of internal improvement, or be allowed to engage in the -service of incorporated companies”; nor any line officer to be acting -paymaster or disbursing agent for the Indian Department, “if such -extra employment require that he be separated from his regiment or -company, or otherwise interfere with the performance of the military -duties proper.”[131] Obviously the will of Congress is here declared, -that officers should not be allowed to leave their posts for any -service which might _interfere with the performance of the military -duties proper_. This language is explicit. Then came the Act of March -30, 1868, which provides that “any officer of the Army or Navy of -the United States, who shall, after the passage of this Act, accept -or hold any appointment in the diplomatic or consular service of the -Government, shall be considered as having resigned his said office, -and the place held by him in the military or naval service shall be -deemed and taken to be vacant.”[132] To a considerate and circumspect -President, who recognized the law in its spirit as well as its letter, -this provision, especially when reinforced by the earlier statute, -would have been a rule of action in analogous cases, and therefore an -insurmountable obstacle to a pretension which takes Army officers from -their proper duties and makes them Presidential secretaries. A later -statute adds to the obstacle. By Act of Congress of July 15, 1870, it -is provided:-- - - “That it shall not be lawful for any officer of the Army of the - United States on the active list _to hold any civil office, whether - by election or appointment_; and any such officer _accepting or - exercising the functions of a civil office_ shall at once cease - to be an officer of the Army, and his commission shall be vacated - thereby.”[133] - -It is difficult to imagine anything plainer than these words. No -Army officer not on the retired list can hold any civil office; and -then, to enforce the inhibition, it is provided that in “accepting or -exercising the functions” of such office the commission is vacated. -Now the Blue Book, which is our political almanac, has under the head -of “Executive Mansion” a list of “secretaries” and “clerks,” beginning -as follows: “Secretaries, General F. T. Dent, General Horace Porter, -General O. E. Babcock,” when, in fact, there are no such officers -authorized by law. Then follow the “Private Secretary,” “Assistant -Private Secretary,” and “Executive Clerks,” authorized by law, but -placed below those unauthorized. Nothing is said of being detailed for -this purpose. They are openly called “Secretaries,” which is a title of -office; and since it is at the Executive Mansion, it must be a civil -office; and yet, in defiance of law, these Army officers continue -to exercise its functions, and some of them enter the Senate with -messages from the President. The apology that they are “detailed” for -this service is vain; no authority can be shown for it. But how absurd -to suppose that a rule against the exercise of a civil office can be -evaded by a “detail”! If it may be done for three Army officers, why -not for three dozen? Nay, more, if the civil office of Secretary at -the Executive Mansion may be created without law, why not some other -civil office? And what is to hinder the President from surrounding -himself not only with secretaries, but with messengers, stewards, and -personal attendants, even a body-guard, all detailed from the Army? -Why may he not enlarge the military circle at the Executive Mansion -indefinitely? If the President can be justified in his present course, -there is no limit to his pretensions in open violation of the statute. -Here the Blue Book testifies again; for it records the names of the -“secretaries” in their proper places as Army officers,--thus presenting -them as holding two incompatible offices. - -I dismiss this transaction as another instance of Presidential -pretension, which, in the interest of Republican Government, should be -arrested. - - -UNREPUBLICAN SUBORDINATION OF THE WAR DEPARTMENT TO THE -GENERAL-IN-CHIEF. - -From the Executive Mansion pass now to the War Department, and there -we witness the same Presidential pretensions by which law, usage, and -correct principle are lost in the will of One Man. The supremacy of the -civil power over the military is typified in the Secretary of War, a -civilian, from whom Army officers receive orders. But this beautiful -rule, with its lesson to the military of subordination, was suddenly -set aside by our President, and the Secretary of War degraded to be -a clerk. The 5th of March witnessed a most important order from the -President, placing the Military Departments under officers of his -choice,--purporting to be signed by the Assistant Adjutant-General by -command of the General of the Army, but actually ignoring the Secretary -of War.[134] Three days later, March 8th, witnessed another order -professing to proceed from the President, whereby in express terms the -War Department was subordinated to the General-in-Chief, being William -T. Sherman, who at the time was promoted to that command. Here are the -words: - - “The chiefs of staff corps, departments, and bureaus will report to - and act under the immediate orders of the General commanding the - Army.”[135] - -This act of revolution, exalting the military power above the civil, -showed instant fruits in an order of the General, who, upon assuming -command, proceeded to place the several bureau officers of the War -Department upon his military staff,[136] so that for the time there -was a military dictatorship with the President at its head, not merely -in spirit but in actual form. By-and-by John A. Rawlins, a civilian by -education and a respecter of the Constitution, became Secretary of War, -and, though bound to the President by personal ties, he said, “Check -to the King.” By General Order, issued from the War Department March -26, 1869, and signed by the Secretary of War, the offensive order was -rescinded, and it was enjoined that “all official business which by -law or regulations requires the action of the President or Secretary -of War will be submitted by the chiefs of staff corps, departments, -and bureaus to the Secretary of War.”[137] Public report said that -this restoration of the civil power to its rightful supremacy was -not obtained without an intimation of resignation on the part of the -Secretary. - - -THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY BY DEPUTY. - -Kindred in character was the unprecedented attempt to devolve the -duties of the Navy Department upon a deputy, so that orders were to be -signed “A. E. Borie, Secretary of the Navy, per D. D. Porter, Admiral,” -as appears in the official journal of May 11, 1869,--or, according to -another instance, “David D. Porter, Vice-Admiral, for the Secretary -of the Navy.” The obvious object of this illegal arrangement was to -enable the incumbent, who stood high on the list of gift-makers, -to be Secretary without being troubled with the business of the -office. Notoriously he was an invalid, unused to public business, -who, according to his own confession, modestly pleaded that he could -not apply himself to work more than an hour a day; but the President -soothed his anxieties by promising a deputy who would do the work. And -thus was this great department made a plaything; but public opinion -and other counsels arrested the sport. Here I mention, that, when this -incumbent left his important post, it is understood that he was allowed -to nominate his successor. - - -PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSION AT THE INDIAN BUREAU. - -At the same time occurred the effort to absorb the Indian Bureau -into the War Department, changing its character as part of the civil -service. Congress had already repudiated such an attempt;[138] but -the President, not disheartened by legislative failure, sought to -accomplish it by manipulation and indirection. First elevating a -member of his late staff to the head of the Bureau, he then, by -a military order dated May 7, 1869,[139] proceeded to detail for -the Indian service a long list of “officers left out of their -regimental organizations by the consolidation of the infantry -regiments,”--assuming to do this by authority of the Act of Congress -of June 30, 1834, which, after declaring the number of Indian agents, -and how they shall be appointed, provides that “it shall be competent -for the President to require any military officer of the United States -to execute the duties of Indian agent.”[140] Obviously this provision -had reference to some exceptional exigency, and can be no authority for -the general substitution of military officers, instead of civilians -confirmed by the Senate and bound with sureties for the faithful -discharge of their duties. And yet upward of sixty Army officers were -in this way foisted into the Indian service. The Act of Congress of -July 15, 1870, already quoted,[141] creating an incompatibility between -military and civil service, was aimed partly at this abuse, and these -officers ceased to be Indian agents. But this attempt is another -illustration of Presidential pretension. - - -MILITARY INTERFERENCE AT ELECTIONS. - -Then followed military interference in elections, and the repeated -use of the military in aid of the revenue law under circumstances of -doubtful legality, until at last General Halleck and General Sherman -protested: the former in his report of October 24, 1870, saying, “I -respectfully repeat the recommendation of my last Annual Report, that -military officers should not interfere in local civil difficulties, -unless called out in the manner provided by law;”[142] and the latter, -in his Report of November 10, 1870, “I think the soldiers ought -not to be expected to make individual arrests, or to do any act of -violence, except in their organized capacity as a _posse comitatus_ -duly summoned by the United States marshal, and acting in his personal -presence.”[143] And so this military pretension, invading civil -affairs, was arrested. - - -PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSION AGAIN. - -Meanwhile this same Presidential usurpation, subordinating all to -himself, became palpable in another form. It was said of Gustavus -Adolphus, that he drilled his Diet to vote at the word of command. -Such at the outset seemed to be the Presidential policy with regard -to Congress. We were to vote as he desired. He did not like the -Tenure-of-Office Act, and during the first month of his administration -his influence was felt in both branches of Congress to secure its -repeal; all of which seemed more astonishing when it was considered -that he entered upon his high trust with the ostentatious avowal that -all laws would be faithfully executed, whether they met his approval or -not, and that he should have no policy to enforce against the will of -the people.[144] That beneficent statute, which he had upheld in the -impeachment of President Johnson, was a limitation on the Presidential -power of appointment, and he could not brook it. Here was plain -interference with his great perquisite of office, and Congress must be -coerced to repeal it. The House acted promptly and passed the desired -bill. In the Senate there was delay and a protracted debate, during -which the official journal announced: “The President, in conversation -with a prominent Senator a few days since, declared that it was his -intention not to send in any nominations of importance until definite -action was taken by Congress upon the Tenure-of-Office Bill.”[145] - -Here I venture to add, that a member of the Cabinet pressed me to -withdraw my opposition to the repeal, saying that the President felt -strongly upon it. I could not understand how a Republican President -could consent to weaken the limitations upon the Executive, and so I -said,--adding, that in my judgment he should rather reach forth his -hands and ask to have them tied. Better always a government of law than -of men. - - -PRESIDENTIAL INTERFERENCE IN LOCAL POLITICS. - -In this tyrannical spirit, and in the assumption of his central -imperialism, he has interfered with political questions and party -movements in distant States, reaching into Missouri, and then into -New York, to dictate how the people should vote, then manipulating -Louisiana through a brother-in-law appointed Collector. With him a -custom-house seems less a place for the collection of revenue than an -engine of political influence, through which his dictatorship may be -maintained. - -Authentic testimony places this tyrannical abuse beyond question. New -York is the scene, and Thomas Murphy, Collector, the Presidential -lieutenant. Nobody doubts the intimacy between the President and -the Collector, who are bound in friendship by other ties than those -of seaside neighborhood. The Collector was determined to obtain the -control of the Republican State Convention, and appealed to a patriot -citizen for help, who replied, that in his judgment “it would be a -delicate matter for office-holders to undertake to dictate to the -associations in the different districts who should go from them to -the State Convention, and still more delicate to attempt to control -the judgments of men employed in the different departments as to the -best men to represent them.” The brave Collector lieutenant of the -President said, “that he should not hesitate to do it; that it was -General Grant’s wish, and General Grant was the head of the Republican -Party, and should be authority on this subject.”[146] Plainly, the -Republican Party was his perquisite, and all Republicans were to do -his bidding. From other testimony it appears that the President, -according to the statement of his lieutenant, “wanted to be represented -in the Convention,” being the Republican State Convention of New -York,--“wanted to have his friends there in the Convention”; and the -Presidential lieutenant, being none other than the famous Collector, -offered to appoint four men in the custom-house for the witness, if he -would secure the nomination of certain persons as delegates from his -district, and he promised “that he would immediately send their names -on to Washington and have them appointed.”[147] And so the Presidential -dictatorship was administered. Offices in the custom-house were openly -bartered for votes in the State Convention. Here was intolerable -tyranny, with demoralization like that of the slave-market. - -But New York is not the only scene of this outrage. The Presidential -pretension extends everywhere; nor is it easy to measure the arrogance -of corruption or the honest indignation it quickens into life. - - -PRESIDENTIAL CONTRIVANCE AGAINST SAN DOMINGO. - -These Presidential pretensions, in all their variety, personal and -military, with reckless indifference to law, naturally ripened in the -contrivance, nursed in hot-house secrecy, against the peace of the -island of San Domingo: I say deliberately, against the peace of that -island, for under the guise of annexing a portion there was menace -to the Black Republic of Hayti. This whole business, absolutely -indefensible from beginning to end, being wrong at every point, is the -special and most characteristic product of the Administration, into -which it infused and projected itself more than into anything else. -In this multiform disobedience we behold our President. Already I -have referred to this contrivance as marking an epoch in Presidential -pretensions. It is my duty now to show its true character as a warning -against its author. - -A few weeks only after beginning his career as a civilian, and while -occupied with military usurpations and the perquisites of office, he -was tempted by overtures of Dominican plotters, headed by the usurper -Baez and the speculator Cazneau: the first an adventurer, conspirator, -and trickster, described by one who knows him well as “the worst man -living of whom he has any personal knowledge”;[148] and the second, -one of our own countrymen, long resident on the island, known as -disloyal throughout the war, and entirely kindred in character to Baez. -Listening to these prompters, and without one word in Congress or in -the press suggesting annexion of the island or any part of it, the -President began his contrivance; and here we see abuse in every form -and at every step, absolutely without precedent in our history. - -The agent in this transaction was Orville E. Babcock, a young officer -figuring in the Blue Book of the time as one of the unauthorized -“secretaries” at the Executive Mansion, and also as a major of -engineers. His published instructions, under date of July 13, 1869, -were simply to make inquiries; but the plot appears in a communication -of the same date from the Secretary of the Navy, directed to the -Seminole, a war-ship, with an armament of one eleven-inch gun and four -thirty-two pounders, “to give him the _moral support_ of its guns”; and -this was followed by a telegraphic instruction to Key West for another -war-ship “to proceed without a moment’s delay to San Domingo City, to -be placed at the disposal of General Babcock while on that coast.”[149] -With such “moral support” the emissary of the President obtained from -the usurper Baez that famous Protocol stipulating the annexion of -Dominica to the United States in consideration of $1,500,000, which the -young officer, fresh from the Executive Mansion, professed to execute -as “Aide-de-Camp to his Excellency General Ulysses S. Grant, President -of the United States,”--as if, instead of Chief Magistrate of a -Republic, the President were a military chieftain with his foot in the -stirrup, surrounded by a military staff. The same instrument contained -the unblushing stipulation, that “his Excellency General Grant, -President of the United States, promises, _privately, to use all his -influence_, in order that the idea of annexing the Dominican Republic -to the United States may acquire such a degree of popularity among -members of Congress as will be necessary for its accomplishment”:[150] -which is simply that the President shall become a lobbyist to bring -about the annexion by Congress. Such was the strange beginning, -illegal, unconstitutional, and offensive in every particular, but -showing the Presidential character. - -On his return to Washington, the young officer, who had assumed to be -“Aide-de-Camp to his Excellency General Ulysses S. Grant,” and had -bound the President to become a lobbyist for a wretched scheme, instead -of being disowned and reprimanded, was sent back to the usurper with -instructions to negotiate two treaties,--one for the annexion of the -half-island of Dominica, and the other for the lease of the Bay of -Samana.[151] By the Constitution of the United States “ambassadors and -other public ministers” are appointed by the President by and with the -advice and consent of the Senate; but our Aide-de-Camp had no such -commission. Presidential prerogative empowered him. Nor was naval -force wanting. With three war-ships at his disposal,[152] he concluded -negotiations with Baez and obtained the two treaties. Naturally force -was needed to keep the usurper in power while he sold his country, -and naturally such a transaction required a Presidential Aide-de-Camp -unknown to Constitution or Law, rather than a civilian duly appointed -according to both. - - -PRESIDENTIAL VIOLATIONS OF CONSTITUTIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL LAW. - -On other occasions it has been my solemn duty to expose the outrages -which attended this hateful business, where at each step we are brought -face to face with Presidential pretension: first, in the open seizure -of the war powers of the Government, as if he were already Cæsar, -forcibly intervening in Dominica and menacing war to Hayti, all of -which is proved by the official reports of the State Department and -Navy Department, being nothing less than war by kingly prerogative, -in defiance of that distinctive principle of Republican Government, -first embodied in our Constitution, which places the war powers under -the safeguard of the legislative branch, making any attempt by the -President “to declare war” an undoubted usurpation. But our President, -like Gallio, cares for none of these things. The open violation of the -Constitution was naturally followed by a barefaced disregard of that -equality of nations which is the first principle of International Law, -as the equality of men is the first principle of the Declaration of -Independence; and this sacred rule was set aside in order to insult and -menace Hayti, doing unto the Black Republic what we would not have that -Republic do unto us, nor what we would have done to any white power. -To these eminent and most painful Presidential pretensions, the first -adverse to the Constitution and the second adverse to International -Law, add the imprisonment of an American citizen in Dominica by the -Presidential confederate, Baez, for fear of his hostility to the -treaty, if he were allowed to reach New York,--all of which was -known to his subordinates, Babcock and Cazneau, and doubtless to -himself. What was the liberty of an American citizen compared with the -Presidential prerogative? To one who had defied the Constitution, on -which depends the liberty of all, and then defied International Law, -on which depends the peace of the world, a single citizen immured in a -distant dungeon was of small moment. But this is only an illustration. -Add now the lawless occupation of the Bay of Samana for many months -after the lapse of the treaty, keeping the national flag flying there, -and assuming a territorial sovereignty which did not exist. Then add -the protracted support of Baez in his usurped power, to the extent of -placing the national flag at his disposal, and girdling the island with -our ships of war, all at immense cost, and to the neglect of other -service where the Navy was needed. - -This strange succession of acts, which, if established for a precedent, -would overturn Constitution and Law, was followed by another class of -Presidential manifestations: first, an unseemly importunity of Senators -during the pendency of the treaty, visiting the Capitol as a lobbyist, -and summoning them to his presence in squads, in obvious pursuance -of the stipulation made by his Aide-de-Camp and never disowned by -him,--being intervention in the Senate, reinforced by all the influence -of the appointing power, whether by reward or menace, all of which was -as unconstitutional in character as that warlike intervention on the -island; and then, after debate in the Senate, when the treaty was lost -on solemn vote, we were called to witness his self-willed effrontery -in prosecuting the fatal error, returning to the charge in his Annual -Message at the ensuing session, insisting upon his contrivance as -nothing less than the means by which “our large debt abroad is -ultimately to be extinguished,” and gravely charging the Senate with -“folly” in rejecting the treaty,--and yet, while making this astounding -charge against a coördinate branch of Government, and claiming such -astounding profits, he blundered geographically in describing the -prize.[153] - -All this diversified performance, with its various eccentricity of -effort, failed. The report of able commissioners transported to the -island in an expensive war-ship ended in nothing. The American people -rose against the undertaking and insisted upon its abandonment. By a -message charged with Parthian shafts the President at length announced -that he would proceed no further in this business.[154] His senatorial -partisans, being a majority of the Chamber, after denouncing those -who had exposed the business, arrested the discussion. In obedience -to irrepressible sentiments, and according to the logic of my life, I -felt it my duty to speak; but the President would not forgive me, and -his peculiar representatives found me disloyal to the party which I had -served so long and helped to found. Then was devotion to the President -made the shibboleth of party. - - -WHERE WAS THE GRAND INQUEST OF THE NATION? - -Such is a summary of the San Domingo business in its characteristic -features. But here are transgressions in every form,--open violation of -the Constitution in more than one essential requirement; open violation -of International Law in more than one of its most beautiful principles; -flagrant insult to the Black Republic, with menace of war; complicity -with the wrongful imprisonment of an American citizen; lawless -assumption of territorial sovereignty in a foreign jurisdiction; -employment of the national navy to sustain a usurper,--being all acts -of substance, maintained by an agent calling himself “Aide-de-Camp to -Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States,” and stipulating -that his chief should play the lobbyist to help the contrivance -through Congress, then urged by private appeals to Senators, and -the influence of the appointing power tyrannically employed by the -Presidential lobbyist, and finally urged anew in an Annual Message, -where undisguised insult to the Senate vies with absurdity in declaring -prospective profits and with geographical ignorance. Such, in brief, -is this multiform disobedience, where every particular is of such -aggravation as to merit the most solemn judgment. Why the grand inquest -of the nation, which brought Andrew Johnson to the bar of the Senate, -should have slept on this conglomerate misdemeanor, every part of -which was offensive beyond any technical offence charged against his -predecessor, while it had a background of nepotism, gift-taking with -official compensation, and various Presidential pretensions beyond all -precedent,--all this will be one of the riddles of American history, -to be explained only by the extent to which the One-Man Power had -succeeded in subjugating the Government. - - -INDIGNITY TO THE AFRICAN RACE. - -Let me confess, Sir, that, while at each stage I have felt this -tyranny most keenly, and never doubted that it ought to be arrested -by impeachment, my feelings have been most stirred by the outrage to -Hayti, which, besides being a wrong to the Black Republic, was an -insult to the colored race, not only abroad, but here at home. How a -Chief Magistrate with four millions of colored fellow-citizens could -have done this thing passes comprehension. Did he suppose it would not -be known? Did he imagine it could be hushed in official pigeonholes? -Or was he insensible to the true character of his own conduct? The -facts are indisputable. For more than two generations Hayti had been -independent, entitled under International Law to equality among -nations, and since Emancipation in our country commended to us as an -example of self-government, being the first in the history of the -African race and the promise of the future. And yet our President, in -his effort to secure that Naboth’s Vineyard on which he had set his -eyes, not content with maintaining the usurper Baez in power, occupying -the harbors of Dominica with war-ships, sent other war-ships, being -none other than our most powerful monitor, the Dictator, with the -frigate Severn as consort, and with yet other monitors in their train, -to strike at the independence of the Black Republic, and to menace it -with war. Do I err in any way, am I not entirely right, when I say -that here was unpardonable outrage to the African race? As one who for -years has stood by the side of this much-oppressed people, sympathizing -always in their woes and struggling for them, I felt the blow which the -President dealt, and it became the more intolerable from the heartless -attempts to defend it. Alas, that our President should be willing to -wield the giant strength of the Great Republic in trampling upon the -representative government of the African race! Alas, that he did not -see the infinite debt of friendship, kindness, and protection due to -that people, so that instead of monitors and war-ships, breathing -violence, he had sent a messenger of peace and good-will! - -This outrage was followed by an incident in which the same sentiments -were revealed. Frederick Douglass, remarkable for his intelligence as -for his eloquence, and always agreeable in personal relations, whose -only offence is a skin not entirely Caucasian, was selected by the -President to accompany the Commissioners to San Domingo,--and yet on -his return, and almost within sight of the Executive Mansion, he was -repelled from the common table of the mail-steamer on the Potomac, -where his companions were already seated; and thus through him was the -African race insulted and their equal rights denied. But the President, -whose commission he had borne, neither did nor said anything to right -this wrong, and a few days later, when entertaining the Commissioners -at the Executive Mansion, actually forgot the colored orator whose -services he had sought.[155] But this indignity is in unison with the -rest. After insulting the Black Republic, it is easy to see how natural -it was to treat with insensibility the representative of the African -race. - - -ALL THESE THINGS IN ISSUE NOW. - -Here I stay this painful catalogue in its various heads, beginning -with nepotism and gift-taking with repayment by office, and ending -in the contrivance against San Domingo with indignity to the African -race,--not because it is complete, but because it is enough. With -sorrow unspeakable have I made this exposure of pretensions, which, -for the sake of republican institutions, every good citizen should -wish expunged from history; but I had no alternative. The President -himself insists upon putting them in issue; he will not allow them -to be forgotten. As a candidate for reëlection he invites judgment, -while partisans acting in his behalf make it absolutely necessary by -the brutality of their assault on faithful Republicans unwilling to -see their party, like the Presidential office, a personal perquisite. -If his partisans are exacting, vindictive, and unjust, they act only -in harmony with his nature, too truly represented in them. There is -not a ring, whether military or senatorial, that does not derive its -distinctive character from himself. Therefore, what they do and what -they say must be considered as done and said by the chieftain they -serve. And here is a new manifestation of that sovereign egotism which -no taciturnity can cover up, and a new motive for inquiry into its -pernicious influence. - - -THE GREAT PRESIDENTIAL QUARRELLER. - -Any presentment of the President would be imperfect which did not show -how this ungovernable personality breaks forth in quarrel, making him -the great Presidential quarreller of our history. As in nepotism, -gift-taking with repayment by office, and Presidential pretensions -generally, here again he is foremost, having quarrelled not only more -than any other President, but more than all others together, from -George Washington to himself. His own Cabinet, the Senate, the House -of Representatives, the diplomatic service, and the civil service -generally, all have their victims, nearly every one of whom, besides -serving the Republican Party, had helped to make him President. -Nor have Army officers, his companions in the field, or even his -generous patrons, been exempt. To him a quarrel is not only a constant -necessity, but a perquisite of office. To nurse a quarrel, like tending -a horse, is in his list of Presidential duties. How idle must he be, -should the words of Shakespeare be fulfilled, “This day all quarrels -die”![156] To him may be applied those other words of Shakespeare, “As -quarrellous as the weasel.”[157] - -Evidently our President has never read the Eleventh Commandment: “A -President of the United States shall never quarrel.” At least he lives -in perpetual violation of it, listening to stories from horse-cars, -gobbling the gossip of his military ring, discoursing on imaginary -griefs, and nursing an unjust anger. The elect of forty millions of -people has no right to quarrel with anybody. His position is too -exalted. He cannot do it without offence to the requirements of -patriotism, without a shock to the decencies of life, without a jar to -the harmony of the universe. If lesson were needed for his conduct, -he might find it in that king of France who on ascending the throne -made haste to declare that he did not remember injuries received as -Dauphin.[158] Perhaps a better model still would be Tancred, the -acknowledged type of the perfect Christian knight, who “disdained -to speak ill of whoever it might be, even when ill had been spoken -of himself.”[159] Our soldier President could not err in following -this knightly example. If this were too much, then at least might we -hope that he would consent to limit the sphere of his quarrelsome -operations so that the public service might not be disturbed. Of this -be assured,--in every quarrel he is the offender, according to the -fact, as according to every reasonable presumption; especially is he -responsible for its continuance. The President can always choose his -relations with any citizen. But he chooses discord. With the arrogance -of arms he resents any impediment in his path,--as when, in the spring -of 1870, without allusion to himself, I felt it my duty to oppose his -San Domingo contrivance. The verse of Juvenal, as translated by Dryden, -describes his conduct:-- - - “Poor me he fights,--if that be fighting where - He only cudgels and I only bear. - … - Answer or answer not, ’tis all the same, - He lays me on and makes me bear the blame.”[160] - -Another scholarly translator gives to this description of the -Presidential quarrel another form, which is also applicable:-- - - “If that be deemed a quarrel, where, Heaven knows, - He only gives and I receive the blows; - Across my path he strides and bids me Stand!-- - I bow obsequious to the dread command.”[161] - -If the latter verse is not entirely true in my case, something must be -pardoned to that Liberty in which I was born. - -Men take their places in history according to their deeds. The flattery -of life is then superseded by the truthful record, and rulers do not -escape judgment. Louis the Tenth of France has the designation of _Le -Hutin_, or “The Quarreller,” by which he is known in the long line of -French kings. And so in the long line of American Chief-Magistrates -has our President vindicated for himself the same title. He must wear -it. The French monarch was younger than our President; but there are -other points in his life which are not without parallel. According -to a contemporary chronicle, he was “well disposed, but not very -attentive to the needs of the kingdom”;[162] and then again it was his -rare fortune to sign one of the greatest ordinances of French history, -declaring that “according to the Law of Nature every one must be -born free”;[163] but the Quarreller was in no respect author of this -illustrious act, and was moved to its adoption by considerations of -personal advantage. It will be for impartial History to determine if -our Quarreller, who treated his great office as a personal perquisite, -and all his life long was against that Enfranchisement to which he put -his name, does not fall into the same category. - - -DUTY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. - -And now the question of Duty is distinctly presented to the Republican -Party. I like that word. It is at the mandate of Duty that we must -act. Do the Presidential pretensions merit the sanction of the party? -Can Republicans, without departing from all obligations, whether -of party or patriotism, recognize our ambitious Cæsar as a proper -representative? Can we take the fearful responsibility of his prolonged -empire? I put these questions solemnly, as a member of the Republican -Party, with all the earnestness of a life devoted to the triumph of -this party, but which I served always with the conviction that I -gave up nothing that was meant for country or mankind. With me, the -party was country and mankind; but with the adoption of all these -Presidential pretensions the party loses its distinctive character and -drops from its sphere. Its creed ceases to be Republicanism and becomes -Grantism; its members cease to be Republicans and become Grant-men. It -is no longer a _political_ party, but a _personal_ party. For myself, I -say openly, I am no man’s _man_, nor do I belong to any personal party. - - -ONE TERM FOR PRESIDENT. - -The attempt to change the character of the Republican Party begins by -assault on the principle of One Term for President. Therefore must -our support of this requirement be made manifest; and here we have -the testimony of our President, and what is stronger, his example, -showing the necessity of such limitation. Authentic report attests that -before his nomination he declared that “the liberties of the country -cannot be maintained without a One-Term Amendment of the Constitution.” -At this time Mr. Wade was pressing this very Amendment. Then after -his nomination, and while his election was pending, the organ of -the Republican Party at Washington, where he resided, commended him -constantly as faithful to the principle. The “Morning Chronicle” of -June 3, 1868, after the canvass had commenced, proclaimed of the -candidate,-- - - “_He is, moreover, an advocate of the One-Term principle_, as - conducing toward the proper administration of the law,--a principle - with which so many prominent Republicans have identified themselves - that it may be accepted as an article of party faith.” - -Then again, July 14th, the same organ insisted,-- - - “Let not Congress adjourn without passing the One-Term Amendment to - the Constitution. There has never been so favorable an opportunity. - All parties are in favor of it.… _General Grant is in favor of it._ - The party which supports General Grant demands it; and above all - else public morality calls for it.” - -Considering that these pledges were made by an organ of the party, and -in his very presence, they may be accepted as proceeding from him. -His name must be added to the list with Andrew Jackson, William Henry -Harrison, Henry Clay, and Benjamin F. Wade, all of whom are enrolled -against the reëligibility of a President. - -But his example as President is more than his testimony in showing -the necessity of this limitation. Andrew Jackson did not hesitate -to say that it was required in order to place the President “beyond -the reach of any improper influences,” and “uncommitted to any other -course than the strict line of constitutional duty.”[164] William Henry -Harrison followed in declaring that with the adoption of this principle -“the incumbent would devote all his time to the public interest, and -there would be no cause to misrule the country.”[165] Henry Clay was -satisfied, after much observation and reflection, “that too much of the -time, the thoughts, and the exertions of the incumbent are occupied -during his first term in securing his reëlection.”[166] Benjamin F. -Wade, after denouncing the reëligibility of the President, said: -“There are defects in the Constitution, and this is among the most -glaring.”[167] - -And now our President by his example, besides his testimony, -vindicates all these authorities. He makes us see how all that has -been predicted of Presidents seeking reëlection is fulfilled: how -this desire dominates official conduct; how naturally the resources -of the Government are employed to serve a personal purpose; how the -national interests are subordinate to individual advancement; how -all questions, foreign or domestic, whether of treaties or laws, are -handled with a view to electoral votes; how the appointing power lends -itself to a selfish will, acting now by the temptation of office -and then by the menace of removal; and, since every office-holder -and every office-seeker has a brevet commission in the predominant -political party, how the President, desiring reëlection, becomes the -active head of three coöperating armies,--the army of office-holders, -eighty thousand strong, the larger army of office-seekers, and the -army of the political party, the whole constituting a consolidated -power which no candidate can possess without peril to his country. -Of these vast coöperating armies the President is commander-in-chief -and generalissimo. Through these he holds in submission even -Representatives and Senators, and makes the country his vassal with a -condition not unlike that of martial law, where the disobedient are -shot, while the various rings help secure the prize. That this is not -too strong appears from testimony before a Senate Committee, where a -Presidential lieutenant boldly denounced an eminent New York citizen, -who was a prominent candidate for Governor, as “obnoxious to General -Grant,”--and then, with an effrontery like the Presidential pretension, -announced that “President Grant was the representative and head of the -Republican Party, and all good Republicans should support him in all -his measures and appointments, and any one who did not do it should be -_crushed out_.”[168] Such things teach how wise were those statesmen -who would not subject the President to the temptation or even the -suspicion of using his vast powers in promoting personal ends. - -Unquestionably the One-Man Power has increased latterly beyond -example,--owing partly to the greater facilities of intercourse, -especially by telegraph, so that the whole country is easily -reached,--partly to improvements in organization, by which distant -places are brought into unity,--and partly through the protracted -prevalence of the military spirit created by the war. There was a -time in English history when the House of Commons, on the motion of -the famous lawyer Mr. Dunning, adopted the resolution, “That the -influence of the Crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to be -diminished.”[169] The same declaration is needed with regard to the -President; and the very words of the Parliamentary patriot may be -repeated. In his memorable speech, Mr. Dunning, after saying that he -did not rest “upon proof idle to require,” declared that the question -“must be decided by the consciences of those who as a jury were called -upon to determine what was or was not within their own knowledge.”[170] -It was on ground of notoriety cognizable to all that he acted. And -precisely on this ground, but also with specific proofs, do I insist -that the influence of the President has increased, is increasing, and -ought to be diminished. But in this excellent work, well worthy the -best efforts of all, nothing is more important than the limitation to -one term. - -There is a demand for reform in the civil service, and the President -formally adopts this demand; but he neglects the first step, which -depends only on himself. From this we may judge his little earnestness -in the cause. Beyond all question Civil-Service Reform must begin by a -limitation of the President to one term, so that the temptation to use -the appointing power for personal ends may disappear from our system, -and this great disturbing force cease to exist. If the President is -sincere for reform, it will be easy for him to set the example by -declaring again his adhesion to the One-Term principle. But even if he -fails, we must do our duty. - -Therefore, in opposing the prolonged power of the present incumbent, -I begin by insisting, that, for the good of the country, and without -reference to any personal failure, no President should be a candidate -for reëlection; and it is our duty now to set an example worthy of -republican institutions. In the name of the One-Term principle, once -recognized by him, and which needs no other evidence of its necessity -than his own Presidency, I protest against his attempt to obtain -another lease of power. But this protest is on the threshold. - - -HIS UNFITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE. - -I protest against him as radically unfit for the Presidential office, -being essentially military in nature, without experience in civil -life, without aptitude for civil duties, and without knowledge of -republican institutions,--all of which is perfectly apparent, unless we -are ready to assume that the matters and things set forth to-day are -of no account, and then, in further support of the candidate, boldly -declare that nepotism in a President is nothing, that gift-taking with -repayment in official patronage is nothing, that violation of the -Constitution and of International and Municipal Law is nothing, that -indignity to the African race is nothing, that quarrel with political -associates is nothing, and that all his Presidential pretensions in -their motley aggregation, being a new Cæsarism or personal government, -are nothing. But if these are all nothing, then is the Republican Party -nothing, nor is there any safeguard for Republican Institutions. - - -APOLOGIES FOR THE PRESIDENT. - -Two apologies I hear. The first is that he means well, and errs -from want of knowledge. This is not much. It was said of Louis the -Quarreller, that he meant well; nor is there a slate head-stone in any -village burial-ground that does not record as much of the humble lodger -beneath. Something more is needed for a President. Nor can we afford to -perpetuate power in a ruler who errs so much from ignorance. Charity -for the past I concede, but no investiture for the future. - -The other apology is, that his Presidency has been successful. How? -When? Where? Not to him can be attributed that general prosperity -which is the natural outgrowth of our people and country; for his -contribution is not traced in the abounding result. Our golden fields, -productive mines, busy industry, diversified commerce, owe nothing to -him. Show, then, his success. Is it in the finances? The national debt -has been reduced, but not to so large an amount as by Andrew Johnson -in the same space of time. Little merit is due to either, for each -employed the means allowed by Congress. To the American people is -this reduction due, and not to any President. And while our President -in this respect is no better than his predecessor, he can claim no -merit for any systematic effort to reduce taxation or restore specie -payments. Perhaps, then, it is in foreign relations that he claims -the laurels he is to wear. Knowing something of these from careful -study and years of practical acquaintance, I am bound to say that -never before has their management been so wanting in ability and so -absolutely without character. With so much pretension and so little -knowledge, how could it be otherwise? Here the President touches -nothing which he does not muddle. In every direction is muddle,--muddle -with Spain, muddle with Cuba, muddle with the Black Republic, muddle -with distant Corea, muddle with Venezuela, muddle with Russia, muddle -with England,--on all sides one diversified muddle. If there is not -muddle with Germany and France, it must be from their forbearance. -To this condition are we reduced. When before in our history have -we reached any such bathos as that to which we have been carried in -our questions with England? Are these the laurels for a Presidential -candidate? - -But where else shall we look for them? Are they found on the Indian -frontier? Let the cry of massacre and blood from that distant region -answer. Are they in reform of the civil service? But here the initial -point is the limitation of the President to one term, so that he may -be placed above temptation; yet this he opposes. Evidently he is no -true reformer. Are these laurels found in the administration of the -Departments? Let the discreditable sale of arms to France in violation -of neutral duties and of municipal statute be the answer; and let -the custom-houses of New York and New Orleans, with their tales of -favoritism and of nepotism, and with their prostitution as agencies, -mercenary and political, echo back the answer; while senatorial -committees, organized contrary to a cardinal principle of Parliamentary -Law as a cover to these scandals, testify also. And again, let the War -Department recall the disappearance of important archives bearing on an -important event of the war, so that empty boxes remain like a coffin -without a corpse. Where, then, are the laurels? At last I find them, -fresh and brilliant, in the harmony which the President has preserved -among Republicans. Harmony, do I say? This should have been his -congenial task; nor would any aid or homage of mine have been wanting. -But instead he has organized discord, operating through a succession of -rings, and for laurels we find only weeds and thistles. - -But I hear that he is successful in the States once in rebellion. -Strange that this should be said while we are harrowed by the reports -of Ku-Klux outrages. Here, as in paying the national debt, Congress has -been the effective power. Even the last extraordinary measure became -necessary, in my judgment, to supplement his little efficiency. Had -the President put into the protection of the colored people at the -South half the effort and earnest will with which he maintained his -San Domingo contrivance, the murderous Ku-Klux would have been driven -from the field and peace assured. Nor has he ever exhibited to the -colored people any true sympathy. His conduct to Frederick Douglass -on his return from San Domingo is an illustration; and so also was -his answer to the committee of colored fellow-citizens seeking his -countenance for the pending measure of Civil Rights. Some thought him -indifferent; others found him insulting. Then came his recent letter to -the great meeting at Washington, May 9, 1872, called to assert these -rights, where he could say nothing more than this: “I beg to assure -you, however, that I sympathize most cordially in any effort to secure -for all our people, of whatever race, nativity, or color, _the exercise -of those rights to which every citizen should be entitled_.”[171] Of -course everybody is in favor of “the rights to which every citizen -should be entitled.” But what are these rights? And this meaningless -juggle of words, entirely worthy of the days of Slavery, is all that -is vouchsafed by a Republican President for the equal rights of his -colored fellow-citizens. - -I dismiss the apologies with the conclusion, that in the matters to -which they invite attention his Presidency is an enormous failure. - - -THE PRESIDENT AS CANDIDATE. - -Looking at his daily life as it becomes known through the press -or conversation, his chief employment seems the dispensation of -patronage, unless society is an employment. For this he is visited -daily by Senators and Representatives bringing distant constituents. -The Executive Mansion has become that famous “Treasury trough” -described so well by an early Congressional orator:-- - - “Such running, such jostling, such wriggling, such clambering over - one another’s backs, such squealing, because the tub is so narrow - and the company is so crowded.”[172] - -To sit behind is the Presidential occupation, watching and feeding the -animals. If this were an amusement only, it might be pardoned; but it -must be seen in a more serious light. Some nations are governed by -the sword,--in other words, by central force commanding obedience. -Our President governs by offices,--in other words, by the appointing -power, being a central force by which he coerces obedience to his -personal will. Let a Senator or Representative hesitate in the support -of his autocracy, or doubt if he merits a second term, and forthwith -some distant consul or postmaster, appointed by his influence, begins -to tremble. The “Head Centre” makes himself felt to the most distant -circumference. Can such tyranny, where the military spirit of our -President finds a congenial field, be permitted to endure? - -In adopting him as a candidate for reëlection we undertake to vindicate -his Presidency, and adopt in all things the insulting, incapable, -aide-de-campish dictatorship which he has inaugurated. Presenting his -name, we vouch for his fitness, not only in original nature, but in -experience of civil life, in aptitude for civil duties, in knowledge -of republican institutions, and elevation of purpose; and we must -be ready to defend openly what he has openly done. Can Republicans -honestly do this thing? Let it be said that he is not only the greatest -nepotist among Presidents, but greater than all others together, and -what Republican can reply? Let it be said that he is not only the -greatest gift-taker among Presidents, but the only one who repaid his -patrons at the public expense, and what Republican can reply? Let it -be said that he has openly violated the Constitution and International -Law, in the prosecution of a wretched contrivance against the peace -of San Domingo, and what Republican can reply? Let it be said, that, -wielding the power of the Great Republic, he has insulted the Black -Republic with a menace of war, involving indignity to the African -Race, and what Republican can reply? Let it be said that he has set -up Presidential pretensions without number, constituting an undoubted -Cæsarism or personal government, and what Republican can reply? And let -it be added, that, unconscious of all this misrule, he quarrels without -cause even with political supporters, and on such a scale as to become -the greatest Presidential quarreller of our history, quarrelling more -than all other Presidents together, and what Republican can reply? It -will not be enough to say that he was triumphant in war,--as Scipio, -the victor of Hannibal, reminded the Roman people that on this day -he conquered at Zama.[173] Others have been triumphant in war and -failed in civil life,--as Marlborough, whose heroic victories seemed -unaccountable, in the frivolity, the ignorance, and the heartlessness -of his pretended statesmanship. To Washington was awarded that rarest -tribute, “First in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his -countrymen.”[174] Of our President it will be said willingly, “first in -war,” but the candid historian will add, “first in nepotism, first in -gift-taking and repaying by official patronage, first in Presidential -pretensions, and first in quarrel with his countrymen.” - -Anxiously, earnestly, the country asks for reform, and stands tiptoe -to greet the coming. But how expect reform from a President who needs -it so much himself? Who shall reform the reformer? So also does the -country ask for purity. But is it not vain to seek this boon from one -whose Presidential pretensions are so demoralizing? Who shall purify -the purifier? The country asks for reform in the civil service. But how -expect any such change from one who will not allow the Presidential -office to be secured against its worst temptation? The country desires -an example for the youth of the land, where intelligence shall blend -with character, and both be elevated by a constant sense of duty with -unselfish devotion to the public weal. But how accord this place to -a President who makes his great office a plaything and perquisite, -while his highest industry is in quarrelling? Since Sancho Panza at -Barataria, no Governor has provided so well for his relations at the -expense of his country; and if any other has made Cabinet appointments -the return for personal favors, his name has dropped out of history. -A man is known by his acts; so also by the company he keeps. And is -not our President known by his intimacy with those who are by-words of -distrust? But all these by-words look to another term for perpetuation -of their power. Therefore, for the sake of reform and purity, which are -a longing of the people, and also that the Chief Magistrate may be an -example, we must seek a remedy. - -See for one moment how pernicious must be the Presidential example. -First in place, his personal influence is far-reaching beyond that of -any other citizen. What he does others will do. What he fails to do -others will fail to do. His standard of conduct will be accepted at -least by his political supporters. His measure of industry and his -sense of duty will be the pattern for the country. If he appoints -relations to office and repays gifts by official patronage, making -his Presidency a great “gift-enterprise,” may not every office-holder -do likewise, each in his sphere, so that nepotism and gift-taking -with official remuneration will be general, and gift-enterprises be -multiplied indefinitely in the public service? If he treats his trust -as plaything and perquisite, why may not every office-holder do the -same? If he disregards Constitution and Law in the pursuit of personal -objects, how can we expect a just subordination from others? If he sets -up pretensions without number repugnant to republican institutions, -must not the good cause suffer? If he is stubborn, obstinate, and -perverse, are not stubbornness, obstinacy, and perversity commended -for imitation? If he insults and wrongs associates in official trust, -who is safe from the malignant influence having its propulsion from -the Executive Mansion? If he fraternizes with jobbers and Hessians, -where is the limit to the demoralization that must ensue? Necessarily -the public service takes its character from its elected chief, and the -whole country reflects the President. His example is a law. But a bad -example must be corrected as a bad law. - -To the Republican Party, devoted to ideas and principles, I turn -now with more than ordinary solicitude. Not willingly can I see it -sacrificed. Not without earnest effort against the betrayal can I -suffer its ideas and principles to be lost in the personal pretensions -of one man. Both the old parties are in a crisis, with this difference -between the two: the Democracy is dissolving, the Republican party is -being absorbed; the Democracy is falling apart, thus visibly losing -its vital unity,--the Republican Party is submitting to a personal -influence, thus visibly losing its vital character; the Democracy is -ceasing to exist, the Republican Party is losing its identity. Let the -process be completed, and it will be no longer that Republican Party -which I helped to found and have always served, but only a personal -party,--while instead of those ideas and principles which we have been -so proud to uphold will be Presidential pretensions, and instead of -Republicanism there will be nothing but Grantism. - -Political parties are losing their sway. Higher than party are country -and the duty to save it from Cæsar. The Caucus is at last understood -as a political engine moved by wire-pullers, and it becomes more -insupportable in proportion as directed to personal ends. Nor is -its character changed when called a National Convention. Here, too, -are wire-pullers; and when the great Office-Holder and the great -Office-Seeker are one and the same, it is easy to see how naturally -the engine responds to the central touch. A political convention is -an agency and convenience, but never a law, least of all a despotism; -and when it seeks to impose a candidate whose name is a synonym of -pretensions unrepublican in character and hostile to good government, -it will be for earnest Republicans to consider well how clearly -party is subordinate to country. Such a nomination can have no just -obligation. Therefore with unspeakable interest will the country watch -the National Convention at Philadelphia. It may be an assembly (and -such is my hope) where ideas and principles are above all personal -pretensions, and the unity of the party is symbolized in the candidate; -or it may add another to Presidential rings, being an expansion of the -military ring at the Executive Mansion, the senatorial ring in this -Chamber, and the political ring in the custom-houses of New York and -New Orleans. A National Convention which is a Presidential ring cannot -represent the Republican Party. - -Much rather would I see the party to which I am dedicated, under the -image of a life-boat not to be sunk by wind or wave. How often have I -said this to cheer my comrades! I do not fear the Democratic Party. -Nothing from them can harm our life-boat. But I do fear a quarrelsome -pilot, unused to the sea, but pretentious in command, who occupies -himself in loading aboard his own unserviceable relations and personal -patrons, while he drives away the experienced seamen who know the craft -and her voyage. Here is a peril which no life-boat can stand. - -Meanwhile I wait the determination of the National Convention, where -are delegates from my own much-honored Commonwealth with whom I rejoice -to act. Not without anxiety do I wait, but with the earnest hope that -the Convention will bring the Republican Party into ancient harmony, -saving it especially from the suicidal folly of an issue on the -personal pretensions of one man. - - - - -INTEREST AND DUTY OF COLORED CITIZENS IN THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. - -LETTER TO COLORED CITIZENS, JULY 29, 1872. - - - I will say to the North, Give up; and to the South, Keep not - back.--ISAIAH, xliii. 6. - - * * * * * - - The immediate occasion of the present Letter appears in the - following, from colored citizens of Washington to Mr. Sumner:-- - - WASHINGTON, D. C., July 11, 1872. - - SIR,--We, the undersigned, citizens of color, regarding you - as the purest and best friend of our race, admiring your - consistent course in the United States Senate and elsewhere - as the special advocate of our rights, and believing that - your counsel at this critical juncture in the period of our - citizenship would be free from personal feeling and partisan - prejudice, have ventured to request your opinion as to what - action the colored voters of the nation should take in the - Presidential contest now pending. - - The choice of our people is now narrowed down to General Grant - or Horace Greeley. Your long acquaintance with both and your - observation have enabled you to arrive at a correct conclusion - as to which of the candidates, judging from their antecedents - as well as their present position, will, if elected, enforce - the requirements of the Constitution and the laws respecting - our civil and political rights with the most heart-felt - sympathy and the greatest vigor. - - We hope and trust you will favor us with such reply as will - serve to enlighten our minds upon this subject and impel our - people to go forward in the right direction. Our confidence in - your judgment is so firm, that, in our opinion, thousands of - the intelligent colored voters of the country will be guided in - their action by your statement and advice. - - Hoping to receive a reply soon, we have the honor to be, - - With great respect, - - Your obedient servants, - - A. T. AUGUSTA, M. D. SAMUEL PROCTOR. - DAVID FISHER, sr. J. J. KETCHUM. - JNO. H. SMITH. CHAS. N. THOMAS. - EDWARD CRUSOR. WM. H. SHORTER. - WM. H. A. WORMLEY. HENRY HILL. - WILLIAM P. WILSON. FURMAN J. SHADD. - R. W. TOMPKINS. GEO. D. JOHNSON. - JOHN H. BROWN. CHRIS. A. FLEETWOOD. - HENRY LACY. CHAS. F. BRUCE. - W. H. BELL. DAVID FISHER, jr. - J. L. N. BOWEN. DAVID KING. - JACOB DE WITTER. WM. POLKENY. - - HON. CHARLES SUMNER. - - -LETTER. - - WASHINGTON, July 29, 1872. - - GENTLEMEN AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:-- - - If I have delayed answering your communication of July 11th, which - was duly placed in my hands by your committee, it was not because - the proper course for you seemed doubtful, but because I wished to - reflect upon it and be aided by information which time might supply. - Since then I have carefully considered the inquiries addressed to me, - and have listened to much on both sides; but my best judgment now is - in harmony with my early conclusion. - - I am touched by the appeal you make. It is true that I am the friend - of your race, and I am glad to be assured that in your opinion I have - held a consistent course in the Senate and elsewhere as the special - advocate of your rights. That course, by the blessing of God, I mean - to hold so long as life lasts. I know your infinite wrongs, and feel - for them as my own. You only do me simple justice, when you add a - belief that my counsel at this critical juncture of your citizenship - “would be free from personal feelings and partisan prejudice.” In - answering your inquiries I can have no sentiment except for your - good, which I most anxiously seek; nor can any disturbing influence - be allowed to interfere. The occasion is too solemn. Especially is - there no room for personal feeling or for partisan prejudice. No man - or party can expect power except for the general welfare. Therefore - they must be brought to the standard of truth, which is without - feeling or prejudice. - - - QUESTIONS PROPOSED. - - You are right in saying that the choice for the Presidency is - now “narrowed down” to President Grant or Horace Greeley. One of - these is to be taken, and, assuming my acquaintance with both and - my observation of their lives, you invite my judgment between - them, asking me especially which of the two, “_judging from their - antecedents as well as present position_,” would enforce the - Constitution and laws securing your civil and political rights “with - _the most heart-felt sympathy and the greatest vigor_.” Here I remark - that in this inquiry you naturally put your rights in the foreground. - So do I,--believing most sincerely that the best interests of the - whole country are associated with the completest recognition of - your rights, so that the two races shall live together in unbroken - harmony. I also remark that you call attention to two things,--the - “antecedents” of the candidates, and their “present position.” You - wish to know from these which gives assurance of the most heart-felt - sympathy and greatest vigor in the maintenance of your rights,--in - other words, which, judging by the past, will be your truest friend. - - The communication with which you have honored me is not alone. - Colored fellow-citizens in other parts of the country, I may say in - nearly every State of the Union, have made a similar request, and - some complain that I have thus far kept silent. I am not insensible - to the trust reposed in me. But if my opinion is given, it must be - candidly, according to my conscience. In this spirit I answer your - inquiries, beginning with the antecedents of the two candidates. - - - ANTECEDENTS OF THE CANDIDATES. - - Horace Greeley was born to poverty and educated himself in a - printing-office. President Grant, fortunate in early patronage, - became a cadet at West Point and was educated at the public expense. - One started with nothing but industry and character; the other - started with a military commission. One was trained as a civilian; - the other as a soldier. Horace Greeley stood forth as a Reformer and - Abolitionist. President Grant enlisted as a Proslavery Democrat, - and, at the election of James Buchanan, fortified by his vote all - the pretensions of Slavery, including the Dred Scott decision. - Horace Greeley from early life was earnest and constant against - Slavery, full of sympathy with the colored race, and always foremost - in the great battle for their rights. President Grant, except as a - soldier summoned by the terrible accident of war, never did anything - against Slavery, nor has he at any time shown any sympathy with - the colored race, but rather indifference, if not aversion. Horace - Greeley earnestly desired that colored citizens should vote, and ably - championed impartial suffrage; but President Grant was on the other - side. - - Beyond these contrasts, which are marked, it cannot be forgotten that - Horace Greeley is a person of large heart and large understanding, - trained to the support of Human Rights, always beneficent to - the poor, always ready for any good cause, and never deterred by - opposition or reproach, as when for long years he befriended your - people. Add to these qualities, conspicuous in his life, untiring - industry which leaves no moment without its fruit, abundant political - knowledge, acquaintance with history, the instinct and grasp of - statesmanship, an amiable nature, a magnanimous soul, and above all - an honesty which no suspicion has touched,--and you have a brief - portraiture where are antecedents of Horace Greeley. - - Few of these things appear in the President. His great success in - war, and the honors he has won, cannot change the record of his - conduct toward your people, especially in contrast with the life-time - fidelity of his competitor, while there are unhappy “antecedents” - showing that in the prosecution of his plans he cares nothing for the - colored race. The story is painful; but it must be told. - - - GRANT’S INDIGNITY TO THE COLORED RACE. - - I refer to the outrage he perpetrated upon Hayti, with its six - hundred thousand blacks engaged in the great experiment of - self-government. Here is a most instructive “antecedent,” revealing - beyond question his true nature, and the whole is attested by - documentary evidence. Conceiving the idea of annexing Dominica, which - is the Spanish part of the island, and shrinking at nothing, he began - by seizing the war powers of the Government, in flagrant violation - of the Constitution, and then, at great expenditure of money, sent - several armed ships of the Navy, including monitors, to maintain the - usurper Baez in power, that through him he might obtain the coveted - prize. Not content with this audacious dictatorship, he proceeded to - strike at the independence of the Black Republic by open menace of - war, and all without the sanction of Congress, to which is committed - the power to make war. Sailing into the harbor of Port-au-Prince with - our most powerful monitor, the Dictator, (properly named for this - service,) also the frigate Severn as consort, and other monitors in - their train, the Admiral, acting under instructions from Washington, - proceeded to the Executive Mansion accompanied by officers of his - squadron, and then, pointing to the great war-ships in sight from - the windows, dealt his unjust menace, threatening to sink or capture - Haytian ships. The President was black, not white. The Admiral would - have done no such thing to any white ruler, nor would our country - have tolerated such menace from any Government in the world. Here was - indignity not only to the Black Republic with its population of six - hundred thousand, but to the African race everywhere, and especially - in our own country. Nor did it end here. For months the Navy of the - United States was kept hovering on the coast, holding that insulted - people in constant dread and anxiety, while President Grant was to - them like a hawk sailing in the air, ready to swoop upon his prey. - - - FALSE IMPRISONMENT OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN. - - This heartless, cruel proceeding found a victim among our white - fellow-citizens. An excellent merchant of Connecticut, praised by all - who know him, was plunged into prison by Baez, where he was immured - because it was feared that on his return to New York he would expose - the frauds of the plotters; and this captivity was prolonged with the - connivance of two agents of the President, one of whom finds constant - favor with him and is part of the military ring immediately about - him. That such an outrage could go unpunished shows the little regard - of the President for human rights, whether in white or black. - - - HARD TO BEAR THESE OUTRAGES. - - I confess my trials, as I was called to witness these things. - Always a supporter of the Administration, and sincerely desiring - to labor with it, I had never uttered a word with regard to it - except in kindness. My early opposition to the Treaty of Annexion - was reserved, so that for some time my opinions were unknown. It - was only when I saw the breach of all law, human and divine, that I - was aroused; and then began the anger of the President and of his - rings, military and senatorial. Devoted to the African race, I felt - for them,--besides being humbled that the Great Republic, acting - through its President, could set such an example, where the National - Constitution, International Law, and Humanity were all sacrificed. - Especially was I moved when I saw the indignity to the colored race, - which was accomplished by trampling upon a fundamental principle - of International Law, declaring the equality of nations, as our - Declaration of Independence declares the equality of men. - - This terrible transaction, which nobody can defend, is among the - “antecedents” of President Grant, from which you can judge how much - the colored race can rely upon his “heart-felt sympathy.” Nor can it - be forgotten that shortly afterward, on the return of the Commission - from this island, Hon. Frederick Douglass, the colored orator, - accomplished in manners as in eloquence, was thrust away from the - company of the Commissioners at the common table of the mail-packet - on the Potomac, almost within sight of the Executive Mansion, simply - on account of his color; but the President, at whose invitation he - had joined the Commission, never uttered a word in condemnation of - this exclusion, and when entertaining the returned Commissioners at - dinner carefully omitted Mr. Douglass, who was in Washington at the - time, and thus repeated the indignity. - - - OTHER ANTECEDENTS. - - Other things might be mentioned, showing the sympathies of the - President; but I cannot forget the Civil Rights Bill, which is the - cap-stone of that Equality before the Law to which all are entitled - without distinction of color. President Grant, who could lobby so - assiduously for his San Domingo scheme, full of wrong to the colored - race, could do nothing for this beneficent measure. During a long - session of Congress it was discussed constantly, and the colored - people everywhere hung upon the debate; but there was no word of - “heart-felt sympathy” from the President. At last, just before the - Nominating Convention, he addressed a letter to a meeting of colored - fellow-citizens in Washington, called to advance this cause, where he - avoided the question by declaring himself in favor of “the exercise - of those rights to which every citizen should be entitled,”[175] - leaving it uncertain whether colored people are justly entitled to - the rights secured by the pending bill. I understand that Horace - Greeley has been already assailed by an impracticable Democrat as - friendly to this bill; but nobody has lisped against President Grant - on this account. - - Among “antecedents” I deem it my duty to mention the little capacity - or industry of the President in protecting colored people and in - assuring peace at the South. Nobody can doubt that a small portion - of the effort and earnest will, even without the lobbying, so freely - given to the San Domingo scheme, would have averted those Ku-Klux - outrages which we deplore,--thus superseding all pretence for further - legislation by Congress. But he is disabled both by character and - the drawback of his own conduct. After violating the Constitution - and International Law to insult the Black Republic, and setting - an example of insubordination, he is not in condition to rebuke - law-breakers. - - - PRESENT POSITION OF CANDIDATES. - - Passing from “antecedents,” I come now to the “present position” - of the two candidates, which is the subject of your next inquiry. - If in any formal particulars the two are on equality, yet in all - substantial respects the obvious advantage is with Horace Greeley. - - - NOMINATIONS OF THE TWO CANDIDATES. - - Each was nominated by a Republican Convention, one at Cincinnati - and the other at Philadelphia; so that in this respect they may - seem to be on equality. But it will not fail to be observed that - the Convention at Cincinnati was composed of able and acknowledged - Republicans, many having acted with the party from its first - formation, who, without previous organization, came together - voluntarily for the sake of Reform and Purity in the Government; - while, on the other hand, the Convention at Philadelphia was composed - of delegates chosen largely under the influence of office-holders, - who assembled to sustain what is known as Grantism, being the - personal government and personal pretensions of President Grant, - involving nepotism, repayment of gifts by official patronage, neglect - of public duty, absenteeism, quarrelling, military rule, disregard - of Constitution and Law, with general unfitness, and indignity to - the colored race,--all of which is so unrepublican as to make its - support impossible for true Republicans. Therefore the Convention at - Philadelphia, though calling itself Republican, was less Republican - in reality than that at Cincinnati. - - - THE TWO PLATFORMS. - - The two platforms, so far as concerns especially the colored race, - are alike in substance; but that of Cincinnati is expressed in terms - more worthy of the equal rights it states and claims: “We recognize - the equality of all men before the law, and hold that it is the duty - of Government, in its dealings with the people, to mete out equal - and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, race, color, or - persuasion, religious or political.” In other respects the platform - of Cincinnati is the more republican, inasmuch as it sets itself - against those unrepublican abuses which have been nursed by the - President into pernicious activity. - - - SUPPORTERS OF THE TWO CANDIDATES. - - From the two nominations and two platforms I come to the supporters - of the candidates; and here I look, first, at those immediately about - them, and, secondly, at the popular support behind. - - Horace Greeley has among his immediate supporters, in all parts of - the country, devoted and consistent Republicans, always earnest for - Reform and Purity in Government, on whose lives there is no shadow - of suspicion,--being a contrast in character to those rings which - play such a part in the present Administration. The country knows too - well the Military Ring, the Senatorial Ring, and the Custom-House - Ring, through which the President acts. Such supporters are a poor - recommendation. - - - DEMOCRATS TURNING REPUBLICANS. - - Looking at the popular support behind, the advantage is still with - Horace Greeley. President Grant has at his back the diversified army - of office-holders, drilled to obey the word of command. The speeches - praising him are by office-holders and members of rings. Horace - Greeley finds flocking to his cause large numbers of Republicans - unwilling to continue the existing misrule, and as allies with them - a regenerated party springing forward to unite in this liberal - movement. Democrats, in joining Horace Greeley, have changed simply - as President Grant changed when he joined the Republicans,--except - that he was rewarded at once with high office. The change is open. - Adopting the Republican platform, which places the Equal Rights of - All under the safeguard of irreversible guaranties, and at the - same time accepting the nomination of a life-time Abolitionist, who - represents preëminently the sentiment of duty to the colored race, - they have set their corporate seal to the sacred covenant. They may - continue Democrats in name, but they are in reality Republicans, - by the same title that those who sustain Republican principles are - Republicans,--or rather they are Democrats, according to the original - signification of that word, dedicated to the rights of the people. - - It is idle to say that Horace Greeley and the Republicans who - nominated him are any less Republican because Democrats unite with - them in support of cherished principles and the candidate who - represents them. Conversions are always welcome, and not less so - because the change is in a multitude rather than an individual. A - political party cannot, if it would, and should not, if it could, - shut the door against converts, whether counted by the score, the - hundred, or the thousand; and so we find that the supporters of - President Grant announce with partisan triumph the adhesion of a - single Democratic politician or a single Democratic newspaper. On - equal reason and with higher pride may the supporters of Horace - Greeley announce the adhesion of the Democratic party, which, turning - from the things that are behind, presses on to those that are before. - - - GREELEY’S ELECTION THE TRIUMPH OF REPUBLICAN PRINCIPLES. - - It is also idle to say that the election of Horace Greeley as - President, with Gratz Brown as Vice-President, both unchangeable - Republicans, will be the return of the Democratic party to power. On - the contrary, it will be the inauguration of Republican principles, - under the safeguard of a Republican President and Republican - Vice-President, with Democrats as avowed supporters. In the - organization of his Administration, and in the conduct of affairs, - Horace Greeley will naturally lean upon those who represent best the - great promises of Equal Rights and Reconciliation made at Cincinnati. - If Democrats are taken, it will be as Republicans in heart, - recognizing the associate terms of the settlement as an immutable - finality. - - The hardihood of political falsehood reaches its extreme point, - when it is asserted that under Horace Greeley the freedmen will be - reënslaved, or that colored people will in any way suffer in their - equal rights. On the contrary, they have in his election not only the - promises of the platform, but also his splendid example for a full - generation, during which he has never wavered in the assertion of - their rights. To suppose that Horace Greeley, when placed where he - can do them the most good, will depart from the rule of his honest - life is an insult to reason. - - It is none the less idle to suppose that Democrats supporting - Horace Greeley expect or desire that he should depart from those - principles which are the glory of his character. They have accepted - the Cincinnati platform with its twofold promises, and intend in - good faith to maintain it. Democrats cannot turn back, who at the - Convention adopting this platform sang Greeley songs to the tune of - “Old John Brown, his soul is marching on.” Seeking especially the - establishment of character in the National Government, they will - expect their President to be always true to himself. - - Therefore I put aside the partisan allegations, that Horace Greeley - has gone to the Democrats, or that he will be controlled by - Democrats. Each is without foundation or reason, according to my - judgment. They are attempts to avoid what you recognize as the true - issue, being the question between the two candidates; or perhaps - they may be considered as scarecrows to deter the timid. Nobody who - votes for Horace Greeley will go to the Democrats; nor do I believe, - that, when elected, Horace Greeley will be under any influence except - that enlightened conscience which will keep him ever true to the - principles he represents. - - The conclusion from this comparison between the two candidates is - plain. Unquestionably the surest trust of the colored people is in - Horace Greeley. In everything for your protection and advancement he - will show always the most heart-felt sympathy and the greatest vigor - beyond what can be expected from President Grant. He is your truest - friend. - - - VOTE FOR GREELEY. - - Gentlemen, in thus answering your two inquiries, I have shown why - you, as colored fellow-citizens, and also all who would uphold your - rights and save the colored race from indignity, should refuse to - sanction the reëlection of the President, and should put trust in - Horace Greeley. I ought to add, that with him will be associated - as Vice-President Gratz Brown, whom I have known for years as a - most determined Abolitionist. The two together will carry into the - National Government an unswerving devotion to your rights, not to be - disturbed by partisan dictation or sectional prejudice. - - Besides all this, which may fitly guide you in determining between - the two candidates, it is my duty to remind you, that, as citizens - of the United States, and of part of the country, your welfare is - indissolubly associated with that of the whole country. Where all are - prosperous you will be gainers. Therefore, while justly careful of - your own rights, you cannot be indifferent to the blessings of good - government. It is for you to consider whether the time has not come - for something better than the sword, and whether a character like - Horace Greeley does not give stronger assurance of good government - than can be found in the insulter of the colored race, already famous - for the rings about him and his plain inaptitude for civil life. - The supporters of President Grant compel us to observe his offences - and shortcomings, and thus the painful contrast with Horace Greeley - becomes manifest. It will be for others in the present canvass to - hold it before the American people. - - - TOO MUCH OF A REPUBLICAN TO VOTE FOR GRANT. - - Speaking now for myself, I have to say that my vote will be given - for Horace Greeley; but in giving it I do not go to the Democratic - party, nor am I any less a Republican. On the contrary, I am so much - of a Republican that I cannot support a candidate whose conduct in - civil life shows an incapacity to appreciate Republican principles, - and whose Administration is marked by acts of delinquency, especially - toward the colored race, by the side of which the allegations on - the impeachment of Andrew Johnson were technical and trivial. - Unquestionably President Grant deserved impeachment for high crimes - and misdemeanors, rather than a renomination; and on the trial it - would have been enough to exhibit his seizure of the war powers, - and his indignity to the Black Republic with its population of six - hundred thousand, in violation of the National Constitution and of - International Law. And here a contrast arises between him and Abraham - Lincoln. The latter in his first Annual Message recommended the - recognition of what he called “the independence and sovereignty of - Hayti”; but it is at these that President Grant has struck. One of - Abraham Lincoln’s earliest acts was to put the Black Republic on an - equality with other powers; one of President Grant’s earliest acts - was to degrade it. - - I am so much of a Republican that I wish to see in the Presidential - chair a life-time Abolitionist. I also wish a President sincerely - devoted to Civil-Service Reform, beginning with the “One-Term - Principle,” which President Grant once accepted, but now disowns. I - also wish a President who sets the example of industry and unselfish - dedication to the public good. And I wish to see a President through - whom we may expect peace and harmony, instead of discord. Strangely, - President Grant seems to delight in strife. If he finds no enemy, he - falls upon his friends,--as when he struck at the Black Republic, - insulted Russia in his last Annual Message, offended both France and - Germany, and then, in personal relations, quarrelled generally. - - - PRINCIPLES ABOVE PARTY. - - My own personal experience teaches how futile is the charge, that, - because Horace Greeley receives Democratic votes, therefore he - becomes a Democrat, or lapses under Democratic control. I was first - chosen to the Senate by a coalition of Free-Soilers and Democrats. - Democratic votes helped make me Senator from Massachusetts,--as they - also helped make my excellent friend Mr. Chase Senator from Ohio, - and will help make Horace Greeley President. But neither Mr. Chase - nor myself was on this account less faithful as a Free-Soiler,--and, - answering for myself, I know that I never became a Democrat or - lapsed under Democratic control. I do not doubt that Horace - Greeley will be equally consistent. The charge to the contrary, so - vehemently repeated, seems to reflect the character of those who make - it,--except that many repeat it by rote. - - There is a common saying, “Principles, not Men”; and on this ground - an appeal is made for President Grant, it being justly felt that - in any personal comparison with Horace Greeley he must fail. But a - better saying is, “Principles _and_ Men.” I am for the principles of - the Republican Party in contradiction to Grantism, and I am for the - man who truly represents them. By these principles I shall stand, - for them I shall labor, and in their triumph I shall always rejoice. - If any valued friend separates from me now, it will be because he - _places a man above principles_. Early in public life I declared my - little heed for party, and my indifference to the name by which I was - called; and now I confess my want of sympathy with those who would - cling to the form after its spirit has fled. - - - GREELEY’S NOMINATION A RESPONSE TO LONGING FOR PEACE. - - This answer would be incomplete, if I did not call attention to - another and controlling consideration, which cannot be neglected - by the good citizen. Watching the remarkable movement that has - ended in the double nomination of Horace Greeley, it is easy to see - that it did not proceed from politicians, whether at Cincinnati or - Baltimore. Evidently it was the heart of the people, sorely wrung by - war and the controversies it engendered, which found this expression. - Sir Philip Sidney said of the uprising in the Netherlands, “It is - the spirit of the Lord, and is irresistible”; and such a spirit is - manifest now. I would not use the word lightly, but to my mind it - is Providential. Notwithstanding the counteracting influence of - politicians, Republican and Democratic, in the face of persistent - ridicule, and against the extravagance of unscrupulous opposition, - the nomination at Cincinnati was triumphantly adopted at Baltimore. - Such an unprecedented victory, without concert or propulsion of - any kind, can be explained only by supposing that it is in harmony - with a popular longing. That Democrats, and especially those of the - South, should adopt a life-time Abolitionist for President is an - assurance of willingness to associate the rights of their colored - fellow-citizens with that Reconciliation of which Horace Greeley was - an early representative. In standing by Jefferson Davis at his trial - and signing his bail-bond, he showed the same sentiment of humanity - he so constantly displayed in standing by the colored race throughout - their prolonged trial; so that the two discordant races find kindred - hospitality in him, and he thus becomes a tie of union. In harmony - with this interesting circumstance is the assurance in his letter of - acceptance, that, if elected, he will be “the President, not of a - party, but of the whole people.” - - - RECONCILIATION. - - The nomination has been adopted by the Democrats in convention - assembled. This was an event which the supporters of President Grant - declared impossible. I do not see how it can be regarded otherwise - than as a peace-offering. As such it is of infinite value. The Past - is rejected, and a new Future is begun with the promise of concord. - Here is no ordinary incident. It is a Revolution, and its success - in pacifying the country will be in proportion to its acceptance - by us. I dare not neglect the great opportunity, nor can I stand - aloof. It is in harmony with my life, which places Peace above all - things except the Rights of Man. Thus far, in constant efforts for - the colored race, I have sincerely sought the good of all, which I - was sure would be best obtained in fulfilling the promises of the - Declaration of Independence, making all equal in rights. The spirit - in which I acted appears in an early speech, where I said: “Nothing - in hate; nothing in vengeance.”[176] My object was security for Human - Rights. Most anxiously I have looked for the time, which seems now at - hand, when there should be reconciliation, not only between the North - and South, but between the two races, so that the two sections and - the two races may be lifted from the ruts and grooves in which they - are now fastened, and, instead of _irritating antagonism_ without - end, there shall be _sympathetic coöperation_. - - The existing differences ought to be ended. There is a time for all - things, and we are admonished by a wide-spread popular uprising, - bursting the bonds of party, that the time has come for estrangement - to cease between people who by the ordinance of God must live - together. Gladly do I welcome the happy signs; nor can I observe - without regret the colored people in organized masses resisting the - friendly overtures, even to the extent of intimidating those who are - the other way. It is for them to consider carefully whether they - should not take advantage of the unexpected opening, and recognize - the “bail-bond” given at Baltimore as the assurance of peace, and - unite with me in holding the parties to the full performance of its - conditions. Provided always that their rights are fixed, I am sure it - cannot be best for the colored people to band together in a hostile - camp, provoking antagonism and keeping alive the separation of races. - Above all, there must be no intimidation; but every voter must act - freely, without constraint from league or lodge. Much better will - it be when the two political parties compete for your votes, each - anxious for your support. Only then will that citizenship by which - you are entitled to the equal rights of all have its natural fruits. - Only then will there be that harmony which is essential to a true - civilization. - - The present position of the colored citizen is perilous. He is - exposed to injurious pressure where he needs support. But I see no - early extrication except in the way now proposed. Let him cut adrift - from managers who would wield him merely as a political force, with - little regard to his own good, and bravely stand by the candidate - who has stood by him. If Democrats unite with him, so much the - better. The association, once begun, must naturally ripen in common - friendship and trust. - - I am for peace in reality as in name. From the bottom of my heart I - am for peace, and I welcome all that makes for peace. With deep-felt - satisfaction I remember that no citizen who drew his sword against - us has suffered by the hand of the executioner. In just association - with this humanity will be the triumph of Equal Rights, when the - promises of the great Declaration are all fulfilled, and our people - are united, as never before, in the enduring fellowship of a common - citizenship. To this end there must be Reconciliation. Nor can I - withhold my hand. Freely I accept the hand that is offered, and reach - forth my own in friendly grasp. I am against the policy of hate; I - am against fanning ancient flames into continued life; I am against - raking the ashes of the Past for coals of fire yet burning. Pile up - the ashes; extinguish the flames; abolish the hate! - - And now, turning to the Democratic party, I hold it to all the - covenants solemnly given in the adoption of a Republican platform - with Horace Greeley as candidate. There can be no backward step. - - - WATCHWORD FOR THE CANVASS. - - With no common sympathy I observe that Mr. Hendricks, a leading - Democrat, whom I knew and esteemed in the Senate, has recently - announced his acceptance of the Constitutional Amendments with their - logical results. He proposes, as a proper key-note to the popular - movement now swelling to a sure triumph, “Just Laws and Public - Virtue.” This is a worthy aspiration, entirely fit for the occasion. - My watchword is, “The Unity of the Republic, and the Equal Rights of - All, with Reconciliation.” Such is my heart-felt cry; and wherever - my voice can reach, there do I insist upon all these, humbly - invoking the blessings of Divine Providence, which, I believe, must - descend upon such a cause. - - * * * * * - - Accept my best wishes for yourselves personally, and for the people - you represent. - - And believe me, Gentlemen, - - Your faithful friend, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - To Dr. AUGUSTA, WILLIAM H. A. WORMLEY, and others. - - - - -LETTER TO SPEAKER BLAINE. - -AUGUST 5, 1872. - - - July 31, 1872, Mr. Blaine addressed a letter to Mr. Sumner - through the newspapers, arraigning him as recreant both to party - and principle, in the position taken by him on the Presidential - question in his recent Letter to Colored Citizens. Mr. Sumner - responded as follows:-- - - WASHINGTON, August 5, 1872. - - DEAR SIR,--I have seen the letter addressed to me by you through the - public prints, and I notice especially, that, while animadverting - upon my support of Horace Greeley, you say not one word in - vindication of that compound of pretensions known as Grantism in - contradistinction to Republicanism, which you would install anew in - the Government. - - You are greatly concerned about the company I keep. To quiet your - solicitude, I beg leave to say, that, in joining the Republicans - who brought forward an original Abolitionist, I find myself with so - many others devoted to the cause I have always served that I had not - missed you until you hastened to report absence; nor had I taken - account of the “Southern Secessionists,” who, as you aver, are now - coöperating with me in support of this original Abolitionist, except - to rejoice, that, if among former associates some like yourself - hesitate, their places are supplied from an unexpected quarter. - - You entirely misunderstand me when you introduce an incident of - the past, and build on it an argument why I should not support - Horace Greeley. What has Preston Brooks to do with the Presidential - election? Never, while a sufferer, did anybody hear me speak of - him in unkindness; and now, after the lapse of more than half a - generation, I will not unite with you in dragging him from the - grave, where he sleeps, to aggravate the passions of a political - conflict, and arrest the longing for concord. And here is the - essential difference between you and me at this juncture. I seize the - opportunity to make the equal rights of all secure through peace and - reconciliation; but this infinite boon you would postpone. - - Seven years have passed since the close of our Civil War; but, - unhappily, during all this period a hostile spirit has continued to - exist between the contending sections, while the rights of colored - fellow-citizens have been in perpetual question. Seven years mark a - natural period of human life. Should not the spirit be changed with - the body? Can we not after seven years begin a new life, especially - when those once our foes repeat the saying, “Thy people shall be my - people, and thy God my God”? - - I declare my preference for an original Abolitionist as President, - and you seek to create a diversion by crying out that Democrats will - support him. To which I reply, So much the better. Their support is - the assurance that the cause he has so constantly guarded, whether of - Equal Rights or Reconciliation, is accepted by Democrats; and this is - the pledge of a true union beyond anything in our history. It is a - victory of ideas, without which all other victories must fail. - - To intensify your allegation, you insist that I am ranged with - Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs; but, pardon me, nobody knows how - the former will vote, while Robert Toombs is boisterous against - Horace Greeley, and with him are Stephens, Wise, and Mosby. This is - all very poor, and I mention it only to exhibit the character of your - attempt. - - In the same spirit you seek to avoid the real issue by holding - up the possibility of what you call a Democratic Administration; - and you have the courage to assert, as within my knowledge, that - by the election of Horace Greeley “Congress is handed over to the - control of the party who have persistently denied the rights of the - black man.” You say that I know this. Mr. Speaker, I know no such - thing, and you should be sufficiently thoughtful not to assert it. - I am entirely satisfied that a canvass like the present, where the - principles declared at Cincinnati are openly accepted on one side - and not contested on the other, must result in a larger number of - Congressional Representatives sincerely devoted to the rights of the - colored citizen than ever before. - - The Democrats will be pledged, as never before, to the ruling - principle that All Men are Equal before the Law, and also to the - three Constitutional Amendments, with the clause in each empowering - Congress to enforce the same by appropriate legislation. But besides - Democrats, there will be Liberal Republicans pledged likewise, and - also your peculiar associates, who, I trust, will not betray the - cause. Senators and Representatives calling themselves Republicans - have been latterly in large majority in both Houses; but the final - measure of Civil Rights, to which you refer, though urged by - me almost daily, has failed to become a law, less, I fear, from - Democratic opposition than from Republican lukewarmness and the want - of support in the President. - - The great issue which the people are called to decide in November - is on the President, and nobody knows better than yourself that the - House of Representatives, chosen at the same time, will naturally - harmonize with him. So it has been in our history. Now harmony with - Horace Greeley involves what I most desire. With such a President, - Congress will be changed. For the first time since the war the Equal - Rights of All will have a declared representative at the head of the - Government, whose presence there will be of higher significance than - that of any victor in war, being not only a testimony, but a constant - motive-power in this great cause. - - Opposition, whether open hostility or more subtle treachery, will - yield to the steady influence of such a representative. Therefore in - looking to the President I look also to Congress, which will take its - character in large measure from him. In choosing Horace Greeley we do - the best we can for the whole Government,--not only in the Executive, - but in the Legislative branch,--while we decline to support nepotism, - repayment of personal gifts by official patronage, seizure of the - war powers, indignity to the Black Republic,--also, the various - incapacity exhibited by the President, and the rings by which he - governs,--none of which can you defend. You know well that the rings - are already condemned by the American people. - - For myself, I say plainly and without hesitation, that I prefer - Horace Greeley, with any Congress possible on the Cincinnati - Platform, to President Grant, _with his personal government and - his rings_,--a vote for whom involves the support of this personal - government, _with prolonged power in all the rings_. There must be - another influence and another example. The Administration, in all its - parts, is impressed by the President. Let his soul be enlarged with - the sentiment of justice, quickened by industry, and not only the two - Houses of Congress, but the whole country, will feel the irresistible - authority, overspreading, pervading, permeating everywhere. - Therefore, in proportion as you are earnest for the rights of the - colored citizen, and place them above all partisan triumph, you will - be glad to support the candidate whose heart has always throbbed for - Humanity. The country needs such a motive-power in the White House; - it needs a generous fountain there. In one word, it needs somebody - different from the present incumbent; and nobody knows this better - than Speaker Blaine. - - The personal imputation you make upon me I repel with the indignation - of an honest man. I was a faithful supporter of the President until - somewhat tardily awakened by his painful conduct on the island of - San Domingo, involving seizure of the war power in violation of the - Constitution, and indignity to the Black Republic in violation of - International Law; and when I remonstrated against these intolerable - outrages, I was set upon by those acting in his behalf. Such is the - origin of my opposition. I could not have done less without failure - in that duty which is with me the rule of life. Nor can I doubt - that when partisan sentiments are less active you will regret the - wrong you have done me. Meanwhile I appeal confidently to the candid - judgment of those who, amidst all present differences of opinion, - unite in the great objects, far above Party or President, to which my - life is devoted. - - I am, Sir, your obedient servant, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - THE HONORABLE SPEAKER BLAINE. - - - - -RETROSPECT AND PROMISE. - -ADDRESS AT A SERENADE BEFORE HIS HOUSE IN WASHINGTON, AUGUST 9, 1872. - - - The serenade was given under the auspices of the colored men of - the District, on the occasion of the Senator’s departure for - Boston,--and the crowd in attendance is reported to have been “one - of the largest ever gathered in Washington for a similar object.” - On presentation by Dr. Augusta as “the tried and true friend of the - African race,” Mr. Sumner said:-- - -FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS:-- - -I am touched by this voluntary expression of friendship, and beg to -thank you from the heart. - -In seeing you on this occasion I think of you only as personal -friends among whom I have lived more than twenty years. During this -considerable period changes have occurred of incalculable importance -to the country, but especially to the colored people. When I entered -upon my public duties here Slavery was in the ascendant, giving the law -to all the usages of life. The colored man was degraded. He was not -allowed to testify in court; he was shut out from the public schools; -he was excluded from the public conveyances, and thrust away from the -ballot-box. But here in the National Capital all these terrible wrongs -have ceased. The court-room, the school-house, the horse-car, and the -ballot-box are all open, never to be closed. Revolutions do not go -backward. Therefore you may rest secure in what has been won. Of this -be sure, Slavery will never be revived, nor will you be restrained or -limited in any of these rights you now enjoy. [_Applause, and three -cheers for Mr. Sumner._] - -Most sincerely do I congratulate you on these signal triumphs, so -little to be expected when I first became acquainted with you. And when -we consider the brief period in which they have been accomplished, I am -sure you will unite with me in hope and trust for the future. [_Cries, -“We will!”_] - -It is my duty, however, to remind you that the work is not yet -completed. This will be only by the enactment of a Civil Rights -Bill which shall relieve the citizen, whoever he may be, from any -exclusion or discrimination on account of his color. Only then will be -established that Equality before the Law to which now, for the first -time in our history, all political parties are distinctly pledged. Here -there can be no question. [_Applause._] It is in the platforms of all. -Of the early passage of such a law I do not doubt. Then will you have -all the assurance of your rights that can be found in the Constitution -and law. But that law will be the cap-stone. [_Applause._] - -I shall not disguise from you that something more will be needed. There -must be a constant, watchful, public opinion behind, to see that these -are enforced in letter and spirit. Here there must be no failure in -awakening and invigorating this public opinion. You can do much,--I -would almost say you can do everything. How constantly have I urged, -in public speech and in all my intercourse with you, that our colored -fellow-citizens must insist upon their rights always, by petition, by -speech, and by vote! Above all, never vote for any man who is not true -to you. Make allegiance to you the measure of your support. [_Cheers._] -So doing, all parties will seek your vote. [_Cheers._] You will be -felt, and your cause will be irresistible. - -Please accept these few words as my acknowledgment of your kindness -this evening. [_Cries, “Go on!”_] From long acquaintance you know -something of my sympathies. [_A voice, “I do!”_] Always from the -beginning I have sought to serve you, and always to the end shall I -seek to serve you. To your cause my life is dedicated, and nothing can -turn me from it, nothing can tempt me or drive me from its support. -[_Loud applause._] - - - - -FREDERICK DOUGLASS AND PRESIDENT GRANT. - -LETTER TO HON. ANDREW D. WHITE, PRESIDENT OF CORNELL UNIVERSITY, AUGUST -10, 1872. - - - WASHINGTON, August 10, 1872. - - MY DEAR SIR,--I am surprised by a statement purporting to proceed - from you, which I find under the telegraphic head, to the effect that - I have misrepresented facts with regard to Frederick Douglass. - - In making this allegation you defend the Commissioners to San - Domingo, and allege that Mr. Douglass was well treated by them. - I have never said the contrary, nor have I ever alluded to the - treatment he received from them. Not a word or hint can be found on - the subject in anything written or spoken by me. - - My allusion was to the exclusion of Mr. Douglass from the common - table of the mail-packet on the Potomac, almost within sight of the - Executive Mansion, simply on account of color,--and I added, that the - President, on whose invitation he had joined the Commission, never - uttered a word in rebuke of this exclusion, and when entertaining - the returned Commissioners at dinner carefully omitted Mr. Douglass, - who was in Washington at the time, and thus repeated the indignity. - On this you are represented as remarking, that General Sigel was - also omitted, but that, in fact, Mr. Douglass and General Sigel had - already left for their homes (forgetting that Mr. Douglass continued - in Washington); and you do not allow yourself to doubt, that, had - they been in town, they would have been included in the invitation. - Your apology clearly shows your opinion that they ought to have - been invited; but please not to forget that there was a reason for - inviting Mr. Douglass that did not exist in the case of General - Sigel. The General was white, and he had suffered no indignity on - board a mail-packet which it was in the power of the President to - rebuke by example. - - But you are mistaken in the facts, as appears by the newspapers of - the time. The Commissioners reached Washington on the evening of - March 27th. They were entertained at dinner by the President March - 30th. On the day before the dinner Mr. Douglass presided at the - Convention to nominate a Delegate to Congress from the District of - Columbia, and on taking the chair made a speech. Mr. Chipman was - nominated against Mr. Douglass, who made another speech thanking his - supporters for their votes. To gratify the friends of Mr. Douglass, - there was an understanding that he should succeed Mr. Chipman as - Secretary of the District. These things show that Mr. Douglass was - not only in Washington, but conspicuously so, presiding at a public - Convention, and being voted for as a candidate for Congress. - - But we are not left to inference. Mr. A. M. Green, of Washington, who - at the Convention nominated Mr. Douglass for Congress, assures us - that he did not leave town till some days later. Mr. Green further - states, in a note dated August 10th, now before me, that about - this time he and another friend called on Mr. Douglass, in relation - to his appointment by the President as Secretary of the District; - that Mr. Douglass, while thanking them for their earnestness in - his behalf, assured them that he had no hope of success; that he - had “new evidence of the conservative character or tendency of the - Administration, which warranted him in the opinion that we could not - succeed”; and Mr. Green says that Mr. Douglass added these words: - “I was not only neglected without any rebuke for the offence from - the President, but the Commissioners have been invited to dine with - the President, and the same spirit of neglect has been exhibited in - that respect also.” Mr. Green adds, that recently, while on the way - to the National Colored Convention at New Orleans, Mr. Douglass, in - conversation with Mr. Downing and himself, “referred in a complaining - spirit to this circumstance.” - - I have also before me a note, dated August 10th, from Mr. Wormley, so - well known for his excellent hotel in Washington, who says that he - asked Mr. Douglass, shortly after his return, if he dined with the - President and the Commissioners, to which he answered, “No, and for - the good reason that I was not invited”; and then he added, “It is - no use to deny it, but I feel it sorely.” This was at Mr. Douglass’s - office. On another occasion, at his son’s house, referring to the - same thing, he said to Mr. Wormley, “I felt it keenly.” - - Mr. Gray, recently of the Legislative Council of the District, - nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate, now a School - Trustee, assures me that Mr. Douglass spoke to him of his omission - by the President with the same feeling that he exhibited to Mr. - Green and Mr. Wormley. These witnesses are all colored, but even - without the new law nobody would question their testimony. I add my - own acquaintance with the case. At my house, Mr. Douglass, while - speaking not unkindly, said that he felt the President’s neglect in - not inviting him to dine, which was more noticeable, as he had gone - to San Domingo at the express invitation of the President, and on his - return was insulted on board the Potomac mail-packet. He added, that - an invitation from the President would have been a proper rebuke to - those who had insulted him. - - I will add, that it is a matter of common notoriety that Mr. Douglass - did not disguise his feelings on account of this Presidential - incident. - - Such are the facts and the evidence. I think that you will see, my - dear Sir, that, if there is any misstatement, or, as you express it, - “perversion of facts,” it is not on my part. - - Faithfully yours, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - - - -GREELEY OR GRANT? - -SPEECH INTENDED TO BE DELIVERED AT FANEUIL HALL, BOSTON, SEPTEMBER 3, -1872. - - - LIBERAL REPUBLICAN HEAD-QUARTERS, BOSTON, - August 24, 1872. - - MY DEAR SIR,--I am directed by the Liberal Republican State - Committee to communicate to you a vote of which the following is a - copy:-- - - “_Voted_, That the Chairman, in the name of the Liberal - Republican State Committee, invite the Hon. Charles Sumner to - address his constituents on Public Affairs in Faneuil Hall, at - the earliest day that may suit his convenience.” - - Allow me to add my earnest personal wishes that you will be able - to comply with the request. “The great soul of the world is just,” - and the sober second thought of the people of Massachusetts will, I - doubt not, sustain you in the position you have taken in favor of - Reform and Reconciliation, and therefore of the election of Greeley - and Brown. - - Very faithfully yours, - - F. W. BIRD. - - HON. CHARLES SUMNER. - - BOSTON, August 30, 1872. - - DEAR SIR,--I have been honored by your communication of August 24th, - inviting me in the name of the Liberal Republicans of Massachusetts, - to speak in Faneuil Hall. It is with inexpressible pain and regret - that I feel constrained to decline this flattering opportunity. - - I had confidently hoped, on returning home, to meet my - fellow-citizens in that venerable forum, so dear to us all, and - to speak once more on great questions involving the welfare of - our country; but recurring symptoms of a painful character warn - me against any such attempt. My physician advises that I must not - for the present make any public effort, and he prescribes rest. - Valued friends, familiar with my condition, unite with the excellent - physician. - - In submitting most reluctantly to these admonitions, I cannot - renounce the privilege of communicating with my fellow-citizens, and - therefore hand you a copy of what, with the blessing of health, I - hoped to say. In the House of Representatives undelivered speeches - are sometimes ordered to be printed. You may follow this precedent - with mine, or do with it as you please. Meanwhile accept my best - wishes, and believe me, dear Sir, - - Very faithfully yours, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - HON. FRANCIS W. BIRD, Chairman, etc. - - -SPEECH. - -FELLOW-CITIZENS,--It is on the invitation of the State Committee of -Liberal Republicans that I have the honor of addressing you. I shall -speak directly on the issue before us. If I am frank and plain, it will -be only according to my nature and the requirement of duty at this -time. But nothing can I say which is not prompted by a sincere desire -to serve my country, and especially to promote that era of good-will, -when the assent of all shall be assured to the equal rights of all. - - -THE TWO CANDIDATES. - -At the approaching Presidential Election the people are to choose -between two candidates. By the operation of our electoral system, -and the superadded dictation of National Conventions, the choice is -practically limited to President Grant and Horace Greeley; so that no -preference for another can be made effective. One of these must be -taken. Preferring Horace Greeley, I have no hesitation in assigning the -reasons which lead me to this conclusion. - -Believing the present incumbent unfit for the great office to which he -aspires for a second time, and not doubting that a vote for him would -be regarded as the sanction of abuses and pretensions unrepublican -in character, I early saw the difficulty of taking any part for his -reëlection. Long ago I declared, that, while recognizing party as an -essential agency and convenience, I could not allow it to constrain -my conscience against what seemed the requirements of public good. -Regarding always substance rather than form, I have been indifferent to -the name by which I might be called. Nor was I impressed by the way in -which the candidate was urged. Supporters, while admitting his failure, -and even the abuses and pretensions so notorious in his civil life, -commended his reëlection as necessary to uphold the party with which -I have been associated. But it is easy to see that a vote for such a -candidate on such a reason was “to do evil that good might come,” which -is forbidden in politics as in morals. - -Two courses seemed open. One was to abstain from voting,--and I confess -that this was my first inclination. But it is not easy for me to be -neutral,--certainly where wrong-doing is in question; nor is it my -habit to shrink from responsibility. But the doubt that beset me was -removed when I saw the Democratic Party adopt the candidate opposed -to President Grant, being an original Republican already nominated by -a Republican Convention, and at the same time accept the Republican -platform on which he was nominated. An old party, which had long stood -out against the Republican cause, now placed itself on a Republican -platform, the best ever adopted, with a Republican candidate, who was -the most devoted Republican ever nominated,--thus completely accepting -the results of the war, and offering the hand of reconciliation. At -once the character of the contest changed. This was no common event. -Pardon me, if I say that to me it was of peculiar interest. For years -I have sought to establish in the National Government the great -principles of the Declaration of Independence, avowing always that when -this was done nobody should surpass me in generosity towards former -Rebels. Not only by the logic of my life, but by constant speeches, -was I bound to welcome those who placed themselves on this glorious -platform. The extent of this obligation will appear before I close. And -now its performance harmonizes with opposition to the prolonged misrule -of the present incumbent. - - -TWO REASONS IN FAVOR OF GREELEY. - -Evidently I am not at liberty to abstain from voting. In considering -the reasons in favor of Horace Greeley, I find two, differing in -character, but of chief importance: first, that he represents a -reformed civil service, beginning with the One-Term principle, without -which this reform is too much like a sham; and, secondly, that he -represents reconciliation, not only between the two sections, but -between the two races, which is essential to the repose of the country -and the safeguard of Equal Rights. - -To these must be added, that he does not represent those personal -pretensions, so utterly inconsistent with Republican government, which -are now known as Grantism. In voting for Horace Greeley you will not -sustain nepotism, you will not sustain gift-taking and repayment by -official favor, and you will not lend your sanction to the San Domingo -machination, with its unconstitutional usurpations, its violations of -International Law, and its indignity to the Black Republic. Elsewhere -I have considered these fully,[177] and I am not aware of any answer to -the undeniable facts. I shall only glance at them now. - - -NEPOTISM. - -Nepotism is already condemned by history, and most justly; for it is -obviously a form of self-seeking, hostile to purity of government, -and strangely out of place in a Republic. Nothing for self, but -all for country and mankind, should be the rule of our President. -If the promptings of his inner nature fail, then must he feel the -irresistible obligation of his position. As he does, so will others -do; and therefore must his example be such as to elevate the public -service. Nothing in Washington’s career has shone with more constant -light than his refusal to confer office on his relations. Even at the -time, it arrested attention not only at home but abroad, landing praise -in England. Of this there is a striking illustration. The “Register -of the Times,” published at London in 1795, in an article entitled -“Interesting and Authentic Documents respecting the United States of -America,” records its homage:-- - - “The execution of the office of the Chief Magistrate has been - attended through a term of four years with a circumstance which - to an admiring world requires no commentary. A native citizen of - the United States, transferred from private life to that station, - has not, during so long a term, appointed a single relation to any - office of honor or emolument.”[178] - -With such confession an admiring world looked on. Something would I -do--something, I trust, the American people will do at the coming -election--to secure this beautiful praise yet again for our country. - - -GIFT-TAKING. - -Like nepotism, the taking of gifts by a public servant is condemned -by history. No honest nature can uphold it. How well did our late -General Thomas, so admirable in character, rebuke this abuse, when he -replied to an offer of $100,000, as I am told, “Let it go to my men”! -If not a form of bribery, it is kindred in nature,--and this has long -been recognized, from the Bible down to our day. According to the old -scriptures it is destructive: “The king by judgment stablisheth the -land; but he that receiveth gifts overthroweth it.”[179] Here again -is the example of Washington brightly lighting the true republican -pathway. The same President who would not appoint a relation would -not take a gift, even when out of office. His example was in harmony -with the lesson of Colonial days. As long ago as April 20, 1703, Queen -Anne, in a communication to Lord Cornbury, Governor of New York and -New Jersey, laid down the following rule: that neither the Governor, -Lieutenant-Governor, Commander-in-Chief, or President of the Council -“do receive any gift or present from the Assembly _or others_ on -any account or in any manner whatsoever, upon pain of our highest -displeasure, and of being recalled from that our Government.”[180] This -rule is as good for our day as for that in which it was ordained by -royal authority. - -There is another instance, which should not be forgotten. It is that -of Lord Wellesley, the accomplished brother of the Duke of Wellington. -A work so common as that of Smiles on “Self-Help” records, that, while -Governor-General of India, he positively refused a present of £100,000 -from the Directors of the East India Company on the conquest of Mysore; -and here the terms of his refusal are important:-- - - “It is not necessary for me to allude to the independence of my - character and the proper dignity attaching to my office; other - reasons besides these important considerations lead me to decline - this testimony, which is not suitable to me. I think of nothing but - our army. I should be much distressed to curtail the share of those - brave soldiers.”[181] - -His refusal remained unalterable. At a later period, when nearly -eighty years of age, embarrassed by debts, and entirely withdrawn from -public life, he allowed the Company to vote him a much smaller sum in -consideration of his signal services.[182] - - -GIFT-MAKERS APPOINTED TO OFFICE. - -The allowances voted by Parliament to Marlborough and Wellington on -account of their victories can be no precedent for the acceptance -of gifts from fellow-citizens. The distinction is clear. But the -case against the present incumbent is not only that while holding -high office he accepted gifts from fellow-citizens, but subsequently -appointed the gift-makers to office,--thus using the Presidency to pay -off his own personal obligations. Please bear this in mind; and when -some apologist attempts to defend the taking of gifts, let him know -that he must go still further, and show that the Presidency, with all -its patronage, is a perquisite to be employed for the private advantage -of the incumbent. - - -SAN DOMINGO. - -Next in illustration of the prevailing misrule is the San Domingo -business, with its eccentricities of wrong-doing; and this, too, is -now in issue. At the thought of this unprecedented enormity, where -wrong assumes such various forms, it is hard to be silent; but I shall -be brief. The case is clear, and stands on documents which cannot be -questioned. I keep within the line of moderate statement, when I say, -that, from the beginning of our Government, nothing in our foreign -relations has been so absolutely indefensible. It will not do to call -it simply a fault and an insolence; it was an elaborate contrivance, -conceived in lust of territory, pursued in ignorance, maintained -in open violation of the National Constitution, pushed forward in -similar violation of International Law in fundamental principles, and -crowned by intolerable indignity to the Black Republic, even to the -extent of menacing hostilities and the sinking of its ships,--all -without authority of Congress, and by Presidential prerogative alone. -In this drama the President, like a favorite actor, assumed every -part. In negotiating the treaty he was President; in declaring war -he was Congress; in sending ships and men he was Commander-in-Chief; -and then in employing private influence with Senators to promote his -scheme--according to the promise in the protocol with Baez, signed in -his name by Orville E. Babcock, entitled therein “Aide-de-Camp to his -Excellency General Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States of -America”--he was lobbyist. That such things can be done by a President -without indignant condemnation, loud and universal, shows a painful -demoralization in the country. That their author can be presented for -reëlection to the Presidency, whose powers he has thus misused, shows a -disheartening insensibility to public virtue. - -Here I remark, that, so long as the President confined himself to -negotiation, he was strictly within the line of the Constitution. -Even if indiscreet in character and impolitic in object, it was not -unconstitutional. But in seizing war powers without the authority of -Congress, in upholding the usurper Baez that he might sell his country, -in menacing the Black Republic, and then in playing the lobbyist to -promote the contrivance, the President did what no other President -ever did before, and what, for the sake of Republican Institutions, -should be rebuked by the American people. It was the knowledge of these -proceedings that changed essentially my relations to the question. - - -PERSONAL MISREPRESENTATIONS. - -I allude with hesitation to personal misrepresentations on the matter. -It has been said that I promised originally to support the treaty. -This is a mistake. I knew nothing of the treaty, and had no suspicion -of it, until several months after the protocol, and some time after -the negotiation was completed; and then my simple promise was that it -should have from me “the most careful and candid consideration”; and -such I gave it most sincerely. At first my opposition was reserved -and without allusion to the President. It was only when the strange -business was fully disclosed in official documents communicated in -confidence to the Senate, and it was still pressed, that I felt -impelled to a sterner resistance. Especially was I constrained, when I -found how much the people of Hayti suffered. It so happened that I had -reported the bill acknowledging their independence and establishing -diplomatic relations between our two countries, assuring that equality -which had been violated. Not unmoved could I witness the wrong -inflicted upon them. And has it come to this, that the President of the -Great Republic, instead of carrying peace and good tidings to Africans -commencing the experiment of self-government, should become to them an -agent of terror? - -It is difficult to see how I could have done otherwise. Anxious to -excuse the anger towards me, it has been said that I opposed the treaty -because Mr. Motley was unceremoniously removed from the mission at -London; and here you will see the extent to which misrepresentation has -gone. It so happens that Mr. Motley was removed on the day immediately -following the rejection of the treaty. Evidently my opposition was not -influenced by the removal: was the removal influenced by my opposition? - -Equally absurd is the story that I am now influenced by personal -feelings. I am a public servant, trained to duty; and now, as always -before, I have yielded only to this irresistible mandate. With me -there is no alternative. The misconduct of the President, so apparent -in the San Domingo device, became more conspicuous in the light of -illustrative facts, showing it to be part of a prevailing misrule, -which, for the sake of our country, should not be prolonged. As a -patriot citizen, anxious for the national welfare and renown, am I -obliged to declare these convictions. - - * * * * * - -I am now brought to those two chief measures to be advanced by the -election of Horace Greeley, each of controlling importance,--one -looking directly to purity and efficiency in the government, and the -other to the peace and welfare of our country. - - -ONE-TERM PRINCIPLE. - -The principle of One Term for President is the corner-stone of a -reformed civil service. So plain is this to my apprehension, that I am -at a loss to understand how any one sincerely in favor of such reform -can fail to insist upon this principle. All experience shows that the -employment of the appointing power to promote the personal ends of -the President is the great disturbing influence in our civil service. -Here is the comprehensive abuse which envelops all the offices of the -country, making them tributary to one man, and subordinate to his -desires. Let this be changed, and you have the first stage of reform, -without which all other measures are dilatory, if not feeble and -inefficient. How futile to recommend, as is done by the Commissioners -on Civil Service, “an honest competitive examination,” while the rules -for this system are left to the discretion of a President seeking -reëlection! “Lead us not into temptation” is part of the brief prayer -we are all taught to repeat; nor are Presidents above the necessity of -this prayer. The misuse of the appointing power to advance ambitious -aims is a temptation to which a President must not be exposed. For his -sake, and for the sake of the country, this must not be. - -In attributing peril to this influence, I speak not only from my own -careful observation, but from the testimony of others whose words are -authoritative. You do not forget how Andrew Jackson declared that -the limitation of the office to one term was required, in order to -place the President “beyond the reach of any improper influences” and -“uncommitted to any other course than the strict line of constitutional -duty,”[183]--how William Henry Harrison announced, that, with the -adoption of this principle, “the incumbent would devote all his time -to the public interest, and there would be no cause to misrule the -country,”[184]--how Henry Clay was satisfied, after much observation -and reflection, “that too much of the time, the thoughts, and the -exertions of the incumbent are occupied during his first term in -securing his reëlection,”[185]--and how my senatorial associate of -many years, Benjamin F. Wade, after denouncing the reëligibility of -the President, said, “There are defects in the Constitution, and -this is among the most glaring.”[186] According to this experienced -Senator, the reëligibility of the President is not only a defect in the -Constitution, but one of its most glaring defects. - -And such also was the declared opinion of the present incumbent before -his election and the temptation of a second term. It has been stated -by one who conferred with him at the time, that immediately before -his nomination General Grant said, in the spirit of Andrew Jackson, -“The liberties of the country cannot be maintained without a One-Term -Amendment of the Constitution”; and another writes me, that while on -a walk between the White House and the Treasury, just at the head of -the steps, near the fountain, the General paused a moment, and said, -“I am in favor of restricting the President to a single term, and of -abolishing the office of Vice-President.” By the authority of this -declaration, the “Morning Chronicle,”[187] the organ of the Republican -party at Washington, proclaimed of its Presidential candidate, “He is, -moreover, an advocate of the One-Term principle, as conducing toward -the proper administration of the law”; and then at a later date,[188] -after calling for the adoption of this principle, the same Republican -organ said, “General Grant is in favor of it.” Unquestionably at -that time, while the canvass was proceeding, he allowed himself to -be commended as a supporter of this principle. That he should now -disregard it gives new reason for the prayer, “Lead us not into -temptation.” - -Never before was the necessity for this beneficent Amendment more -apparent; for never before was the wide-spread abuse from the -reëligibility of the President more grievously conspicuous. De -Tocqueville, the illustrious Frenchman, who saw our institutions with a -vision quickened by genius and chastened by friendly regard, discerned -the peril, when he said:-- - - “Intrigue and corruption are the natural vices of elective - government; but when the head of the State can be reëlected, these - evils rise to a great height and compromise the very existence of - the country. When a simple candidate seeks to rise by intrigue, - his manœuvres must be limited to a very narrow sphere; _but when - the Chief Magistrate enters the lists, he borrows the strength of - the Government for his own purposes_.… If the representative of - the Executive descends into the combat, the cares of Government - dwindle for him into second-rate importance, and the success of his - election is his first concern.”[189] - -Nothing can be more true than these remarkable words, which are -completely verified in what we now behold. The whole diversified -machinery of the National Government in all its parts, operating in -State, District, Town, and Village, is now at work to secure the -reëlection of the President, as for some time before it worked to -secure his renomination,--the whole being obedient to the central touch. - -Look for a moment at this machinery, or, if you please, at this -political hierarchy, beginning with Cabinet officers, and reaching -to the pettiest postmaster, every one diligent to the single end of -serving Presidential aspiration. The Jeffersonian rule was, “Is he -honest? Is he capable? Is he faithful to the Constitution?” But this -is now lost in the mightier law, “Is he faithful to reëlection?” -This failing, all merit fails. Every office-holder, from highest to -lowest, according to his influence, becomes propagandist, fugleman, -whipper-in. Members of the Cabinet set the example, and perambulate -the country, instructing the people to vote for reëlection. Heads of -Bureaus do likewise. Then, in their respective localities, officers of -the Customs, officers of the Internal Revenue, marshals with their -deputies, and postmasters, each and all, inspired from the National -Capitol, are all calling for reëlection. This organized power, -variously estimated at from sixty to eighty thousand in number, all -paid by the Government, and overspreading the whole country in one -minute network, has unprecedented control at this moment, partly from -increased facilities of communication, and partly from the military -drill which still survives the war, but more, perhaps, from the -determined will of the President, to which all these multitudinous -wills are subjugated. This simple picture, which nobody can question, -reveals a tyranny second only to that of the Slave Power itself,--which -Jefferson seems to have foreseen, when, after portraying the -Legislature as most to be feared in his day, he said, “The tyranny of -the Executive will come in its turn.”[190] Even his prophetic vision -did not enable him to foresee the mournful condition we now deplore, -with the One-Man Power lording itself through all the offices of the -country. - -The recent election in North Carolina made this practically manifest. -Even without a telescope, all could discern the operations of the -field. Postmasters and officers of Internal Revenue were on hand, -each in his place; then came the Marshal, with files of deputies, -extemporized for the occasion; while, ranging over the extensive -circuit, was the Supervisor of the Revenue; the whole instructed and -animated by members of the Cabinet, who abandoned their responsible -duties to help reëlection, which for the time was above all departments -of Government and all exigencies of the public service. In the same way -the chief Custom-Houses of the country have been enlisted. Each has -become a political centre whose special object is reëlection. Authentic -evidence before a Congressional Committee shows that Thomas Murphy, -while Collector of New York, acting as Lieutenant of the President, -sought to control the Republican State Convention by tendering office -to four men, in consideration of the return of certain delegates, -promising that “he would immediately send their names on to Washington -and have them appointed”; and by way of enforcing the Presidential -supremacy, he announced with startling effrontery that “President Grant -was the representative and head of the Republican party, and all good -Republicans should support him in all his measures and appointments, -and any one who did not do it should be _crushed out_.”[191] If this -were not authenticated under oath, it would be hard to believe. But -the New Orleans Custom-House has a story much worse. Here Presidential -pretension is mixed with unblushing corruption, in which the Collector, -a brother-in-law, is a chief actor. And all for reëlection.[192] - -This prostitution of the offices of the country to the Presidential -will can be upheld only by unhesitating partisan zeal, discarding -reason and patriotism. Already it has been condemned in an official -Report made to the House of Representatives, November 25, 1867, by Mr. -Boutwell, as Chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, and signed by -him. His direct object was to arraign Andrew Johnson; but these words -declare a rule applicable to all Presidents:-- - - “The presence and active participation of _two of the Heads of - Departments_ in a political convention at Philadelphia, having - for its object the organization of a party to sustain the policy - of the President and defeat the will of Congress and the people, - and one of those functionaries the prime agent in the removals - from and appointments to office for ‘political reasons,’ is a fact - well known to the country. The like had not happened before in its - history. In the view of right-minded men, it was something more - than a public scandal.”[193] - -The Report adduces the authority of John Locke, the eminent -philosopher, as declaring “the employment of ‘the force, treasure, and -_offices of the society to corrupt the representatives, or openly to -preëngage the electors, and prescribe what manner of persons shall be -chosen_,’ as among those breaches of trust in the executive magistrate -which amounts to a dissolution of the Government; for ‘what is it,’ he -says, ‘but to cut up the Government by the roots, and poison the very -fountains of public security?’”[194] But all this we witness here. -The offices are employed to preëngage the electors, and prescribe the -persons to be chosen. Nor do I see any corrective of this undoubted -abuse, especially after the example now set in high quarters, so long -as the President is a candidate for reëlection. - -Therefore, to arrest a flagrant tyranny, and to secure purity in the -Government, also to save the President from himself, should this -Amendment be adopted; and since Horace Greeley is known to be its -strenuous supporter, we have an unanswerable reason in his behalf. - - -RECONCILIATION. - -From the practical question of Civil Service Reform I pass to -Reconciliation, being the most important issue ever presented to the -American people,--reconciliation not only between the two once warring -sections, but also between the two races. This issue, so grand and -beautiful, was distinctly presented, when Horace Greeley, in accepting -the Republican nomination at Cincinnati, wrote these memorable words:-- - - “In this faith, and with the distinct understanding, that, if - elected, I shall be the President, not of a party, but of the whole - people, I accept your nomination,--in the confident trust that the - masses of our countrymen, North and South, are eager to clasp hands - across the bloody chasm which has too long divided them, forgetting - that they have been enemies, in the joyful consciousness that they - are, and must henceforth remain, brethren.”[195] - -The issue was again presented, when thereafter the Democratic Party -in National Convention, acting under an irresistible movement of the -people, nominated the author of these words. - -It is difficult to see how this noble aspiration can find other -than a generous response. Nothing but a party spirit which forgets -the obligations of Christian duty could treat it with indifference, -much less make it the occasion of misrepresentation. By no effort of -ingenuity or malignity can it be tortured into anything but an offer of -reconciliation, while the very letter of acceptance, where it appears, -declares the established supremacy of Equal Rights. Observe also that -it is made only when the work of Reconstruction is ended. Here is the -testimony of a Senator of South Carolina, in a speech in the Senate, -January 22, 1872:-- - - “The last of the Southern States is admitted to its full privileges - as a member of the brotherhood of States; the Constitutional - Amendments intended to secure the principles established by the war - and subsequent events have been accepted as valid. There can be no - fear or danger of their being disturbed.”[196] - -But these things are forgotten; the Sermon on the Mount is forgotten -also; the Beatitudes are put aside. A great writer of the Middle Ages, -after dwelling on what is best for us, says:-- - - “Hence it is that not riches, not pleasures, not honors, not length - of life, not health, not strength, not comeliness, was sung to the - shepherds from on high, but peace.”[197] - -The supporters of reëlection will not hearken to this song, and the -proffered hand is rejected. If not war, they would preserve at least -the passions of war, and instead of peace would scatter distrust and -defiance. The old fable is renewed:-- - - “Emboldened now on fresh attempt he goes, - With serpent’s teeth the fertile furrows sows; - The glebe fermenting with enchanted juice - Makes the snake’s teeth a human crop produce.”[198] - -For me there can be but one course on this issue, and the moment it -was presented I seemed to behold, for the first time, the dawn of that -better era in our country when the Equal Rights of All should be -placed under the safeguard of assured Peace and Reconciliation. Had I -failed to sympathize with this endeavor, I should have been false to -the record of my life. My first public utterance, as far back as July -4, 1845, was to commend the cause of Peace, which from that early day, -amidst the contentions of public duty and the terrible responsibilities -of war, has never been absent from my mind. While insisting on the -Abolition of Slavery, while urging Enfranchisement, while vindicating -the Equal Rights of All, and while pressing Reconstruction, I have -constantly declared that all these were for no purpose of vengeance -or punishment, but only for the security of the citizen and the -establishment of government on just foundations, and that when this -was done nobody should outdo me in those generosities that become the -conqueror more than his conquest. - - -PERSONAL RECORD. - -Here the testimony is complete. If I open it now, it is less to show -the obligations which constrain me personally than to make these -witnesses plead again the cause which from the beginning I have had at -heart. I follow the order of time, letting each speak in a few words. - -There are some among us who may remember that early speech before -the Republican State Convention at Worcester, October 1, 1861, which -excited at the time so much discussion, when, after calling for -Emancipation, I united this cause with Peace:-- - - “Two objects are before us, _Union and Peace_, each for the sake - of the other, and both for the sake of the country; but without - Emancipation how can we expect either?”[199] - -Thus at the beginning was I mindful of Peace. - -Then again, in the same strain, at the Cooper Institute, New York, -November 27, 1861, after showing Slavery to be the origin and -main-spring of the Rebellion, I pleaded for Emancipation, and at the -same time first sounded the key-note of Reconciliation:-- - - “Perversely and pitifully do you postpone that sure period of - _reconciliation, not only between the two sections, not only - between the men of the North and the men of the South, but, more - necessary still, between slave and master_, without which the true - tranquillity we all seek cannot be permanently assured. Believe it, - _only through such reconciliation_, under sanction of freedom, can - you remove all occasions of conflict hereafter.”[200] - -Thus early was reconciliation associated with my most earnest efforts; -nor did I at any moment hesitate in this work. - -The same spirit was manifest in opposition to perpetuating the memory -of victories over fellow-citizens. The question arose on a dispatch of -General McClellan, where, after announcing the capture of Williamsburg, -he inquired whether he was “authorized to follow the example of other -generals, and direct the names of battles to be placed on the colors of -regiments.”[201] This being communicated to the Senate, I felt it my -duty to move, May 8, 1862, the following resolution:-- - - “_Resolved_, That in the efforts now making for _the restoration of - the Union and the establishment of peace throughout the country_, - it is inexpedient that the names of victories obtained over our - fellow-citizens should be placed on the regimental colors of the - United States.”[202] - -Here again was anxiety for peace. Mr. Wilson, my colleague, -did not agree with me, and he made haste to introduce a -counter-resolution;[203] but no further action was had upon it. The -usage of civilized nations is against placing on regimental colors the -names of victories gained over fellow-countrymen. In France, the most -military country of the world, the principle was carefully discarded by -King Louis Philippe, when, in preparing the Museum at Versailles, he -excluded every picture or image of civil war. Everything to arouse and -gratify the patriotic pride of Frenchmen, of all Frenchmen, is there, -but nothing to exhibit Frenchmen warring with each other. - -Then came the bills for Confiscation, which I supported chiefly with -a view to Emancipation. While enforcing this object, May 19, 1862, I -said:-- - - “People talk flippantly of the gallows as the certain doom of - the Rebels. This is a mistake. For weal or woe, the gallows is - out of the question. It is not possible as a punishment for this - rebellion.” - -Then declaring our supreme object to be Peace, I said: - - “In this work it is needless to say _there is no place for any - sentiment of hate or any suggestion of vengeance_. There can - be no exaction and no punishment beyond the necessity of the - case,--nothing harsh, nothing excessive. Lenity and pardon become - the conqueror more even than victory. ‘Do in time of peace the most - good, and in time of war the least evil possible: such is the Law - of Nations.’ These are the admirable words of an eminent French - magistrate and statesman. In this spirit it is our duty to assuage - the calamities of war, and especially to spare an inoffensive - population.”[204] - -Shortly afterwards, June 27th, while the same subject was under -consideration, I returned to it again:-- - - “But I confess frankly that I look with more hope and confidence - to Liberation than to Confiscation. To give freedom is nobler - than to take property, and on this occasion it cannot fail to be - more efficacious, for in this way the rear-guard of the Rebellion - will be changed into the advance-guard of the Union. There is in - Confiscation, unless when directed against the criminal authors of - the Rebellion, a harshness inconsistent with that mercy which it - is always a sacred duty to cultivate, and which should be manifest - in proportion to our triumphs, ‘mightiest in the mightiest.’ _But - Liberation is not harsh; and it is certain, if properly conducted, - to carry with it the smiles of a benignant Providence._”[205] - -At last the country was gladdened by the Proclamation of Emancipation, -which here in Faneuil Hall, October 6, 1862, I vindicated as a measure -of peace; and then I said:-- - - “In the old war between King and Parliament, which rent England, - the generous Falkland cried from his soul, _Peace! Peace!_--and - History gratefully records his words. Never did he utter this cry - with more earnestness than I do now. But how shall the blessing be - secured?”[206] - -_By Emancipation_, was my answer. - -Then came the bill creating the Freedmen’s Bureau. In opening the -debate on this interesting subject, June 8, 1864, I said:-- - - “It is for the Senate to determine, under the circumstances, - what it will do. My earnest hope is that it will do something. - The opportunity must not be lost of helping so many persons now - helpless, and _of aiding the cause of Reconciliation, without which - peace cannot be assured_.”[207] - -Here again Reconciliation is announced as an ever-present object. - -In the same spirit, I deemed it my duty to oppose the efforts made in -the winter of 1865 to authorize Retaliation, differing from valued -friends. The proposition for Retaliation was met by the following -declaration, moved by me, January 24th:-- - - “The United States … call upon all to bear witness that in this - necessary warfare with Barbarism they renounce all vengeance and - every evil example, and plant themselves firmly on the sacred - landmarks of Christian civilization, under the protection of that - God who is present with every prisoner, and enables heroic souls to - suffer for their country.”[208] - -Then came the effort, favored by President Lincoln, to receive -Louisiana with a Constitution which failed to recognize the equal -rights of colored fellow-citizens. Here again, February 25th, I -encountered the proposition by a resolution, where it is declared:-- - - “That such an oligarchical government is not competent at this - moment to discharge the duties and execute the powers of a State; - and that its recognition as a legitimate government will tend to - enfeeble the Union, _to postpone the day of Reconciliation_, and to - endanger the national tranquillity.”[209] - -Mark, if you please, “_the day of Reconciliation_.” - -Then came the question of perpetuating the memory of our victories. -February 27th, the Senate having under consideration an appropriation -for a picture in the National Capitol, I moved as an amendment,-- - - “That in the National Capitol, dedicated to the National Union, - there shall be no picture of a victory in battle with our own - fellow-citizens.”[210] - -Mr. Wilson again made haste to announce that he “disagreed with his -colleague altogether,”--saying, according to the “Congressional -Globe,”[211] “I do not believe in that doctrine.” - -In the eulogy on President Lincoln, pronounced before the municipal -authorities of Boston, June 1, 1865, the great object of Reconciliation -was presented as dependent on the establishment of our ideas. After -insisting upon Emancipation and the Equal Suffrage, these words occur:-- - - “Such a vengeance will be a kiss of reconciliation, for it will - remove every obstacle to peace and harmony. The people where - Slavery once ruled will bless the blow that destroyed it. The - people where the kindred tyranny of Caste once prevailed will - rejoice that this fell under the same blow. They will yet confess - that it was dealt in no harshness, in no unkindness, in no desire - to humiliate, but simply and solemnly, in the name of the Republic - and of Human Nature, for their good as well as ours,--ay, for their - good more than ours. - - “By ideas, more than by armies, we have conquered. The sword of the - Archangel was less mighty than the mission he bore from the Lord. - But if the ideas giving us the victory are now neglected, if the - pledges of the Declaration, which the Rebellion openly assailed, - are left unredeemed, then have blood and treasure been lavished for - nought.” - -Then I proceeded to ask:-- - - “How shall these ideas be saved? How shall the war waged by Abraham - Lincoln be brought to an end, _so as to assure peace, tranquillity, - and reconciliation_?”[212] - -In the speech at Worcester, before the Republican State Convention, -September 14, 1865, I insisted upon guaranties for the national -freedman and the national creditor; and until these were accomplished, -proposed to exclude the Rebel from political power:-- - - “I ask not his punishment. I would not be harsh. There is nothing - humane that I would reject. Nothing in hate. Nothing in vengeance. - Nothing in passion. I am for gentleness. I am for a velvet glove; - but for a while I wish the hand of iron. I confess that I have - little sympathy with those hypocrites of magnanimity whose appeal - for the Rebel master is only a barbarous indifference towards - the slave; _and yet they cannot more than I desire the day of - Reconciliation_.”[213] - -Thus constantly did this idea return. - -And yet again, in a letter to the “Evening Post” of New York, dated -September 28, 1865, after insisting upon “supplementary safeguards” for -the protection of the freedman, I used these words:-- - - “Without this additional provision, I see small prospect of - _that peace and reconciliation which are the objects so near our - hearts_.”[214] - -Again it appeared in a telegraphic dispatch to President Johnson, dated -November 12, 1865, and afterwards published. Asking the President to -suspend his “policy towards the Rebel States,” I said:-- - - “I should not present this prayer, if I were not painfully - convinced that thus far it has failed to obtain any _reasonable - guaranties for that security in the future which is essential to - peace and reconciliation_.… The Declaration of Independence asserts - the equality of all men, and that rightful government can be - founded only on the consent of the governed. I see small chance of - peace, unless these great principles are practically established. - Without this, the house will continue divided against itself.”[215] - -Here Reconciliation is associated with Reconstruction on the basis of -the Equality of All Men. - -Shortly afterwards, in the “Atlantic Monthly” for December, 1865, p. -758, I pleaded again:-- - - “The lesson of Clemency is of perpetual obligation.… Harshness - is bad. Cruelty is detestable. Even Justice may relent at the - prompting of Mercy. Fail not, then, to cultivate the grace of - Clemency.… - - “There must be no vengeance upon enemies; but there must be no - sacrifice of friends. And here is the distinction never to be - forgotten: _Nothing for vengeance; everything for justice_. Follow - this rule, and the Republic will be safe and glorious.”[216] - -Then again in the Senate speech, February 5 and 6, 1866, while dwelling -at length upon Equal Suffrage without distinction of color, I thus -spoke for the Southern people:-- - - “The people there are my fellow-citizens, and gladly would I - hail them, if they would permit, as no longer _a section_, no - longer _the South_, but an integral part of the Republic, under a - Constitution which, knowing no North and no South, cannot tolerate - _sectional_ pretension. Gladly, in all sincerity, do I offer - my best effort for their welfare. But I see clearly that there - is nothing in the compass of mortal power so important to them - in every respect, morally, politically, and economically--that - there is nothing with such certain promise to them of beneficent - result--that there is nothing so sure to make their land smile - with industry and fertility,--as the decree of Equal Rights I now - invoke.… This is our retaliation. This is our only revenge.”[217] - -In an address at the Music Hall, in Boston, October 2, 1866, entitled -“The One-Man Power _vs._ Congress,” I declared that the Reconstruction -I sought was one where “the Rebel region, no longer harassed by -controversy and degraded by injustice, _will enjoy the richest fruits -of security and reconciliation_,”--and then added, “_To labor for this -cause may well tempt the young and rejoice the old_.”[218] - -Then, in the same address, I said:-- - - “Our first duty is to provide safeguards for the future. This can - be only by provisions, sure, fundamental, and irrepealable, fixing - forever the results of the war, the obligations of the Government, - and the equal rights of all. Such is the suggestion of common - prudence and of self-defence, as well as of common honesty. To this - end we must make haste slowly. States which precipitated themselves - out of Congress must not be permitted to precipitate themselves - back. They must not enter the Halls they treasonably deserted, - until we have every reasonable assurance of future good conduct. We - must not admit them, and then repent our folly.… - - “But, while holding this ground of prudence, I desire to disclaim - every sentiment of vengeance or punishment, and also every thought - of delay or procrastination. Here I do not yield to the President, - or to any other person. Nobody more anxious than I to see this - chasm closed forever. - - “_There is a long way and a short way. There is a long time and a - short time._ If there be any whose policy is for the longest way - or for the longest time, I am not of the number. _I am for the - shortest way, and also for the shortest time._”[219] - -Then in considering Reconstruction in the Senate, March 16, 1867, I -said:-- - - “But I ask nothing in vengeance or unkindness. All that I propose - is for their good, with which is intertwined the good of all. - I would not impose any new penalty or bear hard upon an erring - people. Oh, no! I simply ask a new safeguard for the future, that - these States, through which so much trouble has come, may be a - strength and a blessing to our common country, with prosperity - and happiness everywhere within their borders. I would not impose - any new burden; but I seek a new triumph for civilization. _For a - military occupation bristling with bayonets I would substitute the - smile of Peace._” - -I then said:-- - - “But this cannot be without Education. As the soldier disappears, - his place must be supplied by the schoolmaster. The muster-roll - will be exchanged for the school-register, and our head-quarters - will be in a school-house.” - -And I accompanied this with a proposition to require in the -reconstructed States “a system of public schools open to all, without -distinction of race or color,” which was lost by a tie vote, being 20 -to 20.[220] - -The subject recurred again in the Senate July 13, 1867, when, after -declaring regret at the inadequacy of the pending measure, especially -in not securing a system of Public Education, and not excluding Rebel -influence, I remarked:-- - - “In saying this, I desire to add, that, in my judgment, all - exclusions belong to what I call _the transition period_. When - Reconstruction is accomplished, the time will come for us to open - the gates.”[221] - -In these few words will be found the ruling principle which I have -recognized in Reconstruction. - -The address, “Are We a Nation?” made at the Cooper Institute, November -19, 1867, testifies again to Reconciliation. After showing how the -national supremacy in the guardianship of equal rights is consistent -with local self-government, and vindicating the two in their respective -spheres, it says:-- - - “There will be a sphere alike for the States and Nation. Local - self-government, which is the pride of our institutions, will - be reconciled with the national supremacy in maintenance of - human rights, and the two together will constitute the elemental - principles of the Republic. The States will exercise a minute - jurisdiction required for the convenience of all; the Nation - will exercise that other paramount jurisdiction required for the - protection of all. _The reconciliation--God bless the word!_--thus - begun will embrace the people, who, forgetting past differences, - will feel more than ever that they are one.”[222] - -Then again, in addressing the Republican State Convention at Worcester, -September 22, 1869, I said:-- - - “Do not think me harsh; do not think me austere. I am not. I will - not be outdone by anybody in clemency; nor at the proper time will - I be behind any one in opening all doors of office and trust.… - Who can object, if men recently arrayed against their country are - told to stand aside yet a little longer, until all are secure in - their rights? Here is no fixed exclusion,--nothing of which there - can be any just complaint,--nothing which is not practical, wise, - humane,--nothing which is not born of justice rather than victory. - In the establishment of Equal Rights conquest loses its character, - and is no longer conquest,-- - - ‘For then both parties nobly are subdued, - And neither party loser.’”[223] - - -PERSONAL DUTY. - -Here I suspend this testimony. Such is the simple and harmonious -record, showing how from the beginning I was devoted to peace,--how -constantly I longed for reconciliation,--how with every measure -of Equal Rights this longing found utterance,--how it became an -essential part of my life,--how I discarded all idea of vengeance -or punishment,--how Reconstruction was to my mind a transition -period,--and how earnestly I looked forward to the day, when, after -the recognition of Equal Rights, the Republic should again be one in -reality as in name. If there are any who ever maintained a policy of -hate, I was never so minded; and now in protesting against any such -policy, I only act in obedience to the irresistible promptings of my -soul. - -In embracing the opportunity unexpectedly presented at this election, -I keep myself still in harmony with the past. Unable to vote a second -time for President Grant, and confident that the choice of Horace -Greeley will tend to assure that triumph of peace which has occupied so -much of my desires, it only remains to vote for him. I would not expect -too much; but, knowing something of the spirit in which the Democratic -party has adopted him as its candidate, and knowing something also of -his eminent character, I cannot doubt that with his election there will -be a new order of things, where the harsh instrumentalities of power -will yield to a sentiment of good-will, and surviving irritations will -be lost in concord. The war is ended. There must be an end also to -belligerent passions; and the freedman, assured in rights, must enter -upon a new career of happiness and prosperity. Such, at least, is -the object I now seek. Even those differing from me in faith at this -critical moment will not deny that such a result would mark an epoch in -American history. And now, in the hope of its accomplishment, I forget -personal consequences, and think only of the inestimable good. - - -PREJUDICE AND INVENTION. - -The partisans of Reëlection, resorting to prejudice and invention, -insist, first, that the Democratic party, which has adopted as its -candidate an original Republican on a Republican platform, will -prove untrue, and, secondly, that the candidate himself will prove -untrue,--as if the Democratic party were not bound now to the very -principles declared at Philadelphia, without the viscous alloy of -Grantism, and as if the life and character of the candidate were not a -sufficient answer to any such slander. - - -ADHESION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. - -Evidently there are individuals, calling themselves Democrats, who -feel little sympathy with the movement, and there are others who -insist upon the old hates, whether towards the North or towards the -freedman. Unhappily, this is only according to human nature. It must -be so. Therefore, though pained in feeling, my trust is not disturbed -by sporadic cases cited in newspapers, or by local incidents. This is -clear: in spite of politicians, and against their earnest efforts, the -people represented in the Democratic Convention adopted a Republican -nomination and platform. Baltimore answered to Cincinnati. A popular -uprising, stirred by irresistible instinct, triumphed over all -resistance. The people were wiser than their leaders,--illustrating -again the saying of the French statesman, so experienced in human -affairs, that above the wisdom of any individual, however great, is the -wisdom of all. But this testifies to that Providence which shapes our -ends: - - “So Providence for us, high, infinite, - Makes our necessities its watchful task.” - -Plainly in recent events there has been a presiding influence against -which all machinations have been powerless. Had the Convention at -Philadelphia nominated a good Republican, truly representing Republican -principles without drawback, there is no reason to believe that Horace -Greeley would have been a candidate. The persistence for President -Grant dissolved original bonds, and gave practical opportunity to the -present movement. The longing for peace, which in existing antagonisms -of party was without effective expression, at last found free course. - -Accordingly the original Republican who had announced himself ready -to “clasp hands” in peace was accepted on a Republican platform, -declaring support of the three Constitutional amendments, and placing -in the foreground the great truth that all men are equal before the -law. Such is the historic fact. That the party will be disloyal to this -act, that it will turn its back on its covenants, and seek through a -Republican President to reverse these safeguards, or in any way impair -their efficacy, is not only without probability, but to imagine it is -absolutely absurd. - -Beyond the unequivocal adhesion of the party in its corporate capacity -is that of eminent members who volunteer as individuals in the same -declarations, so that personal pledge unites with party obligation. I -quote two instances at hand. - -Mr. Hendricks, so well known for his service in the National Senate, -said recently in the Democratic State Convention of Indiana, on his -nomination for Governor:-- - - “We have this day substantially turned our backs upon the Past. We - now stand in the Present, and look forward to the great Future. The - Past is gone.” - -Nobody in the country can speak for his party with more authority; nor -could there be better words to denote the change that has occurred. - -Mr. Kerr, also of Indiana, an able Democratic Representative in -Congress, and now Congressional candidate at large, bears the same -testimony. In a recent speech this distinguished Democrat says:-- - - “The best impulse, the most patriotic sentiment, the most - intelligent judgment of the wisest and the best men of the country - now demand that the accomplished results of our great civil war, - as they are crystallized in the Amendments to the Constitution, - shall stand as parts of the fundamental law of the country, to be - obeyed and maintained in good faith, without evasion, denial, or - diminution, in favor of all classes of the people. The Democratic - party, in the most authoritative and solemn manner, accepts this - judgment.” - -Nothing could be more complete. All the Amendments are “to be obeyed -and maintained in good faith, without evasion, denial, or diminution, -in favor of all classes of the people”; and this is the covenant of the -Democratic party, countersigned by their Representative. Not content -with this unequivocal adhesion, the speaker proceeds:-- - - “Any intelligent citizen, in public or private life, who - charges that the Democratic party, if invested with power, - would reëstablish slavery, or pay for slaves, or assume or pay - Confederate debts, and take suffrage from colored men, or do other - acts in defiance of the Constitution, must be a hypocrite and - a demagogue, and he can have no higher aim than to slander and - deceive.” - -It is easy to pardon the indignation with which this Democrat repels -the calumnies employed to sow distrust. - -In strictest harmony with these authorities is the public press -entitled to speak for the Democratic party. Out of innumerable -testimonies I content myself with two. - -The Cincinnati “Enquirer,” a leading Democratic journal, of August 1st, -alluding to myself, says:-- - - “His confidence in the honor of the Democratic party is not - misplaced. It will stand by the position which it assumed at - Baltimore, and maintain it under any and all circumstances. Upon - that he may depend.” - -Then again the same Democratic organ says:-- - - “It pleases some of the Grant papers to speak of Mr. Greeley as - a Democratic candidate, because he was nominated by a Democratic - Convention. They ignore the fact that he had been previously - nominated by a Republican Convention,--that he has always been a - Republican, and never cast a Democratic ballot in his life. None of - them have answered our query, whether they would have considered - General Grant the Democratic candidate, if he had been nominated at - Baltimore; and if not, why do they make the difference between him - and Greeley?” - -The Washington “Patriot,” the Democratic journal at the national -capital, of August 7th, thus explicitly pronounces:-- - - “The Democratic party have loyally and honorably conditioned to - uphold the Cincinnati platform and all its obligations. _They mean - to fulfil that bond in good faith and to the last letter._ Hence - not a word was altered at Baltimore, not a letter changed, not a - comma erased. _We took it in the exact sense and in all the spirit - of the several declarations, with entire knowledge of the duty - which they enjoined, and an honest purpose to perform it at any - cost._ So far from regarding that acceptance as a sacrifice, it was - welcomed everywhere with joy.” - -Are these speakers and these newspapers united in conspiracy to -deceive, or are they dupes? Spurning the idea of dishonest conspiracy, -I cannot doubt that they believe what they say, and that what they say -is true. Again I insist that the sallies of local disaffection or of -personal brutality, however painful or discreditable, cannot interfere -to change the open adhesion of the party, followed by declarations so -authentic in form. On this open adhesion and these declarations I act, -and to the complete fulfilment of all the obligations assumed I feel -that I may confidently hold the party. - - -MOTIVES TO KEEP THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY TRUE. - -But why should the Democratic party be untrue to the covenants it -has assumed? This imputation, so insulting to a great political -organization, and to the distinguished members who have openly united -in its adhesion, cannot be accepted without some ground of reason, -or at least of presumption. But all reason and every presumption are -the other way. Men act according to their supposed interests,--this -is a law of human nature; but every interest of former Rebels is for -peace. Under the influence of uncontrolled passion, and for the sake of -Slavery, they went into rebellion; but now that passion has abated and -Slavery has ceased, they see that nothing is gained by prolonging the -animosities it engendered. Peace has become their absorbing interest. -So obvious is the advantage from this assured possession, that it is -unreasonable to suppose them indifferent when it is within reach; it -is absurd to imagine them professing peace as a cover for war,--war -in which they know they must fail. This explains the promptitude with -which they seized the opportunity now presented. At once they declared -their desire and offered the hand of fellowship, at the same time -announcing their acceptance of those great measures by which the Equal -Rights of All are assured. - -The motives naturally governing former Rebels, in accepting Horace -Greeley and a Republican platform, are plain. There is, first, the -general prostration of their region, which they would see improved; but -this can be only by the establishment of peace undisturbed, so that -all men, white and black, may live in security. This is an essential -condition. Violence breeds a kindred crop; nor can distrust exist -without detriment to all. Let either appear, and the most fertile -fields will fail in productive power. Men will not mingle their sweat -with the soil, becoming colaborers with the sun,--they will not sow and -plough,--unless assured in the enjoyment of what the generous earth -is ready to yield. Above all, those truest allies so essential to -prosperous industry, capital and immigration, will turn away from the -land that is not blessed by peace. Security is a constant invitation -and encouragement. There must be security in all things,--security in -life, security in property, and security in rights, including Liberty -and Equality, the great promises of the Declaration of Independence. -Let any of these be in any peril, let any shadow rest upon their -enjoyment, and the whole community must suffer. Therefore by the -impulse of self-interest, now clearly manifest, are the people of the -South moved to the present effort for peace. - -This same motive assumes another form in the desire to escape from -existing misrule, which has left such traces in the disordered finances -of the Southern States. So colossal has been the scale of plunder that -even authentic report seems like fable. Second only to the wide-spread -devastations of war are the robberies to which these States have been -subjected,--I am sorry to say, under an Administration calling itself -Republican, at Washington, and with local governments deriving their -animating impulse from the party in power, with the President as its -dominant head. Surely the people in these communities would have been -less than men, if, sinking under the intolerable burden, they did not -turn for help to a new party, promising reform and honesty. They have -seen custom-houses used to maintain the plunderers in power; they have -seen all available political forces pressed to procure the renewed rule -of the President under whom they have suffered so much; and they have -seen this very President teach by example that every office-holder -should begin by looking out for himself. It would be a wonder, if they -did not join the present movement and maintain its declared purposes to -the end. - -It is easy to see that under these promptings, where personal and local -interests were so strong, Horace Greeley was commended as a candidate, -and then sincerely accepted. They knew him as the steadfast enemy of -Slavery so long as it existed, dealing against it hard and constant -blows; they knew him as the faithful ally of the freedman, insisting -promptly upon his equal right to suffrage, which he vindicated with -persuasive power; and they knew him also as the devoted friend of the -colored race, never failing in effort for their welfare: but they knew -also that he was a lover of peace and honesty, whose soul had been -transfigured in works, and that, as sincerely as he had striven for the -colored race, he now strove to mitigate those other burdens which had -reduced them to a new slavery, being a debt which was like chain and -manacle upon their industry; and they were assured that with _him_ the -great office for which he is a candidate would be a trust and not a -personal perquisite, so that his example would be constant testimony -to industry, integrity, and fidelity in the discharge of public duties, -thus fixing a standard for all. These things being evident, how could -they hesitate? - - -FAITH IN HORACE GREELEY. - -The partisans of Reëlection dwell much on the position and character -of Mr. Greeley, insisting that he cannot be trusted in the -Presidency,--partly because helped into power by Democrats, and partly -from an alleged want of stability. It is difficult to hear these -barefaced allegations, in utter disregard of the prodigious testimony -afforded by his long career, without wonder at the extent to which -prejudice and invention can be carried. Had he been presented at -Philadelphia with the saving sanction of a regular nomination, the same -partisans who now seek to exhibit him as a tool or an imbecile would -dwell with pride on his eminent qualities, making him, by the side of -his competitor, an angel of light. Knowing them both, his superiority -I may affirm. To say that under him Slavery can in any way be revived, -or that the Rebel debt or the pension of Rebel soldiers or compensation -for slaves can find favor, or that the equal rights of the freedmen, to -which he is so solemnly pledged, can in any way be impaired,--all this -is simply atrocious. Nothing of the kind can be done without violation -of the Constitution as amended,--not to speak of the departure from -that rule of life which he has ever followed. There is no Democrat -sympathizing with his nomination who would not spurn the infamous -treachery. I dismiss the whole partisan extravagance to the contempt it -deserves. - -The imputation that his election will be the return to power of -the old Democratic party is much like saying that he will cease to -be himself, and that his surpassing individuality, making him so -conspicuous, will be lost. They who make the imputation forget that -this old party, if it has not ceased to exist, is changed in character. -Standing on a Republican platform, and with a Republican candidate, -it may look the Republican party in the face, claiming for itself -the Future, if not the Past. Plainly it is not that Democratic party -against which Republicans have contended. If Democrats have influence -with Horace Greeley, it will be because they have sincerely placed -themselves by his side on a platform which distinctly announces all -that Republicans have ever claimed. - -Against all pretended distrust I oppose the open record of his life. -By this let him be judged. And here it will be observed, that, while -sometimes differing from others in methods, he has never, at any -moment, ceased to be a champion, being always the same. Here is a -private letter, which has only recently appeared, being a gleam of -sunlight from his soul, which the dark days of the war could not -quench:-- - - OFFICE OF THE TRIBUNE, NEW YORK, - June 26, 1863. - - MY DEAR SIR,--In God’s good time this is to be a land of real - freedom, where equal rights and equal laws shall banish rebellion, - treason, and riot, and all manner of kindred diabolisms. I hardly - hope to live to see that day, but hope that those who may remember - me, when I am gone, will believe that I earnestly tried to hasten - its coming. - - Yours, - - HORACE GREELEY. - -To suppose, that, under any circumstances of pressure or temptation, -he can fail in loyalty to the cause he has served so constantly, is -an offence to reason and to decency. In his two letters of acceptance -this loyalty is nobly conspicuous. Replying to the nomination at -Cincinnati, he drew the wise line between “local self-government” and -“centralization,” asserting the former as our true policy, “_subject_ -to our solemn constitutional obligation to maintain the equal rights -of all citizens,”[224]--thus placing these under national safeguard, -and making them absolutely the same in all parts of the country. -Replying to the nomination at Baltimore, made after the enunciation -of this master principle, he announces his “hope and trust that the -first century of American Independence will not close before the -grand elemental truths on which its rightfulness was originally based -by Jefferson and the Continental Congress of 1776 will have become -the universally accepted and honored foundations of our political -fabric.”[225] And thus is his great record crowned. - -Living so entirely in the public eye, all know his life, which -speaks for him now. Who so well as himself could stand the trial? -The “Tribune,” in its career of more than thirty years, speaks for -him also. Those opponents who in the work of disparagement assert -that he wants executive ability, I point to this journal, begun by -Horace Greeley in 1841, without partner or business associate, with a -cash capital of only one thousand dollars, and with but six hundred -subscribers. And yet, under his individual effort, by his amazing -industry and through his rare intelligence, with his determined nature -animating all, the enterprise prospered, until he found himself at -the head of one of the first newspapers of the world, completely -organized intellectually and mechanically, with writers for every -subject, with correspondents everywhere at home and abroad, and with a -constantly increasing influence never surpassed in newspaper history. -A President with the ability that did all this would impart new energy -to the public service, impressing it with his own faithful character, -and assuring, on a larger scale, a corresponding success, so that the -whole country would be gainer. Again, those opponents who assert that -Horace Greeley wants fidelity, or that he can be easily swayed against -life-long convictions, I point to this same journal, which from the -beginning, and throughout the whole course of its existence, has been -an unwavering representative of the liberal cause, foremost always -in warfare with Slavery, prompt in support of reform, inflexible in -honesty, and a beacon-flame to all struggling for human advancement. - -Not to put faith in Horace Greeley is to act not only without evidence, -but against evidence so manifest and constant in unbroken continuity as -to seem like a law of Nature. As well distrust the sun in its appointed -course. - - -ANSWER TO TWO OBJECTIONS. - -Such is the easy answer to objectors who cry out, that Democrats -uniting with Republicans on a Republican platform cannot be trusted, -and that the candidate himself cannot be trusted. The wantonness of -partisanship is too apparent in this pretension. I have considered it -carefully, as a lover of truth, and you have my conclusion. Therefore -do I say, Be not deterred from voting for Horace Greeley because -Democrats will also vote for him, but rather rejoice. Their votes will -be a new bond of peace, and a new assurance for the great principles -declared by our fathers at our birth as a nation. - - -THE OLIVE-BRANCH AND EQUAL RIGHTS. - -And has not the time arrived when in sincerity we should accept the -olive-branch? Is it not time for the pen to take the place of the -sword? Is it not time for the Executive Mansion to be changed from -a barrack cesspool to a life-giving fountain? Is it not time for a -President who will show by example the importance of reform, and teach -the duty of subordinating personal objects to the public service? Is -it not time for the Head of the National Government to represent the -idea of peace and reconciliation, rather than of battle and strife? -Is it not time for that new era, when ancient enemies, forgetting the -past, shall “clasp hands” in true unity with the principles of the -Declaration of Independence as the supreme law? Deploring the fate -of Poland and of Ireland, I seize the earliest moment to escape from -similar possibility here. Mindful that the memories of the Past can -only yield to a happy Present, something would I do to promote this -end. Anxious for the Equal Rights of All, and knowing well that no -text of Law or Constitution is adequate without a supporting sentiment -behind, I cannot miss the opportunity afforded by the present election -of obtaining this strength for our great guaranties. - -Reconstruction is now complete. Every State is represented in -the Senate, and every District is represented in the House of -Representatives. Every Senator and every Representative is in his -place. There are no vacant seats in either Chamber; and among the -members are fellow-citizens of the African race. And amnesty, nearly -universal, has been adopted. In this condition of things I find new -reason for change. The present incumbent knows little of our frame of -government. By military education and military genius he represents the -idea of Force; nor is he any exception to the rule of his profession, -which appreciates only slightly a government that is not arbitrary. -The time for the soldier has passed, especially when his renewed power -would once more remind fellow-citizens of their defeat. Victory over -fellow-citizens should be known only in the rights it assures; nor -should it be flaunted in the face of the vanquished. It should not -be inscribed on regimental colors, or portrayed in pictures at the -National Capitol. But the present incumbent is a regimental color with -the forbidden inscription; he is a picture at the National Capitol -recalling victories over fellow-citizens. It is doubtful if such a -presence can promote true reconciliation. Friendship does not grow -where former differences are thrust into sight. There are wounds of the -mind as of the body; these, too, must be healed. Instead of irritation -and pressure, let there be gentleness and generosity. Men in this -world get only what they give,--prejudice for prejudice, animosity -for animosity, hate for hate. Likewise confidence is returned for -confidence, good-will for good-will, friendship for friendship. On -this rule, which is the same for the nation as for the individual, I -would now act. So will the Republic be elevated to new heights of moral -grandeur, and our people will manifest that virtue, “greatest of all,” -which is found in charity. Above the conquest of others will be the -conquest of ourselves. Nor will any fellow-citizen suffer in rights, -but all will find new safeguard in the comprehensive fellowship. - - - - -NO NAMES OF BATTLES WITH FELLOW-CITIZENS ON THE ARMY-REGISTER OR THE -REGIMENTAL COLORS OF THE UNITED STATES. - -BILL IN THE SENATE, DECEMBER 2, 1872. - - - December 2, 1872, Mr. Sumner asked, and by unanimous consent - obtained, leave to bring in the following bill, which was read - twice and ordered to be printed:-- - -A Bill to regulate the Army-Register and the Regimental Colors of the -United States. - -Whereas the national unity and good-will among fellow-citizens can be -assured only through oblivion of past differences, and it is contrary -to the usage of civilized nations to perpetuate the memory of civil -war: Therefore, - -_Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United -States of America in Congress assembled_, That the names of battles -with fellow-citizens shall not be continued in the Army-Register, or -placed on the regimental colors of the United States. - - - - -TRIBUTE TO HORACE GREELEY. - -REMARKS INTENDED TO BE MADE IN THE SENATE, IN SECONDING A MOTION FOR -ADJOURNMENT ON THE OCCASION OF MR. GREELEY’S FUNERAL, DECEMBER 3, 1872. - - - The death of Mr. Greeley at the close of the canvass in which - nearly three millions of his fellow-citizens had given him their - suffrages for the Presidency, seemed, in the view of leading - Senators on both sides, to require from their body a respectful - recognition of the day appointed for his funeral; and it was - accordingly arranged that a motion for adjournment on this occasion - should be offered by Mr. Fenton, of New York, and seconded by - Mr. Sumner, with appropriate remarks by each. But a dominant - party-spirit, by recourse to parliamentary tactics, prevented - its introduction, and the day passed without notice. The remarks - designed by Mr. Sumner were as follows:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT,--I have been requested to second this motion. One word, -if you please. A funeral will take place to-morrow, on which the eyes -of the nation will rest, while innumerable hearts throb with grief, and -the people everywhere learn the instability of life and the commandment -of charity. It is proper, therefore, for the representatives of the -nation to suspend labor, that they too may be penetrated by the lesson -of the day. More for them than the illustrious dead is this needed. He -is gone beyond any earthly call; we remain. Duties are always for the -living; and now, standing at the open grave of HORACE GREELEY, we are -admonished to forget the strifes of party, and to remember only truth, -country, and mankind, to which his honest life was devoted. In other -days the horse and armor of the departed chieftain have been buried in -the grave where he reposed. So, too, may we bury the animosities, if -not the badges, of the past. Then, indeed, will there be victory for -the dead which all will share. - - - - -RELIEF OF BOSTON. - -REMARKS IN THE SENATE, DECEMBER 12, 1872. - - - The subject under consideration was a bill from the House providing - for a drawback of the duties on all materials imported into Boston - for the rebuilding of that portion of the city laid waste by the - recent conflagration,--with amendments, including one excepting - lumber, proposed by the Committee on Finance, to whom the bill had - been referred. - - Mr. Sumner said:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT,--Hoping that the Senate will not be less generous than -the House of Representatives, I trust that we shall take the bill as -it comes from the House, voting down the amendments reported by our -Committee. - -I hear it said by the Senator from Michigan [Mr. FERRY] that the -bill will be a bad precedent; and the same argument is repeated, -with variety of illustration, by my excellent friend the Senator -from Vermont [Mr. MORRILL]. Sir, is it not too late to correct the -precedent? You already have the case of Portland and the case of -Chicago; I am sorry that you must now add the case of Boston. Call it -a bad precedent. It can only be applicable in a parallel case, and I -do not believe such cases can occur often. The fire-fiend latterly -has been very busy in our land; but he cannot always be so; at least -I have a well-founded trust that by proper precaution, if not also -by better fortune, we shall escape from his visitations. I put aside, -therefore, the argument that this is a bad precedent. It can be called -into activity only in a similar case; and when a similar case occurs, I -am ready for its application. Let any other metropolis sit like Boston -in ashes, and I hope there will be no hesitation in extending to it a -friendly hand. - -It is not fair to call up the smaller losses that may occur in smaller -places, for the simple reason that such losses are not within the reach -of Congress by any ordinary exercise of its powers. It is only where -the loss is great, as in the familiar cases before us, that there -is opportunity for Congress. An ancient poet says: “Nor should the -Divinity intervene, unless the occasion be worthy.”[226] I would say, -Nor should Congress interfere, unless the case be such as to justify -the exercise of extraordinary powers. Obviously such an occasion does -not occur except where the scale of loss is great. - -Then, again, the Senator from Michigan reminded us of the exception of -lumber in the bill for the relief of Chicago; but he vindicated that -exception by facts which do not occur in the present case. He said, -as we all know, that Michigan was also a sufferer at that calamitous -moment; and he did not think it right, therefore, that the peculiar -interests of his State should be called to contribute even to the great -losses of Chicago. I do not say that the Senator was not entirely -right in that position. Certainly the case as presented by him is -entirely reasonable. Had I had the honor to represent Michigan at the -time, I know not that I should have acted otherwise than he did. But I -call attention to the point, as presented by him, that no such case -exists now. Michigan is not a sufferer; Maine is not a sufferer; nor -is any part of our country which contributes timber to our business a -sufferer. Therefore is there no reason for introducing this exception. -The reason failing, the exception should fail also. I hope, therefore, -that the Senate will keep the bill in that respect precisely as it came -from the House. - -Then my friend from Vermont suggests that this bill is practically -an invitation to the people of Boston to go to Europe and elsewhere -in order to find workmen. He seemed frightened at the possibility. I -think my friend sees too often the question of protection to American -industry, and makes himself too unhappy on this account. I hope that -this bill will be considered without any question of protection. Let -the people of Boston go where they can buy cheapest in order to meet -their great calamity; and if it be to their neighbor British provinces, -I hope my friend from Vermont will not interfere to prevent it. - - - - -THE LATE HON. GARRETT DAVIS, SENATOR OF KENTUCKY. - -REMARKS IN THE SENATE ON HIS DEATH, DECEMBER 18, 1872. - - -MR. PRESIDENT,--I was a member of the Senate, when, in 1861, our -departed Senator entered it; and I was to the end the daily witness -of his laborious service. Standing now at his funeral, it is easy to -forget the differences between us and remember those things in which he -was an example to all. - -Death has its companionship. In its recent autumn harvest were Garrett -Davis, William H. Seward, and Horace Greeley. Seward was the precise -contemporary of Davis, each beginning life with the century and dying -within a few days of each other. Always alike in constancy of labor, -they were for the larger part of this period associated in political -sentiment as active members of the old Whig party. But the terrible -question of Slavery rose to divide them. How completely they were on -opposite sides I need not say. Horace Greeley was ten years the junior, -but he was the colleague and peer of Garrett Davis in devotion to Henry -Clay. In the whole country, among all whose enthusiastic support he -aroused, there was no one who upheld the Kentucky statesman with more -chivalrous devotion than these two. Here they were alike, and in the -record of life this signal fidelity cannot be forgotten. It was to the -honor of Henry Clay that he inspired this sentiment in such men, and it -was to their honor that they maintained it so truly. Kindred to truth -is fidelity. - -At his death, Garrett Davis was our Congressional senior, having -entered the other House as early as 1839, after previous service of -six years in the Legislature of Kentucky. For eight years he sat as -Representative, and then, after an interval of thirteen years, he -was for nearly twelve years Senator. During this long period he was -conspicuous before the country, dwelling constantly in the public eye. -How well he stood the gaze, whether of friend or foe, belongs to his -good name. - -All who knew him in the Senate will bear witness to his wonderful -industry, his perfect probity, and the personal purity of his life. -No differences of opinion can obscure the fame of these qualities, or -keep them from being a delight to his friends and an example to his -country. Nor can any of us forget how, amid peculiar trials, he was -courageous in devotion to the National Union. No pressure, no appeal, -no temptation, could sway him in this patriotic allegiance. That -fidelity which belonged to his nature shone here as elsewhere. He was -no holiday Senator, cultivating pleasure rather than duty, and he was -above all suspicion in personal conduct. Calumny could not reach him. -Nothing is so fierce and unreasoning as the enmities engendered by -political antagonists; but even these never questioned that he was at -all times incorruptible and pure. Let this be spoken in his honor; let -it be written on his monument. Nor can the State that gave him to the -national service and trusted him so long fail to remember with pride -that he was always an honest man. - -With this completeness of integrity there was a certain wild -independence and intensity of nature which made him unaccommodating and -irrepressible. Faithful, constant, devoted, indefatigable, implacable, -he knew not how to capitulate. Dr. Johnson, who liked “a good -hater,”[227] would have welcomed him into this questionable fellowship. -Here I cannot doubt. Better far the opposite character, and even the -errors that may come from it. Kindred to hate is prejudice, which was -too often active in him, seeming at times, especially where we differed -from him, to take the place of reason. On nothing was this so marked -as Slavery. Here his convictions were undisguised; nor did they yield -to argument or the logic of events. How much of valuable time, learned -research, and intellectual effort he bestowed in support of this dying -cause, the chronicles of the Senate attest. How often have we listened -with pain to this advocacy, regretting deeply that the gifts he -possessed, and especially his sterling character, were enlisted where -our sympathies could not go! And yet I cannot doubt that others would -testify, as I now do, that never on these occasions, when the soul -was tried in its depths, did any fail to recognize the simplicity and -integrity of his nature. Had he been less honest, I should have felt -his speeches less. Happily, that great controversy is ended; nor do I -say anything but the strict truth, when I add that now we bury him who -spoke last for Slavery. - -Time is teacher and reconciler; nor is it easy for any candid nature -to preserve a constant austerity of judgment toward persons. As -evening approaches, the meridian heats lose their intensity. While -abiding firmly in the truth as we saw it, there may be charity and -consideration for those who did not see it as we saw it. A French -statesman, yet living, whose name is indissolubly connected with the -highest literature, as well as with some of the most important events -of his age, teaches how with the passage of life the judgment is -softened toward others. “The more,” says M. Guizot, “I have penetrated -into an understanding and experience of things, of men, and of myself, -the more I have perceived at the same time my general convictions -strengthen and my personal impressions become calm and mild. Equity, -I will not say toleration for the faith of others, in religion or -politics, has come to take place and grow by the side of tranquillity -in my own faith. It is youth, with its natural ignorance and passionate -prejudices, which renders us exclusive and biting in our judgments of -others. In proportion as I quit myself, and as time sweeps me far from -our combats, I enter without difficulty into a serene and pleasant -appreciation of ideas and sentiments which do not belong to me.” Even -if not adopting these words completely, all will confess their beauty. - -Here let me be frank. Nothing could make any speech for Slavery -tolerable to me; but when I think how much opinions are determined by -the influences about us, so that a change of birth and education might -have made the Abolitionist a partisan of Slavery and the partisan of -Slavery an Abolitionist, I feel, that, while always unrelenting toward -the wrong, we cannot be insensible to individual merits. In this -spirit I offer a sincere tribute to a departed Senator, who, amid the -perturbations of the times, trod his way with independent step, and won -even from opponents the palm of character. - - - - -EQUALITY IN CIVIL RIGHTS. - -LETTER TO THE COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE CELEBRATION OF THE -ANNIVERSARY OF EMANCIPATION IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, APRIL 16, 1873. - - - The long procession stopped before Mr. Sumner’s house, where one of - the bands played “Auld Lang Syne.” Arriving in front of the City - Hall of Washington, they were addressed by R. T. Greene, Esq., and - also by Hon. Frederick Douglass. Letters were read from President - Grant, Senators Anthony, Pratt, and Sumner, Hon.’s Horace Maynard, - B. F. Butler, A. G. Riddle, S. J. Bowen, N. G. Ordway, and A. M. - Clapp. Mr. Sumner’s letter was as follows:-- - - WASHINGTON, April 16, 1873. - - DEAR SIR,--I regret that it is not in my power to be with you - according to the invitation with which you have honored me. This is a - day whose associations are as precious to me as to you. - - Emancipation in the national capital was the experiment which - prepared the way for Emancipation everywhere throughout the country. - It was the beginning of the great end. - - Here, as in other things, you are an example to our colored - fellow-citizens in the States. Your success here will vindicate the - capacity of colored people for citizenship, and your whole race will - be benefited thereby. - - Let me speak frankly. Much has been done, but more remains to be - done. The great work is not yet accomplished. Until your equality - in civil rights is assured, the pillar of your citizenship is like - the column in honor of Washington,--unfinished and imperfect. There - is constant talk of finishing that column at great cost of money, - but the first thing to be done is to finish the pillar of your - citizenship. Here I shall gladly work; but I trust that you will all - work likewise, nor be content with anything less than the whole. - - Accept my thanks and best wishes, and believe me, dear Sir, - - Faithfully yours, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - TO THE CHAIRMAN. - - - - -EQUAL RIGHTS OF COLORED FELLOW-CITIZENS IN NORMAL SCHOOLS. - -LETTER READ AT A PUBLIC MEETING IN WASHINGTON, JUNE 22, 1873. - - - A proposition in the Legislature of the District of Columbia, - opening the Normal School without distinction of color, failed - through the vote of a colored member, which was the occasion of - the following letter, written in reply to an inquiry. The letter - was read by the chairman of a public meeting of colored citizens - on the evening of June 30, 1873, who said he had conferred with - distinguished gentlemen, legal and otherwise, regarding the right - of the District Legislature to pass such a bill, and all had stated - that their power was unquestionable. He had addressed a letter to - the Hon. Charles Sumner upon that question, and had received the - following reply:-- - - WASHINGTON, June 22, 1873. - - DEAR SIR,--In reply to your inquiry, I have no hesitation in saying - that in my judgment the right of the District Legislature to provide - a normal school where there shall be no distinction of color is - beyond doubt. To call it in question is simply ridiculous. - - Having the right, the duty of the Legislature is clear as sunshine. - It must open the school to all, without distinction of color. Should - any persons be shut out from this right on the wretched apology of - color, I trust they will make their indignation felt by the guilty - authors of the outrage. - - I write plainly, because the time has come for those who love justice - to speak out. Too long have colored fellow-citizens been deprived of - their rights; they must insist upon them. - - Faithfully yours, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - - - -THE PRESIDENT OF HAYTI AND MR. SUMNER. - -LETTER IN REPLY TO ONE FROM THE FORMER, JULY 4, 1873. - - - The following is a translation of the Haytian President’s letter:-- - - REPUBLIC OF HAYTI, PORT-AU-PRINCE, - September 24, 1872. - - Sixty-Ninth Year of Independence. - - HONORABLE SENATOR,--I eagerly seize the good opportunity - offered me by the departure of our Minister, Citizen S. - Preston, to pray you to receive the testimony of my high - consideration, which does not cease to grow, by reason of the - eminent services which you render daily to the noble cause of - an oppressed people. - - I should consider myself as failing in one of my most imperious - duties, if I did not express to you the sentiments of gratitude - which your name awakens in the breast of every one belonging to - the African race. - - In assuming the defence of the rights of this people, guided by - the most generous sentiments of your rich nature, by a sincere - love of justice, you have acquired an immortal title to the - gratitude of all the descendants of the African race. - - Please to receive this feeble expression of my high esteem for - the noble character of an illustrious citizen, and believe in - the depth of sentiment with which I declare myself, Honorable - Senator, - - Your devoted friend, - - NISAGE SAGET. - -MR. SUMNER’S REPLY. - - WASHINGTON, July 4, 1873. - - MR. PRESIDENT,--I cannot, at this late day, acknowledge the letter - with which you have honored me, without explaining the reason of my - delay. - - Owing to absence in Europe, where I had gone for my health, I did not - receive your valuable communication until some time in the winter, - when it was put into my hands by your excellent Minister. Continuing - feeble in health, I reluctantly postponed this acknowledgment. I now - take advantage of convalescence to do, thus tardily, what my feelings - prompted at an earlier day. - - Please, Sir, accept my thanks for your generous appreciation of what - I have done, and your kindness in letting me know it under your own - hand. But I beg you to understand that I do not deserve the praise - with which you honor me. In advocating the cause of an oppressed - people I have only acted according to my conscience. I could not have - done otherwise; and now my only regret is that I have done so little. - I wish I had done more. - - In the history of mankind the crime against the African race will - stand forth in terrible eminence,--always observed, and never - forgotten. Just in proportion as civilization prevails will this - enormous wrong be apparent in its true character; and men will read - with astonishment how human beings, guilty only of being black, - were sold into slavery, and then (such was the continuing injustice - towards this unhappy people) how, when slavery ceased, they were - still treated with indignity by persons whose lordly pretensions were - founded on the skin only. As these things are seen in increasing - light, they will be condemned in no uncertain words; nor will the - denial of equal rights, on account of color, escape the judgment - awarded to slavery itself. Human conduct on this question is a - measure of character. Where the African race is enslaved or degraded, - where it is exposed to any indignity or shut out from that equality - which is a primal right to humanity, there civilization is still - feeble. - - To the certain triumph of civilization I look with constant hope. It - is sure to come; and one sign of its arrival will be that prevailing - sentiment which recognizes the perpetual obligations of equal justice - to all, and the duty to repair past wrongs by compensations in the - future. - - In the great debt of the whites to the blacks there is a bank from - which, for generations to come, the latter can draw. - - Accept, Mr. President, the expression of my ardent hope for the - peace, prosperity, and happiness of the Republic of Hayti, and allow - me to subscribe myself with true regard, - - Your faithful friend, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF HAYTI. - - - - -INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION. - -LETTER TO HENRY RICHARD, M. P., ON THE VOTE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS -AGREEING TO HIS MOTION FOR AN ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN, PRAYING -COMMUNICATION WITH FOREIGN POWERS WITH A VIEW TO A GENERAL AND -PERMANENT SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION, JULY 10, 1873. - - - UNITED STATES SENATE CHAMBER, WASHINGTON, - July 10, 1873. - - MY DEAR SIR,--Few events have given me more pleasure than the vote on - your motion. I thank you for making the motion; and I thank you also - for not yielding to Mr. Gladstone’s request to withdraw it. You were - in the very position of Buxton on his motion against Slavery. He, - too, insisted upon a division; and that vote led to Emancipation. May - you have equal success! - - I anticipate much from this vote. It will draw attention on the - Continent, which the facts and figures of your speech will confirm. - - I find in your speech grand compensation for the long postponement to - which you have been constrained. It marks an epoch in a great cause. - I know you will not rest. But this speech alone, with the signal - result, will make your Parliamentary life historic. Surely Mr. - Gladstone acted under some imagined exigency of politics. He cannot, - in his soul, differ from you. Honoring him much, I regret that he has - allowed himself to appear on the wrong side. What fame so great as - his, if he would devote the just influence of his lofty position to - securing for nations the inappreciable benefits of a tribunal for the - settlement of their differences! - - How absurd to call your motion Utopian, if by this word is meant that - it is not practical. There is no question so supremely practical; - for it concerns not merely one nation, but every nation; and even - its discussion promises to diminish the terrible chances of war. Its - triumph would be the greatest reform of history. And I doubt not that - this day is near. - - Accept my thanks and congratulations, and believe me, my dear Sir, - - Sincerely yours, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - HENRY RICHARD, ESQ., M.P., LONDON. - - - - -A COMMON-SCHOOL SYSTEM IRRESPECTIVE OF COLOR. - -LETTER TO THE COLORED CITIZENS OF WASHINGTON, JULY 29, 1873. - - - WASHINGTON, July 29, 1873. - - GENTLEMEN,--I am honored by your communication of July 26th, in - which, after congratulating me upon returning health, and expressing - your sincere hopes that I may resume my labors in the Senate, there - to take up again the cause of Equal Rights, you mention that the - colored citizens of Washington are now engaged in agitating what you - properly call “a common-school system for all children.” - - I desire to thank you for the good-will to myself which your - communication exhibits, and for your hopes that I may again in the - Senate take up the cause of Equal Rights. Health itself is valuable - only as it enables us to perform the duties of life, and I know no - present duty more commanding than that to which you refer. - - I confess a true pleasure in learning that the colored people are - at last rising to take the good cause into their own hands, because - through them its triumph is certain. But they must be in earnest. - They must insist and labor, then labor and insist again. Only in - this way can indifference, which is worse even than the stubbornness - of opposition, be overcome. The open foe can be met. It is hard to - deal with that dulness which feels no throb at the thought of opening - to all complete equality in the pursuit of happiness. - - Permit me to remind you, Gentlemen, that, living at the national - capital, you have a peculiar responsibility. In the warfare for - Equal Rights you are the advance guard, sometimes the forlorn hope. - You are animated to move forward, not only for your own immediate - good, but because through you the whole colored population of the - country will be benefited. What is secured for you will be secured - for all,--while, if you fail, there is small hope elsewhere. Do not - forget--and let this thought arouse to increased exertion--that your - triumph will redound to the good of all. - - The District of Columbia is the place where all the great reforms - born of the war have begun. It is the experimental garden and nursery - where all the generous plants have been tried. Emancipation, colored - suffrage, the right of colored persons to testify, and the right to - ride in the street-cars,--all these began here, and I remember well - how they were all encountered. - - On the abolition of Slavery we were solemnly warned that riot, - confusion, and chaos would ensue. Emancipation took place, and not a - voice or sound was heard except of peace and gladness. I was soberly - assured by eminent politicians, that if colored persons were allowed - to vote there would be massacre at the polls. Then, again, colored - testimony was deprecated,--while it was insisted that the street-cars - would be ruined, if opened to colored persons. But all these changes, - demanded by simple justice, have been in every way beneficent. - Nobody would reverse them now. Who would establish Slavery again? Who - would drive the colored citizen from the polls? Who would exclude - him from the court-room? Who would shut him from the street-cars? - And now the old objections are revived, and made to do service - again, in order to defeat the effort for common schools,--being - schools founded on the very principle of Equal Rights recognized in - the elective franchise, in the court-room, and in the street-car. - If this principle is just for all the latter,--and nobody says the - contrary now,--why hesitate to apply it in education? How often we - are enjoined to train the child in the way he should go! Why, then, - compel him in those tender years to bear the ban of exclusion? Why, - at that early period, when impressions are received for life, impose - upon him the badge of inferiority? He is to be a man; therefore he - must be trained to that self-respect without which there can be no - true manhood. But this can be only by removing all ban of exclusion, - and every badge of inferiority from color. - - As the old objections are revived, so again do I present the great - truth announced by our fathers in the Declaration of Independence, - “that all men are created equal.” Admitting this principle as a - rule of conduct, the separation of children in the public schools - on account of color is absolutely indefensible. In abolishing it we - simply bring our schools into conformity with the requirements of the - Declaration. - - To the objection that this change will injure the schools, I reply - that this is contrary to experience in other places, where the - commingling of children according to the genius of republican - institutions has been found excellent in influence. And I further - reply by insisting now, as I always do, upon that justice to an - oppressed race which has been too long delayed, and which never fails - to be a well-spring of strength and happiness, blessing all who help - it and all who receive it. - - Feeling as I do on this question, you will understand that I cannot - see without regret any opportunity neglected of advancing the cause, - especially among colored fellow-citizens. On this they should be a - unit. Wherever the question presents itself, whether in Congress, or - the Legislative Chambers of the District, or the popular assembly, - there should be a solid vote against every discrimination on account - of color. It is easy for lawyers and politicians to find excuses - according to their desires; but no fine-spun theory or technicality - should be allowed to prevail against the commanding principle. - - Accept my best wishes, and believe me, Gentlemen, - - Your faithful friend, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - HENRY PIPER, Chairman. - - - - -BOSTON: ITS PROPER BOUNDARIES. - -LETTER TO HON. G. W. WARREN, OF CHARLESTOWN, ON THE ANNEXION TO BOSTON -OF THE SUBURBAN TOWNS, OCTOBER 4, 1873. - - - COOLIDGE HOUSE, October 4, 1873. - - DEAR MR. WARREN,--I should be glad to meet your friends in a - conference on the question, How Boston shall be rounded so as - to be in reality itself. I cannot meet with you, but I unite in - your purpose, as I understand it, and especially with regard to - Charlestown. - - I doubt if the future Boston will be content until it holds and - possesses all the territory which hugs the harbor bearing its name, - so that in Boston harbor nobody shall land except in Boston. - - Evidently Boston should contain all Bostonians, which it does not - now. I know no better way of accomplishing this result than by - widening the circle of its jurisdiction. - - But there is a stronger reason. Every capital is a natural focus - of life, politically, socially, and commercially; and every person - living in this natural focus properly belongs to the capital. So it - is with London, Paris, and Vienna,--each of which is composed of - suburbs and faubourgs grouped about the original city; and so in - reality it is with Boston,--for the places about the city, though - called by different names, are parts of the same unity, which needs - nothing now but a common name. - - A capital may be artificial or natural. The artificial body is - that formed by original unchangeable boundaries. The natural body - is that combination, cluster, or expansion which changes with the - developments of time and to meet the growing exigencies. - - With these views, I find the various processes of annexion only a - natural manifestation, to be encouraged always, and to be welcomed - under proper conditions of population and public opinion. I say - “annexion” rather than “annexation.” Where a word is so much used, - better save a syllable,--especially as the shorter is the better. - - Ever sincerely yours, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - This letter appeared just previously to the vote on the - annexion to Boston of Charlestown, West Roxbury, Brighton, and - Brookline,--which was taken on the first Tuesday of October, 1873, - with a favorable result as to the first three municipalities. - - - - -YELLOW FEVER AT MEMPHIS AND SHREVEPORT: AID FOR THE SUFFERERS. - -REMARKS BEFORE THE BOARD OF TRADE AT BOSTON, OCTOBER 24, 1873. - - - At a meeting in aid of the sufferers by yellow fever in Memphis - (Tennessee) and Shreveport (Louisiana), held at the rooms of the - Board of Trade in Boston, at which the Mayor, Hon. Henry L. Pierce, - presided, after remarks by Mr. Pierce and Hon. Alexander H. Rice, - Mr. Sumner said:-- - -MR. MAYOR,--I have come less for speech than to show by my presence -here the sincere interest I feel in the present meeting. For what can I -say to prompt the generosity of Boston merchants? They understand this -call, and their hearts have already answered it. - -It is hard to hear of suffering anywhere without longing to relieve -it. But happily now all impediment of distance is removed; and such -are the facilities of communication that before the set of sun your -contributions will brighten the faces of those distant sufferers. Do -not think of distance. It is nothing. If Boston should be startled by -hearing to-day that pestilence had appeared in one of our new-found -possessions, as in Charlestown,--or even in Brookline, which will not -be annexed,--we should feel the ties of neighborhood. But Memphis -and Shreveport are neighbors by telegraph and steam, and the grander -ties of a common country, which the ancient Roman orator called the -“great charity comprehending all.”[228] Besides, there is that other -more touching neighborhood which springs from suffering,--for I do not -forget the divine hymn which teaches that - - “Our neighbor is the suffering man, - Though at the farthest pole.”[229] - -In these latter days, my friends, distress has come less from -pestilence than from conflagration. The Fire Fiend has been more active -than the other demon, and property has suffered more than life. Such -are the favoring conditions of climate and the general security of -health in our country, that we are rarely disturbed by contagion. But -it has come at last with the “reaper whose name is Death.” - -To arrest this contagion, to help those exposed to its ravages, we -perform a simple duty, as when we direct water upon the bursting -blaze. Pestilence is a conflagration, and human life is the sacrifice. -In this illustration I bring home to Boston merchants the urgency of -the present call. Too well you know the terrible scene, when your -magnificent and well-filled warehouses, borrowed in style and form from -Venetian palaces, were seized and devoured by the flames. But other -flames, not less vindictive, are now seizing and devouring fellow-men, -our fellow-countrymen, in fair and beautiful places where all smiles -but the benefactor Health. Let us do what we can to help the benefactor -resume his sway. - - At the close of Mr. Sumner’s remarks, measures were taken for the - immediate receiving of subscriptions. - - - - -THE CASE OF THE VIRGINIUS. - -LETTER TO THE CUBAN MASS MEETING IN NEW YORK, NOVEMBER 15, 1873. - - - The Virginius, a steamer sailing from New York under American - colors, was seized on her way from Jamaica to Cuba by a Spanish - cruiser, the Tornado, on the ground that she was carrying men - and munitions of war to the Cuban insurgents, and a large number - of those on board were summarily executed by order of the - Spanish authorities in that island. The intelligence caused much - excitement, especially in the City of New York, which was the - centre of Cuban interests in this country. An indignation meeting - was held in that City, which was countenanced by persons of high - character and position, and addressed by Hon. William M. Evarts and - others in speeches of great intensity. Mr. Sumner, taking a view of - the case which the sober second thought of the people approved, but - which was not in accord with the passions of the hour, answered an - invitation to attend the meeting by the following letter:-- - - BOSTON, November 15, 1873. - - GENTLEMEN,--It is not in my power to be with you at your meeting to - ask for justice in Cuba. - - Allow me to add, that, longing for immediate Emancipation in this - neighboring island, where Slavery still shows its infamous front, and - always insisting that delay is contrary to justice, I do not think - it practicable at this moment, on existing evidence, to determine - all our duties in the recent case where civilization has received a - shock. - - It is very easy to see that no indignation at dreadful - butchery--inconsistent with the spirit of the age, but unhappily - aroused by an illicit filibustering expedition from our own shores, - kindred to that of the Alabama, for which England has been justly - condemned in damages--can make us forget that we are dealing with the - Spanish nation, struggling under terrible difficulties to become a - sister Republic, and therefore deserving from us present forbearance - and candor. Nor can we forget the noble President, whose eloquent - voice, pleading for humanity and invoking our example, has so often - charmed the world. The Spanish Republic and Emilio Castelar do not - deserve the menace of war from us. - - If watchwords are needed now, let them be: Immediate Emancipation - and Justice in Cuba!--Success to the Spanish Republic!--Honor and - Gratitude to Emilio Castelar! and Peace between our two Nations! - Bearing these in mind, there will be no occasion for the belligerent - preparations of the last few days, adding to our present burdensome - expenditures several millions of dollars, and creating a war fever to - interfere with the general health of the political body. - - I am, Gentlemen, - - Your faithful servant, - - CHARLES SUMNER. - - TO THE COMMITTEE. - - - - -THE SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL-RIGHTS BILL AGAIN: IMMEDIATE ACTION URGED. - -REMARKS IN THE SENATE, DECEMBER 2, 1873. - - -MR. PRESIDENT,--If the Senate has no business before it, I think it -cannot do better than to proceed to the consideration of Senate bill -No. 1, the Bill Supplementary to the Civil-Rights Act.[230] It is a -well-known bill, and I do not see how it will require any debate. I -think its reading will be enough. Its terms are expressive; the bill -proves itself. I move that the Senate proceed to its consideration. - - Mr. Ferry, of Connecticut, objecting, that on the introduction of - this bill, the day before, Mr. Edmunds, of Vermont, who was not - now in his seat, had expressed an earnest desire that it should be - referred to a committee, a feeling in which he himself sympathized, - “especially because the constitutional question which was prominent - in the former debate on it had been submitted to the consideration - of the Supreme Court of the United States, and its decision - promulgated since the Senate last met,”-- - - * * * * * - - Mr. Sumner replied:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT,--This bill has been before a committee. What the -committee did in the way of consideration I know not; I had not the -honor of being a member of it. But afterward, as all know, this bill -was completely, most thoroughly, considered and canvassed in this -Chamber. Never in the history of our legislation was any bill more -considered; never has any bill been more minutely matured. Why, then, -refer it to a committee? I do not say that Senators propose delay, but -it is obvious that such a reference will cause delay. - -Now, Sir, I am against delay in the enactment of this measure. It -should pass promptly. It is a great act of justice, to which, as I -understand, the political parties of the country, in solemn convention, -are pledged. Why, then, wait? Why charge a committee with this burden? -Why continue on the country the burden of the injustice which this bill -proposes to relieve? - -We are reminded of a recent decision of the Supreme Court. I have yet -to learn how that decision has any practical bearing on the present -bill. I do not believe that it touches it. Why, then, interpose this -delay? Why not go forward promptly, swiftly, according to the merits of -this measure, and give it, like a benediction, to the land? Here are -our colored fellow-citizens, many millions strong, all of whom have -votes, and all unite in asking it. Your table has literally groaned -under petitions presented from month to month, from year to year; -and unless the bill is speedily passed, I predict that your table -will groan again with similar petitions, and justly,--for our colored -fellow-citizens ought to exercise that great right of petition in favor -of this measure until it is finally adopted. - -I am sorry that the suggestion has been made. I had hoped that there -would be nothing but welcome and consideration for a measure so truly -beneficent, and which is absolutely needed to crown and complete the -great work of Reconstruction. - - Mr. Ferry reiterating his objections, with the remark that this - bill had “in its principle been considered by the Supreme Court - of the United States,” and its constitutionality “substantially - decided against,” and to Mr. Sumner’s inquiry, “When, and on what - occasion?” responding,-- - - “In the New Orleans Slaughter-house cases; and I have read in - the newspapers of the country during the recent vacation what - purported to be the opinion of the Supreme Court; and if the - paper which I read was the opinion of the Supreme Court, that - court, by a majority, holds in principle that the bill which - the Senator has presented is a violation of the Constitution of - the United States,”-- - - Mr. Sumner rejoined:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT,--I would not fail in any courtesy to any Senator, -especially in any courtesy to the Senator from Vermont, for whom I have -all kindness and honor, but I think Senators will agree that nothing -passed yesterday between us by which I am in any way constrained, so -that I may not ask the Senate to proceed at once with this bill. If I -could see the question as my friend from Connecticut sees it, he may -be assured that I should not press the bill. I do not see it so; but -I do see that this bill is now on our table numbered _One_: it is the -first bill of the Calendar. I see also that at this time the Senate has -no business before it; and should I not fail in duty, if I did not ask -the Senate to proceed during this unoccupied time with a bill which I -regard as so important, and which is actually the first in order, being -foremost among all bills? - -But my friend from Connecticut reminds me of a recent decision of -the Supreme Court. For that Court I have great respect. Personal and -professional familiarity with the Court, and study of its judgments -running now for much more than a generation, incline me always to -deference when its decisions are mentioned; but if I understood my -friend, he relies upon a newspaper report. Sir, I have read the -judgment of that Court, communicated to me by one of its members in -an official copy; and I have no hesitation in saying that the Senator -is entirely mistaken, if he supposes that by a hair’s breadth it -interferes with the constitutionality of the bill which I now move. - -Sir, there is no such lion in our path. It exists only in the -imagination of my friend,--or in the desire, which he has so often -manifested, to interfere with the adoption of this measure. But -the Senator is mistaken if he supposes that I charge upon him any -indifference to Human Rights. Never, in any debate, has any word fallen -from me which that Senator can so misinterpret. I know too well his -heart, his excellent and abounding nature, his New-England home, to -attribute to him any such indifference. But I do know full well, for -the Senator has often declared it, that he acts under interpretations -of the Constitution which it seems to me belong to the period anterior -to the war rather than since the war. It seems to me--I may be -mistaken, but I cannot help saying it--that the Senator has not yet -recognized that greatest of all victories by which a new interpretation -is fixed upon the National Constitution, so that hereafter all its -sentences, all its phrases, all its words, shall be interpreted broadly -and emphatically for Human Rights. How often have I been obliged to say -this! But the Senator forgets that victory. There is his error. Most -sincerely, most ardently, do I trust that the Senate will never forget -it; I hope we shall duly act upon it, and celebrate it in our acts. - -Sir, I have been betrayed into these remarks simply by way of answer -to what has been said by my friend. I had hoped that this bill might -be proceeded with without debate. I had trusted that this benign -measure was so clear and refulgent with justice that no Senator would -rise in his place to oppose it. I had indulged the longing that those -especially in favor of amnesty for all would adopt that other greater -and more comprehensive principle of justice for all. Strange, Sir, -that the sensibilities of so many are aroused in favor of amnesty, -and yet those same Senators are so dull when the rights of men are -presented! I, Sir, am anxious to see universal amnesty; but with it -must be asserted also universal justice. Our colored fellow-citizens -must be admitted to complete equality before the law. In other words, -everywhere, in everything regulated by law, they must be equal with -all their fellow-citizens. There is the simple principle on which -this bill stands. Who can impugn it? Who can throw upon it the shadow -of question? Sir, if the Constitution of the United States does -not sanction a bill like this, then forthwith should we proceed to -amend that Constitution, and make it more worthy of our regard. Much -as has been done, this bill must also be added to the trophies of -Congressional action; this bill must be enumerated among the great -results of our recent legislation. Terrible war will then have been a -beneficent parent. - -I hope, Sir, there can be no question on the subject. - - The motion was not agreed to. - - - - -OUR PILGRIM FOREFATHERS. - -SPEECH AT THE DINNER OF THE NEW-ENGLAND SOCIETY IN NEW YORK, DECEMBER -22, 1873. - - - After the customary toasts, _The Day we celebrate_, and _The - President of the United States_, the President of the Society, Mr. - Elliot C. Cowdin, in announcing the _Third Regular Toast_, said,-- - - “I give you, Gentlemen, _The Senate of the United States_. - - “We are happy to greet, on this occasion, the senior in - consecutive service, and the most eminent member of the Senate, - whose early, varied, and distinguished services in the cause - of Freedom have made his name a household word throughout the - world,--the Honorable Charles Sumner.” - - “On rising,” says the official report, “Mr. Sumner was received - with great cheering,--the members of the Society standing, waving - handkerchiefs, and in other ways expressing lively satisfaction.” - - Mr. Sumner responded:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT AND BROTHERS OF NEW ENGLAND:-- - -For the first time in my life, I have the good fortune to enjoy this -famous anniversary festival. Though often honored by your most tempting -invitation, and longing to celebrate the day in this goodly company, -of which all have heard so much, I could never excuse myself from -duties in another place. If now I yield to well-known attractions, -and journey from Washington for my first holiday during a protracted -public service, it is because all was enhanced by the appeal of your -excellent President, to whom I am bound by the friendship of many -years in Boston, New York, and in a foreign land. (_Applause._) It is -much to be a brother of New England, but it is more to be a friend -(_applause_); and this tie I have pleasure in confessing to-night. - -It is with much doubt and humility that I venture to answer for the -Senate of the United States, and I believe the least I say on this head -will be the most prudent. (_Laughter._) But I shall be entirely safe -in expressing my doubt if there is a single Senator who would not be -glad of a seat at this generous banquet. What is the Senate? It is a -component part of the National Government. But we celebrate to-day more -than any component part of any government. We celebrate an epoch in -the history of mankind,--not only never to be forgotten, but to grow -in grandeur as the world appreciates the elements of true greatness. -Of mankind, I say: for the landing on Plymouth Rock, on the 22d of -December, 1620, marks the origin of a new order of ages, by which the -whole human family will be elevated. Then and there was the great -beginning. - -Throughout all time, from the dawn of history, men have swarmed to -found new homes in distant lands. The Tyrians, skirting Northern -Africa, stopped at Carthage; Carthaginians dotted Spain, and even the -distant coasts of Britain and Ireland; Greeks gemmed Italy and Sicily -with Art-loving settlements; Rome carried multitudinous colonies with -her conquering eagles. Saxons, Danes, and Normans violently mingled -with the original Britons. And in more modern times Venice, Genoa, -Portugal, Spain, France, and England, all sent forth emigrants to -people foreign shores. But in these various expeditions trade or war -was the impelling motive. Too often commerce and conquest moved hand in -hand, and the colony was incarnadined with blood. - -On the day we celebrate, the sun for the first time in his course -looked down upon a different scene, begun and continued under a -different inspiration. A few conscientious Englishmen, in obedience -to the monitor within, and that they might be free to worship God -according to their own sense of duty, set sail for the unknown wilds -of the North American continent. After a voyage of sixty-four days in -the ship Mayflower, with Liberty at the prow and Conscience at the -helm, (_applause_,) they sighted the white sand-banks of Cape Cod, and -soon thereafter in the small cabin framed that brief compact, forever -memorable, which is the first written constitution of government in -human history, and the very corner-stone of the American Republic; and -then these Pilgrims landed. - -This compact was not only foremost in time, it was also august in -character, and worthy of perpetual example. Never before had the object -of the “civil body politic” been announced as “to enact, constitute, -and frame such _just and equal laws_, ordinances, acts, constitutions, -and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and -convenient for the general good of the Colony.”[231] How lofty! how -true! Undoubtedly these were the grandest words of government, with the -largest promise, of any at that time uttered. - -If more were needed to illustrate the new epoch, it would be found in -the parting words of the venerable pastor, John Robinson, addressed -to the Pilgrims, as they were about to sail from Delft-Haven,--words -often quoted, yet never enough. How sweetly and beautifully he says: -“And if God should reveal anything to you by any other instrument of -His, be as ready to receive it as ever you were to receive any truth -by my ministry; for I am very confident the Lord hath more truth and -light yet to break forth out of His Holy Word.” And then how justly the -good preacher rebukes those who close their souls to truth! “As, for -example, the Lutherans, they cannot be drawn to go beyond what Luther -saw,--for, whatever part of God’s will He hath further imparted and -revealed to Calvin, they will rather die than embrace it; and so also -you see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them,--a misery much -to be lamented; for, though they were precious shining lights in their -times, yet God had not revealed His whole will to them.”[232] Beyond -the merited rebuke, here is a plain recognition of the law of Human -Progress, little discerned at the time, which teaches the sure advance -of the Human Family, and opens the vista of the ever-broadening, -never-ending future on earth. - -Our Pilgrims were few and poor. The whole outfit of this historic -voyage, including £1,700 of trading-stock, was only £2,400;[233] -and how little was required for their succor appears in the -experience of the soldier Captain Miles Standish, who, being sent -to England for assistance,--not military, but financial (God save -the mark!),--succeeded in borrowing (how much do you suppose?) £150 -sterling. (_Laughter._) Something in the way of help; and the historian -adds, “though at fifty per cent” interest.[234] So much for a valiant -soldier on a financial expedition. (_Laughter, in which General Sherman -and the company joined._) A later agent, Allerton, was able to borrow -for the Colony £200 at a reduced interest of thirty per cent.[235] -Plainly, the money-sharks of our day may trace an undoubted pedigree -to these London merchants. (_Laughter._) But I know not if any son of -New England, oppressed by exorbitant interest, will be consoled by the -thought that the Pilgrims paid the same. - -And yet this small people,--so obscure and outcast in condition,--so -slender in numbers and in means,--so entirely unknown to the proud and -great,--so absolutely without name in contemporary records,--whose -departure from the Old World took little more than the breath of -their bodies,--are now illustrious beyond the lot of men; and the -Mayflower is immortal beyond the Grecian Argo, or the stately ship -of any victorious admiral. Though this was little foreseen in their -day, it is plain now how it has come to pass. The highest greatness, -surviving time and storm, is that which proceeds from the soul of -man. (_Applause._) Monarchs and cabinets, generals and admirals, with -the pomp of courts and the circumstance of war, in the gradual lapse -of time disappear from sight; but the pioneers of Truth, though poor -and lowly, especially those whose example elevates human nature and -teaches the rights of man, so that Government of the people, by the -people, and for the people shall not perish from the earth (_great -applause_),--such harbingers can never be forgotten, and their renown -spreads coëxtensive with the cause they served. - -I know not if any whom I now have the honor of addressing have thought -to recall the great in rank and power filling the gaze of the world as -the Mayflower with her company fared forth on their venturous voyage. -The foolish James was yet on the English throne, glorying that he -had “soundly peppered off the Puritans.”[236] The morose Louis the -Thirteenth, through whom Richelieu ruled, was King of France. The -imbecile Philip the Third swayed Spain and the Indies. The persecuting -Ferdinand the Second, tormentor of Protestants, was Emperor of Germany. -Paul the Fifth, of the House of Borghese, was Pope of Rome. In the -same princely company, and all contemporaries, were Christian the -Fourth, King of Denmark, and his son Christian, Prince of Norway; -Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden; Sigismund the Third, King of Poland; -Frederick, King of Bohemia, with his wife, the unhappy Elizabeth of -England, progenitor of the House of Hanover; George William, Margrave -of Brandenburg, and ancestor of the Prussian house that has given an -emperor to Germany; Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria; Maurice, Landgrave -of Hesse; Christian, Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg; John Frederick, -Duke of Würtemberg and Teck; John, Count of Nassau; Henry, Duke of -Lorraine; Albert, Archduke of Austria, and his wife Isabella, Infanta -of Spain, joint rulers of the Low Countries; Maurice, fourth Prince -of Orange, of the House of Nassau; Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, -and ancestor of the King of United Italy; Cosmo de’ Medici, fourth -Grand Duke of Tuscany; Antonio Priuli, ninety-fifth Doge of Venice, -just after the terrible tragedy commemorated on the English stage as -“Venice Preserved”; Bethlen Gabor, Prince of Unitarian Transylvania, -and elected King of Hungary with the countenance of an African; and the -Sultan Osman the Second, of Constantinople, eighteenth ruler of the -Turks. - -Such at that time were the crowned sovereigns of Europe, whose names -were mentioned always with awe, and whose countenances are handed down -by Art, so that at this day they are visible to the curious as if they -walked these streets. Mark now the contrast. There was no artist for -our forefathers, nor are their countenances now known to men; but more -than any powerful contemporaries at whose tread the earth trembled -is their memory sacred. (_Applause._) Pope, emperor, king, sultan, -grand-duke, duke, doge, margrave, landgrave, count,--what are they all -by the side of the humble company that landed on Plymouth Rock? Theirs, -indeed, were the ensigns of worldly power; but our Pilgrims had in -themselves that inborn virtue which was more than all else besides, and -their landing was an epoch. - -Who in the imposing troop of worldly grandeur is now remembered but -with indifference or contempt? If I except Gustavus Adolphus, it is -because he revealed a superior character. Confront the Mayflower and -the Pilgrims with the potentates who occupied such space in the world. -The former are ascending into the firmament, there to shine forever, -while the latter have been long dropping into the darkness of oblivion, -to be brought forth only to point a moral or to illustrate the fame -of contemporaries whom they regarded not. (_Applause._) Do I err in -supposing this an illustration of the supremacy which belongs to the -triumphs of the moral nature? At first impeded or postponed, they -at last prevail. Theirs is a brightness which, breaking through all -clouds, will shine forth with ever-increasing splendor. - -I have often thought, that if I were a preacher, if I had the honor to -occupy the pulpit so grandly filled by my friend near me, (_gracefully -inclining toward Mr. Beecher_,) one of my sermons should be from the -text, “A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump.”[237] Nor do I know a -better illustration of these words than the influence exerted by our -Pilgrims. That small band, with the lesson of self-sacrifice, of just -and equal laws, of the government of a majority, of unshrinking loyalty -to principle, is now leavening this whole continent, and in the fulness -of time will leaven the world. (_Great applause._) By their example -republican institutions have been commended; and in proportion as we -imitate them will these institutions be assured. (_Applause._) - -Liberty, which we so much covet, is not a solitary plant. Always by its -side is Justice. (_Applause._) Yet Justice is nothing but Right applied -to human affairs. Do not forget, I entreat you, that with the highest -morality is the highest liberty. A great poet, in one of his inspired -sonnets, speaking of this priceless possession, has said, - - “For who loves that must first be wise and good.”[238] - -Therefore do the Pilgrims in their beautiful example teach liberty, -teach republican institutions,--as at an earlier day Socrates and -Plato, in their lessons of wisdom, taught liberty and helped the idea -of the republic. If republican government has thus far failed in any -experiment, as, perhaps, somewhere in Spanish America, it is because -these lessons have been wanting; there have been no Pilgrims to teach -the Moral Law. - -Mr. President, with these thoughts, which I imperfectly express, I -confess my obligations to the forefathers of New England, and offer -to them the homage of a grateful heart. But not in thanksgiving only -would I celebrate their memory. I would, if I could, make their example -a universal lesson, and stamp it upon the land. (_Applause._) The -conscience which directed them should be the guide for our public -councils; the just and equal laws which they required should be -ordained by us; and the hospitality to Truth which was their rule -should be ours. Nor would I forget their courage and steadfastness. Had -they turned back or wavered, I know not what would have been the record -of this continent, but I see clearly that a great example would have -been lost. (_Applause._) Had Columbus yielded to his mutinous crew and -returned to Spain without his great discovery, had Washington shrunk -away disheartened by British power and the snows of New Jersey, these -great instances would have been wanting for the encouragement of men. -But our Pilgrims belong to the same heroic company, and their example -is not less precious. (_Applause._) - -Only a short time after the landing on Plymouth Rock, the great -republican poet, John Milton, wrote his “Comus,” so wonderful for -beauty and truth. His nature was more refined than that of the -Pilgrims; and yet it requires little effort of imagination to catch -from one of them, or at least from their beloved pastor, the exquisite, -almost angelic words at the close:-- - - “Mortals, that would follow me, - Love Virtue: she alone is free; - She can teach ye how to climb - Higher than the sphery chime: - Or if Virtue feeble were, - Heaven itself would stoop to her.” - - “At the conclusion of Senator Sumner’s speech,” says the report, - “the audience rose and gave cheer upon cheer.” - - - - -SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL-RIGHTS BILL: THE LAST APPEAL. - -REMARKS IN THE SENATE, JANUARY 27, 1874. - - - The Supplementary Civil-Rights Bill, introduced by Mr. Sumner on - the first day of the Session, having now come up for consideration, - and the question being on a motion by Mr. Ferry, of Connecticut, to - refer it to the Committee on the Judiciary, Mr. Sumner said:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT,--There is a very good reason, a very strong reason, why -this bill should not be referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and -it is found in the history of the bill. I have in my hand a memorandum, -which has been kindly prepared for me at the desk, disclosing details -which Senators ought to bear in mind before they vote. By the Journals -of the Senate it appears that as long ago as May 13, 1870,-- - - “Mr. Sumner asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to - bring in a bill supplementary to an Act entitled ‘An Act to protect - all persons in the United States in their civil rights, and furnish - the means of their vindication,’ passed April 9, 1866; which was - read the first and second times, by unanimous consent, referred to - the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed.” - -The next appearance of the bill is July 7th, of that year, when, -according to the Journal, “Mr. Trumbull, from the Committee on the -Judiciary,” with a large number of other bills reported this to the -Senate, with a recommendation “that they ought not to pass.” The record -says that-- - - “The Senate proceeded to consider the said bills as in Committee - of the Whole; and no amendment being made, they were severally - reported to the Senate. - - “On motion by Mr. Trumbull, - - “_Ordered_, That the said bills be postponed indefinitely.” - -You will observe, Sir, the bill was treated in the lump with others, -at the close of the session; and you have here the report of the very -committee to which it is now proposed to refer it. - -The next appearance of the bill is January 20, 1871, and the entry is -as follows:-- - - “Mr. Sumner asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to - bring in a bill supplementary to an Act entitled ‘An Act to protect - all persons in the United States in their civil rights, and furnish - the means of their vindication,’ passed April 9, 1866; which was - read the first and second times, by unanimous consent, referred to - the Committee on the Judiciary, and ordered to be printed.” - -February 15, 1871, “Mr. Trumbull, from the Committee on the Judiciary, -to whom were referred the following bills [the present with others], -reported them severally without amendment, and that they ought not to -pass.” - -There was no action of the Senate at the time; for you will bear in -mind the lateness of the day in the session; and Senators cannot have -forgotten the pressure of business at that time. That was sufficient -reason against the consideration of the bill. Indeed, with all the -assiduity that I could command, I was not able to obtain a hearing for -it. - -Then came the first session of the Forty-Second Congress, beginning -March 4, 1871. Upon the Journal it appears, March 9, 1871,-- - - “Mr. Sumner asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, leave to - bring in [this same bill, with one other], which were read the - first and second times, by unanimous consent, and ordered to lie on - the table and be printed.” - -In introducing the bill this third time I stated that it had already -been to the Judiciary Committee twice before; that it was to be -presumed that they had carefully considered it; that they had reported -it adversely; that they had not reported any amendment; that I did not -think it advisable now to refer the bill to a committee which had twice -recorded an adverse judgment; that the bill was well known to Senators; -that it had been before the Senate a long time; and that under the -circumstances I thought I should be justified in asking that it take -its place on the Calendar and be printed. The order was made, and it -held its place on the Calendar. - -Shortly afterward a measure of general amnesty, it will be remembered, -passed the House of Representatives and came to this Chamber. Then it -was that I deemed it my duty to move this bill as an amendment, and you -will remember the extended discussion that ensued,--how justice to the -African race was contrasted with generosity to those who had struck at -the life of the Republic, and it was insisted that our first duty was -justice. The debate was protracted. Senators cannot have forgotten -it; and more than once votes were had upon the pending amendment. I -think it was twice carried by the casting vote of the Vice-President. -Certainly it was attached to the bill for general amnesty, and the -debate reached over weeks, during which time the Supplementary -Civil-Rights Bill, as it came to be called, underwent amendment. It -was modified in various particulars,--in none of great importance, in -none of principle, but verbally; also in the penalties, and in the -machinery: but the bill now stands, in principle and in substance, as -it was when originally introduced. So far as it is changed, it is a -change reached by debate in this Chamber. The Senate itself has been a -Committee of the Whole sitting on this bill, superseding thereby the -labors of any special committee. - -Why, then, after two references to the Judiciary Committee should we -have a third? Is it for delay? Is it in the hope of any light on this -important subject which Senators have not already? Why, then, the -reference? I can see no considerable or sufficient object, except one -that we are compelled to recognize in this Chamber: can it be a mode of -opposition by interposing time, delay? - -Now, Sir, the bill is on the Calendar No. 1. It should have been the -first acted upon this session; and if it was not acted upon first, -there is no blame on me, for I tried to have you act upon it on one -of the earliest days of this session, but I was resisted here by the -Senator from Connecticut [Mr. FERRY], and the Senator from Maine [Mr. -MORRILL]; the Senator from Connecticut insisting, then as now, that the -bill should go to a committee. Now, Sir, I appeal to the Senate to take -this important measure into its own hands at once and directly. - -What is the use of a Committee? It is as eyes and ears to the Senate. -How often do we repeat that saying! But who wants eyes and ears for the -appreciation of this measure? Its character is manifest; its justice is -confessed; it is in harmony with all that has been done to carry out -the great results of the war; it is in harmony with the Declaration -of Independence, and with the grand history of the Republic; it is in -harmony with the Constitutional Amendments, and it is indeed necessary -in order to their full enjoyment. The necessity is manifest every day -in the outrages to which the colored race are exposed, not only in -travel and at hotels, but still more in the children of their homes, -who are shut out from those schools where they ought to receive -practically, as well as by lesson, the great duty of Equality. The bill -is an urgent necessity. There ought to be no delay. There should not be -the postponement of a Committee, for the Committee is unnecessary. The -Committee has already sat upon it once, twice: why a third time? - - In the debate which ensued, Mr. Stewart, of Nevada, and Mr. - Edmunds, of Vermont (Chairman of the Judiciary Committee), among - others, participated, both urging the proposed reference, and the - latter in remarks replete with personality. Mr. Sumner responded as - follows:-- - -The Senator from Nevada has made a speech which is founded on oblivion -of the past. The bill has been examined by the Judiciary Committee, and -twice reported by them adversely without amendment. - - MR. EDMUNDS. When was the last report? - - MR. SUMNER. February 15, 1871. - - MR. EDMUNDS. That was in the time of Trumbull. - -MR. SUMNER. The Senator says, “That was in the time of Trumbull.” But -it was reported adversely by the Judiciary Committee, of which my -learned friend was a distinguished member, I think. I cannot mistake; -he must have been on the Committee, a party to its report; and there -was from him no minority voice, no opposition on this floor to the -report of the Chairman. He allowed the Chairman to speak for the -Committee, including himself. - -But the Senator from Nevada, oblivious of this history, insists upon -another reference. He wishes to put this bill through another dance. -For what purpose? He has read the existing statute to which this is -supplementary, and he thinks that the Committee ought to consider the -aptitude of this bill to carry out the declared purpose. Why, Sir, I -agree with him that such aptitude ought to exist, but do not forget -that the bill has been before the Senate now nearly four years. Nearly -four years has this bill, substantially as at this moment, been before -the Senate, and twice before the Judiciary Committee. - -Now, Sir, let us ascend from words to things. Why make another -reference? Is it that it may find verbal place on your record that -this bill was duly referred and duly reported? That is the only reason -I can imagine; for the bill in its substance is well known to every -Senator, and, I may add, is well known to every lawyer in the country. -It has been discussed here again and again, day after day, and has -been modified after discussion; and you now have the result of all -the discussion and the modification. It is well known. It is familiar -to the country. It has received the approbation of those who are most -interested in it. It has been prayed for by petitioners without -number. It has been commended at public meetings with an earnestness -and an enthusiasm almost without parallel. - - MR. EDMUNDS. May I ask the Senator a question? - - MR. SUMNER. Certainly. - - MR. EDMUNDS. I should like to ask my friend, the Senator from - Massachusetts, (as he is now speaking of the character of the bill, - which I did not care to refer to particularly,) where the jury is - summoned, and a man should happen to be convicted of murder or any - other crime under the State law, would it, or not, set aside the - verdict? - - MR. SUMNER. The Senator will pardon me. I had not intended to touch - this branch of the debate. - - MR. EDMUNDS. I merely wish to ask him what he understands to be the - character of the fourth section, supposing we pass it just as it - stands, and supposing a jury happens to be summoned contrary to the - provisions of the fourth section, but in accordance with the law of - the State. - - MR. SUMNER. The effect of the violation of the law in that respect - need not be considered. It is sufficient that this section provides - a penalty against those who violate the law; such is its simple - object. - - MR. EDMUNDS. Ah! but let me ask my friend, does it not also provide - what shall constitute a lawful jury? - - MR. SUMNER. Very well,--and should it not so provide? - - MR. EDMUNDS. Very well,--but my question is, What would be the - effect upon the trial of an indictment found by a grand jury not - composed in conformity to this motion? - -MR. SUMNER. I will not presume to pronounce an opinion on that -question. It is sufficient for me that the section is clear and -explicit in imposing a penalty upon the party making the exclusion, and -that is all the bill proposes. The other consequences may be, will be, -for the determination of the courts. The question belongs to them; I -doubt if it belongs to us. But the bill is open to amendment. Let the -Senator move such as he thinks the case requires: I shall welcome it. - -When the Senator interrupted me I was about to address myself to -him; for I should not have risen this time but for the remarks which -he made. I know not, Sir, why my position on this question should -justify the personalities which the Senator from Vermont considers so -essential to debate. I certainly made no allusion to him, nor do I -claim anything for myself. I am an humble worker in this Chamber, and -in this cause I have been laborious for years; but not on that account -do I claim anything, nor do I make any pretence. I know not why the -Senator should, with personality of manner and allusion, undertake to -taunt me for the position that I occupy. Do I deserve it? I represent -humbly the sentiments of the people of Massachusetts, who have sent me -here now for many years. Always loyal to these sentiments I hope to -be, even though it brings upon me the displeasure of the Senator. Sir, -I am anxious to harmonize with that Senator. I know, too, his loyalty -to this cause,--I do not doubt it; but I now appeal to that Senator to -unite with me in speeding this great measure. Let him join sincerely, -with his large intelligence, to hasten this bill before the Senate -and make it the law of the land; so would he become a benefactor to a -much-oppressed people. - -Possibly he has his doubts in regard to the Jury provision. I know -other lawyers have expressed doubts before; and from the inquiry that -he made a moment ago it is perhaps fair to infer that those doubts -haunt his mind. To that I simply answer, Happily they do not haunt -mine. I know the Constitution of my country, and I know that under -that Constitution, unless my judgment fails entirely, the provision -with reference to juries is absolutely valid and constitutional. -I challenge the discussion. Let the Senator make his objections. -The original Civil-Rights Bill, which passed over the veto of the -President, solemnly declares that no evidence shall be excluded from -any court of justice, National or State, on account of color. The -nation has undertaken to regulate the testimony, not only in its own -Courts but in State Courts; and will any one pretend that it may not -regulate the jury in State Courts, when it may regulate the testimony -in State Courts? Why, Sir, there is nothing in the Constitution -touching testimony, but there are no less than three distinct -provisions relating to trial by jury; and among other terms employed -is “an impartial jury,” which is among the privileges and immunities -of the citizen. And is it wrong for Congress, in the plenitude of its -powers, anxious to do justice to all, to declare that there shall be -an impartial jury in all tribunals, whether National or State, without -regard to color? Having begun by regulating the testimony, where is the -argument which is to prevent us from regulating the jury? I need not -remind my excellent friend that originally the witnesses and the jury -were almost one and the same. - - MR. EDMUNDS. They were precisely the same. - -MR. SUMNER. Very well,--so much the better; and the Senator knows that -there is a phrase handed down to us from English courts by which we -are reminded constantly of the “witness-box” and the “jury-box.” So -closely were they together that they come under a common nomenclature. -Now I insist that they shall come under a common safeguard. We have -already provided that there shall be no exclusion in testimony on -account of color: we must also provide that there shall be no exclusion -from the jury on account of color; and until that provision is made by -supreme national law, not to be set aside, justice is not fully done. - -But, Sir, I had no intention to discuss the character of this bill; -and I have only been led into it by the allusion of the Senator, who, -holding the bill in his hand, signalizes that section as open to -criticism. Let him proceed with his criticism. But then I hope for -better things. I hope my friend, instead of criticism, will give us -that generous support which so well becomes him. He sees full well, -that, until this great question is completely settled, the results of -the war are not all secured, nor is this delicate and sensitive subject -banished from these Halls. Sir, my desire, the darling desire, if I -may say so, of my soul, at this moment, is to close forever this great -question, so that it shall never again intrude into these Chambers,--so -that hereafter in all our legislation there shall be no such words -as “black” or “white,” but that we shall speak only of citizens and -of men. Is not that an aspiration worthy of a Senator? Is such an -aspiration any ground for taunt from the Senator of Vermont? Will he -not, too, join in the aspiration and the endeavor to bring about that -beneficent triumph? Let this be omitted now, let any part of this bill -be dropped out now, and you leave the question for another Congress, -to be pursued by other petitions, to be pressed by other Senators and -Representatives; for, so long as injustice remains without redress, so -long will there be men to petition, and so long, I trust, will there be -Senators and Representatives to demand a remedy. I ask for all now. - - At length, on the representation of Mr. Frelinghuysen, of New - Jersey, that, “by acquiescing with the other friends of the measure - in its reference to the Committee on the Judiciary, the Senator - from Massachusetts has it in his power to take from every opponent - of the bill any apology, reason, or excuse for opposing it,” - followed by the declaration, “I think we can give the Senator the - assurance that a fortnight will not pass without the bill being - reported,”-- - - Mr. Sumner inquiring,--“The Senator is a member of the Judiciary - Committee, I believe?” - - MR. FRELINGHUYSEN. Yes, Sir. - - MR. SUMNER. I accept his assurance and consent to the reference. - - Mr. Edmunds, Chairman of the Committee, demurring to the proposed - agreement to report the bill within two weeks, suggested as a - substitute, “its consideration with the promptness that the - business of the Committee will allow,” which Mr. Frelinghuysen - pronouncing “equally satisfactory,” it was tacitly so settled,--Mr. - Howe, of Wisconsin, thereupon observing, “I think the assurances we - have from the Senator from New Jersey and the Senator from Vermont - are a sufficient guaranty that the bill will get back here in good - season.” - - MR. SUMNER. And in good condition. (_Laughter._) - - MR. EDMUNDS. Much better than it is now. (_Laughter._) - - Mr. Morton of Indiana subsequently remarking,-- - - I do not myself feel that there is any great importance in - referring this bill to a committee, for the reason that the - question has been so long before the Senate and has been so - amply discussed. But still that is the usage of the Senate; we - do that with regard to all bills unless under some very strong - emergency; and if the Senator had consented in the first place - to the reference of the bill, we should have had it back long - ago. So, I think, he has nobody to blame but himself that this - bill is not now before the Senate to be acted upon. But I may - be allowed to express the hope, and I have no reason to doubt - that it will be gratified, that the Judiciary Committee will - promptly examine this bill, and report back a Civil-Rights Bill - upon which the Senate can take action before long. I think that - ought to be done for very many considerations,-- - - Mr. Sumner replied:-- - -MR. PRESIDENT,--I should not say another word, except for the ardor -with which my friend from Indiana comes forward to throw a little blame -on me. He thinks, that, if I had consented to an earlier reference of -this bill, it would now be in order before the Senate; but he says that -in a case of strong emergency bills are not referred to committees. -Now I ask the Senator from Indiana if this is not a case of strong -emergency? The bill has been pending nearly four solid years, during -all which time a portion of our fellow-citizens, counted by the -million, have been exposed to indignity; and because I tried to speed -the result, hoping to bring the Senate to a generous conclusion of -the whole measure without a reference to the Committee, the Senator -from Indiana thus tardily seeks to rebuke me. If I erred at all, it -was because I trusted the Senate. I felt, that, with this bill on the -Calendar and within reach, it could not hesitate. I was unwilling to -see the bill in a committee-room, where the Senate, in a generous -moment, could not take it up any day, and, so far as the Senate was -concerned, make it the law of the land. I put too much faith in this -body, which I ought to know well. I did, Sir, have generous trust. I -did believe that at some early day the bill would be considered and -adopted. I have been disappointed. More than once I have tried to reach -it, I have tried to bring it before the Senate; but you know well -the impediments; you know that other important matters have occupied -attention, so that I could not, with any reasonable chance of success, -seek to press this important measure. That, Sir, is the occasion -for delay; and I do not think--I hardly like to make any question -with my friend--but I do not think he was generous in the imputation -that he sought to throw upon me. Had that Senator, on the first day -of the session, or when I made an effort at a later day to bring it -up, come forward then to aid me in pressing it on the attention of -the Senate,--had he reminded the Senate and the country how many -fellow-citizens were shut out from their rights, and that a denial of -rights does not allow delay,--had these words come from the Senator -at that time, ah! we should have been having no such debate as has -occurred to-day. The bill would have been hastened on its way, and a -people long enslaved and degraded would be at last lifted to equality. - - The question being now put, the bill was referred to the Committee - on the Judiciary without objection. - - March 11, 1874, Mr. Sumner died. - - April 14th his bill was reported back by Mr. Frelinghuysen from the - Committee with an amendment in the form of a substitute,--being - substantially the original bill taken into a new draught, with - a few differences of machinery. In this form, after long and - exhaustive debate, it was passed in the Senate, May 22d, by Yeas - 29, Nays 16. - - In the House, all efforts to take it up were frustrated by the - minority, under the rule requiring a two-thirds vote for this - purpose, until the closing hours of the succeeding session, March - 3, 1875, when a vote was obtained referring it to the Committee on - the Judiciary, but too late for action, and the bill fell with the - expiration of the Congress. - - Meanwhile, however, February 3d, Mr. Butler, of Massachusetts, - had reported a bill from this Committee, covering the provisions - of the Senate bill, with the exception only of that relating to - cemeteries, but with the addition to that on Common Schools of the - proviso,-- - - “That if any State or the proper authorities in any - State, having the control of Common Schools or other public - institutions of learning aforesaid, shall establish and - maintain separate schools and institutions giving equal - educational advantages in all respects for different classes of - persons entitled to attend such schools and institutions, such - schools and institutions shall be a sufficient compliance with - the provisions of this section so far as they relate to schools - and institutions of learning.” - - On proceeding to a vote, the next day, February 14th, the entire - clause, embracing Common Schools, public institutions of learning - or benevolence, and national agricultural colleges, together with - this proviso, was, on motion of Mr. Kellogg, of Connecticut, struck - out by Ayes 123, Noes 48,--a call for the Yeas and Nays, which - would have brought out the names, being refused. A previous motion - by Mr. Cessna, of Pennsylvania, to substitute the full text of the - Senate bill for that of the House Committee, now recurring, was - defeated by Yeas 114, Nays 148,--and the latter, amended as above - stated, was then passed by Yeas 162, Nays 100,--and subsequently, - February 27th, in the Senate also, by Yeas 38, Nays 26,--and March - 1st received the approval of the Executive. - - This bill, entitled “An Act to protect all citizens in their - civil and legal rights,”[239] has since stood on the statute - book as a finality,--these rights, in the terms of the statute, - consisting of “the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, - advantages, facilities, and privileges of [1st] inns, [2d] public - conveyances on land or water, [3d] theatres, and other places of - public amusement”; to which another section, rising to a higher - plane, adds the declaration [4th] “That no citizen possessing all - other qualifications which are or may be prescribed by law shall - be disqualified for service as grand or petit juror in any court - of the United States, or of any State, on account of race, color, - or previous condition of servitude,”--with such security to the - colored citizens of this inestimable right as may be found in the - provision that “any officer or other person, charged with any duty - in the selection or summoning of jurors, who shall exclude or fail - to summon any citizen for the cause aforesaid, shall, on conviction - thereof, be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and be fined _not more_ - than five thousand dollars.” - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] Case of Plau, French Consul-General at New York. - -[2] April 30, 1864: A Bill to provide for the greater Efficiency of the -Civil-Service of the United States. Congressional Globe, 38th Cong. 1st -Sess., p. 1985; also, _ante_, Vol. XI. p. 278, seqq. - -[3] Times, December 31, 1870. Executive Documents, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., -H. of R., No. 1, Foreign Relations, p. 368. - -[4] James, iii. 17. - -[5] Speech, February 14th: Congressional Globe, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., p. -1016. - -For the portion of the Speech referred to, setting forth the -authorities on this subject, see Appendix (A), pp. 41-44. - -[6] Law of Nations, p. 281. - -[7] 7 Wheaton, R., 487. - -[8] See Appendix (A), pp. 43, 44. - -[9] House Reports, 40th Cong. 2d Sess., No. 64, p. 5. - -[10] Merchant of Venice, Act iv. Sc. 1. - -[11] Letter of Treasurer Spinner to Senator Wilson, February 16, 1872: -Congressional Globe, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 1072. - -[12] Commentaries on American Law, Vol. I. p. 128. - -[13] A Treatise of the Relative Rights and Duties of Belligerent and -Neutral Powers, in Maritime Affairs, by Robert Ward, Esq., Barrister at -Law, (London, 1801,) p. 166. - -[14] Commentaries upon International Law, Vol. III. p. 282. - -[15] Ibid., p. 427. - -[16] Phases et Causes Célèbres. Tom. II. p. 407. - -[17] Speech on the Report of the Foreign Enlistment Bill, April 16, -1823: Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, N. S., Vol. VIII. col. 1056. - -[18] Occasional Productions, pp. 176, 177. See the letter to William H. -Trescott upon Public and Diplomatic Subjects. - -[19] This dispatch, after remaining unquestioned for more than a month -and for several weeks after the date of this speech, was finally -contradicted by the French authorities. See Telegram from Minister -Washburne to Secretary Fish, March 19, and Note from the French Chargé -at Washington, M. de Bellonet, to same, March 30, 1872: Report of -Committee on Sale of Ordnance Stores,--Senate Reports, 42d Cong. 2d -Sess., No. 183, pp. 524, 604. - -[20] Speech of February 14th: Congressional Globe, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., -pp. 1008, 1013. This important letter may be found in the Report of the -Select Committee on the Sales of Ordnance Stores by the United States -Government during the Fiscal Year 1871-72: Senate Reports, 42d Cong. 2d -Sess., No. 183. - -[21] _Ante_, p. 12. - -[22] Joint Resolution, July 20, 1868: Statutes at Large, Vol. XV. p. -259. - -[23] Executive Documents, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., H. of R., No. 1, Part 2, -pp. 250, 251. - -[24] De l’Esprit des Lois, Liv. III. chs. iii. vi. - -[25] Senate Reports, 36th Cong. 1st Sess., No. 278, pp. 140, 253. - -[26] Law of Evidence, Part II. ch. xiii. - -[27] Ibid., p. 250 (_Rex_ v. _Hardy_, 24 Howell’s State Trials, 808). - -[28] Ibid. - -[29] _Ante_, p. 5. - -[30] D’Ewes, Journals of all the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen -Elizabeth, p. 629. - -[31] Page 146. - -[32] Gray’s Debates of the House of Commons, Vol. V. p. 145. - -[33] Ibid., Vol. VI. p. 373. - -[34] Manual of Parliamentary Practice, Sec. XXVI. - -[35] Ibid. - -[36] Ibid. - -[37] Lex Parl. Amer., pp. 729-30. - -[38] Ibid., p. 732. - -[39] Lex Parl. Amer., p. 383. - -[40] Congressional Globe, 26th Cong. 2d Sess., p. 231. Cushing, Lex -Parl. Amer., App. XIV., p. 1009. - -[41] Entitled, “The Struggles (Social, Financial, and Political) of -Petroleum V. Nasby,”--DAVID ROSS LOCKE, editor of the Toledo [Ohio] -Blade, where most of these Letters, one hundred and eighty-eight in -number, first appeared, during the period from March 21, 1861, to May -12, 1870. - -[42] Fourth Annual Report of the Commissioners of Fairmount Park, pp. -15-16. - -[43] Ibid., p. 17. - -[44] Works, ed. Sparks, Vol. IX. p. 476. - -[45] Duties of Massachusetts at the Present Crisis: Formation of the -Republican Party. _Ante_, Vol. IV. p. 267. - -[46] For the text of this passage see _ante_, Vol. VI. pp. 336-7. - -[47] The Federalist, No. XLVII. - -[48] Letter to Richard Henry Lee, November 15, 1775: Works, Vol. IV. p. -186. - -[49] Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United -States,--Preface: Ibid., p. 296. - -[50] Statutes at Large, ed. Hening, Vol. IX. p. 114. - -[51] Constitution of Massachusetts, Part I.: Declaration of Rights, -Art. XXX. - -[52] History of Civilization in England, (London, 1868,) Vol. I. pp. -199, 200. - -[53] Ibid., p. 200. - -[54] Ibid., p. 201. - -[55] Ibid. - -[56] Sir H. L. Bulwer, Historical Characters, (4th edit.,) Vol. II. p. -331. - -[57] Speech at Great Falls, N. H., February 24, 1872, pp. 6, 7. - -[58] June 6th, Mr. Sumner reiterated in debate, with much emphasis, -his statement of Mr. Stanton’s expressed opinion of the President, and -added the testimony of a letter of Horace White, editor of the Chicago -Tribune.--See Congressional Globe, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 4283. - -[59] Letter to Benjamin Adams, April 22, 1799: Works, Vol. VIII. p. 636. - -[60] Letter to George Jefferson, March 27, 1801: Writings, Vol. IV. p. -388. - -[61] Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. p. 34. - -[62] Ibid., pp. 41, 60. - -[63] Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. p. 60. - -[64] Dictionnaire Universel d’Histoire et de Géographie. - -[65] Appleton’s New American Cyclopædia. - -[66] Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. p. 68. - -[67] Ibid., p. 89. - -[68] Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I., p. 80. - -[69] Ibid., pp. 82, 83; Parte II. p. 17. - -[70] Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. pp. 99-100. - -[71] Ibid., p. 94. - -[72] Ibid., Parte II. p. 132. - -[73] Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. p. 114. - -[74] Ibid., Parte II. p. 162. - -[75] Ibid., pp. 167-68. - -[76] Ibid., Parte I. p. 103. - -[77] Ibid., pp. 94, 95. - -[78] Ibid., p. 94. - -[79] Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. pp. 179-80. - -[80] Ibid., pp. 92-93. - -[81] Ibid., Parte II. p. 132. - -[82] Ibid., p. 75. - -[83] Ibid., p. 142. - -[84] Nipotismo di Roma, Parte II. p. 145. - -[85] Ibid., p. 152. - -[86] Ibid., p. 11. - -[87] Ibid., p. 18. - -[88] Irving’s Life of Washington, Vol. V. p. 22. See also the writings -of Washington, ed. Sparks, Vol. IX. p. 479, note. - -[89] Letter to Benjamin Harrison, March 9, 1789: Writings, ed. Sparks, -Vol. IX. p. 476. - -[90] Washington to Adams, February 20, 1797: Works of John Adams, Vol. -VIII. p. 530. - -[91] Letter to Madison, March 23, 1813. - -[92] Letter to George Jefferson, March 27, 1801: Writings, Vol. IV. p. -388. - -[93] Letter to J. Garland Jefferson, January 25, 1810: Writings, Vol. -V. p. 498. - -[94] Works of John Adams, Vol. IX. p. 63. - -[95] _Ante_, p. 103. - -[96] Works of John Adams, Vol. VIII. pp. 529-30, note. - -[97] Historic Americans, p. 211. - -[98] Letter to John Jebb, August 21, 1785: Works, Vol. IX. p. 535. - -[99] Letter to Edward Cole, August 29, 1834: Letters and other -Writings, Vol. IV. p. 357. - -[100] Memoirs, by Thomas Bartlett, (London, 1839,) p. 200. - -[101] Deuteronomy, xvi. 19. - -[102] Plutarch’s Lives,--_Cleomenes_, ed. Clough: Vol. IV. p. 479. - -[103] “Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes.”--VIRGIL, _Æneid_. Lib. II. 49. - -[104] Life and Times of Henry Lord Brougham, London, 1870, Vol. II. pp. -29-32. - -[105] Letter of Benjamin Harrison, January 6, 1785: Washington’s -Writings, ed. Sparks, Vol. IX. p. 83. - -[106] Life of Washington, Vol. IV. p. 448. - -[107] Letter to Harrison, January 22, 1785: Writings, ed. Sparks, Vol. -IX. p. 85. - -[108] September 26, 1785: Ibid., p. 133. - -[109] Forney’s Anecdotes of Public Men, p. 240. - -[110] Guizot, Histoire de France, Tom. I. p. 519. - -[111] See Memoirs, Vol. III. p. 528. - -[112] King Henry VI., Third Part, Act V. Sc. 1. - -[113] Timon of Athens, Act I. Sc. 1. - -[114] Writings, ed. Sparks, Vol. XII. p. 1. - -[115] Writings, Vol. VIII. p. 1. - -[116] Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. 1st Sess., p. 1. - -[117] Sir H. L. Bulwer, Historic Characters, Vol. II. p. 324. - -[118] Boswell’s Life of Johnson, ed. Croker, April, 1781. - -[119] Act of September 2, 1789, Section 8: Statutes at Large, Vol. I. -p. 67. - -[120] Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. 1st Sess., p. 22. - -[121] Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. 1st Sess., p. 22. - -[122] Ibid., p. 34. - -[123] Daily Morning Chronicle, March 16, 1869. - -[124] Writings, Vol. VIII. p. 4. - -[125] Act of July 23, 1866: Statutes at Large, Vol. XIV. pp. 206-7. - -[126] Statutes at Large, Vol. XV. p. 96. - -[127] Statutes at Large, Vol. XII. p. 736. - -[128] Ibid., Vol. XIV. p. 174. - -[129] Ibid., p. 336. - -[130] Ibid., Vol. XVI. p. 320. - -[131] Statutes at Large, Vol. V. p. 260. - -[132] Ibid., Vol. XV. p. 58. - -[133] Ibid., Vol. XVI. p. 319. - -[134] General Orders, No. 10. - -[135] General Orders, No. 11. - -[136] Ibid., No. 12. - -[137] Ibid., No. 28. - -[138] Congressional Globe, 40th Cong. 3d Sess., p. 754, Feb. 1, 1869. - -[139] General Orders, No. 49. - -[140] Statutes at Large, Vol. IV. p. 736. - -[141] _Ante_, p. 135. - -[142] Executive Documents, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., H. of R., No. 1, Part -2, p. 37. - -[143] Executive Documents, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., H. of R., No. 1, Part -2, p. 4. - -[144] Inaugural Address, March 4, 1869: Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. -1st Sess., p. 1. - -[145] Daily Morning Chronicle, March 17, 1869. - -[146] New York Custom-House Investigation,--Testimony of Gen. G. W. -Palmer: Senate Reports, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., No. 227, Vol. III. p. 581. - -[147] Testimony of William Atkinson: Ibid., p. 626. - -[148] Private letter to Mr. Sumner, quoted in Speech of March 27, 1871: -_Ante_, Vol. XIX. p. 32. - -[149] Executive Documents, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., Senate, No. 17, p. 79; -No. 45, p. 3. Senate Reports, 41st Cong. 2d Sess., No. 234, pp. 38, 39. - -[150] Senate Reports, 41st Cong. 2d Sess., No. 234, p. 188. - -[151] Executive Documents, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., Senate, No. 17., pp. -80-82. - -[152] Same, No. 34, p. 9. - -[153] Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., pp. 6, 7. - -[154] Message, April 5, 1871: Cong. Globe, 42d Congr. 1st Sess., pp. -469-70. - -[155] See Letter to Hon. Andrew D. White, _post_, p. 205. - -[156] Titus Andronicus, Act I. Sc. 2. - -[157] Cymbeline, Act III. Sc. 4. - -[158] “Le roi de France ne venge pas les injures du duc d’Orléans.” -LOUIS XII.--Fournier, L’Esprit dans l’Histoire, (Paris, 1860,) p. 121. - -[159] Raoul de Caën, Faits et Gestes du Prince Tancrède: Guizot, -Mémoires relatifs à l’Histoire de France, Tom. XXIII. p. 6. - -[160] Third Satire of Juvenal, 454-55, 468-69: Dryden’s Works, ed. -Scott, Vol. XIII. p. 146. - -[161] Gifford, (2d edit., London, 1806,) 407-10. - -[162] - - “Larges estoit et volentis, - Mès n’estoit pas bien ententis, - En ce que ou royaume failloit, - Si comme reson li bailloit.” - -GODEFROY DE PARIS, _Chronique Métrique_, 8047-50. - -[163] “Selon le droit de nature chacun doit naître franc.”--_Ord. 3 -Juillet, 1315_: Ordonances des Roys de France de la troisième Race, -Tom. I. p. 583. Sismondi, Histoire des Français, Tom. IX. pp. 321-22. - -[164] Annual Message, 21st Cong. 2d Sess., December 7, 1830. - -[165] Speech at the Dayton Convention, September 10, 1840: Niles’s -Register, Vol. LIX. p. 70. - -[166] Speech at Taylorsville, Hanover County, Va., June 27, 1840: -Works, Vol. VI. p. 421. - -[167] Speech in the Senate, February 20, 1866: Congressional Globe, -39th Cong. 1st Sess., p. 932. - -[168] New York Custom-House Investigation,--Testimony of Gen. G. W. -Palmer: Senate Reports, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., No. 227, Vol. III., pp. -581, 582. - -[169] Hansard, Parliamentary History, Vol. XXI. col. 247, 267,--April -6, 1780. - -[170] Hansard, Parliamentary History, Vol. XXI., col. 247. - -[171] Daily Morning Chronicle, May 10, 1872. - -[172] Josiah Quincy, Speech in the House of Representatives, January -30, 1811: Annals of Congress, 11th Cong. 3d Sess., col. 851. - -[173] Livy, XXXVIII. 51. - -[174] General Henry Lee, Oration before the Two Houses of Congress on -the Death of Washington, December 26, 1799: Annals of Congress, 6th -Cong., App., col. 1310. - -[175] Daily Morning Chronicle, May 10, 1872. - -[176] Speech at the Republican State Convention in Worcester, September -14, 1865. _Ante_, Vol. XII. p. 339. - -[177] See Speech entitled “Republicanism _vs._ Grantism,”--_ante_, pp. -83-171. - -[178] Vol. IV. p. 121. - -[179] Proverbs, xxix. 4. - -[180] Documents relative to the Colonial History of New York, ed. -O’Callaghan, Vol. IV. p. 1040. - -[181] Self-Help, (Boston, 1860,) pp. 391-92. - -[182] Pearce, Memoirs and Correspondence, (London, 1846,) Vol. III. pp. -424-25. - -[183] Annual Message, 21st Cong. 2d Sess., December 7, 1830. - -[184] Speech at the Dayton Convention, September 10, 1840: Niles’s -Register, Vol. LIX. p. 70. - -[185] Speech at Taylorsville, Hanover County, Va., June 27, 1840: -Works, Vol. VI. p. 421. - -[186] Speech in the Senate, February 20, 1866: Congressional Globe, -39th Cong. 1st Sess., p. 932. - -[187] June 3, 1869. - -[188] July 14, 1869. - -[189] Democracy in America, ed. Bowen, (Cambridge, 1863,) Ch. VIII. -Vol. I. pp. 172-73. - -[190] Letter to Madison, March 15, 1789: Writings, Vol. III. p. 5. - -[191] New York Custom-House Investigation: Senate Reports, 42d Cong. 2d -Sess. No. 227, Vol. III. pp. 582, 626. - -[192] See Report on Affairs in Louisiana: House Reports, 42d Cong. 2d -Sess. No. 92. - -[193] House Reports, 40th Cong. 1st Sess., No. 7, p. 41. - -[194] Ibid., as there condensed from the original: Two Treatises on -Government, Book II. § 222. - -[195] American Annual Cyclopædia, 1872, p. 778. - -[196] Speech of Mr. Sawyer, of South Carolina, on the Supplementary -Civil Rights Bill as an Amendment to the Amnesty Bill: Congressional -Globe, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 490. - -[197] Dante, De Monarchia, Lib. I. cap. 4. - -[198] Ovid, Metamorphoses, ed. Garth, Book VII.: _The Dragon’s Teeth -transformed to Men_, vv. 31-34. - -[199] _Ante_, Vol. VII. p. 268. - -[200] _Ante_, Vol. VII. p. 351. - -[201] Congressional Globe, 37th Cong. 2d Sess., p. 1982. - -[202] _Ante_, Vol. VIII. p. 361. Congressional Globe, _ut supra_, p. -2010. - -[203] Congressional Globe, _ut supra_, p. 2083. - -[204] _Ante_, Vol. IX. pp. 70, 73, 74, and note. Congressional Globe, -_ut supra_, pp. 2195, 2196. - -[205] _Ante_, Vol. IX. p. 146. Congressional Globe, _ut supra_, p. 2965. - -[206] Ibid., p. 208. - -[207] _Ante_, Vol. XI. p. 320. Congressional Globe, 38th Cong. 1st -Sess., p. 2800. - -[208] _Ante_, Vol. XII. p. 76. Congressional Globe, 38th Cong. 2d -Sess., p. 381. - -[209] Ibid., p. 331. Congressional Globe, _ut supra_, p. 1091. - -[210] _Ante_, Vol. XII. p. 203. Congressional Globe, _ut supra_, p. -1126. - -[211] Ibid. - -[212] _Ante_, Vol. XII. pp. 291, 292. - -[213] Ibid., p. 471. - -[214] Ibid., p. 492. - -[215] _Ante_, Vol. XIV. p. 204. - -[216] _Ante_, Vol. XII. pp. 406-7. - -[217] _Ante_, Vol. XIII. pp. 228-29. Congressional Globe, 39th Cong. -1st Sess., p. 686. - -[218] _Ante_, Vol. XIV. p. 185. - -[219] _Ante_, Vol. XIV. pp. 185-6. - -[220] Ibid., pp. 146, 158-59, 163. Congressional Globe, 40th Cong. 1st -Sess., pp. 165, 167, 170. - -[221] _Ante_, Vol. XV. p. 208. Congressional Globe, _ut supra_, p. 625. - -[222] _Ante_, Vol. XVI. p. 64. - -[223] _Ante_, Vol. XVII. pp. 115-16. - -[224] American Annual Cyclopædia, 1872, p. 778. - -[225] Ibid., p. 782. - -[226] “Nec Deus intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodus -inciderit.”--HORAT., _De Arte Poetica_, 191-92. - -[227] Anecdotes of the late Samuel Johnson, LL.D., during the last -Twenty Years of his Life, by Hesther Lynch Piozzi, (London, Cadell, -1786,) p. 83. - -[228] “Cari sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui, familiares; -sed omnes omnium caritates patria una complexa est.”--CICERO, _De -Officiis_, Lib. I. cap. 17. - -[229] Dr. William Drennan’s Hymn, - - “All Nature feels attractive power.” - -[230] For this bill, see, _ante_, Vol. XIX. pp. 213, 214. - -[231] Bradford’s History of Plymouth Plantation, ed. Deane, p. 90. - -[232] Winslow’s Brief Narration: Young, Chronicles of the Pilgrim -Fathers, (2d ed.) p. 397. - -[233] Prince, Chronological History of New England, (ed. 1826,) p. 160. -Bradford, pp. 57, 72. - -[234] Prince, p. 237. “With much adooe (and spent a good deal of it in -expences)”: Bradford, p. 204. - -[235] Bradford, p. 211. Prince, p. 242. - -[236] Neal, History of the Puritans, (London, 1733,) Vol. II. p. 20. - -[237] Galatians, v. 9. - -[238] Milton, Sonnet XII. - -[239] Statutes at Large, Vol. XVIII. Part 3, pp. 335-36. - - - - -INDEX. - - -A. - - Abolition of Slavery, not prevented by the Constitution, I. 310. - Franklin petitions for, I. 312; II. 68, 231, 294; III. 17, 293; - VI. 203. - Jefferson’s desire for, I. 312; III. 15, 288. - Washington on, I. 312; II. 230; III. 17, 49 _et seq._, 286; V. 96; - VII. 129; VIII. 281. - A duty, I. 316. - In England, III. 302; IV. 313; VIII. 279. - Speech on bill for, in District of Columbia, VIII. 251. - In West Virginia, IX. 122. - Constitutional Amendment for, XI. 211 _et seq._ - In America, advocated by Hartley, XV. 351, 352. - See _Constitutional Amendment_ and _Emancipation_. - - Abolition Societies petition 1st Congress to abolish slavery, II. 68; - III. 17, 293; XII. 155. - Formation of, in the different States, XII. 154. - - Abolitionists, need of, I. 314. - Jefferson, Franklin, and Washington were such, I. 314; III. 19; - VI. 213. - Not responsible for the Civil War, VII. 342-344. - - Academy, Naval, appointments to, IX. 301. - National, of literature and art; also of moral and political sciences, - XI. 401. - - Adams, Charles Francis, nominated for Vice-President in 1848, II. 295 - _et seq._ - - Adams, John, on the Stamp Act, III. 130, 344. - On slavery, III. 287. - Supports equality of representation, IV. 54. - Author of Massachusetts Constitution and Bill of Rights, IV. 63, 70. - On opposition of the South to republican government, IV. 199; VII. 318. - On British impressment of American seamen, VIII. 50. - On effect of freeing slaves in Revolution, IX. 222. - On meaning of “republic,” XI. 192; XIII. 147, 152. - On republican government, XIII. 185; XX. 93. - His predictions concerning America, XIII. 185; XV. 42, 306-317, 364. - On Hartley, XV. 348. - On Cérisier, XV. 387. - His appointment of relations to office, XX. 103, 112, 113. - His refutation of an apology for nepotism, XX. 115. - - Adams, John Quincy, on abolishing war, II. 412. - Treatment of, by slave-masters in Congress, VI. 204-206. - Influence of, VI. 305. - His opinions on, and efforts against, slavery, VI. 306; VII. 16, 55. - On restraints of popular sovereignty, as declared in Declaration of - Independence, VII. 55-57. - Proclaims war-powers of Congress to emancipate slaves, VII. 259-263; - IX. 142. - On privateering, VIII. 77; IX. 290. - On mutual right of search against slave-trade, VIII. 342. - His early argument against liberation of slaves by armies, IX. 141. - On the metric-system, XIV. 150. - On appointment of relations to office, XX. 114. - His opinion on acceptance of gifts, XX. 121. - - Adams, Samuel, letter of, desiring Congressional action to abolish war, - II. 404. - On limited power of national government, III. 296. - Frees a female slave, VII. 14. - On republican government, XIII. 184. - - Adjournments of Congress, protests against, IX. 176; XI. 405; XIV. 348; - XV. 172, 240. - Memorandum of, 1846-62, XI. 405 _et seq._ - - Administration, duty and strength of the coming (in 1861), VII. 213. - Stand by the, IX. 116. - - Admiral, rank of, IX. 150. - - Africa, reasons for the condition of, XVII. 170. - - African Race, alleged inferiority of, VI. 220; XVII. 171. - Merits and capacities of, VI. 297; IX. 226; XVII. 172-176. - See _Colored Persons_ and _Colored Race_. - - Agriculture, in slave and free States, VI. 147. - In United States in 1850, IX. 250 _et seq._ - - Alabama, case of the, X. 27 _et seq._; XVII. 65-69. - Claims, XVII. 53, 124-127; XX. 12. - - Alaman, Lucas, career and works of, XV. 425 _et seq._ - His prophecy concerning Mexico, XV. 426-428. - - Alaska. See _Russian America_. - - Alembert, M. d’, letter of, on Latin verse applied to Franklin, X. 236. - - Alexandreïs, the, origin and history of, XII. 380-385, 388-393. - Author of, XII. 385-388. - Analysis of, XII. 394-404. - - Algerine Captive, the, quoted, II. 65; III. 292; VIII. 292. - - Algerine Slavery, illustrations of, in literature, II. 8-12, 83-90. - Compared to American, II. 63-69. - Efforts of United States against, II. 69-76; VIII. 283-298. - Abolished, II. 80; VIII. 297; X. 73. - Influence of religion on, II. 92. - Descriptions of, by travellers and captives, II. 94-99. - Evil effects of, II. 100. - See _Algiers_, _Barbary States_, _Tripoli_, and _Tunis_. - - Algiers, described by old English writers, II. 21. - War of United States with, II. 74; VIII. 297. - Expeditions of Lord Exmouth against, II. 77-80; VIII. 297; IX. 398. - Abolition of white slavery in, II. 80; VIII. 297; X. 73. - - Allston, Washington, tribute to, as the artist, in Phi Beta Kappa oration - of 1846, I. 272-284. - Mrs. Jameson on, I. 273. - - Ambassadors, seizure of, on neutral ships, according to English - authorities, VIII. 55 _et seq._; - testimony to American policy on same, VIII. 57-62; - policy of Continental Europe on same, VIII. 63. - - Ambulance and hospital corps, IX. 255. - - America, prophetic voices concerning, XV. 251. - Allusions to, by early English and American poets, XV. 260-264. - Early designation of United States, XV. 431; XVI. 48-50; - and perhaps its future name, XVI. 50. - Geographical unity of, XVI. 51 _et seq._ - - Ames, Adelbert, Gen., remarks on admission of, as Senator from - Mississippi, XVIII. 11. - - Amherst College, Commencement oration at, II. 153. - - Amnesty, must not be granted to Rebels too soon, XVIII. 301; XIX. 318. - Must be united with equal rights for colored persons, XIX. 215, 259, - 263, 317; XX. 69, 290. - - Ancients and Moderns, battle of, II. 259. - - Andrew, John A., appeal for election of, as Governor of Massachusetts, - VI. 379. - His merits, VII. 18. - Opposes all compromise in 1861, VII. 179. - Letters to, Jan. 17-Feb. 20, 1861, VII. 186-199. - Extract from letter to, on emancipation, VIII. 14. - On pay and enlistment of colored troops, X. 316 _et seq._ - - Anti-Lucretius, the, X. 249-251. - - Antislavery Duties, our immediate, III. 122. - - Antislavery Enterprise, the, its necessity, practicability, etc., V. 1; - its origin and growth, V. 7-9. - Defined, V. 10. - Its object, V. 24. - Not dangerous to masters, V. 28; - or injurious to slaves, V. 30. - Good results of, V. 32-34. - Aspersions upon the, V. 36-38. - Its prospects, V. 48. - Appeals to all by every argument, V. 49. - - Antislavery Society, American, letters to, XIV. 51; XVIII. 45. - - Anxieties and prospects during the winter of 1860-61, VII. 186. - - Appropriation Bills, origination of, V. 83; - debates in National Convention on same, V. 84-87, 88 _et seq._ - Example of England as to, V. 90. - - Aranda, Pedro, Count, XV. 395. - American ministers on, XV. 396. - His predictions concerning America, XV. 397-400. - Ideas resembling his, XV. 401. - - Arbitration, a substitute for war, I. 51; II. 416; XX. 80. - Established by Switzerland and German Confederation, II. 380. - Advocated by Cobden, II. 409. - Efforts to establish, II. 421. - Stipulated, or a congress of nations, with disarmament, III. 117. - Recommended for settlement of San Juan boundary question, VII. 216. - Suggested by England in 1870 to obviate Franco-German War, XVIII. 190. - International, XX. 273. - - Architecture, changes in, I. 114. - - Arctic Expeditions, XVIII. 54. - - Argenson, René, Marquis d’, on equality, XIII. 198. - Career of, XV. 286-288. - His writings, XV. 288-291. - His prophecy concerning America, XV. 291. - - Aristocracy, defined, XIII. 208. - - Aristotle, testifies to opposition to slavery, II. 15. - On coinage, XI. 271. - On government, XIII. 145. - On citizenship, XIII. 330. - His definition of equity, XVIII. 36. - - Arkansas, territorial organization of, IV. 103. - Speech on recognition of, XI. 351; - reasons for opposition to same, XI. 355-360. - Sources of Congressional power over, XI. 362-372. - - Arlington, Massachusetts, celebration at, on assuming its new name, - XV. 181. - - Arlington, Virginia, the patriot dead at, XVIII. 254. - - Armies, standing, of Europe in 1845, I. 75. - Not necessary in United States, I. 86. - Power of Congress over, I. 354. - Testimony of Frederick of Prussia to effect of, II. 370 (and _note_); - XVIII. 226. - The national, and fugitive slaves, VIII. 7. - Sir Thomas More on, XVIII. 225. - Montesquieu on, XVIII. 247. - - Armories, civil superintendents of, IV. 12. - - Arms, results of wearing, I. 99; VI. 179; XVIII. 226; - Judge Jay on same, I. 100. - Sale of, by United States to France in war of 1870, XX. 5. - - Army, distinguished from militia, I. 355. - Of United States composed of volunteers, I. 356; - of same in Rebellion, IX. 212. - No exclusion of retired officers of, from civil service, XVIII. 51. - - Art, importance of expression in, I. 278. - Battles not subjects for, I. 281. - In the National Capitol, XIV. 164. - American, XIV. 175-178. - See _Engraving_. - - Ashley, James M., and Reconstruction, XII. 7. - - Assailants, reply to, IV. 172. - - Atchison, David R., V. 160. - Speech of, quoted, V. 173. - - Atheists, declared, not allowed to take oath, VIII. 220 _et seq._ - - Auburn System of prison discipline explained, I. 171; II. 117. - Propagates vice, I. 173. - Supported by Boston Prison-Discipline Society, I. 178, II. 125. - Compared to Pennsylvania system, II. 144-146. - - Augustine, St., protests against war-preparations in time of peace, - I. 107. - On unjust laws, III. 362; XI. 207. - - Austria, army of, before 1845, I. 75. - Navy of, before 1840, I. 76. - Relative expenditure of, for war-preparations, I. 78. - Numbers of its Parliaments, XX. 2. - - Authors, in slave and free States, VII. 284. - - - B. - - Babcock, Orville E., his management of negotiation for annexion of San - Domingo, XVIII. 267-270; XIX. 37, 54-57; XX. 145 _et seq._ - His assumption of title of aide-de-camp to the President, XVIII. 268 - _et seq._; XX. 145. - Supported by U. S. ships, XIX. 53 _et seq._; XX. 145, 146. - - Bacon, Lord, his definition of war, I. 14. - On philanthropy, I. 286; V. 34. - Ideas of, on progress, II. 265. - On settlement of Virginia, XI. 456. - His definition of equity, XVIII. 36. - - Bacon, Roger, legend of, I. 212. - - Baez, Buenaventura, XVIII. 267; XX. 144. - His associates, XVIII. 267; XIX. 37; XX. 144. - Sustained by U. S. ships of war, XVIII. 271, 303; XIX. 27 _et seq._ - His career, XIX. 31-36. - Testimony to his support by U. S. navy, XIX. 42-45, 56-64. - - Bailey, Goldsmith F., Representative from Massachusetts, speech on death - of, VIII. 366. - - Baker, Edward D., Senator from Oregon, speech on death of, with call for - emancipation, VII. 370-376. - - Ballot, importance of the, V. 171; XIV. 325. - - Baltimore, attack on the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment at, April 19, 1861, - VII. 227. - - Banks. See _Free Banking_, _National Banks_, and _State Banks_. - - Banks, Nathaniel P., letter on commemoration of his election as Speaker - of the House of Representatives, V. 97. - - Barbary States, white slavery in the, II. 1. - Gibbon on origin of their name, II. 6. - Compared to slave States of America, II. 7; VI. 159-161. - Military expeditions against, II. 22-33. - Treaties of, with Great Britain, II. 30,--and with United States, II. - 70, 73, 74; VIII. 294 _et seq._ - Efforts to ransom white slaves in, II. 33-37, 57; VIII. 282, 286-296. - Efforts of slaves to escape from, II. 39. - Narratives of escapes from slavery in, II. 41-50, 55. - Records of American slaves in, II. 50-55; VIII. 285. - Wars of, with United States, II. 71-76; VIII. 296. - Abolition of white slavery in, II. 78, 80; VIII. 297; X. 73. - Testimony to condition of white slaves in, II. 91-99; VIII. 284. - Black slavery in, II. 101. - See _Algerine Slavery_, _Algiers_, _Tripoli_, and _Tunis_. - - Bates, Edward, Attorney-General, opinion of, on enlistment of colored - troops, X. 321 _et seq._ - Opinion of, declaring colored persons citizens of United States, XIII. - 278, 368. - Anecdote of, concerning colored officers, XVIII. 159. - - Bayard, Chevalier, conduct of, in a duel, I. 66; XVIII. 178. - - Bayard, James A., argument of, to prove that a Senator is a United States - officer, quoted, X. 287-289. - - Belgium, the mission to, XI. 43. - - Bell, John, party in support of, in 1860, VI. 357; VII. 74. - Plan of same, VI. 357-359; - same, in 1864, XI. 419. - - Bellièvre, Pomponne de, engraved portrait of, XIX. 187. - Dr. Thies on same, XIX. 187, 188. - His career, XIX. 188-191. - - Belligerence, rule for recognition of, X. 126 _et seq._; XVII. 60, - 121-124. - Requisites for concession of ocean, X. 126-133; XVII. 59 _et seq._, - 122,--authorities declaring same, X. 129-131; - British precedents, illustrating same, X. 133-135. - No neutrality possible without recognition of, XVII. 65, 203. - - Bentham, Jeremy, his plan for universal peace, II. 397. - - Berkeley, Bishop, XV. 275-278. - His prophecy concerning America, XV. 278; - Webster on same, XV. 278; - predictions resembling same, XV. 279-281. - - Bills of Rights, their history and policy, IV. 62. - Adoption of one in Massachusetts, IV. 69-71. - - Bingham, Kingsley S., Senator from Michigan, speech on death of, VII. - 364; - protests against slavery in same, VII. 365. - - Binney, Horace, XVIII. 315. - - Bismarck, Count, XVIII. 230 _et seq._ - - Black Code, the, must be abolished, VII. 362; XII. 310. - - Blackstone, Sir William, on the English militia, I. 357. - On trial by battle, II. 349. - Influence of his commentaries in America, III. 332; XVI. 84. - On recovery of escaped villeins, III. 333. - On fugitive slaves in England, IV. 303 (see _note_, 304). - On unlimited authority of governments, VII. 51. - On levying war, VIII. 125. - On power of Speaker of House of Lords, XVI. 103. - On the post-office as a source of revenue, XVIII. 64. - - Blaine, James G., letter to, on Presidential election of 1872, XX. 196. - - Blaine Amendment to the Constitution, speeches on, XIII. 115, 282, 338. - Objections to, XIII. 120-123, 284-315, 375 _et seq._ - Boston Recorder on, XIII. 291-293. - John E. King on, XIII. 303. - Substitutes for, XIII. 315-323. - Opposite sides on meaning of the, XIII. 338. - Opinion of Gerrit Smith and others on, XIII. 340-342. - - Blockade, commercial, should be abandoned, VIII. 78. - British complaints of, during Rebellion, X. 17-19. - Lincoln’s proclamation of, XVII. 62-64. - Instances of pacific, XVII. 63. - - Blount, William, impeachment of, X. 286; XVI. 94. - - Bonds, national taxation of, XVI. 269-271, 356 _et seq._; XVII. 108. - Payment of, by greenbacks, XVI. 271-277, 358-362; XVII. 107. - Reasons for reducing interest on, XVII. 288 _et seq._ - See _Five-twenties_ and _Ten-forties_. - - Books, increased tax on, opposed, IX. 166 _et seq._ - No tax on, XI. 297; XII. 204; XIV. 266-270. - Cheap, and public libraries, XIV. 263. - On the free list, XVIII. 141; XX. 61. - - Boston, should demand withdrawal of troops from Mexico, I. 376. - Leadership of, in generous actions, I. 376. - School Committee of, has no power to make color-distinctions, III. - 82-86. - Opposition of, to Stamp Act, III. 342-344, IV. 167 _et seq._ - Petition for repeal of Fugitive-Slave Bill, speech on, IV. 159-171; - origin of same, IV. 160. - Vote of, against slavery, in 1701, IV. 189; VI. 26; VII. 13; XII. 145. - Importance of, in Revolution, IV. 199; XVII. 98. - Public reception of Mr. Sumner at, in 1856, VI. 22. - The city of, and Mr. Sumner, XIII. 280. - Relief of, after great fire of 1872, XX. 258. - Its proper boundaries, XX. 279. - - Boston Common, and its extension, VI. 96. - The first treasure of Boston, XX. 73. - - Boston Prison-Discipline Society, supports Auburn system, I. 178; II. - 125. - Injustice of, to Pennsylvania system, I. 179; II. 108, 124 _et seq._ - Speech before, II. 104. - Mr. Sumner’s relations to, II. 108, 112. - Letter of Dr. Wayland on, II. 109. - Reports and discussions of, II. 111 _et seq._ - Management of, criticised, II. 113, 124, 140 _et seq._ - Its report of 1843 criticised, II. 125-138; - foreign comments on same, II. 125; - same quoted, II. 126, 128, 130. - Duty of, II. 138. - Increased usefulness needed in, II. 140-143. - Letter of De Tocqueville on, II. 148 (_note_). - - Boston Public Library, foundation of, X. 272. - - Bounty Lands for soldiers out of real estate of Rebels, VIII. 363. - - Bourbons, Massachusetts Whigs in 1855 compared to, V. 74. - - Boutwell, George S., course of, in the Treasury, defended, XVII. 112. - On intriguing for the President by office-holders, XX. 225 _et seq._ - - Breckenridge, John C., claims of party in support of, in 1860, VI. 359. - Effect of vote for, VI. 360. - - Bright, Jesse D., of Indiana, expulsion of, from Senate, VIII. 114; - facts in case of, VIII. 123-135. - - Bright, John, on English assistance to rebel States, XVII. 72. - - Brooks, Preston S., his assault on Mr. Sumner, V. 257-271 (_Appendix_); - defence of same by the South, V. 271-280 (_Appendix_); - sentiment of the North on same, V. 302-328 (_Appendix_). - Mr. Sumner’s feelings towards, XX. 197. - - Brougham, Lord, on equality, III. 55. - On slavery, IV. 315; VIII. 262. - On privilege of Parliament, VI. 94. - On untrustworthiness of slave-masters to legislate for freedmen, IX. - 225; XIV. 213. - His mistake in quoting Latin verse applied to Franklin, X. 221. - On apprenticeship in British West Indies, XI. 317; XIII. 286. - His advice to a young lawyer, XVIII. 315. - His refusal of a gift, XX. 119. - - Browne, John W., tribute to, as a college classmate, VI. 348. - - Browne, Sir Thomas, prophecy of, concerning America, XV. 268-270. - - Buchanan, James, on interpretation of the Constitution, IV. 181. - On power of Congress to abrogate treaties, V. 119. - Defends irregular proceedings in Michigan before its admission as a - State, V. 224, 229, 234. - Effect of a vote for, VI. 13. - Corruption in his election and administration, VI. 308-310, 335. - Recognizes Lecompton constitution for Kansas, VI. 310, 333. - Denounced, VI. 311. - Favors Crittenden compromise, VII. 179. - Mr. Sumner’s interview with, in 1861, VII. 180 _et seq._ - His inactivity against Rebellion, VII. 324; X. 192. - On surplus of Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 120. - - Buffalo Convention of 1848, speech at meeting to ratify its nominations, - II. 291. - Described, II. 293. - Principles of, II. 294. - Candidates of, II. 295. - - Burke, Edmund, on the American War, I. 346. - On glory, II. 181. - On recognition of the French Republic, X. 111 _et seq._, 119. - On extinction of States, X. 199. - On untrustworthiness of slave-masters in regard to freedmen, XII. 293; - XIII. 56; XIV. 212. - On impeachment, XVI. 106 _et seq._, 144, 151, 153, 156, 158, 160, 214. - - Burlingame, Anson, duty to vote for, VI. 20; VII. 73. - Congratulation on his reëlection in 1856, VI. 41. - Regret for his defeat in 1860, VII. 80. - Tribute to, XVI. 319. - On disposition of surplus of Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 122-123. - - Burns, Anthony, surrender of, IV. 261; V. 189. - - Burns, Robert, prediction by, concerning America, XV. 404. - - Butler, Andrew P., Senator from South Carolina, attacks of, answered, - IV. 175-212; V. 145-149. - Compared to Don Quixote, V. 144. - His hostility to Kansas denounced, V. 239-242. - On the fugitive clause in the Constitution, X. 371. - - Butler, Benj. F., Gen., care of, for fugitive slaves, VII. 256. - - Buxton, Thomas F., course of, in moving emancipation, XVIII. 149 - _et seq._ - - Bynkershoek, his definition of war, I. 15. - On confiscation of property in war, IX. 36; XVII. 13. - On seizures in neutral waters, XII. 13. - On reprisals, XVI. 301. - - - C. - - Cabinet, the President’s, character of the, in United States, XX. 127. - - Cabral, José Maria, policy of, in San Domingo, XVIII. 275. - Career of, XIX. 33, 35 _et seq._ - - Calhoun, John C., on equality, as proclaimed in Declaration of - Independence, III. 55; XIII. 234; XIX. 300. - Opposes irregular admission of Michigan, V. 228. - Influence of, VI. 305. - His opinions on slavery, VI. 306. - Opposes a single national name, XVI. 47; - and a national government, XVI. 58. - His opinion on powers of Vice-President, as President of Senate, XVI. - 122-124. - - California, extension of slavery into, threatened, III. 24. - Testimony to transportation of slaves to, III. 25. - Admission of, III. 124. - Safety of passengers in steam-ships for, VI. 109. - - Campbell, Lewis D., letter to, VI. 11. - - Canaan, curse of, not applicable to Africans, V. 17; VI. 221-223; XVII. - 146. - - Canada, termination of reciprocity treaty with, XII. 46. - Trade of, with United States, XII. 50-52. - Cobden on annexation of, to United States, XV. 423 _et seq._; XVII. - 129. - Invited by Continental Congress to join United Colonies, XVII. 128. - Future union of, with the United States predicted, XVII. 129. - - Canal, ship-, at Niagara, XIV. 99. - Through the Isthmus of Darien, XIV. 124. - - Canning, George, on fitting out of privateers by neutrals, X. 31. - On recognition of new governments, X. 87. - On belligerency, X. 127. - On untrustworthiness of slave-masters to legislate for slaves, XIV. - 212. - Author of Monroe doctrine, XV. 415. - On Spanish America, XV. 417. - - Cape Cod Association of Massachusetts, letter to, IV. 237. - - Capital punishment, Rantoul’s efforts for abolition of, III. 249. - Letter against, IV. 331. - - Capitol, the national, no picture at, of victory over fellow-citizens, - XII. 201. - Art in the, XIV. 164. - - Caroline, case of the, XII. 26; XVII. 75. - - Carpenter, Matthew H., Senator from Wisconsin, reply to his criticisms - on the supplementary civil-rights bill, XIX. 288-309. - On the declaration of Independence, XIX. 303. - Reply to his imputations on Mr. Sumner’s fidelity to the Constitution, - XIX. 309-313. - - Carpet-baggers, XVI. 353. - - Cars, street, opening of, to colored persons, X. 323; XV. 222. - - Caste, and prejudice of color, I. 161; XI. 228; XIX. 246. - In United States, III. 73, 80; XI. 29; XIII. 210; XVII. 37, 133, 145; - XIX. 230, 297. - Defined, III. 73; XIII. 211; XVII. 140; XIX. 297. - Negroes described as a, by foreign writers, III. 75; XI. 29; XIX. 230. - Testimony to, in India, III. 76-80; XI. 29; XVII. 144 _et seq._; XIX. - 297 _et seq._ - Powers of Congress to prohibit, XVII. 34. - The successor of slavery, XVII. 37, 133. - The question of, XVII. 131. - Faith in its disappearance, XVII. 135. - In Europe and the East, XVII. 140, 141. - In India, XVII. 141-145. - Apology for, in United States, XVII. 146. - Forbidden by a common humanity, XVII. 162. - Importance of question of, XVII. 181. - - Cato the Censor, on disposal of slaves, II. 17. - - Cattle-plague, power of Congress to counteract the, XIV. 49. - - Centralism, true, distinguished from false, XIV. 217; XVI. 60; XIX. 129. - - Cérisier, Antoine Marie, XV. 386. - John Adams on, XV. 387. - His writings and predictions concerning America, XV. 387-391. - - Cervantes, a slave in Algiers, II. 9, 34, 38, 39, 94. - Efforts of, against slavery, II. 9. - On slavery, II. 39. - His “Life in Algiers” quoted, II. 88-90. - - Chambrun, Marquis de, defended, XX. 9-11. - - Champagne, Philippe de, engraved portrait of, XIX. 192; - authorities on same, XIX. 192. - - Channing, William Ellery, tribute to, as philanthropist, in Phi Beta - Kappa oration, I. 284-298. - His labors for liberty compared to Milton’s, I. 292. - On the true object of life, II. 181. - On Whig and Democratic parties, II. 312. - - Chaplains, military, II. 361. - - Charity, in slave and free States, VI. 150. - - Charles V., sends expedition against Tunis, II. 22. - Sanctions slave-trade in West Indies, II. 24. - - Chatham, Lord, on the American war, I. 346 _et seq._ - On withdrawing British troops from Boston, I. 375. - On the Stamp Act, III. 345; IV. 169. - On authority of judicial decisions, XI. 208. - His instructions on violation of Portuguese territory, XII. 28-30. - - Chesapeake, case of the, XII. 22; XVII. 74. - - Cheyenne Indians, massacre of, XII. 66. - - Chicago, the great fire at, and our duty, XIX. 161. - - Chief-Justice, the, reasons for requiring him to preside at impeachment - of the President, XVI. 89-95. - Presiding in the Senate, cannot rule or vote, XVI. 98. - - Child, Sir Josiah, XV. 270. - Disraeli on his prediction concerning America, XV. 271. - On New England, XV. 272 _et seq._ - - China, our relations with, XVI. 318. - Return of Marco Polo from, XVI. 321-323. - Results of his travels in, XVI. 323 _et seq._ - Convention of 1858 with, and payment of claims on, XVIII. 115-120. - Religion of, XVIII. 157. - - Chinese, advantages of their immigration to United States, XVII. 183. - Naturalization of, defended, XVIII. 152-159. - - Chinese Embassy, the, XVI. 318. - - Chinese Indemnity Fund, XVIII. 115. - Propositions with regard to surplus of, XVIII. 120-127; - same not declined by China, XVIII. 127-129; - duty of United States as to same, XVIII. 130-133. - - Chivalry, pretension of slave-masters to, refuted, XI. 449-460. - Defined by Kenelm Digby, XI. 460. - - Choate, Rufus, on Whig views of slavery, II. 311. - On the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 301. - - Choiseul, Claude, Duc de, career of, XV. 321-326. - His predictions concerning America, XV. 323-325. - - Cholera from abroad, power of Congress to provide against, XIV. 59. - - Christianity, opposed to war, I. 54, 58. - The religion of progress, II. 251; - and of equality, III. 57. - Does not sanction slavery, V. 19. - - Church, the, its attitude in relation to war, I. 54, 58. - Its early testimony against war, I. 59. - Doctrine of millennium in the, II. 250. - Condemns trial by battle, II. 346. - In America, early opposed to slavery, III. 289-291; VI. 313; XII. - 151-154. - Testimony of, against slavery, XI. 202; XII. 176. - - Cicero, on war, I. 56 (see _note_). - On patriotism, I. 68 (see _note_). - His opinions on glory, II. 165, 170-174. - On unjust laws, III. 362; XI. 207. - On a commonwealth, X. 106 _et seq._ - His definition of law, X. 109. - On government, XIII. 145. - - Cities, evil influence of commercial spirit in, IV. 51. - - Civil Rights, protection of, XIII. 271. - Johnson’s veto of bill for, XIII. 276-279. - The same as political rights, XIV. 215. - Sufferings from denial of equality in, XIX. 222. - Sources of Congressional power to grant, XIX. 232-234, 272-284, 286. - - Civil-Rights Bill, supplementary, speeches on, XIX. 203. - Necessity of, XIX. 231, 235, 266; XX. 203, 267, 305. - Immediate action on, urged, XX. 286, 304-307. - Not declared unconstitutional by Supreme Court, XX. 287, 289. - Last appeal for, XX. 301. - History of, XX. 301-304. - Jury provision of, discussed, XX. 307-310. - - Civil Service, reform in the, XI. 278; XX. 8. - No exclusion of retired army officers from, XVIII. 51. - The initial point of reform in, XIX. 168, 174; XX. 161, 220. - - Civil War, Livy on, I. 9. - Roman opinions of, II. 190 (see _illustrations_, 203-206), 427. - Uninvited mediation in, not allowable, X. 49, 85. - - Claflin, William, letter to, VII. 182. - Candidate for Governor of Massachusetts in 1870, XVIII. 170. - - Claims, on France for spoliations of American commerce, XI. 70; - objections to same answered, XI. 73-79, 132-158; - origin and history of same, XI. 81-96; - compensation for same, XI. 158; - value of same, XI. 162-166. - Authorities on compensation for, XI. 167. - Of citizens in rebel States, XVII. 10. - For losses by war, instances of payment of, XVII. 19-22, 25-28. - Of loyalists after Revolution, XVII. 23; - motives of Parliament in allowing same in part, XVII. 24. - On England, XVII. 53, 124; XX. 12. - On China, convention for, and payment of, XVIII. 115-120. - - Clarkson, Thos., beginning of his career, II. 200. - His account of Lafayette’s opinions of slavery, II. 210. - - Classical Studies, I. 253. - - Classics, the, I. 253-255. - - Clay, Henry, on claims for French spoliations, XI. 130. - On one term for the President, XIX. 171; XX. 158, 221. - - Clemency, to political offenders, III. 181. - And common-sense, XII. 371. - To Rebels, limitations on, XII. 405-412. - - Clergy, of New England, protest of, against Nebraska Bill, IV. 140. - Their early influence for liberty, IV. 144. - Defence of their right to protest, IV. 151. - Exemption of, from conscription, IX. 303. - - Coal, cheap, XIV. 271. - Tax on, oppressive to New England, XIV. 272. - - Cobbett, William, sketch of, I. 190-194. - On Thos. Paine, I. 195. - Industry of, described by himself, I. 195-198. - Compared to Scott, I. 198. - On amount of sleep required, I. 202. - - Cobden, Richard, advocates arbitration, II. 409. - Letter on, XII. 366. - His character and labors, XV. 422. - His prediction concerning America, XV. 423 _et seq._; XVII. 129. - On American losses in Rebellion, caused by England, XVII. 77, 78, 80. - On penny postage, XVIII. 73. - - Coke, Lord, on arrangement of time, I. 200. - On surrender of fugitives, X. 365. - On the laws of Parliament, XVI. 102. - - Coleridge, on Christianity and slavery, V. 20. - - Coles, Edward, letter to, III. 253. - - Collamer, Jacob, Senator from Vermont, speech on death of, XIII. 38. - - Colonies, British, of North America, elements of nationality in, XVI. - 22 _et seq._; - efforts for union among same, XVI. 23-27. - Tend toward independence, XVII. 119. - Of North America, postal service in, XVIII. 66-68. - - Colonization for freedom, XII. 334. - - Color, caste and prejudice of, I. 161; XI. 228; XIX. 246. - Prejudice of, peculiar to America, I. 161; III. 99. - Removal of disqualification of, in carrying mails, VIII. 247. - Exclusion of witnesses on account of, XI. 1. - Not a qualification for the franchise, XIII. 214, 307-309; XVI. - 246-249; XVII. 40. - Distinction of, not recognized by the Constitution, XVI. 247; XVII. - 42, 489; XIX. 249,--or by Declaration of Independence, XVI. 247; - XVII. 43, 152, 159; XIX. 249; - same must be expressly authorized in order to exist, XIX. 250. - No distinction of, recognized by common law, as declared by - Chief-Justice Holt, XIX. 250. - Prejudice of, illustrated by judicial decisions in Ohio, XIX. 252. - See _Caste_. - - Colorado, objections to admission of, as a State, XIII. 346-373. - Requirement of enabling Act for, XIII. 348, 358. - Constitution of, quoted, XIII. 349; - evidence of its denial of rights to colored persons, XIII. 364 - _et seq._ - - Colored Citizens, passports for, VII. 229. - Right and duty of, in organization of government, XII. 231, 298. - Hope and encouragement for, XII. 234; XIV. 222. - Advice to, XII. 298; XX. 68, 203 _et seq._ - Eligibility of, to Congress, XVI. 255. - Other rights and duties of, XIX. 164. - Letter to, on Presidential election of 1872, XX. 173. - Equal rights of, in normal schools, XX. 268. - - Colored Persons, refusal to, of right of petition, VI. 288. - Free, are citizens of United States, VI. 291; - precedents and illustrations proving same, VI. 291-293. - Services of, in American wars, VI. 295; IX. 213 _et seq._; X. 141; - XIII. 287. - Petitions from, formerly presented, VI. 298. - Testimony of, in District of Columbia, VIII. 304; - in proceedings for confiscation and emancipation, VIII. 364,--and - in U. S. courts, IX. 152; XI. 1, 389. - Should enlist, IX. 325. - Reënslavement of, threatened, X. 217-219. - Opening of street-cars to, X. 323; XV. 222. - Testimony of American States and European countries to rights of, - before 1789, XII. 144-177. - Impartial jurors for, XIII. 10. - Equal rights of, to be protected by national courts, XIII. 16. - Madison on rights of, XIII. 181 _et seq._ - Their rights as freemen not violated by fathers of the Republic, - XIII. 196 _et seq._, 328. - Opinion of Attorney-General declaring them citizens of United States, - XIII. 278, 368. - Should be chosen on boards of registration in rebel States, XV. 220. - Opening of offices to, in District of Columbia, XV. 234. - Entitled to all the rights of American citizenship, XIX. 255. - Testimony of, to necessity of national legislation for equal civil - rights, XIX. 262, 265-272, 279-283, 284-286. - Their rights sacrificed, XIX. 319. - Retrospect and promise for, XX. 202. - See _Civil Rights_, _Colored Citizens_, _Equal Rights_, _Freedmen_, - and _Slaves_. - - Colored Race, justice to the, XII. 300. - Self-sacrifice for, XII. 361. - - Colored Schools, closing of, in North Carolina, IX. 112. - In Washington, XIX. 1. - See _Separate Schools_. - - Colored Senators, predicted, XV. 220, 223. - Importance of, in settling question of equal rights, XVI. 257; - XVIII. 7. - The first one, XVIII. 6. - - Colored Suffrage, at adoption of the Constitution, VI. 291-293; XII. 147. - Judicial decision on, in North Carolina, VI. 292; XI. 287; XII. 147; - XIII. 191. - In Montana, XI. 62. - In Washington, XI. 284. - No reconstruction without, XII. 179. - Necessity of, in rebel States, XII. 292-296, 298, 325, 327 _et seq._, - 340; XIII. 129-136, 219-227; XIV. 210, 230; XVI. 347 _et seq._ - In District of Columbia, XIII. 5; XIV. 229. - Sources of Congressional power to grant, XIII. 124, 211-213, 215-219, - 324-335; XIV. 215 _et seq._; XV. 178-180, 230 _et seq._; XVII. 43-49, - 101; XVIII. 3. - Alexander Hamilton on, XIII. 183 _et seq._, 329; XVI. 251; XVII. 45. - Early public acts of United States on, XIII. 188-190; - and of individual States, XIII. 190-194. - Testimony to need of, in rebel States, XIII. 344; - requirement of, in same, XIV. 289. - Should be prescribed throughout U. S. by Act of Congress, XV. 176, 229; - XVI. 1; XVII. 51, 101. - A constitutional amendment not proper to secure, XV. 177; XVII. 49-51. - Mr. Sumner’s personal record on, XVII. 303. - - Colored Troops, employment of, IX. 262; XI. 211. - Equal pay of, X. 304. - Gov. Andrew on pay and enlistment of, X. 316 _et seq._ - Opinion of Attorney-General on enlistment of, X. 321 _et seq._ - Freedom of wives and children of, XII. 61. - - Colors, regimental, no names of victories over fellow-citizens on, VIII. - 361; XX. 255. - - Combe, George, opinions of, on Pennsylvania system of prison discipline, - II. 126-128. - - Commerce, in slave and free States, VI. 148 _et seq._ - - Commercial Relations, suspension of, an act of war, XVI. 299. - - Committee on Foreign Relations, reports of, on San Juan boundary - question, VII. 216; - on draught of convention with Mexico, VIII. 227; - on claims on France for spoliations of commerce, XI. 70; - and on Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 115. - President Grant’s endeavor to change the, XVIII. 289. - - Common Law, I. 270. - Its relation to enlistments by minors in United States, I. 371. - On the pardoning power, III. 224. - Favors liberty, III. 282, 358 (_see note_); VI. 225; X. 343 _et seq._ - In America, III. 332. - May be employed to interpret the Constitution, III. 332; IX. 171; XIV. - 7; XVI. 100. - Requires trial by jury for recovery of escaped villeins, III. 333; - X. 375,--authorities proving same, III. 333-337; X. 376. - Recognizes no distinction of color, according to Chief-Justice Holt, - XIX. 250. - - Common Schools, equal rights in, III. 51; XIX. 3, 158, 165, 166, 241-244, - 261; XX. 275. - Rights of colored children in, under Massachusetts laws, III. 66. - Must be open to all, III. 68, 95; XIX. 241, 261. - Establishment of, in Massachusetts, VII. 9; XII. 207; XIV. 337. - Early opposed in Virginia, VII. 11; XIV. 337. - Contributions of, for statue of Horace Mann, VII. 20. - Should be established in rebel States, XII. 328; XIV. 334-339; XV. - 220-227. - A system of, irrespective of color, XX. 275. - - Condorcet, his treatise on progress, II. 264. - On a slave-master, VI. 166. - On Franklin’s mission to Paris, X. 230. - On slavery, XII. 168. - On republican government, XIII. 199. - - Confederation of the United States, formation and weakness of, X. - 177-179; XVI. 29 _et seq._ - - Confiscation of property in war, IX. 35; XVII. 13-15. - Authorities respecting, IX. 36 _et seq._; XVII. 13-15. - Within national jurisdiction, IX. 38-40; XVII. 19-21, 25-27,--beyond - same, IX. 40-44. - History of, IX. 53-69; - especially in France, IX. 55-58; - and in Revolutionary War, IX. 59-69. - And emancipation, should be employed against Rebels, IX. 71, 74-77, - 128. - - Congregate System of prison discipline. - See _Auburn System_. - - Congress, Mr. Sumner’s refusal to be a candidate for, I. 330. - Its power over armies, I. 354; - and over the militia, I. 354; IV. 21, 26-30. - Mr. Sumner accepts Free-Soil nomination for, II. 301. - Modes of preventing war discussed in, II. 406, 407. - Has no power to establish slavery, III. 276, 296, 299; VIII. 274,--or - to legislate concerning fugitives from service, III. 276, 297, 299, - 318; XII. 12. - Actions of 1st, in regard to slavery, III. 293; IV. 121. - Provisions of Convention of 1787 for powers of, III. 319-324. - Cannot interfere with slavery in States, III. 326; IV. 121; VI. 376; - VII. 1; IX. 26. - Can prohibit slavery in Territories, IV. 125; VI. 233, 376; VII. 1. - Has sole power to abrogate treaties, V. 102, 112. - Can admit Kansas at once, V. 217. - Should overthrow usurpation in Kansas, V. 245. - Conduct of slave-masters in, VI. 196-211. - War-powers of, against slavery, VII. 258; IX. 45, 128; XI. 191. - Power of, over rebel States, VIII. 164-167, 245; IX. 120; X. 167; XI. - 361; XII. 329; XIV. 209, 225; XV. 218; XVIII. 31,--sources of above - power, VIII. 164-167, 245; X. 208-213; XI. 367, 372; XII. 330-332; - XIII. 124-127, 325 _et seq._; XIV. 341; XVI. 344-347. - Can make Treasury notes a legal tender, VIII. 183-192. - Can abolish slavery in District of Columbia, VIII. 258, 281; - is responsible for same, VIII. 265, 280. - Can appropriate money to ransom slaves, VIII. 281. - Testimony to intervention of, for ransom of Algerine slaves, VIII. - 286-291, 293-296. - Usage of, in enrolling bills, VIII. 372. - Should confiscate property and liberate slaves of Rebels, IX. 71, 146. - Achievements of 37th, IX. 144, 205. - Protests against final adjournments of, IX. 176; XI. 405; XIV. 348; XV. - 172, 240. - Chancellor Kent on executive power of, X. 174; XI. 372. - Supremacy of, over States, X. 185-190. - Exclusion of colored testimony recognized by, XI. 3. - Its powers over slavery, XI. 190-195, 209; XII. 62-65. - Must determine readmission of rebel States, XI. 296, 361, 366-372. - Summer sessions of, XI. 405 _et seq._ - Can ratify executive acts, XII. 71; - judicial decision proving same, XII. 71. - Judicial decisions on its power to regulate commerce between States, - XII. 113-117; XIV. 69. - Story on its power to establish post-roads, XII. 117, 120. - Power and duty of, to grant equal rights to colored persons, XIII. - 124-127, 211-219, 324-337; XIV. 210, 215-218; XVI. 1, 61, 252; XVII. - 34; XIX. 126-130, 232-234, 266, 272-284, 286. - Authorities respecting powers of, under the Constitution, XIII. 216, - 273, 278; XVIII. 29; XIX. 277. - Power of, to counteract the cattle-plague, XIV. 49; - to provide against cholera from abroad, XIV. 59; - and to make a ship-canal at Niagara, XIV. 99. - The one-man power _vs._, XIV. 181. - Power of, to require free schools in rebel States, XIV. 340. - Powers of the two Houses of, in absence of a quorum, XV. 185. - President Johnson’s defiance of, XVI. 171. - Power of, to require conditions for admission of States, XVI. 235, - 244; XVIII. 3-5,--objections to same refuted, XVI. 236-252. - Eligibility of colored citizens to, XVI. 255. - Judicial decisions on political powers of, XVI. 346. - Its treatment of claims for losses by Revolutionary War and War of - 1812, XVII. 25-28. - Powers of, to prohibit inequality, caste, and oligarchy of the skin, - XVII. 34. - Admission of Virginia to representation in, XVII. 204. - Power and duty of, to protect Reconstruction, XVII. 208; XVIII. 26-32. - Not pledged by Reconstruction Acts to admit rebel States, XVII. - 208-210, 224-226. - Power of, over national banks, XVII. 293-296. - Admission of Mississippi to representation in, XVIII. 1; - and of Georgia, XVIII. 23. - - Congress, Continental, on object of the Revolution, III. 281; VI. 226; - XIII. 174; XVI. 31. - New governments arranged by, X. 204. - Testimony of, to rights of colored persons, XII. 148; XIII. 189. - Resolutions and addresses of, quoted, XIII. 170. - Debate in, on fisheries, XV. 162 _et seq._ - Meeting of the, XVI. 26. - - Congress of Nations, a substitute for war, I. 51; II. 414; III. 117. - Suggested by Henry IV. of France, II. 385; XVIII. 233. - Advocated by Grotius and others, II. 385,--by William Penn, II. - 387,--by the Abbé Saint-Pierre, II. 388; XVIII. 233,--by Rousseau, - II. 391; XVIII. 233,--by German writers, especially Kant, II. - 393-397; XVIII. 233-236,--by Bentham, II. 397,--by the Peace - Congress at Brussels, II. 403,--by the legislature of Massachusetts - and in Congress, II. 407,--and by M. Bouvet in France and Arnold - Ruge in Germany, II. 408. - - Conkling, Roscoe, Senator from New York, letter of, indorsing Remington - and Sons, XX. 28. - - Connecticut, valley of the, IX. 249. - - Conscription, Mr. Monroe on, I. 355. - Exemption of clergymen from, IX. 303. - - Conservatism, true, defined, II. 278, 289; III. 249. - False, II. 278. - - Consols, should not be established in United States, XVII. 287. - - Constitution of the United States, does not prevent abolition of slavery, - I. 310. - Amendments to, allowable, I. 311; III. 271. - Authors of, did not believe slavery would be perpetual, I. 311; II. - 231; III. 16; VI. 314; XIII. 196,--their declarations against - slavery, I. 312; II. 230; III. 17, 277-280; VI. 227, 311; X. 356. - Foundation of the party of freedom, II. 228. - Opposed to Slave Power, II. 230. - Purpose and character of, as expressed by the preamble, II. 230; III. - 276; VII. 38; X. 181, 345; XI. 187; XIII. 175, 304; XVI. 39. - Disarms separate States, II. 380. - Does not authorize slavery, III. 16, 276, 296; IV. 346; VI. 314; VII. - 1; XI. 186-189, 196. - Rules for interpreting, III. 276-283, 332; IX. 80, 171; XIII. 219; XIV. - 7; XVI. 57, 100; XIX. 233, 272 _et seq._, 308, 310. - Gives no power to Congress to establish slavery, III. 296; VIII. 274. - Original compromises of, III. 304; X. 354. - Clause in, on surrender of fugitives from service, III. 303, 356; - X. 341. - Must be obeyed by each public officer as he understands it, IV. 179, - 269; - authorities declaring above rule, IV. 179-181, 269. - Power of the Supreme Court to interpret, IV. 270-272. - Interpretation of its clause on privileges of citizens, IV. 338-341; - XIX. 234, 279. - Its clause on revenue bills a compromise between large and small - States, V. 84; - interpretation of same, V. 87, 91. - On treaties, V. 101; XIX. 79. - Does not authorize slavery in Territories, V. 156; VI. 230, 338; X. - 214; XI. 195. - Nowhere recognizes property in man, VI. 125, 223, 359; XI. 187. - Secures right of petition to the people, VI. 294. - The guide of United States citizens, VII. 7. - Proposed amendment to, in favor of slavery, VII. 174, 330. - Requires loyalty as a qualification for a Senator, VIII. 213; XVI. - 74-76. - Sacredness of oath to support, VIII. 221. - Does not sanction slavery in District of Columbia, VIII. 265, 275. - Limitations of rights of sovereignty against criminals in, IX. 25-30. - Does not limit war-powers of Congress, IX. 45, 71, 131-138, 183-185, - 216. - Opposition to its adoption, X. 182; XIII. 305; XVI. 41. - Sources of power over slavery in, XI. 190-196. - Its provisions for supremacy of national government, XVI. 39. - Does not recognize any distinction of color, XVI. 249; XVII. 42; XVIII. - 159; XIX. 249. - Its allotment of the war-power, XIX. 76. - All statutes and legislation must conform to, XIX. 254. - Story on its prohibition of interference with religion, XIX. 292. - Does not forbid requirement of equal rights in churches, XIX. 293-299. - Contrasted with the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 305, 308. - - Constitutional Amendment defending liberty, protects all, III. 298; VIII. - 277; XI. 193-195. - Abolishing slavery, XI. 211 _et seq._; - form of same considered, XI. 216-227; XIV. 235-238. - Rebel States not needed to ratify a, XII. 101, 181, 341, 359; XIII. 31, - 62; XVI. 71. - Quorum of States necessary in adoption of a, XII. 357; - Bishop on meaning of above rule, XII. 359; XVI. 71. - Abolishing slavery, adoption of, XIII. 30; - enforcement of same, XIII. 113, 215-218, 273-276, 310, 333-335; - XVII. 46; XIX. 232, 275-278. - Not proper to secure colored suffrage, XV. 177; XVII. 49-51. - Withdrawal of assent to a, by a State, XVI. 69. - See _Blaine Amendment_, _Fifteenth Amendment_, and _Fourteenth - Amendment_. - - Consular Pupils, XI. 49. - - Consuls, VIII. 325; XI. 52. - Authorities respecting, VIII. 326, 330. - - Contraband of War, despatches included in, by English authorities, VIII. - 64, 67,--but not by American or all Continental authorities, - VIII. 64-66. - American rules in regard to, VIII. 68-71. - Should be abolished, VIII. 78. - - Convention, National, of 1787, declarations on slavery in, III. 17, - 277-279; VI. 227, 313; X. 356. - Meeting and early labors of, III. 306; XVI. 35. - Provides for surrender of fugitives from service, III. 308; X. 354. - Its provisions for the powers of Congress, III. 319-324. - Did not empower Congress to legislate for surrender of fugitives from - service, III. 323. - Debates in, on origination of money bills, V. 84-87, 88 _et seq._; - on paper money, VIII. 185; - on taxing slaves, IX. 94. - Object of, X. 179, 180; XVI. 41. - Discussion of State rights in, X. 183 _et seq._; XII. 125; XIII. 305; - XVI. 37 _et seq._ - Debates in, on guaranty of republican government, XIII. 140; - on establishment of national government, XVI. 36-38; - on suspension of the President, XVI. 91,--and on equality of States, - XVI. 238-240. - Story on same, XVI. 241. - - Conventions, political, obligations imposed by, XX. 170. - - Conveyances, public, open to all by law, XIX. 238. - Authorities proving same, XIX. 238-240. - - Conway, Martin F., letter to, VI. 40. - - Coolie Trade, denunciation of the, XIV. 262. - - Cooper, J. Fenimore, the novelist, III. 213. - - Copyright, international, XVI. 86. - - Coquerel, Athanase, XIX. 159. - - Coquerel, Athanase, _fils_, XIX. 159. - - Cotton, cultivation of, favorable to slavery, VI. 314; VII. 322. - Tax on, IX. 84. - - Court, different meanings of the word, XVI. 137 _et seq._ - - Courts, mixed, defence of, VIII. 345-347. - See _Prize Courts_. - - Covode, John, Representative from Pennsylvania, speech on death of, - XIX. 12. - - Cowley, Abraham, XV. 265. - His prophecy concerning America, XV. 267. - - Crete, sympathy with, XV. 246. - - Crime against Kansas, the, V. 125. - Threatens war, V. 140. - Slave Power the author of, V. 142. - Its origin and extent, V. 151-184. - Apologies for, refuted, V. 184-207. - Remedies proposed for, V. 207-217. - Public opinion aroused against, V. 245. - Appendix to speech on, V. 257. - - Crittenden Compromise, incidents and notes on the, VII. 169-185. - Its purport, VII. 169-171, 201 _et seq._, 330. - Speech on a Massachusetts petition in favor of, VII. 200. - Condemned, VII. 201, 214. - - Crittenden Resolution, VII. 231; XI. 440. - - Cromwell, sends expedition against Barbary States, II. 29. - Intervention of, for Continental Protestants, X. 58-61. - - Cuba, duty of Spain toward, XVII. 118-120. - Duty of United States concerning, XVII. 120-124. - Belligerency of, XVII. 122, 195. - - Curran, John P., on freedom of fugitive slaves in England, IV. 314. - - Currency, the national banks and the, XI. 245. - Benefits of an improved, XI. 254, 258. - Circulation of, in 1860 and in 1867, XVI. 291. - Inflation of, XVI. 292. - Contraction of, XVI. 293; XVII. 268. - Remarks on the, XVII. 184. - Redistribution of, XVII. 254. - Compound-interest notes for, XVII. 257-259. - Need of simplifying, by withdrawing greenbacks and making bank-notes - convertible, XVII. 260, 270-277. - - Custom-house Oaths, abolition of, VI. 95. - Character of, VIII. 222. - - - D. - - Dane, Nathan, founds professorship in Harvard Law School, III. 108. - Author of Ordinance of Freedom in Northwest Territory, III. 254. - On State rights, X. 185; XII. 125. - - Darien, isthmus of, a ship-canal through the, XIV. 124. - - Davenant, Charles, XV. 270. - His prophecy concerning America, XV. 273. - - Davis, Garrett, Senator from Kentucky, remarks on death of, XX. 261. - - Davis, Henry Winter, obituary notice of, XIII. 104. - Tribute of colored persons to, XIII. 107 _et seq._ - - Davis, Jefferson, his definition of slavery, VI. 122, 136. - Defends duelling, VI. 201. - The chief of the Rebellion, VIII 123. - On fugitive slaves, X. 391. - On the national government, XII. 259. - On beginning of the Civil War, XII. 264. - Trial of, XIII. 111. - On the doctrine of equality, XIX. 224. - - Debate, limitations of, in Senate, VIII. 155. - - Debt, public, of European nations before 1845, I. 72. - Of Great Britain in 1842, I. 73. - See _National Debt_ and _Rebel Debt_. - - Decatur, Stephen, frees slaves in Algiers, II. 75; VIII. 297. - - Declaration of Independence, foundation of the party of freedom, II. 228, - 237. - Be true to the, III. 1. - Declares all men equal, III. 15, 64, 281; VI. 226; XII. 240; XIII. 173, - 299; XVIII. 152; XIX. 308. - Declares equality in rights only, III. 65; IV. 97; XIX. 301. - And the Constitution, our two title-deeds, III. 165; XVI. 55; XVIII. - 159. - Must be employed to interpret the Constitution, III. 281; XIII. 219; - XVI. 57; XIX. 273, 308, 310; XX. 69. - On source of authority of government, V. 232. - The first declaration of human rights, VI. 363; VII. 50. - Its limitations on popular sovereignty, VI. 364; VII. 52; XVII. 218. - The guide of United States citizens, VII. 7. - Assaults upon, VII. 54; XIX. 300-303. - J. Q. Adams on, VII. 55-57. - Promises of the, XII. 235, 239, 297; XIII. 173. - Lincoln on, XII. 249, 251-257, 260; XVIII. 165-168; XIX. 224-226, 302. - Stephen A. Douglas on, XII. 250, 251, 252; XVIII. 164; XIX. 302. - Promises of, must be fulfilled, XII. 296; XIII. 128; XVI. 363; XVII. - 220; XVIII. 161. - It made a new nation, XVI. 27. - Recognizes no distinction of color, XVI. 247; XVII. 43; XVIII. 152, - 159; XIX. 249. - Degraded by limitations on equal rights, XIX. 223. - All statutes and legislation must conform to, XIX. 254. - Its importance defended, XIX. 304-309. - Bancroft on, XIX. 305, 306. - John Adams on celebration of, XIX. 306. - - De Foe, on America, XV. 274 _et seq._ - - Democracy, Mr. Sumner’s belief in, III. 268. - - Democratic Party, influenced by Slave Power, II. 293; VI. 328. - Rejects Wilmot Proviso in 1848, II. 293. - Not opposed to slavery, IV. 265; V. 73. - And Republican Party, XI. 418. - In 1864, XI. 423. - Its support of slavery, XI. 424. - Platform of, in 1864, XI. 427, 478. - Proposes to acknowledge Slave Power, XI. 465. - Frauds committed by, XII. 3. - In 1868, the Rebel party, XVI. 327, 340. - Leaders of, XVI. 328. - Opposed to equal rights for freedmen, XVII. 102; XVIII. 171. - A party of repudiation, XVII. 104. - Dangers from its attaining power, XVIII. 255. - Its position in 1872, XX. 170, 250. - Its support of Greeley, XX. 184 _et seq._, 192, 197, 212, 242-246, 248. - Its fidelity to Republican principles in 1872, XX. 242; - testimony to same, XX. 243-245; - motives for same, XX. 246-249. - - Denmark, navy of, in 1837, I. 76. - Adopts separate system in prisons, II. 135. - Treaty of, with United States illegally abrogated in 1855, V. 100. - Power of Congress to terminate same, recognized by Mr. Buchanan, - V. 119. - - Descartes, on progress in science, II. 257. - - Diplomatic Representatives, rank of, abroad, XIV. 74. - Prohibition of uniform for, XIV. 344. - Must not accept gifts from foreign powers, XX. 70. - - Disabilities, delay in removal of, XIV. 85. - - Disarmament, advantages of, I. 119-121,--especially for France in 1870, - XVIII. 223-229. - - Disfranchisement, inconsistent with Republican government, XIII. 109. - - District of Columbia, abolition of slavery in, demanded, I. 308, 337; - III. 139,--but not by national Whig Party, II. 308. - Slave-trade in, abolished, III. 125. - Laws of Maryland adopted in, III. 221; VIII. 271. - Slavery and the black code in, VII. 361. - Mr. Sumner’s speech on bill for abolition of slavery in, VIII. 251. - Power of Congress to abolish slavery in, VIII. 258, 281. - Masters in, not properly entitled to compensation, VIII. 259. - Congress responsible for slavery in, VIII. 265, 280. - Slavery in, unconstitutional, VIII. 265, 274-278; - authorities maintaining same, VIII. 266. - Account of establishment of seat of government in, VIII. 267-271. - Laws of, on slavery, VIII. 272, 304. - Money appropriation advisable to ransom slaves in, VIII. 280, 299. - Testimony of colored persons in, VIII. 304. - Enforcement of emancipation in, VIII. 349. - Slaves cannot be surrendered in, IX. 79. - Colored suffrage in, XIII. 5; XIV. 229,--the whites _vs._ same, - XIII. 98. - Opening of offices to colored persons in, XV. 234. - Exclusion of colored physicians from Medical Society of, XVII. 186; - XVIII. 148. - Letter for celebration of anniversary of emancipation in, XX. 266. - Origin of reforms for colored persons in, XX. 276. - - Disunion, threat of, by slave States, VII. 25, 319-321. - Absurdity of as a remedy, VII. 33. - Difficulty of accomplishing, VII. 34. - Effects of, on slave States, VII. 35-37. - And a Southern confederacy, VII. 165. - - Dix, Miss D. L., her book on prison discipline, I. 163. - Labors of, I. 164. - Advocates separate system in prisons, I. 178. - - Domestic Relations, our, article on, X. 167. - - Dominica, diplomatic relations with the republic of, XIII. 270. - See _San Domingo_. - - Doubtful Clauses, authorities on interpretation of, III. 282, 358; - X. 342-346. - - Douglas, Stephen A., compared to Sancho Panza, V. 149. - Threats of, replied to, V. 150, 242. - His bill for admission of Kansas condemned, V. 212-215. - His attacks answered, V. 251-255. - Pretended principles of the party supporting, in 1860, VI. 362. - His insincerity in professing popular sovereignty, VI. 367-369; VII. - 44, 62; - his inconsistency as to same, VI. 370-373. - His associates, VI. 373. - His heartlessness, VI. 374. - His contest with Lincoln, XII. 247,--extracts from his speeches in - same, XII. 249-253; XVIII. 164; XIX. 302. - - Douglass, Frederick, insults to, XIX. 165, 220; XX. 155 _et seq._, 181, - 205-208. - And President Grant, XX. 205. - - Downing, Andrew J., the landscape Gardener, IV. 1. - - Downing, George T., article by, quoted, XIX. 279-283. - - Draft, commutation for the, X. 262. - Burden of, should be equalized, X. 264. - - Drayton and Sayres, proceedings against, for liberating slaves, III. - 221-223. - Alternatives of pardon for, III. 231-233. - - Dred Scott Decision, VI. 291; IX. 154; XI. 63-65; XIII. 276; XVIII. 7. - No bust for author of, XII. 138; XVI. 223. - False statements in, XII. 140; - refutation of same, XII. 141, 144-177. - Opinion of Judge Curtis on, quoted, XII. 147. - On rights of citizenship, XIII. 331; XVII. 46. - - Duel, the, defined, I. 294. - Denounced, VI. 183, 184. - Franklin on, VI. 183. - Adopted by slave-masters, VI. 183, 199-202. - Between France and Germany, XVIII. 175. - Derivation of, XVIII. 177. - - Dunn, Oscar J., insult to, on the railroad, XIX. 165, 221. - Character of, XIX. 221. - - - E. - - Eagle, escutcheon of the United States, I. 95. - Described by Erasmus, I. 95. - - Edmunds, George F., Senator from Vermont, answer to his criticisms on - supplementary civil-rights bill, XX. 307-311. - - Education, establishments of, in slave and free States, VI. 151-156. - No tax on, XI. 378; XIV. 267. - The department of, XIV. 297. - Generosity for, XIV. 317. - Indispensable in a republic, XIV. 336; XVIII. 47. - Power of Congress to prescribe, in rebel States, XIV. 340. - Reduction of appropriation for bureau of, XVIII. 47. - - Elections, powers of States over, XIII. 214; XVI. 246-252; XVII. 39-42. - Of Senators, XIV. 1, 105. - Rules for, in England, XIV. 8, 106; - Cushing on same, XIV. 9. - Rules for, in United States, XIV. 9, 107; - Cushing on same, XIV. 10. - Secret voting at popular, XIV. 105. - - Eloquence, defined, I. 297. - - Emancipation, of slaves in West Indies by England, I. 127; V. 28-30; - VI. 343. - Desirable in United States, I. 127. - Channing’s address on, I. 298; VI. 185. - Our best weapon, VII. 241, 347; IX. 76, 229; XI. 198. - Of national government from Slave Power, VII. 248. - Instances of, in war, VII. 253-255, 257. - Modes of, in Roman law, VII. 255. - Present modes of accomplishing, VII. 256, 258. - Of serfs in Russia, VII. 267; XII. 312, 314; XIII. 57-60; XIV. 57, 315. - Appendix to speech on, VII. 270. - And the President, VII. 271 (_Appendix_); VIII. 14; IX. 117 _et seq._; - XII. 282. - The third great epoch in American history, VII. 312. - Instructions of Secretary of War tending towards, VII. 348. - Military necessity of, VII. 350; IX. 206. - And Reconstruction, VIII. 163. - State suicide and, VIII. 243. - Enforcement of, in District of Columbia, VIII. 349. - Patriotic unity and, IX. 180. - Harmony with the President, and, IX. 182. - A war measure, IX. 233, 253, 273. - Celebration of, IX. 256; XIV. 41. - Immediate, and not gradual, IX. 266. - Must be universal, X. 298, 302; - petition for same, X. 300. - Universal, without compensation, XI. 173. - Pope Gregory the Great on, XI. 203. - In District of Columbia, letter for anniversary of, XX. 266. - See _Antislavery Enterprise_ and _Proclamation of Emancipation_. - - Emblems and mottoes, encourage war, I. 93. - - Emigrant Aid Company of Massachusetts, vindicated, V. 122, 194-205. - Not an Abolition Society, V. 199; - testimony to same, V. 200. - Its secret, V. 201. - - Emigration, to Kansas, IV. 138; V. 121, 159, 194-205; VI. 368. - Organization in, V. 195. - Influence of slavery on, VI. 158. - - England, slave-trade in, II. 18; XVII. 166. - Sends expeditions against Barbary States, II. 26-30, 77-80; VIII. 297; - X. 72. - Slavery in, III. 301; VIII. 278; - same annulled, III. 302; IV. 313; VIII. 279. - Confiscation in, IX. 55. - Actions and criticisms of, unfriendly to United States during - Rebellion, X. 12-41, 124; XII. 267; XVII. 58-73, 84, 124. - Liability of, for damages to United States commerce by pirate ships, - X. 37-39; XVII. 89. - Her growth into a nation, XVI. 16. - Individual and national claims on, XVII. 53, 124. - Reparation due from, to United States, for aid to Rebels, XVII. 76, - 125-127. - Her treatment of United States claims for reparation, XVII. 91. - Original degradation of, XVII. 164-167. - See _Great Britain_. - - English Language, predictions of its extension, XV. 312, 314. - - Engravers of Portraits: - Dürer, XIX. 181. - A. Caracci, XIX. 182. - Goltzius, Pontius, and Rembrandt, XIX. 183. - Visscher and Van Dyck, XIX. 184. - Mellan, XIX. 185. - Morin and Masson, XIX. 186. - Nanteuil, XIX. 187. - Edelinck, XIX. 191-193. - Drevet, XIX. 193 _et seq._ - Ficquet, Schmidt, and Wille, XIX. 195-197. - Longhi, XIX. 197. - Raffaello Morghen, XIX. 198. - Houbraken and Bartolozzi, XIX. 199. - Strange, XIX. 200. - Sharp, XIX. 201. - - Engraving, the best portraits in, XIX. 175. - Its relation to painting, XIX. 179. - Longhi on same, XIX. 179. - Great French School of, XIX. 185-194. - - Episcopal Church of America, befriended by Granville Sharp, IV. 318. - - Equal Rights, in the lecture-room, I. 160. - In common schools, III. 51; XIX. 3, 158, 165, 166, 241-244, 261; XX. - 275. - And the Emancipation Proclamation, XII. 60. - Necessity of guaranties for, XII. 310. - Secured to freed serfs in Russia, XII. 312-314; XIII. 58-60; XIV. 57, - 211. - _Vs._ the Presidential policy in reconstruction, XII. 368. - Scheme of Reconstruction on basis of, XIII. 21. - Of all, speech on, XIII. 115. - The great guaranty, XIII. 124. - A condition of Reconstruction, XIV. 92; XVI. 347. - Whether political or civil, by Act of Congress, XVI. 1. - Folly of reasons for denial of, XVI. 332. - Must be under a uniform law, XVIII. 2; XIX. 128, 234; XX. 69. - Further measures required to secure, XVIII. 21, 45, 317; XIX. 158-164, - 166; XX. 203, 267. - No reconciliation without, XIX. 215, 259, 263. - Limitations on, a denial of the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 223. - Not a question of Society, XIX. 227. - In hotels, XIX. 236; - in public conveyances, XIX. 238; - in theatres, XIX. 240; - in other public institutions, churches, and cemeteries, XIX. 244, - 292-299. - Argument against, XIX. 246. - On juries, XIX. 290. - In normal schools, XX. 268. - See _Civil Rights_ and _Equality_. - - Equality before the law, III. 51; XI. 217. - Misunderstood by Brougham and Calhoun, III. 55. - Origin and growth of the sentiment of, III. 56. - Proclaimed in France by literature and constitutions, III. 58-63; - XI. 218-221; XIII. 198-202,--declared in other European countries, - III. 63; XI. 221. - Greek word for, III. 63; XI. 222. - Proclaimed by Declaration of Independence and Constitution of - Massachusetts, III. 64. - Defined, III. 65; IV. 48; XVI. 331; XIX. 219. - Recognized by Massachusetts laws for common schools, III. 66; - and by courts of same, III. 69. - Violated by separate colored schools, III. 70; XIX. 241. - Equivalents no substitute for, III. 88; XIX. 3, 158, 165, 229. - American representative system founded on, IV. 38. - Of States, does not allow transportation of slaves into Territories, - VI. 229. - Of men, a self-evident truth, VI. 338; XIII. 235. - La Boëtie and Maine on, XI. 224. - Political, without distinction of color, XIII. 282. - In rights, must be complete, XIV. 41; XVI. 331; XIX. 219, 316; XX. 68. - Before the law, protected by national statute, XIX. 203. - In rights, the real issue of the war, XIX. 223; - testimony to same, XIX. 224-226. - - Equity, definitions of, XVIII. 36. - - Erasmus, his description of an eagle, I. 95. - On his own character, I. 250. - His application of Latin proverb on Scylla and Charybdis, XII. 377-379. - On uncleanness of English houses, XVII. 167. - Portraits of, XIX. 181. - - Europe, public debt of, before 1845, I. 72. - Expenses of war-preparations of, before 1850, I. 75; II. 368. - Tendency of, towards unity, II. 381-383. - Sympathies of, in our Civil War, not to be repelled, VII. 236. - Policy of, on rights of neutral ships, VIII. 63, 66. - Intervention of, in wars for freedom, X. 9. - Tends towards Republicanism, XVIII. 251. - Lafayette’s prophecy of enfranchisement of, XVIII. 252. - - Everett, Edward, nomination of, for Vice-President in 1860, VI. 358. - Urges compromise in 1861, VII. 176. - Supports Lincoln in 1864, XI. 418. - The late, XII. 68. - On retaliation, XII. 86. - - Exhibition, Industrial, at London in 1862, representation of United - States at, VIII. 157. - - Exmouth, Lord, expeditions of, against Algiers, II. 77-80; VIII. 297; - X. 72. - Orders of, quoted, II. 77, 80; X. 73. - Despatch of, quoted, II. 81; VIII. 298; X. 73. - - - F. - - Faculties, all the, should be cultivated, I. 208. - - Fame, Allston’s definition of, I. 283. - Oration on, II. 153. - In antiquity, II. 162. - See _Glory_. - - Fanaticism, good and bad, defined, V. 146-148. - - Faneuil Hall, IV. 163; VII. 70. - - Farmer, the good, and the good citizen, IV. 280. - - Farmers of Hampshire Co., Massachusetts, speech at dinner of, IX. 248. - Liberal sentiments of, IX. 252. - - “Federal,” should not be applied to government, constitution, courts or - army of United States, XVI. 8 _et seq._ - - Fellow-citizens, German, and a true Reconstruction, VIII. 239. - No names of victories over, on regimental colors, VIII. 361; XX. 255. - No picture at the Capitol of victory over, XII. 201. - - Female Suffrage, XIV. 228. - - Fessenden, William Pitt, Senator from Maine, reply to, on limitation of - Senate business and obligations of caucuses, XV. 205-209, 213 - _et seq._ - Remarks on death of, XVII. 189. - - “Fiat justitia, ruat cœlum,” origin of phrase, IV. 310 (and _note_), 311. - - Field, Cyrus W., XIV. 220. - Speech on a resolution giving thanks of Congress to, XIV. 301. - - Fifteenth Amendment, ratification of the, XVIII. 20. - - Financial Reconstruction, through public faith and specie payments, XVI. - 259; XVII. 234. - Depends on political, XVI. 264-266, 294, 355. - Means of, XVI. 278-281; XVII. 237-241, 279-281. - Propositions of Secretary of Treasury for, considered, XVII. 241-244. - Consideration of Mr. Sumner’s bill for, XVII. 245-253, 279 _et seq._; - and of bill from Committee of Finance for, XVII. 255-260, 264, - 266-270. - Substitute for latter explained, XVII. 260 _et seq._, 264-266, 273-277. - Substitute of Finance Committee for Mr. Sumner’s bill considered, - XVII. 281-298. - - Fish, Hamilton, Secretary of State, personal relations of Mr. Sumner - with, XIX. 99, 106-124. - His interest in annexation of San Domingo, XIX. 107. - His removal of Mr. Motley, XIX. 109; - his paper on same, XIX. 109-112; - quotation from above paper, XIX. 110; - inconsistencies in same, XIX. 115-117. - - Fisheries, Canadian, XII. 48. - Of Russian America, XV. 141-161. - Influence of, XV. 161-165. - Growth of, in United States, XV. 162, 165. - R. Izard on, XV. 163. - - Five-Twenties (bonds), payment of, XVII. 245-247. - - Flag, the national, the emblem of union for freedom, III. 238; XVI. - 43,--history of same, XVI. 43-45. - - Florida, memorial of, for admission into the Union, quoted, V. 220. - - Florida, the, case of, XII. 9. - - Fontenelle, on progress, II. 260. - - Foot, Solomon, Senator from Vermont, speech on death of, XIV. 33. - - Foreign Relations, prudence in our, IX. 257. - Speech on, in New York, in 1863, IX. 327. - Principles to be observed in, XVII. 117; XVIII. 253. - See _Com. on Foreign Relations_. - - Foreigners, in ancient and modern times, V. 77. - In United States, V. 77. - Our duty to welcome, V. 78; XVII. 183. - Services of, in United States and Europe, V. 78-80. - Indifference of Mr. Sumner to, denied, XVI. 315-317. - Rights of naturalized, in their native countries, to be determined by - international law, XVI. 317. - - Forney, John W., remarks at a dinner to, XVIII. 310. - - Forts, no surrender of the Northern, VII. 200. - - Foster, Lafayette S., Senator from Connecticut, remarks of, on testimony - of colored persons, answered, IX. 157-161. - - Fourteenth Amendment, withdrawal of assent to, by Ohio, XVI. 69. - - Fourth of July, oration on true grandeur of nations, I. 1. - Letters for celebration of, at Boston in 1851, 1852, 1853, 1854, and - 1865, III. 165, 238; IV. 32, 228; XII. 297. - - Fox, Charles James, on the American War, I. 343 _et seq._, 348. - On weakness of temporizing, VII. 332. - On war with America, XV. 407. - - Fox, George, intercedes for Quaker slaves in Algiers, II. 35. - - France, army of, in 1845, I. 75; - and in 1870, XVIII. 195. - Navy of, in 1837, I. 76; - and in 1870, XVIII. 195. - Fortifications and militia of, I. 77. - Relative expenditure of, for war-preparations, I. 78. - Efforts of, to free white slaves in Algiers, II. 31. - Favors separate system in prisons, II. 133-135, 146. - Equality developed and proclaimed in, by its literature and - constitutions, III. 58-63; XI. 218-221; XIII. 198-202. - Abrogation of its treaties with United States in 1798, V. 104; - debate in Congress on same, quoted, V. 105. - Alliance of, with American colonies, VII. 118. - Revolution of 1789 in, VII. 131; - same brought about by few persons, VII. 336. - Testimony of government of, to rights of neutral ships, VIII. 63, 70. - Paper money in, VIII. 194, 204; XVI. 359. - Confiscation in, IX. 55-58. - Unfriendly actions of, to United States during our Civil War, X. 41-47; - X. 256. - Recognition of United States by, X. 89; XI. 97. - Claims on, for spoliations of American commerce before July 31, 1801, - XI. 70. - Origin and history of counter-claims of, XI. 96-113; - adjustment of same with United States, XI. 113-123. - Mints in, XI. 264. - Slavery condemned by law and literature of, XII. 162-169. - Testimony of, to republican government, XIII. 198-202. - Its growth into a nation, XVI. 17. - Instance of barbarous manners in, XVII. 168. - And Germany, the duel between, XVIII. 175. - Resources of, in 1870, XVIII. 194. - Had no right to interfere with Spain, XVIII. 198. - Foolish causes of certain wars of, XVIII. 202. - Instances of capture of sovereigns of, XVIII. 206-208. - Retribution upon, XVIII. 213. - Dismemberment of, XVIII. 219; - reasons against same, XVIII. 220-222; - authorities against same, XVIII. 221 _et seq._ - Advantages of disarmament of, XVIII. 223-229. - Charity to, XVIII. 319. - Obligations of United States to, XVIII. 319. - Annexation of Nice and Savoy to, XIX. 30. - Peace and the republic for, XIX. 159. - Numerical size of its Assembly, XX. 2. - Sale of arms to, by U. S. in Franco-Prussian war, XX. 5; - testimony showing need of inquiry into same, XX. 25-40. - - Franco-German War, a duel, XVIII. 177. - Proper adjustment of, XVIII. 183. - Origin and pretexts of, XVIII. 183-191. - Debates in French Chamber previous to, XVIII. 184 _et seq._, 187-190. - Declared, XVIII. 192 _et seq._ - Folly of, XVIII. 196. - True reason of, XVIII. 200. - Progress and character of, XVIII. 203-206. - Should have ended at Sedan, XVIII. 216. - Three essential conditions of peace after, XVIII. 216, 217. - Publicity of, XVIII. 243. - Testimony to horrors of, XVIII. 245. - - Frankfort, Penitentiary Congress at, II. 245, 402. - - Franking, abolition of, XVIII. 57. - In England, XVIII. 57, 61. - In United States, XVIII. 58. - Substitute for, XVIII. 59. - Origin of, in England, XVIII. 64-66; - abolition of, in same, XVIII. 76. - - Franklin, Benjamin, industry of, I. 188. - Worldly wisdom of, I. 189. - Petitions for abolition of slavery, I. 312; II. 68, 231, 294; III. 17, - 293; VI. 203. - Letter of, to Mr. Strahan, quoted, I. 382. - His apologue on Algerine slavery, II. 68; VI. 203. - On war, II. 398; XX. 80,--his labors against same, II. 398. - On duels, VI. 183. - On compensation to loyalists, IX. 66. - And John Slidell at Paris, X. 221. - Origin and history of the Latin verse applied to, X. 222-225, 233-237, - 242, 248-252. - Portraits of, in France, with Latin motto, X. 242-246. - Translations of Latin verse on, X. 252-255; - letter of, on same, X. 253. - On republican government, XIII. 176, 299. - His friendship with Bishop Shipley, XV. 332. - On the colonial post-office, XVIII. 67. - - Frederick II., of Prussia, on invoking God in war, I. 56. - On effect of his standing army, II. 370; XVIII. 226; - testimony of Lafayette to same, XVIII. 227. - - Free Banking, objections to, XVII. 259 _et seq._ - - Free-Soil Conventions, speeches at, III. 4; IV. 3. - Address adopted by, in 1849, III. 6. - Letter to, in 1852, III. 240. - - Free-Soil Party, importance of its organization, II. 299. - Principles of, II. 307; III. 26-29, 138, 153. - Appeal for, II. 316. - Explained and vindicated, III. 6. - A national party, III. 8-10. - Does not interfere with slavery in the States, III. 27, 48, 139, 141. - Necessary, III. 32. - Objections to, refuted, III. 34-41, 141. - Demands of, III. 139. - - Freedmen, special committee on slavery and, X. 271. - Necessity of caring for, XI. 302-327; XVIII. 301. - Testimony to their desire for work, XI. 303-305. - Classes of, XI. 311. - Dangers of, XI. 315; XII. 321; XVII. 102,--testimony to same, XI. 344 - _et seq._; XII. 323; XIII. 66-96; XVI. 350 _et seq._ - Guaranties for, XII. 305, 325-329. - Colonization for, XII. 334. - Enfranchisement and protection of, XIII. 55. - Kidnapping of, XIII. 101. - Home-steads for, XIV. 307-309; XV. 188. - - Freedmen’s Bureau, creation of the, XI. 301. - Location of, XI. 307, 315, 321-323, 341 _et seq._; - authorities on same, XI. 312-314. - Despoiled by President Johnson, XVI. 169. - - Freedom, the party of, II. 228, 291; IV. 3. - Whigs and Democrats must unite to defend, II. 234, 238. - Principles of party of, II. 297; IV. 8. - A last rally for, II. 320. - Our country on the side of, without belligerent intervention, III. 180. - Is national, III. 237, 242, 274; VI. 361. - National, slavery sectional: speech, III. 257. - Whig and Democratic parties opposed to, IV. 5. - Prospects of party of, IV. 9. - Necessity of union to uphold, IV. 15. - The landmark of, IV. 81. - Hope for, in United States, IV. 148. - The demands of, IV. 333. - Unity for, IX. 316. - - Friends, Society of, in New England, petitions for repeal of Fugitive - Slave Bill, III. 234. - See _Quakers_. - - Fugitive Clause in the Constitution, III. 303, 356; X. 341. - False assumptions as to origin of, III. 303-306; X. 352-354. - True origin of, III. 306-309; X. 354-360. - Neglected at first, III. 309 _et seq._ - Merely a compact between States, III. 356-358; X. 366-368. - Interpretation of, III. 358-361; IV. 182; VI. 229; X. 342-352; XI. - 234-238. - Granville Sharp on, IV. 319 _et seq._ - Ambiguity of, X. 346. - Applicable to indented servants, X. 348. - Authorities denying power of Congress under, X. 368-372. - - Fugitive Slave Acts, wrong and unconstitutionality of, X. 338. - Relation of, to slavery, X. 339-341. - Final repeal of all, XI. 229. - - Fugitive Slave Bill, denounced, III. 127, 312; IV. 162, 342; V. 44; VII. - 3; X. 394; XI. 239. - Unconstitutional, III. 128, 312 _et seq._; IV. 162, 342; X. 360, 384. - Mr. Sumner’s relation to, III. 132. - Appeal against its execution, III. 134-137. - Presentation of a memorial against, III. 234. - Attempt to discuss, III. 243. - Speeches for repeal of, III. 257; IV. 333; XI. 229. - Difficulties of discussing, III. 267. - A usurpation by Congress and a breach of State rights, III. 326; IV. - 163, 214, 337; X. 364-372. - Its denial of trial by Jury unconstitutional, III. 328-338; IV. 162; - X. 372-380. - Compared to Stamp Act, III. 339; IV. 165. - Public sentiment of free States opposed to, III. 346; IV. 348. - Consequences of, III. 349-351; X. 385-390. - Favored by Mercantile interest, III. 351. - Substitute for, III. 356-361. - Must be disobeyed, III. 364; IV. 282; V. 46; VII. 3. - Speeches on Boston petition for repeal of, IV. 159, 172. - Authors of, IV. 213; X. 390-393. - Peaceful opposition to, IV. 228. - No pension for service in support of, IV. 230. - Struggle for repeal of, IV. 239. - Compared to Massachusetts law against witchcraft, IV. 276. - Legislation of States in regard to, defended, IV. 243-245. - No recognition of, VIII. 238-240. - Origin of, X. 363. - Webster on, X. 370. - Not necessary, X. 391. - Humboldt on, XI. 240. - - Fugitive Slaves, entitled to trial by jury, III. 328; IV. 215; X. - 373,--authorities proving same, according to the Constitution and - common law, III. 330-338; X. 374-377. - Defended by Granville Sharp, IV. 297-313; VIII. 279; XI. 237,--opinion - of same on laws for surrender of, IV. 319. - Instructions of Secretary of War in favor of, VII. 348. - Conduct of our generals towards, in the Civil War, VII. 359; VIII. 8 - _et seq._, 351. - The national armies and, VIII. 7. - No surrender of, in Washington, IX. 78. - Objections to trial by jury for, X. 377-380. - Commissioners for trial of, X. 381-384. - Heroism of, XVII. 172. - - Fugitives from service, Act of 1793 for surrender of, III. 310, 315; X. - 361,--opposition to same, III. 311; X. 361-363,--Judge Story’s - decision on same, III. 315 _et seq._; XI. 233. - See _Fugitive Clause_ and _Fugitive Slaves_. - - Funding Bills, speeches on, XVI. 259; XVII. 234. - Described, XVI. 281-284; XVII. 245-249. - - - G. - - Galiani, Ferdinando, Abbé, prophecies of, concerning America, X. 234; - XV. 361 _et seq._ - Character and works of, XV. 359-361. - - Garrison, William Lloyd, reward offered by Georgia for arrest of, VI. - 191 _et seq._ - Letter to, VI. 343. - - Genoa, siege of, in 1800, I. 26-29. - - Georgia, admission of, to representation in Congress, XVIII. 23; - condition of, in 1870, XVIII. 25. - Bingham amendment to Act for, XVIII. 26. - Powers of Congress over, XVIII. 27-32. - Different modes of treatment for, XVIII. 32 _et seq._ - Forfeits its title to recognition, XVIII. 35. - - German Emigrant, the, must be against slavery, IV. 19. - - German Fellow-citizens, our, and a true Reconstruction, VIII. 238. - - Germany, plans of universal peace developed in, II. 392-397; XVIII. - 233-236. - Pretensions of State sovereignty in, XVI. 18-20. - Protection of American citizens in, XVI. 312. - The duel between France and, XVIII. 175. - Resources of, in 1870, XVIII. 194. - Indemnity to, XVIII. 217. - Guaranty claimed by, XVIII. 219. - Proper guaranty for, XVIII. 223; - advantages of same, XVIII. 223-229. - Sufferings of, from war, XVIII. 232. - Charity to France or, XVIII. 319. - Obligations of United States to, XVIII. 320. - See _Franco-German War_ and _Prussia_. - - Gettysburg, battle of, XII. 271. - Lincoln’s speech at, XII. 271, 272; XIX. 226. - - Gibbon, Edward, autobiography of, I. 190. - On praise, II. 180. - - Giddings, Joshua R., treatment of, by slave-masters in Congress, VI. - 206-208. - - Gifts, acceptance of, by office-holders, XX. 118, 215. - Instances of refusal of, XX. 119-122, 215 _et seq._ - - Gladstone, William E., XX. 274. - - Glory, defined, II. 162. - In antiquity, II. 163-165, 169. - Cicero’s opinions on, II. 165, 170-174. - In Middle Ages, II. 166. - Among savages, II. 167. - Sir W. Jones on, II. 175. - Influence of, II. 175, 194. - Pascal on, II. 177. - Love of, a low motive, II. 178 _et seq._ - Desire for, dangerous, II. 180. - Burke on, II. 181. - False, II. 182. - True, defined, II. 184, 194. - Waller on true, II. 185. - Wolfe’s idea of, II. 186. - Nature of military, II. 187, 424-428. - Examples of false and true, II. 197-200. - Lincoln on military, XII. 262. - - God, not the God of armies, I. 57. - - Gold, coined, is merchandise, XI. 270; - authorities stating same, XI. 271. - Necessity of inspection for, XI. 272. - - Government, improvement of, XVII. 136-138. - The science of justice, XVII. 138. - Reform and purity in, XX. 5. - Personal, unrepublican, XX. 93 _et seq._ - See _Military Government_, _Republican Government_, and - _Self-Government_. - - Grant, Ulysses S., President of United States, labors to popularize - annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 270; XIX. 91; XX. 148. - His usurpation in threatening Hayti and San Domingo by ships of war, - XVIII. 282; XIX. 31, 78, 81, 90; XX. 88, 147, 151, 178 _et seq._, - 217 _et seq._ - On rejection of treaty for annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 284; XIX. - 92; XX. 148. - Threatens independence of Hayti, in annual message, XVIII. 284-288; - XIX. 91. - His endeavor to change the committee on foreign relations, XVIII. 289. - Interview of, with Mr. Sumner on San Domingo treaties, XVIII. 293 - _et seq._ - No precedent for his assumption of war-powers in Dominican treaty, XIX. - 82,--his usurpation continued after rejection of same, XIX. 85; XX. - 148,--testimony to same, XIX. 87 _et seq._ - Personal relations of Mr. Sumner with, XIX. 99, 104-106; XX. 155, 200. - His pretensions, as President, XX. 90-92, 124-153. - As a civilian, XX. 97 _et seq._ - E. M. Stanton’s opinion of, XX. 98-100. - Duty of exposing, XX. 100. - His nepotism, XX. 101 _et seq._, 128. - Takes gifts and repays with office, XX. 117, 122-124, 216. - His selection of his Cabinet, XX. 122 _et seq._, 125 _et seq._ - His inaugural address, XX. 125. - His appropriation of offices, XX. 128 _et seq._, 166. - His assault on a safeguard of the Treasury, XX. 129-131. - Appoints army officers as secretaries, XX. 131 _et seq._; - illegality of same, XX. 133-137. - His interference in local politics, XX. 142 _et seq._ - The great Presidential quarreller, XX. 153-156. - Duty of Republican party as to his reëlection, XX. 156. - Favors originally one term for President, XX. 157, 222; - necessity of same shown by his example, XX. 159 _et seq._ - Unfit to be President, XX. 162, 254. - Apologies for, considered, XX. 162-165. - Indifferent to colored people, XX. 165, 181 _et seq._ - As a candidate for reëlection, XX. 165-169. - His antecedents, XX. 177-182. - His nomination for reëlection, XX. 182 _et seq._ - His supporters, XX. 184. - Frederick Douglass and, XX. 205. - Greeley or, XX. 209. - His reëlection secured by office-holders, XX. 223-225. - - Grantism, Republicanism _vs._, XX. 83. - - Great Britain, war of, with United States in 1812, I. 17, 31 _et seq._; - VIII. 50-52. - Public debt and annual taxation of, in 1842, I. 73. - Army of, in 1845, I. 75. - Navy of, I. 76. - Fortifications and militia of, I. 77. - Relative expenditure of, for war-preparations, I. 78. - Emancipation of slaves in West Indies by, I. 127; V. 28-30; VI. 343. - Treaties of, with Barbary States, II. 30,--abolishes white slavery in - same, II. 78, 80; VIII. 297; X. 72. - Great institutions of liberty originated by, IV. 38; VIII. 41. - Mode of abrogation of treaty of, with United States, concerning Oregon, - V. 106. - Early support of slave-trade by, V. 149; X. 71; XIII. 313. - Ground of her complaint in Trent case, VIII. 35-37. - Pretensions of, in maritime questions, VIII. 41. - Testimony to policy of, in regard to neutral rights, VIII. 42-56, 63, - 64, 67; XII. 16-32, 38-41. - Prohibits paper money in America, VIII. 190. - Paper money in history of, VIII. 203. - Treaties of, with United States, to suppress slave-trade, VIII. - 337-341. - Efforts of, against slave-trade, VIII. 339, 343; X. 74-77. - History of intervention of, against slavery, X. 71-84. - Relations with: the St. Albans raid, XII. 42. - Slavery condemned by law and literature of, XII. 156-162. - Attitude of justice towards, XIV. 96. - Reported designs of, against Russian America, XV. 43-48. - Action of, concerning surplus of indemnity paid by France in 1815 and - 1818, XVIII. 129. - See _England_. - - Greeley, Horace, antecedents of, XX. 177 _et seq._ - His nomination to the Presidency, XX. 182 _et seq._, 242 _et seq._ - His supporters, XX. 184 _et seq._ - His election the triumph of Republican principles, XX. 185-187, 198 - _et seq._ - Reasons for his nomination, XX. 191. - Or Grant? speech, XX. 209. - Reasons for voting for, XX. 213, 241, 248. - On reconciliation between North and South, XX. 227. - His fidelity to Republican principles, XX. 249-252. - Letter of, quoted, XX. 250. - Tribute to, XX. 256. - His devotion to Henry Clay, XX. 261. - - Greene, Nathanael, Gen., on weakness of South Carolina in Revolutionary - War, IV. 203-206. - Speech on presentation of statue of, XVII. 299. - - Greener, Richard T., article by, on necessity of supplementary - civil-rights bill, quoted, XIX. 271. - - Grégoire, Henri, Abbé, career of, XV. 408-410. - His prophecies concerning America, XV. 410 _et seq._ - - Grimes, James W., Senator from Iowa, reply to his criticism on bill for - creation of Freedmen’s Bureau, XI. 323-339, 343-349. - - Griswold, Rufus W., letter to, III. 213. - - Grotius, on substitutes for war, II. 385. - His definition of war, IX. 21. - On recognition of States, X. 107. - On reprisals, XVI. 303, 305. - On alienation of territory, XVIII. 221. - - Guaranties, against slavery, X. 295. - Irreversible, XI. 351. - For the national freedman and the national creditor, XII. 305, 325-329; - XVII. 101-116,--modes of obtaining same, XII. 333-341; XVII. 115. - - Guaranty of Republican Government to State, must be fulfilled by - Congress, X. 211; XI. 370; XII. 197, 331; XIII. 62, 136, 211, 327; - XV. 231; XVI. 245; XVII. 43; XVIII. 4, 28. - Upheld by Madison, X. 212; XIII. 139. - Part execution of, XIII. 14, 113, 323. - Origin and purpose of, XIII. 139-143. - Webster on, XIII. 143. - Authorities declaring duty of Congress to fulfil, XIII. 212; - arguments against same, refuted, XIII. 213-215; XVII. 44. - - Guizot, on increase of toleration in old age, XX. 264. - - Gurowski, Adam, Count, his work on slavery, VI. 347. - Letter to, VII. 184. - - - H. - - Habeas Corpus, suspension of, in United States and Ireland, X. 16 - _et seq._ - - Hale, John P., Free-Soil candidate for President in 1852, IV. 10. - His remarks on testimony of colored persons in United States courts - answered, IX. 154-156. - - Hale, Sir Matthew, on arrangement of time, I. 201. - - Halleck, Henry W., Gen., orders of, for surrender of fugitive slaves, - VII. 359 _et seq._, VIII. 356 _et seq._ - His work on international law, VIII. 330. - On consuls, VIII. 330. - On privateering, IX. 287. - On seizures in neutral waters, XII. 13. - On retaliation, XII. 78. - On reprisals, XVI. 303, 305, 306. - On equality of nations, XIX. 70. - On belligerent intervention, XIX. 74 _et seq._ - - Hamilton, Alexander, views of, on slavery, III. 287. - On republican government, XIII. 147, 182 _et seq._ - On right of negroes to representation, XIII. 183 _et seq._, 329; XVI. - 251; XVII. 45. - His plan of representation, XIII. 329. - On sovereignty of the Union, XVI. 29, 33. - On State rights, XVI. 253. - On cessation of obligation of treaties, XVIII. 35. - On the treaty-making power, XIX. 79 _et seq._ - - Hamlin, Hannibal, Republican candidate for Vice-Presidency in 1860, VI. - 337. - - Harper’s Ferry Investigation, speeches on imprisonment of Thaddeus Hyatt - for refusing to testify in, VI. 80. - - Harrison, William H., on one term for the President, XIX. 170; XX. 158, - 221. - - Hartley, David, XV. 347. - John Adams on, XV. 348. - His speeches and letter concerning America, XV. 349-359. - The first abolitionist in Parliament, XV. 352. - - Harvard University in 1845, I. 80. - Expenditures of, I. 82. - Law School of, I. 142, 262; III. 101. - And Dr. Channing, I. 286. - Mottoes of, I. 302. - Judge Story’s benefactions to, III. 112. - See _Law School of Harvard University_. - - Hatch, Davis, on annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 290. - Imprisonment of, XIX. 45; XX. 147, 179,--evidence as to same, XIX. - 46-48. - - Hawley, Joseph R., Gen., XVIII. 172. - - Hayti, and Liberia, independence of, VIII. 307. - Entitled to recognition, VIII. 311. - Described, VIII. 312-314. - Commercial relations of, with United States in 1860, VIII. 315-319. - Advantages of recognizing, VIII. 319-322, 324 _et seq._ - Consuls not sufficient for, VIII. 325-327, 330-332. - Recognition of, early commended, VIII. 327. - Merits of citizens of, VIII. 329. - Threatened by United States ships of war, XVIII. 277, 303; XIX. 49; - XX. 151, 179. - Relations of, with Dominica, XVIII. 278-280. - President of, on annexion of Dominica, XVIII. 283. - Independence of, threatened by President Grant, XVIII. 284-288; XIX. - 91; XX. 151, 178 _et seq._ - Testimony to threats of United States ships of war against, XIX. 48-51, - 57, 64-66. - Value of its example, XIX. 49, 155. - Treatment of, by United States, a violation of international law, XIX. - 71, 75; XX. 88, 147. - The equal of other nations, XIX. 72. - Presentation of medal from, XIX. 154. - Letter to President of, XX. 270. - - Henry IV., of France, proposes congress of nations, II. 384; XVIII. 233. - - Henry, Patrick, on slavery, II. 231; III. 288; XII. 150. - His opposition to the Constitution, X. 182; XII. 125; XIII. 305; - XVI. 41. - On power of Congress over slavery, XI. 191. - - Herder, on progress, II. 257. - - Hill, Benjamin H., Senator from Georgia, colloquy of, with Mr. Sumner, on - need of civil-rights bill, XIX. 206-212 (_Introduction_). - - Hill, Rowland, plans of, for postal reform, XVIII. 69; - opposition to same, XVIII. 70 _et seq._ - Honors to, XVIII. 80. - - Hinds, James, Representative from Arkansas, tribute to, XVII. 32. - - Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Prince Leopold, XVIII. 184, 186, 197. - His relationship to the King of Prussia and Napoleon III., XVIII. 198 - _et seq._ - - Holland, navy of, in 1839, I. 77. - Frees white slaves in Algiers, II. 33. - Adopts separate system in prisons, II. 137. - Slavery not allowed in, XII. 169. - - Homer, on slavery, II. 14. - - Honor, “point of,” I. 60 (and _note_). - True, distinguished from false, I. 61. - Vattel on, I. 62 (and _note_). - Montesquieu on, I. 62. - Plato on, I. 64. - “Point of,” not recognized by ancient Greeks, but demanded by chivalry, - I. 65. - - Hooper, Samuel, XVIII. 170. - - Hornet, case of the, XVII. 201 _et seq._ (see _note_). - - Hotels, open to all by law, XIX. 236; - authorities proving same, XIX. 236-238. - - House of Representatives, has inquisitorial powers, VI. 88. - Its proper number, XX. 1. - - Howard, John, Burke on, I. 165. - Advocates separation of prisoners, I. 167. - Act of Parliament drawn up by, I. 168; II. 122. - Ambition of, II. 199. - - Howard University, address at Commencement of Law School of, XVIII. 314. - - Howe, Samuel G., and Lafayette in July, 1830, I. 334. - Character of, I. 334. - Opposed to slavery and the Mexican War, I. 336. - Letter to, VI. 78. - - Howe, Timothy O., his attacks on Mr. Sumner, XIX. 102 _et seq._ - - Human Nature, goodness of, I. 107. - - Human Rights, sympathy with, everywhere, a letter expressing, III. 168. - No compromise of, XIII. 282, 312. - Dedication of United States to, XVI. 28, 31, 54; XIX. 226. - Any enactment for, constitutional, XVII. 38. - - Hume, David, his account of refusals of English sailors to serve in - unjust wars, I. 349 _et seq._ - On slavery, XII. 160. - On duration of the English language, XV. 313. - On America, XV. 385 _et seq._ - - Humphreys, Col., on freeing American slaves in Barbary States, II. 59, - 72; VIII. 293, 296. - - Hunter, William, XIV. 82. - - Hyatt, Thaddeus, imprisonment of, VI. 80; XIX. 133, 146. - - - I. - - Idea, absorption in one, dangerous, I. 208; - objections to Free Soil Party for same, refuted, III. 34; XVI. 338. - - Illinois, appeal to Republicans of, in 1856, VI. 13. - - Impeachment, privileges of debate in the Senate on officers liable to, - XV. 241, 249. - A political proceeding, XVI. 136-141, 228. - Character of offences liable to, XVI. 141; - authorities on same, XVI. 143-147. - Form of procedure in, untechnical, XVI. 148; - precedents and authorities proving same, XVI. 149-157. - Rules of evidence in cases of, XVI. 157-164; - authorities respecting same, XVI. 158-160. - - Income Tax, XVIII. 40. - McCulloch on, XVIII. 41-43. - Sir R. Peel on, XVIII. 43. - Reason for, in England, XVIII. 44. - - Independence, and those who saved the original work, XVI. 256. - - Indians, included under word “person” in the Constitution, III. 298; - VIII. 277; XI. 194. - Massacre of Cheyenne, XII. 66. - - Industrial Exhibition at London, in 1862, VIII. 157. - - Inhabitancy, question of, XVIII. 11. - Authorities respecting, XVIII. 13 _et seq._, 18. - Judicial decision on admissible evidence to prove, XVIII. 15 _et seq._ - - Insane, gentleness in treatment of, I. 106. - - International Law, sanctions war, I. 13, 293; II. 340; XVIII. 182. - Wheaton’s works on, II. 216, 219, 220, 222-225. - Authorities on supremacy of, II. 339. - Object of, II. 350. - Modes of establishing principles of, VIII. 31. - Should not be violated, VIII. 37; XIX. 67. - British pretensions under, VIII. 41. - Needed reforms in maritime, VIII. 75-79. - Gen. Halleck’s work on, VIII. 330. - Does not require recognition of a _de facto_ power, X. 105; - authorities declaring same, X. 106-108. - Morality a part of, X. 109. - Montesquieu on, XII. 86. - Everett’s knowledge of, XII. 87. - Lieber’s acquaintance with, XII. 88. - - Intervention, belligerent, III. 180; X. 84; XIX. 73. - Protest against foreign, IX. 307. - Character of foreign, X. 48-50, 86. - Instances of, in external affairs, X. 51-53; - and in internal affairs, X. 53-71. - Unarmed, X. 85. - By recognition, X. 87; - instances of same, X. 87-94. - Authorities respecting belligerent, XIX. 74 _et seq._ - - Iowa, resources of, III. 196. - Improvements in, needed, III. 197. - - Iowa Railroad Bill, speeches on, III. 182. - Objections to amendment to, III. 209, 212. - - Ireland, sympathy with, III. 181. - And Irishmen, IV. 80. - - Iron-clad Oath, the, for Senators, X. 273. - Necessity of requirement of, for legislatures of rebel States, - XVII. 226-230. - - Isthmus of Darien, a ship-canal through the, XIV. 124. - - Italy, independence and unity of, VI. 67; XVIII. 307; XIX. 15. - Pretensions of State sovereignty in, XVI. 18. - Numerical size of its legislative bodies, XX. 3. - - - J. - - Jackson, Andrew, on authority of Supreme Court and Constitution, III. - 316; IV. 179; V. 253; XVI. 207. - Appeals to colored men to enlist, VI. 295. - Letter of, on object of Nullification, VII. 166, 320. - On recognition of independence of Texas, X. 94. - On claims on foreign powers, XI. 157. - Favors one term for the President, XIX. 169 _et seq._; XX. 158, 221. - - Jay, John, on slavery, II. 67; III. 287. - His desire for nationality, XVI. 34. - - Jefferson, Thomas, his desire for abolition of slavery, I. 312; III. 15, - 288,--suggested exclusion of same from Territories, II. 210; III. 16, - 253; VII. 58. - On war, II. 399. - On evils of slavery, III. 23, 269; IV. 175; VI. 164; XII. 160. - On State rights, III. 325. - His plan for a representative system, IV. 44; XIII. 320. - On interpreting the Constitution, IV. 180. - On British impressment of American sailors, VIII. 46. - On establishment of seat of national government, VIII. 270. - On confiscation of property in war, IX. 36, 68. - On privateers, X. 136. - On subordination of military authority in United States, X. 170; XIV. - 342; XVIII. 51. - On Franklin’s mission to Paris, X. 229. - On treaties, XI. 150. - Lincoln on, XII. 256. - On Republican government, XIII. 178 _et seq._ - On future government of Pacific coast, XV. 52; XV. 412. - His other predictions concerning America, XV. 414, 432 _et seq._ - On rules for appointment of Senate committees, XX. 53 _et seq._ - On appointment of relations to office, XX. 103, 112 _et seq._ - His inaugural address quoted, XX. 125. - Foresees tyranny of Executive, XX. 224. - - Johnson, Andrew, VII. 231; XI. 351. - Legality of his seat in Senate, X. 195; XI. 352. - On reorganizing Tennessee, X. 202; XI. 362. - Appeal to, in 1865, concerning Reconstruction, XII. 342. - On Reconstruction, XII. 369, 408; XIV. 197 _et seq._, 294; XVII. 231. - “Whitewashing” by, XIII. 47; XIV. 206. - His attack on Mr. Sumner, XIII. 266-269 (_Appendix_). - His veto of civil-rights bill, XIII. 276-279; - and of bill for admission of Colorado, XIII. 372. - His usurpation in reconstructing rebel States, XIV. 189-192, 250-253; - XV. 218; XVI. 165-167. - Bestows power on Rebels, XIV. 192-197, 203; XVI. 167 _et seq._ - His inconsistency, XIV. 197; XVI. 166, 345. - His accession to office, XIV. 199. - Personal relations of, with Mr. Sumner, XIV. 199-205. - Criminality of, XIV. 206-208, 348; XV. 243; XVI. 165, 203, 225. - Scandalous speeches of, XIV. 207, 254; XVI. 170, 218-220. - Protection against, XIV. 239. - Vigilance and precaution against, XIV. 348; XV. 170, 191, 240; XVI. 66. - Opinion on impeachment of, XVI. 134; - same a battle with slavery, XVI. 134. - Outline of his transgressions, XVI. 164-173, 199. - His open defiance of Congress, XVI. 171. - Impeached, XVI. 172. - Articles of his impeachment, XVI. 173 _et seq._ - Apologies for, refuted, XVI. 196-208. - Technicalities and quibbles in impeachment of, XVI. 208-217. - Guilty on all the articles, XVI. 217-221. - Anticipated results of acquittal of, XVI. 225. - On the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 302. - - Johnson, Reverdy, Senator from Maryland, criticisms of, answered, X. - 329-333; XI. 385 _et seq._; XII. 119-126. - His defence of Dred Scott decision answered, XI. 63-65. - His interpretation of the fugitive clause criticised, XI. 234-238. - - Johnson, Samuel, on merchants, IV. 289. - On American slave-masters, VI. 165; XII. 159. - On unlimited authority of governments, VII. 51. - - Johnson-Clarendon Treaty, speech on the, XVII. 53. - Character of, XVII. 53-58. - - Jones, Sir William, on arrangement of time, I. 200. - Compared to John Pickering, I. 237. - On glory, II. 175. - His substitute for militia, II. 366. - On complicity with slavery, XII. 268. - His character and career, XV. 391. - His prophecy concerning America, XV. 393; - other verses resembling same, XV. 394. - - Judges, crimes committed by, IV. 272 _et seq._ - Support of slavery by, XI. 206. - Authorities for guidance of, in proclaiming emancipation, XI. 208 - _et seq._ - - Judgments, unrighteous, should be disobeyed, IV. 274-276, 317. - - Julian, George W., Free-Soil candidate for Vice-President in 1852, - IV. 10. - - Juries, impanelling of, and trial of Jefferson Davis, XIII. 111. - Right of colored persons to serve on, XIX. 290 _et seq._ - - Jurist, Judge Story as the, in Phi Beta Kappa oration of 1846, I. - 258-272. - Distinguished from the lawyer, judge, and legislator, I. 263-265. - Examples of the, I. 266. - - Jury, trial by. See _Trial by Jury_. - - Justice, cost of administering, in United States, I. 84. - - - K. - - Kansas, a liberty-loving emigration to guard, IV. 138. - Squatter sovereignty in, V. 68. - First election and legislation in, V. 69, 163 _et seq._, 179-182. - Freedom in, must be upheld, V. 72, 123. - Reply to assaults on emigration in, V. 121, 194-205. - The crime against: speech, V. 125. - Description of, V. 136. - Wrongs of, V. 139; VI. 120; XIII. 41,--motives for same, V. 140, 183; - VI. 121. - Attempts to convert, into a slave State, V. 158, 172. - Emigration to, V. 159; VI. 368. - Forcible invasions of, V. 160; VI. 368,--testimony to same, V. 161-167. - Insecurity of property and life in, V. 168-171. - Evidence of usurpation in, V. 172-178. - Illegality of its first legislature, V. 185-187. - Plan of secret society to form a free State in, V. 193. - President’s message on, compared to George III.’s speech on - Massachusetts Bay, V. 209 _et seq._ - People of, should not be disarmed, V. 211. - Douglas’s bill for its admission as a State condemned, V. 212-215. - Reasons for immediate admission of, V. 217; XIII. 355,--objections to - same refuted by historical precedents, V. 218-232. - Proceedings in, for formation of a new State, defended, V. - 232-236,--especially by American authorities, V. 233-235. - Wrongs of, compared to those of America before Revolution, V. 238 - _et seq._ - Enemies of, in Senate, V. 239-244. - Compared to South Carolina, V. 241 _et seq._ - Importance of contest in, V. 247. - Relief for, V. 343, 345; VI. 18, 40, 44. - Duty to vote for, and for Burlingame, VI. 20. - A last word for, VI. 54. - Adoption of Lecompton constitution in, VI. 310, 333. - Collamer’s report on, XIII. 42. - See _Crime against Kansas_, _Nebraska and Kansas Bill_, and _Squatter - Sovereignty_. - - Kant, labors of, for perpetual peace, II. 393-395; XVIII. 234 _et seq._ - His definition for a republic, XIII. 203. - - Kent, Chancellor, adopts Bacon’s definition of war, I. 15. - Compared to Judge Story, I. 143. - On privateering, IX. 288. - On executive power of Congress, X. 174; XI. 372. - On seizures in neutral waters, XII. 13. - On retaliation, XII. 78. - On mode of electing Senators, XIV. 5. - On equality of nations, XIX. 70. - On duties of innkeepers, XIX. 237. - - Kentucky, necessity of colored suffrage in, XV. 201. - - Kirkwood, Samuel J., Senator from Iowa, reply to, in regard to - Constitution of Iowa, XIV. 137-139. - - Know-Nothing Party, denounced, V. 74-76, 79. - - Kossuth, Louis, liberation of, III. 169. - Welcome to, III. 171. - His visit to England, III. 175. - Letter on banquet to, III. 180. - - Ku-Klux-Klan, the, XVI. 199, 351; XVIII. 25, 301; XIX. 93 _et seq._, 125. - Lawless actions of United States in San Domingo compared to, XIX. 94. - Power of national government against, XIX. 126; - sources of same, XIX. 127 _et seq._ - - - L. - - Labor, hours of, XX. 79. - - La Bruyère, on war, II. 390. - - Ladd, William, labors of, against war, II. 400. - - Lafayette, on imprisonment in the Bastile, I. 170. - And Dr. S. G. Howe in July, 1830, I. 334. - His interest in prison discipline, II. 120. - Incorrectly quoted on Pennsylvania system, II. 130. - His opinions and plans concerning slavery, II. 210; VII. 124, 126, 129, - 146 _et seq._, 149, 157; XII. 169. - The faithful one: address, VII. 101. - His ruling passion, VII. 105, 110, 125, 158. - Grave and home of, VII. 106-108. - His career, VII. 108-159. - Greatness of, VII. 159-161. - - Land States, justice to the, III. 182. - The nation indebted to, III. 188, 192, 195, 204. - Annual land-tax in, III. 191. - National grants to, III. 192-195. - Should be assisted by United States in building railroads, III. 198. - - Lands, national, origin and nature of their immunity from taxation, - III. 184-188. - Judicial decision on, III. 185; IV. 126. - Extent and value of above immunity, III. 189-196, 204. - - Lane, James H., of Kansas, remarks on title of, to his seat in the - Senate, VIII. 105. - - Law, of right, the same for nations as for individuals, I. 46, 291, 340, - 380; X. 110; XVIII. 242. - Hooker on, I. 47. - Equality before the, III. 51; XI. 217. - No law final, III. 270. - God’s law above human, III. 361; XI. 207. - St. Augustine and Cicero on unjust laws, III. 362; XI. 207. - Cicero’s definition of, X. 109. - See _Common Law_ and _International Law_. - - Law School of Harvard University, I. 142, 262. - Character and history of the, III. 101. - A Story professorship of commercial law in, recommended, III. 114-116. - - Law School of Howard University, address at Commencement exercises of, - XVIII. 314. - - Lawyer, position of the American, III. 166. - Admission of a colored, to the bar of the Supreme Court, XII. 97. - Duty of the young colored, XVIII. 314. - - Lawyers, defence of prerogative by, XVI. 216. - - Lecompton Constitution for Kansas, adoption of, VI. 310, 333. - - Lee, Robert E., Gen., denies hostility of Southerners to freed negroes, - XVI. 351 _et seq._ - A traitor, XVIII. 254. - - Leibnitz, announces law of progress, II. 255. - On Saint-Pierre’s “Project of Perpetual Peace,” II. 389; XVIII. 233. - - Letters, debate in Parliament on opening of, by Government, XIX. 150-152. - - Letters of Marque and Reprisal, inexpediency of, IX. 278, 313. - Must be specially issued by Congress, IX. 285. - Regulation of, in England, IX. 285. - Should not be issued indefinitely, IX. 293-295. - Power of the President over, IX. 296-298. - See _Privateers_. - - Liberia, independence of Hayti and, VIII. 307. - Entitled to recognition, VIII. 311. - Description of, VIII. 314. - Commercial relations of, with United States in 1860, VIII. 316, 323. - Clay on recognition of, VIII. 323. - Consequences of recognizing, VIII. 324. - Consuls not sufficient for, VIII. 325-327, 330-332. - Merits of citizens of, VIII. 329. - - Liberty, jubilee of, XII. 5. - See _Freedom_. - - Libraries, public, XIV. 264 _et seq._ - - Lieber, Francis, on war, I. 15. - On retaliation, XII. 80-82, 88. - As a publicist, XII. 88. - His definition of “nation,” XVI. 12; - and of a “state,” XVII. 138. - - Lincoln, Abraham, Republican candidate for President in 1860, VI. 337. - Reasons for selection of, VI. 355; VII. 66; XII. 257. - Character of, VII. 79; XII. 277-289. - Opinions of, on emancipation, VII. 271 (_Appendix_), VIII. 14; IX. - 117 _et seq._; XII. 282. - His plan for reorganizing rebel States, XI. 363 _et seq._; XIV. - 196-294. - Letter of, on terms of peace, XI. 429, 477. - Effect of a vote for, in 1864, XI. 432. - And the Nasby letters, XII. 228; XX. 65-67. - Respect for memory of, XII. 229. - Eulogy on, XII. 235. - Compared to Washington, XII. 238. - His career, XII. 242-277. - Extracts from his speeches against Douglas, XII. 247-255, 279; XVIII. - 165-167; XIX. 302. - His fidelity to the Declaration of Independence, XII. 248-257, 260; - XVIII. 165-168; XIX. 224-226, 302. - His moderation, XII. 261-263, 284. - Compared to other historical characters, XII. 287-289. - On surplus of Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 121. - See _Proclamation of Emancipation_. - - Literature, and art, national academy of, XI. 401. - A curiosity of, XII. 371; - moral of same, XII. 405. - - Livermore, George, obituary notice of, XII. 301. - - Locke, John, on equality, III. 58. - On slavery, VI. 164; XII. 159. - On taxation without representation, XIII. 156, 300; - comments on same, XIII. 300. - - London, industrial exhibition at, VIII. 157. - - Louis, St., King of France, character of, I. 40-42. - Suppresses trial by battle, I. 41; II. 347; XVIII. 242. - Compared to Lincoln, XII. 289. - - Louis Napoleon, unfriendly actions of, to United States during Rebellion, - X. 41-47, 256; XVIII. 211. - Perfidy and wickedness of his career, XVIII. 208-212. - Retribution upon, XVIII. 212. - See _Franco-German War_. - - Louisiana, remarks on the recognition of her new State government, - XII. 179. - - Louisiana Convention of 1803, claims on France for spoliations not - included in, XI. 141-146. - - Lovejoy, Owen, Representative from Illinois, speech on death of, XI. 54. - - Lowndes, William, of South Carolina, IV. 114. - - Loyal Citizens, rights of, and a republican government, XIII. 35. - - Luther, on occupation, I. 207. - - - M. - - Macaulay on slavery: article, VI. 71. - - Macaulay, Zachary, the abolitionist, VI. 76. - - McClellan, George B., Gen., letter of, as Democratic candidate for - Presidency in 1864, XI. 428, 478. - Effect of a vote for, XI. 431 _et seq._ - - Mackintosh, Sir James, on mediation, X. 53. - On recognition of new States, X. 112. - - McLane, Louis, suggests Missouri Compromise in House of Representatives, - IV. 104, 116; VII. 29. - - Madison, James, opposes admission of idea of slavery into the - Constitution, III. 17, 278; VI. 227; X. 358; XIII. 120. - On representation, IV. 46; XIII. 320. - On British impressment of American seamen, VIII. 48, 50. - On seizure of ambassadors and others in neutral ships, VIII. 57-59. - On necessity of guaranty of republican government for States, X. 212; - XIII. 139. - On republican government, XIII. 179-182. - On power of Congress to correct inequality of suffrage, XIII. 215; XVI. - 251; XVII. 45. - His desire for nationality, XVI. 35. - On suspension of the President, XVI. 91, 93. - On reasons for impeaching the President, XVI. 147. - On the pretension that offices are spoils of victory, XX. 116. - - Magicienne, case of the, XIV. 96. - - Mails, removal of disqualification of color in carrying the, VIII. 247. - - Male suffrage, an educational test of, XIV. 228; XVI. 348 _et seq._ - - Man, no property in, VI. 131, 218, 319; VIII. 261; XI. 173. - Equal rights of, XVII. 134; XIX. 249. - The Bible on Unity of, XVII. 147; - Humboldt on same, XVII. 156 _et seq._ - True unity of, XVII. 157-162; XVIII. 250,--same recognized by - scientific men, XVII. 159-161. - See _Races_. - - Manilius, “Astronomicon” of, X. 252. - - Mann, Horace, letters on statue of, VI. 78; VII. 20. - - Mansfield, Lord, on popularity, I. 283; II. 180. - On the authority necessary for slavery, III. 275; VI. 223; VIII. 274; - X. 343. - His decree annulling slavery in England, III. 302; IV. 310-313; VIII. - 279; XI. 236; XII. 158. - His decision in the Lewis kidnapping case, IV. 303. - Character of, IV. 309. - On levying war, VIII. 125. - On reprisals, XVI. 302. - - Manufactures, in slave and free States, VI. 147. - - Maritime Rights. See _Trent Case_ and _Neutral Rights_. - - Marque and Reprisal, letters of. See _Letters of Marque and Reprisal_. - - Marshall, Chief-Justice, compared to Judge Story, I. 143. - On authority for infringement of rights, VI. 224; X. 343. - On British impressment of American seamen, VIII. 47. - On bills of credit, VIII. 184. - On confiscation in war, IX. 69. - On power of Congress over Territories, X. 209; XI. 368. - On claims for French spoliations, XI. 88, 128. - His decision on State taxation of national banks, XI. 249. - On power of Congress over inter-State intercourse by railway, XII. - 113 _et seq._ - On powers of Congress under the Constitution, XIII. 216, 273, 278; - XVIII. 29; XIX. 277. - On an attempt to evade neutral obligations, XX. 18. - - Maryland, laws of, on slavery, III. 220; VIII. 272. - Its laws adopted in District of Columbia, III. 221; VIII. 271. - Statutes of, on pardoning power, III. 225 _et seq._ - Necessity of colored suffrage in, XV. 200. - - Mason, James M., Senator from Virginia, attacks of, answered, IV. - 175-177, 212; V. 255. - Author of Fugitive-Slave Bill, IV. 213; X. 392,--challenged to defend - same, IV. 213-216. - His enmity to Kansas, V. 243 _et seq._ - On slavery, VI. 123. - His treasonable actions, VIII. 32. - Seizure of, on the Trent, VIII. 33. - On the fugitive clause in the Constitution, X. 371. - On trial by jury for fugitive slaves, X. 380. - - Massachusetts, seal of, I. 94. - Exertions of, against slavery, I. 308; VII. 13-16, 264. - Should demand abolition of slavery, I. 309. - Arguments before Supreme Court of, I. 352; III. 51. - Laws of, on militia, I. 359 _et seq._, 368. - Governor of, grants petition for ransoming slaves in Barbary States, - II. 52. - Aids Gen. Taylor’s nomination, II. 233. - Address previous to the State election of 1848, II. 316. - Vote of, in Presidential election, II. 316. - Resolutions of Legislature of, on substitutes for war, II. 406. - Influence of corporations in, III. 42. - Need of reform in its representative system, III. 43; IV. 35. - Constitution of, on equality, III. 64. - Allows no color-distinction in her schools, III. 66, 85; - nor her courts, III. 69. - Favors national grants to Land States, III. 207, 208. - Opposition of, to Stamp Act, III. 340; IV. 166. - History of its representative system, IV. 39-44. - Influence of towns in, IV. 50. - Origin and character of Bill of Rights of, IV. 63-71. - Account of slavery in, IV. 187-190; VII. 11-15; XI. 448; XII. 145. - Number of troops furnished by, in Revolutionary War, IV. 198; V. 206. - James Otis an example to, IV. 237. - Duties of, at the present crisis (1854), IV. 255. - Colonial law of, against witchcraft, IV. 276. - Influence of, V. 205; VI. 34-35; VII. 8, 16; XII. 315. - Her desire for freedom in Kansas, V. 206. - Should help Kansas, V. 343; VI. 44. - Appeal to young men of, VI. 7. - Unworthy conduct of some citizens of, in regard to Kansas, VI. 36. - Mr. Sumner’s letter to people of, previous to his sailing for Europe - in 1858, VI. 62. - Example of, against slavery, VII. 5. - Duties of citizens of, VII. 7. - Early history of, III. 8-16. - First settlers of, VII. 8; XI. 448. - Paper money in, VIII. 187 _et seq._ - Favors justice to all, XVIII. 158. - - Mayflower, the, and the slave-ship, VII. 8; X. 260; XI. 446. - Carlyle on, XI. 447. - - Mechanics in the Civil War, justice to, XIV. 43. - - Mediation, a substitute for war, I. 51. - Uninvited, not allowable in civil war, X. 49, 85. - Mackintosh on, X. 53. - - Memphis and Shreveport, aid to sufferers by yellow fever at, XX. 281. - - Mercantile Library Association of Boston, address before, IV. 283. - - Merchant, position and duties of the, illustrated by the life of - Granville Sharp, IV. 283. - - Merchants, American, in Paris, letter to, VI. 56. - Unjust arrest and prosecution of two Boston, XII. 209. - - Metric System of weights and measures, XIV. 148. - Invention of, XIV. 156. - Explained, XIV. 158-160. - Advantages of, XIV. 160-163. - - Mexican War, injustice of, I. 307, 319, 322, 335, 377. - Caused by slavery, I. 307, 322, 335, 377. - Beginning of, I. 318. - Bill and amendment to raise supplies for, I. 319 _et seq._; - arguments against same, I. 321. - Slavery and the: speech, I. 333. - Denounced by Whig Convention, I. 336. - Mr. Winthrop’s actions in regard to, I. 338. - Whigs should oppose, I. 339. - United States should abandon, I. 340. - Invalidity of enlistments in Massachusetts regiment of volunteers for - the, I. 352. - A war of aggression, I. 379. - Expenses of, I. 379. - Compared to Revolutionary War, I. 382. - - Mexico, wrongful declaration of war against, I. 317. - Withdrawal of American troops from, I. 374. - Help for, against foreign intervention, VIII. 227. - Debt of, to allied powers, VIII. 232. - Securities for loan to, VIII. 234. - Remarks on resolutions against French interference in, IX. 257. - French expedition to, X. 42. - Mediation between contending parties in, XV. 174. - Alaman’s prophecy concerning, XV. 426-428. - See _Mexican War_. - - Michigan, account of irregular admission of, into the Union, V. 222-232; - debates in Congress on same quoted, V. 223-225, 227-229. - - Military Government of rebel States, IX. 119; X. 168-175; XI. 365; - XIV. 326. - Subordinate to civil, in the United States, X. 170, 194; XIV. 326; - XVIII. 51. - Jefferson on, X. 170; XIV. 342; XVII. 151. - Under Cromwell, X. 171 _et seq._ - Congressional government preferable to, for rebel States, X. 173-175, - 194; XIV. 326 _et seq._ - - Militia, of United States, not needed for defence or as police, I. 91; - II. 363,--not volunteers, I. 357,--cost of, II. 367,--power of - Congress over, I. 354; IV. 21, 26-30,--distinguished from army, - I. 355. - Of England, I. 357; IV. 29. - C. Turner on, I. 358. - Laws of Massachusetts on, I. 359 _et seq._, 368. - Testimony to unpopularity of, in Massachusetts, II. 364. - Substitute for, II. 365; - Sir W. Jones’s suggestion for same, II. 366. - Powers of the State over, IV. 20, 25. - Exemptions from service in, for conscientious scruples, IV. 23. - Colored companies in, IV. 25. - Volunteer, are not national, IV. 31. - - Mills, John, Free-Soil candidate for Lieut.-Governor of Massachusetts in - 1848 and 1849, II. 318; III. 44. - - Milton, on early rising, I. 204. - His labors for liberty compared to Channing’s, I. 292. - On virtue in individuals and States, I. 380. - On slavery, II. 100; XI. 204. - On war, II. 185. - On true glory, II. 199. - On settlement of America, XV. 265. - - Mints, branch, and coinage, XI. 263. - In France, XI. 264. - Dumas’ report on French, XI. 265 _et seq._ - In United States, XI. 267-269. - Cost of, XI. 274 _et seq._ - - Misprision of treason, definitions of, XVI. 80. - Penalty for, in United States, XVI. 81. - - Mississippi, origin of repudiation in, XVI. 275; XVII. 105,--Judge Curtis - on same, XVII. 105 _et seq._ - Admission of, to representation in Congress, XVIII. 1. - - Mississippi, the, union of, with the lakes by canal, IX. 320. - Reconstruction of levees of, XIV. 358. - - Missouri, protests against admission of, into Union in 1819, I. 152-154; - IV. 106. - History of its admission, IV. 102-115. - Invasions of Kansas from, V. 162-167; VI. 368. - Speech on aid to emancipation in, IX. 266. - Enfranchisement in, XVI. 331. - - Missouri Compromise, no repeal of the, IV. 81. - Adoption of, IV. 91, 111-115; VII. 29 _et seq._; XVI. 231. - Not repealed by Slavery Acts of 1850, IV. 93. - Origin of, and debates on, in Congress, IV. 101-118. - Carried by the South, IV. 113, 116-118; V. 67, 152; VII. 29,--but - repudiated by same, IV. 118; V. 67, 153; VI. 332. - Repeal of, by Nebraska Bill, V. 157; VI. 366. - - Monopolies, unlawful, XII. 127; - Webster on, XII. 127, 128. - - Montana, colored suffrage in, XI. 62. - - Montcalm, Louis, Marquis de, reputed predictions by, concerning America, - XV. 318-321. - - Montesquieu, on trial by battle, I. 37; II. 349. - On honor, I. 62. - On Africans, VI. 166; XII. 168. - On international law, XII. 86. - His definition of a republic, XIII. 149, 198; XVII. 114. - On America, XV. 296. - On armies, XVIII. 247. - - Moral and Political Sciences, national academy of, XI. 401. - - Morrill, Lot M., Senator from Maine, reply to his criticisms on the - supplementary civil-rights bill, XIX. 265-287. - - Morse, Samuel F. B., letter to, VI. 64. - - Morton, Oliver P., Senator from Indiana, answer to his remarks on - annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 273-275. - - Motley, John Lothrop, XIX. 106. - His removal from the English mission, XIX. 109. - Mr. Sumner’s influence on his nomination, XIX. 117 _et seq._ - His memoir on the Alabama claims, XIX. 120, 122. - Testimony of English press to, XIX. 123. - - Motto, of Massachusetts, I. 94 (see _note_). - Of United States, XVI. 45; - history of same, XVI. 46. - - - N. - - Naboth’s Vineyard: a speech, XVIII. 257. - - Napier, Sir William, on war, I. 12, 34. - On storming of Badajoz, I. 23. - - Napoleon I., horrors of his wars, I. 22-26. - On war, I. 33, 34; II. 353. - On value of time, I. 188. - Channing’s essay on, I. 295. - On inability of brute force to create anything durable, II. 376; IX. - 231. - His plans for peace, II. 419. - Restrains confiscation in France, IX. 56. - Mediation of, in Switzerland, X. 63. - On claims for French spoliations, XI. 131. - On equality, XIII. 200. - His seizure of English travellers, XVI. 307; - Alison’s account of same, XVI. 307; - same condemned by Napoleon himself and Junot, XVI. 308. - - Nasby Letters, quotation from, XIX. 296. - Introduction to, XX. 65. - - Nation, are we a? XVI. 3. - Meaning of, XVI. 9 _et seq._; - authorities on same, XVI. 11-13. - Supremacy of the, XVI. 60. - - National Banks, the, and the currency, XI. 245. - Exemption of, from State taxation, XI. 246-254, 260-262; - judgment of Chief-Justice Marshall on same, XI. 249. - Purpose of, XI. 257. - Extension of, XVII. 113, 249; - remarks on introducing bill for same, XVII. 184. - Advantages of, XVII. 249. - Propositions concerning, XVII. 249-251, 261, 295-298. - Power of Congress over, XVII. 293-296. - - National Debt, obligation of the, XII. 318, 326; XIII. 99; XVI. 268-277, - 355. - Denounced by Rebels, XII. 324; XIII. 68 _et seq._ - Diminution of interest on, XVI. 279; XVII. 238, 262, 288 _et seq._ - Time of its payment, XVI. 280; XVII. 111, 238-241, 291 _et seq._ - Amount of, in 1868 and 1869, XVI. 282; XVII. 108. - Posterity should bear the burden of, XVII. 239. - Interest on, where payable, XVII. 243. - - Nations, equality of, X. 48; XIX. 67, 156,--authorities stating same, - XIX. 68-71. - Bound to good faith, as neutrals, XX. 14. - Neutral, cannot furnish arms to belligerents directly, XX. 15; - or indirectly, XX. 16,--authorities declaring same, XX. 18-20, - 41-44 (_Appendix_). - - Naturalization, without distinction of race or color, XV. 238; XVIII. - 144; - conformity of same with Declaration of Independence, XVIII. 151 - _et seq._, 160; - and with the Constitution, XVIII. 160. - - Naval Academy, appointments to the, IX. 301. - - Navies of Europe, before 1845, I. 76. - - Navy, cost of vessels in United States, I. 81 _et seq._, 88. - Not needed except as police, I. 89; II. 374. - Names of ships in British, II. 360. - Flogging abolished in United States, III. 126. - British criticism on United States, in our Civil War, IX. 347. - Of United States, supports Baez in San Domingo, XVIII. 271, 303; XX. - 148,--and menaces Hayti, XVIII. 277, 303; XIX. 49; XX. 151; - testimony to same, XIX. 27, 42, 45, 48-66, 88. - - Navy Department, testimony of, to intervention of United States ships at - San Domingo and Hayti, XIX. 51-66. - - Nebraska, objections to admission of, as a State, XIV. 128-146. - - Nebraska and Kansas Bill denounced, IV. 86, 94, 147. - Importance of question of, IV. 90. - Object of, IV. 92. - Arguments in support of, refuted, IV. 97-99; V. 153 _et seq._ - A breach of public faith, IV. 100; - and a departure from original policy of the country, IV. 121. - Not demanded by northern sentiment, IV. 131-146. - Mr. Sumner’s final protest against, for himself and the clergy of - N. E., IV. 140. - May cause war, IV. 146. - Passage of the, IV. 260; V. 154. - A swindle, V. 155. - Despoils people of Kansas of sovereignty, V. 155; VI. 367. - Its repeal of Missouri Compromise, V. 157; VI. 366. - Squatter Sovereignty in, a trick, VI. 366. - - Negotiation, substitute for war, I. 51. - - Nepotism, origin and history of, XX. 103-110. - American authorities on, XX. 111-114. - Presidential apologies for, XX. 115-117. - Improper in a republic, XX. 214. - - Neutral Duties, XX. 5. - Authorities declaring, XX. 15, 18-20, 41-44 (_Appendix_). - Testimony to observance of, by United States, XX. 22-24. - - Neutral Rights, testimony to British policy in regard to, VIII. 42-56, - 63, 64, 67; XII. 16-32, 38-41,--and to American policy on, VIII. - 45-54, 57-62, 64 _et seq._, 68-71; XII. 13. - Testimony of Continental Europe to, VIII. 63, 65,--especially of - France, VIII. 63-70. - French violations of, XI. 82, 110. - The Abbé Galiani’s work on, XV. 360. - See _Right of Search_. - - Neutral Waters, British seizures in, XII. 12, 16-32, 38-41. - Authorities respecting seizures in, XII. 13 _et seq._; - policy of United States as to same, XII. 14. - - New England Society at New York, letter to, X. 260. - Speech at dinner of, XX. 291. - - New Jersey, railroad usurpation in, XII. 105; - testimony to same, XII. 108-111. - - New Year’s Day, 1871, XVIII. 300. - - New York City, letters to Republicans of, in 1860, VI. 302, 346. - Reform of abuses in its government, XX. 6. - - New York Tribune, the, XX. 251 _et seq._ - - Niagara, a ship-canal at, XIV. 99. - - Noel, John W., Representative from Missouri, remarks on death of, X. 293. - - Norfolk Agricultural Society, letter to, IV. 280. - - Normal Schools, equal rights of colored fellow-citizens in, XX. 268. - - North, the, when will it be aroused? IV. 137. - Duties of, concerning slavery, V. 38-48; VI. 317. - Must unite against Slave Power, V. 50. - Outrages on citizens of, in slave States, VI. 187-189, 191-196. - Must stand firm against all compromise, VII. 205. - - North and South, hope of their union, IV. 136. - Their respective contributions to the Revolutionary War, IV. 196-211. - Desire for reconciliation between, XX. 192-194, 197, 227-229, 253 - _et seq._ - - North Carolina, colored suffrage in, VI. 292; XI. 287-289; XIII. 191. - Closing of colored schools in, IX. 112. - Laws of, on slavery, quoted, IX. 162-164. - - Nullification, Jackson’s letter on object of, VII. 166, 320. - Described, XVI. 58. - - - O. - - Oath to support the Constitution, requirements of, IV. 177-183, 269-271; - VIII. 221; XIX. 312,--authorities on same, IV. 177-181, 269 _et seq._ - See _Custom-house Oaths_ and _Iron-clad Oath_. - - Ocean Telegraph, the, between Europe and America, XIV. 220, 301. - - Offices, protection for incumbents of, XIV. 241, 254-258. - Locality in appointment to, XVII. 94. - Presidential prerogative as to, XX. 115 _et seq._ - See _Tenure-of-Office Act_. - - One-cent Postage, XVIII. 57. - Reasons for, XVIII. 85, 98-107, 113 _et seq._ - - One-man Power, the, _vs._ Congress, XIV. 181. - - Ordinance of Freedom in the Northwest Territory, authorship of, III. 253. - Adoption of, VII. 58; XVI. 230. - Validity of, defended by Webster and Chase, XVI. 231-234. - Opposition to, XVI. 234. - Does not authorize unlimited equality of States, XVI. 242. - - Oregon, establishment of a branch mint in, XI. 263. - - Otis, James, an example to Massachusetts, IV. 237. - On slavery, XII. 150; XIII. 164. - His exertions against taxation without representation, XIII. 158-165, - 295-298. - Asserts equality of all men, XIII. 295. - - Overstone, Lord, on paper money, VIII. 200-202. - On need of postal reform, XVIII. 73, 99-101. - - - P. - - Pacific Coast, advantages to, of cession of Russian America, XV. 36-39. - Jefferson and Webster on future government of, XV. 52, 412 _et seq._ - See _California_. - - Pacific Railroad, IV. 32; IX. 318. - - Paley, William, on right of revolution, II. 336. - On law of nations, II. 340, 341. - His works, XV. 402. - His prediction concerning America, XV. 402. - His exertions against the slave-trade, XV. 403. - - Palfrey, John G., liberation of slaves by, I. 151, 292; II. 75. - - Palmerston, Lord, on armed intervention in Italy, X. 69. - Exertions of, against slavery, X. 77-83. - - Paper Money, debates in National Convention on empowering Congress to - issue, VIII. 185. - In American history, VIII. 187-190. - Policy of issuing, VIII. 192, 205-207; XVI. 288; XVII. 110. - Evils of, in United States, VIII. 193; XVI. 285, 289, 359,--and in - France, VIII. 194; XVI. 359. - Testimony of English Parliamentary Report of 1857 on, VIII. 197-202. - In English history, VIII. 203 _et seq._; - and in French, VIII. 204. - See _Treasury Notes_. - - Parchment, use of, in legislative proceedings, VIII. 372. - Proceedings for discontinuing use of, in Parliament, VIII. 376-379. - - Pardoning Power, of the President, III. 219. - In common law, III. 224. - Under Maryland statutes, III. 225. - Under the Constitution, III. 226-230. - Story on, III. 227. - Judicial decisions on, III. 227-229. - - Paris, Peace Congress at, III. 117. - Letter to American merchants in, VI. 56. - - Parker, Theodore, reminiscence of, VII. 22. - On appointment of relations to office, XX. 114. - - Parliament, English authorities on privileges of, VI. 93 _et seq._ - Quorum of, IX. 169-171. - Powers of presiding officers of, XVI. 103-120, 125-127. - Usage of, in impeachments, XVI. 149-155, 158-160. - Authorities on its powers over its prisoners, XVI. 102-105. - Judicial decisions denying applicability of its laws to colonial - assemblies, XVI. 110-112. - Number of members of, XX. 2. - Cases in its history, illustrating rule for appointment of committees, - XX. 49-53. - - Parties, and importance of a Free-Soil organization, II. 299. - Object of, II. 304; IV. 6; VI. 308. - Changes in, necessary, II. 304; IV. 6. - Webster on, II. 304. - Instances of changes in, in France, England, and United States, II. - 305; IV. 7. - Evils of, II. 306; XI. 438. - Channing and Wayland on need of new, II. 312. - Political, and our foreign-born population, V. 62. - Strife of, during war, unpatriotic, IX. 198. - - Pascal, on glory, II. 177. - On progress, II. 258. - - Patents, in slave and free States, VI. 157. - Denial of, to colored inventors, VIII. 6. - - Patriotism, heathen, exaggerated, I. 68. - Cicero on, I. 68. - Andrew Fletcher on, I. 69, 326; XII. 64; XIII. 123. - Natural, I. 70. - Higher, defined, I. 71. - Josiah Quincy on, I. 325. - - Paul, St., his epistle to Philemon not an argument for slavery, V. 21-23. - - Peabody, George, speech on resolution giving thanks of Congress to, - XIV. 317. - - Peace, enjoyed by weak nations, I. 99. - Illustrations of, produced by gentleness, I. 102-107. - Victories of, I. 127. - Cause of, II. 330; - sneers at same, II. 331 _et seq._ - Individual efforts for, II. 384-400; XVIII. 233-236. - Blessings of universal, II. 417; XVIII. 249. - Napoleon’s plans for, II. 419. - Plea for, II. 420. - Auguries of, II. 422. - A victory of, XIV. 301. - Inscription in Thibet declaring, XVIII. 250 _et seq._ - - Peace Congress, at Brussels, II. 402; - resolutions of same, II. 403. - At Paris, III. 117; - resolutions of same, III. 118. - - Peace Society, American, address before, II. 323. - Object of, II. 331, 338. - Its aims not visionary, II. 333, 411. - Right of self-defence and revolution not denied by, II. 337. - Founded by W. Ladd, II. 400. - - Pen, the, better than the sword, V. 58. - - Penn, William, conduct of, to the Indians, I. 117. - His labors for peace, II. 387. - - Pennsylvania System of prison discipline, established in Pa., I. 169; - II. 121. - Present, not solitary, I. 169. - Explained, I. 170; II. 117, 122. - Best promotes reformation, I. 173. - Objections to, refuted, I. 174-176; II. 144. - Foreign opinions on, I. 176; II. 132. - Adopted extensively in Europe, I. 177; II. 133-137, 146. - Advocated by E. Livingston and Miss Dix, I. 178; - and by Suringar, I. 180. - Unjustly treated by Boston Prison-Discipline Society, I. 179; II. 108, - 124 _et seq._ - Modes of applying, II. 123. - G. Combe on, II. 126-128. - Roscoe quoted on, II. 128. - Lafayette quoted on, II. 130. - Compared to Auburn system, II. 144-146. - - Pensions, not granted for civil services in United States, IV. 233. - - Peonage, prohibition of, XIV. 232. - - Person, in the Constitution, includes slaves and Indians, III. 298; VIII. - 277; XI. 194. - - Petition, refusal of right of, to colored persons, VI. 288. - Right of, personal, VI. 289; - and secured by the Constitution to the people, VI. 294. - Interruption of right of, XIV. 86. - - Pettigru, James L., of South Carolina, remarks on a resolution for - purchase of his law library, XIV. 103. - - Phi Beta Kappa Oration, at Harvard University in 1846, I. 241. - At Union College, II. 240. - - Phillips, Stephen C., Free-Soil candidate for Governor of Massachusetts - in 1848 and 1849, II. 317; III. 43. - - Philology, comparative, value of, I. 257. - - Physicians, colored, XVII. 186. - - Pickering, John, biographical sketch of, I. 214. - Letters of Dr. Clarke to, quoted, I. 215. - Compared to Sir W. Jones, I. 237. - Tribute to, as scholar, in Phi Beta Kappa oration, I. 249-258. - - Pierce, Franklin, President of United States, his usurpation in - abrogating treaty with Denmark, V. 101. - Admits illegal actions in Kansas, V. 162. - Has power to interfere in Kansas, V. 187, 191 _et seq._ - Enforces surrender of Anthony Burns, V. 189 _et seq._ - Compared to George III., V. 209 _et seq._, 238. - - Pilgrim Forefathers, our, IV. 74-79; XX. 291. - - Pinkney, William, on slavery, III. 289; VIII. 262; XII. 155. - Suggests Missouri Compromise in Senate, IV. 110, 117. - - Plato, on honor, I. 64. - On true goodness, I. 123. - On atoning for slaughter by prayer, II. 362. - - Plymouth, speech at festival of Aug. 1, 1853, IV. 73. - - Plymouth Rock, finger-point from, IV. 73. - - Politics, our, seen from a distance VI. 60. - - Polk, Trusten, of Missouri, expulsion of, from the Senate, VIII. 12. - - Polygamy, in Territories, may be suppressed by Congress, IV. 129; VII. 1. - In Utah, VII. 63. - - Poor, Rear-Admiral, orders of, respecting San Domingo and Hayti, XIX. 57. - Interview of, with President of Hayti, XIX. 64-66. - - Popular Sovereignty, not infringed by prohibition of slavery in - Territories, IV. 127. - Cannot establish slavery in same, V. 156; VI. 230, 364; VII. 41. - The pretended principle of Douglas party in 1860, VI. 362. - Proclaimed by Declaration of Independence, VI. 363; VII. 50; XVII. - 217,--but limited by same, VI. 364; VII. 52; XVII. 218. - Origin and development of perversion of, VI. 365 _et seq._ - True, defined, VII. 53. - Disturbing influence of pretension of, VII. 62. - See _Squatter Sovereignty_. - - Population, amount required for admission of new States, V. 218-221. - Of slave and free States, VI. 144 _et seq._, 328. - Predicted increase of, in United States, VII. 47; XVI. 280; XVII. 239. - - Portraits, the best, in engraving, XIX. 175. - Collections of, XIX. 177-179. - - Portugal, British violation of territory of, XII. 27-32. - Testimony of, against slavery, XII. 173-175. - - Post-Office, the, originally a source of revenue in England, XVIII. - 62-64. - In the Colonies, XVIII. 66-68. - Need of reform in, in England, XVIII. 68; - testimony to same, XVIII. 72-75; - accomplishment of same, XVIII. 76. - Unjust burdens on United States, XVIII. 90-95. - Expense to, not caused by distance, XVIII. 95-97; - authorities proving same, XVIII. 95 _et seq._ - Not a taxing machine, but a beneficent agency, XVIII. 107-109. - Need not support itself, XVIII. 109-112. - - Postage, cheap ocean, III. 215; XVII. 1. - Amount collected in slave and free States, VI. 149. - In Continental Europe and England, XVIII. 61. - Penny, established in England, XVIII. 76; - results of same, XVIII. 77-80, 87, 104. - Need of cheap, in United States, XVIII. 81, 112. - Various rates of United States, XVIII. 82-85. - Results of reduction of, in England and United States, XVIII. 87-90. - See _One-cent Postage_. - - Pownall, Thomas, XV. 371. - His writings and predictions concerning America, XV. 372-385. - Predictions opposed to his, XV. 385 _et seq._ - - President of the United States, pardoning power of the, III. 219. - Cannot abrogate treaties, V. 101 _et seq._ - Had power to interfere in Kansas, V. 187, 191 _et seq._ - Does not possess all war-powers, IX. 138-140. - Power of, over letters of marque, IX. 296-298. - His power of instituting State governments, XI. 365; XIV. 190,--Senator - Collamer on same, XIII. 43. - Protection against, XIV. 239. - A single term for and choice by direct vote of the people, XIV. 278. - Right of President of Senate _pro tem._ to vote on impeachment of the, - XVI. 88. - His powers of removal under the Constitution, XVI. 190-196. - Cannot, by his prerogative, refuse to execute the laws, XVI. 204-208. - Authorities on his treaty-making power, XIX. 79-81. - One term for, XIX. 168; XX. 157-161, 220,--testimony in favor of same, - XIX. 169-173; XX. 158, 221-223. - Obligations of, XX. 90. - His prerogative in regard to bestowing offices, XX. 115 _et seq._; - and in appointing his Cabinet, XX. 127 _et seq._ - Influence of, should be diminished, XX. 161. - - Presidential Election of 1856, our Bunker Hill, VI. 43. - - Presidential Election of 1860, letters on, VI. 111, 287, 342; VII. 80. - Anticipated effects of Republican victory in, VI. 337-341, 377; VII. - 78, 83 _et seq._ - Candidates and issues of, VI. 352. - Real question of, VII. 39. - Evening before the, VII. 70. - Evening after the, VII. 76. - Ultimatum of the South in, VII. 333. - Result of, XII. 260. - - Presidential Election of 1864, issues of, XI. 419, 433. - Parties of, XI. 420. - Congratulations on, XII. 1. - - Presidential Election of 1868, issues at the, XVI. 326, 332. - - Presidential Election of 1872, letter to colored citizens on, XX. 173. - Antecedents of candidates in, XX. 177-182; - nominations of same, XX. 182 _et seq._ - Platforms in, XX. 183. - Watchword for, XX. 194. - Letter to Speaker Blaine on, XX. 196. - Speech on, XX. 209. - - Presiding Officers, powers of, XVI. 99; - same must be decided by Parliamentary law, XVI. 102 _et seq._ - Authorities respecting powers of, in House of Lords, XVI. 104-110. - Instances of, not members of House of Lords, XVI. 108, 110-119. - Authorities respecting powers of, in House of Commons and House of - Representatives, XVI. 126-129. - - Press, the, in slave and free States, VI. 155. - Freedom of, restricted in slave States, VI. 184-186. - - Prévost-Paradol, M., XVIII. 184. - - Price, reduction of, increases consumption, XVIII. 86. - - Price, Richard, on government, XIII. 203. - Labors of, XV. 366. - His predictions concerning America, XV. 367-370. - - Prison Discipline, I. 166. - Separate system of, adopted by Pope Clement XI. and Howard, I. 167; - II. 122; - and by Pennsylvania, I. 169; II. 121. - Horrors of solitary system of, I. 170; II. 119. - Objects of, I. 172. - Subject of, universally interesting, I. 181. - Rival systems of, II. 104. - Labors of Roscoe and Lafayette in, II. 120. - Letter of De Tocqueville on, II. 148 (_note_). - See _Auburn System_, _Boston Prison-Discipline Society_, _Pennsylvania - System_, and _Prisons_. - - Prisoners of War, treatment of, XII. 74; - Washington’s letter on same, XII. 76 _et seq._ - Instructions of Secretary of War on exchange of, XII. 90. - - Prisons, and prison discipline, article on, I. 163. - Miss Dix’s book on, I. 163. - In 18th century, II. 118. - King of Sweden’s book on, II. 136. - - Private Wars in Dark Ages, I. 35; II. 343, 345; XVIII. 180. - Forbidden by John and Louis XI. of France, II. 344,--and by Maximilian, - Emperor of Germany, II. 345; XVIII. 181, 242. - Renounced by German Confederation, XVIII. 181, 242. - - Privateering, proposition of Congress of Paris for abolishing, VIII. 76. - Mode of effectively abolishing, VIII. 76. - Abolition of, proposed by United States, VIII. 77. - J. Q. Adams on, VIII. 77; IX. 290. - Dangerous to United States, IX. 287. - Authorities on, IX. 287-289. - Early denounced by United States, IX. 289-291. - - Privateers, substitute for, IX. 279, 292 _et seq._, 298 _et seq._, 315. - Useless against Rebellion, IX. 281, 314. - Evils of, IX. 282-284, 314. - Jefferson on, X. 136. - - Prize Courts, IX. 49. - Example of their exclusive jurisdiction, IX. 50-52. - Authorities declaring necessity of, X. 129-131; - British precedent showing same, X. 135. - - Prize Money, policy of, IX. 148. - - Proclamation of Emancipation, speech on the, IX. 191. - Letters on, IX. 247; X. 259; XII. 60. - Lord Russell on, X. 20. - Adoption of, by Act of Congress, XI. 397. - Cannot be withdrawn, XI. 429-431, 474-476. - Lincoln’s issue of, XII. 265. - Its constitutionality defended, XII. 265, 266. - Influence of, XII. 285 _et seq._ - - Progress, the law of human, II. 241. - Defined, II. 267. - Same long unrecognized, II. 252,--but disclosed in part by Vico, II. - 254. - Universal, II. 244, 275. - Not recognized in antiquity, II. 247. - Christianity the religion of, II. 251. - Announced by Leibnitz, II. 255,--by Lessing and Herder, II. 256,--by - Descartes, II. 257,--by Pascal, II. 258,--by Perrault and Fontenelle, - II. 260, and by Turgot, II. 262. - Condorcet’s Work on, II. 264. - Bacon’s ideas on, II. 265. - History of Greece and Rome not inconsistent with, II. 268-270. - Relation of China to, II. 270. - Indefinite duration of mankind favors, II. 274. - Proved by statistics of life, II. 274. - Gradual, II. 278; XVII. 179. - Resisted by prejudice, II. 279. - Examples of resistance to, II. 279-285. - Certainty of, II. 286-288; XVII. 177. - Faith in, encouraging, II. 286. - Agents of, XVII. 177. - - Property, man can have none in man, VI. 131, 218, 319; VIII. 261; XI. 200 - _et seq._ - Value of, in slave and free States, VI. 146. - Confiscation of, in war, IX. 35; XVII. 13-15. - As a qualification for the franchise, XIII. 220, 297, 327. - See _Confiscation_. - - Provisional governments and Reconstruction, IX. 162. - See _Military Government_. - - Prussia, army of, in 1845, I. 75. - Relative expenditure of, for war-preparations, I. 78. - Military system of, in 1870, XVIII. 246. - Numerical size of its Parliament, XX. 2. - See _Franco-German War_ and _Germany_. - - Publishers, letter to committee of, V. 58. - - Pulci, his prediction of a new world, XV. 258. - - Puritans, the, IV. 75 _et seq._ - - - Q. - - Quakers, escape of, from pirates, II. 46. - Opposed to slavery, III. 289; XII. 151-153. - Lincoln on, XII. 263. - See _Friends_. - - Qualification, defined, XIII. 308; XVI. 248; XVII. 40. - - Quincy, Josiah, on patriotism, I. 325. - Tribute to, VI. 37. - - Quincy, Josiah, Jr., his report of Chatham’s speech quoted, I. 375. - - Quorum, of the Senate, IX. 169; XII. 358. - In Parliament, IX. 169-171. - Fixed in United States by Constitution, IX. 171. - Authorities on rule for, IX. 172. - Of States, requisite for adoption of a constitutional amendment, XII. - 357. - Powers of the two Houses of Congress in absence of a, XV. 185. - - - R. - - Races, all alike entitled to human rights, V. 18; XVII. 134. - Number and distinctions of, XVII. 148-151. - Origin of, XVII. 152. - Arguments for a common origin of, XVII. 153-157; - authorities favoring same, XVII. 155-157. - Common destiny of all, XVII. 162 _et seq._, 168, 178. - - Railroad, Pacific, IV. 32; IX. 318. - Air-line, from Washington to New York, IX. 121. - Usurpation in New Jersey, XII. 105. - - Railways, opposed at first by Quarterly Review, II. 283. - - Rantoul, Robert, Jr., tribute to, III. 246. - - Raynal, Guillaume, Abbé, his famous work, XV. 326 _et seq._ - His predictions concerning America, XV. 329-331. - - Ream, Vinnie, speech on contract with, for statue of Lincoln, XIV. 164. - - Rebel Debt, repudiation of the, XII. 137, 327; XIII. 99. - - Rebel Party, the, XVI. 326. - - Rebel States, secession of, VII. 184; VIII. 119; X. 191. - A. H. Stephens on character of government of, VII. 315; X. 100 _et - seq._; XIX. 225. - Power of Congress over, VIII. 164-167, 245; IX. 120; X. 167; XI. 361; - XII. 329; XIV. 209, 225; XV. 218; XVIII. 31,--sources of above power, - VIII. 164-167, 245; X. 208-215; XI. 367-372; XII. 330-333; XIII. - 124-127, 325 _et seq._; XIV. 341; XVI. 344-347. - Military government of, IX. 119; X. 168-175; XI. 365; XIV. 326. - Concession of ocean belligerence to, by England, X. 12-15, 124; XII. - 267 _et seq._; XVII. 59-65; XIX. 121,--and by France, X. 41. - Not entitled to recognition by foreign powers, X. 97-124. - Constitution of, quoted, X. 100. - Other testimony to character of government of, X. 102. - Results of recognizing, X. 116-122; - apology for same, X. 122. - Not entitled to ocean belligerence, X. 125-139; XVII. 59 _et seq._ - Theories for extinction of, X. 196, 200 _et seq._ - Non-existence of governments in, X. 202; XIII. 126. - Readmission of, must be determined by Congress, XI. 296, 361, 366-372. - Lincoln’s plan for reorganizing, XI. 363 _et seq._; XIV. 196, 294. - Objections to recognition of, by U. S., XI. 466-471. - Participation of, not necessary in ratifying constitutional amendments, - XII. 101, 211, 341, 359; XIII. 31, 62; XVI. 71. - Guaranty of republican governments in, XII. 197. - Conditions precedent to reception of Senators from, XII. 208. - Lincoln on recognition of, XII. 269 _et seq._ - Consent of the governed necessary in forming new governments of, - XII. 298. - Actual condition of, during Reconstruction period, XII. 320-322; XIII. - 55; XIV. 87; XVI. 168,--testimony to same, XII. 323 _et seq._; - XIII. 64-96. - Need of public schools for all in, XII. 328; XIV. 334-339; XV. 220-227. - Oath to maintain a republican form of government in, XIII. 12, 22; - XIV. 330. - Senator Collamer on readmission of, XIII. 44. - Not republican in form, XIII. 204-211, 332. - Population of, in 1860, XIII. 204. - Illegality of existing governments in, in 1866, XIV. 190, 224. - Proper foundation of government in, XIV. 324. - Conditions of assistance to, XIV. 358. - Outrages on loyalists in, XVI. 168, 352; XVII. 103; XVIII. 301. - Legislation of, concerning freedmen, after Rebellion, XVI. 350 - _et seq._ - Claims of citizens in, XVII. 10. - Necessity of requiring test oath for legislatures of, XVII. 226-230. - Robberies of, after the war, XX. 247. - See _Slave States_. - - Rebellion, emancipation our best weapon against the, VII. 241, 347; - IX. 76, 229; XI. 198. - Its origin and main-spring, VII. 250, 305; IX. 230, 323; X. 103; - XI. 444; XIII. 234. - Its audacity, VII. 250. - Its beginning, VII. 315, 325; VIII. 119-123; XI. 441-443; XII. 258. - Object of, VII. 315. - Preparations for, VII. 322-324; VIII. 119-122. - Numbers of its armed forces, VII. 338. - Necessity of crushing at once, VII. 345; IX. 207, 272. - A fact, IX. 13 _et seq._ - Must be comprehended and vigorously treated, IX. 210-212. - Must fail, X. 142, 168. - Rejoicing in its decline, XI. 414. - Slavery and the: speech in New York, XI. 433. - Official history of, XIV. 88. - Consequences of, XVI. 262 _et seq._ - See _War of the Rebellion_. - - Rebels, barbarities of, VIII. 301. - Are criminals and enemies, IX. 17, 141. - Sources of power against, IX. 18-24, 47 _et seq._, 134, 143; XVII. - 16,--judicial decisions and other authorities on same, IX. 18-22; - XVII. 17 _et seq._ - Proceedings for confiscating property of, allowable, IX. 31-33. - Must be subdued, not conciliated, IX. 210. - Disqualified from national office by Congress, X. 219; XII. 337. - Lincoln’s policy towards, XII. 284. - Should be disfranchised for a time, XII. 337-339, 408; XIII. 283; XIV. - 185, 291; XV. 219, 228; XVII. 115 _et seq._ - Mr. Sumner’s sentiments towards, XII. 339; XIV. 313; XV. 228; XVII. - 115; XIX. 258, 318; XX. 192-194, 213, 229-240. - Submission of, after the war, XIV. 187; - testimony to same, XIV. 187, 188. - Time for reconciliation with, XX. 253 _et seq._ - - Reciprocity Treaty, termination of the Canadian, XII. 46. - Its operation, XII. 48-54. - - Recognition, intervention by, X. 87; - instances of same, X. 87-94. - Armed, X. 95. - Unarmed, X. 95. - Proper time for, X. 95-97. - Of a _de facto_ power, not required by international law, X. 105. - Authorities on refusal of, X. 106-108, 111-114, 119. - Practice of nations as to, X. 110 _et seq._ - - Reconstruction of rebel States, resolutions on, VIII. 163; X. 295. - Letter on, VIII. 243. - Provisional governments and, IX. 162. - And adoption of Emancipation Proclamation by Act of Congress, XI. 397. - Mr. Ashley and, XII. 7. - None, without votes of the blacks, XII. 179. - Conditions of, XII. 325-329; XIII. 33, 283; XIV. 92. - Equal rights _vs._ the Presidential policy in, XII. 368. - Andrew Johnson on, XII. 369, 408; XIV. 197, 294; XVII. 231,--and his - policy in, XII. 369; XIV. 188-197, 203, 250-253; XVI. 165-171. - Scheme of, on basis of equal rights, XIII. 21. - Time and, XIII. 428. - True principles of, XIV. 224. - At last, with colored suffrage and protection against rebel influence, - XIV. 282. - Speeches on bills for, XIV. 282, 321; XV. 217. - Further guaranties in, XIV. 304; XV. 219-221. - Measures of, not a burden or penalty, XIV. 312. - Military government unsuited for, XIV. 326, 342. - Mr. Sumner’s bill for, XIV. 328-334. - Incomplete, XV. 226; XVI. 342; XVII. 307; XVIII. 302. - A political question, XVI. 346. - Power and duty of Congress to protect and regulate, XVII. 208; XVIII. - 26-32. - With colored suffrage, Mr. Sumner’s personal record on, XVII. 303. - - Reconstruction Acts, defended, XVI. 342-349. - Opposition to, in rebel States, XVI. 352. - Do not bind Congress to admit rebel States, XVII. 208-210, 224-226. - - Redemption, Society of Fathers of, II. 36. - - Redpath, James, letters to, VI. 44, 54. - - Reform, true, defined, II. 289; III. 248. - And purity in government, XX. 5. - - Reform League of New York, letter to, XIX. 131. - - Representation, according to voters, IV. 46, 53; XII. 104; XIII. 19, - 315-321. - Authorities on right of, XIII. 301; XVII. 44-46. - Jefferson and Madison on, XIII. 320. - Hamilton on, XIII. 329. - See _Blaine Amendment_ and _Representative System_. - - Representative System, necessary improvements in, in Massachusetts, - III. 43; IV. 35, 58-60. - And its proper basis, IV. 33. - Origin and nature of, IV. 36-53; XIII. 318. - Founded on equality in America, IV. 38. - Its history in Massachusetts, IV. 39; - evils of, in same, IV. 40. - Essex County documents on, quoted, IV. 40-43. - Jefferson’s plan for, IV. 44; XIII. 320. - Under the Constitution, IV. 45. - In France, IV. 45. - Vindication of Rule of Three in, IV. 47-53; - opposition to same in Massachusetts, IV. 53-56. - Amendment to, in Massachusetts, XIII. 317. - - Reprisals, none, on innocent persons, XVI. 297. - Condemned, XVI. 301. - Authorities on, XVI. 301-306. - Modern rule for, XVI. 304; - reasons for same, XVI. 305. - Instance of, in modern history, XVI. 307. - See _Retaliation_. - - Republic, slave-holding, a mockery, I. 308; III. 3; IX. 235. - Rejected definitions of, XI. 192; XIII. 144-153. - Machiavelli on regeneration of a, XI. 213. - See _Republican Government_. - - Republican Conventions, speeches at, IV. 255; VI. 352; VII. 241; XII. - 305; XVII. 98. - - Republican Government, American definition of, XI. 193; XII. 295, 297; - XIII. 196 _et seq._, 327; XVI. 245; XVII. 43. - Our first duty, XIII. 1. - Oath to maintain, in rebel States, XIII. 12, 22; XIV. 330. - Must be defined by Congress, XIII. 63, 137 _et seq._, 211, 327; XVI. - 245; XVII. 43, 334, 358. - Disfranchisement inconsistent with, XIII. 109. - Principles of, asserted by fathers of the Republic, XIII. 153-198. - Webster on, XIII. 187 _et seq._ - Testimony of France to, XIII. 198-202. - Other definitions of, XIII. 202 _et seq._, 330; XV. 294. - Object of, XX. 94. - See _Guaranty of Republican Government_. - - Republican Party, formation of the, IV. 255. - Its duties and aims, IV. 263-265; V. 81 _et seq._; VI. 312; XI. 421; - XIX. 129. - Origin and necessity of, IV. 266; V. 80; VI. 303; XX. 86 _et seq._ - Its hopes of success, IV. 278; VI. 341. - In New York, V. 60. - Letter on the, V. 61. - National, not sectional, V. 146. - Appeal for its candidates in 1856, VI. 2. - Its declaration of principles in same year, VI. 4. - Appeal for its cause, VI. 15, 354; VII. 17. - Letters on its candidates in 1860, VI. 111, 342. - Platform of, in 1860, VI. 234 _et seq._ - Speech on, in New York, VI. 303. - Permanence of, VI. 336; XVIII. 172. - Parties opposed to, in 1860, VI. 356; VII. 17, 26. - The only Union party, VII. 37. - The only Constitutional party and party of freedom, VII. 38. - Not aggressive, but conservative, VII. 86. - Should be moderate after victory, VII. 87. - And Democratic Party in 1864, XI. 418. - Its past and future work, XI. 422; XVIII. 169. - Its platform in 1864, XI. 426, 477. - Unity and strength of, XII. 4. - Mr. Sumner’s devotion to, XX. 85. - Change for the worse in, XX. 89, 170. - Duty of, as to reëlection of Grant, XX. 156. - - Republicanism _vs._ Grantism, XX. 83. - - Repudiation, XVI. 275; XVII. 105 _et seq._ - Adopted by Rebel party in 1868, XVI. 329; XVII. 104. - Two forms of, XVI. 356; XVII. 107 _et seq._ - Is confiscation, XVII. 106. - Cost of, XVII. 108 _et seq._ - Impossible, XVII. 111. - - Retaliation, and treatment of prisoners of war, XII. 74. - Authorities respecting, XII. 78-82, 86-89. - Recognized, but limited, by laws of war, XII. 80, 92. - See _Prisoners of War_ and _Reprisals_. - - Revels, Hiram R., speech on admission of, as Senator from Mississippi, - XVIII. 6. - - Revolution, right of, II. 336; - Paley on same, II. 336; - O’Connell on same, II. 337. - - Revolutionary War, opposed by English Whigs in Parliamentary debates, I. - 340-349. - Compared to Mexican War, I. 382. - Contributions of Northern and Southern States to, IV. 197 _et seq._; - American and foreign testimony to same, IV. 199-211. - Lafayette’s enthusiasm for, VII. 111. - List of statutes for confiscation of property in, IX. 59-64; - same defended by American diplomatists and courts, IX. 65-69. - Testimony to employment of slaves in, IX. 217-220. - Contrasted with our Civil War, X. 24, 256-258; XII. 238; XVII. 301. - Object of, XIII. 154, 172; XVI. 55. - Official history of, XIV. 88. - - Rhode Island, appeal to Republicans of, in 1856, VI. 9. - - Richard, Henry, M.P., letter to, XX. 273. - - Right of Search, employed by Great Britain to impress American seamen, - VIII. 42; - testimony to same, VIII. 42-45, 51 _et seq._,--and to opposition of - United States Government to same, VIII. 45-54. - Should not exist, except for suppression of slave-trade, VIII. 78; - proposed by Great Britain for same, VIII. 339, 343,--but refused by - United States, VIII. 341. - Not objectionable against slave-trade, VIII. 344. - Exercise of, by privateers, IX. 282. - Should be employed only by national ships, IX. 299. - See _Neutral Rights_. - - Rights. See _Civil Rights_, _Equal Rights_, _Human Rights_, _Neutral - Rights_, _Rights of War_, and _State Rights_. - - Rights of War, IX. 1, 34; X. 210; XIII. 325,--especially against enemy - property, IX. 35-44. - Authorities respecting, IX. 36 _et seq._; XIII. 326. - Include liberation of slaves, IX. 43, 71, 131, 146. - Have no constitutional limitations, IX. 45, 71, 131-138, 183-185, 216. - To be exercised only in war, IX. 48 _et seq._ - Policy of exercising, against Rebels, IX. 70-72. - Not to be exercised by the President alone, IX. 138-140. - - Roads, policy of, III. 182. - - Roberts, Joseph, Rev., his work on caste quoted, III. 76-80; XVII. 144. - - Roscoe, William, labors of, for reform of prisons, II. 120. - Incorrectly quoted on Pennsylvania system, II. 128. - - Rousseau, treatise of, on peace, II. 391; XVIII. 233. - His opinions on equality, III. 60, 91; XIX. 235. - On slavery, VI. 137. - - Russell, Earl, on Trent case, VIII. 35. - On the Emancipation Proclamation, X. 20. - His unfriendliness to United States during Rebellion, X. 39. - On necessity of prize courts, X. 130 _et seq._ - On escape of the Alabama, XVII. 66. - - Russia, army of, in 1845, I. 75. - Navy of, in 1837, I. 76. - Serfdom in, restricted to original country, IV. 96. - Emancipation of serfs in, VII. 267; XII. 312-314; XIII. 57-60; XIV. - 57, 315. - The Emperor of, and emancipation, XIV. 56. - Cession of Russian America to United States by, XV. 1; - reasons for same, XV. 20-23. - Friendship of, for United States, XV. 48-50. - - Russian America, cession of, to United States, XV. 1. - Boundaries and configuration of, XV. 6-8. - Russia’s title to, XV. 8-17. - Discovery of, by Behring, XV. 8-14. - French claim to, XV. 17. - Spanish claim to, XV. 18-20. - Reasons for cession of, XV. 20-23. - Humboldt on, XV. 22, 47. - Origin and completion of cession of, XV. 23-30. - Documents respecting, quoted, XV. 25-29. - Treaty for cession of, XV. 30-32; - questions under same, XV. 32-35; - advantages of same, XV. 36-50. - Sources of information upon, XV. 54-64. - Blodget’s description of, XV. 65. - Government of, XV. 65-80. - Population of, XV. 81-94. - Climate of, XV. 94-105. - Vegetable products of, XV. 105-116. - Mineral products of, XV. 116-124. - Furs of, XV. 125-141. - Fisheries of, XV. 141-161. - New name for, XV. 167. - Other requirements of, XV. 168 _et seq._ - Necessity of legislation to carry out treaty for cession of, XV. - 196-199. - - - S. - - St. Albans Raid, the, XII. 42. - - Saint-Pierre, Charles de, Abbé, labors of, for peace, II. 387-390; XVIII. - 233. - Leibnitz on his “Project of Perpetual Peace,” II. 389; XVIII. 233. - D’Argenson on, XV. 287. - - San Domingo, speech on proposed annexion of, to United States, XVIII. - 257. - Character and object of joint resolution appointing a commission to, - XVIII. 262-267. - Negotiation for annexion of, XVIII. 267-271; XIX. 37 _et seq._, 54-57; - XX. 144-146, 217 _et seq._ - Belligerent intervention of United States navy in, XVIII. 271, 303; - XIX. 27, 60-64, 75. - Sentiments of people of, on annexion, XVIII. 276. - Relations of, with Hayti, XVIII. 278-280. - President Grant’s message on annexion of, XVIII. 284-288. - Arguments against annexion of, XVIII. 290-292, 303; XIX. 96; - testimony against same, XVIII. 304. - Speech on resolutions concerning, XIX. 16. - Reason for interest in annexion of, XIX. 20-22. - Reannexion of, by Spain, XIX. 23; - Spanish documents on same, quoted, XIX. 24-26; - result of same, XIX. 29. - Treaty for annexion of, an infraction of its constitution, XIX. 38 - _et seq._ - Duty of United States towards, XIX. 93, 97, 131. - - San Juan Boundary Question, report of Committee on Foreign Relations on - settlement of, VII. 216. - - Sanborn, Frank B., speeches on case of, VI. 99. - - Sandwich Islands, mail service between United States and, XIV. 110. - Relations of, with United States, XIV. 111. - - Scholar, jurist, artist, and philanthropist, the, oration on, I. 241. - Defined, I. 249. - - Schools. See _Colored Schools_, _Common Schools_, _Normal Schools_, and - _Separate Schools_. - - Schurz, Carl, Senator from Missouri, on Secretary Fish’s attack on Mr. - Sumner, XIX. 110. - - Schwartz, John, Representative from Pennsylvania, speech on death of, - VI. 300. - - Scott, Sir Walter, compared to Cobbett, I. 198. - On morning work, I. 204. - - Scylla and Charybdis, origin and history of Latin verse on, XII. 371-380; - application of same, XII. 409-412. - - Seamen, wages of, in case of wreck, IV. 324; - rule for determining same, IV. 325; - abolition of above rule by England, IV. 326. - - Secession, pretended right of, VII. 326; IX. 323. - Proposed concessions to prevent, VII. 327-333. - Acts of, impotent against United States, VIII. 164; X. 196. - - Secretary of State, assistant, office of, and Mr. Hunter, XIV. 82. - - Security, the national, and the national faith, XII. 305. - - Selden, John, on trial by battle (or duel), I. 38 (_note_), 42; - XVIII. 179. - - Self-defence, right of, I. 294, 378. - Restrictions on, II. 334. - Dymond, the Quaker, on, II. 335. - - Self-government, local, advantages of, XVI. 59. - - Senate of the United States, secrecy in its proceedings, IV. 16; - XVIII. 9. - Functions of, IV. 16; XIII. 347. - Origination of appropriation bills by, a usurpation, V. 84. - Cannot abrogate treaties, V. 101, 109. - Usurpation of, in imprisoning a citizen, VI. 80; XIX. 133. - Its powers of enforcing testimony, VI. 82 _et seq._, 89 _et seq._; - XIX. 132. - Cannot enforce testimony in Harper’s Ferry investigation, VI. - 84-87,--in order to aid legislation, VI. 86, 91; XIX. 141. - Attempt to kidnap a citizen under order of, VI. 99. - Has discretionary power to expel members, VIII. 116. - Limitation of debate in, VIII. 155. - Order in its business, VIII. 161. - Loyalty in the, VIII. 208; X. 273; XVI. 73. - Should examine loyalty before administering oath, VIII. 215; XVI. 76. - Sacredness of its required oath, VIII. 221. - Proper despatch of business in, IX. 110. - Constitutional quorum of, IX. 169; XII. 358. - Representation of Virginia in, XII. 134. - Limitation of its business, XV. 189. - Obligations of caucuses of, XV. 189, 207-215. - Privileges of debate in, on officers liable to impeachment, XV. 241, - 249. - Right of President of, _pro tem._, to vote on impeachment of the - President, XVI. 88; - authorities denying same, XVI. 90. - Powers of, in trying impeachments, not judicial, XVI. 137, 228. - Testimony to early want of eloquence in, XVII. 191. - Consideration of treaties in open, XVIII. 9. - Eligibility to: the question of inhabitancy, XVIII. 11. - Cannot continue imprisonment of witnesses after end of the session, - XIX. 134, 153; - English and American authorities proving same, XIX. 134-140. - Does not possess the prerogatives of the House of Lords, XIX. 136. - Arguments and authorities against its power of arresting witnesses for - violation of its privileges, XIX. 140-149. - Power of, to break into telegraph-offices, XIX. 149. - Parliamentary law on appointment of special committees of, XX. 45; - authorities stating same, XX. 49-54, 56-59. - - Senate Chamber, the: its ventilation and size, XIV. 119. - - Senator of the United States, letters written during election of a, - in Massachusetts, in 1851, III. 152. - Acceptance of office of, III. 161; VI. 46,--incompatibility of same - with other office, VIII. 105. - Position of a, VIII. 118, 147. - Loyalty a qualification required in a, VIII. 208; X. 276; XVI. 74 - _et seq._ - Is a civil officer, X. 281; - authorities proving same, X. 281-289. - Cannot vote for himself, XIV. 15; - same proved by natural law, XIV. 16-19,--and by parliamentary law, - XIV. 20. - Inquiry into title of a, to his seat, XIV. 126. - The first colored, XVIII. 6. - Limitations on examination of a, by Senate committees, XX. 46; - authorities stating same, XX. 47. - - Senators, conditions precedent to reception of, from a rebel State, - XII. 208. - Majority or plurality in election of, XIV. 1. - Mode of electing, XIV. 3 _et seq._; - Chancellor Kent on same, XIV. 5. - Powers of State Legislature in electing, XIV. 6-13. - Open voting in election of, XIV. 105. - Monuments to deceased, XIV. 299. - Colored, predicted, XV. 220, 223. - Constitutional responsibility of, for their votes in cases of - impeachment, XVI. 227. - Importance of colored, XVI. 257; XVIII. 7. - - Seneca, his prophecy of a new world, XV. 256. - - Separate Schools for colored children, argument against, III. 51. - A violation of equality, III. 70; XIX. 241. - Introduce principle of caste, III. 74. - Not equivalent to common schools, III. 86-88; XIX. 3, 158, 165, - 241, 261. - Origin of, in Boston, III. 91-93. - Evils of, III. 93-96; XIX. 241-244. - - Separate System of prison discipline. See _Pennsylvania System_. - - Serenade, address at a, Aug. 9, 1872, XX. 202. - - Servants, indented, in America, X. 348-350; XIX. 14. - - Service, substituted for “servitude” in the Constitution, III. 309; - VI. 228; X. 358. - See _Fugitives from service_. - - Settlement, a final, union of good citizens for, IX. 187. - - Sewall, Samuel, Judge, IV. 277; XV. 281. - His prophecy concerning America, XV. 282-286. - - Seward, William H., views of, on pensions for support of Fugitive-Slave - Bill, IV. 230. - His bill for admission of Kansas, V. 216. - His influence on President Johnson, XIV. 198. - Letter of, on surplus of Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 138 - (_Appendix_). - - Sharp, Granville, life of, as illustration of a merchant’s duties, - IV. 293-323. - - Shaw, Robert G., Colonel, equestrian statue of, XII. 361. - Burial of, XIX. 246. - - Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, on the American War, I. 326, 349. - On Slavery, XII. 161. - On America, XV. 406. - - Sherman, John, Senator from Ohio, criticisms of, answered, IX. 99-104; - X. 263-266. - Reply to his criticisms in Reconstruction debate, XIV. 292-296, - 313-316. - Answer to his defence of appointment of San Domingo commission, XVIII. - 262-264. - - Shipley, Jonathan, Bishop of St. Asaph, XV. 332. - His predictions concerning America, XV. 334-338. - - Shipping, decay of, in United States, XVI. 289. - Effect of taxation on, XVII. 243. - - Ships of War, fitted out in England against United States during - Rebellion, X. 27-29, 132; XVII. 65-71,--same defended in England, - but condemned by United States Supreme Court, X. 29-31. - Policy of United States on fitting out, as a neutral, X. 32-35; - liability of England for same, X. 37-39; XVII. 89, 124,--authority - proving above liability, X. 38. - - Sidney, Algernon, author of motto on seal of Massachusetts, I. 94 - (and _note_). - On government, XIII. 155. - - Slave, origin of word, II. 13. - Webster’s Dictionary on original meaning of, II. 14. - Deed of manumission of a, in 1776, III. 13; VII. 14. - Tintoretto’s Miracle of the, III. 134 (see _note_). - - Slave-Masters, number of, III. 36; V. 42; VI. 326; VII. 334. - Cannot carry slaves into Territories, IV. 128 _et seq._; VI. 217-235. - Refuse to work, VI. 142. - Character of, VI. 162, 321 _et seq._; IX. 103,--testimony to same, - VI. 163-168. - Their virtues exceptional, VI. 167-323. - In their relations with slaves, VI. 168-173. - Their agents, VI. 173, 175. - Their relations with each other, society, and government, VI. - 176-196,--testimony to same, VI. 180-182, 186. - Conduct of, in Congress, VI. 196-211. - Unconscious of barbarism of slavery, VI. 211-214. - Tourgueneff on, VI. 215. - Livingstone on, VI. 216. - Their success in organizing rebellion explained, VII. 335. - Tax on, IX. 93. - Testimony to untrustworthiness of, to legislate for freedmen, IX. 225; - XIV. 211-213. - Their pretension to chivalry refuted, XI. 449-460. - Untrustworthiness of, proved by reason, XIV. 213. - Pretensions of, in regard to slavery, XVI. 234. - - Slave Power, necessity of political action against the, II. 207. - Influence of, II. 211, 232, 292; III. 20, 140; V. 42; VI. 312, 325; - VII. 248. - Union among men of all parties against, II. 226; IV. 157. - Defined, II. 229. - Constitution of United States opposed to, II. 230. - Its test for office, II. 232; VI. 330. - Usurpations of, III. 20-22; V. 43, 66-71; VI. 328 _et seq._ - Must be overthrown, IV. 262; V. 45, 71; VI. 339. - Its madness, V. 57. - Its aims in Kansas, V. 70, 140. - Attempts to introduce slavery into free States, V. 71. - Author of crime against Kansas, V. 142. - Its influence over President Pierce, V. 189. - Denounced, VI. 331-335. - Emancipation of national government from, VII. 248. - - Slave States, compared to Barbary States, II. 7; VI. 159-161,--and to - free States, VI. 142-159, 328. - Their ignorance, VI. 157; XIV. 336. - Testimony to violence in, VI. 180-182. - Freedom of press restricted in, VI. 184-187. - Outrages on Northern men in, VI. 187-189, 191-196. - Threat of disunion by, VII. 25, 319-321. - Disunion no remedy for grievances of, VII. 33. - Not unanimous in desiring disunion, VII. 34; IX. 228,--effects of same - upon, VII. 35-37. - Passion for slavery in, VII. 321. - Webster on admission of new, IX. 124 _et seq._ - Laws of, on exclusion of colored testimony, XI. 4-16; - eccentric judicial decisions in, on same, XI. 17-23. - See _Rebel States_. - - Slave-Trade, originally a mark of progress in Africa, II. 18. - In England, II. 18; XVII. 166. - Sanctioned in West Indies by Charles V., II. 24. - Opposition to early English efforts against, II. 285; IV. 133; V. 37; - VI. 190. - Resolutions against, in Danbury, Conn., in 1774, III. 14. - Abolished in District of Columbia, III. 125. - Compromise on, in Constitution, III. 304; VII. 318. - Granville Sharp on, IV. 301. - In the North in early times, no example for us, V. 148. - Early support of, by England, V. 149; X. 71; XIII. 313. - Final suppression of the, VIII. 336. - Treaties between Great Britain and United States against, VIII. - 337, 341. - Efforts of United States and Europe against, VIII. 338-341,--especially - of Great Britain, VIII. 339, 343; X. 74-77. - Means for suppression of, defended, VIII. 344-347. - Abolition of, in French, Dutch, and Spanish colonies, X. 75. - Authorities on illegality of, X. 108. - Abolition of the coast-wise, XII. 380. - Paley’s exertions against, XV. 403. - See _Right of Search_. - - Slavery, the wrong of, I. 149. - Decision of Chief-Justice Shaw on, I. 290, 308; XII. 146. - Channing’s labors against, I. 290-293. - Influence of, universal, I. 307. - Cause of Mexican War, I. 307, 322, 335, 377. - Exertions of Massachusetts against, I. 308; VII. 13-16, 264. - Declarations of authors of Constitution against, I. 312; II. 230; III. - 17, 277-280; VI. 227, 313; X. 356. - Should be constitutionally repealed, I. 309. - And the Mexican War, I. 333. - Whigs pledged to overthrow, I. 336. - R. C. Winthrop’s actions in regard to, I. 337. - White, in Barbary States, II. 1. - In antiquity, II. 14. - A result of war, II. 16, 19. - In modern times, II. 18. - White, in Algiers, compared by different authorities to American, II. - 63-69. - The Koran on, II. 93. - Milton on, II. 100; XI. 204. - Black, in Barbary States, II. 101. - Necessity of political action against extension of, II. 207. - Condemned in East, II. 209. - Lafayette’s opinions and plans concerning, II. 210; VII. 124, 126, 129, - 146, 149, 157; XII. 169. - No compromise with, II. 211, 234; IV. 266; VII. 204, 331; IX. 271. - Union among men of all parties against extension of, II. 226. - Patrick Henry on, II. 230; III. 288; XII. 150. - The only important American question, II. 237; III. 12, 142, 270; - V. 35, 63. - Appeal to all parties against, II. 238; III. 143; IV. 5, 158. - Opposition to its extension, principle of Free-Soil Party, II. 307; - III. 26; - but not of Whig Party, II. 307. - Discussion of, cannot be silenced, III. 12, 142, 270; IV. 132; VI. 317. - Illustrations of opposition to, at the time of the Revolution, - III. 13-16. - Not authorized by the Constitution, III. 16, 276, 296; IV. 346; VI. - 314; VII. 1; XI. 186-189, 196. - Evils of, III. 23; IV. 95; V. 11; VI. 126, 321; XI. 475,--Jefferson on - same, III. 23; IV. 175. - Extension of, threatened, III. 24. - Is sectional, III. 237, 242, 267, 273; IV. 128; VI. 361. - Union against sectionalism of, III. 240. - Cannot exist unless specially legalized, III. 275; VI. 223; VIII. 274; - X. 343; XI. 187, 236. - Did not exist under national jurisdiction in 1789, III. 285; VI. 314. - Opposed by government at that time, III. 286; IV. 122,--by the country, - III. 288; IV. 122; VI. 314,--by the Church, III. 289; VI. 313; XII. - 151-154,--and by colleges and literature, III. 291; VI. 313; - XII. 149. - Actions of 1st Congress in regard to, III. 293; IV. 121. - Unconstitutional under national jurisdiction, III. 297, 299; V. 156; - VI. 230; VIII. 265, 274-278; X. 214; XI. 195. - Influence of, on national government, III. 300; IV. 122; VI. 312, 325. - In England, III. 301; VIII. 278,--declared illegal in same, III. 302; - IV. 313; VIII. 279. - Sympathy with escapes from, III. 353. - German emigrants should oppose, IV. 19. - Defined, IV. 95; VI. 129. - Prohibition of, in Territories, all-important, IV. 99; VI. - 378,--legality of same, IV. 125; VI. 233; VII. 1. - Influence of, on Northern men, IV. 131. - Duke of Clarence on, IV. 134. - Agitation against, not dangerous to the Union, IV. 134. - Mr. Sumner’s final protest against, in Nebraska and Kansas, for himself - and N. E. clergy, IV. 140. - History of, in Mass., IV. 187-190; VII. 11-15; XI. 448; XII. 145. - Labors of Granville Sharp against, IV. 300, 316; VIII. 279; XI. 237; - XII. 161. - Brougham on, IV. 315; VIII. 262. - Brought before Congress by Southern members, IV. 346; VI. 375. - Not sanctioned by Christianity, V. 19. - Duties of the North in regard to, V. 38-48; VI. 317. - A new outrage for, V. 52. - Growth of opposition to, V. 81. - Example of Washington against, V. 95. - Macaulay on, VI. 71. - Presentation of petitions against, VI. 106. - The barbarism of, VI. 113, 346; VII. 1; XII. 290. - Defended by Southern Senators, VI. 122. - Incompatible with civilization, VI. 127. - Barbarism of, shown in its laws, VI. 129, 170, 319. - Five elements of, VI. 131-136, 319, 360; VIII. 263. - Motive of, VI. 137, 320, 360; VIII. 263. - Rousseau on, VI. 137. - Origin of law of, VI. 139-142; VIII. 263. - Practical results of, in slave States, VI. 142-161. - Its influence on emigration and value of border lands, VI. 158. - Outrages for, VI. 187-196. - Conduct of slave-masters in Congressional debates on, VI. 202-211. - Opinions of Calhoun and Adams on, VI. 306. - Favoring influences of, in United States, VI. 314; VII. 322. - Gurowski’s book on, VI. 347. - Motive for extension of, VI. 354. - Letter on unconstitutionality of, VII. 1. - Example of Massachusetts against, VII. 5. - No popular sovereignty in Territories can establish, VII. 41. - Prohibited in Territories by United States Government from the first, - VII. 58. - The cause of the Civil War, VII. 250, 338; IX. 230, 323; X. 103; XI. - 444. - Must be overthrown by that war, VII. 252, 351; X. 140, 296; XI. 417, - 464. - Ceases legally and constitutionally on lapse of rebel States, VIII. - 165; X. 215; XI. 473; XII. 266. - Founded on force, VIII. 263; - judicial decisions declaring same, VIII. 264. - History of British intervention against, X. 71-84. - Recognition of, by nations, forbidden by morality and prudence, X. 109, - 110. - Guaranties against, X. 295. - Sources of power over, in the Constitution, XI. 190-196. - Mode of overthrowing, XI. 206. - Prohibition of, in foreign constitutions, XI. 226. - And the Rebellion: speech, XI. 433. - In American history, XI. 462. - Objections to recognizing in the Union, XI. 472-476. - Results of overthrowing, XI. 482. - Testimony against, by American States and European countries before - 1789, XII. 144-177. - Lincoln on, XII. 282. - Precaution against revival of, XIV. 234; XVI. 350. - See _Abolition of Slavery_, _Algerine Slavery_, _Barbary States_, - _Emancipation_, _Slaves_, and _Slave-Trade_. - - Slavery and Freedmen, appointment of committee on, X. 271. - - Slaves, sufferings of, when transferred from Northern to Southern slave - States, I. 156. - First brought to English colonies of North America, II. 26; VII. 8; - X. 261; XI. 445. - White, in Barbary States, II. 8-12, 21-101; VIII. 283-298; - petitions of American, in same, quoted, II. 59, 60; VIII. 291; - black, in same, II. 101. - Laws of Maryland on stealing and transporting, III. 220. - Proceedings against Drayton and Sayres for liberation of, III. 221-223. - Definition of, in laws of slave States, V. 12; VI. 129, 319. - Compensation for emancipation of, V. 26; VII. 268; VIII. 259, 280; - XI. 199, 204. - Not dangerous to masters, if released, V. 28. - Testimony to relations of masters with, VI. 168-175. - Burning of, alive, VI. 322. - Are persons, not property, according to the Constitution, VI. 361; - VII. 315, 370. - Number of, in United States, fit for military service, VII. 266. - Dread of, in ancient wars, VII. 266. - Danger of insurrection by, VII. 267. - Involuntary assistance of, to Rebellion, VII. 339; - testimony to same, VII. 339. - Ransom of, at national capital, VIII. 251. - Liberation of, included in rights of war, IX. 43, 71, 131, 146. - Information in regard to freeing, by our armies, IX. 82. - Help from, and protection of, IX. 83, 214. - Debates in Federal Convention on taxing, IX. 94. - Aid of, necessary against Rebellion, IX. 212, 227; - appeal to, for same, defended, IX. 215-227. - Testimony to employment of, in war, especially in the Revolution, - IX. 217-220. - Exclusion of testimony of, especially in slave States of America, - XI. 5-34; - reasons for same considered, XI. 34-41. - Judicial testimony to propriety of examining, under oath, XI. 35 - _et seq._ - At first represented by their masters, XIII. 188, 196. - See _Algerine Slavery_, _Barbary States_, _Emancipation_, _Freedmen_, - _Fugitive Slaves_, _Slave-Masters_, _Slave-Trade_, and _Slavery_. - - Sleep, amount of, required, I. 202-204. - - Slidell, John, VIII. 32. - Seizure of, on the Trent, VIII. 33. - Benjamin Franklin and, at Paris, X. 221. - - Smith, Adam, on slave-masters, VI. 165; XII. 159. - On value of metals, XI. 271. - His prophecy concerning America, XV. 363; - same anticipated by John Adams, XV. 364. - - Smith Brothers, protest and opinion on case of the, XII. 209. - Testimony of Hon. S. Hooper on case of, XII. 216; - and of witnesses for the prosecution, XII. 217-219, 220, 222. - - Snelling, George H., letter to, VI. 96. - - Soldiers, modern, generally unsuccessful as statesmen, XX. 95; - same stated by Buckle, XX. 96. - - Somerset Case, the, III. 302; IV. 304-313; VIII. 279; XI. 236; XII. 158. - - South Carolina, disobedience to law in, IV. 185. - Expulsion of Hon. Samuel Hoar from, IV. 186; VI. 193-196. - Tribute to, IV. 195. - Testimony to her weakness in Revolutionary War, IV. 198, 200-211; - IX. 222. - Compared to Kansas, V. 241 _et seq._ - Reluctant at first to enter the Union, VII. 28, 317. - Testimony to character of early settlers of, XI. 450, 459. - Prohibition of colored suffrage in, XIII. 193. - Honor to a constant Union man of, XIV. 103. - - Sovereignty, rights of, and rights of war, IX. 1; X. 296. - Constitutional limitations on rights of, against criminals, IX. 25-30. - See _Popular Sovereignty_ and _Squatter Sovereignty_. - - Spain, testimony of, against slavery, quoted by Prescott and Mackintosh, - XII. 170-173. - Her growth into a nation, XVI. 17. - Duty of, towards Cuba, XVII. 118-120. - Revolt of American colonies of, XVII. 197. - Reannexion of San Domingo by, XIX. 23-26; - result of same, XIX. 29. - Numerical size of its Cortes, XX. 3. - - Sparks, Jared, letter to, VII. 89. - - Specie Payments, necessity of, XVI. 284-289, 355, 361; XVII. 113, 298; - XVIII. 302. - Means of arriving at, XVI. 289-294. - Ease of transition to, XVII, 252. - Hindrances to, XVII. 271. - First steps towards, XVII. 273-276. - - Squatter Sovereignty, defined, V. 68; VII. 45. - Gen. Cass, the author of the artifice of, VI. 365. - In Nebraska Bill, a trick, VI. 366. - Results of, in New Mexico, VI. 372. - - Stackpole, Joseph Lewis, obituary notice of, II. 151. - - Stage-coaches, denounced by an old English writer, II. 282. - - Stamp Act, John Adams on the, III. 130, 344. - Compared to Fugitive-Slave Bill, III. 339; IV. 165. - Opposition to, in America, III. 339-345; IV. 165-170; XIII. 165-168. - Chatham on, III. 345; IV. 169. - - Stanly, Edward, closes colored schools in North Carolina, IX. 113. - Not upheld by Lincoln, IX. 116. - Illegal actions of, IX. 119. - - Stanton, Edwin M., Secretary of War, suspension and removal of, by - President Johnson, XVI. 172, 190-195. - Application of Tenure-of-Office Act to, XVI. 177-187. - Substitution of Adj.-Gen. Thomas for, contrary to Acts of Congress, - XVI. 187-190,--and unconstitutional, XVI. 195. - Services of, XVI. 224. - His opinion of General Grant, XX. 98-100. - - Stark, Benjamin, of Oregon, speeches on admission of, to Senate, - VIII. 208. - - State Banks, XI. 255, 257. - Circulation of, in 1862 and 1863, XI. 256. - - State Department, its confession of support of Baez in San Domingo by - United States navy, XIX. 42-45; - and of intervention in Hayti by same, XIX. 48-51. - - State Rebellion, State suicide: Emancipation and Reconstruction, VIII. - 163, 243. - - State Rights, defined, III. 325; X. 182; XVI. 13, 60; XVII. 38,--XVIII. - 2. - Jefferson on, III. 325. - Infringed by Fugitive-Slave Bill, III. 326; IV. 337, 341. - Pretended cause of the war, IX. 323; X. 191; XII. 263. - Proper, to be respected, X. 176; XVI. 236. - Pretension of, in American history, X. 176-179, 190-193; XVI. 14, - 57 _et seq._ - Same denied by Washington, X. 179; XII. 126; XVI. 35,--by the - Constitution, X. 181; XII. 126; XIII. 304,--by the National - Convention of 1787, X. 183 _et seq._; XII. 125; XIII. 305; XVI. 37 - _et seq._,--and by Nathan Dane, X. 185; XII. 125. - Opposed to Congressional governments of rebel States, X. 194. - Establishment of national banks hindered by, XI. 246. - Pretension of, denounced, XVI. 13, 354; XVIII. 1, 31,--examples of same - in European history, XVI. 15-20. - Limitations on, XVI. 236, 354; XVII. 38, 217; XVIII. 2, 38, 46; XIX. - 128. - Alexander Hamilton on, XVI. 253. - - States, disarmed by the Constitution, II. 380. - National parties must interfere in elections of, III. 39-41. - Subordinate to national government, X. 182, 185-190; XIII. 304; XVI. - 21. - Definition of, X. 197. - May cease to exist, X. 198. - Burke on extinction of, X. 199. - Intercourse between, by railway, XII. 105; XIV. 93. - Webster on monopolies in, XII. 127. - Early laws of, on colored suffrage, XIII. 190-194. - Pretensions of, to exclude colored citizens from the franchise, XIII. - 213; XVI. 246; XVII. 40,--refutation of same, XIII. 214; XVI. - 246-252; XVII. 40-49. - Validity and necessity of fundamental conditions on admission of, XVI. - 230; XVII. 218; XVIII. 4,--pretensions opposed to same, XVI. 236, - 246; XVIII. 2. - Equality of, according to the Constitution, XVI. 237, 243; - debates on same, in National Convention of 1787, XVI. 238-240; - Story on same, XVI. 241. - Equality of, according to Ordinance of 1787, XVI. 241, 242. - Nature of conditions to be imposed on, XVI. 244. - Powers of, limited by Declaration of Independence, XVII. 218. - See _Land States_, _Rebel States_, _Slave States_, and _State Rights_. - - Statutes, revision and consolidation of the national, VIII. 1. - Declaratory, X. 331 _et seq._ - Decision of Supreme Court on interpretation of, XVI. 177. - - Stephens, Alexander H., on character of the Confederacy, VII. 315; X. - 100 _et seq._; XIX. 225. - - Stevens, Thaddeus, Representative from Pennsylvania, remarks on death of, - XVII. 2. - - Stewart, William M., Senator from Nevada, answer to his denial of Mr. - Sumner’s authorship of provision for colored suffrage in rebel - States, XVII. 308-330. - - Stockton, John P., Senator from New Jersey, case of, XIV. 1, 15; XVI. 96. - - Stone, Charles P., Gen., surrenders fugitive slaves, VIII. 8. - Arrest of, VIII. 10. - - Story, Joseph, obituary notice of, I. 133. - Lord Campbell on, I. 140, 269. - Verses by, I. 145. - Amount of sleep taken by, I. 203. - Tribute to, as jurist, in Phi Beta Kappa oration, I. 258-272. - Mackintosh and Denman on, I. 269. - His labors in Harvard Law School, III. 111. - Extract from his will, III. 111. - His benefactions to Harvard University, III. 114. - On pardoning power of the Executive, III. 227. - Judgment of, on Fugitive-Slave Act of 1793, III. 315 _et seq._; - XI. 233. - On plans for representation, IV. 55. - On treaties, V. 102; XIX. 80 _et seq._ - On adoption of Missouri Compromise, VII. 30. - On policy of prohibiting States from coining money, VIII. 184. - On power of Congress to regulate commerce between States, XII. 115; - XIV. 69,--and to establish post-roads, XII. 117. - On power of Congress under the Constitution, XIII. 216. - On the Chief-Justice’s presiding at trial of the President, XVI. 90. - On impeachment, XVI. 139, 146. - On debate in the National Convention of 1787 on equality of States, - XVI. 241. - On meaning of “domicile,” XVIII. 13 _et seq._ - On allotment of war-powers, XIX. 77. - On duties of innkeepers, XIX. 237; - and of common carriers, XIX. 238. - On object of Constitutional prohibition of interference with religion, - XIX. 292 _et seq._ - - Story, William W., XIV. 177. - - Strabo, his prophecy of a new world, XV. 257. - - Suez Canal, opposed by Great Britain, X. 82. - - Suffrage. See _Colored Suffrage_, _Female Suffrage_, _Male Suffrage_, - and _Universal Suffrage_. - - Sumner, Charles, refuses to lecture where colored persons are not - admitted with equal rights, I. 160; XI. 228. - Refuses to be a candidate for Congress, I. 330. - Not desirous of public office, I. 332; III. 152, 153, 268. - Relations of, to Boston Prison-Discipline Society, II. 108, 112. - Letter of Dr. Wayland to, II. 109. - Letter of De Tocqueville to, II. 148 (_note_). - Renounces Whig Party, II. 228. - Accepts Free-Soil nomination for Congress, II. 301-303. - His relation to the Fugitive-Slave Bill, III. 132. - Beginning of his political career, III. 147. - Political aims of, III. 147, 153, 163; VI. 38. - Letters written by, during election of United States Senator in 1851, - III. 152-154. - His sentiments on the Union, III. 153, 163. - His letter accepting office of United States Senator, III. 161. - His belief in democracy, III. 268. - His independence of party, III. 268; XX. 212. - Replies to verbal attacks in the Senate, IV. 175-216; V. 250-256. - Defends his fidelity to the Constitution, IV. 178-187, 269-271; - V. 251-254; XIX. 309-313. - His personal testimony as to slavery, V. 64. - Brooks’s assault upon, V. 257-271 (_Appendix_). - Previous personalities and aggressions upon, V. 280-301 (_Appendix_). - His injuries and continued disability, V. 328-342 (_Appendix_). - Refuses to allow Massachusetts to assume expenses of his illness, - V. 343. - Refuses to receive testimonial in approbation of Kansas speech, V. 344. - His longing for restoration to active duties, VI. 6, 11, 32, 66. - Sends contribution to Kansas, VI. 10. - Public reception of, at Boston, in 1856, VI. 22. - Accepts reëlection to Senate, VI. 46. - State of his health in 1858, VI. 65. - Recognizes duty of denouncing slavery, VI. 318. - His visits to Lafayette’s grave and home, VII. 100-108. - Attitude of, during attempts at compromise in 1861, VII. 176-184. - Interview of, with President Buchanan in 1861, VII. 180 _et seq._ - Defence of his career in the Senate, IX. 200-205; XVI. 336-339. - Reëlection of, to Senate in 1863, IX. 237 (_Appendix_). - His first motion for repeal of Fugitive-Slave Bill, XI. 383. - His sentiments towards Rebels, XII. 339; XIV. 313; XV. 228; XVII. 115; - XIX. 258, 318; XX. 192-194, 213, 229-240. - President Johnson’s attack on, XIII. 266-269 (_Appendix_). - The city of Boston and, XIII. 280. - Relations of, with President Johnson, XIV. 199-205. - His bill for Reconstruction, XIV. 328-334. - Denies indifference to foreigners, XVI. 315-317. - His personal record on Reconstruction with colored suffrage, XVII. 303. - Defence of his conduct in the Committee on Foreign Relations, - respecting San Domingo treaties, XVIII. 293-295; - and of his language in speech on annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. - 295-298. - His response to a toast, XVIII. 310. - Reason for his interest in San Domingo question, XIX. 20-22; XX. 180, - 218 _et seq._ - His interviews with Baez, XIX. 35. - Personal relations of, with President Grant, XIX. 99, 104-106; XX. 155, - 200,--and with Secretary Fish, XIX. 99, 106-124. - His influence on Mr. Motley’s nomination, XIX. 117; - and on negotiations with England concerning Alabama claims, XIX. - 120-122. - Declines the Haytian medal, XIX. 154. - Origin of his interest in engraving, XIX. 175. - His loyalty to the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 317. - His interest in civil-service reform, XX. 8. - His relations with the Marquis de Chambrun, XX. 9 _et seq._ - Protests against competency of Senate committee to investigate sale - of arms to France, XX. 45, 56. - His devotion to the Republican Party, XX. 85. - His reasons for voting for Greeley, XX. 188-190, 199 _et seq._, - 211-213, 241. - His desire for reconciliation between North and South, XX. 192-194, - 197, 228 _et seq._, 253 _et seq._ - His feelings towards Preston Brooks, XX. 197. - Personal misrepresentations of, XX. 218-220. - Testimony to his desire for reconciliation with the South, XX. 229-240. - Defence of his conduct as to supplementary civil-rights bill, XX. 312 - _et seq._ - - Supreme Court of the United States, decision of, on Fugitive-Slave Act of - 1793, III. 315; XI. 233. - Jackson on authority of, III. 316; IV. 179; V. 253; XVI. 207. - Its power of interpreting the Constitution, IV. 270-272. - Decision of, in Dred Scott case, VI. 291; IX. 154; XI. 63-65; XIII. - 276; XVIII. 7. - Admission of a colored lawyer to the bar of, XII. 97. - Remodelling of, XIV. 30. - Cannot sit in judgment on Acts of Congress, except incidentally, XVI. - 200. - - Sweden and Norway, navy of, in 1845, I. 76. - Adopt separate system in prisons, II. 136. - Book on prisons by Oscar, King of, II. 136. - - Switzerland, preservation of peace in, II. 379. - Intervention of France in affairs of, X. 63. - - - T. - - Talleyrand, on result of his life, II. 287. - - Tappan, Lewis, letter to, IV. 19. - - Tariff, the, speech of R. C. Winthrop on, I. 323, 338. - Not a party question, II. 236; III. 11. - Clay and Polk on, III. 11. - Additional ten per cent. duty in, opposed, VII. 235. - Means for the war, the true object of, XI. 376. - - Taxation, annual, of Great Britain in 1842, I. 73. - Origin and nature of freedom of United States national lands from, III. - 184-188. - Judicial decisions on right of, in States, III. 186; IV. 127. - Necessity of increased, XI. 409-411. - Should be simplified and diminished, XIV. 269; XVI. 267, 278; XVII. - 238, 261-264, 279; XVIII. 41. - - Taxation without Representation, testimony against, XIII. - 155-158,--especially of fathers of American Republic, XIII. 158-172. - Not a claim for communities only, XIII. 294; - evidence proving same, XIII. 295-301. - Not a claim for women, XIII. 302; - Chief-Justice Parsons on above conclusion, XIII. 302. - - Taxes, on cotton, IX. 84. - On slave-masters, IX. 93. - On knowledge, IX. 166; XI. 297; XII. 205-207; XIV. 264-270; XVIII. 142 - _et seq._ - Sydney Smith on English, XI. 299. - On education, XI. 378. - On coal, XIV. 271. - On income, XVIII. 40. - - Taylor, Zachary, Gen., election of, to the Presidency opposed, II. 233. - Nomination of, II. 233-293. - Berrien on, II. 310. - Character of his administration, III. 30-32. - - Telegraph, the electric, honor to its inventor, VI. 64. - Ocean, between Europe and America, XIV. 220, 301. - Power of the Senate to break into its offices, XIX. 149. - - Ten-Forties, new bonds, to be issued, XVII. 247-249. - - Tennessee, rights of, in the Union, X. 195; XI. 351. - Not sufficiently reconstructed, XIV. 114. - - Tenure-of-Office Act, speeches on an amendment to the, XIV. 239. - Violated by President Johnson, XVI. 172. - Object of, and questions as to, XVI. 175-177. - Its application to Secretary Stanton, XVI. 177-187. - Grant’s attempt to repeal, XX. 141. - - Territories, organization of new, in 1850, III. 127. - Prohibition of slavery in, all-important, IV. 8; VI. 378,--and legal, - IV. 125; VI. 233; VII. 1; - same does not infringe popular sovereignty, IV. 129. - Slave-masters cannot carry slaves into, IV. 128 _et seq._; VI. 217-235. - Polygamy in, may be suppressed by Congress, IV. 129; VII. 1. - No popular sovereignty in, can establish slavery, V. 156; VI. 230, 364; - VII. 41. - Slavery in, not authorized by the Constitution, V. 156; VI. 230, 338; - X. 214; XI. 195. - Lincoln’s defence of prohibition of slavery in, VI. 355 _et seq._; - XII. 259. - Extent and predicted population of, VII. 47 _et seq._ - Slavery in, prohibited by United States Government from beginning, - VII. 58. - Necessity of above prohibition in, VII. 59, 67; - advantages of same, VII. 60. - Bill for establishing, in rebel States, VIII. 369. - Decision of Supreme Court on power of Congress over, X. 209; XI. 368. - - Territory, acquisition of, XV. 39-41, 53. - Necessity of fairness in cession of, XIX. 22 _et seq._ - Authorities on cession of, XIX. 39. - - Texas, speech against admission of, I. 149. - Constitution of, I. 154. - Letter of Channing against annexation of, I. 291. - Boundaries of, I. 318. - Admission of, favored by R. C. Winthrop, I. 327, 337. - Annexation of, II. 308; XIX. 82. - Admission of, as a State, II. 309. - Additions to, III. 127. - Recognition of independence of, X. 94. - Benton on Calhoun’s attempt to give military support to, before - ratification of treaty, XIX. 83 _et seq._ - Polk on protection of, XIX. 84. - - Thayer, Eli, letter to, VII. 49. - Upholds popular sovereignty, VII. 45; - disturbing influence of same on his career, VII. 62-66. - - Theatres, must be open to all, XIX. 240. - - Thomas, Lorenzo, appointment of, by President Johnson, as Secretary of - War _ad interim_, XVI. 187-190, 195. - - Thomas, Philip F., remarks on admission of, as Senator, XVI. 73. - Facts in case of, XVI. 77-79. - - Time, the employment of, I. 184. - Authorities on arrangement of, I. 200, 201. - - Tintoretto, “Miracle of the Slave” by, III. 134 (see _note_). - - Tocqueville, Alexis de, letter of, on prison discipline, II. 148 - (_note_). - On slave laws, VI. 168. - On employment of brute force, IX. 231. - On equality, XIII. 202. - His character and writings, XV. 418. - His predictions concerning America, XV. 419-422. - On reëlection of President of U. S., XIX. 173; XX. 222. - - Toussaint l’Ouverture, XVII. 172. - - Treason, definition of, in the Constitution, VIII. 128; - interpretation of clause in same, forbidding forfeiture for, IX. - 27-30. - Definitions of misprision of, XVI. 80. - - Treasury Department, duties of, in regard to rebel States, XI. 307-311. - - Treasury Notes, a legal tender, VIII. 181. - Congress can make them such, VIII. 183-192; - evils of so doing, VIII. 193-196, 206. - See _Paper Money_. - - Treaties, the abrogation of, V. 98. - Under the Constitution, V. 101; XIX. 79. - Judicial decisions on, V. 102 _et seq._ - Abrogation of, between France and United States, in 1798, V. 104; - and between Great Britain and United States in 1846, V. 106. - Termination of, by notice, V. 110, 114; XII. 69, 201. - Mode of abrogating, in Europe, V. 112. - Obligation of, V. 115; XI. 150. - List of, with provisions for termination, V. 117. - Consideration of, in open Senate, XVIII. 9. - Authorities on lawfulness of disregarding, after changes in government, - XVIII. 34 _et seq._ - Authorities on ratification of, in United States, XVIII. 281; XIX. - 79-81. - - Trent Case, the, and maritime rights, VIII. 15. - Facts in, VIII. 32-34. - Vindicated by British precedent, but contrary to American principles, - VIII. 34. - Ground of England’s complaint in, VIII. 35-37. - A question of law, VIII. 38. - Points of controversy in, VIII. 39. - Result of, VIII. 73-75. - Conduct of England in, X. 16. - - Trial by Battle, I. 36; II. 345; VIII. 38; XVIII. 179. - Montesquieu on, I. 37; II. 349. - Once universal, I. 38. - Selden on, I. 38 (_note_), 42; XVIII. 179. - Condemned by Liutprand, I. 39; II. 349,--and by Pope Martin IV., I. 39. - Suppressed in France by St. Louis, I. 41; II. 347; XVIII. 242. - Restrained by Henry II. of England, I. 43; II. 347,--and by Elizabeth - and Charles I., I. 43. - Not abolished in England till 1819, I. 44. - Condemned by the Church, II. 346. - Folly of, shown by instances, II. 347 _et seq._; XVIII. 179. - Blackstone on, II. 349. - See _Duel_. - - Trial by Jury, fugitive slaves entitled to, III. 328; IV. 215; X. 373. - Authorities proving requirement of, by the Constitution and common law, - for fugitive slaves, III. 330-338; X. 374-377. - Proposed by Hartley for slaves in America, XV. 350. - - Tripoli, war of, with United States, II. 71-73; VIII. 296. - Treatment of slaves in, II. 97. - - Troops. See _Colored Troops_. - - Truce of God, I. 35. - - True Grandeur of Nations, oration on, I. 1. - Inconsistent with war, 1. 122. - Moral, as for individuals, I. 124. - - Trumbull, Lyman, Senator from Illinois, criticisms of, answered, X. - 333-336; XVII. 213-216. - Answer to his attack on Mr. Sumner’s Reconstruction record, XVII. - 231-233, 304-307. - - Tucker, Josiah, Dean of Gloucester, XV. 338. - Writings of, XV. 339. - His predictions concerning America, XV. 340-345. - Ideas resembling his, advanced by others, XV. 345-347. - - Tunis, expedition of Charles V. against, II. 23. - Gen. Eaton on slavery in, II. 91. - Slavery abolished in, II. 102, 209. - - Turgot, announces universal law of progress, II. 262. - Author of Latin verse applied to Franklin, X. 224. - His character and sympathy for America, X. 231. - His prophecies concerning America, X. 231, 232; XV. 295-301; XVII. 119. - His friendship for Franklin, X. 239. - His career, XV. 292-294. - His definition of a republic, XV. 294. - - Turkey, appeal to government of, in behalf of Crete, XV. 247. - - Twichell, Ginery, XVIII. 170. - - - U. - - Uncle Tom’s Cabin, III. 352; VI. 185. - - Union, the, Mr. Sumner’s sentiments on, III. 153-163. - Not endangered by agitation against extension of slavery, IV. 134. - - Union College, Phi Beta Kappa oration at, II. 241. - - United States, war of, with Great Britain in 1812, I. 17, 31 _et seq._; - VIII. 50-52. - Annual expenses of, for six years before 1840, I. 78. - Cost of war-preparations in, I. 78, 79, 110; II. 367,--and of - administering justice in, I. 84. - Standing army not needed in, I. 86; - nor navy, for war, I. 88. - Fortifications in, of no use, I. 89; - nor militia, I. 91. - Escutcheon of, I. 95. - Should disarm, I. 119, 129. - Should abandon Mexican War, I. 340. - Efforts of, to ransom American slaves in Barbary States, II. 57, 69-71, - 73; VIII. 283-298. - Treaties of, with same, II. 70, 73, 74; VIII. 294 _et seq._ - Wars of, with same, II. 71-76; VIII. 296. - Government of, must be emancipated from power of slavery, III. 28; - V. 42; VI. 49. - Must be neutral in European affairs, III. 179. - Public lands of, III. 184; IV. 126. - Obligations of, to Land States, III. 188, 192, 195, 198, 204. - Railroads in, III. 201. - Earliest national acts of, opposed to slavery, III. 281; VI. 226. - Its first government antislavery, III. 286, IV. 122. - Powers of national government limited, III. 296, 318, 325; IV. 214. - Military power subordinate to civil in, IV. 14; X. 170, 194; XIV. 326; - XVIII. 51. - Change of policy in, as to slavery, IV. 122-124. - No proscription for religion in, V. 77. - Foreign population of, V. 77-79. - Treaty of, with Denmark, illegally abrogated in 1855, V. 100. - Mode of abrogation of its treaties with France in 1798, V. 104; - and of treaty with Great Britain in 1846, V. 106. - Extent of, VII. 46. - Predicted increase in population and resources of, VII. 47; XVI. 280; - XVII. 239, 240. - Government of, prohibits slavery in Territories from beginning, - VII. 58. - Visit of Lafayette to, in 1824, VII. 153-155. - Support of government of, VII. 205; - emancipation of same from power of slavery, VII. 248. - British outrages on vessels of, VIII. 42-45. - Testimony to opposition of government of, to same, VIII. 45-54,--and to - its policy on neutral rights, VIII. 57-62, 64 _et seq._, 68-71; - XII. 14. - Proposes abolition of privateering, VIII. 77. - Representation of, at industrial exhibition at London, in 1862, VIII. - 157. - Paper money in history of, VIII. 187-190, 193. - Its proposals of pecuniary help to Mexico, VIII. 228. - Declines to join convention of European powers concerning Mexico, VIII. - 231. - Commercial relations of, with foreign countries in 1860, VIII. 315-319. - Treaties of, with Great Britain against slave-trade, VIII. 337, 341. - Efforts of, against same, VIII. 338-341. - Refuses to allow right of search against same, VIII. 341, 343. - No names of battles with fellow-citizens on regimental colors of, VIII. - 361; XX. 255. - Powers of, against Rebels, IX. 18, 47, 48, 134, 143; XVII. 16. - Possesses all rights of war, IX. 34, 44. - Must not be separated, IX. 208. - Privateering early denounced by, IX. 289-291. - Unfriendly actions of England to, during Rebellion, X. 12-41, 124; XII. - 267; XVII. 58-73, 84, 124. - Policy of, on fitting out war-ships as a neutral, X. 32-35. - Unfriendly actions of France to, during Rebellion, X. 41-47, 256. - Denounced by English writers for supporting slavery, X. 83. - Recognition of, by France, X. 89; XI. 97. - Recognition of Spanish America by, X. 91. - Recognizes claims for French spoliations before July 31, 1801, XI. 83, - 89, 91. - History of French claims on, XI. 96-113. - Its adjustment of mutual claims with France, XI. 113-123. - Liability of, for claims on France, XI. 124; - authorities proving same, XI. 127-132; - objections to above liability refuted, XI. 132-158. - Mints of, XI. 267-269. - Pledged to maintain freedom of slaves, XI. 430; XII. 317; XIII. 56, - 288. - Must keep pledged faith, XII. 317; XVI. 268, 276, 295, 362; XVII. 110, - 113-116, 237. - Declarations of, testify to equality in rights, XIII. 173-176. - Early public acts of, on colored suffrage, XIII. 188-190. - Extension of its dominion and institutions, XV. 40-43, 52-54; XV. - 428-433.--John Adams on same, XV. 42, 316. - Friendship of Russia for, XV. 48-50. - Name of, XV. 431; XVI. 46-50. - Its government not federal, but national, XVI. 8, 21. - Dedication of, to human rights, XVI. 28, 31, 54; XIX. 226. - Sovereignty of, belongs to the people, XVI. 28. - Early desire for nationality in, XVI. 30-35. - Tokens of nationality of, XVI. 42-52. - Powers essential to, as a nation, XVI. 55, 60; XIX. 128,--sources of - same, XVI. 56; XIX. 128. - Credit of, in Europe in 1868 and 1870, XVI. 281; XVII. 247. - Activity of, in protecting American citizens abroad, XVI. 311 _et seq._ - Reparation due to, from England for aid to Rebels, XVII. 76, 125-127. - Extent of losses of, caused by England, XVII. 77-86; - English and American testimony to same, XVII. 77-83. - Rules of law applicable to damages of, XVII. 86-89. - Affairs of, at home and abroad, in 1869, XVII. 98. - Duty of, to Spain and Cuba, XVII. 120-124. - Wealth of, in 1870, XVII. 245. - Should promote education, XVIII. 49. - Expense of outlying postal routes in, XVIII. 92. - Possible loss of revenue to, from one-cent postage, XVIII. 106. - Supports Baez by ships of war at San Domingo, XVIII. 271, 303; XIX. 27; - and threatens Hayti, XVIII. 277, 303; XIX. 49; - both these actions contrary to international law, XVIII. 280; XIX. - 67, 71, 75, 90; XX. 88, 147,--and acts of war, XVIII. 282; XIX. 41, - 75, 84; XX. 147. - Obligations of, to France and Germany, XVIII. 319 _et seq._ - Its treatment of Hayti and Dominica a violation of the Constitution, - XIX. 76, 90; XX. 88, 147. - Duty of, in regard to San Domingo, XIX. 93, 97, 131. - Sale of arms by, to France in war of 1870, XX. 5. - Testimony to its observance of neutral duties, XX. 22-24. - - Unity, selfish efforts for, II. 375. - True, defined, II. 377. - Leagues to attain, II. 378. - Tendency of mankind towards, II. 381-384, 401. - For freedom, IX. 316. - - Universal Suffrage, XIII. 220. - - - V. - - Van Buren, Martin, nominated for President in 1848, II. 295. - Election of, advocated, II. 296. - - Vattel, his definition of war, I. 15. - On law of nature, II. 339. - On the Swiss republic, II. 379. - On freeing slaves in war, IX. 43. - On the object of war, IX. 73. - On refusal of recognition to nations, X. 113 _et seq._ - On duty of States to satisfy private claims, XI. 127. - On reprisals on persons, XII. 79; XVI. 305. - On rights of conquerors, XIII. 326. - On destruction of property in war, XVII. 14. - On meaning of “domicile,” XVIII. 13. - On disregarding treaties, XVIII. 34. - On alienation of territory, XVIII. 222. - On equality of nations, XIX. 68. - - Vermont, personal gratitude for sympathy of people of, VI. 52. - - Vessels, relief of distressed, on the coast, V. 93. - - Vice-President, abolition of office of, XIV. 279. - Succession of, to the Presidency, XIV. 280. - Powers of, as President of the Senate, XVI. 121; - Calhoun’s opinion on same, XVI. 122-124. - - Vico, Giambattista, discovers law of progress, II. 254. - - Vincent de Paul, St., enslaved in Barbary States, II. 12, 95. - Sale of, II. 87. - Good works of, II. 199. - - Virginia, Declaration of Rights of, IV. 68; XIII. 192, 298. - Early social life of, VII. 11; XI. 448. - Early opposition of, to common schools, VII. 11; XIV. 337. - Paper money in, VIII. 189. - Character of first settlers of, XI. 449; - testimony to same, XI. 452-458. - Representation of, in the Senate, XII. 134. - Prohibition of colored suffrage in, XIII. 192. - Admission of, to representation in Congress, XVII. 204. - Speech of Gov. Walker of, quoted, XVII. 215. - Fraudulent election in, XVII. 231. - - Virginius, case of the, XX. 284. - - Voltaire, on war, II. 354. - On a slave-master, VI. 166. - His meeting with Franklin, X. 238. - Asserts equal rights of all, XI. 219 _et seq._ - On republican government, XIII. 199. - - Volunteers, not militia, I. 357. - Laws on term of enlistment of, in United States, quoted, I. 367; - Justice Johnson on same, I. 367. - - Votes, importance of, III. 145. - Authorities on disallowance of, in legislative assemblies, XIV. 21 - _et seq._; - striking out, from journal of same, XIV. 23-26. - - - W. - - Wade, Benjamin F., Senator from Ohio, reply to, in debate on admission of - Nebraska, XIV. 131-133, 135 _et seq._ - On one term for the President, XIX. 172; XX. 159, 221. - - Walker, George W., letter to, XIX. 158. - - Waller, Edmund, on English captives in Algiers, II. 28. - On true glory, II. 185 _et seq._ - - Walpole, Horace, XV. 301. - His prophecies concerning America, XV. 303-306. - - War, dishonorable now, I. 9; II. 189, 429. - Always popular, I. 10; II. 185. - Napier on, I. 12, 34. - Joseph de Maistre on, I. 12. - Sanctioned by international law as arbiter between nations, I. 13, 15, - 293; II. 340; XVIII. 182. - Definitions of, I. 14; II. 194, 341; IX. 21. - At present a trial of right, I. 16. - Men resemble beasts in, I. 18. - Delight of historians in, I. 21. - Horrors of, I. 22-29; II. 350-352. - Ineffectual, I. 31. - Often decided by chance, I. 33. - Napoleon on, I. 33, 34; II. 353. - Organized murder and robbery, I. 48. - Belief in necessity of, unfounded, I. 50. - Substitutes for, I. 51; II. 414-416; XX. 80. - Can and should be abolished by nations, I. 51; II. 412; XVIII. 305. - Commonness of, no argument in its favor, I. 52. - Contrary to Christianity, but upheld by the Church, I. 54, 58. - Rev. A. H. Vinton and Earl of Abingdon on, I. 55. - Cicero on, I. 56 (see _note_). - Tacitus and Frederick of Prussia on invoking God in, I. 56. - Early testimony of the Church against, I. 59. - Not required by honor, I. 62. - Demanded by exaggerated patriotism, I. 67. - Cause of public debts, I. 72. - Longfellow on, I. 83. - Encouraged by mottoes and emblems, I. 93. - Auguries for cessation of, I. 111. - Changes in, I. 113; II. 412. - Condemned by Marshal Bugeaud, I. 116; - and by Penn, I. 117. - Inconsistent with true greatness, I. 122. - Its virtues those of peace, I. 125. - Should not be extolled in literature or art, I. 281. - Channing’s efforts against, I. 293, 295; II. 400. - Not necessary except in self-defence, I. 294, 378; X. 84. - The duel of nations, I. 294; II. 353; XVIII. 177. - Milton on, II. 185. - All war fratricidal, II. 191, 428. - Satirized by Rabelais, II. 193. - Voltaire on, II. 354. - Worse than all natural ills, II. 354. - La Bruyère on, II. 390. - Franklin on, II. 398; - his labors against, II. 398. - Jefferson on, II. 399. - Worcester’s and Ladd’s efforts against, II. 399, 400. - S. Adams’s letter against, II. 404. - Substitutes for, discussed by American and foreign governments, II. - 406-409. - J. Q. Adams on abolishing, II. 412. - Powers of Congress against slavery, VII. 258; IX. 45, 128; XI. 191. - Rights of, IX. 1, 34; X. 210. XIII. 325 _et seq._,--especially against - enemy property, IX. 35-44. - Abolition of, desired by working-men of Europe, XVIII. 236. - Unnatural, XVIII. 248. - Duke of Wellington on, XIX. 41. - Allotment of powers of, according to the Constitution, XIX. 76; - Judge Story on same, XIX. 77. - See _Civil War_, _Private Wars_, _Rights of War_, _War Preparations_, - and _War System_. - - War of the Rebellion, speech at beginning of the, VII. 224. - Object of, VII. 231; IX. 11, 206; XI. 439 _et seq._, 443. - Abolitionists not authors of, VII. 342-344. - Applicability of international law to, IX. 13-24; XVII. 16,--judicial - decisions and other authorities proving same, IX. 18-22; - XVII. 17, 18. - Character and importance of, IX. 234-236; X. 23, 295; XI. 445, 460-462, - 479 _et seq._ - Issues of the, IX. 322; XIX. 223, 262. - Contrasted with Revolutionary War, X. 24, 256, 258; XII. 238; XVII. - 301. - The greatest victory of the, XIII. 219; XVII. 221; XVIII. 5; XIX. 226, - 272, 308; XX. 289. - Cost of, XVII. 241. - See _Rebellion_. - - War Preparations, in time of peace, I. 74. - Expenses of, in Europe and United States, I. 75-85; II. 367-369. - Useless and harmful, I. 85, 98; II. 370. - Promote war, I. 99-101; II. 369; XVIII. 226. - Protested against by St. Augustine, I. 107. - Unchristian, I. 108; II. 359. - Should be abandoned, I. 115, 119. - Condemned by Louis Philippe, I. 116; and by Penn, I. 118. - Substitute for, II. 371. - See _Disarmament_ and _War System_. - - War System of the commonwealth of nations, II. 323. - Condemned, II. 361, 413. - Influences opposed to, XVIII. 232, 242. - Precedents for abolition of, XVIII. 242. - Peril from, XVIII. 246 _et seq._ - - Warren, George W., letter to, XX. 279. - - Washington, George, small sum expended for an army during his - administration, I. 86, 109, 110. - On abolition of slavery, I. 312; II. 230; III. 17, 49 _et seq._, 286; - V. 96; VII. 129; VIII. 281. - Frees his slaves by will, I. 312; III. 50, 349; V. 96. - Advice of, to Braddock, I. 319. - On treaty with Algiers, II. 69; VIII. 294 _et seq._ - Forbids sale of his slaves, II. 237. - An abolitionist, III. 46 (see annexed opinions of W., III. 48-50). - Example of, III. 164; VI. 26. - His inauguration, III. 284. - His attempt to recover a fugitive slave, III. 347; X. 362,--letter of, - in regard to same, quoted, III. 348; X. 362. - Example of, against slavery, V. 95. - Two lessons from his life, VI. 70. - Anecdote of, VI. 296. - Friendship of, for Lafayette, VII. 116, 127. - On State rights, X. 179; XII. 126; XVI. 35. - His desire for nationality, X. 180; XII. 241; XVI. 32, 35, 40. - Letter of, on treatment of prisoners of war, XII. 76 _et seq._ - Compared to Lincoln, XII. 238. - Origin and character of, XII. 241. - Uses “America” as the national name, XVI. 49 _et seq._ - On non-intervention, XIX. 74. - His refusal to appoint relations to office, XX. 111 _et seq._, 214. - His refusal of gifts, XX. 119-121, 215. - His inaugural address quoted, XX. 125. - - Washington, D. C., no surrender of fugitive slaves in, IX. 78. - Opening of street-cars in, to colored persons, X. 323. - Colored suffrage in, XI. 284. - Necessity of equal rights in common schools of, XVIII. 21; XIX. 2. - Colored schools in, XIX. 1; - reports of trustees of same quoted, XIX. 5-10, 262. - Preservation of the park at, XX. 72. - Letter to colored citizens of, XX. 275. - - Washingtons, the, memorial stones of, in England, VII. 89. - - Wayland, Francis, letter of, on Boston Prison-Discipline Society, - II. 109. - On parties, II. 313. - - Webster, Daniel, on duty of abolishing all evil practices, I. 309. - Appeal to, to oppose slavery, I. 314 (see annexed letter, I. 316). - Appeal to, to oppose the Mexican War, I. 382. - On parties, II. 304. - On Ordinance of 1787, III. 254; XVI. 232. - On British impressment of American seamen, VIII. 53. - On admission of new slave States, IX. 124 _et seq._ - On necessity of proceeding constitutionally in organizing governments, - X. 205 _et seq._ - On Fugitive-Slave Bill, X. 370. - On monopolies in States, XII. 127 _et seq._ - On guaranty of republican government, XIII. 143. - On principles of republican government, XIII. 187 _et seq._ - On future government of Pacific coast, XV. 52, 413. - On reprisals on persons, XVI. 306. - On conversation, XVIII. 109. - - Webster, Edward, legality of his appointment as an officer in - Massachusetts regiment of volunteers for the Mexican War, I. 362-364. - - Weights and Measures, metric system of, XIV. 148. - Uniformity in, early desired by United States Government, XIV. 149-151. - Necessity of uniformity in, XIV. 151-155. - See _Metric System_. - - Wesley, John, on slavery, II. 63; III. 290; XII. 149. - - West Indies, emancipation of slaves in, by England, I. 127; V. - 28-30,--same a blessing, not a failure, VI. 343. - Brougham on apprenticeship in, XI. 317; XIII. 286. - - West Point, cost of academy at, I. 87. - - West Virginia, admission of, as a State, IX. 122; XI. 365. - Abolition of slavery in, IX. 122. - - Whately, Richard, on weakness of slave States, IV. 210. - On concessions to intimidation, VII. 332. - On rights of slave-masters, XI. 209. - - Wheaton, Henry, obituary notice of, II. 215. - English authorities on works of, II. 216, 222. - On consuls, VIII. 326. - On reprisals, XVI. 304. - On ratification of treaties, XVIII. 281. - On belligerent intervention, XIX. 74. - - Whewell, William, on the object of war, I. 15. - - Whig Conventions, speeches at, I. 303; II. 207. - Resolutions of, in 1846, I. 335. - On slavery and the Mexican War, I. 336. - - Whig Party, antislavery duties of the, I. 303. - Defined, I. 305. - Should oppose slavery, I. 313. - And the Mexican War, I. 339. - Not party of humanity, II. 228. - Renounced by Mr. Sumner, II. 228. - Influenced by Slave Power, II. 293; VI. 328. - Rejects Wilmot Proviso in 1848, II. 293, 310. - Late origin of, II. 306. - Not opposed to extension of slavery, II. 307. - Same proved by its history, II. 308-311. - Compromise its essential element, IV. 266. - Dead in 1855, V. 73. - Favored one term for the President, XIX. 171 _et seq._ - - Whipple, William, letter of, to Washington, on recovery of his fugitive - slave, III. 348. - - White, no more states with that word in their Constitutions, XIII. 346; - XIV. 128; - same should be struck out of naturalization laws, XV. 238; XVIII. - 145, 152, 160,--and of all other legislation, XX. 310. - - White, Andrew D., Mr. Sumner’s letter to, concerning Frederick Douglass - and President Grant, XX. 205-208. - - Wide-Awakes, the, VII. 72. - Speeches to, after election of 1860, VII. 76, 82, 86. - Letter to, after same, VII. 80. - - Wilkes, Charles, Capt., seizure of Rebel commissioners by, VIII. 33, - 71-73; X. 15. - See _Trent Case_. - - Willey, Waitman T., Senator from West Virginia, threatens reënslavement - of negroes, X. 217 _et seq._ - - William I., King of Prussia, XVIII. 229 _et seq._ - - Williams, George H., Senator from Oregon, reply to his objections to - allowing Chinese to be naturalized, XVIII. 154-159. - - Williamson, Passmore, letter to, V. 52. - Case of, V. 71. - - Wilmot Proviso, rejected by Whig and Democratic parties in 1848, II. 293, - 310. - Origin of, II. 309. - Clayton and Choate on, II. 311. - Advocated by Free-Soil Party, III. 26. - Character of, X. 334. - - Wilson, Henry, Senator from Massachusetts, VI. 34; XVIII. 171. - - Winthrop, John, on civil liberty, III. 131. - - Winthrop, Robert C., letter to, I. 317. - Vote of, on Mexican War Bill, I. 317, 323; - reasons in defence of same considered, I. 323-326. - His speech on the tariff, I. 323, 338. - Admission of Texas favored by, I. 327, 337. - Appeal to, to oppose Mexican War, I. 327. - His actions in regard to slavery, I. 337; - and the Mexican War, I. 338. - - Witnesses, powers of the Senate over recusant, VI. 82 _et seq._, 89 _et - seq._; XIX. 132. - Answers of, criminating themselves, VIII. 152. - Exclusion of, on account of color, XI. 2, 389,--consequences of same, - XI. 24-26, 393. - Historical examples of exclusion of, XI. 27-34. - Opening of United States courts to colored, XI. 389. - Authorities on exclusion of colored, XI. 390-393. - - Women’s National League, petition of, for universal emancipation, X. 300. - - Worcester, Noah, labors of, against war, II. 399. - - Worcester, Massachusetts, a Republican stronghold, VI. 353. - - Working-men of Europe, desire abolition of war, XVIII. 236. - Addresses of, quoted, XVIII. 237-241. - - - Y. - - Yellow Fever at Memphis and Shreveport, aid to sufferers by, XX. 281. - - - -List of other volumes in this series - - - Volume Project Gutenberg - ebook number - I. 45230 - II. 45473 - III. 45637 - IV. 45954 - V. 48035 - VI. 48045 - VII. 48077 - VIII. 48170 - IX. 48266 - X. 48285 - XI. 48376 - XII. 49789 - XIII. 50159 - XIV. 50160 - XV. 50161 - XVI. 50167 - XVII. 50370 - XVIII. 48314 - XIX. 50386 - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Charles Sumner; 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: Charles Sumner; his complete works, volume 20 (of 20) - -Author: Charles Sumner - -Editor: George Frisbie Hoar - -Release Date: January 24, 2016 [EBook #51025] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CHARLES SUMNER; COMPLETE WORKS, VOL 20 *** - - - - -Produced by Mark C. Orton and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was -produced from images generously made available by The -Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<p class="transnote">Transcriber’s Note: in the <a href="#INDEX">Index</a>, only references within -this volume are hyperlinked. All other volumes are available as Project -Gutenberg ebooks. A list is given <a href="#transnote">at the end</a>.</p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 510px;"> -<img src="images/frontispiece.jpg" width="510" height="600" alt="Horace Greeley" /> -<p class="caption"><small>Eng’d by A H Ritchie</small></p> - -<p class="caption">HORACE GREELEY</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="r15" /> - -<h1 style="visibility: hidden;">Charles Sumner; his complete works, volume 19 (of 20)</h1> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_i" id="Page_i">[Pg i]</a></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 400px;"> -<img src="images/cover.jpg" width="400" height="650" alt="Cover page" /> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_ii" id="Page_ii">[Pg ii]</a></span></p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Copyright</span>, 1883,<br /> -<small>BY</small><br /> -FRANCIS V. BALCH, <span class="smcap">Executor</span>.</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Copyright</span>, 1900,<br /> -<small>BY</small><br /> -LEE AND SHEPARD.</p> - -<p class="center">Statesman Edition.</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap"><small>Limited to One Thousand Copies.</small></span></p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap"><small>Of which this is</small></span></p> - -<div class="figcenter" style="width: 100px;"> -<img src="images/issuenumber.jpg" width="100" height="21" alt="No. 320" /> -</div> - -<p class="center">Norwood Press:<br /> -<span class="smcap">Norwood, Mass.</span>, U.S.A.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_iii" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</a></span></p> - -<h2>CONTENTS OF VOLUME XX.</h2> - -<table summary="Contents"> - <tr> - <td></td><td class="tdr">PAGE</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#THE_HOUSE_OF_REPRESENTATIVES_ITS"><span class="smcap">The House of Representatives: Its Proper Number.</span> -Remarks in the Senate, on the Bill for the Apportionment -of Representatives among the States, January 29, -1872</a></td><td class="tdr">1</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#REFORM_AND_PURITY_IN_GOVERNMENT"><span class="smcap">Reform and Purity in Government: Neutral Duties. -Sale of Arms to Belligerent France.</span> Speech in the -Senate, February 28, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">5</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#PARLIAMENTARY_LAW_ON_THE_APPOINTMENT"><span class="smcap">Parliamentary Law on the Appointment of Special -Committees of the Senate.</span> Two Protests against the -Competency of the Senate Committee to investigate the -Sale of Arms to France, March 26 and 27, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">45</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#BOOKS_ON_THE_FREE_LIST"><span class="smcap">Books on the Free List.</span> Remarks in the Senate on -moving an Amendment to a Tariff Bill, March 27, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">61</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#THE_NASBY_LETTERS"><span class="smcap">The Nasby Letters.</span> Introduction to the Collection, April -1, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">65</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#ADVICE_TO_THE_COLORED_PEOPLE"><span class="smcap">Advice To the Colored People.</span> Letter to the National -Convention of Colored People at New Orleans, April 7, -1872</a></td><td class="tdr">68</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#DIPLOMATIC_AGENTS_OF_THE_UNITED_STATES"><span class="smcap">Diplomatic Agents of the United States not to accept -Gifts from Foreign Powers.</span> Remarks in the Senate, -May 2, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">70</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#PRESERVATION_OF_THE_PARK_AT"><span class="smcap">Preservation of the Park at Washington.</span> Remarks -in the Senate, May 15, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">72</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#HOURS_OF_LABOR"><span class="smcap">Hours of Labor.</span> Letter to the Convention of the Massachusetts -Labor Union in Boston, May 25, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">79</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#ARBITRATION_AS_A_SUBSTITUTE_FOR_WAR"><span class="smcap">Arbitration as a Substitute for War.</span> Resolutions in -the Senate, May 31, 1872, concerning Arbitration as a -Substitute for War in determining Differences between -Nations</a></td><td class="tdr">80</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#REPUBLICANISM_VS_GRANTISM"><span class="smcap">Republicanism</span> <i>vs.</i> <span class="smcap">Grantism</span>. Speech in the Senate, May -31, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">83</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#INTEREST_AND_DUTY_OF_COLORED"><span class="smcap">Interest and Duty of Colored Citizens in the Presidential -Election.</span> Letter to Colored Citizens, July -29, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">173</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#LETTER_TO_SPEAKER_BLAINE"><span class="smcap">Letter to Speaker Blaine.</span> August 5, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">196</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#RETROSPECT_AND_PROMISE"><span class="smcap">Retrospect and Promise.</span> Address at a Serenade before -his House in Washington, August 9, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">202</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#FREDERICK_DOUGLASS_AND_PRESIDENT"><span class="smcap">Frederick Douglass and President Grant.</span> Letter to -Hon. Andrew D. White, President of Cornell University, -August 10, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">205</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#GREELEY_OR_GRANT"><span class="smcap">Greeley or Grant?</span> Speech intended to be delivered at -Faneuil Hall, Boston, September 3, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">209</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#NO_NAMES_OF_BATTLES_WITH_FELLOW-CITIZENS"><span class="smcap">No Names of Battles with Fellow-Citizens on the -Army-Register or the Regimental Colors of the -United States.</span> Bill in the Senate, December 2, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">255</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#TRIBUTE_TO_HORACE_GREELEY"><span class="smcap">Tribute to Horace Greeley.</span> Remarks intended to be -made in the Senate, in seconding a Motion for Adjournment -on the Occasion of Mr. Greeley’s Funeral, December -3, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">256</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#RELIEF_OF_BOSTON"><span class="smcap">Relief of Boston.</span> Remarks in the Senate, December 12, -1872</a></td><td class="tdr">258</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#THE_LATE_HON_GARRETT_DAVIS_SENATOR"><span class="smcap">The Late Hon. Garrett Davis, Senator of Kentucky.</span> -Remarks in the Senate, on his Death, December 18, 1872</a></td><td class="tdr">261</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#EQUALITY_IN_CIVIL_RIGHTS"><span class="smcap">Equality in Civil Rights.</span> Letter to the Committee of -Arrangements for the Celebration of the Anniversary -of Emancipation in the District of Columbia, April 16, -1873</a></td><td class="tdr">266</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#EQUAL_RIGHTS_OF_COLORED_FELLOW-CITIZENS"><span class="smcap">Equal Rights of Colored Fellow-Citizens in Normal -Schools.</span> Letter read at a Public Meeting in Washington, -June 22, 1873</a></td><td class="tdr">268</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#THE_PRESIDENT_OF_HAYTI_AND"><span class="smcap">The President of Hayti and Mr. Sumner.</span> Letter in -Reply to one from the Former, July 4, 1873</a></td><td class="tdr">270</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#INTERNATIONAL_ARBITRATION"><span class="smcap">International Arbitration.</span> Letter to Henry Richard, M.P., -on the Vote in the House of Commons agreeing to his -Motion for an Address to the Queen, praying Communication -with Foreign Powers with a View to a General -and Permanent System of International Arbitration, -July 10, 1873</a></td><td class="tdr">273</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#A_COMMON-SCHOOL_SYSTEM_IRRESPECTIVE"><span class="smcap">A Common-School System Irrespective of Color.</span> Letter -to the Colored Citizens of Washington, July 29, 1873</a></td><td class="tdr">275</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#BOSTON_ITS_PROPER_BOUNDARIES"><span class="smcap">Boston: its Proper Boundaries.</span> Letter to Hon. G. W. -Warren, of Charlestown, on the Annexion to Boston of -the Suburban Towns, October 4, 1873</a></td><td class="tdr">279</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#YELLOW_FEVER_AT_MEMPHIS_AND_SHREVEPORT"><span class="smcap">Yellow Fever at Memphis and Shreveport: Aid for -the Sufferers.</span> Remarks before the Board of Trade at -Boston, October 24, 1873</a></td><td class="tdr">281</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#THE_CASE_OF_THE_VIRGINIUS"><span class="smcap">The Case of the Virginius.</span> Letter to the Cuban Mass -Meeting in New York, November 15, 1873</a></td><td class="tdr">284</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#THE_SUPPLEMENTARY_CIVIL-RIGHTS_BILL"><span class="smcap">The Supplementary Civil-Rights Bill again: Immediate -Action urged.</span> Remarks in the Senate, December 2, -1873</a></td><td class="tdr">286</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#OUR_PILGRIM_FOREFATHERS"><span class="smcap">Our Pilgrim Forefathers.</span> Speech at the Dinner of the -New England Society in New York, December 22, 1873</a></td><td class="tdr">291</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#SUPPLEMENTARY_CIVIL-RIGHTS_BILL"><span class="smcap">Supplementary Civil-Rights Bill: The Last Appeal.</span> -Remarks in the Senate, January 27, 1874</a></td><td class="tdr">301</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="hanging"><a href="#INDEX">INDEX</a></td><td class="tdr">317</td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="THE_HOUSE_OF_REPRESENTATIVES_ITS" id="THE_HOUSE_OF_REPRESENTATIVES_ITS"></a>THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: ITS -PROPER NUMBER.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks in the Senate, on the Bill for the Apportionment -of Representatives among the States, January -29, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. PRESIDENT,—Before the vote is taken I -desire to make one remark. I was struck with -the suggestion of the Senator from Ohio [Mr. <span class="smcap">Sherman</span>], -the other day, with regard to the proposition -which comes from the House. He reminded us that -it was a House proposition, and that it was natural -that the House should be allowed to regulate itself. -I think there is much in that worthy of consideration. -I doubt if the Senate would receive with much -favor any proposition from the House especially applicable -to us. I think we should be disposed to repel -it. I think we should say that our experience -should enable us to judge that question better than -the experience of the House. And now I ask whether -the experience of the House does not enable them -to judge of the question of numbers better than we can -judge of it? On general grounds I confess I should -myself prefer a smaller House; personally I incline -that way; but I am not willing on that point to set -myself against the House.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</a></span></p> - -<p>Then, Sir, I cannot be insensible to the experience of -other countries. I do not know whether Senators have -troubled themselves on that head; but if they have not, -I think it will not be uninteresting to them to have -their attention called to the numbers of the great legislative -bodies of the world at this moment. For instance, -beginning with England, there is the upper -House, the Chamber of Peers, composed of four hundred -and sixty-six members; then the lower House, -the House of Commons, with six hundred and fifty-eight -members. We know that, practically, these members -attend only in comparatively small numbers; that -it is only on great questions that either House is full.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Trumbull.</span> Did the House of Lords ever have anything -like that number present?</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> It has had several hundred. There are -four hundred and sixty-six entitled to seats in the House -of Lords.</p> - -<p>Pass over to France. The National Assembly, sitting -at Versailles at this moment, elected February 8 -and July 2, 1871, consists of seven hundred and thirty-eight -members.</p> - -<p>Pass on to Prussia. The upper Chamber of the Parliament -of Prussia has two hundred and sixty-seven members; -the lower Chamber has four hundred and thirty-two. -Now we all know that Prussia is a country where -no rule of administration or of constitution is adopted -lightly, and everything is considered, if I may so express -myself, in the light of science.</p> - -<p>Pass to Austria, under the recent organization. You -are aware that there are two different Parliaments now -in Austria,—one for what is called the cis-Leithan territories,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</a></span> -territories this side of the river Leitha; the other, -trans-Leithan, or those on the other side, being the Hungarian -territory. Beginning with those on this side of -the river, the upper House consists of one hundred and -seventy-five members: observe, it is more than twice as -large as our Senate. The lower House consists of two -hundred and three members: smaller than our House -of Representatives. But now pass to the other side of -the river and look at the Hungarian Parliament. There -the upper House contains two hundred and sixty-six -members, and the lower House, or Chamber of Deputies, -as it is called, four hundred and thirty-eight.</p> - -<p>Pass to Italy, a country organized under a new constitution -in the light of European and American experience, -liberal, and with a disposition to found its -institutions on the basis of science. The Senate of -Italy contains two hundred and seventy members, the -Chamber of Deputies five hundred and eight.</p> - -<p>Then pass to Spain. There the upper branch of the -Cortes contains one hundred and ninety-six members, -and the lower branch four hundred and sixteen.</p> - -<p>So that you will find in all these countries,—Great -Britain, France, Prussia, Austria in its two Parliaments, -Italy, and Spain,—that the number adopted for -the lower House is much larger than any now proposed -for our House of Representatives.</p> - -<p>I call attention to this fact because it illustrates by -the experience of other nations what may be considered -as a rule on this subject. At any rate, it shows that -other nations are not deterred by anything in political -experience from having a House with these large numbers; -and this perhaps is of more value because European -writers, political philosophers for successive generations,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</a></span> -have warred against large bodies. We have the -famous saying of the Cardinal de Retz, that any body -of men above a hundred is a mob; and that saying, -coming from so consummate a statesman and wit, has -passed into a proverb, doubtless affecting the judgment of -many minds; and yet in the face of this testimony, and -with the writings of political philosophers all inclining -against numbers, we find that the actual practical experience -of Europe has gone the other way. The popular -branch in all these considerable countries is much -more numerous than it is now proposed to make our -House of Representatives.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="REFORM_AND_PURITY_IN_GOVERNMENT" id="REFORM_AND_PURITY_IN_GOVERNMENT"></a>REFORM AND PURITY IN GOVERNMENT: -NEUTRAL DUTIES. SALE OF ARMS TO -BELLIGERENT FRANCE.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Speech in the Senate, February 28, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>February 12, 1872, Mr. Sumner introduced a resolution, with a -preamble setting forth its grounds, providing,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“That a select committee of seven be appointed to investigate all sales -of ordnance stores made by the Government of the United States during -the war between France and Germany; to ascertain the persons to whom -such sales were made, the circumstances under which they were made, and -the real parties in interest, and the sums respectively paid and received -by the real parties; and that the committee have power to send for persons -and papers; and that the investigation be conducted in public.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>And on his motion it was ordered to lie on the table and be printed.</p> - -<p>On the 14th the resolution was taken up for consideration, when -Mr. Sumner entered into an exposition of the matter referred to in -the preamble, and of the law applicable thereto, remarking in conclusion:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“For the first time has the United States, within my knowledge, fallen -under suspicion of violating the requirement of neutrality on this subject. -Such seems to be our present position. We are under suspicion. What I -propose is a searching inquiry, according to the magnitude of the interests -involved, to ascertain if this is without just grounds.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Thereupon ensued a long and acrimonious debate,—toward the -close of which, Mr. Sumner, on the 28th, in review of the case, spoke -as follows:—</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</a></span></p> - -<p class="dropcap">MR PRESIDENT,—Besides the unaccustomed interest -which this debate excites, I cannot fail to -note that it has wandered far beyond any purpose of -mine, and into fields where I have no desire to follow. -In a few plain remarks I shall try to bring it back to -the real issue, which I hope to present without passion -or prejudice. I declare only the rule of my life, when -I say that nothing shall fall from me to-day which is not -prompted by the love of truth and the desire for justice; -but you will pardon me, if I remember that there is -something on this planet higher than the Senate or any -Senator, higher than any public functionary, higher than -any political party: it is the good name of the American -people and the purity of Government, which must -be saved from scandal. In this spirit and with this aspiration -I shall speak to-day.</p> - -<p>In considering this resolution we must not forget the -peculiar demands of the present moment. An aroused -community in the commercial metropolis of our country -has unexpectedly succeeded in overthrowing a corrupt -ring by which millions of money had been sacrificed. -Tammany has been vanquished. Here good Democrats -vied with Republicans. The country was thrilled by -the triumph, and insisted that it should be extended. -Then came manifestations against abuses of the civil -service generally, and especially in that other Tammany, -the New York custom-house. The call for investigation -at last prevailed in this Chamber, and the newspapers -have been burdened since with odious details. Everybody -says there must be reform, so that the Government -in all its branches shall be above suspicion. The -cry for reform is everywhere,—from New York to New<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</a></span> -Orleans. Within a few days we hear of a great meeting, -amounting to ten thousand, in the latter city, without -distinction of party, calling for reform; and the demand -is echoed from place to place. Reform is becoming a -universal watchword.</p> - -<p>In harmony with this cry is the appointment of a -Civil-Service Commission, which has proposed mild -measures looking to purity and independence in office-holders.</p> - -<p>Amidst these transactions, occupying the attention of -the country, certain facts are reported, tending to show -abuses in the sale of arms at the Ordnance Office, exciting -at least suspicion in that quarter; and this is aggravated -by a seeming violation of neutral duties at a critical -moment, when, on various grounds, the nation was -bound to peculiar care. It appeared as if our neutral -duties were sacrificed to money-making, if not to official -jobbers. The injunction of Iago seemed to be -obeyed: “Put money in thy purse.” These things were -already known in Europe, especially through a notorious -trial,<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and then by a legislative inquiry, so as to become -a public scandal. It was time that something should be -done to remove the suspicion. This could be only by -a searching investigation in such way as to satisfy all at -home and abroad that there was no whitewashing.</p> - -<p>In proportion to the magnitude of the question and -the great interests involved, whether of money or neutral -duty, was the corresponding responsibility on our -part. Here was a case for action without delay.</p> - -<p>Under these circumstances I brought forward the present -motion. Here I acted in entire harmony with that -movement, now so much applauded, which overthrew<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</a></span> -Tammany, and that other movement which has exposed -the Custom-House. Its object was inquiry into the sale -of arms. This was the objective point. But much of -this debate has turned on points merely formal, if not -entirely irrelevant.</p> - -<p>More than once it has been asserted that I am introducing -“politics”; and then we have been reminded of -the Presidential election, which to certain Senators is a -universal prompter. I asked for reform, and the Senator -from Indiana [Mr. <span class="smcap">Morton</span>], seizing the party bugle, -sounded “To arms!” But I am not tempted to follow -him. I have nothing to say of the President or of the -Presidential election. The Senator cannot make me -depart from the rule I have laid down for myself. I -introduce no “politics,” but only a question which -has become urgent, affecting the civil service of the -country.</p> - -<p>Now, Sir, I have been from the beginning in favor of -civil-service reform. I am the author of the first bill -on that subject ever introduced into Congress, as long -ago as the spring of 1864.<a name="FNanchor_2_2" id="FNanchor_2_2"></a><a href="#Footnote_2_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> I am for a real reform that -shall reach the highest as well as the lowest, and I know -no better way to accomplish this beneficent result than -by striving at all times for purity in the administration -of Government. Therefore, when officials fall under suspicion, -I should feel myself disloyal to the Government, -if I did not insist on the most thorough inquiry. So -I have voted in the past, so I must vote in the future. -Call you this politics? Not in the ordinary sense of -the term. It is only honesty and a just regard for the -public weal.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</a></span></p> - -<p>Then it has been said that I am a French agent, and -even a Prussian agent,—two in one. Sir, I am nothing -but a Senator, whose attention was first called to this -matter by a distinguished citizen not named in this debate. -Since then I have obtained such information with -regard to it as was open to me,—all going to develop -a case for inquiry.</p> - -<p>I should say nothing more in reply to this allegation -but for the vindictive personal assault made upon a valued -friend, the Marquis de Chambrun. The Senator from -Missouri [Mr. <span class="smcap">Schurz</span>] has already spoken for him; but -I claim this privilege also. Besides his own merits, -this gentleman is commended to Americans by his association -with the two French names most cherished -in our country, Lafayette and De Tocqueville. I have -known him from the very day of his arrival in Washington -early in the spring of 1865, and have seen him since, -in unbroken friendship, almost daily. Shortly after his -arrival I took him with me on a visit to Mr. Lincoln at -the front, close upon the capture of Richmond. This -stranger began his remarkable intimacy with American -life by several days in the society of the President only -one week before his death. He was by the side of the -President in his last visit to a military hospital, and -when he last shook hands with the soldiers; also when -he made his last speech from the window of the Executive -Mansion, the stranger was his guest, standing by -his side. From that time down to this day of accusation -his intimacies have extended beyond those of any other -foreigner. His studies of our institutions have been -minute and critical, being second only to those of his -late friend De Tocqueville. Whether conversing on his -own country or on ours, he is always at home.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</a></span></p> - -<p>If at any time the Marquis de Chambrun sustained -official relations with the French Government, or was -its agent, he never spoke of it to me; nor did I ever -know it until the papers produced by the Senator from -Iowa [Mr. <span class="smcap">Harlan</span>]. Our conversation was always that -of friends, and on topics of general interest, not of business. -Though ignorant of any official relations with his -own Government, I could not fail to know his close relations -with members of our Government, ending in his -recent employment to present our case in French for the -Geneva tribunal,—an honorable and confidential service, -faithfully performed.</p> - -<p>The Senator from Indiana knew of the arms question -some five months before the meeting of Congress. I did -not. It was after the session began, and just before -the holidays, that I first knew of it. And here my informant -was not a foreigner, but, as I have already -said, a distinguished citizen. The French “spy,” as he -is so happily called, though with me daily, never spoke -of it; nor did I speak of it to him. By-and-by the Senator -from Missouri mentioned it, and then, in my desire -to know the evidence affecting persons here, if any such -existed, I spoke to my French friend. This was only a -few days before the resolution.</p> - -<p>Such is the history of my relations with the accused. -There is nothing to disguise, nothing that I should not -do again. I know no rule of senatorial duty or of patriotism -which can prevent me from obtaining information -of any kind from any body, especially when the object -is to pursue fraud and to unmask abuse. Is not -a French gentleman a competent witness? Once the -black could not testify against the white, and now in -some places the testimony of a Chinese is rejected. But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</a></span> -I tolerate no such exclusion. Let me welcome knowledge -always, and from every quarter. “Hail, holy -light!”—no matter from what star or what nation it -may shine.</p> - -<p>And this gentleman, fresh from a confidential service -to our own Government, enjoying numerous intimacies -with American citizens, associated with illustrious -names in history and literature, and immediately connected -with one of the highest functionaries of the present -French Government, M. de Rémusat, Minister for -Foreign Affairs, is insulted here as an “emissary” and a -“spy”; nay, more, France is insulted,—for these terms -are applied only to the secret agents of an enemy in -time of war. But enough. To such madness of error -and vindictive accusation is this defence carried!</p> - -<p>Another charge is that I am making a case for Prussia -against our own country. Oh, no! I am making a -case for nobody. I simply try to relieve my country -from an odious suspicion, and to advance the cause of -good government. The Senator from Indiana supposes -that this effort of mine, having such objects, may prejudice -the Emperor of Germany against us in the arbitration -of the San Juan question. The Senator does not -pay a lofty compliment to that enlightened and victorious -ruler. Nay, Sir, the very suggestion of the Senator -is an insult to him, which he is too just to resent, but -which cannot fail to excite a smile of derision. Surely -the Senator was not in earnest.</p> - -<p>The jest of the Senator, offered for argument, seems -to forget that all these things are notorious in Europe, -through the active press of Paris and London. Why, -Sir, our own State Department furnishes official evidence -that the alleged sale of arms to the French by our<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</a></span> -Government is known in Berlin itself, right under the -eyes of the Emperor. Our Minister there, Mr. Bancroft, -in his dispatch of January 7, 1871, furnishes the -following testimony from the London “Times”:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“During the Crimean War, arms and munitions of war had -been freely exported from Prussia to Russia; and recently -rifled cannon and ammunition have been furnished to the -French in enormous quantities, <i>not only by private American -traders, but by the War Department at Washington</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>These latter words are italicized in the official publication -of our Government, and thus blazoned to the -world. I do not adduce them to show that the War -Department did sell arms to belligerent France, but -that even in Berlin the imputation upon us was known -and actually reported by our Minister. If the latter -made any observations on this imputation I know not; -for at this point in his dispatch are those convenient -asterisks which are the substitute for inconvenient -revelations.</p> - -<p>In the same spirit with the last triviality, but in the -anxiety to clutch at something, it is said that the Alabama -Claims are endangered by this inquiry. Very -well, Sir. On this point I am clear. If these historic -claims, so interesting to the American people, are to be -pressed at the cost of purity in our own Government, -they are not worth the terrible price. Better give them -up at once. Let them all go, every dollar. “First pure, -then peaceable”;<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> above all things purity. Sir, I have -from the beginning insisted that England should be held -to just account for her violation of international duty<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</a></span> -toward us. Is that any reason why I should not also -insist upon inquiry into the conduct of officials at home, -to the end that the Government may be saved from reproach? -Surely we shall be stronger, infinitely stronger, -in demanding our own rights, if we show a determination -to allow no wrong among ourselves. Our example -must not be quoted against us at any time. Especially -must it not be allowed to harden into precedent. But -this can be prevented only by prompt correction, so that -it shall be without authority. Therefore, because I -would have my country irresistible in its demands, do -I insist that it shall place itself above all suspicion.</p> - -<p>The objection of Senators is too much like the old -heathen cry, “Our country, right or wrong.” Unhappy -words, which dethrone God and exalt the Devil! I am -for our country with the aspiration that it may be always -right; but I am for nothing wrong. When I hear -of wrong, I insist at all hazards that it shall be made -right, knowing that in this way I best serve my country -and every just cause.</p> - -<p>This same objection assumes another form, equally -groundless, when it is said that I reflect upon our country -and hurt its good name. Oh, no! They reflect -upon our country and hurt its good name who at the -first breath of suspicion fail to act. Our good name is -not to be preserved by covering up anything. Not in -secrecy, but in daylight, must we live. What sort of -good name is that which has a cloud gathering about it? -Our duty is to dispel the cloud. Especially is this the -duty of the Senate. Here at least must be that honest -independence which shall insist at all times upon purity -in the Government, no matter what office-holders -are exposed.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</a></span></p> - -<p>Again it is said that our good name cannot be compromised -by these suspicions. This is a mistake. Any -suspicion of wrong is a compromise, all the more serious -when it concerns not only money, but the violation of -neutral obligations. And the actual fact is precisely -according to reason. Now while we debate, the national -character is compromised at Paris, at London, at Berlin, -at Geneva, where all these things are known as much as -in this Chamber. But your indifference, especially after -this debate, will not tend to elevate the national character -either at home or abroad.</p> - -<p>Such are some of the objections to which I reply. -They are words only, as Hamlet says, “Words, words, -words.” From words let us pass to things.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Mr. President, I come now to the simple question before -the Senate, which I presented originally, whether -there is not sufficient reason for inquiry into the sale of -arms during the French and German War. I state the -question thus broadly. The inquiry is into the sale of -arms; and this opens two questions,—first, of international -duty; and, secondly, of misfeasance in our officials, -the latter involving what may be compendiously -called the money question.</p> - -<p>My object is simply to show grounds for inquiry; and -I naturally begin with the rule of international duty.</p> - -<p>In the discharge of neutral obligations a nation is -bound to <i>good faith</i>. This is the supreme rule, to which -all else is subordinate. This is the starting-point of all -that is done. Without good faith neutral obligations -must fail. In proportion to the character of this requirement -must be the completeness of its observance. -There can be no evasion, not a jot. Any evasion is a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</a></span> -breach, without the bravery of open violation. But evasion -may be sometimes by closing the eyes to existing -facts, or even by acting without sufficient inquiry. -These things are so plain and entirely reasonable as -to be self-evident.</p> - -<p>Now nothing can be more clear than that no neutral -nation is permitted to furnish arms and war material to -a belligerent power. Such is a simple statement of the -law. I do not cite authorities, as I did it amply on a -former occasion.<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a></p> - -<p>But there is an excellent author whom I would add -to the list as worthy of consideration, especially at this -moment, in view of the loose pretensions put forth in -the debate. I refer to Mr. Manning, who, in his Commentaries, -thus teaches neutral duty:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“It is no interference with the right of a third party to -say that he shall not carry to my enemy instruments with -which I am to be attacked. Such commerce is, on the other -hand, a deviation from neutrality,—or rather would be so, -<i>if it were the act of a State</i> and not of individuals.”<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>The distinction is obvious between what can be done -by the individual and what can be done by the State. -The individual may play the merchant and take the -risk of capture; but the State cannot play the merchant -in dealing with a belligerent. Of course, if the foreign -power is at peace, there is no question; but when the -power has become belligerent, then it is excluded from -the market. So far as that power is concerned, all sales<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</a></span> -must be suspended. The interdict is peremptory and absolute. -In such a case there can be no sale knowingly -without mixing in the war,—precisely as France mixed -in the war of our Revolution in those muskets sent by -the witty Beaumarchais, which England resented by -open war.</p> - -<p>And this undoubted principle of International Law -was recognized by the Secretary of War, when he directed -the Chief of Ordnance not to entertain any bids -from E. Remington & Sons, who had stated that they -were agents of the French Government. In giving these -orders he only followed the rule of duty on which the -country can stand without question or reproach; but it -remains to be seen whether persons under him did not -content themselves with obeying the order in letter only, -breaking it in spirit. I assume that the order was given -in good faith. Was it obeyed in good faith? Here we -start with the admitted postulate that it was wrong to -sell arms to France.</p> - -<p>But if this cannot be done directly, it is idle to say -that it can be done indirectly without a violation of good -faith. If it cannot be done openly, it cannot be done privily. -If it cannot be done above-board, it cannot be done -clandestinely. It is idle to reject the bid of the open -agent of a belligerent power and then at once accept -the bid of another who may be a mere man-of-straw, -unless after careful inquiry into his real character.</p> - -<p>Nothing can be clearer than the duty of the proper -officers to consider all bids in the sunlight of the conspicuous -events then passing. A terrible war was convulsing -the Old World. Two mighty nations were in -conflict, one of which was already prostrate <i>and disarmed</i>. -Meanwhile came bids for arms and war material<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</a></span> -on a gigantic scale, on a scale absolutely unprecedented. -Plainly these powerful batteries, these muskets -by the hundred thousand, and these cartridges by -the million were for the disarmed belligerent and nobody -else. It was impossible not to see it. It is insulting -to common-sense to imagine it otherwise. Who -else could need arms and war material to the amount -of four million dollars at once? Now it appears by -the dispatches of the French Consul-General at New -York, which I find in an official document, that on -the 22d October, 1870, he telegraphed to the Armament -Commission at Tours:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The prices of adjudication have been 100,000 muskets -at $9.30; 40,000 at $12.30; 100,000 at $12.25; 50,000,000 -cartridges at $16.30 the thousand: altogether, with the commission -to Remington and the incidental expenses, more than -four million dollars.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Such gigantic purchases, made at one time, or in the -space of a few days, could have but one destination. It -is weakness to imagine otherwise. Obviously, plainly, -unquestionably, they were for the disarmed belligerent. -The telegraph each morning proclaimed the constant -fearful struggle, and we all became daily spectators. -In the terrible blaze, filling the heavens with lurid -flame, it was impossible not to see the exact condition -of the two belligerents,—Germany always victorious, -France still rallying for the desperate battle. -But the officials of the Ordnance Bureau saw this as -plainly as the people. Therefore were they warned, -so that every applicant for arms and war material on a -large scale was open to just suspicion. These officials -were put on their guard as much as if a notice or <i>caveat</i><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</a></span> -had been filed at the War Department. In neglecting -that commanding notice, in overruling that unprecedented -<i>caveat</i>, so far as to allow these enormous supplies -to be forwarded to the disarmed belligerent, they -failed in that proper care required by the occasion. If -I said that they failed in good faith, I should only give -the conclusion of law on unquestionable facts.</p> - -<p>In the case of the <i>Gran Para</i>, Chief-Justice Marshall, -after exposing an attempt to evade our neutral obligations -by an ingenious cover, exclaimed, in words which -he borrowed from an earlier period of our history, but -which have been often quoted since: “This would, -indeed, be a fraudulent neutrality, disgraceful to our -own Government, and of which no nation would be -the dupe.”<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> I forbear at present to apply these memorable -words, which show with what indignant language -our great Chief-Justice blasted an attempt to -evade our neutral obligations. In calling it fraudulent -he was not deterred by the petty cry of a false patriotism, -that his judgment might affect the good name -of our country. Full well he knew that national character -could suffer only where fraud is maintained.</p> - -<p>I doubt much if the true rule can be laid down in -better words than those I quoted on a former occasion -from the Spanish minister at Stockholm, denouncing -the sale of Swedish frigates.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> He protested against -“arms and munitions furnished through <i>intermediate -speculators</i>, under pretence of not knowing the result,” -which he exhibited as an “act of hostility” and a -“political scandal.” According to this excellent protest, -the sale is not protected from condemnation -merely by “intermediate speculators” and the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</a></span> “pretence -of not knowing the result.” And this is only according -to undoubted reason. It is simply a question -of good faith; and if, taking into view the circumstances -of the case and the condition of the times, -there is reasonable ground to believe that “intermediate -speculators” are purchasing for a belligerent, -then the sale cannot be made, nor will any “pretence -of not knowing the result” be of avail.</p> - -<p>In harmony with this Spanish protest is the calm -statement of a Joint Committee of Congress, where -this question of international duty is treated wisely. -I read from the report of Mr. Jenckes on the sale of -certain ironclads:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Perhaps the international feature of this transaction is -the most grave one for the consideration of Congress. It is -a matter of notorious public history that war was being carried -on in the years 1865 and 1866 between the Government -of Spain, on the one hand, and the Governments of -Peru and Chili, on the other. During the pendency of hostilities, -applications were made to obtain possession of these -vessels for one of the belligerents. If the Government of the -United States had been <i>privy</i> to any arrangement by which -these vessels of war should be delivered to the agents of a -belligerent, either in our own ports or upon the high seas, -it would certainly have violated its international obligations. -Of course, when Congress authorized the sale of these vessels, -it was known that individuals had no use for them; yet it -might have assumed, as in the case of the Dunderberg and -the Onondaga,”—</p> - -</div> - -<p>Now mark the words, if you please,—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="noindent">“that the Executive Department would take care that any -individual who should purchase with a view to a resale to -some foreign power would not be permitted to violate the -obligations of the United States as a neutral nation.”<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Observe, if you please, the language employed. If -the Government of the United States had been “privy” -to any arrangement for the delivery of these vessels to -the agents of a belligerent, it would certainly have violated -its international obligations. This is undoubtedly -correct. Then comes the assumption “that the Executive -Department would <i>take care</i> that any individual -who should purchase <i>with a view to a resale</i> to some -foreign power would not be permitted to violate the -obligations of the United States as a neutral nation.” -Here again is the true rule. The Executive is bound -to take care that there shall be no sale with a view to -a resale in violation of neutral duties.</p> - -<p>All this is so entirely reasonable, indeed so absolutely -essential to the simplest performance of international -duty, that I feel humbled even in stating it. -The case is too clear. It is like arguing the Ten Commandments -or the Multiplication Table. International -Law is nothing but international morality for the guidance -of nations. And be assured, Sir, that interpretation -is the truest which subjects the nation most completely -to the Moral Law. “Thou shalt not sell arms to a belligerent,” -is a commandment addressed to nations, and to -be obeyed precisely as that other commandment, “Thou -shalt not steal.” No temptation of money, no proffer of -cash, no chink of “the almighty dollar,” can excuse any -departure from this supreme law; nor can any intervening -man-of-straw have any other effect than to augment -the offence by the shame of a trick.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</a></span></p> - -<p>Here, Sir, I am sensitive for my country. I can imagine -no pecuniary profits, no millions poured into the -Treasury, that can compensate for a departure from that -international honesty which is at once the best policy -and the highest duty. The dishonesty of a nation is illimitable -in its operation. How true are the words,—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“’Twill be recorded for a precedent;</div> -<div class="verse">And many an error, by the same example,</div> -<div class="verse">Will rush into the State: it cannot be.”<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">The demoralization is felt not at home only. Whatever -any nation does is an example for other nations; whatever -the Great Republic does is a testimony. I would -have that testimony pure, lofty, just, so that we may welcome -it when commended to ourselves; so that, indeed, it -may be a glorious landmark in the history of civilization.</p> - -<p>Therefore do I insist that international obligations, especially -when war is raging, cannot be evaded, cannot be -slighted, cannot be trifled with. They are not only sacred, -they are sacrosanct; and whoso lays hands on them, -whoso neglects them, whoso closes his eyes to their violation, -is guilty of a dishonesty which, to the extent of -its influence, must weaken public morals at home, while -it impairs the safeguards of peace with other nations and -sets ajar the very gates of War.</p> - -<p>This question cannot be treated with levity, and waved -out of sight by a doubtful story. Even if Count Bismarck, -adapting himself to the situation, and anxious to -avoid additional controversy, had declared in conversation -that he would take these arms on the banks of the -Loire,<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> this is no excuse for us. Our rule of duty is not<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</a></span> -found in the courageous gayety of any foreign statesman, -but in the Law of Nations, which we are bound to obey, -not only for the sake of others, but for the sake of ourselves. -All other nations may be silent; Count Bismarck -may be taciturn; but we cannot afford to cry, -“Hush!” The evil example must be corrected, and the -more swiftly the better.</p> - -<p>On this simple statement of International Law, it is -evident that there must be inquiry to see if through the -misfeasance of officials our Government has not in some -way failed to comply with its neutral duties. Subordinates -in England are charged with allowing the escape -of the Alabama. Have any subordinates among -us played a similar part? It is of subordinates that -I speak. Has the Government suffered through them? -Has their misfeasance, their jobbery, their illicit dealing, -compromised our country? Is there any ring about the -Ordnance Bureau through which our neutral duties have -been set at nought? Here I might stop without proceeding -further. The question is too grave to be blinked -out of sight; it must be met on the law and the facts.</p> - -<p>In this presentation I do not argue. The case requires -a statement only. Beyond this I point to the honorable -example which our country has set in times past. The -equity with which we have discharged our neutral obligations -has been the occasion of constant applause. -Mr. Ward, the accomplished historian of the Law of -Nations, and also of a treatise on the “Rights and Duties -of Belligerent and Neutral Powers,” which Chancellor -Kent says “exhausted all the law and learning -applicable to the question,”<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> wrote in 1801, four years -after Washington’s retirement:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Of the great trading nations, America is almost the only -one that has shown consistency of principle. The firmness -and thorough understanding of the Laws of Nations, which -during this war [the French Revolution] she has displayed, -must forever rank her high in the scale of enlightened communities.”<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Another English writer, Sir Robert Phillimore, author -of the comprehensive work on International Law, speaks -of the conduct of the United States as, “under the most -trying circumstances, marked not only by a perfect consistency, -but by <i>preference for duty and right</i> over interest -and the expediency of the moment.”<a name="FNanchor_14_14" id="FNanchor_14_14"></a><a href="#Footnote_14_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Then again, -in another place, the same English authority, after a summary -of our practice and jurisprudence in seizing and -condemning vessels captured in violation of neutrality, -declares:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In these doctrines a severe, <i>but a just</i>, conception of the -duties and rights of neutrality appears to be embodied.”<a name="FNanchor_15_15" id="FNanchor_15_15"></a><a href="#Footnote_15_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>An excellent French writer on International Law, -Baron de Cussy, remarks, on mentioning our course with -reference to a steamer purchased by Prussia in its war -with Denmark in 1849,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“It affords a genuine proof of respect for the obligations -of neutrality.”<a name="FNanchor_16_16" id="FNanchor_16_16"></a><a href="#Footnote_16_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>American loyalty to neutral duties received the homage -of the eminent orator and statesman Mr. Canning, -who, from his place in Parliament, said:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“If I wished for a guide in a system of neutrality, I should -take that laid down by America in the days of the Presidency -of Washington and the Secretaryship of Jefferson.”<a name="FNanchor_17_17" id="FNanchor_17_17"></a><a href="#Footnote_17_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>These testimonies may be fitly concluded by the -words of Mr. Rush, so long our Minister in England, -who records with just pride the honor accorded to our -doctrines on neutral duties:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“They are doctrines that will probably receive more and -more approbation from all nations as time goes on, and continues -to bring with it, as we may reasonably hope, further -meliorations to the code of war. They are as replete with international -wisdom as with American dignity and spirit.…</p> - -<p>“Come what may in the future, we can never be deprived -of this inheritance. It is a proud and splendid inheritance.”<a name="FNanchor_18_18" id="FNanchor_18_18"></a><a href="#Footnote_18_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Such is the great and honest fame already achieved -by our Republic in upholding neutral duties. No victory -in our history has conferred equal renown. Surely -you are not ready to forget the precious inheritance. -No, Sir, let us guard it as one of the best possessions -of our common country,—guard it loyally, so that it -shall continue without diminution or spot. Here there -must be no backward step. Not <i>Backward</i>, but <i>Forward</i>, -must be our watchword in the march of civilization.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>I am now brought to that other branch of the subject -which concerns directly the conduct of our officials; -and here my purpose is to simplify the question. -Therefore I shall avoid details, which have occupied the -Senate for days; and I put aside the apparent discrepancy<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</a></span> -between the Annual Report of the War Department -and the Annual Report of the Treasurer, which -has been satisfactorily explained on this floor, so that -this ground of inquiry is removed. I bring the case to -certain heads, which, taken together in their mass, make -it impossible for us to avoid inquiry, without leaving the -Government or some of its officials exposed to serious -suspicion. Now, as at the beginning, I make no accusation -against any officer of our Government,—none -against the President, none against the Secretary of -War; but I exhibit reasons for the present proceeding.</p> - -<p>The case naturally opens with the resolution of the -Committee of the French Assembly, asking the United -States “to furnish the result of the inquiry into the -conduct of American officials who were suspected of -participating in the purchase of arms for the French -Government during the war.” This seems to have been -adopted as late as February 9th last past. At least it -appears in the cable dispatch of that date.<a name="FNanchor_19_19" id="FNanchor_19_19"></a><a href="#Footnote_19_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> From this -resolution three things are manifest: first, that the sale -of arms by our Government is occupying the attention -of the French Legislature; secondly, that American officials -are suspected of participating in the purchase for -the French Government; and, thirdly, that it is supposed -that our Government has instituted an inquiry into the -case.</p> - -<p>This resolution is, I believe, without precedent. I -recall no other instance where a foreign legislative assembly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</a></span> -has made any inquiry into the conduct of the -officials of another country. If this were done in an -inimical or even a critical spirit, it might, perhaps, be -dismissed with indifference. But France, once in our -history an all-powerful ally, is now a friendly power, -with which we are in the best relations. Any movement -on her part with regard to the conduct of our -officials must be received according to the rules of -comity and good-will. It cannot be disregarded. It -ought to be anticipated. This resolution alone would -justify inquiry on our part.</p> - -<p>Passing to evidence, I come to the telegraphic dispatch -of Squire, son-in-law and agent of Remington, -actually addressed in French cipher to the latter in -France, under date of October 8, 1870. Though brief, -it is most important:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“We have <i>the strongest influences</i> working for us, which -will use all their efforts to succeed.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Considering the writer of this dispatch, his family -and business relations with Remington, to whom it was -addressed, it is difficult to regard it except as a plain -revelation of actual facts. It was important that Remington -should know the precise condition of things. His -son-in-law and agent telegraphs that “the strongest influences” -are at work for them. What can this mean? -Surely here is no broker or arms-merchant, engaged in -the course of business. It is something else,—plainly -something else. What? That is the point for inquiry. -Mr. Squire is an American citizen. Let him be examined -and cross-examined, under oath. Let him disclose -what he meant by “the strongest influences.” He could -not have intended to deceive his father-in-law, and puff<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</a></span> -himself. He was doubtless in earnest. Did he deceive -himself? On this he is a witness. But until those words -are so far explained as to show that they do not point to -officials, the natural inference is that it was on them -that he relied,—that they were “the strongest influences” -by which the job was to be carried through; for, of -course, it was a job which he announced.</p> - -<p>It cannot be doubted that this dispatch of Mr. Squire -by itself alone is enough to justify inquiry. Without the -resolution of the French Assembly, and without the supplementary -testimony to be adduced, it throws a painful -suspicion upon our officials, which should compel them -to explain.</p> - -<p>But the letter of Mr. Remington, already adduced,<a name="FNanchor_20_20" id="FNanchor_20_20"></a><a href="#Footnote_20_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> -carries this suspicion still further, by adding his positive -testimony that he dealt with the Government. Before -referring again to this testimony, it is important to consider -the character of the witness; and here we have -the authentication of the Secretary of War, who has recommended -and indorsed him, in a formal paper to be -used in France. Others may question the statements -of Mr. Remington, but no person speaking for the Secretary -will hesitate to accept them. If the testimony -of the Secretary needed support, it would be found in -the open declarations on this floor by the Senator from -New York [Mr. <span class="smcap">Conkling</span>], and in the following letter, -which the Senator dated from the Senate Chamber during -the recess, when notoriously the Senate was not in -session:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium">“<span class="smcap">Senate Chamber</span>,<br /> -“<span class="smcap">Washington, D. C.</span>, November 17, 1871.</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">My Dear Sir</span>,—I learn with surprise that your personal -and commercial situation and the good name of the house of -Remington & Sons have been questioned. Having known -your father and sons for many years, having lived within -a stone-throw, so to say, of your house for a number of years, -and being one of the Senators of your State, I cannot hesitate -to give you my testimony relative to the accusations that have, -as has been told me, been brought against you in France.</p> - -<p>“As to what concerns personal situation, importance of -affairs, success, solvency, wealth, and fidelity to the Government -of the United States, your house has for a long time -occupied a front rank, not only in the State of New York, -but also in the Union.</p> - -<p>“The allegation that you lack experience as a manufacturer -of arms, or in anything that can, as a man of business, entitle -you to respect, is, I can affirm in all sincerity, destitute of -foundation, and must proceed from ignorance or malignity.</p> - -<p class="sig">“Sincerely, your obedient servant,</p> - -<p class="sig2">“<span class="smcap">Roscoe Conkling</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium">“Mr. <span class="smcap">Samuel Remington</span>.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Thus does the Senator from New York vouch for the -“good name” of Mr. Remington.</p> - -<p>Thus introduced, thus authenticated, and thus indorsed, -Mr. Remington cannot be rejected as a witness, -especially when he writes an official letter to the Chairman -of the French Armament Commission at Tours. -You already know something of that letter, dated at -New York, December 13, 1870. My present object is -to show how, while announcing his large purchases of -batteries, arms, and cartridges, he speaks of dealing with -Government always, and not even with any intermediate -agent.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Conkling.</span> Will the Senator allow me there one moment, -as he has referred to me?</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> Certainly.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Conkling.</span> He is engaged at this point, if I understand -him aright, in supporting Mr. Remington in his character; -and as the document from which he made the translation -of my letter also contains stronger fortification in aid -of the Senator and of Mr. Remington, I beg to call attention -to it. The Senator might refer not only to my letter, but to -letters written by Governor Hoffman, ex-Governor Horatio -Seymour, Edwin D. Morgan, late a member of this body, -General John A. Dix, not unknown here, and other citizens -of the State of New York, who certify, I believe in somewhat -stronger terms than those I employed, to the probity and -standing of Mr. Remington.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> I am obliged to the Senator for the additional -testimony that he bears. It only fortifies the authority -of Mr. Remington, which was my object. I took -the liberty of introducing the letter of the Senator, because -he is among us, and had vouched for Mr. Remington -personally. I gladly welcome the additional evidence -which the Senator introduces. It is entirely in -harmony with the case that I am presenting. I wish to -show how Mr. Remington was regarded by the Senator, -by the Secretary of War, and by other distinguished -citizens,—so that, when he writes an official letter to -the Chairman of the Arms Committee of Tours, he cannot -be rejected as a witness.</p> - -<p>The letter is long, and early in it the writer alludes -to a credit from France and certain instructions with -regard to it, saying:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“This we could not do, as a considerable portion had been -<i>already paid out to the Government</i>.”</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</a></span></p> - -<p>Then coming to the purchase of breech-loading Springfield -muskets, he writes:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“<i>The Government</i> has never made but about seventy-five -thousand, all told; and forty thousand is the greatest number -<i>they think it prudent to spare</i>.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>In order to increase the number he proposed an exchange -of his own, and here he says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“This question of an exchange, <i>with the very friendly feeling -I find existing to aid France</i>, I hope to be able to procure -more.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Where was “the very friendly feeling existing to aid -France”? Not among merchants, agents, or brokers. -This would hardly justify the important declaration with -regard to a feeling which was so efficacious.</p> - -<p>Then comes the question of cartridges; and here the -dealings with the Government become still more manifest:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Cartridges for these forty thousand will in a great measure -require to be made, as <i>the Government</i> have but about three -millions on hand. But <i>the Government</i> has consented to allow -the requisite number, four hundred for each gun, to be made, -and the cartridge-works have had orders, given yesterday, to -increase production to the full capacity of works.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Observe here, if you please, the part performed by the -Government,—not only its consent to the manufacture, -but the promptitude of this consent. This was not easily -accomplished, as the well-indorsed witness testifies:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“This question of making the cartridges <i>at the Government -works</i> was a difficult one to get over. But it is done.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Naturally difficult; but the agent of France overcame -all obstacles. Then as to price:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The price <i>the Government</i> will charge for the guns and -cartridges will be ——, or as near that as possible.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Always “the Government”! Then comes another -glimpse:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The forty thousand guns cannot all be shipped immediately, -as they are distributed <i>in the various arsenals throughout -the country</i>.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>That is, the Government arsenals.</p> - -<p>Then appears one of our officials on the scene:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“<i>The Chief of Ordnance</i> thinks it may take twenty to -thirty days before all could be brought in.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Then again the witness reports:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“<i>The Chief of Ordnance</i> estimates the cost of the arms, including -boxing and expense of freight to bring them to New -York, at $20.60 currency.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Then as to the harness:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“<i>The Government</i> have not full complete sets to the extent -of twenty-five hundred after selling the number required for -the fifty batteries.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Always “the Government”!</p> - -<p>Then, after mentioning that some parts of the harness -are wanting, he says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I have made arrangements to have this deficiency made -good by either <i>the Government</i> or by outside persons.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>But the Government does all it can:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In the mean time <i>the Government</i> have ordered the harness -to be sent here immediately.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Then at the close the witness says:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I forgot to say <i>the Government</i> have no Spencer rifles, -having never had but a small number, and all of those you -have bought.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>And he adds—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="noindent">that “they have from three to four thousand transformed -Springfields,” which he “may think best to take <i>after examination</i>,”—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="noindent">showing again his intimate dealings with the Government.</p> - -<p>Such is the testimony of Mr. Remington, the acknowledged -agent of France. It is impossible to read these repeated -allusions to “the Government” and “the Chief of -Ordnance” without feeling that the witness was dealing -directly in this quarter. If there was any middleman, -he was of straw only; but a man-of-straw is nobody. -If Mr. Remington’s character were not vouched -so completely, if he did not appear on authentic testimony -so entirely above any misrepresentation, if he -were not elevated to be the model arms-dealer, this -letter, with its numerous averments of relations with -the Government, would be of less significance. But -how can these be denied or explained without impeaching -this witness?</p> - -<p>But Mr. Remington is not without important support -in his allegations. His French correspondent, M. Le -Cesne, Chairman of the Armament Committee, has testified -in open court that the French dealt directly with -the Government. He may have been mistaken; but his -testimony shows what he understood to be the case. The -Senator from Missouri [Mr. <span class="smcap">Schurz</span>] has already called -attention to this testimony, which he cited from a journal -enjoying great circulation on the European continent,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</a></span> -“L’Indépendance Belge.” The Senator from Vermont, -[Mr. <span class="smcap">Edmunds</span>,] not recognizing the character of this -important journal, distrusted the report. But this testimony -does not depend upon that journal alone. I have -it in another journal, “Le Courrier des États-Unis,” of -October 27, 1871, evidently copied from a Parisian journal, -probably one of the law journals, where it is given -according to the formal report of a trial, with question -and answer:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">The Presiding Judge.</span> Did not this indemnity of twenty-five -cents represent certain material expenses, certain disbursements, -incidental expenses?</p> - -<p>“<span class="smcap">M. Le Cesne.</span> We could not admit these expenses; <i>for -we had an agreement with the American Federal Government, -which had engaged to deliver free on board all the arms on account -of France</i>.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Now I make no comment on this testimony except to -remark that it is in entire harmony with the letter of -Mr. Remington, and that beyond all doubt it was given -in open court under oath, and duly reported in the trial, -so as to become known generally in Europe. The position -of M. Le Cesne gave it authority; for, beside his -recent experience as Chairman of the Arms Committee, -he is known as a former representative in the Assembly -from the large town of Havre, and also a resident for -twenty years in the United States. In confirmation of -the value attached to this testimony, I mention that -my attention was first directed to it by Hon. Gustavus -Koerner, of Illinois, Minister of the United States at -Madrid, under President Lincoln.</p> - -<p>To this cumulative testimony I add that already supplied -by our Minister at Berlin, under date of January 7,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</a></span> -1871, and published by the Department of State, where -it is distinctly said that “recently rifled cannon and ammunition -have been furnished to the French in enormous -quantities, not only by private American traders, <i>but by -the War Department at Washington</i>.” This I have already -adduced under another head.<a name="FNanchor_21_21" id="FNanchor_21_21"></a><a href="#Footnote_21_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> It is mentioned -now to show how the public knowledge of Europe was -in harmony with the other evidence.</p> - -<p>There is another piece of testimony, which serves to -quicken suspicion. It is already admitted by the Secretary -of War, that, after refusing Mr. Remington because -he was an agent of France, bids were accepted -from Thomas Richardson, who was in point of fact an -attorney-at-law at Ilion, and agent and attorney of Mr. -Remington. But the course of Mr. Remington, and his -relations with this country attorney, are not without official -illustration. Since this debate began I have received -a copy of a law journal of Paris, “Le Droit, Journal -des Tribunaux,” of January 18, 1872, containing the -most recent judicial proceedings against the French -Consul-General at New York. Here I find an official -report from the acting French Consul there, addressed -to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, under date of -August 25, 1871, where a fact is described which was -authenticated at the Consulate, being an affidavit or deposition -before a notary by a clerk of Mr. Remington, -on which the report remarks:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“This declaration establishing that this manufacturer caused -the books of his house to be recopied three times, and in doing -so altered the original form.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>The Report adds:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“It is in this document that mention is made of the character, -I might say criminal, which the name of Richardson -appears to have assumed in the affairs of Mr. Remington.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>After remarking that the witness who has thus testified -has exposed himself to the penalties of perjury, -being several years of imprisonment, the Report proceeds:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“You see from this that the operations of Mr. Remington -give only too much of a glimpse of the most audacious -frauds.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Here is testimony tending at least to stimulate inquiry: -Mr. Remington’s books altered three times, and -the name of Richardson playing a criminal part. I quote -this from an official document, and leave it.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Here, then, are six different sources of testimony, all -prompting inquiry: first, the resolution of a committee -of the French Assembly, showing suspicion of American -officials; secondly, the cable dispatch of Squire, son-in-law -and agent of Mr. Remington, declaring that “we -have the strongest influences working for us, which will -use all their efforts to succeed”; thirdly, the letter of -Mr. Remington, reporting, in various forms and repetitions, -that he is dealing with the American Government; -fourthly, the testimony of M. Le Cesne, the Chairman of -the French Armament Committee, made in open court -and under oath, that the French “had an agreement with -the American Federal Government, which had engaged -to deliver free on board all the arms on account of -France”; fifthly, the positive declaration of the London -“Times” in the face of Europe, and reported by our -Minister at Berlin, that rifled cannon and ammunition<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</a></span> -had been furnished to the French in enormous quantities -by the War Department at Washington; and, sixthly, -the testimony of a clerk of Mr. Remington, authenticated -by the French Consul-General at New York, that Mr. -Remington had altered his books three times, and also -speaking of the criminal character of Richardson in the -affairs of Mr. Remington. On this cumulative and concurring -testimony from six different sources is it not -plain that there must be inquiry? The Senate cannot -afford to close its eyes. The resolution of the committee -of the French Assembly alone would be enough; but reinforced -as it is from so many different quarters, the case -is irresistible. Not to inquire is to set at defiance all -rules of decency and common-sense.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>To these successive reasons I add the evidence, which -has been much discussed, showing a violation of the statute -authorizing the sale of “the old cannon, arms, and -other ordnance stores, now in possession of the War Department, -which are damaged or otherwise unsuitable -for the United States military service or for the militia -of the United States,”<a name="FNanchor_22_22" id="FNanchor_22_22"></a><a href="#Footnote_22_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>—inasmuch as stores were sold -which were not “damaged” or “otherwise unsuitable.” -I think no person can have heard the debate without -admitting that here at least is something for careful investigation. -The Senator from Missouri has already -exposed this apparent dereliction of duty, which in its -excess ended in actually disarming the country, so as -to impair its defensive capacity. One of the crimes -of the Cabinet of Mr. Buchanan on the eve of the Rebellion -was that the North had been disarmed. It is -important to consider whether, in the strange greed for<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</a></span> -money or in the misfeasance of subordinates, something -similar was not done when good arms were sold to -France. The Chief of Ordnance, in his last Annual -Report, which will be found in the Report of the Secretary -of War, makes the following statement:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Now there are less than ten thousand breech-loading muskets -in the arsenals for issue. This number of muskets is not -half sufficient to supply the States with the muskets they are -now entitled to receive under their apportionment of the permanent -appropriation for arming and equipping the militia.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Why, then, were breech-loading muskets exchanged -for French gold? The Chief of Ordnance then proceeds:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“This Department should, as soon as possible, be placed -in a condition to fill all proper requisitions by the States upon -it, and should also have on hand in store a large number of -breech-loading muskets and carbines to meet any emergency -that may arise.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>But these very breech-loading muskets have gone to -France. The Chief of Ordnance adds:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Ten years ago the country felt that not less than a million -of muskets should be kept in store in the arsenals.”<a name="FNanchor_23_23" id="FNanchor_23_23"></a><a href="#Footnote_23_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Why was not this remembered, when the arsenals -were stripped to supply France?</p> - -<p>This important testimony speaks for itself. It is not -sufficient to recount against it the arms actually in the -national arsenals. The Chief of Ordnance answers the -allegation by his own statements. He regrets the small -number of breech-loading muskets on hand, and refers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</a></span> -as an example to the standard ten years ago, when it was -felt that a million of muskets should be kept in store. -It is not I who say this; it is the Chief of Ordnance.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>But these several considerations, while making inquiry -imperative, do not touch the money question involved. -If in the asserted dealings with a belligerent power, in -violation of our neutral duties, there is reason to believe -corrupt practices of any kind, if there are large sums of -money that seem to be unaccounted for, then is there -additional ground for inquiry. Two questions are presented: -first, as to the violation of neutral duties; and, -secondly, as to misfeasance of subordinates involving -money. In both cases the question, I repeat, is of inquiry.</p> - -<p>I do not dwell now on the sums lost by France in this -business. They are supposed to count by the million; -but here I make no allegation. I allude only to what -appears elsewhere.</p> - -<p>Unquestionably there are enormous discrepancies between -the sums paid by France for arms actually identified -as coming from our arsenals and the sums received -by our Ordnance Bureau. In different reports these -discrepancies assume different forms. Not to repeat what -has been said on other occasions, I introduce the report -of the acting French Consul at New York, dated August -25, 1871, where, after showing that France received only -368,000 muskets and 53,000,000 cartridges, while the -accounts with Mr. Remington enumerate a sum-total of -425,000 arms and 54,000,000 cartridges, it is said:—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Whence comes this difference of 57,000 between the arms -said to be sent from here and those which were received in -France, if in fact the report of M. Riant signifies that they -have only received a total of 368,000? How explain that -there were 425,000 put on the bills of lading, and that the -price of these was paid in New York?”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Now this discrepancy may be traced exclusively to -French agents, so that our subordinates shall not in any -way be involved; but when we consider all the circumstances -of this transaction, it affords grounds of inquiry.</p> - -<p>But there is another witness on this head, not before -mentioned in this debate. I have here an extract from -the official report of M. de Bellonet, the French <i>Chargé -d’Affaires</i> at Washington, made to his Government on -this very question of losses down to a certain period. -His language is explicit: “The <i>dry loss</i> to the Treasury -of France must have been about $1,500,000, or seven -million francs.” This, be it remembered, is only a partial -report down to a certain period. Now there is nothing -in this report to charge this “dry loss” upon our officials. -It may be that it was all absorbed by the intermediate -agents. But taken in connection with the telegram of -Squire and the abundant letter of Mr. Remington, it -leaves a suspicion at least adverse to our officials.</p> - -<p>Sir, let me be understood. I do not believe that any -inquiry by any committee can give back to France any -of the enormous sums she has lost. They have already -gone beyond recall into the portentous mass of her terrible -sacrifices destined to be an indefinite mortgage on -that interesting country. Not for the sake of France or -of any French claimant do I propose inquiry, but for -our sake, for the sake of our own country. We read of -that vast Serbonian bog “where armies whole have sunk.” -It is important to know if there is any such bog anywhere -about our Ordnance Office, where millions whole -have sunk.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</a></span></p> - -<p>Investigation is the order of the day. Already in -France, amid all the anxieties of her distracted condition, -these purchases of arms have occupied much attention. -As far back as last April, the “Soir,” a journal -at Versailles, where the Convention was sitting, -called for parliamentary inquiry. Its language was -strong:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“A parliamentary inquiry made in full day can alone establish -either the culpability of some or the perfect honorableness -of others.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>And the same French organ added:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The Chamber, in consigning this matter to its pigeonholes, -refused satisfaction to an awakened public morality.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>There is, then, in France an awakened public morality, -as we hope there is also in the United States, which demands -investigation where there is suspicion of corrupt -practices. The French Chamber has instituted inquiry.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Mr. President, as a Republic, we are bound to the -most strenuous care, so that our example may not in -any way suffer. If we fail, then does Republican Government -everywhere feel the shock. For the sake of -others as well as of ourselves must we guard our conduct. -How often do I insist that we cannot at any moment, -or in any transaction, forget these great responsibilities! -As no man “liveth to himself,” so no nation “liveth” -to itself; especially is this the condition of the Great -Republic. By the very name it bears, and by its lofty -dedication to the rights of human nature, is it vowed -to all those things which contribute most to civilization, -keeping its example always above suspicion. That -great political philosopher, Montesquieu, announces that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</a></span> -the animating sentiment of Monarchy is “Honor,” but -the animating sentiment of a Republic is “Virtue.”<a name="FNanchor_24_24" id="FNanchor_24_24"></a><a href="#Footnote_24_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> I -would gladly accept this flattering distinction. Therefore, -in the name of that Virtue which should inspire -our Government and keep it forever above all suspicion, -do I move this inquiry.</p> - -<p>On this whole matter the Senate will act as it thinks -best, ordering that investigation which the case requires. -For myself I have but one desire, which is, that this effort, -begun in the discharge of a patriotic duty, may redound -to the good of our country, and especially to the -purity of the public service.</p> - -<h3>APPENDIX.</h3> - -<p class="center">(A.) Page 15.</p> - -<p class="center">AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO IN SPEECH.</p> - -<p>Wheaton, our great authority, in Lawrence’s edition, page -727, quotes Vattel as laying down the rule of neutrality:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“To give no assistance where there is no previous stipulation to -give it; nor voluntarily to furnish troops, arms, ammunition, or -anything of direct use in war.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Vattel, as quoted, then says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I do not say, <i>To give assistance equally</i>, but, <i>To give no assistance</i>; -for it would be absurd that a State should assist at the same -time two enemies.”—<i>Le Droit des Gens</i>, Liv. III. ch. vii. § 104.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Another home authority, the late General Halleck, in his -work on International Law, after speaking of merchants engaged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</a></span> -in selling ships and munitions of war to a belligerent, -says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The act is wrong in itself, and the penalty results from his -violation of moral duty as well as of law. The duties imposed -upon the citizens and subjects flow from exactly the same principle -as those which attach to the government of neutral States.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>He then says, quoting another:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“By these acts he makes himself personally a party to a war in -which, as a neutral, he had no right to engage, and his property is -justly treated as that of an enemy.”—<i>International Law</i>, p. 631.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Our other home authority, Professor Woolsey, in his work -on International Law, section 162, says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“International Law does not require of the neutral sovereign -that he should keep the citizen or subject within the same strict -lines of neutrality which he is bound to draw for himself.”—<i>Introduction -to the Study of International Law</i>, 2d edition, p. 270.</p> - -</div> - -<p>That is, a citizen may sell ships and arms to a belligerent -and take the penalty, but the Government cannot do any such -thing.</p> - -<p>Another authority of considerable weight, Bluntschli, the -German, lays down the rule as follows:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The neutral State must neither send troops to a belligerent, -nor put ships of war at its disposal, nor furnish subsidies to aid it -in making the war.</p> - -<p>“In coming <i>directly</i> to the aid of one of the belligerent powers -by the sending of men or war material, one takes part in the -war.”—<i>Droit International Codifié</i>, tr. <span class="smcap">Lardy</span>, art. 757, p. 381.</p> - -</div> - -<p>There is the true principle: “By the sending of men or -war material one takes part in the war.”</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>But the most important illustration of this question, and -the only case bearing directly on this point, which, according<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</a></span> -to my recollection, has ever been diplomatically discussed, is -one somewhat famous at the time, known as that of the -Swedish Frigate, which will be found in the second series of -“Causes Célèbres,” by Baron Charles de Martens.</p> - -<p>It seems that in 1825, after ten years of peace, the Swedish -Government conceived the idea of parting with ships, -some of them more than twenty years old, as comparatively -useless. A contract for their sale was made with a commercial -house in London. The Spanish Government, by their -minister at Stockholm, protested, on the alleged ground, that, -though nominally sold to merchants, they were purchased for -the revolted colonies in Mexico and South America, and in -his communication, dated the 1st of July, 1825, used the following -energetic language, which I translate:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“And what would his Majesty the King of Sweden think, -on the supposition of the revolt of one of his provinces,—of the -kingdom of Norway for example,—if friendly and allied powers -furnished the rebels with arms, munitions, a fleet even, through -intermediate speculators, and under pretence of not knowing the -result—</p> - -</div> - -<p>I translate literally,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="noindent">“intermediate speculators, and under pretence of not knowing the -result? Informed of these preparations, would the Cabinet of -Stockholm wait till the steel and the cannon furnished to its enemies -had mown down its soldiers, till the vessels delivered to the -rebels had annihilated its commerce and desolated its coasts, to -protest against similar supplies, and to prevent them if possible? -And if the protests were rejected, independently of every other -measure, would it not raise its voice throughout Europe, and at -the courts of all its allies, against this <i>act of hostility</i>, against this -violation of the rights of sovereignty, and against this <i>political -scandal</i>?”—<i>Causes Célèbres</i>, Tom. II. pp. 472-73.</p> - -</div> - -<p>These are strong words, but they only give expression to -the feelings naturally awakened in a Power that seemed to be -imperilled by such an act.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</a></span></p> - -<p>In another communication the same minister said to the -Swedish Government:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“It is the doctrine of irresponsibility which the Cabinet of -Stockholm professes with regard to the sale of these war vessels, -which excites the most lively representations on the part of the -undersigned.”—<i>Note of 15 July 1825</i>: Ibid., p. 480.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Mark the words, “the doctrine of irresponsibility.” -Then, again, the minister says in other words worthy of -consideration at this moment:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The Swedish Government on this occasion, creating this new -kind of commerce, determined to furnish ships of war indiscriminately -to every purchaser, even to private individuals without -guaranty,—establishing, as it seems to indicate, that the commercial -benefits of these sales are for the State a necessity of an order -superior to political considerations the most elevated, as to moral -obligations the most respectable.”—<i>Note of 9 September, 1825</i>: -Ibid., p. 486.</p> - -</div> - -<p>I ask if these words are not applicable to the present case? -Did it not become the Government of the United States at -this time, when making these large sales, almost gigantic, so -that its suspicion was necessarily aroused, to institute inquiry -into the real character of the purchaser? Was it not put on -its guard? Every morning told us of war unhappily raging -in Europe. Could there be doubt that these large purchases -were for the benefit of one of the belligerents? Was our -Government so situated that for the sake of these profits it -would neglect political considerations called in this dispatch -the most elevated, as moral obligations the most respectable? -Was it ready to assume the responsibility characterized by -the Spanish minister in a case less plain, as “an act of hostility,” -a “violation of the rights of sovereignty,” a “political -scandal”?</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="PARLIAMENTARY_LAW_ON_THE_APPOINTMENT" id="PARLIAMENTARY_LAW_ON_THE_APPOINTMENT"></a>PARLIAMENTARY LAW ON THE APPOINTMENT -OF SPECIAL COMMITTEES OF -THE SENATE.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Two Protests against the Competency of the Senate -Committee to Investigate the Sale of Arms to France; -March 26 and 27, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>March 26, 1872, Mr. Sumner appeared before the Committee to investigate -the sale of arms by the United States during the French and -German War, in response to a communication signed by the chairman -of the Committee requesting his attendance. After reading this communication, -Mr. Sumner proceeded to read and file a protest in the -following terms:—</p> - -</div> - -<h3>PROTEST.</h3> - -<p class="dropcap">Personally, I object to no examination. Willingly -would I submit to the most searching scrutiny, -not only in the present case, but in all my public life. -There is not an act, letter, or conversation at any time, -that I would save from investigation. I make this statement, -because I would not have the protest I deem it my -duty to offer open to suspicion that there is anything I -desire to conceal or any examination I would avoid.</p> - -<p>But appearing before the Committee on an invitation -which is in the nature of a summons, to testify in the -investigation originally moved by me into the sale of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</a></span> -arms to France, I am obliged to consider my duty as -a Senator. Personal inclinations, whatever they may -be, cannot be my guide. I must do what belongs to a -Senator under the circumstances of the case.</p> - -<p>Before answering any questions, I am constrained to -consider the competency of the Committee which has -summoned me. It is of less importance what these -questions may be, although there are certain obvious -limitations, to which I will allude at the outset.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>The examination of a Senator by a Committee of the -Senate on a matter outside of the Senate, and not connected -with his public duties, is sustained by precedents,—as -when Mr. Seward and Mr. Wilson were -examined with reference to the expedition of John -Brown;<a name="FNanchor_25_25" id="FNanchor_25_25"></a><a href="#Footnote_25_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> but any examination with regard to his public -conduct, and especially with regard to a matter which he -has felt it his duty to lay before the Senate in the discharge -of his public duties, is of very doubtful propriety. -In his public conduct a Senator acts on his responsibility, -under sanction of an oath, and the Constitution -declares that “for any speech or debate” he “shall not -be questioned in any other place.” This inhibition, -while not preventing questions of a certain character, -must limit the inquiry; but the law steps forward with -its own requirements, according to which it is plain that -a Senator cannot be interrogated, first, with regard to his -conference with other Senators on public business, and, -secondly, with regard to witnesses who have confidentially -communicated with him.</p> - -<p>Referring to the most approved work on the Law of -Evidence,—I mean that of Professor Greenleaf,—we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</a></span> -find under the head of “Evidence excluded from Public -Policy”<a name="FNanchor_26_26" id="FNanchor_26_26"></a><a href="#Footnote_26_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> at least four different classes of cases, which -may enlighten us in determining the questions proper -for Senators.</p> - -<p>1. Communications between a lawyer and client. And -are not the relations of Senators, in the discharge of their -public duties, equally sacred?</p> - -<p>2. Judges and arbitrators enjoy a similar exemption -with regard to matters before them.</p> - -<p>3. Grand jurors, embracing even the clerk and prosecuting -officer, cannot be examined on matters before them.</p> - -<p>4. Transactions between the heads of Departments and -their subordinate officers are treated as confidential.</p> - -<p>Plainly, the conferences of a Senator, in the discharge -of his public duties, cannot be less protected.</p> - -<p>This rule is equally imperative with regard to witnesses -who have confidentially communicated with a -Senator. Here again I quote Professor Greenleaf, who -quotes the eminent English judge of the close of the -last century, Lord Chief-Justice Eyre, as follows:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“There is a rule which has universally obtained on account -of its importance to the public for the detection of crimes, that -those persons who are the channel by means of which that detection -is made should not be unnecessarily disclosed.”<a name="FNanchor_27_27" id="FNanchor_27_27"></a><a href="#Footnote_27_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Then the learned professor proceeds:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“All were of opinion that all those questions which tend to -the discovery of the channels by which the disclosure was made -to the officers of justice were, upon the general principles of the -convenience of public justice, to be suppressed; that all persons -in that situation were protected from the discovery.”<a name="FNanchor_28_28" id="FNanchor_28_28"></a><a href="#Footnote_28_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</a></span></p> - -<p>These words are explicit, and nobody can question -them.</p> - -<p>I am led to make these remarks and adduce these authorities -because, perusing the testimony of Mr. Schurz, -I find that he was interrogated on these very matters; -and since I, too, am summoned as a witness, I desire to -put on record my sense of the impropriety of such questions. -It is important that they should not become a -precedent. And here again I declare that I have nothing -to conceal, nothing that I would not willingly give -to the world under any examination and cross-examination; -but I am unwilling to aid in the overthrow of a -rule of law which stands on unquestionable grounds of -public policy. Especially is it important in the Senate, -where, without such protection, a tyrannical majority -might deter a minority from originating unwelcome -inquiries.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>From these preliminaries I proceed to consider the -competency of the present Committee. Requested as a -Senator to appear before you, I deem it my duty to protest -against the formation and constitution of the Committee -as contrary to unquestionable requirements of -Parliamentary Law; and I ask the Committee to receive -this protest as my answer to their letter of invitation. -I make this more readily because in my speech in the -Senate, February 28, 1872, entitled “Reform and Purity -in Government, Neutral Duties, Sale of Arms to Belligerent -France,”<a name="FNanchor_29_29" id="FNanchor_29_29"></a><a href="#Footnote_29_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> I have set forth what moved me to the -inquiry, being grounds of suspicion, which, in my judgment, -rendered the most searching inquiry by a committee -friendly to inquiry absolutely necessary.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</a></span></p> - -<p>The general parliamentary rule in the appointment of -special committees requires that they should be organized -so as to promote the business or inquiry for which -the committee is created. This requirement is according -to obvious reason, and is sustained by parliamentary -authorities. In familiar language, a proposition is committed -to its friends and not to its enemies.</p> - -<p>In illustration of this rule, we are told that members -who have spoken directly against what is called “the -body of the bill,” meaning, of course, the substance of -the inquiry, are not expected to serve on the committee, -but, should they be so nominated, to decline. Their -presence on a committee is not unlike participation in a -trial by a judge or juror interested in the result.</p> - -<p>Very little reflection shows how natural is this rule -as an instrument of justice. The friends of a measure, -or the promoters of an inquiry, though in the majority -on a committee, can do no more than adduce evidence -that exists, so that the business cannot suffer through -them,—while those unfriendly to a measure, or hostile -to an inquiry, may, from lukewarmness, or neglect, or -possible prejudice, fail to present the proper evidence or -recognize its just value, so that the business will suffer. -In legislation, plainly, those who believe an inquiry necessary -are the most proper persons to conduct it, and -being so, they are selected by Parliamentary Law.</p> - -<p>This rule may be traced in the history of Parliament -anterior to the settlement of our country. The ancient -statement was simply that “those against the bill should -not be on the committee.” The meaning of the rule -is distinctly seen in historic cases, which I proceed to -adduce.</p> - -<p>In the House of Commons, as far back as November 7,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</a></span> -1601, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, on the commitment -of a bill relating to misdemeanors, the entry in the -Journal mentions that it was delivered to a certain -member, and then says, “and Mr. Serjeant Harris to be -<i>exempted out of the Committee</i>, because he spake against -the body of the Bill,” according to the ancient order in -Parliament.<a name="FNanchor_30_30" id="FNanchor_30_30"></a><a href="#Footnote_30_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> In other words, a speech against a measure -disqualified the learned member, so that, according -to the expressive words, he was “exempted out of the -Committee.”</p> - -<p>Again, in the case of the commitment of a bill affecting -the city of London, which came up November 11, -1601, on the question whether the members for London, -known to be against the bill, could be of the Committee, -the rule of the House was stated in these positive -words: “That those against the Bill should be no Committees.” -Of course, this rule was not merely of <i>form</i>, -but of <i>substance</i>. It meant that those really against the -measure were not proper for the Committee, all of which -appeared in the recorded debate and proceedings that -ensued. A leading member, Mr. Wiseman, said:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The House allowing of this Bill to be committed are, in -my opinion, to <i>disallow</i> any that will be against the Body of -the Bill for being Committees.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Sir Edward Hobby followed:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“And for my own opinion, I think that he that is against -the Body of the Bill can be no Committee.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>The report then proceeds:—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Then the Speaker stood up and said, ‘… All that will -have a man that hath been against the Body of the Bill to be -a Committee, let them show their opinions by saying <i>Yea</i>.’ -And not one said <i>Yea</i>. ‘All that will not, say <i>No</i>.’ And all -said <i>No</i>.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>I take this important precedent from Townshend’s -“Historical Collections: or, An Exact Account of the -Proceedings of the Four Last Parliaments of Q. Elizabeth,” -pp. 208, 209. The same account is found also in -D’Ewes’s “Journals of all the Parliaments during the -Reign of Queen Elizabeth,” pp. 634-35.</p> - -<p>Thus, on submission of the question by the Speaker, -the House unanimously decided that they would “not -have a man that hath been against the Body of the Bill -to be a Committee.” According to the report, “All said -<i>No</i>”; and that unanimous “No” is the voice of Parliamentary -Law, repeated ever since. The phrase “against -the Body of the Bill” is strong and suggestive, showing -the purpose to exclude those who were unfriendly to the -measure.</p> - -<p>Following the history of the rule, we meet it again, -as stated by Hakewel in his “Modus tenendi Parliamentum,” -published in 1671:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“He that speaketh directly against the body of the bill -may not be named a committee; for he that would totally -destroy will not amend.”<a name="FNanchor_31_31" id="FNanchor_31_31"></a><a href="#Footnote_31_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Here again is the declared purpose to save the measure -from the hands of enemies.</p> - -<p>Then follows a case remarkable for words which have -become familiar in Parliamentary Law. It was that of -Colonel Birch, who, February 11, 1677, brought into Parliament -a Bill for Settling a Public Register for Lands in -the several Counties, and in his remarks said:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I begged you formerly <i>not to put the child to a nurse that -cared not for it</i>. For it was formerly committed to two lawyers, -and the thing was lost.”<a name="FNanchor_32_32" id="FNanchor_32_32"></a><a href="#Footnote_32_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Here the commitment of a bill for reform in law to -“two lawyers” was condemned, because they were a -nurse that did not care for it; and the casual remark of -the author of the bill has become historical. There is -good law as well as sense in his saying, that a child is -not put to a nurse that cares not for it. Parliamentary -Law, in the creation of special committees, always seeks -those who care for the business, whatever it may be. -One against an inquiry, or believing that there is no occasion -for it, is repudiated by this rule, so just and benign, -and also so venerable with years.</p> - -<p>The preparation of articles of impeachment against -the Earl of Danby, Lord High Treasurer in the reign of -Charles the Second, December 21, 1678, presented the -same rule in another aspect. It was no longer a bill, but -an inquiry or investigation, when the Speaker said:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“No man, by the ancient rules of the House, is to be of a -committee of a <i>thing</i> he is against.”<a name="FNanchor_33_33" id="FNanchor_33_33"></a><a href="#Footnote_33_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Here the language is somewhat broadened, though in -entire keeping with the other cases. A man cannot be -on a committee “of a <i>thing</i> he is against.” In other -words, if he is against the inquiry for which a committee -is created, he cannot be on it. And here again good -faith requires that the rule should be observed not -merely in form, but in substance.</p> - -<p>These cases were analyzed and adopted by Mr. Jefferson<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</a></span> -in his authoritative “Manual”; so that they have -become American Parliamentary Law, as obligatory here -as in England. Speaking always by their essential -reason, but with the weight of precedent also, they are -not less binding than if promulgated with an enacting -clause.</p> - -<p>Mr. Jefferson furnishes other and most important -words of his own:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“And when any member who is against the bill hears -himself named of its committee, <i>he ought to ask to be excused</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_34_34" id="FNanchor_34_34"></a><a href="#Footnote_34_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>This is the language of our Manual, declaring the -duty of a member who hears himself named of a committee -on a bill he is against. Of course the general -rule is applicable to any other matter referred to a committee. -The words are, “he <i>ought</i> to ask to be excused.” -Of course his continuance on the committee, or any attempt -to exercise its duties, is a violation of Parliamentary -Law, unless you are ready to discard this positive -injunction.</p> - -<p>Mr. Jefferson then adds, by way of illustration:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Thus, March 7, 1606, Mr. Hadley was, on the question -being put, excused from being of a committee, declaring himself -to be against the matter itself.”<a name="FNanchor_35_35" id="FNanchor_35_35"></a><a href="#Footnote_35_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>And our great authority declares that this is “a -constant rule.”<a name="FNanchor_36_36" id="FNanchor_36_36"></a><a href="#Footnote_36_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a></p> - -<p>Such is Parliamentary Law; and Mr. Jefferson has -answered in advance the possible objection, that this is -English and not American. After saying, in his preface<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</a></span> -to the “Manual,” that the Senate has given to these -rules “the sanction of their approbation,” he announces -“the law of proceedings in the Senate as composed of -the precepts of the Constitution, the regulations of the -Senate, and, where these are silent, of <i>the rules of Parliament</i>.” -Such, according to him, is the law of our proceedings. -The “Manual” which he presents he hopes -others may fill up, “<i>till a code of rules</i> shall be formed -for the use of the Senate, the effects of which may be -accuracy in business, economy of time, order, uniformity, -and impartiality.” The last word is “<i>impartiality</i>,” -which, doubtless, is a main object to be secured.</p> - -<p>Any one disposed to neglect these rules will find a -warning from Mr. Jefferson. In his opening chapter he -quotes these words from the famous Speaker Onslow:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“That these forms, as instituted by our ancestors, operated -as a check and control on the actions of the majority, and -that they were in many instances a shelter and <i>protection to -the minority against the attempts of power</i>.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Mr. Jefferson follows this quotation by declaring “the -forms and rules of proceeding” to be “the only weapons -by which the minority can defend themselves,” and by -which “the weaker party can be protected from those -irregularities and abuses which these forms were intended -to check, and which the wantonness of power is -but too often apt to suggest to large and successful -majorities.”</p> - -<p>Thus is the parliamentary rule which forbids a person -unfriendly to the business of the committee, whatever -it may be, whether bill or inquiry, from serving on -the committee, one of those inhibitions by which public -business is promoted, by which impartiality is secured,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</a></span> -and especially by which a minority is shielded against -the wantonness of power.</p> - -<p>“The Congressional Globe” makes it easy to apply -what has been said to several of this Committee. Unless -the law, as illustrated by ancient cases, and adopted -by Mr. Jefferson, is entirely neglected, unless the rule -so frequently enunciated is set at defiance or treated as -a sham, there are at least three serving on the Committee -in violation of Parliamentary Law. In undertaking -to serve, they were undoubtedly oblivious of the -time-honored requirement, or did not appreciate its -stringency.</p> - -<p>Not only every Senator, but the whole country has an -immeasurable interest in the preservation of those rules -by which what Mr. Jefferson justly calls “the wantonness -of power” is restrained, and minorities are protected -against majorities. Any shock to them, as in the present -case, becomes a precedent by which liberty and justice -suffer. As a Senator appearing before this Committee -at their request, I deem it my duty to file this -Protest, in the sincere hope, that, whatever may be the -result of the present inquiry, the open violation of Parliamentary -Law in the formation and constitution of the -Committee will not be permitted to become a precedent -hereafter. When law is sacrificed, individuals may for -a moment seem to triumph, but it is at the cost of a -great safeguard for the good of all.</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner.</span></p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">Senate Chamber</span>, March 26, 1872.</p> - -<hr class="r15" /> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>On motion of Mr. Carpenter, of the Committee, it was ordered that -a subpœna in regular form be issued to Mr. Sumner, returnable the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</a></span> -next day, to be served by the Sergeant-at-Arms; which was duly issued -and served.</p> - -<p>March 27th, Mr. Sumner appeared, and, after the reading of the -subpœna, proceeded to read a second Protest.</p> - -</div> - -<h3>SECOND PROTEST.</h3> - -<p>Since reading and filing my Protest yesterday, I have -received by the hands of the Sergeant-at-Arms a subpœna -commanding me to appear before this Committee. -In answer to this subpœna, I now appear.</p> - -<p>It is my duty to declare that my judgment as originally -set forth in my Protest is in no respect altered -by this subpœna. I do not think the Committee more -competent to-day than yesterday. I still find several -occupying seats on the Committee in violation of an -unquestionable rule of Parliamentary Law. The record -shows that they signalized themselves in the Senate by -open speech against the pending inquiry and those who -brought it forward, or, according to the language of the -old rule, “against the thing,” and therefore disqualified -themselves as much as a judge who has been counsel in -a case, or a juror who has declared his opinion beforehand. -This disqualification is not founded on argument -or inference, but on peremptory rule, traced back many -generations, illustrated by numerous authorities, and -constituting part of what Mr. Jefferson calls the “code” -for the government of the Senate, having, as he says, -“the sanction of their approbation.”</p> - -<p>Besides the authorities which I cited yesterday, there -are two others from our own country, which I deem it -my duty to adduce. The first is that of Cushing’s “Lex -Parliamentaria Americana” or “The Law and Practice of -Legislative Assemblies in the United States.” Here we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</a></span> -learn how completely a committee is placed by Parliamentary -Law in the hands of the mover, thus:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“It became the established practice for the member upon -whose motion a committee had been ordered, to move the -names of the members to compose it,—being, of course, of -his own selection: his own name being among them, and -perhaps the first named on the list. If he felt any delicacy -in moving his own name, the motion might be made by some -friend: as on the occasion of the appointment of the committee -to prepare articles of impeachment against Lord Melville, -which had been ordered on the motion of Mr. Whitbread, -that gentleman was first appointed one of the committee -on the motion of Lord Temple, and then on the motion -of Mr. Whitbread the other members of the committee -(Lord Temple being one) were appointed.”<a name="FNanchor_37_37" id="FNanchor_37_37"></a><a href="#Footnote_37_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>As this was a case of investigation, it is a precedent -for us now. But our Committee was constituted in a -very different manner. Mr. Cushing vindicates the -practice of allowing the mover of a proposition himself -to nominate the committee for the consideration of the -House, saying:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“That the House, by adopting the resolution for the committee, -has signified its willingness that the subject should be -so considered or investigated; that the member nominating -the committee must be supposed to feel as strong an interest -in the proper consideration of the subject as any one, and also -to possess or to be willing to obtain the knowledge necessary -to enable him to decide upon the qualifications of the members -he selects.”<a name="FNanchor_38_38" id="FNanchor_38_38"></a><a href="#Footnote_38_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>In this vindication the careful and elaborate author -shows how completely the early rule is recognized. The -same learned authority, while stating the English and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</a></span> -American Parliamentary Law, shows how the examination -is conducted:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“When an inquiry is instituted and an examination of -witnesses undertaken by the House in its inquisitorial capacity, -it is customary for the member on whose motion or suggestion -the inquiry has been engaged in, or for some of the -members voting with him for the inquiry, to take the lead in -the examination of the witnesses, … or, in other words, -to examine the witnesses in chief.”<a name="FNanchor_39_39" id="FNanchor_39_39"></a><a href="#Footnote_39_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Plainly, according to this usage, Mr. Schurz, and not -Mr. Hamlin, should take the lead and examine the witnesses -in chief.</p> - -<p>The other parliamentary authority to which I refer is -Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, former Speaker of the House of -Representatives. In his valedictory speech, March 3, -1841, this gentleman, who brought thought and study -to the discharge of his public duties, took occasion to -explain the principles governing the formation of committees, -and all must admit that he did it with a clearness -and philosophy not surpassed in parliamentary history. -According to him, those having the affirmative of -a proposition should have the direction of the committee. -Speaking generally, he says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The party upon which it naturally devolves to propose a -question ought to have the power, it would seem, to present -its proposition in the shape for which it is willing to be responsible; -and as the different parties hold the affirmative -according to the nature of the question, so ought the constitution -of the committees to be varied.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Then, in language precisely applicable to the present -case, the Speaker says:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In committees of investigation it is equally clear that the -opposition, <i>who hold the affirmative</i>, should have the majority -and the power.”<a name="FNanchor_40_40" id="FNanchor_40_40"></a><a href="#Footnote_40_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>This instructive statement is in admirable harmony -with the rule, as declared in early times, that those -“against the thing” cannot go on the committee,—and -that a measure, like a child, is not put to a nurse that -cares not for it. The old Parliamentarians were less philosophical -than the American Speaker, but each meant -the same thing. The prime object is opportunity and -fair play for those bringing forward a proposition, or -holding the affirmative. A committee <i>organized to sustain -the negative</i> is the very committee described as a -nurse that cares not for the child, and therefore is a committee -not tolerated by Parliamentary Law.</p> - -<p>Thus from all quarters—beginning with the distant in -time, embracing Jefferson, the father of American Parliamentary -Law, Cushing, its most authoritative American -expounder, and not forgetting an American Speaker—proceeds -concurring testimony to the parliamentary rule -requiring an inquiry to be placed in the hands of its -friends; especially is it necessary that the chairman, who -directs the inquiry and examines the witnesses, should -be known as one of its friends.</p> - -<p>Therefore I must be pardoned, if I renew my Protest -against the competency of the present Committee. I -protest against it as constituted in flagrant violation of -Parliamentary Law; and I protest especially against the -acting Chairman, who undertakes to direct this inquiry -and to examine witnesses, as not coming within the -conditions established by rule, by usage, and by reason.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</a></span> -The record shows that he did not move the inquiry, nor -did he coöperate with the mover, or take any part in -sustaining him, while in open speech he showed himself -“against the thing.” I object to the acting Chairman -as to a judge or juror disqualified to sit in a court.</p> - -<p>I make this second Protest with infinite reluctance. -But the Committee leave me no alternative. In their -invitation, in the nature of a summons, and now in their -subpœna, they compel me to declare my objection to -their competency. Seeing it as clearly as I do, and feeling -it as strongly as I do, I cannot avoid expressing it. -If I do so twice, it is because the Committee have laid -me twice under this obligation. Beyond that sentiment -of duty which is with me a rule of life, I am encouraged -to this effort by the hope that, even if the present Committee -cannot be corrected in conformity with Parliamentary -Law, its incompetency is so clearly exposed that -it will be powerless hereafter as a precedent. If obliged -to witness the present dishonor of a time-honored rule, -I would at least save this safeguard for the future.</p> - -<p>In thus declaring my profound sense of the wrong -that has been attempted, I do all in my power to maintain -Parliamentary Law inviolate. I regret that I cannot -do more.</p> - -<p>With this explanation, and yielding to the command -of the Committee, I offer myself for examination on matters -proper for inquiry; but I do it under protest.</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner.</span></p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">Senate Chamber</span>, 27th March, 1872.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>Mr. Carpenter moved that the two Protests be returned to Mr. Sumner, -as disrespectful to the Committee. On a subsequent day the motion -was withdrawn.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="BOOKS_ON_THE_FREE_LIST" id="BOOKS_ON_THE_FREE_LIST"></a>BOOKS ON THE FREE LIST.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks in the Senate on moving an Amendment to a -Tariff Bill, March 27, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>On the question of concurrence in an amendment made in Committee -of the Whole relative to the free list, Mr. Sumner said:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">I move to amend that amendment by adding after -the provision as to books, as arranged alphabetically -in the free list,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>Books in the ancient and foreign languages.</p> - -</div> - -<p>I have letters very often from learned professors in -different parts of the country, complaining of the cost of -books that they are constrained to purchase in order to -carry on their studies and to enable them to teach. This -is the case with Greek professors, professors in all the -languages, ancient and modern. It is also the case with -men of science, who desire works in the Continental languages; -they complain bitterly of the expense to which -they are put.</p> - -<p>Now, if I can have the attention of the Senate one -moment, I will endeavor to show that these works cannot -come in competition with any books here at home. -Certainly they cannot with regard to any considerable -interest. I think, if these could be put on the free list, -an essential service would be done; the revenue would<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</a></span> -lose very little, and no considerable interest in our country -would suffer. I hope, therefore, there can be no question -but that the Senate will allow this to be adopted.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Morrill</span> [of Vermont]. I trust this amendment will -not be adopted. It is evidently an old acquaintance of the -Senate. I think the Senator from Massachusetts has always -moved it whenever he has had an opportunity.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>To the argument advanced by Mr. Morrill in support of this objection,—namely, -“that the school-books of America should be American -in character, and printed and published by American publishers,”—Mr. -Sumner replied:—</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. President</span>,—The argument of my friend is against -English books, and not books in ancient or foreign languages. -At any rate, the chief point of his argument was -addressed to works in the English language. He called -our attention, for instance, to Smith’s “Dictionary of the -Bible,” an English work; and he knows well, that, as it -is a recent work, it is not on our free list, and the amendment -which I move does not touch it. My amendment -concerns books in the ancient languages, and in foreign -languages, that is, in the languages of modern Europe; -and the single point of the Senator is school-books. Now -I ask whether we should not do all we can to make the -school-books as cheap as possible? Will the Senator put -a protective duty on school-books?—make the child -with “shining morning face” as he goes to school pay a -duty? I would have the school-books as cheap as possible. -But then how few are the school-books that would -come in under this provision?</p> - -<p>My amendment reaches the large amount of works -concerning science and literature and jurisprudence in -ancient and in foreign languages; and why should these -be subjected to a duty? Why should those scholars,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</a></span> -those enlightened professional men who import these -books, be subjected to this additional expense? Sir, I -honor the man, whether of scholarship, of science, or of -a profession, who imports these works of learning. He -is a benefactor to his country. Every such work becomes -a fountain in the neighborhood: but I would not -put a duty on that fountain; I would unseal it; I would -open it, and let it flow as amply as possible.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Morrill</span> [of Maine]. I should like to ask the Senator -from Massachusetts whether there are any books in foreign languages -that are not published in this country. Are not all the -books in the ancient languages published in this country?</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> I beg to call the Senator’s attention to -the boundless annual literature of Germany, where the -volumes are counted by the thousand,—to the extensive -literature of France, where the volumes are counted by -the thousand,—to the less ample literature of Spain and -Italy, with numerous publications, all of which, if imported, -pay a duty. Now I wish to encourage that importation.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Morrill.</span> I understood the Senator’s argument to be -in favor of ancient books.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> It is also, certainly.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Morrill.</span> My inquiry is, whether those books are not -all republished in this country.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> Not at all. For instance, take most of -the considerable works of scholarship in German, annually -produced, bearing on the classics; they are not republished -in our country, but our professors import them -at cost. Then take another class of works, on science, -in the German language, in the French language,—I<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</a></span> -would say also in the Italian language, for there are -some excellent contributions to science as well as to -literature in the Italian language,—those, if imported, -pay a duty; but they do not come into competition with -anything printed here. Why, then, should they pay a -duty? Why not encourage their importation? Why -not help the man of science, or the learned professor, -who aspires to enlarge his library in this way? I have -said that I regard such a person as a benefactor. I wish -to give him my thanks, and my help, if I can. The best -help I can give him is to try to save him from this additional -tax.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>Mr. Sumner’s Amendment was rejected,—Yeas 12, Nays not counted.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="THE_NASBY_LETTERS" id="THE_NASBY_LETTERS"></a>THE NASBY LETTERS.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Introduction to the Collection,<a name="FNanchor_41_41" id="FNanchor_41_41"></a><a href="#Footnote_41_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> April 1, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">Beyond the interest in these letters as another -instance of a peculiar literature,—illustrated -by Major Jack Downing, Sam Slick, and the genius of -Hosea Biglow,—they have an historic character from -the part they performed in the war with Slavery, and in -advancing Reconstruction. Appearing with a certain -regularity and enjoying an extensive circulation, they -became a constant and welcome ally. Unquestionably -they were among the influences and agencies by which -disloyalty in all its forms was exposed, and public opinion -assured on the right side. It is impossible to measure -their value. Against the devices of Slavery and its -supporters, each letter was like a speech, or one of those -songs which stir the people. Therefore they belong to -the political history of this critical period.</p> - -<p>Of publications during the war, none had such charm -for Abraham Lincoln. He read every letter as it appeared, -and kept them all within reach for refreshment. -This strong liking illustrates his character, and will<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</a></span> -always awaken an interest in the letters. An incident in -my own relations with him shows how easily he turned -from care to humor.</p> - -<p>I had occasion to see President Lincoln very late in -the evening of March 17th, 1865. The interview was -in the familiar room known as his office, and also used -for cabinet meetings. I did not take leave of him until -some time after midnight, and then the business was -not entirely finished. As I rose, he said, “Come to me -when I open shop in the morning; I will have the order -written, and you shall see it.” “When do you open -shop?” said I. “At nine o’clock,” he replied. At the -hour named I was in the same room that I had so recently -left. Very soon the President entered, stepping -quickly with the promised order in his hands, which he -at once read to me. It was to disapprove and annul -the judgment and sentence of a court-martial in a case -that had excited much feeling. While I was making -an abstract of the order for communication by telegraph -to the anxious parties, he broke into quotation from -Nasby. Finding me less at home than himself with -his favorite humorist, he said pleasantly, “I must -initiate you,” and then repeated with enthusiasm the -message he had sent to the author: “For the genius to -write these things I would gladly give up my office.”</p> - -<p>Rising from his seat, he opened a desk behind, and, -taking from it a pamphlet collection of the letters -already published, proceeded to read from it with infinite -zest, while his melancholy features grew bright. It -was a delight to see him surrender so completely to the -fascination. Finding that I listened, he read for more -than twenty minutes, and was still proceeding, when -it occurred to me that there must be many at the door<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</a></span> -waiting to see him on graver matters. Taking advantage -of a pause, I rose, and, thanking him for the lesson -of the morning, went away. Some thirty persons, including -Senators and Representatives, were in the antechamber -as I passed out.</p> - -<p>Though with the President much during the intervening -time before his death, this was the last business -I transacted with him. A few days later he left Washington -for City Point, on the James River, where he was -at the surrender of Richmond. April 6th I joined him -there. April 9th the party returned to Washington. -On the evening of April 14th the bullet of an assassin -took his life.</p> - -<p>In this simple story Abraham Lincoln introduces -Nasby.</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner.</span></p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">Washington</span>, April 1st, 1872.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="ADVICE_TO_THE_COLORED_PEOPLE" id="ADVICE_TO_THE_COLORED_PEOPLE"></a>ADVICE TO THE COLORED PEOPLE.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter to the National Convention of Colored People -at New Orleans, April 7, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Washington</span>, April 7, 1872.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">MY DEAR SIR,—In reply to your inquiry, I make -haste to say, that, in my judgment, the Colored -Convention should think more of principles than of men,—except -so far as men stand for principles. Above -all, let them insist on the rights of their own much-abused -and insulted people.</p> - -<p>It is absurd for anybody to say that he “accepts the -situation,” and then deny the equal rights of the colored -man. If the “situation” is accepted in good faith, it -must be entirely,—including not merely the abolition -of Slavery and the establishment of equal suffrage, but -also all those other rights which are still denied or -abridged. There must be complete equality before the -law, so that in all institutions, agencies, or conveniences, -created or regulated by law, there can be no discrimination -on account of color, but a black man shall -be treated as a white man.</p> - -<p>In maintaining their rights, it will be proper for the -Convention to invoke the Declaration of Independence, -so that its principles and promises shall become a living<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</a></span> -reality, never to be questioned in any way, but recognized -always as a guide of conduct and a governing -rule in the interpretation of the National Constitution, -being in the nature of a Bill of Rights preceding the -Constitution.</p> - -<p>It is not enough to “proclaim liberty throughout all -the land unto all the inhabitants thereof.” Equality -must be proclaimed also; and since both are promised -by the great Declaration, which is a national act, and as -from their nature they should be uniform throughout -the country, both must be placed under the safeguard -of national law. There can be but one liberty and one -equality, the same in Boston and New Orleans, the same -everywhere throughout the country.</p> - -<p>The colored people are not ungenerous, and therefore -will incline to any measures of good-will and reconciliation; -but I trust no excess of benevolence will make -them consent to any postponement of those equal rights -which are still refused. The disabilities of colored people, -loyal and long-suffering, should be removed before -the disabilities of former Rebels; or at least the two removals -should go hand in hand.</p> - -<p>It only remains that I should say, “Stand firm!” The -politicians will then know that you are in earnest, and -will no longer be trifled with. Victory will follow soon, -and the good cause be secure forever.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile accept my best wishes for the Convention, -and believe me, dear Professor,</p> - -<p class="sig">Faithfully yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">To Professor John M. Langston, -Washington.</span></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="DIPLOMATIC_AGENTS_OF_THE_UNITED_STATES" id="DIPLOMATIC_AGENTS_OF_THE_UNITED_STATES"></a>DIPLOMATIC AGENTS OF THE UNITED STATES -NOT TO ACCEPT GIFTS FROM FOREIGN -POWERS.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks in the Senate, May 2, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>Mr. Cameron, having moved to take up a joint resolution reported -by him from the Committee on Foreign Relations, “permitting certain -diplomatic and consular officers of the United States in France to accept -testimonials from the Emperor of Germany for their friendly services -toward the subjects of the Emperor during the war between France -and Germany,”—Mr. Sumner promptly protested:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">I must object to it with my whole soul. I consider -it a most vicious proposition, utterly untenable. -The Constitution of the United States says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“No person holding any office of profit or trust under -them [the United States] shall, without the consent of the -Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of -any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Not even from the German Empire. Congress has -followed one rule from the beginning, I believe,—never -to allow its diplomatic agents to receive anything from -a foreign power. It has allowed its naval officers, who -have rendered some humane service at sea to the subjects -of a foreign power, to receive some reward or recognition, -some honor, some compliment; but it has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</a></span> -never allowed any person in its diplomatic service to -receive any such reward, honor, or compliment. I think -the Senate will see that this rule proceeds on a ground -from which we cannot depart. It is, that our representatives -abroad must be kept always above all suspicion -of acting under foreign influence, or the temptation -of foreign reward. Nor should we, Sir, be gratified, I -think, to see these representatives abroad wearing at -their button-holes the insignia of any foreign power.</p> - -<p>I hope, Sir, the Senate will not take up this matter -again. It ought to be allowed to drop out of sight.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The matter was dropped.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="PRESERVATION_OF_THE_PARK_AT" id="PRESERVATION_OF_THE_PARK_AT"></a>PRESERVATION OF THE PARK AT -WASHINGTON.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks in the Senate, May 15, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The Senate having under consideration a bill from the House confirming -a grant by the City Council of Washington of a site for a railway -dépôt in the public park, Mr. Sumner said:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. PRESIDENT,—To my mind this bill is injudicious; -and in saying this I give an opinion -reached after the most careful consideration of it in the -Committee. I think it ought not to be adopted by the -Senate. I say this with reluctance, for I sympathize -keenly with every improvement and with every facility -afforded to this growing and beautiful metropolis; and -may I say, also, I feel a personal sympathy with the -distinguished citizen of Pennsylvania particularly interested -in this measure? And yet, approaching its consideration -with those biases in its favor, I am bound to -conclude against it.</p> - -<p>Sir, I do not think that this privilege ought to be -granted, and my reason is precise and specific. It proposes -to take a considerable section of land, which, if -you look on the map, you will see properly belongs to -the Park of Washington. I am unwilling, at this early -period in the history of this metropolis, to begin by cutting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</a></span> -out a slice from this inclosure set apart for the future. -If you do it now, where are you to stop? Will -you not be called to cut out another slice next year, or -in five years,—and may not the Park be reduced from -that form and those proportions it promises to enjoy? -This metropolis is now at its beginning, and yet doubling -in a decade. During the last ten years its population -has multiplied twofold; and in the coming ten -years there is every reason to believe that the development -will be as large, if not larger. Of course with the -increase of population is the demand for a park, especially -in the central situation which that enjoys. I use the -language of another, when I say that parks are the lungs -of a great city; but where will be the lungs of this metropolis, -if you begin now to reduce the Park? Rather -should we sacredly keep it all intact, so that hereafter, -when you and I, Sir, have passed away, and this metropolis -has grown to a grandeur and beauty which imagination -cannot now conceive, that Park may remain in its -entirety, a blessing to the people, for which they themselves -in turn will bless us.</p> - -<p>Sir, I was born in a city which has the enjoyment of -such a blessing. There is in Boston what is known as -The Common, set apart in the very earliest days of the -old town, when it was in fact what the name implies,—a -common for the pasturage of cattle; but, though often -assailed, it has been preserved untouched. Railroad -corporations and other companies have tried in vain to -obtain a corner from it. The jealous city fathers have -saved that beautiful piece of earth, till now it is the first -treasure of Boston,—unless we except her common -schools, where all are equal before the law. I have often -thought what would have ensued if some time ago, yielding<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</a></span> -to corporation pressure in its various forms, the city -had consented to sacrifice that beautiful inclosure. There -it is, the very apple of the eye to Boston; and nobody -now fears that it will be diminished by a foot.</p> - -<p>And should not Washington have a similar possession? -Are you willing, Sir, now at this early moment of her -history, when she is just beginning to grow, or rather -when her growth is just beginning to be apparent, to despoil -her of this unquestionable attraction, where the -useful and the beautiful commingle? I think, Sir, you -will act improvidently, if you do so. I think you will -act against the best interests of the city, whether you -look at health, beauty, or enjoyment; for a park ministers -to all these.</p> - -<p>Therefore, Sir, would I keep it intact. By no consent -of Congress would I allow any business interest or disturbing -railroad company to fasten itself upon this inclosure. -They should be excluded; and when I say this, -I would not carry them off far. Let them plant their -stations just the other side. They will then be perhaps -a third of a mile from Pennsylvania Avenue, traversing -the centre of population with conveniences such as railroads -in no other city enjoy. With those open to -them, why should we allow them to enter our pleasure-grounds? -If there were no proper place without going -a long distance, a mile or two miles, there would be -some reason, perhaps, for entertaining this question; but -when I consider the facilities which they may enjoy -only the other side of the Park line, with land there -cheap and easy to be had, I am astonished that any -one can be willing to sacrifice the Park simply to bring -them a few rods nearer Pennsylvania Avenue.</p> - -<p>And this brings me to the question of travel on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</a></span> -Avenue. If you put a railway station as is proposed, -you will bring on the Avenue all that glut and accumulation -of carriages and wagons always concentrated -about the terminus of a great line of travel. I think it -will be injurious to the Avenue. That alone would be -a reason with me against the bill.</p> - -<p>But as often as I think of the question, I come back -to the Park, which, say what you will, is destined to be -one of the most important possessions of this metropolis, -and for the special enjoyment of the people. They will -enjoy this Capitol, for it is beautiful to behold,—also -the other public edifices, some of them excellent in style -and grateful to the eye; but nothing of all these will be -what we may expect that Park to be,—a place where -the young and old will resort of an evening to enjoy innocent -recreation and congenial society, while the open -air or the opportunities of exercise impart to them that -best blessing, health. Sir, that Park should not be sacrificed; -and if you have any doubt, let me lay before you -the testimony of another place. I have already cited -Boston; I now call your attention to Philadelphia. You -know the remarkable park which has been opened there. -I stopped a day in Philadelphia last summer, on my -way home, especially to see and enjoy this magnificent -resort; and I was well rewarded. I beheld the most -beautiful park, certainly in its promise, on this continent; -and I doubt if there is one even in the European -world of equal promise. But no one can enter its -grounds without annoyance and trouble from the railroad-crossings, -and the perpetual sound of the steam-engine -with its shrill whistle, so little in harmony with -pleasure-grounds.</p> - -<p>It requires no scientific knowledge, no practical<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</a></span> -acquaintance with railroads, to see that those crossings are -a positive nuisance, and that the hospitable park set -apart for the population of a mighty city, and destined -to be one of the most beautiful objects of the civilized -world, actually suffers from the nuisance. I appeal to -Senators who have visited it; I know that there is not -one who will say that I am not right. There is not one -who has ever entered those grounds, not even the Senator -from Pennsylvania who pioneers this bill, that will -not say he regrets those railroad-crossings and wishes -them out of the way. But I shall not rely upon the -authority of the Senator or my own testimony. I have -in my hand the last annual report of the Commissioners, -and I wish the Senate to hear what they say:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“At an early period of their organization the Commissioners -addressed themselves to the solution of the very difficult -problem of how to attain the best approaches to the Park, -and they have not at any time ceased to give that matter -their earnest attention. If a former generation could have -foreseen”—</p> - -</div> - -<p>Now see, Senators, how this applies to the present -case,—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“If a former generation could have foreseen that the liberal -views which far-sighted men among them held on the -subject of a park which should embrace both banks of the -Schuylkill would finally ripen into a fruition beyond what -the most sanguine could then have dreamed, the great railways -which now run in close proximity to that stream would -have reached the city by other routes, or at least would have -been carried on tracks more remote from the river. At that -day this could readily have been done without conflicting -with any interest; but now that the conditions have been -long established, and trade and travel settled in conformity -to them, any violent change must be regarded as out of the -question.”<a name="FNanchor_42_42" id="FNanchor_42_42"></a><a href="#Footnote_42_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>The Commissioners then make certain recommendations, -which I will not take up time to read. But I -come to a brief passage:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The Commissioners, therefore, respectfully but strenuously -urge that steps shall be immediately taken to promote -this most desirable end. And they do this not alone in the -interest of the thousands whose vehicles are entangled at the -railroad-crossing, but much more in the interest of the hundreds -of thousands whose principal enjoyment of the Park has -been and will be in that portion of it which is most exposed -to these dangerous annoyances.”<a name="FNanchor_43_43" id="FNanchor_43_43"></a><a href="#Footnote_43_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>That is testimony. If this were a court of justice -instead of the Senate, and if you, Sir, were a court and -the Senators now before me were a jury, that would be -a testimony conclusive in the case,—testimony of experts, -who know by experience what they testify, who -have seen with their own eyes and felt in their own -consciousness, whenever they entered that park, the nuisance -against which I now protest. Sir, they testify -against the present bill. Can you answer the testimony? -Is it not clear? Is it not complete?</p> - -<p>Sir, I need no testimony. I only ask Senators to look -at the Park. Let them pass through our Library and -take their stand on that unequalled portico from which -they may look down upon an amphitheatre more like -that of ancient Rome than that of any other capital, -with a river beneath and hills in the distance,—a river<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</a></span> -much larger than the ancient Tiber, and hills much more -beautiful than those that stand about Rome,—and a -Capitol, too, but how much more beautiful than that -which once gave the law to mankind! Stand on that -portico, Sir, and survey the amphitheatre; your eye -will then rest with satisfaction on the outline of this -very Park, stretching from the Capitol beyond the Executive -Mansion, and destined to be a breathing-place for -the immense population of future generations. Stand -on that portico and try to imagine what this Park may -be.</p> - -<p>And now it is proposed not only to diminish that -breathing-place, but to disturb it by the smoke of steam-engines, -and to confuse it by the perpetual din of locomotives. -I hope no such thing will be done. There is -a place for all things; and this I know, the place for a -railway-station is not a public park.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="HOURS_OF_LABOR" id="HOURS_OF_LABOR"></a>HOURS OF LABOR.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter to the Convention of the Massachusetts Labor -Union in Boston, May 25, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Senate Chamber</span>, May 25, 1872.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">GENTLEMEN,—I cannot take part in your public -meeting, but I declare my sympathy with the -working-men in their aspirations for greater equality of -condition and increased opportunities. I therefore insist -that the experiment of an eight-hour law in the -national workshops shall be fairly tried, so that, if successful, -it may be extended.</p> - -<p>Here let me confess that I find this law especially -valuable, because it promises more time for education -and general improvement. If the experiment is successful -in this respect, I shall be less curious on the -question of pecuniary profit and loss; for to my mind -the education of the human family is above dollars and -dividends.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile accept my best wishes, and believe me</p> - -<p class="sig">Faithfully yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">To the Committee.</span></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="ARBITRATION_AS_A_SUBSTITUTE_FOR_WAR" id="ARBITRATION_AS_A_SUBSTITUTE_FOR_WAR"></a>ARBITRATION AS A SUBSTITUTE FOR WAR.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Resolutions in the Senate, May 31, 1872, concerning -Arbitration as a Substitute for War in determining -Differences between Nations.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">Whereas by International Law and existing custom -War is recognized as a form of Trial for the -determination of differences between nations; and</p> - -<p>Whereas for generations good men have protested -against the irrational character of this arbitrament, -where force instead of justice prevails, and have anxiously -sought for a substitute in the nature of a judicial -tribunal, all of which was expressed by Franklin in his -exclamation, “When will mankind be convinced that -all wars are follies, very expensive and very mischievous, -and agree to settle their differences by Arbitration?”<a name="FNanchor_44_44" id="FNanchor_44_44"></a><a href="#Footnote_44_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> -and</p> - -<p>Whereas war once prevailed in the determination of -differences between individuals, between cities, between -counties, and between provinces, being recognized in all -these cases as the arbiter of justice, but at last yielded -to a judicial tribunal, and now, in the progress of civilization, -the time has come for the extension of this humane -principle to nations, so that their differences may -be taken from the arbitrament of war, and, in conformity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</a></span> -with these examples, submitted to a judicial tribunal; -and</p> - -<p>Whereas Arbitration has been formally recognized as -a substitute for war in the determination of differences -between nations, being especially recommended by the -Congress of Paris, where were assembled the representatives -of England, France, Russia, Prussia, Austria, Sardinia, -and Turkey, and afterward adopted by the United -States in formal treaty with Great Britain for the determination -of differences arising from depredations of -British cruisers, and also from opposing claims with -regard to the San Juan boundary; and</p> - -<p>Whereas it becomes important to consider and settle -the true character of this beneficent tribunal, thus commended -and adopted, so that its authority and completeness -as a substitute for war may not be impaired, but -strengthened and upheld, to the end that civilization -may be advanced and war be limited in its sphere: -Therefore,</p> - -<p>1. <i>Resolved</i>, That in the determination of international -differences Arbitration should become a substitute for -war in reality as in name, and therefore coëxtensive with -war in jurisdiction, so that any question or grievance -which might be the occasion of war or of misunderstanding -between nations should be considered by this -tribunal.</p> - -<p>2. <i>Resolved</i>, That any withdrawal from a treaty recognizing -Arbitration, or any refusal to abide the judgment -of the accepted tribunal, or any interposition of -technicalities to limit the proceedings, is to this extent -a disparagement of the tribunal as a substitute for war, -and therefore hostile to civilization.</p> - -<p>3. <i>Resolved</i>, That the United States, having at heart<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</a></span> -the cause of peace everywhere, and hoping to help its -permanent establishment between nations, hereby recommend -the adoption of Arbitration as a just and practical -method for the determination of international differences, -to be maintained sincerely and in good faith, -so that war may cease to be regarded as a proper form of -trial between nations.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="REPUBLICANISM_VS_GRANTISM" id="REPUBLICANISM_VS_GRANTISM"></a>REPUBLICANISM VS. GRANTISM.</h2> - -<h3>THE PRESIDENCY A TRUST, NOT A PLAYTHING AND -PERQUISITE.—PERSONAL GOVERNMENT AND PRESIDENTIAL -PRETENSIONS.—REFORM AND PURITY IN -GOVERNMENT.</h3> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Speech in the Senate, May 31, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="blockquote medium"> - -<hr class="r15" /> - -<p><i>Socrates.</i> Then whom do you call the good?</p> - -<p><i>Alcibiades.</i> I mean by the good those who are able to rule in the -city.</p> - -<p><i>Socrates.</i> Not, surely, over horses?</p> - -<p><i>Alcibiades.</i> Certainly not.</p> - -<p><i>Socrates.</i> But over men?</p> - -<p><i>Alcibiades.</i> Yes.</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Plato</span>, <i>Dialogues: First Alcibiades</i>. -Tr. Jowett, Vol. IV. p. 545.</p> - -<hr class="r15" /> - -<p>Amongst the foremost purposes ought to be the downfall of this -odious, insulting, degrading, aide-de-campish, incapable dictatorship. -At such a crisis, is this country to be left at the mercy of barrack -councils and mess-room politics?—<i>Letter of Lord Durham to Henry -Brougham, August, 1830</i>: <i>Life and Times of Henry Lord Brougham</i>, -Vol. III. p. 44.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</a></span></p> - -<hr class="r15" /> - -<p>It is a maxim in politics, which we readily admit as undisputed and -universal, that a power, however great, when granted by law to an -eminent magistrate, is not so dangerous to Liberty as an authority, -however inconsiderable, which he acquires from violence and usurpation.</p> - -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Hume</span>, <i>Essays</i>, Part II.: Essay X., <i>Of Some Remarkable Customs</i>.</p> - -<hr class="r15" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</a></span></p> - -<h3>SPEECH.</h3> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill coming up as unfinished business, -Mr. Sumner moved to postpone indefinitely its consideration, -and after remarking on the Report of the Committee on the Sale of -Arms to French Agents, he said:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. PRESIDENT,—I have no hesitation in declaring -myself a member of the Republican -Party, and one of the straitest of the sect. I doubt if -any Senator can point to earlier or more constant service -in its behalf. I began at the beginning, and from -that early day have never failed to sustain its candidates -and to advance its principles. For these I have -labored always by speech and vote, in the Senate and -elsewhere,—at first with few only, but at last, as success -began to dawn, then with multitudes flocking forward. -In this cause I never asked who were my associates -or how many they would number. In the -consciousness of right I was willing to be alone. To -such a party, with which so much of my life is intertwined, -I have no common attachment. Not without -regret can I see it suffer; not without a pang can I see -it changed from its original character, for such a change -is death. Therefore do I ask, with no common feeling, -that the peril which menaces it may pass away. I stood -by its cradle; let me not follow its hearse.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</a></span></p> - -<h4>ORIGIN AND OBJECT OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.</h4> - -<p>Turning back to its birth, I recall a speech of my -own at a State Convention in Massachusetts, as early as -September 7, 1854, where I vindicated its principles -and announced its name in these words: “As <i>Republicans</i> -we go forth to encounter the <i>Oligarchs</i> of Slavery.”<a name="FNanchor_45_45" id="FNanchor_45_45"></a><a href="#Footnote_45_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> -The report records the applause with which -this name was received by the excited multitude. Years -of conflict ensued, in which the good cause constantly -gained. At last, in the spring of 1860, Abraham Lincoln -was nominated by this party as its candidate for -the Presidency; and here pardon me, if I refer again to -myself. On my way home from the Senate I was detained -in New York by the invitation of party friends -to speak at the Cooper Institute on the issues of the -pending election. The speech was made July 11, and, -I believe, was the earliest of the campaign. As published -at the time, it was entitled “Origin, Necessity, -and Permanence of the Republican Party,” and to exhibit -these was its precise object. Both the necessity -and permanence of the party were asserted. A brief -passage, which I take from the report in the “New York -Herald,” will show the duty and destiny I ventured -then to hold up. After dwelling on the evils of Slavery -and the corruptions it had engendered, including the -purchase of votes at the polls, I proceeded as follows:—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Therefore, just so long as the present false theories of Slavery -prevail, whether concerning its character morally, economically, -and socially, or concerning its prerogatives under the -Constitution, just so long as the Slave Oligarchy, which is the -sleepless and unhesitating agent of Slavery in all its pretensions, -continues to exist as a political power, the Republican -Party must endure. [<i>Applause.</i>] If bad men conspire for -Slavery, good men must combine for Freedom. [‘<i>Good! -good!</i>’] Nor can the Holy War be ended until the barbarism -now dominant in the Republic is overthrown, and the Pagan -power is driven from our Jerusalem. [<i>Applause.</i>] And when -this triumph is won, securing the immediate object of our organization, -the Republican Party will not die, but, purified -by its long contest with Slavery and filled with higher life, it -will be lifted to yet other efforts and with nobler aims for the -good of man. [<i>Applause, with three cheers for Lincoln.</i>]”<a name="FNanchor_46_46" id="FNanchor_46_46"></a><a href="#Footnote_46_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Such, on the eve of the Presidential election, was my -description of the Republican Party and my aspiration -for its future. It was not to die, but, “purified by its long -contest with Slavery and filled with higher life,” we were -to behold it “lifted to yet other efforts and with nobler -aims for the good of man.” Here was nothing personal, -nothing mean or petty. The Republican Party was necessary -and permanent, and always on an ascending -plane. For such a party there was no death, but higher -life and nobler aims; and this was the party to which I -gave my vows. But, alas, how changed! Once country -was the object, and not a man; once principle was inscribed -on the victorious banners, and not a name only.</p> - -<h4>THE REPUBLICAN PARTY SEIZED BY THE PRESIDENT.</h4> - -<p>It is not difficult to indicate when this disastrous -change, exalting the will of one man above all else, became -not merely manifest, but painfully conspicuous. -Already it had begun to show itself in personal pretensions,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</a></span> -to which I shall refer soon, when, suddenly and -without any warning through the public press or any -expression from public opinion, the President elected by -the Republican Party precipitated upon the country an -ill-considered and ill-omened scheme for the annexion -of a portion of the island of San Domingo, in pursuance -of a treaty negotiated by a person of his own household -styling himself “Aide-de-Camp to the President of the -United States.” Had this effort, however injudicious -in object, been confined to ordinary and constitutional -proceedings, with proper regard for a coördinate branch -of the Government, it would have soon dropped out of -sight and been remembered only as a blunder. But it -was not so. Strangely and unaccountably, it was pressed -for months by every means and appliance of power, -whether at home or abroad, now reaching into the Senate -Chamber, and now into the waters about the island. -Reluctant Senators were subdued to its support, while, -treading under foot the Constitution in one of its most -distinctive republican principles, the President seized -the war powers of the nation, instituted foreign intervention, -and capped the climax of usurpation by menace -of violence to the Black Republic of Hayti, where -the colored race have begun the experiment of self-government,—thus -adding manifest outrage of International -Law to manifest outrage of the Constitution, -while the long-suffering African was condemned to new -indignity. All these things, so utterly indefensible and -aggravating, and therefore to be promptly disowned, -found defenders on this floor. The President who was -the original author of the wrongs continued to maintain -them, and appealed to Republican Senators for help,—thus -fulfilling the eccentric stipulation with the Government -of Baez executed by his Aide-de-Camp.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</a></span></p> - -<p>At last a Republican Senator, who felt it his duty to -exhibit these plain violations of the Constitution and of -International Law, and then in obedience to the irresistible -promptings of his nature and in harmony with -his whole life pleaded for the equal rights of the Black -Republic, who declared that he did this as a Republican -and to save the party from this wretched complicity,—this -Republican Senator, engaged in a patriotic service, -and anxious to save the colored people from outrage, -was denounced on this floor as a traitor to the party; -and this was done by a Senator speaking for the party, -and known to be in intimate relations with the President -guilty of these wrongs. Evidently the party was in process -of change from that generous association dedicated -to Human Rights and to the guardianship of the African -race. Too plainly it was becoming the instrument of -<i>one man and his personal will</i>,—no matter how much -he set at defiance the Constitution and International -Law, or how much he insulted the colored people. The -President was to be maintained at all hazards, notwithstanding -his aberrations, and all who called them in -question were to be struck down.</p> - -<p>In exhibiting this autocratic pretension, so revolutionary -and unrepublican in character, I mean to be moderate -in language and to keep within the strictest bounds. -The facts are indisputable, and nobody can deny the -gross violation of the Constitution and of International -Law with insult to the Black Republic,—the whole -case being more reprehensible, as also plainly more unconstitutional -and more illegal, than anything alleged -against Andrew Johnson on his impeachment. Believe -me, Sir, I should gladly leave this matter to the judgment -already recorded, if it were not put in issue again<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</a></span> -by the extraordinary efforts, radiating on every line of -office, to press its author for a second term as President; -and since silence gives consent, all these efforts are his -efforts. They become more noteworthy when it is considered -that the name of the candidate thus pressed has -become a sign of discord and not of concord, dividing -instead of uniting the Republican Party, so that these -extraordinary efforts tend directly to the disruption of -the party,—all of which he witnesses, and again by his -silence ratifies. “Let the party split,” says the President, -“I will not renounce my chance of a second -term.” The extent of this personal pressure and the -subordination of the party to the will of an individual -compel us to consider his pretensions. These, too, are -in issue.</p> - -<h4>PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSIONS.</h4> - -<p>“Upon what meat doth this our Cæsar feed,” that he -should assume so much? No honor for victory in war -can justify disobedience to the Constitution and to Law; -nor can it afford the least apology for any personal immunity, -privilege, or license in the Presidential office. -A President must turn into a King before it can be said -of him that he can do no wrong. He is responsible always. -As President he is foremost servant of the Law, -bound to obey its slightest mandate. As the elect of -the people he owes not only the example of willing obedience, -but also of fidelity and industry in the discharge -of his exalted office, with an absolute abnegation of all -self-seeking. Nothing for self, but all for country. And -now, as we regard the career of this candidate, we find -to our amazement how little it accords with this simple -requirement. Bring it to the touchstone and it fails.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</a></span></p> - -<p>Not only are Constitution and Law disregarded, but -the Presidential office itself is treated as little more than -a plaything and a perquisite,—when not the former, -then the latter. Here the details are ample, showing -how from the beginning this august trust has dropped to -be a personal indulgence, where palace-cars, fast horses, -and seaside loiterings figure more than duties; how -personal aims and objects have been more prominent -than the public interest; how the Presidential office has -been used to advance his own family on a scale of nepotism -dwarfing everything of the kind in our history, and -hardly equalled in the corrupt governments where this -abuse has most prevailed; how in the same spirit office -has been conferred upon those from whom he had received -gifts or benefits, thus making the country repay -his personal obligations; how personal devotion to himself, -rather than public or party service, has been made -the standard of favor; how the vast appointing power -conferred by the Constitution for the general welfare has -been employed at his will to promote his schemes, to -reward his friends, to punish his opponents, and to advance -his election to a second term; how all these assumptions -have matured in a <i>personal government</i>, semi-military -in character and breathing the military spirit,—being -a species of Cæsarism or <i>personalism</i>, abhorrent to -republican institutions, where subservience to the President -is the supreme law; how in maintaining this subservience -he has operated by a system of combinations, -military, political, and even senatorial, having their orbits -about him, so that, like the planet Saturn, he is surrounded -by rings,—nor does the similitude end here, for -his rings, like those of the planet, are held in position -by satellites; how this utterly unrepublican Cæsarism<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</a></span> -has mastered the Republican Party and dictated the -Presidential will, stalking into the Senate Chamber itself, -while a vindictive spirit visits good Republicans -who cannot submit; how the President himself, unconscious -that a President has no right to quarrel with -anybody, insists upon quarrelling until he has become -the great Presidential quarreller, with more quarrels -than all other Presidents together, all begun and continued -by himself; how his personal followers back him in -quarrels, insult those he insults, and then, not departing -from his spirit, cry out, with Shakespeare, “We will -have <i>rings</i> and things and fine array”; and, finally, how -the chosen head of the Republic is known chiefly for -Presidential pretensions, utterly indefensible in character, -derogatory to the country, and of evil influence, -making personal objects a primary pursuit, so that, -instead of a beneficent presence, he is a bad example, -through whom republican institutions suffer and the -people learn to do wrong.</p> - -<p>Would that these things could be forgotten! but since -through officious friends the President insists upon a -second term, they must be considered and publicly discussed. -When understood, nobody will vindicate them. -It is easy to see that Cæsarism even in Europe is at a -discount, that “personal government” has been beaten -on that ancient field, and that “Cæsar with a Senate at -his heels” is not the fit model for our Republic. King -George the Third of England, so peculiar for narrowness -and obstinacy, had retainers in Parliament who went -under the name of “The King’s Friends.” Nothing can -be allowed here to justify the inquiry, “Have we a King -George among us?”—or that other question,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</a></span> “Have -we a party in the Senate of ‘The King’s Friends’?”</p> - -<h4>PERSONAL GOVERNMENT UNREPUBLICAN.</h4> - -<p>Personal Government is autocratic. It is the One-Man -Power elevated above all else, and is therefore in -direct conflict with republican government, whose consummate -form is tripartite, being executive, legislative, -and judicial,—each independent and coëqual. From -Mr. Madison, in “The Federalist,” we learn that the accumulation -of these powers “in the same hands” may -justly be pronounced “the very definition of Tyranny.”<a name="FNanchor_47_47" id="FNanchor_47_47"></a><a href="#Footnote_47_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> -And so any attempt by either to exercise the powers of -another is a tyrannical invasion, always reprehensible in -proportion to its extent. John Adams tells us, in most -instructive words, that “it is by balancing each of these -powers against the other two that the efforts in human -nature towards tyranny can alone be checked and restrained, -and any degree of freedom preserved in the -Constitution.”<a name="FNanchor_48_48" id="FNanchor_48_48"></a><a href="#Footnote_48_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a></p> - -<p>Then, again, the same authority says that the perfection -of this great idea is “by giving each division a -power to defend itself by a negative.”<a name="FNanchor_49_49" id="FNanchor_49_49"></a><a href="#Footnote_49_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> In other words, -each is armed against invasion by the others. Accordingly, -the Constitution of Virginia, in 1776, famous as -an historical precedent, declared expressly: “The legislative, -executive, and judiciary departments shall be -separate and distinct, so that neither exercise the powers -properly belonging to the other; nor shall any person -exercise the powers of more than one of them at the -same time.”<a name="FNanchor_50_50" id="FNanchor_50_50"></a><a href="#Footnote_50_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</a></span></p> - -<p>The Constitution of Massachusetts, dating from 1780, -embodied the same principle in memorable words: “In -the government of this Commonwealth, the legislative -department shall never exercise the executive and judicial -powers, or either of them; the executive shall never -exercise the legislative and judicial powers, or either of -them; the judicial shall never exercise the legislative -and executive powers, or either of them: to the end it -may be a government of laws and not of men.”<a name="FNanchor_51_51" id="FNanchor_51_51"></a><a href="#Footnote_51_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a></p> - -<p>A government of laws and not of men is the object of -republican government; nay, more, it is the distinctive -essence without which it becomes a tyranny. Therefore -personal government in all its forms, and especially -when it seeks to sway the action of any other branch or -overturn its constitutional negative, is hostile to the first -principles of republican institutions, and an unquestionable -outrage. That our President has offended in this -way is unhappily too apparent.</p> - -<h4>THE PRESIDENT AS A CIVILIAN.</h4> - -<p>To comprehend the personal government that has -been installed over us we must know its author. His -picture is the necessary frontispiece,—not as soldier, -let it be borne in mind, but as civilian. The President -is titular head of the Army and Navy of the United -States, but his office is not military or naval. As if -to exclude all question, he is classed by the Constitution -among “civil officers.” Therefore as civilian is he to be -seen. Then, perhaps, may we learn the secret of the policy -so adverse to republicanism in which he perseveres.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</a></span></p> - -<p>To appreciate his peculiar character as a civilian it is -important to know his triumphs as a soldier, for the one -is the natural complement of the other. The successful -soldier is rarely changed to the successful civilian. There -seems an incompatibility between the two, modified by -the extent to which one has been allowed to exclude -the other. One always a soldier cannot late in life become -a statesman; one always a civilian cannot late in -life become a soldier. Education and experience are -needed for each. Washington and Jackson were civilians -as well as soldiers.</p> - -<p>In the large training and experience of Antiquity the -soldier and civilian were often united; but in modern -times this has been seldom. The camp is peculiar in -the influence it exercises; it is in itself an education; -but it is not the education of the statesman. To suppose -that we can change without preparation from the -soldier to the statesman is to assume that training and -experience are of less consequence for the one than the -other,—that a man may be born a statesman, but can -fit himself as a soldier only by four years at West Point, -careful scientific study, the command of troops, and experience -in the tented field. And is nothing required -for the statesman? Is his duty so slight? His study is -the nation and its welfare, turning always to history for -example, to law for authority, and to the loftiest truth -for rules of conduct. No knowledge, care, or virtue, -disciplined by habit, can be too great. The pilot is not -accepted in his trust until he knows the signs of the -storm, the secrets of navigation, the rocks of the coast,—all -of which are learned only by careful study with charts -and soundings, by coasting the land and watching the -crested wave. But can less be expected of that other -pilot who is to steer the ship which contains us all?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</a></span></p> - -<p>The failure of the modern soldier as statesman is exhibited -by Mr. Buckle in his remarkable work on the -“History of Civilization.” Writing as a philosopher devoted -to liberal ideas, he does not disguise that in Antiquity -“the most eminent soldiers were likewise the most -eminent politicians”; but he plainly shows the reason -when he adds, that “in the midst of the hurry and turmoil -of camps these eminent men cultivated their minds -to the highest point that the knowledge of that age -would allow.”<a name="FNanchor_52_52" id="FNanchor_52_52"></a><a href="#Footnote_52_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> The secret was culture not confined to -war. In modern Europe few soldiers have been more -conspicuous than Gustavus Adolphus and Frederick -sometimes called the Great; but we learn from our -author that both “failed ignominiously in their domestic -policy, and showed themselves as short-sighted in the -arts of peace as they were sagacious in the arts of war.”<a name="FNanchor_53_53" id="FNanchor_53_53"></a><a href="#Footnote_53_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> -The judgment of Marlborough is more pointed. While -portraying him as “the greatest conqueror of his age, -the hero of a hundred fights, the victor of Blenheim and -of Ramillies,” the same philosophical writer adds that -he was “a man not only of the most idle and frivolous -pursuits, but was so miserably ignorant that his deficiencies -made him the ridicule of his contemporaries,” -while his politics were compounded of selfishness and -treachery.<a name="FNanchor_54_54" id="FNanchor_54_54"></a><a href="#Footnote_54_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> Nor was Wellington an exception. Though -shining in the field without a rival, and remarkable for -integrity of purpose, an unflinching honesty, and high -moral feeling, the conqueror of Waterloo is described as -“nevertheless utterly unequal to the complicated exigencies -of political life.”<a name="FNanchor_55_55" id="FNanchor_55_55"></a><a href="#Footnote_55_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> This judgment of the philosopher<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</a></span> -is confirmed by that of Metternich, the renowned -statesman, who, after encountering Wellington at the -Congresses of Vienna and Verona, did not hesitate to -write of him as “the great Baby.”<a name="FNanchor_56_56" id="FNanchor_56_56"></a><a href="#Footnote_56_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> Such are the examples -of history, each with its warning.</p> - -<p>It would be hard to find anything in the native endowments -or in the training of our chieftain to make -him an illustrious exception; at least nothing of this -kind is recorded. Was Nature more generous with him -than with Marlborough or Wellington, Gustavus Adolphus -or Frederick called the Great? or was his experience -of life a better preparation than theirs? And yet -they failed, except in war. It is not known that our -chieftain had any experience as a civilian until he became -President, nor does any partisan attribute to him -that double culture which in Antiquity made the same -man soldier and statesman. It has often been said that -he took no note of public affairs, never voting but once -in his life, and then for James Buchanan. After leaving -West Point he became a captain in the Army, but -soon abandoned the service, to reappear at a later day -as a successful general. There is no reason to believe -that he employed this intermediate period in any way -calculated to improve him as a statesman. One of his -unhesitating supporters, my colleague, [Mr. <span class="smcap">Wilson</span>,] in -a speech intended to commend him for reëlection, says: -“Before the war we knew nothing of Grant. He was -earning a few hundred dollars a year in tanning hides -in Galena.”<a name="FNanchor_57_57" id="FNanchor_57_57"></a><a href="#Footnote_57_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> By the war he passed to be President; -and such was his preparation to govern the Great Republic, -making it an example to mankind! Thus he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</a></span> -learned to deal with all questions, domestic and foreign, -whether of peace or war, to declare Constitutional Law -and International Law, and to administer the vast appointing -power, creating Cabinet officers, judges, foreign -ministers, and an uncounted army of office-holders!</p> - -<p>To these things must be added, that when this soldier -first began as civilian he was already forty-six years old. -At this mature age, close upon half a century, when habits -are irrevocably fixed, when the mind has hardened -against what is new, when the character has taken its -permanent form, and the whole man is rooted in his own -unchangeable individuality, our soldier entered abruptly -upon the untried life of a civilian in its most exalted -sphere. Do not be surprised, that, like other soldiers, -he failed; the wonder would be had he succeeded. -There is a French saying, that at forty a man has given -his measure. At least his vocation is settled,—how -completely is seen, if we suppose the statesman, after -traversing the dividing point, abruptly changed to the -soldier. And yet at an age nearly seven years later our -soldier precipitately changed to the statesman.</p> - -<p>This sudden metamorphosis cannot be forgotten, when -we seek to comprehend the strange pretensions which -ensued. It is easy to see how some very moderate experience -in civil life, involving of course the lesson of -subordination to republican principles, would have prevented -indefensible acts.</p> - -<h4>TESTIMONY OF THE LATE EDWIN M. STANTON.</h4> - -<p>Something also must be attributed to individual character. -And here I express no opinion of my own; I -shall allow another to speak in solemn words echoed -from the tomb.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</a></span></p> - -<p>On reaching Washington at the opening of Congress -in December, 1869, I was pained to hear that Mr. Stanton, -lately Secretary of War, was in failing health. Full -of gratitude for his unsurpassed services, and with a -sentiment of friendship quickened by common political -sympathies, I lost no time in seeing him, and repeated -my visits until his death, toward the close of the same -month. My last visit was marked by a communication -never to be forgotten. As I entered his bedroom, where -I found him reclining on a sofa, propped by pillows, he -reached out his hand, already clammy cold, and in reply -to my inquiry, “How are you?” answered, “Waiting -for my furlough.” Then at once, with singular solemnity, -he said, “I have something to say to you.” When -I was seated, he proceeded without one word of introduction: -“I know General Grant better than any other -person in the country can know him. It was my duty -to study him, and I did so night and day, when I saw him -and when I did not see him; and now I tell you what -I know: <i>he cannot govern this country</i>.” The intensity -of his manner and the positiveness of his judgment surprised -me; for, though I was aware that the late Secretary -of War did not place the President very high in general -capacity, I was not prepared for a judgment so strongly -couched. At last, after some delay, occupied in meditating -his remarkable words, I observed, “What you say -is very broad.” “It is as true as it is broad,” he replied -promptly. I added, “You are tardy; you tell this late: -why did you not say it before his nomination?” He -answered, that he was not consulted about the nomination, -and had no opportunity of expressing his opinion -upon it, besides being much occupied at the time by his -duties as Secretary of War and his contest with the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</a></span> -President. I followed by saying, “But you took part in -the Presidential election, and made a succession of -speeches for him in Ohio and Pennsylvania.” “I -spoke,” said he, “but I never introduced the name of -General Grant. I spoke for the Republican Party and -the Republican cause.” This was the last time I saw -Mr. Stanton. A few days later I followed him to the -grave where he now rests. As the vagaries of the President -became more manifest, and the Presidential office -seemed more and more a plaything and perquisite, this -dying judgment of the great citizen who knew him so -well haunted me constantly, day and night; and I now -communicate it to my country, feeling that it is a legacy -which I have no right to withhold. Beyond the intrinsic -interest from its author, it is not without value as testimony -in considering how the President could have been -led into that Quixotism of personal pretension which it -is my duty to expose.<a name="FNanchor_58_58" id="FNanchor_58_58"></a><a href="#Footnote_58_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a></p> - -<h4>DUTY TO MAKE EXPOSURE.</h4> - -<p>Pardon me, if I repeat that it is my duty to make -this exposure, spreading before you the proofs of that -personal government, which will only pass without censure -when it passes without observation. Insisting upon -reëlection, the President challenges inquiry and puts -himself upon the country. But even if his pressure for -reëlection did not menace the tranquillity of the country, -it is important that the personal pretensions he has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</a></span> -set up should be exposed, that no President hereafter -may venture upon such ways, and no Senator presume -to defend them. The case is clear as noon.</p> - -<h4>TWO TYPICAL INSTANCES.</h4> - -<p>In opening this catalogue I select two typical instances,—Nepotism, -and Gift-Taking with repayment -by office, each absolutely indefensible in the head of a -Republic, most pernicious in example, and showing beyond -question that surpassing egotism which changed -the Presidential office into a personal instrumentality, -not unlike the trunk of an elephant, apt for all things, -small as well as great, from provision for a relation to -forcing a treaty on a reluctant Senate, or forcing a reëlection -on a reluctant people.</p> - -<h4>NEPOTISM OF THE PRESIDENT.</h4> - -<p>Between these two typical instances I hesitate which -to place foremost: but since the nepotism of the President -is a ruling passion, revealing the primary instincts -of his nature,—since it is maintained by him in utter -unconsciousness of its offensive character,—since, instead -of blushing for it as an unhappy mistake, he continues -to uphold it,—since it has been openly defended -by Senators on this floor,—and since no true patriot -anxious for republican institutions can doubt that it -ought to be driven with hissing and scorn from all possibility -of repetition,—I begin with this undoubted -abuse.</p> - -<p>There has been no call of Congress for a return of the -relations holding office, stipend, or money-making opportunity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</a></span> -under the President. The country is left to -the press for information on this important subject. If -there is any exaggeration, the President is in fault,—since, -knowing the discreditable allegations, he has not -hastened to furnish the precise facts, or at least his partisans -have failed in not calling for the official information. -In the mood which they have shown in this -Chamber, it is evident that any resolution calling for it, -moved by a Senator not known to be for his reëlection, -would meet with opposition, and an effort to vindicate -republican institutions would be denounced as an assault -on the President. But the newspapers have placed -enough beyond question for judgment on this extraordinary -case, although thus far there has been no attempt -to appreciate it, especially in the light of history.</p> - -<p>One list makes the number of beneficiaries as many -as forty-two, being probably every known person allied -to the President by blood or marriage. Persons seeming -to speak for the President, or at least after careful -inquiries, have denied the accuracy of this list, reducing -it to thirteen. It will not be questioned that there is at -least a baker’s dozen in this category,—thirteen relations -of the President billeted on the country, not one -of whom but for this relationship would have been -brought forward, the whole constituting a case of nepotism -not unworthy of those worst governments where -office is a family possession.</p> - -<p>Beyond the list of thirteen are other revelations, showing -that this strange abuse did not stop with the President’s -relations, but that these obtained appointments -for others in their circle,—so that every relation became -a centre of influence, while the Presidential family -extended indefinitely.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</a></span></p> - -<p>Hitherto only one President has appointed relations, -and that was John Adams; but he found public opinion, -inspired by the example of Washington, so strong against -it, that, after a slight experiment, he replied to an applicant, -“You know it is impossible for me to appoint my -own relations to anything, without drawing forth a torrent -of obloquy.”<a name="FNanchor_59_59" id="FNanchor_59_59"></a><a href="#Footnote_59_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a> The judgment of the country found -voice in Thomas Jefferson, who, in a letter written shortly -after he became President, used these strong words: -“Mr. Adams <i>degraded himself infinitely</i> by his conduct -on this subject.”<a name="FNanchor_60_60" id="FNanchor_60_60"></a><a href="#Footnote_60_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> But John Adams, besides transferring -his son John Quincy Adams from one diplomatic post -to another, appointed only two relations. Pray, Sir, what -words would Jefferson use, if he were here to speak on -the open and multifarious nepotism of our President?</p> - -<h4>ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF NEPOTISM.</h4> - -<p>The Presidential pretension is so important in every -aspect, and the character of republican institutions is so -absolutely compromised by its toleration, that it cannot -be treated in any perfunctory way. It shall not be my -fault, if hereafter there is any doubt with regard to it.</p> - -<p>The word “Nepotism” is of Italian origin. First appearing -at Rome when the Papal power was at its height, -it served to designate the authority and influence exercised -by the nephews, or more generally the family, of -a Pope: all the family of a Pope were nephews, and the -Pope was universal uncle. From Italian the word passed -into other European languages, but in the lapse of time -or process of naturalization it has come to denote the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</a></span> -misconduct of the appointing power, and has amplified -so as to embrace others besides Popes who appoint relations -to office. Johnson in his Dictionary defines it -simply as “Fondness for nephews”; but our latest and -best lexicographer, Worcester, supplies a definition more -complete and satisfactory: “Favoritism shown to relations; -patronage bestowed <i>in consideration of family relationship -and not of merit</i>.” Such undoubtedly is the -meaning of the word as now received and employed.</p> - -<p>The character of this pretension appears in its origin -and history. As far back as 1667 this undoubted abuse -occupied attention to such a degree that it became the -subject of an able historical work, entitled “Il Nipotismo -di Roma,” which is full of instruction and warning even -for our Republic. In the early days of the Church Popes -are described as discarding all relationship, whether of -blood or alliance, and inclining to merit alone in their -appointments, although there were some with so large -a number of nephews, grand-nephews, brothers-in-law, -and relations, as to baffle belief; and yet it is recorded -that no sooner did the good Pope enter the Vatican, -which is the Executive Mansion of Rome, than relations -fled, brothers-in-law hid themselves, grand-nephews removed -away, and nephews got at a long distance.<a name="FNanchor_61_61" id="FNanchor_61_61"></a><a href="#Footnote_61_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> Such -was the early virtue. Nepotism did not exist, and the -word itself was unknown.</p> - -<p>At last, in 1471, twenty-one years before the discovery -of America by Columbus, Sixtus the Fourth became -Pope, and with him began that nepotism which -soon became famous as a Roman institution.<a name="FNanchor_62_62" id="FNanchor_62_62"></a><a href="#Footnote_62_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Born -in 1414, the son of a fisherman, the eminent founder<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</a></span> -was already fifty-seven years old, and he reigned thirteen -years, bringing to his functions large experience as -a successful preacher and as general of the Franciscan -friars. Though cradled in poverty, and by the vows of -his Order bound to mendicancy, he began at once to -heap office and riches upon the various members of his -family, so that his conduct, from its barefaced inconsistency -with the obligation of his life, excited, according -to the historian, “the amazement and wonder of -all.”<a name="FNanchor_63_63" id="FNanchor_63_63"></a><a href="#Footnote_63_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> The useful reforms he attempted are forgotten, -and this remarkable pontiff is chiefly remembered now -as the earliest nepotist. Different degrees of severity -are employed by different authors in characterizing this -unhappy fame. Bouillet, in his Dictionary of History,<a name="FNanchor_64_64" id="FNanchor_64_64"></a><a href="#Footnote_64_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> -having Catholic approbation, describes him as “feeble -toward his nephews”; and our own Cyclopædia,<a name="FNanchor_65_65" id="FNanchor_65_65"></a><a href="#Footnote_65_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> in a -brief exposition of his character, says “he made himself -odious by excessive nepotism.” But in all varieties of -expression the offence stands out for judgment.</p> - -<p>The immediate successor of Sixtus was Innocent the -Eighth, whom the historian describes as “very cold to -his relations,”<a name="FNanchor_66_66" id="FNanchor_66_66"></a><a href="#Footnote_66_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> since three only obtained preferment at -his hands. But the example of the founder so far prevailed -that for a century nepotism, as was said, “lorded -it in Rome,”<a name="FNanchor_67_67" id="FNanchor_67_67"></a><a href="#Footnote_67_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> except in a few instances worthy of commemoration -and example.</p> - -<p>Of these exceptions, the first in time was Julius the -Second, founder of St. Peter’s at Rome, whose remarkable -countenance is so beautifully preserved by the genius<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</a></span> -of Rafael. Though the nephew of the nepotist, and not -declining to appoint all relations, he did it with such -moderation that Rome was said to have been “almost -without nepotism” in his time.<a name="FNanchor_68_68" id="FNanchor_68_68"></a><a href="#Footnote_68_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> Adrian the Sixth, -early teacher of Charles the Fifth, and successor of Leo -the Tenth, set a better example by refusing absolutely; -but so accustomed had Rome become to this abuse, that -not only the ambassadors, but the people, condemned -him as “too rude” with his relations. A son of his -cousin, studying in Siena, started for Rome, trusting to -obtain important recognition; but the Pope, without -seeing him, sent him back on a hired horse. Relations -thronged from other places, and even from across the -Alps, longing for that greatness which other Popes had -lavished on family; but Adrian dismissed them with a -slight change of clothing and an allowance of money for -the journey: one who from poverty came on foot was -permitted to return on foot. This Pope carried abnegation -of his family so far as to make relationship an excuse -for not rewarding one who had served the Church -well.<a name="FNanchor_69_69" id="FNanchor_69_69"></a><a href="#Footnote_69_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> Similar in character was Marcellus the Second, -who became Pope in 1555. He was unwilling that any -of his family should come to Rome; even his brother -was forbidden: but this good example was closed by -death, after a reign of twenty days only; and yet this -brief period of exemplary virtue has made this pontiff -famous. Kindred in spirit was Urban the Seventh, who -reigned thirteen days only in 1590, but long enough to -repel his relations,—and also Leo the Eleventh, who -reigned twenty-five days in 1605. To this list may be -added Innocent the Ninth, who died after two months<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</a></span> -of service. It is related that his death displeased his -relations much, and dissolved the air-castles they had -built. They had hurried from Bologna, but, except a -grand-nephew, all were obliged to return poor as they -came.<a name="FNanchor_70_70" id="FNanchor_70_70"></a><a href="#Footnote_70_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> In this list I must not forget Pius the Fifth, -who reigned from 1566 to 1572. He set himself so -completely against aggrandizing his own family, that he -was with difficulty persuaded to make a sister’s son cardinal,—and -would not have done it, had not all the -cardinals united, on grounds of conscience, against the -denial of this dignity to one most worthy of it.<a name="FNanchor_71_71" id="FNanchor_71_71"></a><a href="#Footnote_71_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a> Such -virtue was part of that elevated character which caused -his subsequent canonization.</p> - -<p>These good Popes were short-lived,—their reigns for -the most part counting by days only; but they opened -happy glimpses of an administration where the powers -of government were not treated as a personal perquisite. -The opposite list had the advantage of time.</p> - -<p>Conspicuous among nepotists was Alexander the Sixth, -whose family name of Borgia is damned to fame. With -him nepotism assumed its most brutal and barbarous development, -reflecting the character of its pontifical author, -who was without the smallest ray of good. Other -Popes were less cruel and bloody, but not less determined -in providing for their families. Paul the Third, who was -of the great house of Farnese, would have had the estates -of the Church a garden for the “lilies” which flourish -on the escutcheon of his family.<a name="FNanchor_72_72" id="FNanchor_72_72"></a><a href="#Footnote_72_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> It is related that -when Urban the Eighth, who was a Barberini, began his -historic reign, all his relations at a distance flew to Rome -like the “bees” on the family arms, to suck the honey<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</a></span> -of the Church, but not leaving behind the sting with -which they pricked while they sucked.<a name="FNanchor_73_73" id="FNanchor_73_73"></a><a href="#Footnote_73_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> Whether lilies -or bees, it was the same. The latter pontiff gave to nepotism -fulness of power when he resolved “to have no -business with any one not dependent upon his house.”<a name="FNanchor_74_74" id="FNanchor_74_74"></a><a href="#Footnote_74_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> -In the same spirit he excused himself from making a -man cardinal because he had “always been the enemy -of his nephews.”<a name="FNanchor_75_75" id="FNanchor_75_75"></a><a href="#Footnote_75_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> Although nothing so positive is recorded -of Paul the Fifth, who was a Borghese, his nepotism -appears in the Roman saying, that, “while serving -the Church as a good shepherd, he gave too much wool -to his nephews.”<a name="FNanchor_76_76" id="FNanchor_76_76"></a><a href="#Footnote_76_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> These instructive incidents, illustrating -the pontifical pretension, reflect light on the history -of palaces and galleries at Rome, now admired by the -visitor from distant lands. If not created, they were at -least enlarged by nepotism.</p> - -<p>It does not always appear how many relations a Pope -endowed. Often it was all, as in the case of Gregory -the Thirteenth, who, besides advancing a nephew actually -at Rome, called thither all his nephews and grand-nephews, -whether from brothers or sisters, and gave -them offices, dignities, governments, lordships, prelacies, -and abbacies.<a name="FNanchor_77_77" id="FNanchor_77_77"></a><a href="#Footnote_77_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> Cæsar Borgia and his sister Lucretia -were not the only relations of Alexander the Sixth. I -do not find the number adopted by Sixtus, the founder -of the system. Pius the Fourth, who was of the grasping -Medicean family, favored no less than twenty-five.<a name="FNanchor_78_78" id="FNanchor_78_78"></a><a href="#Footnote_78_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> -Alexander the Seventh, of the Chigi family, had about<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</a></span> -him five nephews and one brother, which a contemporary -characterized as “nepotism all complete.”<a name="FNanchor_79_79" id="FNanchor_79_79"></a><a href="#Footnote_79_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> This -pontiff began his reign by forbidding his relations to -appear at Rome, which redounded at once to his credit -throughout the Christian world, while the astonished -people discoursed of his holiness and the purity of his -life, expecting even to see miracles. In making the -change, he yielded evidently to immoral pressure and -the example of predecessors.</p> - -<p>The performances of papal nephews figure in history. -After the Borgias were the Caraffas, who obtained power -through Paul the Fourth; but at last becoming too insolent -and rapacious, their uncle was compelled to strip -them of their dignities and drive them from Rome.<a name="FNanchor_80_80" id="FNanchor_80_80"></a><a href="#Footnote_80_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> -Sometimes nephews were employed chiefly in ministering -to pontifical pleasures, as in the case of Julius -the Third, who, according to the historian, “thought -of nothing but banqueting with this one and that one, -keeping his relations in Rome rather to accompany him -at banquets than to aid him in the government of the -holy Church, about which he thought little.”<a name="FNanchor_81_81" id="FNanchor_81_81"></a><a href="#Footnote_81_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> This -occasion for relations does not exist at Rome now, as the -pontiff leads a discreet life, always at home, and never -banquets abroad.</p> - -<p>These historic instances make us see nepotism in its -original seat. Would you know how it was regarded -there? Sometimes it was called a hydra with many -heads, sprouting anew at the election of a pontiff,<a name="FNanchor_82_82" id="FNanchor_82_82"></a><a href="#Footnote_82_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> -then again it was called Ottoman rather than Christian -in character.<a name="FNanchor_83_83" id="FNanchor_83_83"></a><a href="#Footnote_83_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> The contemporary historian who has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</a></span> -described it so minutely says that those who merely read -of it without seeing it will find it difficult to believe or -even imagine.<a name="FNanchor_84_84" id="FNanchor_84_84"></a><a href="#Footnote_84_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> The qualities of a Pope’s relation were -said to be “ignorance and cunning.”<a name="FNanchor_85_85" id="FNanchor_85_85"></a><a href="#Footnote_85_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> It is easy to believe -that this prostitution of the head of the Church was -one of the abuses which excited the cry for Reform, and -awakened even in Rome the echoes of Martin Luther. -A Swedish nobleman visiting Rome is recorded as declaring -himself unwilling to be the subject of a pontiff -who was himself the subject of his own relations.<a name="FNanchor_86_86" id="FNanchor_86_86"></a><a href="#Footnote_86_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> But -even this pretension was not without open defenders, -while the general effrontery with which it was maintained -assumed that it was above question. If some -gave with eyes closed, most gave with eyes open. It -was said that Popes were not to neglect their own blood, -that they should not show themselves worse than the -beasts, not one of which fails to caress its relations; and -the case of bears and lions, the most ferocious of all, was -cited as authority for this recognition of one’s own blood.<a name="FNanchor_87_87" id="FNanchor_87_87"></a><a href="#Footnote_87_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> -All this was soberly said, and it is doubtless true. Not -even a Pope can justly neglect his own blood; but help -and charity must be at his own expense, and not at the -expense of his country. In appointments to office, merit -and not blood is the only just recommendation.</p> - -<p>That nepotism has ceased to lord itself in Rome, that -no pontiff billets his relations upon the Church, that -the appointing power of the Pope is treated as a public -trust and not as a personal perquisite,—all this is the -present testimony with regard to that government which -knows from experience the baneful character of this -abuse.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</a></span></p> - -<h4>AMERICAN AUTHORITIES ON NEPOTISM.</h4> - -<p>The nepotism of Rome was little known in our country, -and I do not doubt that Washington, when declining -to make the Presidential office a personal perquisite, -was governed by that instinct of duty and patriotism -which rendered him so preëminent. Through all the -perils of a seven years’ war he had battled with that -kingly rule which elevates a whole family without regard -to merit, fastening all upon the nation, and he had -learned that this royal system could find no place in a -republic. Therefore he rejected the claims of relations, -and in nothing was his example more beautiful. His -latest biographer, Washington Irving, records him as -saying:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“So far as I know my own mind, I would not be in the remotest -degree influenced in making nominations by motives -arising from the ties of family or blood.”<a name="FNanchor_88_88" id="FNanchor_88_88"></a><a href="#Footnote_88_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Then again he declared his purpose to “discharge the -duties of the office with that impartiality and zeal for -the public good which ought never to suffer connections -of blood or friendship to intermingle so as to have the -least sway on decisions of a public nature.”<a name="FNanchor_89_89" id="FNanchor_89_89"></a><a href="#Footnote_89_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> - -<p>This excellent rule of conduct is illustrated by the -advice to his successor with regard to the promotion of -his son, John Quincy Adams. After giving it as his -“decided opinion” that the latter “is the most valuable -public character we have abroad,” and promises to be -“the ablest of all our diplomatic corps,” Washington -declares:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“If he was now to be brought into that line, or into any -other public walk, I could not, upon the principle which has -regulated my own conduct, disapprove of the caution which -is hinted at in the letter.”<a name="FNanchor_90_90" id="FNanchor_90_90"></a><a href="#Footnote_90_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Considering the importance of the rule, it were better -for the country if it had prevailed over parental regard -and the extraordinary merits of the son.</p> - -<p>In vindicating his conduct at a later day, John Adams -protested against what he called “the hypersuperlative -public virtue” of Washington, and insisted: “A President -ought not to appoint a man because he is his relation; -nor ought he to refuse or neglect to appoint him -for that reason.”<a name="FNanchor_91_91" id="FNanchor_91_91"></a><a href="#Footnote_91_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a> With absolute certainty that the -President is above all prejudice of family and sensitive -to merit only, this rule is not unreasonable; but who -can be trusted to apply it?</p> - -<p>Jefferson developed and explained the true principles in -a manner worthy of republican institutions. In a letter to -a relation immediately after becoming President, he wrote:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The public will never be made to believe that an appointment -of a relative is made on the ground of merit alone, -uninfluenced by family views; <i>nor can they ever see with approbation -offices, the disposal of which they intrust to their Presidents -for public purposes, divided out as family property</i>. -Mr. Adams degraded himself infinitely by his conduct on -this subject, as General Washington had done himself the -greatest honor. With two such examples to proceed by, I -should be doubly inexcusable to err.”<a name="FNanchor_92_92" id="FNanchor_92_92"></a><a href="#Footnote_92_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>After his retirement from the Presidency, in a letter -to a kinsman, he asserts the rule again:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Towards acquiring the confidence of the people, the -very first measure is to satisfy them of his disinterestedness, -and that he is directing their affairs with a single eye to their -good, and not to build up fortunes for himself and family; -and especially that the officers appointed to transact their -business are appointed because they are the fittest men, not -because they are his relations. So prone are they to suspicion, -that, where a President appoints a relation of his own, -however worthy, they will believe that favor, and not merit, -was the motive. I therefore laid it down as a law of conduct -for myself, never to give an appointment to a relation.”<a name="FNanchor_93_93" id="FNanchor_93_93"></a><a href="#Footnote_93_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>That statement is unanswerable. The elect of the -people must live so as best to maintain their interests -and to elevate the national sentiment. This can be only -by an example of unselfish devotion to the public weal -which shall be above suspicion. A President suspected -of weakness for his relations is already shorn of strength.</p> - -<p>In saying that his predecessor “degraded himself infinitely -by his conduct on this subject,” Jefferson shows -the rigor of his requirement. Besides the transfer of his -son, John Quincy Adams, from one diplomatic mission -of lower grade to another of a higher, John Adams is responsible -for the appointment of his son-in-law, Colonel -Smith, as surveyor of the port of New York, and his -wife’s nephew, William Cranch, as chief-justice of the -Circuit Court of the District of Columbia,—both persons -of merit, and the former “serving through the war -with high applause of his superiors.”<a name="FNanchor_94_94" id="FNanchor_94_94"></a><a href="#Footnote_94_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> The public sentiment -appears in the condemnation of these appointments. -In refusing another of his relations, we have -already seen<a name="FNanchor_95_95" id="FNanchor_95_95"></a><a href="#Footnote_95_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> that John Adams wrote:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</a></span> “You know it is -impossible for me to appoint my own relations to anything -without drawing forth a torrent of obloquy.” But -this torrent was nothing but the judgment of the American -people unwilling that republican institutions at that -early day should suffer.</p> - -<p>Thus far John Adams stands alone. If any other -President has made appointments from his own family, -it has been on so petty a scale as not to be recognized -in history. John Quincy Adams, when President, did -not follow his father. An early letter to his mother -foreshadows a rule not unlike that of Jefferson:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I hope, my ever dear and honored mother, that you are -fully convinced from my letters, which you have before this received, -that upon the contingency of my father’s being placed -in the first magistracy I shall never give him any trouble by -solicitation for office of any kind. Your late letters have repeated -so many times that I shall in that case have nothing -to <i>expect</i>, that I am afraid you have imagined it possible that -I <i>might</i> form expectations from such an event. I had hoped -that <i>my mother</i> knew me better; that she did me the justice -to believe that I have not been so totally regardless or forgetful -of the principles which my education had instilled, nor so -totally destitute of a <i>personal</i> sense of delicacy, as to be susceptible -of a wish tending in that direction.”<a name="FNanchor_96_96" id="FNanchor_96_96"></a><a href="#Footnote_96_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>To Jefferson’s sense of public duty John Quincy Adams -added the sense of personal delicacy, both strong against -such appointment of relations. To the irresistible judgment -against this abuse, a recent moralist, of lofty nature, -Theodore Parker, imparts new expression, when he -says, “It is a dangerous and unjust practice.”<a name="FNanchor_97_97" id="FNanchor_97_97"></a><a href="#Footnote_97_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> This is -simple and monitory.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</a></span></p> - -<h4>PRESIDENTIAL APOLOGIES FOR NEPOTISM.</h4> - -<p>Without the avalanche of testimony against this Presidential -pretension, it is necessary only to glance at the -defences sometimes set up; for such is the insensibility -bred by Presidential example, that even this intolerable -outrage is not without voices speaking for the President. -Sometimes it is said, that, his salary being far from royal, -the people will not scan closely an attempt to help relations,—which, -being interpreted, means that the President -may supplement the pettiness of his salary by the -appointing power. Let John Adams, who did not hesitate -to bestow office upon a few relations of unquestioned -merit, judge this pretension. I quote his words:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Every public man should be honestly paid for his services.… -But he should be restrained from every <i>perquisite</i> -not known to the laws, and he should make no claims upon -the gratitude of the public, nor ever confer an office within -his patronage upon a son, a brother, a friend, upon pretence -that he is not paid for his services by the profits of his office.”<a name="FNanchor_98_98" id="FNanchor_98_98"></a><a href="#Footnote_98_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>It is impossible to deny the soundness of this requirement -and its completeness as an answer to one of the -apologies.</p> - -<p>Sometimes the defender is more audacious, insisting -openly upon the Presidential prerogative without question, -until we seem to hear in aggravated form the obnoxious -cry, “To the victor belong the spoils.” I did -not suppose that this old cry could be revived in any -form; but since it is heard again, I choose to expose it; -and here I use the language of Madison, whose mild -wisdom has illumined so much of constitutional duty.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</a></span> -In his judgment the pretension was odious, “that offices -and emoluments were the spoils of victory, <i>the personal -property</i> of the successful candidate for the Presidency”; -and he adds in words not to be forgotten at this -moment:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The principle, if avowed without the practice, or practised -without the avowal, could not fail to degrade any Administration,—both -together, completely so.”<a name="FNanchor_99_99" id="FNanchor_99_99"></a><a href="#Footnote_99_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>This is strong language. The rule in its early form -could not fail to degrade any Administration. But now -this degrading rule is extended, and we are told that to -the President’s family belong the spoils.</p> - -<p>Another apology, vouchsafed even on this floor, is, -that, if the President cannot appoint his relations, they -alone of all citizens are excluded from office,—which, it -is said, should not be. But is it not for the public good -that they should be excluded? Such was the wise judgment -of Jefferson, and such is the testimony from another -quarter. That eminent prelate, Bishop Butler, -who has given to English literature one of its most -masterly productions, known as “Butler’s Analogy,” -after his elevation to the see of Durham with its remarkable -patronage, was so self-denying with regard to his -family that a nephew said to him, “Methinks, my Lord, -it is a misfortune to be related to you.”<a name="FNanchor_100_100" id="FNanchor_100_100"></a><a href="#Footnote_100_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> Golden words -of honor for the English Bishop! But none such have -been earned by the American President.</p> - -<p>Assuming that in case of positive merit designating a -citizen for a particular post the President might appoint -a relation, it would be only where the merit was so shining<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</a></span> -that his absence would be noticed. At least it must -be such as to make the citizen a candidate without regard -to family. But no such merit is attributed to the -beneficiaries of our President, some of whom have done -little but bring scandal upon the public service. At -least one is tainted with fraud; and another, with the -commission of the Republic abroad, has been guilty of -indiscretions inconsistent with his trust. Appointed -originally in open defiance of republican principles, they -have been retained in office after their unfitness became -painfully manifest. By the testimony before a Congressional -Committee, one of these, a brother-in-law, was -implicated in bribery and corruption. It is said that -at last, after considerable delay, the President has consented -to his removal.</p> - -<p>Here I leave for the present this enormous unrepublican -pretension, waiting to hear if it can again find an -apologist. Is there a single Senator who will not dismiss -it to judgment?</p> - -<h4>GIFT-TAKING,—AND REPAYMENT WITH OFFICE.</h4> - -<p>From one typical abuse I pass to another. From a -dropsical Nepotism swollen to elephantiasis, which nobody -can defend, I pass to Gift-Taking, which with our -President has assumed an unprecedented form. Sometimes -public men even in our country have taken gifts, -but it is not known that any President before has repaid -the patron with office. For a public man to take gifts -is reprehensible; for a President to select Cabinet councillors -and other officers among those from whom he has -taken gifts is an anomaly in republican annals. Observe, -Sir, that I speak of it gently, unwilling to exhibit<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</a></span> -the indignation which such a Presidential pretension is -calculated to arouse. The country will judge it, and -blot it out as an example.</p> - -<p>There have been throughout history corrupt characters -in official station; but, whether in ancient or modern -times, the testimony is constant against the taking -of gifts, and nowhere with more force than in our Scriptures, -where it is said: “Thou shalt not wrest judgment, -thou shalt not respect persons, <i>neither take a gift</i>; for -a gift doth blind the eyes of the wise.”<a name="FNanchor_101_101" id="FNanchor_101_101"></a><a href="#Footnote_101_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> Here is the -inhibition, and also the reason, which slight observation -shows to be true. Does not a gift blind the eyes of the -wise? The influence of gifts is represented by Plutarch -in the life of a Spartan king:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“For he thought those ways of entrapping men by gifts -and presents, which other kings use, dishonest and inartificial; -and it seemed to him to be the most noble method and -most suitable to a king to win the affections of those that came -near him by personal intercourse and agreeable conversation, -since between a friend and a mercenary the only distinction -is, that we gain the one by one’s character and conversation, -the other by one’s money.”<a name="FNanchor_102_102" id="FNanchor_102_102"></a><a href="#Footnote_102_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>What is done under the influence of a gift is mercenary; -but whether from ruler to subject or from subject -to ruler, the gift is equally pernicious. An ancient patriot -“feared the Greeks bearing gifts,”<a name="FNanchor_103_103" id="FNanchor_103_103"></a><a href="#Footnote_103_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> and these words -have become a proverb; but there are Greeks bearing -gifts elsewhere than at Troy. A public man can traffic -with such only at his peril. At their appearance the -prayer should be said,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</a></span> “Lead us not into temptation.”</p> - -<p>The best examples testify. Thus, in the autobiography -of Lord Brougham, posthumously published, it appears -that at a great meeting in Glasgow five hundred pounds -were subscribed as a gift to him for his public service, -to be put into such form as he might think best. He -hesitated. “This required,” he records, “much consideration, -as such gifts were liable to be abused.” Not content -with his own judgment, he assembled some friends -to discuss it,—“Lord Holland, Lord Erskine, Romilly, -and Baring,”—and he wrote to Earl Grey, afterward -Prime-Minister, who replied:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Both Grenville and I accepted from the Catholics of -Glasgow a piece of plate—of no great value indeed—<i>after -we were turned out</i> in 1807.… If you still feel scruples, I -can only add that it is impossible to err on the side of delicacy -with respect to matters of this nature.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>It ended in his declining to accept anything more -than the small top of a gold inkstand.<a name="FNanchor_104_104" id="FNanchor_104_104"></a><a href="#Footnote_104_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p> - -<p>In our country Washington keeps his lofty heights, -setting himself against gift-taking as against nepotism. -In 1785, while in private life, two years after he ceased -to be commander-in-chief of our armies and four years -before he became President, he could not be induced to -accept a certain amount of canal stock offered him by -the State of Virginia, as appears in an official communication:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“It gives me great pleasure to inform you that the Assembly -yesterday, without a dissenting voice, complimented you -with fifty shares in the Potomac Company and one hundred -in the James River Company.”<a name="FNanchor_105_105" id="FNanchor_105_105"></a><a href="#Footnote_105_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</a></span></p> - -<p>Fully to appreciate the reply of Washington, it must -be borne in mind, that, according to Washington Irving, -his biographer, “some degree of economy was necessary, -for his financial concerns had suffered during the war, -and the products of his estate had fallen off.”<a name="FNanchor_106_106" id="FNanchor_106_106"></a><a href="#Footnote_106_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> But -he was not tempted. Thus he wrote:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“How would this matter be viewed by the eye of the -world, and what would be the opinion of it, when it comes -to be related that George Washington has received twenty -thousand dollars and five thousand pounds sterling of the -public money as an interest therein?… Under whatever -pretence, and however customarily these gratuitous gifts are -made in other countries, should I not thenceforward be considered -as a dependant?”<a name="FNanchor_107_107" id="FNanchor_107_107"></a><a href="#Footnote_107_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>And subsequently to Jefferson:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I never for a moment entertained an idea of accepting -it.”<a name="FNanchor_108_108" id="FNanchor_108_108"></a><a href="#Footnote_108_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>How admirably he touches the point when he asks, -“Should I not thenceforward be considered as a dependant?” -According to our Scripture the gift blinds the -eyes; according to Washington it makes the receiver a -dependant.</p> - -<p>In harmony with this sentiment was his subsequent -refusal, when President, as is recorded by an ingenuous -writer:—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“He was exceedingly careful about committing himself; -<i>would receive no favors of any kind</i>, and scrupulously paid for -everything.… A large house was set apart for him on -Ninth Street, [Philadelphia,] on the grounds now covered by -the Pennsylvania University, <i>which he refused to accept</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_109_109" id="FNanchor_109_109"></a><a href="#Footnote_109_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>By such instances, brought to light recently, and shining -in contrast with our times, we learn to admire anew -the virtue of Washington.</p> - -<p>It would be easy to show how in all ages the refusal of -gifts has been recognized as the sign of virtue, if not the -requirement of duty. The story of St. Louis of France -is beautiful and suggestive. Leaving on a crusade, he -charged the Queen, who remained behind, “not to accept -presents for herself or her children.”<a name="FNanchor_110_110" id="FNanchor_110_110"></a><a href="#Footnote_110_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> Such was one of -the injunctions by which this monarch, when far away on -a pious expedition, impressed himself upon his country.</p> - -<p>My own strong convictions on this Presidential pretension -were aroused in a conversation which it was my -privilege to enjoy with John Quincy Adams, as he sat -in his sick-chamber at his son’s house in Boston, a short -time before he fell at his post of duty in the House of -Representatives. In a voice trembling with age and -with emotion, he said that no public man could take -gifts without peril; and he confessed that his own judgment -had been quickened by the example of Count Romanzoff, -the eminent Chancellor of the Russian Empire, -who, after receiving costly gifts from foreign sovereigns -with whom he had negotiated treaties, felt a difficulty -of conscience in keeping them, and at last handed over -their value to a hospital, as he related to Mr. Adams, -then Minister at St. Petersburg.<a name="FNanchor_111_111" id="FNanchor_111_111"></a><a href="#Footnote_111_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> The latter was impressed -by this Russian example, and through his long -career, as Minister abroad, Secretary of State, President,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</a></span> -and Representative, always refused gifts, unless a book -or some small article in its nature a token and not a reward -or bribe.</p> - -<p>The Constitution testifies against the taking of gifts -by officers of the United States, when it provides that -“no person holding any office of profit or trust under -them shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept -of any present or emolument from any king, prince, or -foreign State.” The acceptance of a present or emolument -from our own citizens was left without constitutional -inhibition, to be constrained by the public conscience -and the just aversion to any semblance of bargain -and sale, or bribery, in the public service.</p> - -<p>The case of our President is exceptional. Notoriously -he has taken gifts while in the public service, some at -least after he had been elected President, until “the -Galena tanner of a few hundred dollars a year”—to -borrow the words of my colleague [Mr. <span class="smcap">Wilson</span>], one of -his supporters—is now rich in houses, lands, and stock, -above his salary, being probably the richest President -since George Washington. Notoriously he has appointed -to his Cabinet several among these “Greeks bearing -gifts,” without seeming to see the indecorum, if not the -indecency, of the transaction. At least two, if not three, -of these Greeks, having no known position in the Republican -Party, or influence in the country, have been -selected as his counsellors in national affairs and heads -of great departments of government. Again do I repeat -the words of our Scriptures, “A gift doth blind the eyes -of the wise”; again the words of Washington, “Should -I not thenceforward be considered as a dependant?”</p> - -<p>Nor does the case of the first Secretary of State differ -in character from that of the other three Cabinet officers<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</a></span> -referred to. The President, feeling under personal -obligation to Mr. Washburne for important support, gave -him a complimentary nomination, with the understanding -that after confirmation he should forthwith resign. -I cannot forget the indignant comment of the late Mr. -Fessenden, as we passed out of the Senate Chamber immediately -after the confirmation. “Who,” said he, “ever -heard before of a man nominated Secretary of State -merely as a compliment?” But this is only another -case of the public service subordinated to personal -considerations.</p> - -<p>Not only in the Cabinet, but in other offices, there is -reason to believe that the President has been under the -influence of patrons. Why was he so blind to Thomas -Murphy? The custom-house of New York, with all its -capacity as a political engine, was handed over to this -agent, whose want of recognition in the Republican -Party was outbalanced by Presidential favor, and whose -gifts have become notorious. And when the demand -for his removal was irresistible, the President accepted -his resignation with an effusion of sentiment natural -toward a patron, but without justification in the character -of the retiring officer.</p> - -<p>Shakespeare, who saw intuitively the springs of human -conduct, touches more than once on the operation -of the gift. “I’ll do thee service for so good a gift,” -said Gloster to Warwick.<a name="FNanchor_112_112" id="FNanchor_112_112"></a><a href="#Footnote_112_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> Then, again, how truly spoke -the lord, who said of Timon,—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse indent8">“No gift to him</div> -<div class="verse">But breeds the giver a return exceeding</div> -<div class="verse">All use of quittance.”<a name="FNanchor_113_113" id="FNanchor_113_113"></a><a href="#Footnote_113_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">And such were the returns made by the President.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</a></span></p> - -<p>Thus much for gifts, reciprocated by office. The instance -is original and without precedent in our history.</p> - -<h4>THE PRESIDENCY A PERQUISITE.</h4> - -<p>I have now completed the survey of the two typical -instances—Nepotism, and Gift-Taking with repayment -by office—in which we are compelled to see the President. -In these things he shows himself. Here is no -portrait drawn by critic or enemy; it is the original -who stands forth, saying: “Behold the generosity I -practise to my relations at the expense of the public -service! also the gifts I take, and then my way of rewarding -the patrons, always at the expense of the public -service!” In this open exhibition we see how the -Presidency, instead of a trust, has become a perquisite. -Bad as are these two capital instances, and important as -is their condemnation, so that they may not become a -precedent, I dwell on them now as illustrating character. -A President who can do such things, and not recognize -at once the error he has committed, shows that supereminence -of egotism under which Constitution, International -Law, and Municipal Law, to say nothing of Republican -Government in its primary principles, are all -subordinated to the Presidential will; and this is Personal -Government. Add an insensibility to the honest -convictions of others, and you have a natural feature of -this pretension.</p> - -<p>Lawyers cite what are called “Leading Cases.” A -few of these show the Presidential will in constant -operation with little regard to precedent or reason, so as -to be a caprice, if it were not a pretension. Imitating -the Popes in Nepotism, the President has imitated them -in ostentatious assumption of Infallibility.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</a></span></p> - -<h4>THE PRESIDENT’S INAUGURAL ADDRESS.</h4> - -<p>Other Presidents have entered upon their high office -with a certain modesty and distrust. Washington in -his Inaugural Address declared his “anxieties,” also his -sense of “the magnitude and difficulty of the trust,” -“awakening a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications.”<a name="FNanchor_114_114" id="FNanchor_114_114"></a><a href="#Footnote_114_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> -Jefferson, in his famous Inaugural, so replete -with political wisdom, after declaring his “sincere consciousness -that the task is above his talents,” says: “I -approach it with those anxious and awful presentiments -which the greatness of the charge and the weakness of -my powers so justly inspire, … and humble myself -before the magnitude of the undertaking.”<a name="FNanchor_115_115" id="FNanchor_115_115"></a><a href="#Footnote_115_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p> - -<p>Our soldier, absolutely untried in civil life, entirely a -new man, entering upon the sublimest duties, before -which Washington and Jefferson had shrunk, said in his -Inaugural: “The responsibilities of the position I feel, -but <i>accept them without fear</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_116_116" id="FNanchor_116_116"></a><a href="#Footnote_116_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Great predecessors, with -ample preparation for the responsibilities, had shrunk -back with fear. He had none. Either he did not see -the responsibilities, or the Cæsar began to stir in his -bosom.</p> - -<h4>SELECTION OF HIS CABINET.</h4> - -<p>Next after the Inaugural Address, his first official act -was the selection of his Cabinet; and here the general -disappointment was equalled by the general wonder. -As the President was little known except from the victories -which had commended him, it was not then seen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</a></span> -how completely characteristic was this initial act. Looking -back upon it, we recognize the pretension by which -all tradition, usage, and propriety were discarded, by -which the just expectations of the party that had elected -him were set at nought, and the safeguards of constitutional -government were subordinated to the personal -pretensions of One Man. In this Cabinet were persons -having small relations with the Republican Party and -little position in the country, some absolutely without -claims from public service, and some actually disqualified -by the gifts they had made to the President. Such -was the political phenomenon presented for the first -time in American history, while reported sayings of the -President showed the simplicity with which he acted. -To a committee he described his Cabinet as his “family,” -with which no stranger could be allowed to interfere, and -to a member of Congress he announced that he selected -his Cabinet “to please himself and nobody else,”—being -good rules unquestionably for the organization of -a household and the choice of domestics, to which the -Cabinet seem to have been likened. This personal -government flowered in the Navy Department, where a -gift-bearing Greek was suddenly changed to a Secretary. -No less a personage than the grand old Admiral, the -brave, yet modest Farragut, was reported as asking, on -the fifth of March, the very day when the Cabinet was -announced, in unaffected ignorance, “Do you know anything -of Borie?” And yet this unconspicuous citizen, -bearer of gifts to the President, was constituted the naval -superior of that historic character. If others were -less obscure, the Cabinet as a unit was none the less notable -as the creature of Presidential will, where Chance -vied with Favoritism as arbiter.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</a></span></p> - -<p>All this is so strange, when we consider the true idea -of a Cabinet. Though not named in the Constitution, -yet by virtue of unbroken usage among us, and in harmony -with constitutional governments everywhere, the -Cabinet has become a constitutional body, hardly less -than if expressly established by the Constitution itself. -Its members, besides being the heads of great departments, -are the counsellors of the President, with the -duty to advise him of all matters within the sphere of -his office, being nothing less than the great catalogue in -the Preamble of the Constitution, beginning with duty -to the Union, and ending with the duty to secure the -blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our posterity. Besides -undoubted fitness for these exalted responsibilities, -as head of a department and as counsellor, a member -should have such acknowledged position in the country -that his presence inspires confidence and gives strength -to the Administration. How little these things were -regarded by the President need not be said.</p> - -<p>Unquestionably the President has a discretion in the -appointment of his Cabinet; but it is a constitutional -discretion, regulated by regard for the interests of the -country and not by mere personal will, by statesmanship -and not by favoritism. A Cabinet is a national -institution and not a Presidential perquisite,—unless -our President is allowed to copy the example of Imperial -France. In all constitutional governments, the -Cabinet is selected on public reasons, and with a single -eye to the public service; it is not in any respect the -“family” of the sovereign, nor is it “to please himself -and nobody else.” English monarchs have often accepted -statesmen personally disagreeable, when they had -become representatives of the prevailing party,—as<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</a></span> -when George the Third, the most obstinate of rulers, accepted -Fox, and George the Fourth, as prejudiced as his -father was obstinate, accepted Canning, each bringing to -the service commanding faculties. It is related that the -Duke of Wellington, with military frankness, encountered -the personal objections of the King in the latter -case, by saying: “Your Majesty is the sovereign of England, -with duties to your people far above any to yourself; -and these duties render it imperative that you -should at this time employ the abilities of Mr. Canning.”<a name="FNanchor_117_117" id="FNanchor_117_117"></a><a href="#Footnote_117_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> -By such instances in a constitutional government is the -Cabinet fixed as a constitutional and not a personal -body. It is only by some extraordinary hallucination -that the President of a Republic dedicated to Constitutional -Liberty can imagine himself invested with a -transforming prerogative above that of any English sovereign, -by which his counsellors are changed from public -officers to personal attendants, and a great constitutional -body, in which all citizens have a common interest, -is made a perquisite of the President.</p> - -<h4>APPROPRIATION OF THE OFFICES.</h4> - -<p>Marked among the spectacles which followed, and -kindred in character with the appropriation of the Cabinet -as individual property, was the appropriation of the -offices of the country, to which I refer in this place even -at the expense of repetition. Obscure and undeserving -relations, marriage connections, personal retainers, army -associates, friends of unknown fame and notable only as -personal friends or friends of his relations, evidently -absorbed the Presidential mind during those months of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</a></span> -obdurate reticence when a generous people supposed the -Cabinet to be the all-absorbing thought. Judging by -the facts, it would seem as if the chief and most spontaneous -thought was how to exploit the appointing power -to his own personal behoof. At this period the New -York Custom-House presented itself to the imagination, -and a letter was written consigning a military dependant -to the generosity of the Collector. You know the -rest. Dr. Johnson, acting as executor in selling the distillery -of Mr. Thrale, said: “We are not here to sell a -parcel of boilers and vats, but the potentiality of growing -rich beyond the dreams of avarice.”<a name="FNanchor_118_118" id="FNanchor_118_118"></a><a href="#Footnote_118_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> If the President -did not use the sounding phrase of the great English -moralist, it is evident that his military dependant -felt in that letter all the “potentiality” advertised in -the earlier case, and acted accordingly.</p> - -<p>It is not necessary to say that in these things there -was departure from the requirements of law, whether in -the appointment of his Cabinet or of personal favorites, -even in return for personal benefactions, although it was -plainly unrepublican, offensive, and indefensible. But -this same usurping spirit, born of an untutored egotism, -brooking no restraint, showed itself in another class of -transactions, to which I have already referred, where -Law and Constitution were little regarded.</p> - -<h4>PRESIDENTIAL ASSAULT ON A SAFEGUARD OF THE -TREASURY.</h4> - -<p>First in time and very indigenous in character was -the Presidential attempt against one of the sacred safeguards -of the Treasury, the original workmanship of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</a></span> -Alexander Hamilton, being nothing less than the “Act -to establish the Treasury Department.” Here was an -important provision, “that no person appointed to any -office instituted by this Act shall directly or indirectly -be concerned or interested in carrying on the business -of trade or commerce”; and any person so offending was -declared guilty of a high misdemeanor, and was to forfeit -to the United States three thousand dollars, with -removal from office, and forever thereafter to be incapable -of holding any office under the United States.<a name="FNanchor_119_119" id="FNanchor_119_119"></a><a href="#Footnote_119_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> -From the beginning this statute had stood unquestioned, -until it had acquired the character of fundamental law. -And yet the President, by a special message, dated -March 6, 1869, being the second day of his first service -as a civilian, asked Congress to set it aside, so as to enable -Mr. Stewart, of New York already nominated and -confirmed as Secretary of the Treasury, to enter upon -the duties of this office.<a name="FNanchor_120_120" id="FNanchor_120_120"></a><a href="#Footnote_120_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> This gentleman was unquestionably -the largest merchant who had transacted business -in our country, and his imports were of such magnitude -as to clog the custom-house. If the statute was -anything but one of those cobwebs which catch the -weak, but yield to the rich, this was the occasion for it, -and the President should have yielded to no temptation -against it. The indecorum of his effort stands out more -painfully when it is considered that the merchant for -whom he wished to set aside a time-honored safeguard -was one of those from whom he had received gifts.</p> - -<p>Such was the accommodating disposition of the Senate, -that a bill exempting the Presidential benefactor from -the operation of the statute was promptly introduced,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</a></span> -and even read twice, until, as it seemed about to pass, -I felt it my duty to object to its consideration, saying, -according to the Globe, “I think it ought to be most -profoundly considered before it is acted on by the Senate.”<a name="FNanchor_121_121" id="FNanchor_121_121"></a><a href="#Footnote_121_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> -This objection caused its postponement. The -country was startled. By telegraph the general anxiety -was communicated to Washington. Three days later -the President sent a message requesting permission to -withdraw the former message.<a name="FNanchor_122_122" id="FNanchor_122_122"></a><a href="#Footnote_122_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> But he could not withdraw -the impression produced by such open disregard -of the law to promote his personal desire.</p> - -<h4>ILLEGAL MILITARY RING AT THE EXECUTIVE -MANSION.</h4> - -<p>The military spirit, which failed in the effort to set -aside a fundamental law as if it were a transient order, -was more successful at the Executive Mansion, which at -once assumed the character of military head-quarters. -To the dishonor of the civil service, and in total disregard -of precedent, the President surrounded himself with -officers of the Army, and substituted military forms for -those of civil life, detailing for this service members of -his late staff. The earliest public notice of this military -occupation appeared in the “Daily Morning Chronicle” -of March 8, 1869, understood to be the official organ of -the Administration:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“President Grant was not at the White House yesterday, -but the following members of his staff were occupying the -Secretaries’ rooms and acting as such: Generals Babcock, -Porter, Badeau, and Dent.”</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</a></span></p> - -<p>This is to be regarded not only in its strange blazonry -of the Presidential pretension, but also as the first apparition -of that minor <i>military ring</i> in which the President -has lived ever since.</p> - -<p>Thus installed, Army officers became secretaries of -the President, delivering his messages to both Houses -of Congress, and even authenticating Presidential acts -as if they were military orders. Here, for instance, is -an official communication:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Executive Mansion</span>,<br /> -Washington, D. C., March 15, 1869.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Robert Martin Douglas</span>, Esq.:</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sir</span>,—You are hereby appointed Assistant Private Secretary -to the President, to date from the 15th March, 1869.</p> - -<p class="sig">By order of the President,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Horace Porter</span>,<br /> -<i>Brevet Brigadier-General, Secretary</i>.<a name="FNanchor_123_123" id="FNanchor_123_123"></a><a href="#Footnote_123_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Mark the words, “By order of the President,” and -then the signature, “Horace Porter, Brevet Brigadier-General, -Secretary.”</p> - -<p>The Presidential pretension which I exhibit on the -simple facts, besides being of doubtful legality, to say -the least, was of evil example, demoralizing alike to the -military and civil service, and an undoubted reproach -to republican institutions in that primary principle, announced -by Jefferson in his first Inaugural Address, “the -supremacy of the civil over the military authority.”<a name="FNanchor_124_124" id="FNanchor_124_124"></a><a href="#Footnote_124_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> -It seemed only to remain that the President should sign -his Messages, “Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the -United States.” Evidently a new order of things had -arrived.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</a></span></p> - -<p>Observe the mildness of my language, when I call -this Presidential pretension “of doubtful legality.” The -law shall speak for itself. Obviously it was the same -for our military President as for his predecessors, and -it was recent also:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The President is hereby authorized to appoint a private -secretary at an annual salary of $3,500, an assistant secretary -at an annual salary of $2,500, a short-hand writer at an annual -salary of $2,500, a clerk of pardons at an annual salary -of $2,000, and three clerks of the fourth class.”<a name="FNanchor_125_125" id="FNanchor_125_125"></a><a href="#Footnote_125_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>It cannot be doubted that this provision was more -than ample; for Congress, by Act of July 20, 1868, repealed -so much as authorized a clerk of pardons, and also -one of the three clerks of the fourth class.<a name="FNanchor_126_126" id="FNanchor_126_126"></a><a href="#Footnote_126_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> Therefore -there could be no necessity for a levy of soldiers to -perform the duties of secretaries, and the conduct of the -President can be explained only by the supposition that -he preferred to be surrounded by Army officers rather -than by civilians, continuing in the Executive Mansion -the traditions of head-quarters: all which, though agreeable -to him and illustrating his character, was an anomaly -and a scandal.</p> - -<p>In extenuation of this indefensible pretension, we -have been reminded of two things: first, that according -to the record Washington sent his first message by General -Knox,—when in fact General Knox held no military -office at that time, but was actually Secretary of -War; and, secondly, that the military officers now occupying -the Executive Mansion are detailed for this service -without other salary than that of their grade. As<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</a></span> -the Knox precedent is moonshine, the minor military -ring can be vindicated only as a “detail” for service in -the Executive Mansion.</p> - -<p>Here again the law shall speak. By Act of Congress -of March 3, 1863, it is provided that “details to special -service shall only be made with the consent of the commanding -officer of forces in the field”;<a name="FNanchor_127_127" id="FNanchor_127_127"></a><a href="#Footnote_127_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> but this, it will -be seen, refers to a state of war. Congress, by Act of -July 16, 1866, authorized the President to “detail from -the Army all the officers and agents of this Bureau” [for -the Relief of Freedmen and Refugees];<a name="FNanchor_128_128" id="FNanchor_128_128"></a><a href="#Footnote_128_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> also, by Act of -July 28, 1866, to “detail” officers of the Army, not exceeding -twenty at any time, “to act as president, superintendent, -or professor” in certain colleges.<a name="FNanchor_129_129" id="FNanchor_129_129"></a><a href="#Footnote_129_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> And then -again, by Act of July 15, 1870, it provided that “any -retired officer may, on his own application, be detailed -to serve as professor in any college.”<a name="FNanchor_130_130" id="FNanchor_130_130"></a><a href="#Footnote_130_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> As there is no -other statute authorizing details, this exceptional transfer -of Army officers to the Executive Mansion can be -maintained only on some undefined prerogative.</p> - -<p>The Presidential pretension, which is continued to -the present time, is the more unnatural when it is considered -that there are at least three different statutes in -which Congress has shown its purpose to limit the employment -of military officers in civil service. As long -ago as July 5, 1838, it was positively provided that no -Army officers should be separated from their regiments -and corps “for employment on civil works of internal -improvement, or be allowed to engage in the service of -incorporated companies”; nor any line officer to be acting<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</a></span> -paymaster or disbursing agent for the Indian Department, -“if such extra employment require that he be -separated from his regiment or company, or otherwise -interfere with the performance of the military duties -proper.”<a name="FNanchor_131_131" id="FNanchor_131_131"></a><a href="#Footnote_131_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> Obviously the will of Congress is here declared, -that officers should not be allowed to leave their -posts for any service which might <i>interfere with the performance -of the military duties proper</i>. This language is -explicit. Then came the Act of March 30, 1868, which -provides that “any officer of the Army or Navy of the -United States, who shall, after the passage of this Act, -accept or hold any appointment in the diplomatic or -consular service of the Government, shall be considered -as having resigned his said office, and the place held by -him in the military or naval service shall be deemed -and taken to be vacant.”<a name="FNanchor_132_132" id="FNanchor_132_132"></a><a href="#Footnote_132_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> To a considerate and circumspect -President, who recognized the law in its spirit as -well as its letter, this provision, especially when reinforced -by the earlier statute, would have been a rule of -action in analogous cases, and therefore an insurmountable -obstacle to a pretension which takes Army officers -from their proper duties and makes them Presidential -secretaries. A later statute adds to the obstacle. By -Act of Congress of July 15, 1870, it is provided:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“That it shall not be lawful for any officer of the Army of -the United States on the active list <i>to hold any civil office, -whether by election or appointment</i>; and any such officer <i>accepting -or exercising the functions of a civil office</i> shall at once -cease to be an officer of the Army, and his commission shall -be vacated thereby.”<a name="FNanchor_133_133" id="FNanchor_133_133"></a><a href="#Footnote_133_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</a></span></p> - -<p>It is difficult to imagine anything plainer than these -words. No Army officer not on the retired list can hold -any civil office; and then, to enforce the inhibition, it is -provided that in “accepting or exercising the functions” -of such office the commission is vacated. Now the Blue -Book, which is our political almanac, has under the -head of “Executive Mansion” a list of “secretaries” and -“clerks,” beginning as follows: “Secretaries, General F. -T. Dent, General Horace Porter, General O. E. Babcock,” -when, in fact, there are no such officers authorized by -law. Then follow the “Private Secretary,” “Assistant -Private Secretary,” and “Executive Clerks,” authorized -by law, but placed below those unauthorized. Nothing -is said of being detailed for this purpose. They are -openly called “Secretaries,” which is a title of office; -and since it is at the Executive Mansion, it must be a -civil office; and yet, in defiance of law, these Army officers -continue to exercise its functions, and some of them -enter the Senate with messages from the President. The -apology that they are “detailed” for this service is vain; -no authority can be shown for it. But how absurd to -suppose that a rule against the exercise of a civil office -can be evaded by a “detail”! If it may be done for -three Army officers, why not for three dozen? Nay, -more, if the civil office of Secretary at the Executive -Mansion may be created without law, why not some -other civil office? And what is to hinder the President -from surrounding himself not only with secretaries, -but with messengers, stewards, and personal attendants, -even a body-guard, all detailed from the Army? -Why may he not enlarge the military circle at the Executive -Mansion indefinitely? If the President can -be justified in his present course, there is no limit to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</a></span> -his pretensions in open violation of the statute. Here -the Blue Book testifies again; for it records the names -of the “secretaries” in their proper places as Army officers,—thus -presenting them as holding two incompatible -offices.</p> - -<p>I dismiss this transaction as another instance of Presidential -pretension, which, in the interest of Republican -Government, should be arrested.</p> - -<h4>UNREPUBLICAN SUBORDINATION OF THE WAR DEPARTMENT -TO THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF.</h4> - -<p>From the Executive Mansion pass now to the War -Department, and there we witness the same Presidential -pretensions by which law, usage, and correct principle -are lost in the will of One Man. The supremacy -of the civil power over the military is typified in the -Secretary of War, a civilian, from whom Army officers -receive orders. But this beautiful rule, with its lesson -to the military of subordination, was suddenly set aside -by our President, and the Secretary of War degraded to -be a clerk. The 5th of March witnessed a most important -order from the President, placing the Military Departments -under officers of his choice,—purporting to -be signed by the Assistant Adjutant-General by command -of the General of the Army, but actually ignoring -the Secretary of War.<a name="FNanchor_134_134" id="FNanchor_134_134"></a><a href="#Footnote_134_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> Three days later, March 8th, -witnessed another order professing to proceed from the -President, whereby in express terms the War Department -was subordinated to the General-in-Chief, being -William T. Sherman, who at the time was promoted to -that command. Here are the words:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The chiefs of staff corps, departments, and bureaus will -report to and act under the immediate orders of the General -commanding the Army.”<a name="FNanchor_135_135" id="FNanchor_135_135"></a><a href="#Footnote_135_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>This act of revolution, exalting the military power -above the civil, showed instant fruits in an order of the -General, who, upon assuming command, proceeded to -place the several bureau officers of the War Department -upon his military staff,<a name="FNanchor_136_136" id="FNanchor_136_136"></a><a href="#Footnote_136_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a> so that for the time there was a -military dictatorship with the President at its head, not -merely in spirit but in actual form. By-and-by John A. -Rawlins, a civilian by education and a respecter of the -Constitution, became Secretary of War, and, though -bound to the President by personal ties, he said, “Check -to the King.” By General Order, issued from the War -Department March 26, 1869, and signed by the Secretary -of War, the offensive order was rescinded, and it -was enjoined that “all official business which by law or -regulations requires the action of the President or Secretary -of War will be submitted by the chiefs of staff -corps, departments, and bureaus to the Secretary of -War.”<a name="FNanchor_137_137" id="FNanchor_137_137"></a><a href="#Footnote_137_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> Public report said that this restoration of the -civil power to its rightful supremacy was not obtained -without an intimation of resignation on the part of the -Secretary.</p> - -<h4>THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY BY DEPUTY.</h4> - -<p>Kindred in character was the unprecedented attempt -to devolve the duties of the Navy Department upon a -deputy, so that orders were to be signed “A. E. Borie, -Secretary of the Navy, per D. D. Porter, Admiral,” as -appears in the official journal of May 11, 1869,—or,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</a></span> -according to another instance, “David D. Porter, Vice-Admiral, -for the Secretary of the Navy.” The obvious -object of this illegal arrangement was to enable the incumbent, -who stood high on the list of gift-makers, to -be Secretary without being troubled with the business of -the office. Notoriously he was an invalid, unused to public -business, who, according to his own confession, modestly -pleaded that he could not apply himself to work -more than an hour a day; but the President soothed his -anxieties by promising a deputy who would do the work. -And thus was this great department made a plaything; -but public opinion and other counsels arrested the sport. -Here I mention, that, when this incumbent left his important -post, it is understood that he was allowed to -nominate his successor.</p> - -<h4>PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSION AT THE INDIAN BUREAU.</h4> - -<p>At the same time occurred the effort to absorb the -Indian Bureau into the War Department, changing its -character as part of the civil service. Congress had already -repudiated such an attempt;<a name="FNanchor_138_138" id="FNanchor_138_138"></a><a href="#Footnote_138_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> but the President, -not disheartened by legislative failure, sought to accomplish -it by manipulation and indirection. First elevating -a member of his late staff to the head of the Bureau, -he then, by a military order dated May 7, 1869,<a name="FNanchor_139_139" id="FNanchor_139_139"></a><a href="#Footnote_139_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> proceeded -to detail for the Indian service a long list of -“officers left out of their regimental organizations by -the consolidation of the infantry regiments,”—assuming -to do this by authority of the Act of Congress of -June 30, 1834, which, after declaring the number of Indian<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</a></span> -agents, and how they shall be appointed, provides -that “it shall be competent for the President to require -any military officer of the United States to execute the -duties of Indian agent.”<a name="FNanchor_140_140" id="FNanchor_140_140"></a><a href="#Footnote_140_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> Obviously this provision had -reference to some exceptional exigency, and can be no -authority for the general substitution of military officers, -instead of civilians confirmed by the Senate and bound -with sureties for the faithful discharge of their duties. -And yet upward of sixty Army officers were in this way -foisted into the Indian service. The Act of Congress of -July 15, 1870, already quoted,<a name="FNanchor_141_141" id="FNanchor_141_141"></a><a href="#Footnote_141_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> creating an incompatibility -between military and civil service, was aimed -partly at this abuse, and these officers ceased to be Indian -agents. But this attempt is another illustration -of Presidential pretension.</p> - -<h4>MILITARY INTERFERENCE AT ELECTIONS.</h4> - -<p>Then followed military interference in elections, and -the repeated use of the military in aid of the revenue -law under circumstances of doubtful legality, until at -last General Halleck and General Sherman protested: -the former in his report of October 24, 1870, saying, “I -respectfully repeat the recommendation of my last Annual -Report, that military officers should not interfere in -local civil difficulties, unless called out in the manner -provided by law;”<a name="FNanchor_142_142" id="FNanchor_142_142"></a><a href="#Footnote_142_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> and the latter, in his Report of November -10, 1870,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</a></span> “I think the soldiers ought not to be -expected to make individual arrests, or to do any act of -violence, except in their organized capacity as a <i>posse -comitatus</i> duly summoned by the United States marshal, -and acting in his personal presence.”<a name="FNanchor_143_143" id="FNanchor_143_143"></a><a href="#Footnote_143_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> And so this military -pretension, invading civil affairs, was arrested.</p> - -<h4>PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSION AGAIN.</h4> - -<p>Meanwhile this same Presidential usurpation, subordinating -all to himself, became palpable in another form. -It was said of Gustavus Adolphus, that he drilled his -Diet to vote at the word of command. Such at the outset -seemed to be the Presidential policy with regard to -Congress. We were to vote as he desired. He did not -like the Tenure-of-Office Act, and during the first month -of his administration his influence was felt in both -branches of Congress to secure its repeal; all of which -seemed more astonishing when it was considered that -he entered upon his high trust with the ostentatious -avowal that all laws would be faithfully executed, whether -they met his approval or not, and that he should -have no policy to enforce against the will of the people.<a name="FNanchor_144_144" id="FNanchor_144_144"></a><a href="#Footnote_144_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> -That beneficent statute, which he had upheld in the -impeachment of President Johnson, was a limitation on -the Presidential power of appointment, and he could not -brook it. Here was plain interference with his great -perquisite of office, and Congress must be coerced to -repeal it. The House acted promptly and passed the -desired bill. In the Senate there was delay and a -protracted debate, during which the official journal -announced:<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</a></span> “The President, in conversation with a -prominent Senator a few days since, declared that it -was his intention not to send in any nominations of -importance until definite action was taken by Congress -upon the Tenure-of-Office Bill.”<a name="FNanchor_145_145" id="FNanchor_145_145"></a><a href="#Footnote_145_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p> - -<p>Here I venture to add, that a member of the Cabinet -pressed me to withdraw my opposition to the repeal, -saying that the President felt strongly upon it. I could -not understand how a Republican President could consent -to weaken the limitations upon the Executive, and -so I said,—adding, that in my judgment he should -rather reach forth his hands and ask to have them tied. -Better always a government of law than of men.</p> - -<h4>PRESIDENTIAL INTERFERENCE IN LOCAL POLITICS.</h4> - -<p>In this tyrannical spirit, and in the assumption of -his central imperialism, he has interfered with political -questions and party movements in distant States, -reaching into Missouri, and then into New York, to dictate -how the people should vote, then manipulating -Louisiana through a brother-in-law appointed Collector. -With him a custom-house seems less a place for the collection -of revenue than an engine of political influence, -through which his dictatorship may be maintained.</p> - -<p>Authentic testimony places this tyrannical abuse beyond -question. New York is the scene, and Thomas -Murphy, Collector, the Presidential lieutenant. Nobody -doubts the intimacy between the President and the Collector, -who are bound in friendship by other ties than -those of seaside neighborhood. The Collector was determined -to obtain the control of the Republican State -Convention, and appealed to a patriot citizen for help, -who replied, that in his judgment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</a></span> “it would be a delicate -matter for office-holders to undertake to dictate to -the associations in the different districts who should go -from them to the State Convention, and still more delicate -to attempt to control the judgments of men employed -in the different departments as to the best men -to represent them.” The brave Collector lieutenant of -the President said, “that he should not hesitate to do -it; that it was General Grant’s wish, and General Grant -was the head of the Republican Party, and should be -authority on this subject.”<a name="FNanchor_146_146" id="FNanchor_146_146"></a><a href="#Footnote_146_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> Plainly, the Republican -Party was his perquisite, and all Republicans were to do -his bidding. From other testimony it appears that the -President, according to the statement of his lieutenant, -“wanted to be represented in the Convention,” being the -Republican State Convention of New York,—“wanted -to have his friends there in the Convention”; and the -Presidential lieutenant, being none other than the famous -Collector, offered to appoint four men in the custom-house -for the witness, if he would secure the nomination -of certain persons as delegates from his district, -and he promised “that he would immediately send their -names on to Washington and have them appointed.”<a name="FNanchor_147_147" id="FNanchor_147_147"></a><a href="#Footnote_147_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> -And so the Presidential dictatorship was administered. -Offices in the custom-house were openly bartered for -votes in the State Convention. Here was intolerable -tyranny, with demoralization like that of the slave-market.</p> - -<p>But New York is not the only scene of this outrage. -The Presidential pretension extends everywhere; nor is -it easy to measure the arrogance of corruption or the -honest indignation it quickens into life.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</a></span></p> - -<h4>PRESIDENTIAL CONTRIVANCE AGAINST SAN DOMINGO.</h4> - -<p>These Presidential pretensions, in all their variety, -personal and military, with reckless indifference to law, -naturally ripened in the contrivance, nursed in hot-house -secrecy, against the peace of the island of San Domingo: -I say deliberately, against the peace of that island, for -under the guise of annexing a portion there was menace -to the Black Republic of Hayti. This whole business, -absolutely indefensible from beginning to end, being -wrong at every point, is the special and most characteristic -product of the Administration, into which it infused -and projected itself more than into anything else. -In this multiform disobedience we behold our President. -Already I have referred to this contrivance as marking an -epoch in Presidential pretensions. It is my duty now to -show its true character as a warning against its author.</p> - -<p>A few weeks only after beginning his career as a civilian, -and while occupied with military usurpations and -the perquisites of office, he was tempted by overtures of -Dominican plotters, headed by the usurper Baez and the -speculator Cazneau: the first an adventurer, conspirator, -and trickster, described by one who knows him well -as “the worst man living of whom he has any personal -knowledge”;<a name="FNanchor_148_148" id="FNanchor_148_148"></a><a href="#Footnote_148_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> and the second, one of our own countrymen, -long resident on the island, known as disloyal -throughout the war, and entirely kindred in character -to Baez. Listening to these prompters, and without one -word in Congress or in the press suggesting annexion of -the island or any part of it, the President began his contrivance; -and here we see abuse in every form and at -every step, absolutely without precedent in our history.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</a></span></p> - -<p>The agent in this transaction was Orville E. Babcock, -a young officer figuring in the Blue Book of the time as -one of the unauthorized “secretaries” at the Executive -Mansion, and also as a major of engineers. His published -instructions, under date of July 13, 1869, were -simply to make inquiries; but the plot appears in a -communication of the same date from the Secretary of -the Navy, directed to the Seminole, a war-ship, with an -armament of one eleven-inch gun and four thirty-two -pounders, “to give him the <i>moral support</i> of its guns”; -and this was followed by a telegraphic instruction to -Key West for another war-ship “to proceed without a -moment’s delay to San Domingo City, to be placed at -the disposal of General Babcock while on that coast.”<a name="FNanchor_149_149" id="FNanchor_149_149"></a><a href="#Footnote_149_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> -With such “moral support” the emissary of the President -obtained from the usurper Baez that famous Protocol -stipulating the annexion of Dominica to the United -States in consideration of $1,500,000, which the young -officer, fresh from the Executive Mansion, professed to -execute as “Aide-de-Camp to his Excellency General -Ulysses S. Grant, President of the United States,”—as -if, instead of Chief Magistrate of a Republic, the President -were a military chieftain with his foot in the stirrup, -surrounded by a military staff. The same instrument -contained the unblushing stipulation, that “his -Excellency General Grant, President of the United -States, promises, <i>privately, to use all his influence</i>, in -order that the idea of annexing the Dominican Republic -to the United States may acquire such a degree of popularity -among members of Congress as will be necessary -for its accomplishment”:<a name="FNanchor_150_150" id="FNanchor_150_150"></a><a href="#Footnote_150_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> which is simply that the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</a></span> -President shall become a lobbyist to bring about the annexion -by Congress. Such was the strange beginning, -illegal, unconstitutional, and offensive in every particular, -but showing the Presidential character.</p> - -<p>On his return to Washington, the young officer, who -had assumed to be “Aide-de-Camp to his Excellency -General Ulysses S. Grant,” and had bound the President -to become a lobbyist for a wretched scheme, instead of -being disowned and reprimanded, was sent back to the -usurper with instructions to negotiate two treaties,—one -for the annexion of the half-island of Dominica, and -the other for the lease of the Bay of Samana.<a name="FNanchor_151_151" id="FNanchor_151_151"></a><a href="#Footnote_151_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> By the -Constitution of the United States “ambassadors and -other public ministers” are appointed by the President -by and with the advice and consent of the Senate; but -our Aide-de-Camp had no such commission. Presidential -prerogative empowered him. Nor was naval force -wanting. With three war-ships at his disposal,<a name="FNanchor_152_152" id="FNanchor_152_152"></a><a href="#Footnote_152_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> he concluded -negotiations with Baez and obtained the two treaties. -Naturally force was needed to keep the usurper -in power while he sold his country, and naturally such -a transaction required a Presidential Aide-de-Camp unknown -to Constitution or Law, rather than a civilian -duly appointed according to both.</p> - -<h4>PRESIDENTIAL VIOLATIONS OF CONSTITUTIONAL AND -INTERNATIONAL LAW.</h4> - -<p>On other occasions it has been my solemn duty to -expose the outrages which attended this hateful business, -where at each step we are brought face to face with -Presidential pretension: first, in the open seizure of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</a></span> -war powers of the Government, as if he were already -Cæsar, forcibly intervening in Dominica and menacing -war to Hayti, all of which is proved by the official reports -of the State Department and Navy Department, -being nothing less than war by kingly prerogative, in defiance -of that distinctive principle of Republican Government, -first embodied in our Constitution, which places -the war powers under the safeguard of the legislative -branch, making any attempt by the President “to declare -war” an undoubted usurpation. But our President, like -Gallio, cares for none of these things. The open violation -of the Constitution was naturally followed by a -barefaced disregard of that equality of nations which is -the first principle of International Law, as the equality -of men is the first principle of the Declaration of -Independence; and this sacred rule was set aside in order -to insult and menace Hayti, doing unto the Black -Republic what we would not have that Republic do -unto us, nor what we would have done to any white -power. To these eminent and most painful Presidential -pretensions, the first adverse to the Constitution and the -second adverse to International Law, add the imprisonment -of an American citizen in Dominica by the Presidential -confederate, Baez, for fear of his hostility to the -treaty, if he were allowed to reach New York,—all of -which was known to his subordinates, Babcock and Cazneau, -and doubtless to himself. What was the liberty -of an American citizen compared with the Presidential -prerogative? To one who had defied the Constitution, -on which depends the liberty of all, and then defied International -Law, on which depends the peace of the -world, a single citizen immured in a distant dungeon -was of small moment. But this is only an illustration.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</a></span> -Add now the lawless occupation of the Bay of Samana for -many months after the lapse of the treaty, keeping the -national flag flying there, and assuming a territorial sovereignty -which did not exist. Then add the protracted -support of Baez in his usurped power, to the extent of -placing the national flag at his disposal, and girdling the -island with our ships of war, all at immense cost, and to -the neglect of other service where the Navy was needed.</p> - -<p>This strange succession of acts, which, if established -for a precedent, would overturn Constitution and Law, -was followed by another class of Presidential manifestations: -first, an unseemly importunity of Senators during -the pendency of the treaty, visiting the Capitol as a lobbyist, -and summoning them to his presence in squads, -in obvious pursuance of the stipulation made by his -Aide-de-Camp and never disowned by him,—being intervention -in the Senate, reinforced by all the influence -of the appointing power, whether by reward or menace, -all of which was as unconstitutional in character as that -warlike intervention on the island; and then, after debate -in the Senate, when the treaty was lost on solemn -vote, we were called to witness his self-willed effrontery -in prosecuting the fatal error, returning to the charge in -his Annual Message at the ensuing session, insisting -upon his contrivance as nothing less than the means by -which “our large debt abroad is ultimately to be extinguished,” -and gravely charging the Senate with “folly” -in rejecting the treaty,—and yet, while making this astounding -charge against a coördinate branch of Government, -and claiming such astounding profits, he blundered -geographically in describing the prize.<a name="FNanchor_153_153" id="FNanchor_153_153"></a><a href="#Footnote_153_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p> - -<p>All this diversified performance, with its various eccentricity<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</a></span> -of effort, failed. The report of able commissioners -transported to the island in an expensive war-ship -ended in nothing. The American people rose -against the undertaking and insisted upon its abandonment. -By a message charged with Parthian shafts the -President at length announced that he would proceed -no further in this business.<a name="FNanchor_154_154" id="FNanchor_154_154"></a><a href="#Footnote_154_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> His senatorial partisans, -being a majority of the Chamber, after denouncing those -who had exposed the business, arrested the discussion. -In obedience to irrepressible sentiments, and according -to the logic of my life, I felt it my duty to speak; but -the President would not forgive me, and his peculiar -representatives found me disloyal to the party which -I had served so long and helped to found. Then was -devotion to the President made the shibboleth of party.</p> - -<h4>WHERE WAS THE GRAND INQUEST OF THE NATION?</h4> - -<p>Such is a summary of the San Domingo business in -its characteristic features. But here are transgressions -in every form,—open violation of the Constitution in -more than one essential requirement; open violation of -International Law in more than one of its most beautiful -principles; flagrant insult to the Black Republic, -with menace of war; complicity with the wrongful imprisonment -of an American citizen; lawless assumption -of territorial sovereignty in a foreign jurisdiction; employment -of the national navy to sustain a usurper,—being -all acts of substance, maintained by an agent calling -himself “Aide-de-Camp to Ulysses S. Grant, President -of the United States,” and stipulating that his chief -should play the lobbyist to help the contrivance through<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</a></span> -Congress, then urged by private appeals to Senators, and -the influence of the appointing power tyrannically employed -by the Presidential lobbyist, and finally urged -anew in an Annual Message, where undisguised insult -to the Senate vies with absurdity in declaring prospective -profits and with geographical ignorance. Such, in -brief, is this multiform disobedience, where every particular -is of such aggravation as to merit the most solemn -judgment. Why the grand inquest of the nation, -which brought Andrew Johnson to the bar of the Senate, -should have slept on this conglomerate misdemeanor, -every part of which was offensive beyond any technical -offence charged against his predecessor, while it had -a background of nepotism, gift-taking with official compensation, -and various Presidential pretensions beyond -all precedent,—all this will be one of the riddles of -American history, to be explained only by the extent -to which the One-Man Power had succeeded in subjugating -the Government.</p> - -<h4>INDIGNITY TO THE AFRICAN RACE.</h4> - -<p>Let me confess, Sir, that, while at each stage I have -felt this tyranny most keenly, and never doubted that it -ought to be arrested by impeachment, my feelings have -been most stirred by the outrage to Hayti, which, besides -being a wrong to the Black Republic, was an insult -to the colored race, not only abroad, but here at -home. How a Chief Magistrate with four millions of -colored fellow-citizens could have done this thing passes -comprehension. Did he suppose it would not be known? -Did he imagine it could be hushed in official pigeonholes? -Or was he insensible to the true character of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</a></span> -his own conduct? The facts are indisputable. For -more than two generations Hayti had been independent, -entitled under International Law to equality among nations, -and since Emancipation in our country commended -to us as an example of self-government, being the first -in the history of the African race and the promise of the -future. And yet our President, in his effort to secure -that Naboth’s Vineyard on which he had set his eyes, -not content with maintaining the usurper Baez in power, -occupying the harbors of Dominica with war-ships, sent -other war-ships, being none other than our most powerful -monitor, the Dictator, with the frigate Severn as consort, -and with yet other monitors in their train, to strike at -the independence of the Black Republic, and to menace -it with war. Do I err in any way, am I not entirely -right, when I say that here was unpardonable outrage to -the African race? As one who for years has stood by -the side of this much-oppressed people, sympathizing -always in their woes and struggling for them, I felt -the blow which the President dealt, and it became the -more intolerable from the heartless attempts to defend -it. Alas, that our President should be willing to wield -the giant strength of the Great Republic in trampling -upon the representative government of the African race! -Alas, that he did not see the infinite debt of friendship, -kindness, and protection due to that people, so that instead -of monitors and war-ships, breathing violence, he -had sent a messenger of peace and good-will!</p> - -<p>This outrage was followed by an incident in which -the same sentiments were revealed. Frederick Douglass, -remarkable for his intelligence as for his eloquence, -and always agreeable in personal relations, whose only -offence is a skin not entirely Caucasian, was selected by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</a></span> -the President to accompany the Commissioners to San -Domingo,—and yet on his return, and almost within sight -of the Executive Mansion, he was repelled from the common -table of the mail-steamer on the Potomac, where -his companions were already seated; and thus through -him was the African race insulted and their equal rights -denied. But the President, whose commission he had -borne, neither did nor said anything to right this wrong, -and a few days later, when entertaining the Commissioners -at the Executive Mansion, actually forgot the -colored orator whose services he had sought.<a name="FNanchor_155_155" id="FNanchor_155_155"></a><a href="#Footnote_155_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> But this -indignity is in unison with the rest. After insulting -the Black Republic, it is easy to see how natural it was -to treat with insensibility the representative of the -African race.</p> - -<h4>ALL THESE THINGS IN ISSUE NOW.</h4> - -<p>Here I stay this painful catalogue in its various -heads, beginning with nepotism and gift-taking with repayment -by office, and ending in the contrivance against -San Domingo with indignity to the African race,—not -because it is complete, but because it is enough. With -sorrow unspeakable have I made this exposure of pretensions, -which, for the sake of republican institutions, -every good citizen should wish expunged from history; -but I had no alternative. The President himself insists -upon putting them in issue; he will not allow them to -be forgotten. As a candidate for reëlection he invites -judgment, while partisans acting in his behalf make it -absolutely necessary by the brutality of their assault on -faithful Republicans unwilling to see their party, like<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</a></span> -the Presidential office, a personal perquisite. If his partisans -are exacting, vindictive, and unjust, they act only -in harmony with his nature, too truly represented in -them. There is not a ring, whether military or senatorial, -that does not derive its distinctive character from -himself. Therefore, what they do and what they say -must be considered as done and said by the chieftain -they serve. And here is a new manifestation of that -sovereign egotism which no taciturnity can cover up, -and a new motive for inquiry into its pernicious influence.</p> - -<h4>THE GREAT PRESIDENTIAL QUARRELLER.</h4> - -<p>Any presentment of the President would be imperfect -which did not show how this ungovernable personality -breaks forth in quarrel, making him the great Presidential -quarreller of our history. As in nepotism, -gift-taking with repayment by office, and Presidential -pretensions generally, here again he is foremost, having -quarrelled not only more than any other President, but -more than all others together, from George Washington -to himself. His own Cabinet, the Senate, the House of -Representatives, the diplomatic service, and the civil -service generally, all have their victims, nearly every -one of whom, besides serving the Republican Party, had -helped to make him President. Nor have Army officers, -his companions in the field, or even his generous -patrons, been exempt. To him a quarrel is not only a -constant necessity, but a perquisite of office. To nurse -a quarrel, like tending a horse, is in his list of Presidential -duties. How idle must he be, should the words of -Shakespeare be fulfilled, “This day all quarrels die”!<a name="FNanchor_156_156" id="FNanchor_156_156"></a><a href="#Footnote_156_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</a></span> -To him may be applied those other words of Shakespeare, -“As quarrellous as the weasel.”<a name="FNanchor_157_157" id="FNanchor_157_157"></a><a href="#Footnote_157_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p> - -<p>Evidently our President has never read the Eleventh -Commandment: “A President of the United States shall -never quarrel.” At least he lives in perpetual violation -of it, listening to stories from horse-cars, gobbling the -gossip of his military ring, discoursing on imaginary -griefs, and nursing an unjust anger. The elect of forty -millions of people has no right to quarrel with anybody. -His position is too exalted. He cannot do it without -offence to the requirements of patriotism, without a -shock to the decencies of life, without a jar to the harmony -of the universe. If lesson were needed for his -conduct, he might find it in that king of France who on -ascending the throne made haste to declare that he did -not remember injuries received as Dauphin.<a name="FNanchor_158_158" id="FNanchor_158_158"></a><a href="#Footnote_158_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> Perhaps a -better model still would be Tancred, the acknowledged -type of the perfect Christian knight, who “disdained to -speak ill of whoever it might be, even when ill had been -spoken of himself.”<a name="FNanchor_159_159" id="FNanchor_159_159"></a><a href="#Footnote_159_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> Our soldier President could not -err in following this knightly example. If this were too -much, then at least might we hope that he would consent -to limit the sphere of his quarrelsome operations so -that the public service might not be disturbed. Of this -be assured,—in every quarrel he is the offender, according -to the fact, as according to every reasonable presumption; -especially is he responsible for its continuance. -The President can always choose his relations with any -citizen. But he chooses discord. With the arrogance<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</a></span> -of arms he resents any impediment in his path,—as -when, in the spring of 1870, without allusion to himself, -I felt it my duty to oppose his San Domingo contrivance. -The verse of Juvenal, as translated by Dryden, -describes his conduct:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“Poor me he fights,—if that be fighting where</div> -<div class="verse">He only cudgels and I only bear.</div> -<div class="verse center">…</div> -<div class="verse">Answer or answer not, ’tis all the same,</div> -<div class="verse">He lays me on and makes me bear the blame.”<a name="FNanchor_160_160" id="FNanchor_160_160"></a><a href="#Footnote_160_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a></div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Another scholarly translator gives to this description of -the Presidential quarrel another form, which is also applicable:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“If that be deemed a quarrel, where, Heaven knows,</div> -<div class="verse">He only gives and I receive the blows;</div> -<div class="verse">Across my path he strides and bids me Stand!—</div> -<div class="verse">I bow obsequious to the dread command.”<a name="FNanchor_161_161" id="FNanchor_161_161"></a><a href="#Footnote_161_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a></div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">If the latter verse is not entirely true in my case, something -must be pardoned to that Liberty in which I was -born.</p> - -<p>Men take their places in history according to their -deeds. The flattery of life is then superseded by the -truthful record, and rulers do not escape judgment. -Louis the Tenth of France has the designation of <i>Le -Hutin</i>, or “The Quarreller,” by which he is known in -the long line of French kings. And so in the long line -of American Chief-Magistrates has our President vindicated -for himself the same title. He must wear it. The -French monarch was younger than our President; but -there are other points in his life which are not without -parallel. According to a contemporary chronicle, he<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</a></span> -was “well disposed, but not very attentive to the needs -of the kingdom”;<a name="FNanchor_162_162" id="FNanchor_162_162"></a><a href="#Footnote_162_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> and then again it was his rare fortune -to sign one of the greatest ordinances of French -history, declaring that “according to the Law of Nature -every one must be born free”;<a name="FNanchor_163_163" id="FNanchor_163_163"></a><a href="#Footnote_163_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> but the Quarreller was -in no respect author of this illustrious act, and was -moved to its adoption by considerations of personal advantage. -It will be for impartial History to determine -if our Quarreller, who treated his great office as a personal -perquisite, and all his life long was against that -Enfranchisement to which he put his name, does not fall -into the same category.</p> - -<h4>DUTY OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.</h4> - -<p>And now the question of Duty is distinctly presented -to the Republican Party. I like that word. It is at -the mandate of Duty that we must act. Do the Presidential -pretensions merit the sanction of the party? -Can Republicans, without departing from all obligations, -whether of party or patriotism, recognize our ambitious -Cæsar as a proper representative? Can we take -the fearful responsibility of his prolonged empire? I -put these questions solemnly, as a member of the Republican -Party, with all the earnestness of a life devoted to -the triumph of this party, but which I served always -with the conviction that I gave up nothing that was<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</a></span> -meant for country or mankind. With me, the party -was country and mankind; but with the adoption of all -these Presidential pretensions the party loses its distinctive -character and drops from its sphere. Its creed -ceases to be Republicanism and becomes Grantism; its -members cease to be Republicans and become Grant-men. -It is no longer a <i>political</i> party, but a <i>personal</i> -party. For myself, I say openly, I am no man’s <i>man</i>, -nor do I belong to any personal party.</p> - -<h4>ONE TERM FOR PRESIDENT.</h4> - -<p>The attempt to change the character of the Republican -Party begins by assault on the principle of One -Term for President. Therefore must our support of this -requirement be made manifest; and here we have the -testimony of our President, and what is stronger, his example, -showing the necessity of such limitation. Authentic -report attests that before his nomination he declared -that “the liberties of the country cannot be maintained -without a One-Term Amendment of the Constitution.” -At this time Mr. Wade was pressing this very -Amendment. Then after his nomination, and while his -election was pending, the organ of the Republican Party -at Washington, where he resided, commended him constantly -as faithful to the principle. The “Morning -Chronicle” of June 3, 1868, after the canvass had commenced, -proclaimed of the candidate,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“<i>He is, moreover, an advocate of the One-Term principle</i>, -as conducing toward the proper administration of the law,—a -principle with which so many prominent Republicans have -identified themselves that it may be accepted as an article of -party faith.”</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</a></span></p> - -<p>Then again, July 14th, the same organ insisted,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Let not Congress adjourn without passing the One-Term -Amendment to the Constitution. There has never been so favorable -an opportunity. All parties are in favor of it.… -<i>General Grant is in favor of it.</i> The party which supports -General Grant demands it; and above all else public morality -calls for it.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Considering that these pledges were made by an organ -of the party, and in his very presence, they may be -accepted as proceeding from him. His name must be -added to the list with Andrew Jackson, William Henry -Harrison, Henry Clay, and Benjamin F. Wade, all of -whom are enrolled against the reëligibility of a President.</p> - -<p>But his example as President is more than his testimony -in showing the necessity of this limitation. Andrew -Jackson did not hesitate to say that it was required -in order to place the President “beyond the reach of -any improper influences,” and “uncommitted to any -other course than the strict line of constitutional duty.”<a name="FNanchor_164_164" id="FNanchor_164_164"></a><a href="#Footnote_164_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a> -William Henry Harrison followed in declaring that with -the adoption of this principle “the incumbent would devote -all his time to the public interest, and there would -be no cause to misrule the country.”<a name="FNanchor_165_165" id="FNanchor_165_165"></a><a href="#Footnote_165_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> Henry Clay was -satisfied, after much observation and reflection, “that too -much of the time, the thoughts, and the exertions of the -incumbent are occupied during his first term in securing -his reëlection.”<a name="FNanchor_166_166" id="FNanchor_166_166"></a><a href="#Footnote_166_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> Benjamin F. Wade, after denouncing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</a></span> -the reëligibility of the President, said: “There are defects -in the Constitution, and this is among the most -glaring.”<a name="FNanchor_167_167" id="FNanchor_167_167"></a><a href="#Footnote_167_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p> - -<p>And now our President by his example, besides his -testimony, vindicates all these authorities. He makes -us see how all that has been predicted of Presidents -seeking reëlection is fulfilled: how this desire dominates -official conduct; how naturally the resources of the -Government are employed to serve a personal purpose; -how the national interests are subordinate to individual -advancement; how all questions, foreign or domestic, -whether of treaties or laws, are handled with a view to -electoral votes; how the appointing power lends itself -to a selfish will, acting now by the temptation of office -and then by the menace of removal; and, since every -office-holder and every office-seeker has a brevet commission -in the predominant political party, how the -President, desiring reëlection, becomes the active head -of three coöperating armies,—the army of office-holders, -eighty thousand strong, the larger army of office-seekers, -and the army of the political party, the whole constituting -a consolidated power which no candidate can possess -without peril to his country. Of these vast coöperating -armies the President is commander-in-chief and -generalissimo. Through these he holds in submission -even Representatives and Senators, and makes the country -his vassal with a condition not unlike that of martial -law, where the disobedient are shot, while the various -rings help secure the prize. That this is not too -strong appears from testimony before a Senate Committee, -where a Presidential lieutenant boldly denounced<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</a></span> -an eminent New York citizen, who was a prominent -candidate for Governor, as “obnoxious to General Grant,”—and -then, with an effrontery like the Presidential pretension, -announced that “President Grant was the representative -and head of the Republican Party, and all -good Republicans should support him in all his measures -and appointments, and any one who did not do it -should be <i>crushed out</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_168_168" id="FNanchor_168_168"></a><a href="#Footnote_168_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> Such things teach how wise -were those statesmen who would not subject the President -to the temptation or even the suspicion of using -his vast powers in promoting personal ends.</p> - -<p>Unquestionably the One-Man Power has increased -latterly beyond example,—owing partly to the greater -facilities of intercourse, especially by telegraph, so that -the whole country is easily reached,—partly to improvements -in organization, by which distant places -are brought into unity,—and partly through the protracted -prevalence of the military spirit created by the -war. There was a time in English history when the -House of Commons, on the motion of the famous lawyer -Mr. Dunning, adopted the resolution, “That the influence -of the Crown has increased, is increasing, and ought -to be diminished.”<a name="FNanchor_169_169" id="FNanchor_169_169"></a><a href="#Footnote_169_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> The same declaration is needed -with regard to the President; and the very words of the -Parliamentary patriot may be repeated. In his memorable -speech, Mr. Dunning, after saying that he did not -rest “upon proof idle to require,” declared that the question<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</a></span> -“must be decided by the consciences of those who -as a jury were called upon to determine what was or -was not within their own knowledge.”<a name="FNanchor_170_170" id="FNanchor_170_170"></a><a href="#Footnote_170_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> It was on -ground of notoriety cognizable to all that he acted. -And precisely on this ground, but also with specific -proofs, do I insist that the influence of the President -has increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished. -But in this excellent work, well worthy the best efforts -of all, nothing is more important than the limitation to -one term.</p> - -<p>There is a demand for reform in the civil service, and -the President formally adopts this demand; but he -neglects the first step, which depends only on himself. -From this we may judge his little earnestness in the -cause. Beyond all question Civil-Service Reform must -begin by a limitation of the President to one term, so -that the temptation to use the appointing power for -personal ends may disappear from our system, and this -great disturbing force cease to exist. If the President -is sincere for reform, it will be easy for him to set the -example by declaring again his adhesion to the One-Term -principle. But even if he fails, we must do our -duty.</p> - -<p>Therefore, in opposing the prolonged power of the -present incumbent, I begin by insisting, that, for the -good of the country, and without reference to any personal -failure, no President should be a candidate for -reëlection; and it is our duty now to set an example -worthy of republican institutions. In the name of the -One-Term principle, once recognized by him, and which -needs no other evidence of its necessity than his own -Presidency, I protest against his attempt to obtain -another lease of power. But this protest is on the -threshold.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</a></span></p> - -<h4>HIS UNFITNESS FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE.</h4> - -<p>I protest against him as radically unfit for the Presidential -office, being essentially military in nature, without -experience in civil life, without aptitude for civil -duties, and without knowledge of republican institutions,—all -of which is perfectly apparent, unless we -are ready to assume that the matters and things set -forth to-day are of no account, and then, in further support -of the candidate, boldly declare that nepotism in a -President is nothing, that gift-taking with repayment in -official patronage is nothing, that violation of the Constitution -and of International and Municipal Law is -nothing, that indignity to the African race is nothing, -that quarrel with political associates is nothing, and -that all his Presidential pretensions in their motley aggregation, -being a new Cæsarism or personal government, -are nothing. But if these are all nothing, then is -the Republican Party nothing, nor is there any safeguard -for Republican Institutions.</p> - -<h4>APOLOGIES FOR THE PRESIDENT.</h4> - -<p>Two apologies I hear. The first is that he means -well, and errs from want of knowledge. This is not -much. It was said of Louis the Quarreller, that he -meant well; nor is there a slate head-stone in any village -burial-ground that does not record as much of the -humble lodger beneath. Something more is needed for -a President. Nor can we afford to perpetuate power in -a ruler who errs so much from ignorance. Charity for -the past I concede, but no investiture for the future.</p> - -<p>The other apology is, that his Presidency has been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</a></span> -successful. How? When? Where? Not to him can -be attributed that general prosperity which is the natural -outgrowth of our people and country; for his contribution -is not traced in the abounding result. Our golden fields, -productive mines, busy industry, diversified commerce, -owe nothing to him. Show, then, his success. Is it in -the finances? The national debt has been reduced, but -not to so large an amount as by Andrew Johnson in the -same space of time. Little merit is due to either, for -each employed the means allowed by Congress. To the -American people is this reduction due, and not to any -President. And while our President in this respect is -no better than his predecessor, he can claim no merit -for any systematic effort to reduce taxation or restore -specie payments. Perhaps, then, it is in foreign relations -that he claims the laurels he is to wear. Knowing -something of these from careful study and years of practical -acquaintance, I am bound to say that never before -has their management been so wanting in ability and so -absolutely without character. With so much pretension -and so little knowledge, how could it be otherwise? -Here the President touches nothing which he does not -muddle. In every direction is muddle,—muddle with -Spain, muddle with Cuba, muddle with the Black Republic, -muddle with distant Corea, muddle with Venezuela, -muddle with Russia, muddle with England,—on -all sides one diversified muddle. If there is not -muddle with Germany and France, it must be from -their forbearance. To this condition are we reduced. -When before in our history have we reached any such -bathos as that to which we have been carried in our -questions with England? Are these the laurels for a -Presidential candidate?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</a></span></p> - -<p>But where else shall we look for them? Are -they found on the Indian frontier? Let the cry of -massacre and blood from that distant region answer. -Are they in reform of the civil service? But here the -initial point is the limitation of the President to one -term, so that he may be placed above temptation; yet -this he opposes. Evidently he is no true reformer. -Are these laurels found in the administration of the -Departments? Let the discreditable sale of arms to -France in violation of neutral duties and of municipal -statute be the answer; and let the custom-houses of -New York and New Orleans, with their tales of favoritism -and of nepotism, and with their prostitution as -agencies, mercenary and political, echo back the answer; -while senatorial committees, organized contrary to a cardinal -principle of Parliamentary Law as a cover to these -scandals, testify also. And again, let the War Department -recall the disappearance of important archives -bearing on an important event of the war, so that empty -boxes remain like a coffin without a corpse. Where, -then, are the laurels? At last I find them, fresh and -brilliant, in the harmony which the President has preserved -among Republicans. Harmony, do I say? This -should have been his congenial task; nor would any aid -or homage of mine have been wanting. But instead he -has organized discord, operating through a succession of -rings, and for laurels we find only weeds and thistles.</p> - -<p>But I hear that he is successful in the States once -in rebellion. Strange that this should be said while -we are harrowed by the reports of Ku-Klux outrages. -Here, as in paying the national debt, Congress has been -the effective power. Even the last extraordinary measure -became necessary, in my judgment, to supplement<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</a></span> -his little efficiency. Had the President put into the -protection of the colored people at the South half the -effort and earnest will with which he maintained his -San Domingo contrivance, the murderous Ku-Klux -would have been driven from the field and peace assured. -Nor has he ever exhibited to the colored people -any true sympathy. His conduct to Frederick Douglass -on his return from San Domingo is an illustration; and -so also was his answer to the committee of colored fellow-citizens -seeking his countenance for the pending -measure of Civil Rights. Some thought him indifferent; -others found him insulting. Then came his recent letter -to the great meeting at Washington, May 9, 1872, -called to assert these rights, where he could say nothing -more than this: “I beg to assure you, however, that I -sympathize most cordially in any effort to secure for all -our people, of whatever race, nativity, or color, <i>the exercise -of those rights to which every citizen should be entitled</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_171_171" id="FNanchor_171_171"></a><a href="#Footnote_171_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> -Of course everybody is in favor of “the rights -to which every citizen should be entitled.” But what -are these rights? And this meaningless juggle of words, -entirely worthy of the days of Slavery, is all that is -vouchsafed by a Republican President for the equal -rights of his colored fellow-citizens.</p> - -<p>I dismiss the apologies with the conclusion, that in -the matters to which they invite attention his Presidency -is an enormous failure.</p> - -<h4>THE PRESIDENT AS CANDIDATE.</h4> - -<p>Looking at his daily life as it becomes known through -the press or conversation, his chief employment seems<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</a></span> -the dispensation of patronage, unless society is an employment. -For this he is visited daily by Senators and -Representatives bringing distant constituents. The Executive -Mansion has become that famous “Treasury -trough” described so well by an early Congressional -orator:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Such running, such jostling, such wriggling, such clambering -over one another’s backs, such squealing, because the -tub is so narrow and the company is so crowded.”<a name="FNanchor_172_172" id="FNanchor_172_172"></a><a href="#Footnote_172_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>To sit behind is the Presidential occupation, watching -and feeding the animals. If this were an amusement -only, it might be pardoned; but it must be seen in a -more serious light. Some nations are governed by the -sword,—in other words, by central force commanding -obedience. Our President governs by offices,—in other -words, by the appointing power, being a central force by -which he coerces obedience to his personal will. Let a -Senator or Representative hesitate in the support of his -autocracy, or doubt if he merits a second term, and forthwith -some distant consul or postmaster, appointed by -his influence, begins to tremble. The “Head Centre” -makes himself felt to the most distant circumference. -Can such tyranny, where the military spirit of our President -finds a congenial field, be permitted to endure?</p> - -<p>In adopting him as a candidate for reëlection we undertake -to vindicate his Presidency, and adopt in all -things the insulting, incapable, aide-de-campish dictatorship -which he has inaugurated. Presenting his name, -we vouch for his fitness, not only in original nature, but -in experience of civil life, in aptitude for civil duties, in -knowledge of republican institutions, and elevation of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</a></span> -purpose; and we must be ready to defend openly what -he has openly done. Can Republicans honestly do this -thing? Let it be said that he is not only the greatest -nepotist among Presidents, but greater than all others -together, and what Republican can reply? Let it -be said that he is not only the greatest gift-taker -among Presidents, but the only one who repaid his -patrons at the public expense, and what Republican -can reply? Let it be said that he has openly violated -the Constitution and International Law, in the prosecution -of a wretched contrivance against the peace of San -Domingo, and what Republican can reply? Let it be -said, that, wielding the power of the Great Republic, he -has insulted the Black Republic with a menace of war, -involving indignity to the African Race, and what Republican -can reply? Let it be said that he has set up -Presidential pretensions without number, constituting -an undoubted Cæsarism or personal government, and -what Republican can reply? And let it be added, that, -unconscious of all this misrule, he quarrels without cause -even with political supporters, and on such a scale as to -become the greatest Presidential quarreller of our history, -quarrelling more than all other Presidents together, -and what Republican can reply? It will not be enough -to say that he was triumphant in war,—as Scipio, the -victor of Hannibal, reminded the Roman people that on -this day he conquered at Zama.<a name="FNanchor_173_173" id="FNanchor_173_173"></a><a href="#Footnote_173_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> Others have been triumphant -in war and failed in civil life,—as Marlborough, -whose heroic victories seemed unaccountable, in -the frivolity, the ignorance, and the heartlessness of his -pretended statesmanship. To Washington was awarded -that rarest tribute,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</a></span> “First in war, first in peace, and first -in the hearts of his countrymen.”<a name="FNanchor_174_174" id="FNanchor_174_174"></a><a href="#Footnote_174_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> Of our President it -will be said willingly, “first in war,” but the candid historian -will add, “first in nepotism, first in gift-taking -and repaying by official patronage, first in Presidential -pretensions, and first in quarrel with his countrymen.”</p> - -<p>Anxiously, earnestly, the country asks for reform, and -stands tiptoe to greet the coming. But how expect reform -from a President who needs it so much himself? -Who shall reform the reformer? So also does the country -ask for purity. But is it not vain to seek this boon -from one whose Presidential pretensions are so demoralizing? -Who shall purify the purifier? The country -asks for reform in the civil service. But how expect -any such change from one who will not allow the Presidential -office to be secured against its worst temptation? -The country desires an example for the youth of the -land, where intelligence shall blend with character, and -both be elevated by a constant sense of duty with unselfish -devotion to the public weal. But how accord -this place to a President who makes his great office a -plaything and perquisite, while his highest industry is -in quarrelling? Since Sancho Panza at Barataria, no -Governor has provided so well for his relations at the -expense of his country; and if any other has made Cabinet -appointments the return for personal favors, his -name has dropped out of history. A man is known by -his acts; so also by the company he keeps. And is not -our President known by his intimacy with those who -are by-words of distrust? But all these by-words look -to another term for perpetuation of their power. Therefore, -for the sake of reform and purity, which are a longing<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</a></span> -of the people, and also that the Chief Magistrate -may be an example, we must seek a remedy.</p> - -<p>See for one moment how pernicious must be the Presidential -example. First in place, his personal influence -is far-reaching beyond that of any other citizen. What -he does others will do. What he fails to do others will -fail to do. His standard of conduct will be accepted at -least by his political supporters. His measure of industry -and his sense of duty will be the pattern for the -country. If he appoints relations to office and repays -gifts by official patronage, making his Presidency a great -“gift-enterprise,” may not every office-holder do likewise, -each in his sphere, so that nepotism and gift-taking -with official remuneration will be general, and gift-enterprises -be multiplied indefinitely in the public service? -If he treats his trust as plaything and perquisite, why -may not every office-holder do the same? If he disregards -Constitution and Law in the pursuit of personal -objects, how can we expect a just subordination from -others? If he sets up pretensions without number repugnant -to republican institutions, must not the good -cause suffer? If he is stubborn, obstinate, and perverse, -are not stubbornness, obstinacy, and perversity commended -for imitation? If he insults and wrongs associates -in official trust, who is safe from the malignant -influence having its propulsion from the Executive -Mansion? If he fraternizes with jobbers and Hessians, -where is the limit to the demoralization that must -ensue? Necessarily the public service takes its character -from its elected chief, and the whole country -reflects the President. His example is a law. But a -bad example must be corrected as a bad law.</p> - -<p>To the Republican Party, devoted to ideas and principles,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</a></span> -I turn now with more than ordinary solicitude. -Not willingly can I see it sacrificed. Not without earnest -effort against the betrayal can I suffer its ideas and -principles to be lost in the personal pretensions of one -man. Both the old parties are in a crisis, with this difference -between the two: the Democracy is dissolving, -the Republican party is being absorbed; the Democracy -is falling apart, thus visibly losing its vital unity,—the -Republican Party is submitting to a personal influence, -thus visibly losing its vital character; the Democracy is -ceasing to exist, the Republican Party is losing its identity. -Let the process be completed, and it will be no -longer that Republican Party which I helped to found -and have always served, but only a personal party,—while -instead of those ideas and principles which we -have been so proud to uphold will be Presidential pretensions, -and instead of Republicanism there will be nothing -but Grantism.</p> - -<p>Political parties are losing their sway. Higher than -party are country and the duty to save it from Cæsar. -The Caucus is at last understood as a political engine -moved by wire-pullers, and it becomes more insupportable -in proportion as directed to personal ends. Nor is -its character changed when called a National Convention. -Here, too, are wire-pullers; and when the great -Office-Holder and the great Office-Seeker are one and -the same, it is easy to see how naturally the engine responds -to the central touch. A political convention is -an agency and convenience, but never a law, least of all -a despotism; and when it seeks to impose a candidate -whose name is a synonym of pretensions unrepublican -in character and hostile to good government, it will be -for earnest Republicans to consider well how clearly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</a></span> -party is subordinate to country. Such a nomination -can have no just obligation. Therefore with unspeakable -interest will the country watch the National Convention -at Philadelphia. It may be an assembly (and -such is my hope) where ideas and principles are above -all personal pretensions, and the unity of the party is -symbolized in the candidate; or it may add another to -Presidential rings, being an expansion of the military -ring at the Executive Mansion, the senatorial ring in -this Chamber, and the political ring in the custom-houses -of New York and New Orleans. A National -Convention which is a Presidential ring cannot represent -the Republican Party.</p> - -<p>Much rather would I see the party to which I am -dedicated, under the image of a life-boat not to be sunk -by wind or wave. How often have I said this to cheer -my comrades! I do not fear the Democratic Party. -Nothing from them can harm our life-boat. But I do -fear a quarrelsome pilot, unused to the sea, but pretentious -in command, who occupies himself in loading -aboard his own unserviceable relations and personal patrons, -while he drives away the experienced seamen -who know the craft and her voyage. Here is a peril -which no life-boat can stand.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile I wait the determination of the National -Convention, where are delegates from my own much-honored -Commonwealth with whom I rejoice to act. -Not without anxiety do I wait, but with the earnest -hope that the Convention will bring the Republican -Party into ancient harmony, saving it especially from -the suicidal folly of an issue on the personal pretensions -of one man.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</a><br /><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="INTEREST_AND_DUTY_OF_COLORED" id="INTEREST_AND_DUTY_OF_COLORED"></a>INTEREST AND DUTY OF COLORED -CITIZENS IN THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION.</h2> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter To Colored Citizens, July 29, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="blockquote medium"> - -<hr class="r15" /> - -<p>I will say to the North, Give up; and to the South, Keep not -back.—<span class="smcap">Isaiah</span>, xliii. 6.</p> - -<hr class="r15" /> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</a></span></p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The immediate occasion of the present Letter appears in the following, -from colored citizens of Washington to Mr. Sumner:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Washington, D. C.</span>, July 11, 1872.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Sir</span>,—We, the undersigned, citizens of color, regarding you as the purest -and best friend of our race, admiring your consistent course in the United -States Senate and elsewhere as the special advocate of our rights, and believing -that your counsel at this critical juncture in the period of our citizenship -would be free from personal feeling and partisan prejudice, have -ventured to request your opinion as to what action the colored voters of the -nation should take in the Presidential contest now pending.</p> - -<p>The choice of our people is now narrowed down to General Grant or -Horace Greeley. Your long acquaintance with both and your observation -have enabled you to arrive at a correct conclusion as to which of the candidates, -judging from their antecedents as well as their present position, will, -if elected, enforce the requirements of the Constitution and the laws respecting -our civil and political rights with the most heart-felt sympathy -and the greatest vigor.</p> - -<p>We hope and trust you will favor us with such reply as will serve to enlighten -our minds upon this subject and impel our people to go forward in -the right direction. Our confidence in your judgment is so firm, that, in -our opinion, thousands of the intelligent colored voters of the country will -be guided in their action by your statement and advice.</p> - -<p>Hoping to receive a reply soon, we have the honor to be,</p> - -<p class="sig">With great respect,</p> - -<p class="sig2">Your obedient servants,</p> - -<ul style="margin-left: 30%;"> -<li><span class="smcap">A. T. Augusta</span>, <span class="smcapuc">M. D.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Samuel Proctor.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">David Fisher</span>, sr.</li> -<li><span class="smcap">J. J. Ketchum.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Jno. H. Smith.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Chas. N. Thomas.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Edward Crusor.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Wm. H. Shorter.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Wm. H. A. Wormley.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Henry Hill.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">William P. Wilson.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Furman J. Shadd.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">R. W. Tompkins.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Geo. D. Johnson.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">John H. Brown.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Chris. A. Fleetwood.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Henry Lacy.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Chas. F. Bruce.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">W. H. Bell.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">David Fisher</span>, jr.</li> -<li><span class="smcap">J. L. N. Bowen.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">David King.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Jacob De Witter.</span></li> -<li><span class="smcap">Wm. Polkeny.</span></li> -</ul> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">Hon. Charles Sumner.</span></p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</a></span></p> - -<h3>LETTER.</h3> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Washington</span>, July 29, 1872.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Gentlemen and Fellow-Citizens</span>:—</p> - -<p class="dropcap">If I have delayed answering your communication of -July 11th, which was duly placed in my hands by -your committee, it was not because the proper course -for you seemed doubtful, but because I wished to reflect -upon it and be aided by information which time might -supply. Since then I have carefully considered the inquiries -addressed to me, and have listened to much on -both sides; but my best judgment now is in harmony -with my early conclusion.</p> - -<p>I am touched by the appeal you make. It is true -that I am the friend of your race, and I am glad to be -assured that in your opinion I have held a consistent -course in the Senate and elsewhere as the special advocate -of your rights. That course, by the blessing of -God, I mean to hold so long as life lasts. I know your -infinite wrongs, and feel for them as my own. You -only do me simple justice, when you add a belief that -my counsel at this critical juncture of your citizenship -“would be free from personal feelings and partisan prejudice.” -In answering your inquiries I can have no sentiment -except for your good, which I most anxiously<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</a></span> -seek; nor can any disturbing influence be allowed to -interfere. The occasion is too solemn. Especially is -there no room for personal feeling or for partisan prejudice. -No man or party can expect power except for the -general welfare. Therefore they must be brought to the -standard of truth, which is without feeling or prejudice.</p> - -<h4>QUESTIONS PROPOSED.</h4> - -<p>You are right in saying that the choice for the Presidency -is now “narrowed down” to President Grant or -Horace Greeley. One of these is to be taken, and, assuming -my acquaintance with both and my observation -of their lives, you invite my judgment between them, -asking me especially which of the two, “<i>judging from -their antecedents as well as present position</i>,” would enforce -the Constitution and laws securing your civil and -political rights “with <i>the most heart-felt sympathy and the -greatest vigor</i>.” Here I remark that in this inquiry you -naturally put your rights in the foreground. So do I,—believing -most sincerely that the best interests of the -whole country are associated with the completest recognition -of your rights, so that the two races shall live together -in unbroken harmony. I also remark that you -call attention to two things,—the “antecedents” of the -candidates, and their “present position.” You wish to -know from these which gives assurance of the most -heart-felt sympathy and greatest vigor in the maintenance -of your rights,—in other words, which, judging -by the past, will be your truest friend.</p> - -<p>The communication with which you have honored me -is not alone. Colored fellow-citizens in other parts of -the country, I may say in nearly every State of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</a></span> -Union, have made a similar request, and some complain -that I have thus far kept silent. I am not insensible to -the trust reposed in me. But if my opinion is given, it -must be candidly, according to my conscience. In this -spirit I answer your inquiries, beginning with the antecedents -of the two candidates.</p> - -<h4>ANTECEDENTS OF THE CANDIDATES.</h4> - -<p>Horace Greeley was born to poverty and educated -himself in a printing-office. President Grant, fortunate -in early patronage, became a cadet at West Point -and was educated at the public expense. One started -with nothing but industry and character; the other -started with a military commission. One was trained -as a civilian; the other as a soldier. Horace Greeley -stood forth as a Reformer and Abolitionist. President -Grant enlisted as a Proslavery Democrat, and, at the -election of James Buchanan, fortified by his vote all the -pretensions of Slavery, including the Dred Scott decision. -Horace Greeley from early life was earnest and constant -against Slavery, full of sympathy with the colored race, -and always foremost in the great battle for their rights. -President Grant, except as a soldier summoned by the -terrible accident of war, never did anything against -Slavery, nor has he at any time shown any sympathy -with the colored race, but rather indifference, if not -aversion. Horace Greeley earnestly desired that colored -citizens should vote, and ably championed impartial suffrage; -but President Grant was on the other side.</p> - -<p>Beyond these contrasts, which are marked, it cannot -be forgotten that Horace Greeley is a person of large -heart and large understanding, trained to the support of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</a></span> -Human Rights, always beneficent to the poor, always -ready for any good cause, and never deterred by opposition -or reproach, as when for long years he befriended -your people. Add to these qualities, conspicuous in his -life, untiring industry which leaves no moment without -its fruit, abundant political knowledge, acquaintance -with history, the instinct and grasp of statesmanship, -an amiable nature, a magnanimous soul, and above all -an honesty which no suspicion has touched,—and you -have a brief portraiture where are antecedents of Horace -Greeley.</p> - -<p>Few of these things appear in the President. His -great success in war, and the honors he has won, cannot -change the record of his conduct toward your people, -especially in contrast with the life-time fidelity of his -competitor, while there are unhappy “antecedents” -showing that in the prosecution of his plans he cares -nothing for the colored race. The story is painful; but -it must be told.</p> - -<h4>GRANT’S INDIGNITY TO THE COLORED RACE.</h4> - -<p>I refer to the outrage he perpetrated upon Hayti, -with its six hundred thousand blacks engaged in the -great experiment of self-government. Here is a most -instructive “antecedent,” revealing beyond question his -true nature, and the whole is attested by documentary -evidence. Conceiving the idea of annexing Dominica, -which is the Spanish part of the island, and shrinking -at nothing, he began by seizing the war powers of the -Government, in flagrant violation of the Constitution, -and then, at great expenditure of money, sent several -armed ships of the Navy, including monitors, to maintain<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</a></span> -the usurper Baez in power, that through him he -might obtain the coveted prize. Not content with this -audacious dictatorship, he proceeded to strike at the -independence of the Black Republic by open menace -of war, and all without the sanction of Congress, to -which is committed the power to make war. Sailing -into the harbor of Port-au-Prince with our most powerful -monitor, the Dictator, (properly named for this -service,) also the frigate Severn as consort, and other -monitors in their train, the Admiral, acting under instructions -from Washington, proceeded to the Executive -Mansion accompanied by officers of his squadron, and -then, pointing to the great war-ships in sight from the -windows, dealt his unjust menace, threatening to sink -or capture Haytian ships. The President was black, not -white. The Admiral would have done no such thing to -any white ruler, nor would our country have tolerated -such menace from any Government in the world. Here -was indignity not only to the Black Republic with its -population of six hundred thousand, but to the African -race everywhere, and especially in our own country. -Nor did it end here. For months the Navy of the -United States was kept hovering on the coast, holding -that insulted people in constant dread and anxiety, -while President Grant was to them like a hawk sailing -in the air, ready to swoop upon his prey.</p> - -<h4>FALSE IMPRISONMENT OF AN AMERICAN CITIZEN.</h4> - -<p>This heartless, cruel proceeding found a victim among -our white fellow-citizens. An excellent merchant of -Connecticut, praised by all who know him, was plunged -into prison by Baez, where he was immured because it<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</a></span> -was feared that on his return to New York he would -expose the frauds of the plotters; and this captivity was -prolonged with the connivance of two agents of the -President, one of whom finds constant favor with him -and is part of the military ring immediately about him. -That such an outrage could go unpunished shows the -little regard of the President for human rights, whether -in white or black.</p> - -<h4>HARD TO BEAR THESE OUTRAGES.</h4> - -<p>I confess my trials, as I was called to witness these -things. Always a supporter of the Administration, and -sincerely desiring to labor with it, I had never uttered -a word with regard to it except in kindness. My early -opposition to the Treaty of Annexion was reserved, -so that for some time my opinions were unknown. It -was only when I saw the breach of all law, human and -divine, that I was aroused; and then began the anger of -the President and of his rings, military and senatorial. -Devoted to the African race, I felt for them,—besides -being humbled that the Great Republic, acting through -its President, could set such an example, where the National -Constitution, International Law, and Humanity -were all sacrificed. Especially was I moved when I saw -the indignity to the colored race, which was accomplished -by trampling upon a fundamental principle of -International Law, declaring the equality of nations, as -our Declaration of Independence declares the equality -of men.</p> - -<p>This terrible transaction, which nobody can defend, is -among the “antecedents” of President Grant, from which -you can judge how much the colored race can rely upon<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</a></span> -his “heart-felt sympathy.” Nor can it be forgotten that -shortly afterward, on the return of the Commission from -this island, Hon. Frederick Douglass, the colored orator, -accomplished in manners as in eloquence, was thrust -away from the company of the Commissioners at the -common table of the mail-packet on the Potomac, almost -within sight of the Executive Mansion, simply on -account of his color; but the President, at whose invitation -he had joined the Commission, never uttered a -word in condemnation of this exclusion, and when entertaining -the returned Commissioners at dinner carefully -omitted Mr. Douglass, who was in Washington at -the time, and thus repeated the indignity.</p> - -<h4>OTHER ANTECEDENTS.</h4> - -<p>Other things might be mentioned, showing the sympathies -of the President; but I cannot forget the Civil -Rights Bill, which is the cap-stone of that Equality before -the Law to which all are entitled without distinction -of color. President Grant, who could lobby so assiduously -for his San Domingo scheme, full of wrong to -the colored race, could do nothing for this beneficent -measure. During a long session of Congress it was discussed -constantly, and the colored people everywhere -hung upon the debate; but there was no word of “heart-felt -sympathy” from the President. At last, just before -the Nominating Convention, he addressed a letter to a -meeting of colored fellow-citizens in Washington, called -to advance this cause, where he avoided the question -by declaring himself in favor of “the exercise of those -rights to which every citizen should be entitled,”<a name="FNanchor_175_175" id="FNanchor_175_175"></a><a href="#Footnote_175_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> leaving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</a></span> -it uncertain whether colored people are justly entitled -to the rights secured by the pending bill. I understand -that Horace Greeley has been already assailed -by an impracticable Democrat as friendly to this bill; -but nobody has lisped against President Grant on this -account.</p> - -<p>Among “antecedents” I deem it my duty to mention -the little capacity or industry of the President in protecting -colored people and in assuring peace at the South. -Nobody can doubt that a small portion of the effort and -earnest will, even without the lobbying, so freely given -to the San Domingo scheme, would have averted those -Ku-Klux outrages which we deplore,—thus superseding -all pretence for further legislation by Congress. But -he is disabled both by character and the drawback of -his own conduct. After violating the Constitution and -International Law to insult the Black Republic, and setting -an example of insubordination, he is not in condition -to rebuke law-breakers.</p> - -<h4>PRESENT POSITION OF CANDIDATES.</h4> - -<p>Passing from “antecedents,” I come now to the “present -position” of the two candidates, which is the subject -of your next inquiry. If in any formal particulars the -two are on equality, yet in all substantial respects the -obvious advantage is with Horace Greeley.</p> - -<h4>NOMINATIONS OF THE TWO CANDIDATES.</h4> - -<p>Each was nominated by a Republican Convention, -one at Cincinnati and the other at Philadelphia; so that -in this respect they may seem to be on equality. But<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</a></span> -it will not fail to be observed that the Convention at -Cincinnati was composed of able and acknowledged -Republicans, many having acted with the party from -its first formation, who, without previous organization, -came together voluntarily for the sake of Reform and -Purity in the Government; while, on the other hand, -the Convention at Philadelphia was composed of delegates -chosen largely under the influence of office-holders, -who assembled to sustain what is known as Grantism, -being the personal government and personal pretensions -of President Grant, involving nepotism, repayment of -gifts by official patronage, neglect of public duty, absenteeism, -quarrelling, military rule, disregard of Constitution -and Law, with general unfitness, and indignity -to the colored race,—all of which is so unrepublican -as to make its support impossible for true Republicans. -Therefore the Convention at Philadelphia, though calling -itself Republican, was less Republican in reality than -that at Cincinnati.</p> - -<h4>THE TWO PLATFORMS.</h4> - -<p>The two platforms, so far as concerns especially the -colored race, are alike in substance; but that of Cincinnati -is expressed in terms more worthy of the equal -rights it states and claims: “We recognize the equality -of all men before the law, and hold that it is the duty -of Government, in its dealings with the people, to mete -out equal and exact justice to all, of whatever nativity, -race, color, or persuasion, religious or political.” In -other respects the platform of Cincinnati is the more -republican, inasmuch as it sets itself against those unrepublican -abuses which have been nursed by the President -into pernicious activity.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</a></span></p> - -<h4>SUPPORTERS OF THE TWO CANDIDATES.</h4> - -<p>From the two nominations and two platforms I come -to the supporters of the candidates; and here I look, -first, at those immediately about them, and, secondly, at -the popular support behind.</p> - -<p>Horace Greeley has among his immediate supporters, -in all parts of the country, devoted and consistent -Republicans, always earnest for Reform and Purity in -Government, on whose lives there is no shadow of suspicion,—being -a contrast in character to those rings -which play such a part in the present Administration. -The country knows too well the Military Ring, the Senatorial -Ring, and the Custom-House Ring, through which -the President acts. Such supporters are a poor recommendation.</p> - -<h4>DEMOCRATS TURNING REPUBLICANS.</h4> - -<p>Looking at the popular support behind, the advantage -is still with Horace Greeley. President Grant has -at his back the diversified army of office-holders, drilled -to obey the word of command. The speeches praising -him are by office-holders and members of rings. Horace -Greeley finds flocking to his cause large numbers of Republicans -unwilling to continue the existing misrule, -and as allies with them a regenerated party springing -forward to unite in this liberal movement. Democrats, -in joining Horace Greeley, have changed simply as President -Grant changed when he joined the Republicans,—except -that he was rewarded at once with high office. -The change is open. Adopting the Republican platform, -which places the Equal Rights of All under the safeguard<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</a></span> -of irreversible guaranties, and at the same time -accepting the nomination of a life-time Abolitionist, who -represents preëminently the sentiment of duty to the -colored race, they have set their corporate seal to the -sacred covenant. They may continue Democrats in -name, but they are in reality Republicans, by the same -title that those who sustain Republican principles are -Republicans,—or rather they are Democrats, according -to the original signification of that word, dedicated to -the rights of the people.</p> - -<p>It is idle to say that Horace Greeley and the Republicans -who nominated him are any less Republican because -Democrats unite with them in support of cherished -principles and the candidate who represents them. -Conversions are always welcome, and not less so because -the change is in a multitude rather than an individual. -A political party cannot, if it would, and should not, if -it could, shut the door against converts, whether counted -by the score, the hundred, or the thousand; and so we -find that the supporters of President Grant announce -with partisan triumph the adhesion of a single Democratic -politician or a single Democratic newspaper. On -equal reason and with higher pride may the supporters -of Horace Greeley announce the adhesion of the Democratic -party, which, turning from the things that are behind, -presses on to those that are before.</p> - -<h4>GREELEY’S ELECTION THE TRIUMPH OF REPUBLICAN -PRINCIPLES.</h4> - -<p>It is also idle to say that the election of Horace Greeley -as President, with Gratz Brown as Vice-President, -both unchangeable Republicans, will be the return of<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</a></span> -the Democratic party to power. On the contrary, it -will be the inauguration of Republican principles, under -the safeguard of a Republican President and Republican -Vice-President, with Democrats as avowed supporters. -In the organization of his Administration, and in -the conduct of affairs, Horace Greeley will naturally -lean upon those who represent best the great promises -of Equal Rights and Reconciliation made at Cincinnati. -If Democrats are taken, it will be as Republicans in -heart, recognizing the associate terms of the settlement -as an immutable finality.</p> - -<p>The hardihood of political falsehood reaches its extreme -point, when it is asserted that under Horace -Greeley the freedmen will be reënslaved, or that colored -people will in any way suffer in their equal rights. -On the contrary, they have in his election not only the -promises of the platform, but also his splendid example -for a full generation, during which he has never wavered -in the assertion of their rights. To suppose that -Horace Greeley, when placed where he can do them the -most good, will depart from the rule of his honest life -is an insult to reason.</p> - -<p>It is none the less idle to suppose that Democrats -supporting Horace Greeley expect or desire that he -should depart from those principles which are the glory -of his character. They have accepted the Cincinnati -platform with its twofold promises, and intend in good -faith to maintain it. Democrats cannot turn back, who -at the Convention adopting this platform sang Greeley -songs to the tune of “Old John Brown, his soul is -marching on.” Seeking especially the establishment of -character in the National Government, they will expect -their President to be always true to himself.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</a></span></p> - -<p>Therefore I put aside the partisan allegations, that -Horace Greeley has gone to the Democrats, or that he -will be controlled by Democrats. Each is without foundation -or reason, according to my judgment. They are -attempts to avoid what you recognize as the true issue, -being the question between the two candidates; or perhaps -they may be considered as scarecrows to deter the -timid. Nobody who votes for Horace Greeley will go -to the Democrats; nor do I believe, that, when elected, -Horace Greeley will be under any influence except that -enlightened conscience which will keep him ever true -to the principles he represents.</p> - -<p>The conclusion from this comparison between the -two candidates is plain. Unquestionably the surest -trust of the colored people is in Horace Greeley. In -everything for your protection and advancement he -will show always the most heart-felt sympathy and -the greatest vigor beyond what can be expected from -President Grant. He is your truest friend.</p> - -<h4>VOTE FOR GREELEY.</h4> - -<p>Gentlemen, in thus answering your two inquiries, I -have shown why you, as colored fellow-citizens, and also -all who would uphold your rights and save the colored -race from indignity, should refuse to sanction the reëlection -of the President, and should put trust in Horace -Greeley. I ought to add, that with him will be associated -as Vice-President Gratz Brown, whom I have -known for years as a most determined Abolitionist. -The two together will carry into the National Government -an unswerving devotion to your rights, not to be -disturbed by partisan dictation or sectional prejudice.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188">[Pg 188]</a></span></p> - -<p>Besides all this, which may fitly guide you in determining -between the two candidates, it is my duty to -remind you, that, as citizens of the United States, and -of part of the country, your welfare is indissolubly associated -with that of the whole country. Where all are -prosperous you will be gainers. Therefore, while justly -careful of your own rights, you cannot be indifferent to -the blessings of good government. It is for you to consider -whether the time has not come for something better -than the sword, and whether a character like Horace -Greeley does not give stronger assurance of good government -than can be found in the insulter of the colored -race, already famous for the rings about him and his -plain inaptitude for civil life. The supporters of President -Grant compel us to observe his offences and shortcomings, -and thus the painful contrast with Horace -Greeley becomes manifest. It will be for others in the -present canvass to hold it before the American people.</p> - -<h4>TOO MUCH OF A REPUBLICAN TO VOTE FOR GRANT.</h4> - -<p>Speaking now for myself, I have to say that my vote -will be given for Horace Greeley; but in giving it I do -not go to the Democratic party, nor am I any less a Republican. -On the contrary, I am so much of a Republican -that I cannot support a candidate whose conduct -in civil life shows an incapacity to appreciate Republican -principles, and whose Administration is marked by -acts of delinquency, especially toward the colored race, -by the side of which the allegations on the impeachment -of Andrew Johnson were technical and trivial. Unquestionably -President Grant deserved impeachment for -high crimes and misdemeanors, rather than a renomination;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</a></span> -and on the trial it would have been enough to exhibit -his seizure of the war powers, and his indignity to -the Black Republic with its population of six hundred -thousand, in violation of the National Constitution and -of International Law. And here a contrast arises between -him and Abraham Lincoln. The latter in his first -Annual Message recommended the recognition of what -he called “the independence and sovereignty of Hayti”; -but it is at these that President Grant has struck. One -of Abraham Lincoln’s earliest acts was to put the Black -Republic on an equality with other powers; one of -President Grant’s earliest acts was to degrade it.</p> - -<p>I am so much of a Republican that I wish to see in -the Presidential chair a life-time Abolitionist. I also -wish a President sincerely devoted to Civil-Service Reform, -beginning with the “One-Term Principle,” which -President Grant once accepted, but now disowns. I also -wish a President who sets the example of industry and -unselfish dedication to the public good. And I wish to -see a President through whom we may expect peace and -harmony, instead of discord. Strangely, President Grant -seems to delight in strife. If he finds no enemy, he falls -upon his friends,—as when he struck at the Black Republic, -insulted Russia in his last Annual Message, offended -both France and Germany, and then, in personal -relations, quarrelled generally.</p> - -<h4>PRINCIPLES ABOVE PARTY.</h4> - -<p>My own personal experience teaches how futile is the -charge, that, because Horace Greeley receives Democratic -votes, therefore he becomes a Democrat, or lapses under -Democratic control. I was first chosen to the Senate by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</a></span> -a coalition of Free-Soilers and Democrats. Democratic -votes helped make me Senator from Massachusetts,—as -they also helped make my excellent friend Mr. Chase -Senator from Ohio, and will help make Horace Greeley -President. But neither Mr. Chase nor myself was on -this account less faithful as a Free-Soiler,—and, answering -for myself, I know that I never became a Democrat -or lapsed under Democratic control. I do not -doubt that Horace Greeley will be equally consistent. -The charge to the contrary, so vehemently repeated, -seems to reflect the character of those who make it,—except -that many repeat it by rote.</p> - -<p>There is a common saying, “Principles, not Men”; -and on this ground an appeal is made for President -Grant, it being justly felt that in any personal comparison -with Horace Greeley he must fail. But a better saying -is, “Principles <i>and</i> Men.” I am for the principles of -the Republican Party in contradiction to Grantism, and -I am for the man who truly represents them. By these -principles I shall stand, for them I shall labor, and in -their triumph I shall always rejoice. If any valued -friend separates from me now, it will be because he -<i>places a man above principles</i>. Early in public life I declared -my little heed for party, and my indifference to -the name by which I was called; and now I confess my -want of sympathy with those who would cling to the -form after its spirit has fled.</p> - -<h4>GREELEY’S NOMINATION A RESPONSE TO LONGING FOR -PEACE.</h4> - -<p>This answer would be incomplete, if I did not call -attention to another and controlling consideration, which<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</a></span> -cannot be neglected by the good citizen. Watching the -remarkable movement that has ended in the double -nomination of Horace Greeley, it is easy to see that it -did not proceed from politicians, whether at Cincinnati -or Baltimore. Evidently it was the heart of the people, -sorely wrung by war and the controversies it engendered, -which found this expression. Sir Philip Sidney -said of the uprising in the Netherlands, “It is the spirit -of the Lord, and is irresistible”; and such a spirit is -manifest now. I would not use the word lightly, but to -my mind it is Providential. Notwithstanding the counteracting -influence of politicians, Republican and Democratic, -in the face of persistent ridicule, and against the -extravagance of unscrupulous opposition, the nomination -at Cincinnati was triumphantly adopted at Baltimore. -Such an unprecedented victory, without concert or propulsion -of any kind, can be explained only by supposing -that it is in harmony with a popular longing. That -Democrats, and especially those of the South, should -adopt a life-time Abolitionist for President is an assurance -of willingness to associate the rights of their colored -fellow-citizens with that Reconciliation of which -Horace Greeley was an early representative. In standing -by Jefferson Davis at his trial and signing his bail-bond, -he showed the same sentiment of humanity he so -constantly displayed in standing by the colored race -throughout their prolonged trial; so that the two discordant -races find kindred hospitality in him, and he -thus becomes a tie of union. In harmony with this interesting -circumstance is the assurance in his letter of -acceptance, that, if elected, he will be<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192">[Pg 192]</a></span> “the President, -not of a party, but of the whole people.”</p> - -<h4>RECONCILIATION.</h4> - -<p>The nomination has been adopted by the Democrats -in convention assembled. This was an event which the -supporters of President Grant declared impossible. I do -not see how it can be regarded otherwise than as a peace-offering. -As such it is of infinite value. The Past is -rejected, and a new Future is begun with the promise of -concord. Here is no ordinary incident. It is a Revolution, -and its success in pacifying the country will be -in proportion to its acceptance by us. I dare not neglect -the great opportunity, nor can I stand aloof. It is -in harmony with my life, which places Peace above all -things except the Rights of Man. Thus far, in constant -efforts for the colored race, I have sincerely sought the -good of all, which I was sure would be best obtained in -fulfilling the promises of the Declaration of Independence, -making all equal in rights. The spirit in which -I acted appears in an early speech, where I said: “Nothing -in hate; nothing in vengeance.”<a name="FNanchor_176_176" id="FNanchor_176_176"></a><a href="#Footnote_176_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> My object was -security for Human Rights. Most anxiously I have -looked for the time, which seems now at hand, when -there should be reconciliation, not only between the -North and South, but between the two races, so that -the two sections and the two races may be lifted from -the ruts and grooves in which they are now fastened, -and, instead of <i>irritating antagonism</i> without end, there -shall be <i>sympathetic coöperation</i>.</p> - -<p>The existing differences ought to be ended. There is -a time for all things, and we are admonished by a wide-spread -popular uprising, bursting the bonds of party, that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</a></span> -the time has come for estrangement to cease between -people who by the ordinance of God must live together. -Gladly do I welcome the happy signs; nor can I observe -without regret the colored people in organized masses -resisting the friendly overtures, even to the extent of -intimidating those who are the other way. It is for -them to consider carefully whether they should not take -advantage of the unexpected opening, and recognize the -“bail-bond” given at Baltimore as the assurance of -peace, and unite with me in holding the parties to the -full performance of its conditions. Provided always that -their rights are fixed, I am sure it cannot be best for the -colored people to band together in a hostile camp, provoking -antagonism and keeping alive the separation of -races. Above all, there must be no intimidation; but -every voter must act freely, without constraint from -league or lodge. Much better will it be when the two -political parties compete for your votes, each anxious for -your support. Only then will that citizenship by which -you are entitled to the equal rights of all have its natural -fruits. Only then will there be that harmony which -is essential to a true civilization.</p> - -<p>The present position of the colored citizen is perilous. -He is exposed to injurious pressure where he -needs support. But I see no early extrication except -in the way now proposed. Let him cut adrift from -managers who would wield him merely as a political -force, with little regard to his own good, and bravely -stand by the candidate who has stood by him. If -Democrats unite with him, so much the better. The -association, once begun, must naturally ripen in common -friendship and trust.</p> - -<p>I am for peace in reality as in name. From the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</a></span> -bottom of my heart I am for peace, and I welcome all -that makes for peace. With deep-felt satisfaction I remember -that no citizen who drew his sword against us -has suffered by the hand of the executioner. In just -association with this humanity will be the triumph of -Equal Rights, when the promises of the great Declaration -are all fulfilled, and our people are united, as never -before, in the enduring fellowship of a common citizenship. -To this end there must be Reconciliation. Nor -can I withhold my hand. Freely I accept the hand that -is offered, and reach forth my own in friendly grasp. I -am against the policy of hate; I am against fanning -ancient flames into continued life; I am against raking -the ashes of the Past for coals of fire yet burning. -Pile up the ashes; extinguish the flames; abolish the -hate!</p> - -<p>And now, turning to the Democratic party, I hold it -to all the covenants solemnly given in the adoption of a -Republican platform with Horace Greeley as candidate. -There can be no backward step.</p> - -<h4>WATCHWORD FOR THE CANVASS.</h4> - -<p>With no common sympathy I observe that Mr. Hendricks, -a leading Democrat, whom I knew and esteemed -in the Senate, has recently announced his acceptance of -the Constitutional Amendments with their logical results. -He proposes, as a proper key-note to the popular -movement now swelling to a sure triumph, “Just Laws -and Public Virtue.” This is a worthy aspiration, entirely -fit for the occasion. My watchword is, “The Unity of -the Republic, and the Equal Rights of All, with Reconciliation.” -Such is my heart-felt cry; and wherever my<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</a></span> -voice can reach, there do I insist upon all these, humbly -invoking the blessings of Divine Providence, which, I -believe, must descend upon such a cause.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Accept my best wishes for yourselves personally, and -for the people you represent.</p> - -<p>And believe me, Gentlemen,</p> - -<p class="sig">Your faithful friend,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium">To Dr. <span class="smcap">Augusta</span>, <span class="smcap">William H. A. Wormley</span>, and others.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="LETTER_TO_SPEAKER_BLAINE" id="LETTER_TO_SPEAKER_BLAINE"></a>LETTER TO SPEAKER BLAINE.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">August 5, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>July 31, 1872, Mr. Blaine addressed a letter to Mr. Sumner through -the newspapers, arraigning him as recreant both to party and principle, -in the position taken by him on the Presidential question in his recent -Letter to Colored Citizens. Mr. Sumner responded as follows:—</p> - -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Washington</span>, August 5, 1872.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">DEAR SIR,—I have seen the letter addressed to -me by you through the public prints, and I notice -especially, that, while animadverting upon my support -of Horace Greeley, you say not one word in vindication -of that compound of pretensions known as -Grantism in contradistinction to Republicanism, which -you would install anew in the Government.</p> - -<p>You are greatly concerned about the company I keep. -To quiet your solicitude, I beg leave to say, that, in joining -the Republicans who brought forward an original -Abolitionist, I find myself with so many others devoted -to the cause I have always served that I had not missed -you until you hastened to report absence; nor had I -taken account of the “Southern Secessionists,” who, as -you aver, are now coöperating with me in support of -this original Abolitionist, except to rejoice, that, if -among former associates some like yourself hesitate, -their places are supplied from an unexpected quarter.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197">[Pg 197]</a></span></p> - -<p>You entirely misunderstand me when you introduce -an incident of the past, and build on it an argument -why I should not support Horace Greeley. What has -Preston Brooks to do with the Presidential election? -Never, while a sufferer, did anybody hear me speak of -him in unkindness; and now, after the lapse of more -than half a generation, I will not unite with you in -dragging him from the grave, where he sleeps, to aggravate -the passions of a political conflict, and arrest the -longing for concord. And here is the essential difference -between you and me at this juncture. I seize the -opportunity to make the equal rights of all secure -through peace and reconciliation; but this infinite boon -you would postpone.</p> - -<p>Seven years have passed since the close of our Civil -War; but, unhappily, during all this period a hostile -spirit has continued to exist between the contending -sections, while the rights of colored fellow-citizens have -been in perpetual question. Seven years mark a natural -period of human life. Should not the spirit be changed -with the body? Can we not after seven years begin a -new life, especially when those once our foes repeat the -saying, “Thy people shall be my people, and thy God -my God”?</p> - -<p>I declare my preference for an original Abolitionist as -President, and you seek to create a diversion by crying -out that Democrats will support him. To which I reply, -So much the better. Their support is the assurance -that the cause he has so constantly guarded, whether of -Equal Rights or Reconciliation, is accepted by Democrats; -and this is the pledge of a true union beyond anything -in our history. It is a victory of ideas, without -which all other victories must fail.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198">[Pg 198]</a></span></p> - -<p>To intensify your allegation, you insist that I am -ranged with Jefferson Davis and Robert Toombs; but, -pardon me, nobody knows how the former will vote, -while Robert Toombs is boisterous against Horace Greeley, -and with him are Stephens, Wise, and Mosby. This -is all very poor, and I mention it only to exhibit the -character of your attempt.</p> - -<p>In the same spirit you seek to avoid the real issue by -holding up the possibility of what you call a Democratic -Administration; and you have the courage to assert, as -within my knowledge, that by the election of Horace -Greeley “Congress is handed over to the control of the -party who have persistently denied the rights of the -black man.” You say that I know this. Mr. Speaker, -I know no such thing, and you should be sufficiently -thoughtful not to assert it. I am entirely satisfied -that a canvass like the present, where the principles -declared at Cincinnati are openly accepted on one side -and not contested on the other, must result in a larger -number of Congressional Representatives sincerely -devoted to the rights of the colored citizen than ever -before.</p> - -<p>The Democrats will be pledged, as never before, to -the ruling principle that All Men are Equal before the -Law, and also to the three Constitutional Amendments, -with the clause in each empowering Congress to enforce -the same by appropriate legislation. But besides -Democrats, there will be Liberal Republicans pledged -likewise, and also your peculiar associates, who, I trust, -will not betray the cause. Senators and Representatives -calling themselves Republicans have been latterly -in large majority in both Houses; but the final measure -of Civil Rights, to which you refer, though urged<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</a></span> -by me almost daily, has failed to become a law, less, -I fear, from Democratic opposition than from Republican -lukewarmness and the want of support in the -President.</p> - -<p>The great issue which the people are called to decide -in November is on the President, and nobody knows -better than yourself that the House of Representatives, -chosen at the same time, will naturally harmonize with -him. So it has been in our history. Now harmony -with Horace Greeley involves what I most desire. With -such a President, Congress will be changed. For the -first time since the war the Equal Rights of All will -have a declared representative at the head of the Government, -whose presence there will be of higher significance -than that of any victor in war, being not only -a testimony, but a constant motive-power in this great -cause.</p> - -<p>Opposition, whether open hostility or more subtle -treachery, will yield to the steady influence of such a -representative. Therefore in looking to the President I -look also to Congress, which will take its character in -large measure from him. In choosing Horace Greeley -we do the best we can for the whole Government,—not -only in the Executive, but in the Legislative branch,—while -we decline to support nepotism, repayment of -personal gifts by official patronage, seizure of the war -powers, indignity to the Black Republic,—also, the various -incapacity exhibited by the President, and the -rings by which he governs,—none of which can you -defend. You know well that the rings are already condemned -by the American people.</p> - -<p>For myself, I say plainly and without hesitation, that -I prefer Horace Greeley, with any Congress possible on<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</a></span> -the Cincinnati Platform, to President Grant, <i>with his -personal government and his rings</i>,—a vote for whom -involves the support of this personal government, <i>with -prolonged power in all the rings</i>. There must be another -influence and another example. The Administration, -in all its parts, is impressed by the President. -Let his soul be enlarged with the sentiment of justice, -quickened by industry, and not only the two Houses of -Congress, but the whole country, will feel the irresistible -authority, overspreading, pervading, permeating everywhere. -Therefore, in proportion as you are earnest for -the rights of the colored citizen, and place them above -all partisan triumph, you will be glad to support the -candidate whose heart has always throbbed for Humanity. -The country needs such a motive-power in the -White House; it needs a generous fountain there. In -one word, it needs somebody different from the present -incumbent; and nobody knows this better than Speaker -Blaine.</p> - -<p>The personal imputation you make upon me I repel -with the indignation of an honest man. I was a faithful -supporter of the President until somewhat tardily -awakened by his painful conduct on the island of San -Domingo, involving seizure of the war power in violation -of the Constitution, and indignity to the Black -Republic in violation of International Law; and when -I remonstrated against these intolerable outrages, I was -set upon by those acting in his behalf. Such is the origin -of my opposition. I could not have done less without -failure in that duty which is with me the rule of -life. Nor can I doubt that when partisan sentiments -are less active you will regret the wrong you have done -me. Meanwhile I appeal confidently to the candid judgment<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</a></span> -of those who, amidst all present differences of opinion, -unite in the great objects, far above Party or President, -to which my life is devoted.</p> - -<p class="sig">I am, Sir, your obedient servant,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">The Honorable Speaker Blaine.</span></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202">[Pg 202]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="RETROSPECT_AND_PROMISE" id="RETROSPECT_AND_PROMISE"></a>RETROSPECT AND PROMISE.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Address at a Serenade before his House in Washington, -August 9, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The serenade was given under the auspices of the colored men of the -District, on the occasion of the Senator’s departure for Boston,—and -the crowd in attendance is reported to have been “one of the largest -ever gathered in Washington for a similar object.” On presentation by -Dr. Augusta as “the tried and true friend of the African race,” Mr. -Sumner said:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Friends and Fellow-Citizens</span>:—</p> - -<p class="dropcap">I am touched by this voluntary expression of friendship, -and beg to thank you from the heart.</p> - -<p>In seeing you on this occasion I think of you only as -personal friends among whom I have lived more than -twenty years. During this considerable period changes -have occurred of incalculable importance to the country, -but especially to the colored people. When I entered -upon my public duties here Slavery was in the ascendant, -giving the law to all the usages of life. The colored -man was degraded. He was not allowed to testify in -court; he was shut out from the public schools; he was -excluded from the public conveyances, and thrust away -from the ballot-box. But here in the National Capital -all these terrible wrongs have ceased. The court-room, -the school-house, the horse-car, and the ballot-box are<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203">[Pg 203]</a></span> -all open, never to be closed. Revolutions do not go -backward. Therefore you may rest secure in what has -been won. Of this be sure, Slavery will never be revived, -nor will you be restrained or limited in any of -these rights you now enjoy. [<i>Applause, and three cheers -for Mr. Sumner.</i>]</p> - -<p>Most sincerely do I congratulate you on these signal -triumphs, so little to be expected when I first became -acquainted with you. And when we consider the brief -period in which they have been accomplished, I am sure -you will unite with me in hope and trust for the future. -[<i>Cries, “We will!”</i>]</p> - -<p>It is my duty, however, to remind you that the work is -not yet completed. This will be only by the enactment -of a Civil Rights Bill which shall relieve the citizen, -whoever he may be, from any exclusion or discrimination -on account of his color. Only then will be established -that Equality before the Law to which now, for the first -time in our history, all political parties are distinctly -pledged. Here there can be no question. [<i>Applause.</i>] -It is in the platforms of all. Of the early passage of -such a law I do not doubt. Then will you have all the -assurance of your rights that can be found in the Constitution -and law. But that law will be the cap-stone. -[<i>Applause.</i>]</p> - -<p>I shall not disguise from you that something more -will be needed. There must be a constant, watchful, -public opinion behind, to see that these are enforced -in letter and spirit. Here there must be no failure in -awakening and invigorating this public opinion. You -can do much,—I would almost say you can do everything. -How constantly have I urged, in public speech -and in all my intercourse with you, that our colored<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204">[Pg 204]</a></span> -fellow-citizens must insist upon their rights always, by -petition, by speech, and by vote! Above all, never vote -for any man who is not true to you. Make allegiance -to you the measure of your support. [<i>Cheers.</i>] So -doing, all parties will seek your vote. [<i>Cheers.</i>] You -will be felt, and your cause will be irresistible.</p> - -<p>Please accept these few words as my acknowledgment -of your kindness this evening. [<i>Cries, “Go on!”</i>] From -long acquaintance you know something of my sympathies. -[<i>A voice, “I do!”</i>] Always from the beginning -I have sought to serve you, and always to the end shall -I seek to serve you. To your cause my life is dedicated, -and nothing can turn me from it, nothing can tempt me -or drive me from its support. [<i>Loud applause.</i>]</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205">[Pg 205]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="FREDERICK_DOUGLASS_AND_PRESIDENT" id="FREDERICK_DOUGLASS_AND_PRESIDENT"></a>FREDERICK DOUGLASS AND PRESIDENT -GRANT.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter to Hon. Andrew D. White, President of Cornell -University, August 10, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Washington</span>, August 10, 1872.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">MY DEAR SIR,—I am surprised by a statement -purporting to proceed from you, which I find under -the telegraphic head, to the effect that I have misrepresented -facts with regard to Frederick Douglass.</p> - -<p>In making this allegation you defend the Commissioners -to San Domingo, and allege that Mr. Douglass -was well treated by them. I have never said the contrary, -nor have I ever alluded to the treatment he received -from them. Not a word or hint can be found on -the subject in anything written or spoken by me.</p> - -<p>My allusion was to the exclusion of Mr. Douglass -from the common table of the mail-packet on the Potomac, -almost within sight of the Executive Mansion, -simply on account of color,—and I added, that the President, -on whose invitation he had joined the Commission, -never uttered a word in rebuke of this exclusion, and -when entertaining the returned Commissioners at dinner -carefully omitted Mr. Douglass, who was in Washington -at the time, and thus repeated the indignity. On this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</a></span> -you are represented as remarking, that General Sigel -was also omitted, but that, in fact, Mr. Douglass and -General Sigel had already left for their homes (forgetting -that Mr. Douglass continued in Washington); and -you do not allow yourself to doubt, that, had they been -in town, they would have been included in the invitation. -Your apology clearly shows your opinion that -they ought to have been invited; but please not to forget -that there was a reason for inviting Mr. Douglass -that did not exist in the case of General Sigel. The -General was white, and he had suffered no indignity on -board a mail-packet which it was in the power of the -President to rebuke by example.</p> - -<p>But you are mistaken in the facts, as appears by the -newspapers of the time. The Commissioners reached -Washington on the evening of March 27th. They were -entertained at dinner by the President March 30th. On -the day before the dinner Mr. Douglass presided at the -Convention to nominate a Delegate to Congress from -the District of Columbia, and on taking the chair made -a speech. Mr. Chipman was nominated against Mr. -Douglass, who made another speech thanking his supporters -for their votes. To gratify the friends of Mr. -Douglass, there was an understanding that he should -succeed Mr. Chipman as Secretary of the District. -These things show that Mr. Douglass was not only in -Washington, but conspicuously so, presiding at a public -Convention, and being voted for as a candidate for -Congress.</p> - -<p>But we are not left to inference. Mr. A. M. Green, -of Washington, who at the Convention nominated Mr. -Douglass for Congress, assures us that he did not leave -town till some days later. Mr. Green further states, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</a></span> -a note dated August 10th, now before me, that about -this time he and another friend called on Mr. Douglass, -in relation to his appointment by the President as Secretary -of the District; that Mr. Douglass, while thanking -them for their earnestness in his behalf, assured them -that he had no hope of success; that he had “new evidence -of the conservative character or tendency of the -Administration, which warranted him in the opinion that -we could not succeed”; and Mr. Green says that Mr. -Douglass added these words: “I was not only neglected -without any rebuke for the offence from the President, -but the Commissioners have been invited to dine with -the President, and the same spirit of neglect has been -exhibited in that respect also.” Mr. Green adds, that -recently, while on the way to the National Colored Convention -at New Orleans, Mr. Douglass, in conversation -with Mr. Downing and himself, “referred in a complaining -spirit to this circumstance.”</p> - -<p>I have also before me a note, dated August 10th, -from Mr. Wormley, so well known for his excellent -hotel in Washington, who says that he asked Mr. Douglass, -shortly after his return, if he dined with the President -and the Commissioners, to which he answered, -“No, and for the good reason that I was not invited”; -and then he added, “It is no use to deny it, but I feel it -sorely.” This was at Mr. Douglass’s office. On another -occasion, at his son’s house, referring to the same thing, -he said to Mr. Wormley, “I felt it keenly.”</p> - -<p>Mr. Gray, recently of the Legislative Council of the -District, nominated by the President and confirmed by -the Senate, now a School Trustee, assures me that Mr. -Douglass spoke to him of his omission by the President -with the same feeling that he exhibited to Mr. Green<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</a></span> -and Mr. Wormley. These witnesses are all colored, but -even without the new law nobody would question their -testimony. I add my own acquaintance with the case. -At my house, Mr. Douglass, while speaking not unkindly, -said that he felt the President’s neglect in not inviting -him to dine, which was more noticeable, as he had gone -to San Domingo at the express invitation of the President, -and on his return was insulted on board the Potomac -mail-packet. He added, that an invitation from -the President would have been a proper rebuke to those -who had insulted him.</p> - -<p>I will add, that it is a matter of common notoriety -that Mr. Douglass did not disguise his feelings on account -of this Presidential incident.</p> - -<p>Such are the facts and the evidence. I think that -you will see, my dear Sir, that, if there is any misstatement, -or, as you express it, “perversion of facts,” it is -not on my part.</p> - -<p class="sig">Faithfully yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="GREELEY_OR_GRANT" id="GREELEY_OR_GRANT"></a>GREELEY OR GRANT?</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Speech intended to be delivered at Faneuil Hall, -Boston, September 3, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210">[Pg 210]</a></span></p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Liberal Republican Head-Quarters,<br /> -Boston</span>, August 24, 1872.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">My Dear Sir</span>,—I am directed by the Liberal Republican State -Committee to communicate to you a vote of which the following is -a copy:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“<i>Voted</i>, That the Chairman, in the name of the Liberal Republican -State Committee, invite the Hon. Charles Sumner to address his constituents -on Public Affairs in Faneuil Hall, at the earliest day that may suit -his convenience.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Allow me to add my earnest personal wishes that you will be able to -comply with the request. “The great soul of the world is just,” and -the sober second thought of the people of Massachusetts will, I doubt -not, sustain you in the position you have taken in favor of Reform and -Reconciliation, and therefore of the election of Greeley and Brown.</p> - -<p class="sig">Very faithfully yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">F. W. Bird</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">Hon. Charles Sumner.</span></p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Boston</span>, August 30, 1872.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Sir</span>,—I have been honored by your communication of August -24th, inviting me in the name of the Liberal Republicans of Massachusetts, -to speak in Faneuil Hall. It is with inexpressible pain and -regret that I feel constrained to decline this flattering opportunity.</p> - -<p>I had confidently hoped, on returning home, to meet my fellow-citizens -in that venerable forum, so dear to us all, and to speak once more -on great questions involving the welfare of our country; but recurring -symptoms of a painful character warn me against any such attempt. -My physician advises that I must not for the present make any public -effort, and he prescribes rest. Valued friends, familiar with my -condition, unite with the excellent physician.</p> - -<p>In submitting most reluctantly to these admonitions, I cannot renounce -the privilege of communicating with my fellow-citizens, and -therefore hand you a copy of what, with the blessing of health, I hoped -to say. In the House of Representatives undelivered speeches are -sometimes ordered to be printed. You may follow this precedent with -mine, or do with it as you please. Meanwhile accept my best wishes, -and believe me, dear Sir,</p> - -<p class="sig">Very faithfully yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">Hon. Francis W. Bird</span>, Chairman, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211">[Pg 211]</a></span></p> - -<h3>SPEECH.</h3> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">FELLOW-CITIZENS,—It is on the invitation of -the State Committee of Liberal Republicans that -I have the honor of addressing you. I shall speak directly -on the issue before us. If I am frank and plain, -it will be only according to my nature and the requirement -of duty at this time. But nothing can I say -which is not prompted by a sincere desire to serve my -country, and especially to promote that era of good-will, -when the assent of all shall be assured to the equal -rights of all.</p> - -<h4>THE TWO CANDIDATES.</h4> - -<p>At the approaching Presidential Election the people -are to choose between two candidates. By the operation -of our electoral system, and the superadded dictation -of National Conventions, the choice is practically -limited to President Grant and Horace Greeley; so that -no preference for another can be made effective. One -of these must be taken. Preferring Horace Greeley, I -have no hesitation in assigning the reasons which lead -me to this conclusion.</p> - -<p>Believing the present incumbent unfit for the great -office to which he aspires for a second time, and not -doubting that a vote for him would be regarded as the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212">[Pg 212]</a></span> -sanction of abuses and pretensions unrepublican in character, -I early saw the difficulty of taking any part for -his reëlection. Long ago I declared, that, while recognizing -party as an essential agency and convenience, I -could not allow it to constrain my conscience against -what seemed the requirements of public good. Regarding -always substance rather than form, I have been indifferent -to the name by which I might be called. Nor -was I impressed by the way in which the candidate was -urged. Supporters, while admitting his failure, and -even the abuses and pretensions so notorious in his -civil life, commended his reëlection as necessary to uphold -the party with which I have been associated. But -it is easy to see that a vote for such a candidate on such -a reason was “to do evil that good might come,” which -is forbidden in politics as in morals.</p> - -<p>Two courses seemed open. One was to abstain from -voting,—and I confess that this was my first inclination. -But it is not easy for me to be neutral,—certainly -where wrong-doing is in question; nor is it my habit to -shrink from responsibility. But the doubt that beset -me was removed when I saw the Democratic Party -adopt the candidate opposed to President Grant, being -an original Republican already nominated by a Republican -Convention, and at the same time accept the Republican -platform on which he was nominated. An old -party, which had long stood out against the Republican -cause, now placed itself on a Republican platform, the -best ever adopted, with a Republican candidate, who -was the most devoted Republican ever nominated,—thus -completely accepting the results of the war, and -offering the hand of reconciliation. At once the character -of the contest changed. This was no common<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213">[Pg 213]</a></span> -event. Pardon me, if I say that to me it was of peculiar -interest. For years I have sought to establish in the -National Government the great principles of the Declaration -of Independence, avowing always that when -this was done nobody should surpass me in generosity -towards former Rebels. Not only by the logic of my -life, but by constant speeches, was I bound to welcome -those who placed themselves on this glorious platform. -The extent of this obligation will appear before I close. -And now its performance harmonizes with opposition to -the prolonged misrule of the present incumbent.</p> - -<h4>TWO REASONS IN FAVOR OF GREELEY.</h4> - -<p>Evidently I am not at liberty to abstain from voting. -In considering the reasons in favor of Horace Greeley, I -find two, differing in character, but of chief importance: -first, that he represents a reformed civil service, beginning -with the One-Term principle, without which this -reform is too much like a sham; and, secondly, that he -represents reconciliation, not only between the two sections, -but between the two races, which is essential to -the repose of the country and the safeguard of Equal -Rights.</p> - -<p>To these must be added, that he does not represent -those personal pretensions, so utterly inconsistent with -Republican government, which are now known as Grantism. -In voting for Horace Greeley you will not sustain -nepotism, you will not sustain gift-taking and repayment -by official favor, and you will not lend your sanction -to the San Domingo machination, with its unconstitutional -usurpations, its violations of International -Law, and its indignity to the Black Republic. Elsewhere<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214">[Pg 214]</a></span> -I have considered these fully,<a name="FNanchor_177_177" id="FNanchor_177_177"></a><a href="#Footnote_177_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> and I am not aware -of any answer to the undeniable facts. I shall only -glance at them now.</p> - -<h4>NEPOTISM.</h4> - -<p>Nepotism is already condemned by history, and most -justly; for it is obviously a form of self-seeking, hostile -to purity of government, and strangely out of place in a -Republic. Nothing for self, but all for country and -mankind, should be the rule of our President. If the -promptings of his inner nature fail, then must he feel -the irresistible obligation of his position. As he does, -so will others do; and therefore must his example be -such as to elevate the public service. Nothing in Washington’s -career has shone with more constant light than -his refusal to confer office on his relations. Even at the -time, it arrested attention not only at home but abroad, -landing praise in England. Of this there is a striking -illustration. The “Register of the Times,” published at -London in 1795, in an article entitled “Interesting and -Authentic Documents respecting the United States of -America,” records its homage:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The execution of the office of the Chief Magistrate has -been attended through a term of four years with a circumstance -which to an admiring world requires no commentary. -A native citizen of the United States, transferred from private -life to that station, has not, during so long a term, appointed -a single relation to any office of honor or emolument.”<a name="FNanchor_178_178" id="FNanchor_178_178"></a><a href="#Footnote_178_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>With such confession an admiring world looked on. -Something would I do—something, I trust, the American<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_215" id="Page_215">[Pg 215]</a></span> -people will do at the coming election—to secure -this beautiful praise yet again for our country.</p> - -<h4>GIFT-TAKING.</h4> - -<p>Like nepotism, the taking of gifts by a public servant -is condemned by history. No honest nature can uphold -it. How well did our late General Thomas, so admirable -in character, rebuke this abuse, when he replied -to an offer of $100,000, as I am told, “Let it go to -my men”! If not a form of bribery, it is kindred in -nature,—and this has long been recognized, from the -Bible down to our day. According to the old scriptures -it is destructive: “The king by judgment stablisheth the -land; but he that receiveth gifts overthroweth it.”<a name="FNanchor_179_179" id="FNanchor_179_179"></a><a href="#Footnote_179_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> Here -again is the example of Washington brightly lighting -the true republican pathway. The same President who -would not appoint a relation would not take a gift, even -when out of office. His example was in harmony with -the lesson of Colonial days. As long ago as April 20, -1703, Queen Anne, in a communication to Lord Cornbury, -Governor of New York and New Jersey, laid down -the following rule: that neither the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, -Commander-in-Chief, or President of the -Council “do receive any gift or present from the Assembly -<i>or others</i> on any account or in any manner whatsoever, -upon pain of our highest displeasure, and of being -recalled from that our Government.”<a name="FNanchor_180_180" id="FNanchor_180_180"></a><a href="#Footnote_180_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> This rule is -as good for our day as for that in which it was ordained -by royal authority.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_216" id="Page_216">[Pg 216]</a></span></p> - -<p>There is another instance, which should not be forgotten. -It is that of Lord Wellesley, the accomplished -brother of the Duke of Wellington. A work so common -as that of Smiles on “Self-Help” records, that, while -Governor-General of India, he positively refused a present -of £100,000 from the Directors of the East India -Company on the conquest of Mysore; and here the -terms of his refusal are important:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“It is not necessary for me to allude to the independence of -my character and the proper dignity attaching to my office; -other reasons besides these important considerations lead me -to decline this testimony, which is not suitable to me. I -think of nothing but our army. I should be much distressed -to curtail the share of those brave soldiers.”<a name="FNanchor_181_181" id="FNanchor_181_181"></a><a href="#Footnote_181_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>His refusal remained unalterable. At a later period, -when nearly eighty years of age, embarrassed by debts, -and entirely withdrawn from public life, he allowed the -Company to vote him a much smaller sum in consideration -of his signal services.<a name="FNanchor_182_182" id="FNanchor_182_182"></a><a href="#Footnote_182_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p> - -<h4>GIFT-MAKERS APPOINTED TO OFFICE.</h4> - -<p>The allowances voted by Parliament to Marlborough -and Wellington on account of their victories can be no -precedent for the acceptance of gifts from fellow-citizens. -The distinction is clear. But the case against the present -incumbent is not only that while holding high office he -accepted gifts from fellow-citizens, but subsequently appointed -the gift-makers to office,—thus using the Presidency<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_217" id="Page_217">[Pg 217]</a></span> -to pay off his own personal obligations. Please -bear this in mind; and when some apologist attempts to -defend the taking of gifts, let him know that he must -go still further, and show that the Presidency, with all -its patronage, is a perquisite to be employed for the private -advantage of the incumbent.</p> - -<h4>SAN DOMINGO.</h4> - -<p>Next in illustration of the prevailing misrule is the -San Domingo business, with its eccentricities of wrong-doing; -and this, too, is now in issue. At the thought -of this unprecedented enormity, where wrong assumes -such various forms, it is hard to be silent; but I shall be -brief. The case is clear, and stands on documents which -cannot be questioned. I keep within the line of moderate -statement, when I say, that, from the beginning of -our Government, nothing in our foreign relations has -been so absolutely indefensible. It will not do to call it -simply a fault and an insolence; it was an elaborate -contrivance, conceived in lust of territory, pursued in -ignorance, maintained in open violation of the National -Constitution, pushed forward in similar violation of International -Law in fundamental principles, and crowned -by intolerable indignity to the Black Republic, even to -the extent of menacing hostilities and the sinking of its -ships,—all without authority of Congress, and by Presidential -prerogative alone. In this drama the President, -like a favorite actor, assumed every part. In negotiating -the treaty he was President; in declaring war he was -Congress; in sending ships and men he was Commander-in-Chief; -and then in employing private influence with -Senators to promote his scheme—according to the promise<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_218" id="Page_218">[Pg 218]</a></span> -in the protocol with Baez, signed in his name by Orville -E. Babcock, entitled therein “Aide-de-Camp to his -Excellency General Ulysses S. Grant, President of the -United States of America”—he was lobbyist. That -such things can be done by a President without indignant -condemnation, loud and universal, shows a painful -demoralization in the country. That their author can be -presented for reëlection to the Presidency, whose powers -he has thus misused, shows a disheartening insensibility -to public virtue.</p> - -<p>Here I remark, that, so long as the President confined -himself to negotiation, he was strictly within the line of -the Constitution. Even if indiscreet in character and -impolitic in object, it was not unconstitutional. But in -seizing war powers without the authority of Congress, -in upholding the usurper Baez that he might sell his -country, in menacing the Black Republic, and then in -playing the lobbyist to promote the contrivance, the President -did what no other President ever did before, and -what, for the sake of Republican Institutions, should be -rebuked by the American people. It was the knowledge -of these proceedings that changed essentially my relations -to the question.</p> - -<h4>PERSONAL MISREPRESENTATIONS.</h4> - -<p>I allude with hesitation to personal misrepresentations -on the matter. It has been said that I promised -originally to support the treaty. This is a mistake. I -knew nothing of the treaty, and had no suspicion of it, -until several months after the protocol, and some time -after the negotiation was completed; and then my simple -promise was that it should have from me<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_219" id="Page_219">[Pg 219]</a></span> “the most -careful and candid consideration”; and such I gave it -most sincerely. At first my opposition was reserved and -without allusion to the President. It was only when -the strange business was fully disclosed in official documents -communicated in confidence to the Senate, and it -was still pressed, that I felt impelled to a sterner resistance. -Especially was I constrained, when I found how -much the people of Hayti suffered. It so happened that -I had reported the bill acknowledging their independence -and establishing diplomatic relations between our -two countries, assuring that equality which had been -violated. Not unmoved could I witness the wrong inflicted -upon them. And has it come to this, that the -President of the Great Republic, instead of carrying -peace and good tidings to Africans commencing the -experiment of self-government, should become to them -an agent of terror?</p> - -<p>It is difficult to see how I could have done otherwise. -Anxious to excuse the anger towards me, it has been -said that I opposed the treaty because Mr. Motley was -unceremoniously removed from the mission at London; -and here you will see the extent to which misrepresentation -has gone. It so happens that Mr. Motley was removed -on the day immediately following the rejection -of the treaty. Evidently my opposition was not influenced -by the removal: was the removal influenced by -my opposition?</p> - -<p>Equally absurd is the story that I am now influenced -by personal feelings. I am a public servant, trained to -duty; and now, as always before, I have yielded only to -this irresistible mandate. With me there is no alternative. -The misconduct of the President, so apparent -in the San Domingo device, became more conspicuous<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_220" id="Page_220">[Pg 220]</a></span> -in the light of illustrative facts, showing it to be part of -a prevailing misrule, which, for the sake of our country, -should not be prolonged. As a patriot citizen, anxious -for the national welfare and renown, am I obliged to -declare these convictions.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>I am now brought to those two chief measures to be -advanced by the election of Horace Greeley, each of controlling -importance,—one looking directly to purity and -efficiency in the government, and the other to the peace -and welfare of our country.</p> - -<h4>ONE-TERM PRINCIPLE.</h4> - -<p>The principle of One Term for President is the corner-stone -of a reformed civil service. So plain is this -to my apprehension, that I am at a loss to understand -how any one sincerely in favor of such reform can fail -to insist upon this principle. All experience shows that -the employment of the appointing power to promote the -personal ends of the President is the great disturbing -influence in our civil service. Here is the comprehensive -abuse which envelops all the offices of the country, -making them tributary to one man, and subordinate to -his desires. Let this be changed, and you have the first -stage of reform, without which all other measures are -dilatory, if not feeble and inefficient. How futile to -recommend, as is done by the Commissioners on Civil -Service, “an honest competitive examination,” while the -rules for this system are left to the discretion of a President -seeking reëlection! “Lead us not into temptation” -is part of the brief prayer we are all taught to -repeat; nor are Presidents above the necessity of this<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_221" id="Page_221">[Pg 221]</a></span> -prayer. The misuse of the appointing power to advance -ambitious aims is a temptation to which a President -must not be exposed. For his sake, and for the sake -of the country, this must not be.</p> - -<p>In attributing peril to this influence, I speak not -only from my own careful observation, but from the -testimony of others whose words are authoritative. You -do not forget how Andrew Jackson declared that the -limitation of the office to one term was required, in order -to place the President “beyond the reach of any -improper influences” and “uncommitted to any other -course than the strict line of constitutional duty,”<a name="FNanchor_183_183" id="FNanchor_183_183"></a><a href="#Footnote_183_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>—how -William Henry Harrison announced, that, with the -adoption of this principle, “the incumbent would devote -all his time to the public interest, and there would be -no cause to misrule the country,”<a name="FNanchor_184_184" id="FNanchor_184_184"></a><a href="#Footnote_184_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>—how Henry Clay -was satisfied, after much observation and reflection, “that -too much of the time, the thoughts, and the exertions of -the incumbent are occupied during his first term in securing -his reëlection,”<a name="FNanchor_185_185" id="FNanchor_185_185"></a><a href="#Footnote_185_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>—and how my senatorial associate -of many years, Benjamin F. Wade, after denouncing -the reëligibility of the President, said, “There are defects -in the Constitution, and this is among the most glaring.”<a name="FNanchor_186_186" id="FNanchor_186_186"></a><a href="#Footnote_186_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> -According to this experienced Senator, the reëligibility -of the President is not only a defect in the Constitution, -but one of its most glaring defects.</p> - -<p>And such also was the declared opinion of the present<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_222" id="Page_222">[Pg 222]</a></span> -incumbent before his election and the temptation -of a second term. It has been stated by one who conferred -with him at the time, that immediately before his -nomination General Grant said, in the spirit of Andrew -Jackson, “The liberties of the country cannot be maintained -without a One-Term Amendment of the Constitution”; -and another writes me, that while on a walk -between the White House and the Treasury, just at the -head of the steps, near the fountain, the General paused -a moment, and said, “I am in favor of restricting the -President to a single term, and of abolishing the office of -Vice-President.” By the authority of this declaration, -the “Morning Chronicle,”<a name="FNanchor_187_187" id="FNanchor_187_187"></a><a href="#Footnote_187_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a> the organ of the Republican -party at Washington, proclaimed of its Presidential candidate, -“He is, moreover, an advocate of the One-Term -principle, as conducing toward the proper administration -of the law”; and then at a later date,<a name="FNanchor_188_188" id="FNanchor_188_188"></a><a href="#Footnote_188_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a> after calling -for the adoption of this principle, the same Republican -organ said, “General Grant is in favor of it.” Unquestionably -at that time, while the canvass was proceeding, -he allowed himself to be commended as a supporter of -this principle. That he should now disregard it gives new -reason for the prayer, “Lead us not into temptation.”</p> - -<p>Never before was the necessity for this beneficent -Amendment more apparent; for never before was the -wide-spread abuse from the reëligibility of the President -more grievously conspicuous. De Tocqueville, the illustrious -Frenchman, who saw our institutions with a vision -quickened by genius and chastened by friendly regard, -discerned the peril, when he said:—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_223" id="Page_223">[Pg 223]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Intrigue and corruption are the natural vices of elective -government; but when the head of the State can be reëlected, -these evils rise to a great height and compromise the very existence -of the country. When a simple candidate seeks to -rise by intrigue, his manœuvres must be limited to a very -narrow sphere; <i>but when the Chief Magistrate enters the lists, -he borrows the strength of the Government for his own purposes</i>.… -If the representative of the Executive descends into -the combat, the cares of Government dwindle for him into -second-rate importance, and the success of his election is his -first concern.”<a name="FNanchor_189_189" id="FNanchor_189_189"></a><a href="#Footnote_189_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Nothing can be more true than these remarkable words, -which are completely verified in what we now behold. -The whole diversified machinery of the National Government -in all its parts, operating in State, District, Town, -and Village, is now at work to secure the reëlection of -the President, as for some time before it worked to -secure his renomination,—the whole being obedient to -the central touch.</p> - -<p>Look for a moment at this machinery, or, if you -please, at this political hierarchy, beginning with Cabinet -officers, and reaching to the pettiest postmaster, every one -diligent to the single end of serving Presidential aspiration. -The Jeffersonian rule was, “Is he honest? Is he -capable? Is he faithful to the Constitution?” But this -is now lost in the mightier law, “Is he faithful to reëlection?” -This failing, all merit fails. Every office-holder, -from highest to lowest, according to his influence, becomes -propagandist, fugleman, whipper-in. Members -of the Cabinet set the example, and perambulate the -country, instructing the people to vote for reëlection. -Heads of Bureaus do likewise. Then, in their respective -localities, officers of the Customs, officers of the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_224" id="Page_224">[Pg 224]</a></span> -Internal Revenue, marshals with their deputies, and -postmasters, each and all, inspired from the National -Capitol, are all calling for reëlection. This organized -power, variously estimated at from sixty to eighty thousand -in number, all paid by the Government, and overspreading -the whole country in one minute network, has -unprecedented control at this moment, partly from increased -facilities of communication, and partly from the -military drill which still survives the war, but more, -perhaps, from the determined will of the President, to -which all these multitudinous wills are subjugated. This -simple picture, which nobody can question, reveals a -tyranny second only to that of the Slave Power itself,—which -Jefferson seems to have foreseen, when, after portraying -the Legislature as most to be feared in his day, -he said, “The tyranny of the Executive will come in its -turn.”<a name="FNanchor_190_190" id="FNanchor_190_190"></a><a href="#Footnote_190_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> Even his prophetic vision did not enable him to -foresee the mournful condition we now deplore, with the -One-Man Power lording itself through all the offices of -the country.</p> - -<p>The recent election in North Carolina made this practically -manifest. Even without a telescope, all could -discern the operations of the field. Postmasters and -officers of Internal Revenue were on hand, each in his -place; then came the Marshal, with files of deputies, -extemporized for the occasion; while, ranging over the -extensive circuit, was the Supervisor of the Revenue; -the whole instructed and animated by members of the -Cabinet, who abandoned their responsible duties to help -reëlection, which for the time was above all departments -of Government and all exigencies of the public service. -In the same way the chief Custom-Houses of the country<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_225" id="Page_225">[Pg 225]</a></span> -have been enlisted. Each has become a political centre -whose special object is reëlection. Authentic evidence -before a Congressional Committee shows that -Thomas Murphy, while Collector of New York, acting -as Lieutenant of the President, sought to control the -Republican State Convention by tendering office to four -men, in consideration of the return of certain delegates, -promising that “he would immediately send their names -on to Washington and have them appointed”; and by -way of enforcing the Presidential supremacy, he announced -with startling effrontery that “President Grant -was the representative and head of the Republican party, -and all good Republicans should support him in all his -measures and appointments, and any one who did not do -it should be <i>crushed out</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_191_191" id="FNanchor_191_191"></a><a href="#Footnote_191_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a> If this were not authenticated -under oath, it would be hard to believe. But the -New Orleans Custom-House has a story much worse. -Here Presidential pretension is mixed with unblushing -corruption, in which the Collector, a brother-in-law, is a -chief actor. And all for reëlection.<a name="FNanchor_192_192" id="FNanchor_192_192"></a><a href="#Footnote_192_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a></p> - -<p>This prostitution of the offices of the country to the -Presidential will can be upheld only by unhesitating -partisan zeal, discarding reason and patriotism. Already -it has been condemned in an official Report made to the -House of Representatives, November 25, 1867, by Mr. -Boutwell, as Chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary, -and signed by him. His direct object was to -arraign Andrew Johnson; but these words declare a rule -applicable to all Presidents:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_226" id="Page_226">[Pg 226]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The presence and active participation of <i>two of the -Heads of Departments</i> in a political convention at Philadelphia, -having for its object the organization of a party to -sustain the policy of the President and defeat the will of -Congress and the people, and one of those functionaries -the prime agent in the removals from and appointments to -office for ‘political reasons,’ is a fact well known to the country. -The like had not happened before in its history. In -the view of right-minded men, it was something more than -a public scandal.”<a name="FNanchor_193_193" id="FNanchor_193_193"></a><a href="#Footnote_193_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>The Report adduces the authority of John Locke, the -eminent philosopher, as declaring “the employment of -‘the force, treasure, and <i>offices of the society to corrupt the -representatives, or openly to preëngage the electors, and prescribe -what manner of persons shall be chosen</i>,’ as among -those breaches of trust in the executive magistrate which -amounts to a dissolution of the Government; for ‘what -is it,’ he says, ‘but to cut up the Government by the -roots, and poison the very fountains of public security?’”<a name="FNanchor_194_194" id="FNanchor_194_194"></a><a href="#Footnote_194_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a> -But all this we witness here. The offices are -employed to preëngage the electors, and prescribe the -persons to be chosen. Nor do I see any corrective of -this undoubted abuse, especially after the example now -set in high quarters, so long as the President is a candidate -for reëlection.</p> - -<p>Therefore, to arrest a flagrant tyranny, and to secure -purity in the Government, also to save the President -from himself, should this Amendment be adopted; and -since Horace Greeley is known to be its strenuous supporter, -we have an unanswerable reason in his behalf.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_227" id="Page_227">[Pg 227]</a></span></p> - -<h4>RECONCILIATION.</h4> - -<p>From the practical question of Civil Service Reform -I pass to Reconciliation, being the most important issue -ever presented to the American people,—reconciliation -not only between the two once warring sections, but also -between the two races. This issue, so grand and beautiful, -was distinctly presented, when Horace Greeley, in accepting -the Republican nomination at Cincinnati, wrote -these memorable words:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In this faith, and with the distinct understanding, that, -if elected, I shall be the President, not of a party, but of the -whole people, I accept your nomination,—in the confident -trust that the masses of our countrymen, North and South, -are eager to clasp hands across the bloody chasm which has -too long divided them, forgetting that they have been enemies, -in the joyful consciousness that they are, and must -henceforth remain, brethren.”<a name="FNanchor_195_195" id="FNanchor_195_195"></a><a href="#Footnote_195_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>The issue was again presented, when thereafter the -Democratic Party in National Convention, acting under -an irresistible movement of the people, nominated the -author of these words.</p> - -<p>It is difficult to see how this noble aspiration can find -other than a generous response. Nothing but a party -spirit which forgets the obligations of Christian duty -could treat it with indifference, much less make it the -occasion of misrepresentation. By no effort of ingenuity -or malignity can it be tortured into anything but an -offer of reconciliation, while the very letter of acceptance, -where it appears, declares the established supremacy -of Equal Rights. Observe also that it is made only -when the work of Reconstruction is ended. Here is the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_228" id="Page_228">[Pg 228]</a></span> -testimony of a Senator of South Carolina, in a speech in -the Senate, January 22, 1872:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The last of the Southern States is admitted to its full -privileges as a member of the brotherhood of States; the -Constitutional Amendments intended to secure the principles -established by the war and subsequent events have been -accepted as valid. There can be no fear or danger of their -being disturbed.”<a name="FNanchor_196_196" id="FNanchor_196_196"></a><a href="#Footnote_196_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>But these things are forgotten; the Sermon on the -Mount is forgotten also; the Beatitudes are put aside. -A great writer of the Middle Ages, after dwelling on -what is best for us, says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Hence it is that not riches, not pleasures, not honors, not -length of life, not health, not strength, not comeliness, was -sung to the shepherds from on high, but peace.”<a name="FNanchor_197_197" id="FNanchor_197_197"></a><a href="#Footnote_197_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>The supporters of reëlection will not hearken to this -song, and the proffered hand is rejected. If not war, -they would preserve at least the passions of war, and -instead of peace would scatter distrust and defiance. -The old fable is renewed:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“Emboldened now on fresh attempt he goes,</div> -<div class="verse">With serpent’s teeth the fertile furrows sows;</div> -<div class="verse">The glebe fermenting with enchanted juice</div> -<div class="verse">Makes the snake’s teeth a human crop produce.”<a name="FNanchor_198_198" id="FNanchor_198_198"></a><a href="#Footnote_198_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a></div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>For me there can be but one course on this issue, and -the moment it was presented I seemed to behold, for -the first time, the dawn of that better era in our country<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_229" id="Page_229">[Pg 229]</a></span> -when the Equal Rights of All should be placed under -the safeguard of assured Peace and Reconciliation. Had -I failed to sympathize with this endeavor, I should have -been false to the record of my life. My first public utterance, -as far back as July 4, 1845, was to commend -the cause of Peace, which from that early day, amidst -the contentions of public duty and the terrible responsibilities -of war, has never been absent from my mind. -While insisting on the Abolition of Slavery, while urging -Enfranchisement, while vindicating the Equal Rights -of All, and while pressing Reconstruction, I have constantly -declared that all these were for no purpose of -vengeance or punishment, but only for the security of -the citizen and the establishment of government on -just foundations, and that when this was done nobody -should outdo me in those generosities that become the -conqueror more than his conquest.</p> - -<h4>PERSONAL RECORD.</h4> - -<p>Here the testimony is complete. If I open it now, it -is less to show the obligations which constrain me personally -than to make these witnesses plead again the cause -which from the beginning I have had at heart. I follow -the order of time, letting each speak in a few words.</p> - -<p>There are some among us who may remember that -early speech before the Republican State Convention at -Worcester, October 1, 1861, which excited at the time -so much discussion, when, after calling for Emancipation, -I united this cause with Peace:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Two objects are before us, <i>Union and Peace</i>, each for the -sake of the other, and both for the sake of the country; but -without Emancipation how can we expect either?”<a name="FNanchor_199_199" id="FNanchor_199_199"></a><a href="#Footnote_199_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_230" id="Page_230">[Pg 230]</a></span></p> - -<p>Thus at the beginning was I mindful of Peace.</p> - -<p>Then again, in the same strain, at the Cooper Institute, -New York, November 27, 1861, after showing Slavery to -be the origin and main-spring of the Rebellion, I pleaded -for Emancipation, and at the same time first sounded the -key-note of Reconciliation:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Perversely and pitifully do you postpone that sure period -of <i>reconciliation, not only between the two sections, not only between -the men of the North and the men of the South, but, more -necessary still, between slave and master</i>, without which the true -tranquillity we all seek cannot be permanently assured. Believe -it, <i>only through such reconciliation</i>, under sanction of freedom, -can you remove all occasions of conflict hereafter.”<a name="FNanchor_200_200" id="FNanchor_200_200"></a><a href="#Footnote_200_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Thus early was reconciliation associated with my most -earnest efforts; nor did I at any moment hesitate in this -work.</p> - -<p>The same spirit was manifest in opposition to perpetuating -the memory of victories over fellow-citizens. -The question arose on a dispatch of General McClellan, -where, after announcing the capture of Williamsburg, -he inquired whether he was “authorized to follow the -example of other generals, and direct the names of battles -to be placed on the colors of regiments.”<a name="FNanchor_201_201" id="FNanchor_201_201"></a><a href="#Footnote_201_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> This being -communicated to the Senate, I felt it my duty to -move, May 8, 1862, the following resolution:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“<i>Resolved</i>, That in the efforts now making for <i>the restoration -of the Union and the establishment of peace throughout the -country</i>, it is inexpedient that the names of victories obtained -over our fellow-citizens should be placed on the regimental -colors of the United States.”<a name="FNanchor_202_202" id="FNanchor_202_202"></a><a href="#Footnote_202_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_231" id="Page_231">[Pg 231]</a></span></p> - -<p>Here again was anxiety for peace. Mr. Wilson, my -colleague, did not agree with me, and he made haste to -introduce a counter-resolution;<a name="FNanchor_203_203" id="FNanchor_203_203"></a><a href="#Footnote_203_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> but no further action -was had upon it. The usage of civilized nations is -against placing on regimental colors the names of victories -gained over fellow-countrymen. In France, the -most military country of the world, the principle was -carefully discarded by King Louis Philippe, when, in -preparing the Museum at Versailles, he excluded every -picture or image of civil war. Everything to arouse and -gratify the patriotic pride of Frenchmen, of all Frenchmen, -is there, but nothing to exhibit Frenchmen warring -with each other.</p> - -<p>Then came the bills for Confiscation, which I supported -chiefly with a view to Emancipation. While -enforcing this object, May 19, 1862, I said:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“People talk flippantly of the gallows as the certain doom -of the Rebels. This is a mistake. For weal or woe, the gallows -is out of the question. It is not possible as a punishment -for this rebellion.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Then declaring our supreme object to be Peace, I said:</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In this work it is needless to say <i>there is no place for any -sentiment of hate or any suggestion of vengeance</i>. There can be -no exaction and no punishment beyond the necessity of the -case,—nothing harsh, nothing excessive. Lenity and pardon -become the conqueror more even than victory. ‘Do in time -of peace the most good, and in time of war the least evil possible: -such is the Law of Nations.’ These are the admirable -words of an eminent French magistrate and statesman. In -this spirit it is our duty to assuage the calamities of war, and -especially to spare an inoffensive population.”<a name="FNanchor_204_204" id="FNanchor_204_204"></a><a href="#Footnote_204_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_232" id="Page_232">[Pg 232]</a></span></p> - -<p>Shortly afterwards, June 27th, while the same subject -was under consideration, I returned to it again:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“But I confess frankly that I look with more hope and -confidence to Liberation than to Confiscation. To give freedom -is nobler than to take property, and on this occasion it -cannot fail to be more efficacious, for in this way the rear-guard -of the Rebellion will be changed into the advance-guard -of the Union. There is in Confiscation, unless when -directed against the criminal authors of the Rebellion, a harshness -inconsistent with that mercy which it is always a sacred -duty to cultivate, and which should be manifest in proportion -to our triumphs, ‘mightiest in the mightiest.’ <i>But Liberation -is not harsh; and it is certain, if properly conducted, to -carry with it the smiles of a benignant Providence.</i>”<a name="FNanchor_205_205" id="FNanchor_205_205"></a><a href="#Footnote_205_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>At last the country was gladdened by the Proclamation -of Emancipation, which here in Faneuil Hall, October -6, 1862, I vindicated as a measure of peace; and -then I said:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In the old war between King and Parliament, which rent -England, the generous Falkland cried from his soul, <i>Peace! -Peace!</i>—and History gratefully records his words. Never -did he utter this cry with more earnestness than I do now. -But how shall the blessing be secured?”<a name="FNanchor_206_206" id="FNanchor_206_206"></a><a href="#Footnote_206_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p><i>By Emancipation</i>, was my answer.</p> - -<p>Then came the bill creating the Freedmen’s Bureau. -In opening the debate on this interesting subject, June -8, 1864, I said:—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_233" id="Page_233">[Pg 233]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“It is for the Senate to determine, under the circumstances, -what it will do. My earnest hope is that it will do something. -The opportunity must not be lost of helping so many -persons now helpless, and <i>of aiding the cause of Reconciliation, -without which peace cannot be assured</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_207_207" id="FNanchor_207_207"></a><a href="#Footnote_207_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Here again Reconciliation is announced as an ever-present -object.</p> - -<p>In the same spirit, I deemed it my duty to oppose -the efforts made in the winter of 1865 to authorize Retaliation, -differing from valued friends. The proposition -for Retaliation was met by the following declaration, -moved by me, January 24th:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The United States … call upon all to bear witness -that in this necessary warfare with Barbarism they renounce -all vengeance and every evil example, and plant -themselves firmly on the sacred landmarks of Christian -civilization, under the protection of that God who is present -with every prisoner, and enables heroic souls to suffer -for their country.”<a name="FNanchor_208_208" id="FNanchor_208_208"></a><a href="#Footnote_208_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Then came the effort, favored by President Lincoln, -to receive Louisiana with a Constitution which failed to -recognize the equal rights of colored fellow-citizens. -Here again, February 25th, I encountered the proposition -by a resolution, where it is declared:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“That such an oligarchical government is not competent at -this moment to discharge the duties and execute the powers -of a State; and that its recognition as a legitimate government -will tend to enfeeble the Union, <i>to postpone the day of Reconciliation</i>, -and to endanger the national tranquillity.”<a name="FNanchor_209_209" id="FNanchor_209_209"></a><a href="#Footnote_209_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_234" id="Page_234">[Pg 234]</a></span></p> - -<p>Mark, if you please, “<i>the day of Reconciliation</i>.”</p> - -<p>Then came the question of perpetuating the memory -of our victories. February 27th, the Senate having under -consideration an appropriation for a picture in the -National Capitol, I moved as an amendment,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“That in the National Capitol, dedicated to the National -Union, there shall be no picture of a victory in battle with -our own fellow-citizens.”<a name="FNanchor_210_210" id="FNanchor_210_210"></a><a href="#Footnote_210_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Mr. Wilson again made haste to announce that he -“disagreed with his colleague altogether,”—saying, according -to the “Congressional Globe,”<a name="FNanchor_211_211" id="FNanchor_211_211"></a><a href="#Footnote_211_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> “I do not believe -in that doctrine.”</p> - -<p>In the eulogy on President Lincoln, pronounced before -the municipal authorities of Boston, June 1, 1865, -the great object of Reconciliation was presented as dependent -on the establishment of our ideas. After insisting -upon Emancipation and the Equal Suffrage, these -words occur:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Such a vengeance will be a kiss of reconciliation, for it -will remove every obstacle to peace and harmony. The people -where Slavery once ruled will bless the blow that destroyed -it. The people where the kindred tyranny of Caste once prevailed -will rejoice that this fell under the same blow. They -will yet confess that it was dealt in no harshness, in no unkindness, -in no desire to humiliate, but simply and solemnly, -in the name of the Republic and of Human Nature, for their -good as well as ours,—ay, for their good more than ours.</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_235" id="Page_235">[Pg 235]</a></span> -<p>“By ideas, more than by armies, we have conquered. The -sword of the Archangel was less mighty than the mission he -bore from the Lord. But if the ideas giving us the victory -are now neglected, if the pledges of the Declaration, which -the Rebellion openly assailed, are left unredeemed, then have -blood and treasure been lavished for nought.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Then I proceeded to ask:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“How shall these ideas be saved? How shall the war -waged by Abraham Lincoln be brought to an end, <i>so as to -assure peace, tranquillity, and reconciliation</i>?”<a name="FNanchor_212_212" id="FNanchor_212_212"></a><a href="#Footnote_212_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>In the speech at Worcester, before the Republican -State Convention, September 14, 1865, I insisted upon -guaranties for the national freedman and the national -creditor; and until these were accomplished, proposed -to exclude the Rebel from political power:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I ask not his punishment. I would not be harsh. There -is nothing humane that I would reject. Nothing in hate. -Nothing in vengeance. Nothing in passion. I am for gentleness. -I am for a velvet glove; but for a while I wish the -hand of iron. I confess that I have little sympathy with -those hypocrites of magnanimity whose appeal for the Rebel -master is only a barbarous indifference towards the slave; <i>and -yet they cannot more than I desire the day of Reconciliation</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_213_213" id="FNanchor_213_213"></a><a href="#Footnote_213_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Thus constantly did this idea return.</p> - -<p>And yet again, in a letter to the “Evening Post” of -New York, dated September 28, 1865, after insisting -upon “supplementary safeguards” for the protection of -the freedman, I used these words:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Without this additional provision, I see small prospect -of <i>that peace and reconciliation which are the objects so near -our hearts</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_214_214" id="FNanchor_214_214"></a><a href="#Footnote_214_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Again it appeared in a telegraphic dispatch to President -Johnson, dated November 12, 1865, and afterwards<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_236" id="Page_236">[Pg 236]</a></span> -published. Asking the President to suspend his “policy -towards the Rebel States,” I said:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I should not present this prayer, if I were not painfully -convinced that thus far it has failed to obtain any <i>reasonable -guaranties for that security in the future which is essential to -peace and reconciliation</i>.… The Declaration of Independence -asserts the equality of all men, and that rightful government -can be founded only on the consent of the governed. -I see small chance of peace, unless these great principles are -practically established. Without this, the house will continue -divided against itself.”<a name="FNanchor_215_215" id="FNanchor_215_215"></a><a href="#Footnote_215_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Here Reconciliation is associated with Reconstruction -on the basis of the Equality of All Men.</p> - -<p>Shortly afterwards, in the “Atlantic Monthly” for December, -1865, p. 758, I pleaded again:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The lesson of Clemency is of perpetual obligation.… -Harshness is bad. Cruelty is detestable. Even Justice may -relent at the prompting of Mercy. Fail not, then, to cultivate -the grace of Clemency.…</p> - -<p>“There must be no vengeance upon enemies; but there -must be no sacrifice of friends. And here is the distinction -never to be forgotten: <i>Nothing for vengeance; everything for -justice</i>. Follow this rule, and the Republic will be safe and -glorious.”<a name="FNanchor_216_216" id="FNanchor_216_216"></a><a href="#Footnote_216_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Then again in the Senate speech, February 5 and 6, -1866, while dwelling at length upon Equal Suffrage without -distinction of color, I thus spoke for the Southern -people:—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_237" id="Page_237">[Pg 237]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The people there are my fellow-citizens, and gladly would -I hail them, if they would permit, as no longer <i>a section</i>, no -longer <i>the South</i>, but an integral part of the Republic, under -a Constitution which, knowing no North and no South, cannot -tolerate <i>sectional</i> pretension. Gladly, in all sincerity, do -I offer my best effort for their welfare. But I see clearly -that there is nothing in the compass of mortal power so important -to them in every respect, morally, politically, and economically—that -there is nothing with such certain promise -to them of beneficent result—that there is nothing so sure to -make their land smile with industry and fertility,—as the -decree of Equal Rights I now invoke.… This is our -retaliation. This is our only revenge.”<a name="FNanchor_217_217" id="FNanchor_217_217"></a><a href="#Footnote_217_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>In an address at the Music Hall, in Boston, October -2, 1866, entitled “The One-Man Power <i>vs.</i> Congress,” -I declared that the Reconstruction I sought was one -where “the Rebel region, no longer harassed by controversy -and degraded by injustice, <i>will enjoy the richest -fruits of security and reconciliation</i>,”—and then added, -“<i>To labor for this cause may well tempt the young and -rejoice the old</i>.”<a name="FNanchor_218_218" id="FNanchor_218_218"></a><a href="#Footnote_218_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a></p> - -<p>Then, in the same address, I said:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Our first duty is to provide safeguards for the future. -This can be only by provisions, sure, fundamental, and irrepealable, -fixing forever the results of the war, the obligations -of the Government, and the equal rights of all. Such is the -suggestion of common prudence and of self-defence, as well as -of common honesty. To this end we must make haste slowly. -States which precipitated themselves out of Congress must -not be permitted to precipitate themselves back. They must -not enter the Halls they treasonably deserted, until we have -every reasonable assurance of future good conduct. We must -not admit them, and then repent our folly<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_238" id="Page_238">[Pg 238]</a></span>.…</p> - -<p>“But, while holding this ground of prudence, I desire to -disclaim every sentiment of vengeance or punishment, and also -every thought of delay or procrastination. Here I do not -yield to the President, or to any other person. Nobody more -anxious than I to see this chasm closed forever.</p> - -<p>“<i>There is a long way and a short way. There is a long -time and a short time.</i> If there be any whose policy is for the -longest way or for the longest time, I am not of the number. -<i>I am for the shortest way, and also for the shortest time.</i>”<a name="FNanchor_219_219" id="FNanchor_219_219"></a><a href="#Footnote_219_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Then in considering Reconstruction in the Senate, -March 16, 1867, I said:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“But I ask nothing in vengeance or unkindness. All that -I propose is for their good, with which is intertwined the -good of all. I would not impose any new penalty or bear -hard upon an erring people. Oh, no! I simply ask a new -safeguard for the future, that these States, through which so -much trouble has come, may be a strength and a blessing to -our common country, with prosperity and happiness everywhere -within their borders. I would not impose any new -burden; but I seek a new triumph for civilization. <i>For a -military occupation bristling with bayonets I would substitute -the smile of Peace.</i>”</p> - -</div> - -<p>I then said:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“But this cannot be without Education. As the soldier -disappears, his place must be supplied by the schoolmaster. -The muster-roll will be exchanged for the school-register, and -our head-quarters will be in a school-house.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>And I accompanied this with a proposition to require -in the reconstructed States “a system of public schools -open to all, without distinction of race or color,” which -was lost by a tie vote, being 20 to 20.<a name="FNanchor_220_220" id="FNanchor_220_220"></a><a href="#Footnote_220_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_239" id="Page_239">[Pg 239]</a></span></p> - -<p>The subject recurred again in the Senate July 13, -1867, when, after declaring regret at the inadequacy of -the pending measure, especially in not securing a system -of Public Education, and not excluding Rebel influence, -I remarked:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In saying this, I desire to add, that, in my judgment, all -exclusions belong to what I call <i>the transition period</i>. When -Reconstruction is accomplished, the time will come for us to -open the gates.”<a name="FNanchor_221_221" id="FNanchor_221_221"></a><a href="#Footnote_221_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>In these few words will be found the ruling principle -which I have recognized in Reconstruction.</p> - -<p>The address, “Are We a Nation?” made at the Cooper -Institute, November 19, 1867, testifies again to Reconciliation. -After showing how the national supremacy -in the guardianship of equal rights is consistent with -local self-government, and vindicating the two in their -respective spheres, it says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“There will be a sphere alike for the States and Nation. -Local self-government, which is the pride of our institutions, -will be reconciled with the national supremacy in maintenance -of human rights, and the two together will constitute the elemental -principles of the Republic. The States will exercise -a minute jurisdiction required for the convenience of all; the -Nation will exercise that other paramount jurisdiction required -for the protection of all. <i>The reconciliation—God -bless the word!</i>—thus begun will embrace the people, who, -forgetting past differences, will feel more than ever that they -are one.”<a name="FNanchor_222_222" id="FNanchor_222_222"></a><a href="#Footnote_222_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a></p> - -</div> - -<p>Then again, in addressing the Republican State Convention -at Worcester, September 22, 1869, I said:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_240" id="Page_240">[Pg 240]</a></span></p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Do not think me harsh; do not think me austere. I am -not. I will not be outdone by anybody in clemency; nor at -the proper time will I be behind any one in opening all doors -of office and trust.… Who can object, if men recently arrayed -against their country are told to stand aside yet a little -longer, until all are secure in their rights? Here is no fixed -exclusion,—nothing of which there can be any just complaint,—nothing -which is not practical, wise, humane,—nothing -which is not born of justice rather than victory. In -the establishment of Equal Rights conquest loses its character, -and is no longer conquest,—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">‘For then both parties nobly are subdued,</div> -<div class="verse">And neither party loser.’”<a name="FNanchor_223_223" id="FNanchor_223_223"></a><a href="#Footnote_223_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a></div> -</div> -</div></div> - -<h4>PERSONAL DUTY.</h4> - -<p>Here I suspend this testimony. Such is the simple -and harmonious record, showing how from the beginning -I was devoted to peace,—how constantly I longed -for reconciliation,—how with every measure of Equal -Rights this longing found utterance,—how it became -an essential part of my life,—how I discarded all idea -of vengeance or punishment,—how Reconstruction was -to my mind a transition period,—and how earnestly I -looked forward to the day, when, after the recognition of -Equal Rights, the Republic should again be one in reality -as in name. If there are any who ever maintained -a policy of hate, I was never so minded; and now in -protesting against any such policy, I only act in obedience -to the irresistible promptings of my soul.</p> - -<p>In embracing the opportunity unexpectedly presented -at this election, I keep myself still in harmony with the -past. Unable to vote a second time for President Grant,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_241" id="Page_241">[Pg 241]</a></span> -and confident that the choice of Horace Greeley will -tend to assure that triumph of peace which has occupied -so much of my desires, it only remains to vote for -him. I would not expect too much; but, knowing -something of the spirit in which the Democratic party -has adopted him as its candidate, and knowing something -also of his eminent character, I cannot doubt that -with his election there will be a new order of things, -where the harsh instrumentalities of power will yield to -a sentiment of good-will, and surviving irritations will -be lost in concord. The war is ended. There must -be an end also to belligerent passions; and the freedman, -assured in rights, must enter upon a new career -of happiness and prosperity. Such, at least, is the object -I now seek. Even those differing from me in faith -at this critical moment will not deny that such a result -would mark an epoch in American history. And -now, in the hope of its accomplishment, I forget personal -consequences, and think only of the inestimable -good.</p> - -<h4>PREJUDICE AND INVENTION.</h4> - -<p>The partisans of Reëlection, resorting to prejudice -and invention, insist, first, that the Democratic party, -which has adopted as its candidate an original Republican -on a Republican platform, will prove untrue, and, -secondly, that the candidate himself will prove untrue,—as -if the Democratic party were not bound now to -the very principles declared at Philadelphia, without -the viscous alloy of Grantism, and as if the life and -character of the candidate were not a sufficient answer -to any such slander.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_242" id="Page_242">[Pg 242]</a></span></p> - -<h4>ADHESION OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.</h4> - -<p>Evidently there are individuals, calling themselves -Democrats, who feel little sympathy with the movement, -and there are others who insist upon the old hates, -whether towards the North or towards the freedman. -Unhappily, this is only according to human nature. It -must be so. Therefore, though pained in feeling, my -trust is not disturbed by sporadic cases cited in newspapers, -or by local incidents. This is clear: in spite of -politicians, and against their earnest efforts, the people -represented in the Democratic Convention adopted a -Republican nomination and platform. Baltimore answered -to Cincinnati. A popular uprising, stirred by -irresistible instinct, triumphed over all resistance. The -people were wiser than their leaders,—illustrating -again the saying of the French statesman, so experienced -in human affairs, that above the wisdom of any -individual, however great, is the wisdom of all. But -this testifies to that Providence which shapes our ends:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“So Providence for us, high, infinite,</div> -<div class="verse">Makes our necessities its watchful task.”</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Plainly in recent events there has been a presiding influence -against which all machinations have been powerless. -Had the Convention at Philadelphia nominated -a good Republican, truly representing Republican principles -without drawback, there is no reason to believe -that Horace Greeley would have been a candidate. The -persistence for President Grant dissolved original bonds, -and gave practical opportunity to the present movement. -The longing for peace, which in existing antagonisms of -party was without effective expression, at last found free -course.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_243" id="Page_243">[Pg 243]</a></span></p> - -<p>Accordingly the original Republican who had announced -himself ready to “clasp hands” in peace was -accepted on a Republican platform, declaring support of -the three Constitutional amendments, and placing in the -foreground the great truth that all men are equal before -the law. Such is the historic fact. That the party will -be disloyal to this act, that it will turn its back on its -covenants, and seek through a Republican President to -reverse these safeguards, or in any way impair their efficacy, -is not only without probability, but to imagine it -is absolutely absurd.</p> - -<p>Beyond the unequivocal adhesion of the party in its -corporate capacity is that of eminent members who volunteer -as individuals in the same declarations, so that -personal pledge unites with party obligation. I quote -two instances at hand.</p> - -<p>Mr. Hendricks, so well known for his service in the -National Senate, said recently in the Democratic State -Convention of Indiana, on his nomination for Governor:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“We have this day substantially turned our backs upon the -Past. We now stand in the Present, and look forward to the -great Future. The Past is gone.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Nobody in the country can speak for his party with -more authority; nor could there be better words to denote -the change that has occurred.</p> - -<p>Mr. Kerr, also of Indiana, an able Democratic Representative -in Congress, and now Congressional candidate -at large, bears the same testimony. In a recent speech -this distinguished Democrat says:—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_244" id="Page_244">[Pg 244]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The best impulse, the most patriotic sentiment, the most -intelligent judgment of the wisest and the best men of the -country now demand that the accomplished results of our great -civil war, as they are crystallized in the Amendments to the -Constitution, shall stand as parts of the fundamental law of -the country, to be obeyed and maintained in good faith, without -evasion, denial, or diminution, in favor of all classes of -the people. The Democratic party, in the most authoritative -and solemn manner, accepts this judgment.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Nothing could be more complete. All the Amendments -are “to be obeyed and maintained in good faith, -without evasion, denial, or diminution, in favor of all -classes of the people”; and this is the covenant of the -Democratic party, countersigned by their Representative. -Not content with this unequivocal adhesion, the -speaker proceeds:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Any intelligent citizen, in public or private life, who -charges that the Democratic party, if invested with power, -would reëstablish slavery, or pay for slaves, or assume or pay -Confederate debts, and take suffrage from colored men, or do -other acts in defiance of the Constitution, must be a hypocrite -and a demagogue, and he can have no higher aim than to -slander and deceive.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>It is easy to pardon the indignation with which this -Democrat repels the calumnies employed to sow distrust.</p> - -<p>In strictest harmony with these authorities is the -public press entitled to speak for the Democratic party. -Out of innumerable testimonies I content myself with -two.</p> - -<p>The Cincinnati “Enquirer,” a leading Democratic -journal, of August 1st, alluding to myself, says:—</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_245" id="Page_245">[Pg 245]</a></span></p> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“His confidence in the honor of the Democratic party is -not misplaced. It will stand by the position which it assumed -at Baltimore, and maintain it under any and all circumstances. -Upon that he may depend.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Then again the same Democratic organ says:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“It pleases some of the Grant papers to speak of Mr. Greeley -as a Democratic candidate, because he was nominated by -a Democratic Convention. They ignore the fact that he had -been previously nominated by a Republican Convention,—that -he has always been a Republican, and never cast a Democratic -ballot in his life. None of them have answered our -query, whether they would have considered General Grant -the Democratic candidate, if he had been nominated at Baltimore; -and if not, why do they make the difference between -him and Greeley?”</p> - -</div> - -<p>The Washington “Patriot,” the Democratic journal -at the national capital, of August 7th, thus explicitly -pronounces:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The Democratic party have loyally and honorably conditioned -to uphold the Cincinnati platform and all its obligations. -<i>They mean to fulfil that bond in good faith and to the -last letter.</i> Hence not a word was altered at Baltimore, not a -letter changed, not a comma erased. <i>We took it in the exact -sense and in all the spirit of the several declarations, with -entire knowledge of the duty which they enjoined, and an honest -purpose to perform it at any cost.</i> So far from regarding that -acceptance as a sacrifice, it was welcomed everywhere with -joy.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>Are these speakers and these newspapers united in -conspiracy to deceive, or are they dupes? Spurning the -idea of dishonest conspiracy, I cannot doubt that they -believe what they say, and that what they say is true. -Again I insist that the sallies of local disaffection or -of personal brutality, however painful or discreditable,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_246" id="Page_246">[Pg 246]</a></span> -cannot interfere to change the open adhesion of the -party, followed by declarations so authentic in form. -On this open adhesion and these declarations I act, and -to the complete fulfilment of all the obligations assumed -I feel that I may confidently hold the party.</p> - -<h4>MOTIVES TO KEEP THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY TRUE.</h4> - -<p>But why should the Democratic party be untrue to -the covenants it has assumed? This imputation, so -insulting to a great political organization, and to the -distinguished members who have openly united in its -adhesion, cannot be accepted without some ground of -reason, or at least of presumption. But all reason and -every presumption are the other way. Men act according -to their supposed interests,—this is a law of human -nature; but every interest of former Rebels is for peace. -Under the influence of uncontrolled passion, and for the -sake of Slavery, they went into rebellion; but now that -passion has abated and Slavery has ceased, they see that -nothing is gained by prolonging the animosities it engendered. -Peace has become their absorbing interest. -So obvious is the advantage from this assured possession, -that it is unreasonable to suppose them indifferent -when it is within reach; it is absurd to imagine them -professing peace as a cover for war,—war in which -they know they must fail. This explains the promptitude -with which they seized the opportunity now presented. -At once they declared their desire and offered -the hand of fellowship, at the same time announcing -their acceptance of those great measures by which the -Equal Rights of All are assured.</p> - -<p>The motives naturally governing former Rebels, in<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_247" id="Page_247">[Pg 247]</a></span> -accepting Horace Greeley and a Republican platform, -are plain. There is, first, the general prostration of their -region, which they would see improved; but this can be -only by the establishment of peace undisturbed, so that -all men, white and black, may live in security. This is -an essential condition. Violence breeds a kindred crop; -nor can distrust exist without detriment to all. Let either -appear, and the most fertile fields will fail in productive -power. Men will not mingle their sweat with the soil, -becoming colaborers with the sun,—they will not sow -and plough,—unless assured in the enjoyment of what -the generous earth is ready to yield. Above all, those -truest allies so essential to prosperous industry, capital -and immigration, will turn away from the land that is -not blessed by peace. Security is a constant invitation -and encouragement. There must be security in all -things,—security in life, security in property, and security -in rights, including Liberty and Equality, the -great promises of the Declaration of Independence. Let -any of these be in any peril, let any shadow rest upon -their enjoyment, and the whole community must suffer. -Therefore by the impulse of self-interest, now -clearly manifest, are the people of the South moved to -the present effort for peace.</p> - -<p>This same motive assumes another form in the desire -to escape from existing misrule, which has left such traces -in the disordered finances of the Southern States. -So colossal has been the scale of plunder that even authentic -report seems like fable. Second only to the -wide-spread devastations of war are the robberies to -which these States have been subjected,—I am sorry -to say, under an Administration calling itself Republican, -at Washington, and with local governments deriving<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_248" id="Page_248">[Pg 248]</a></span> -their animating impulse from the party in power, -with the President as its dominant head. Surely the -people in these communities would have been less than -men, if, sinking under the intolerable burden, they did -not turn for help to a new party, promising reform and -honesty. They have seen custom-houses used to maintain -the plunderers in power; they have seen all available -political forces pressed to procure the renewed rule -of the President under whom they have suffered so -much; and they have seen this very President teach by -example that every office-holder should begin by looking -out for himself. It would be a wonder, if they did -not join the present movement and maintain its declared -purposes to the end.</p> - -<p>It is easy to see that under these promptings, where -personal and local interests were so strong, Horace Greeley -was commended as a candidate, and then sincerely -accepted. They knew him as the steadfast enemy of -Slavery so long as it existed, dealing against it hard and -constant blows; they knew him as the faithful ally of -the freedman, insisting promptly upon his equal right -to suffrage, which he vindicated with persuasive power; -and they knew him also as the devoted friend of the colored -race, never failing in effort for their welfare: but -they knew also that he was a lover of peace and honesty, -whose soul had been transfigured in works, and -that, as sincerely as he had striven for the colored race, -he now strove to mitigate those other burdens which -had reduced them to a new slavery, being a debt which -was like chain and manacle upon their industry; and -they were assured that with <i>him</i> the great office for -which he is a candidate would be a trust and not a personal -perquisite, so that his example would be constant<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_249" id="Page_249">[Pg 249]</a></span> -testimony to industry, integrity, and fidelity in the discharge -of public duties, thus fixing a standard for all. -These things being evident, how could they hesitate?</p> - -<h4>FAITH IN HORACE GREELEY.</h4> - -<p>The partisans of Reëlection dwell much on the position -and character of Mr. Greeley, insisting that he -cannot be trusted in the Presidency,—partly because -helped into power by Democrats, and partly from an -alleged want of stability. It is difficult to hear these -barefaced allegations, in utter disregard of the prodigious -testimony afforded by his long career, without wonder -at the extent to which prejudice and invention can -be carried. Had he been presented at Philadelphia -with the saving sanction of a regular nomination, the -same partisans who now seek to exhibit him as a tool -or an imbecile would dwell with pride on his eminent -qualities, making him, by the side of his competitor, an -angel of light. Knowing them both, his superiority I -may affirm. To say that under him Slavery can in any -way be revived, or that the Rebel debt or the pension of -Rebel soldiers or compensation for slaves can find favor, -or that the equal rights of the freedmen, to which he -is so solemnly pledged, can in any way be impaired,—all -this is simply atrocious. Nothing of the kind can be -done without violation of the Constitution as amended,—not -to speak of the departure from that rule of life -which he has ever followed. There is no Democrat sympathizing -with his nomination who would not spurn the -infamous treachery. I dismiss the whole partisan extravagance -to the contempt it deserves.</p> - -<p>The imputation that his election will be the return to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_250" id="Page_250">[Pg 250]</a></span> -power of the old Democratic party is much like saying -that he will cease to be himself, and that his surpassing -individuality, making him so conspicuous, will be lost. -They who make the imputation forget that this old -party, if it has not ceased to exist, is changed in character. -Standing on a Republican platform, and with a -Republican candidate, it may look the Republican party -in the face, claiming for itself the Future, if not the -Past. Plainly it is not that Democratic party against -which Republicans have contended. If Democrats have -influence with Horace Greeley, it will be because they -have sincerely placed themselves by his side on a platform -which distinctly announces all that Republicans -have ever claimed.</p> - -<p>Against all pretended distrust I oppose the open record -of his life. By this let him be judged. And here -it will be observed, that, while sometimes differing from -others in methods, he has never, at any moment, ceased -to be a champion, being always the same. Here is a -private letter, which has only recently appeared, being -a gleam of sunlight from his soul, which the dark days -of the war could not quench:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Office of the Tribune,<br /> -New York</span>, June 26, 1863.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">My Dear Sir</span>,—In God’s good time this is to be a -land of real freedom, where equal rights and equal laws shall -banish rebellion, treason, and riot, and all manner of kindred -diabolisms. I hardly hope to live to see that day, but hope -that those who may remember me, when I am gone, will believe -that I earnestly tried to hasten its coming.</p> - -<p class="sig">Yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Horace Greeley</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<p>To suppose, that, under any circumstances of pressure -or temptation, he can fail in loyalty to the cause he has<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_251" id="Page_251">[Pg 251]</a></span> -served so constantly, is an offence to reason and to decency. -In his two letters of acceptance this loyalty -is nobly conspicuous. Replying to the nomination at -Cincinnati, he drew the wise line between “local self-government” -and “centralization,” asserting the former -as our true policy, “<i>subject</i> to our solemn constitutional -obligation to maintain the equal rights of all citizens,”<a name="FNanchor_224_224" id="FNanchor_224_224"></a><a href="#Footnote_224_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>—thus -placing these under national safeguard, -and making them absolutely the same in all parts of -the country. Replying to the nomination at Baltimore, -made after the enunciation of this master principle, he -announces his “hope and trust that the first century of -American Independence will not close before the grand -elemental truths on which its rightfulness was originally -based by Jefferson and the Continental Congress of 1776 -will have become the universally accepted and honored -foundations of our political fabric.”<a name="FNanchor_225_225" id="FNanchor_225_225"></a><a href="#Footnote_225_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> And thus is his -great record crowned.</p> - -<p>Living so entirely in the public eye, all know his life, -which speaks for him now. Who so well as himself -could stand the trial? The “Tribune,” in its career of -more than thirty years, speaks for him also. Those opponents -who in the work of disparagement assert that he -wants executive ability, I point to this journal, begun -by Horace Greeley in 1841, without partner or business -associate, with a cash capital of only one thousand dollars, -and with but six hundred subscribers. And yet, -under his individual effort, by his amazing industry and -through his rare intelligence, with his determined nature -animating all, the enterprise prospered, until he found -himself at the head of one of the first newspapers of the -world, completely organized intellectually and mechanically,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_252" id="Page_252">[Pg 252]</a></span> -with writers for every subject, with correspondents -everywhere at home and abroad, and with a constantly -increasing influence never surpassed in newspaper history. -A President with the ability that did all this -would impart new energy to the public service, impressing -it with his own faithful character, and assuring, -on a larger scale, a corresponding success, so that the -whole country would be gainer. Again, those opponents -who assert that Horace Greeley wants fidelity, or -that he can be easily swayed against life-long convictions, -I point to this same journal, which from the beginning, -and throughout the whole course of its existence, has -been an unwavering representative of the liberal cause, -foremost always in warfare with Slavery, prompt in support -of reform, inflexible in honesty, and a beacon-flame -to all struggling for human advancement.</p> - -<p>Not to put faith in Horace Greeley is to act not only -without evidence, but against evidence so manifest and -constant in unbroken continuity as to seem like a law -of Nature. As well distrust the sun in its appointed -course.</p> - -<h4>ANSWER TO TWO OBJECTIONS.</h4> - -<p>Such is the easy answer to objectors who cry out, -that Democrats uniting with Republicans on a Republican -platform cannot be trusted, and that the candidate -himself cannot be trusted. The wantonness of partisanship -is too apparent in this pretension. I have considered -it carefully, as a lover of truth, and you have my -conclusion. Therefore do I say, Be not deterred from -voting for Horace Greeley because Democrats will also -vote for him, but rather rejoice. Their votes will be a -new bond of peace, and a new assurance for the great<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_253" id="Page_253">[Pg 253]</a></span> -principles declared by our fathers at our birth as a -nation.</p> - -<h4>THE OLIVE-BRANCH AND EQUAL RIGHTS.</h4> - -<p>And has not the time arrived when in sincerity we -should accept the olive-branch? Is it not time for the -pen to take the place of the sword? Is it not time for -the Executive Mansion to be changed from a barrack -cesspool to a life-giving fountain? Is it not time for -a President who will show by example the importance -of reform, and teach the duty of subordinating personal -objects to the public service? Is it not time for the -Head of the National Government to represent the idea -of peace and reconciliation, rather than of battle and -strife? Is it not time for that new era, when ancient -enemies, forgetting the past, shall “clasp hands” in true -unity with the principles of the Declaration of Independence -as the supreme law? Deploring the fate of -Poland and of Ireland, I seize the earliest moment to -escape from similar possibility here. Mindful that the -memories of the Past can only yield to a happy Present, -something would I do to promote this end. Anxious -for the Equal Rights of All, and knowing well that no -text of Law or Constitution is adequate without a supporting -sentiment behind, I cannot miss the opportunity -afforded by the present election of obtaining this strength -for our great guaranties.</p> - -<p>Reconstruction is now complete. Every State is represented -in the Senate, and every District is represented -in the House of Representatives. Every Senator and -every Representative is in his place. There are no vacant -seats in either Chamber; and among the members -are fellow-citizens of the African race. And amnesty,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_254" id="Page_254">[Pg 254]</a></span> -nearly universal, has been adopted. In this condition -of things I find new reason for change. The present incumbent -knows little of our frame of government. By -military education and military genius he represents the -idea of Force; nor is he any exception to the rule of his -profession, which appreciates only slightly a government -that is not arbitrary. The time for the soldier has -passed, especially when his renewed power would once -more remind fellow-citizens of their defeat. Victory -over fellow-citizens should be known only in the rights -it assures; nor should it be flaunted in the face of the -vanquished. It should not be inscribed on regimental -colors, or portrayed in pictures at the National Capitol. -But the present incumbent is a regimental color with the -forbidden inscription; he is a picture at the National -Capitol recalling victories over fellow-citizens. It is -doubtful if such a presence can promote true reconciliation. -Friendship does not grow where former differences -are thrust into sight. There are wounds of the -mind as of the body; these, too, must be healed. Instead -of irritation and pressure, let there be gentleness -and generosity. Men in this world get only what they -give,—prejudice for prejudice, animosity for animosity, -hate for hate. Likewise confidence is returned for confidence, -good-will for good-will, friendship for friendship. -On this rule, which is the same for the nation as for the -individual, I would now act. So will the Republic be -elevated to new heights of moral grandeur, and our -people will manifest that virtue, “greatest of all,” which -is found in charity. Above the conquest of others will -be the conquest of ourselves. Nor will any fellow-citizen -suffer in rights, but all will find new safeguard in -the comprehensive fellowship.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_255" id="Page_255">[Pg 255]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="NO_NAMES_OF_BATTLES_WITH_FELLOW-CITIZENS" id="NO_NAMES_OF_BATTLES_WITH_FELLOW-CITIZENS"></a>NO NAMES OF BATTLES WITH FELLOW-CITIZENS -ON THE ARMY-REGISTER OR THE REGIMENTAL -COLORS OF THE UNITED STATES.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Bill in the Senate, December 2, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>December 2, 1872, Mr. Sumner asked, and by unanimous consent -obtained, leave to bring in the following bill, which was read twice and -ordered to be printed:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="hanging">A Bill to regulate the Army-Register and the Regimental -Colors of the United States.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">Whereas the national unity and good-will among -fellow-citizens can be assured only through oblivion -of past differences, and it is contrary to the usage -of civilized nations to perpetuate the memory of civil -war: Therefore,</p> - -<p><i>Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives -of the United States of America in Congress assembled</i>, -That the names of battles with fellow-citizens shall not -be continued in the Army-Register, or placed on the -regimental colors of the United States.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_256" id="Page_256">[Pg 256]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="TRIBUTE_TO_HORACE_GREELEY" id="TRIBUTE_TO_HORACE_GREELEY"></a>TRIBUTE TO HORACE GREELEY.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks intended to be made in the Senate, in seconding -a Motion for Adjournment on the Occasion -of Mr. Greeley’s Funeral, December 3, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The death of Mr. Greeley at the close of the canvass in which nearly -three millions of his fellow-citizens had given him their suffrages for the -Presidency, seemed, in the view of leading Senators on both sides, to require -from their body a respectful recognition of the day appointed for -his funeral; and it was accordingly arranged that a motion for adjournment -on this occasion should be offered by Mr. Fenton, of New York, -and seconded by Mr. Sumner, with appropriate remarks by each. But -a dominant party-spirit, by recourse to parliamentary tactics, prevented -its introduction, and the day passed without notice. The remarks designed -by Mr. Sumner were as follows:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. PRESIDENT,—I have been requested to second -this motion. One word, if you please. A -funeral will take place to-morrow, on which the eyes -of the nation will rest, while innumerable hearts throb -with grief, and the people everywhere learn the instability -of life and the commandment of charity. It is -proper, therefore, for the representatives of the nation to -suspend labor, that they too may be penetrated by the -lesson of the day. More for them than the illustrious -dead is this needed. He is gone beyond any earthly -call; we remain. Duties are always for the living; and -now, standing at the open grave of <span class="smcap">Horace Greeley</span>,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_257" id="Page_257">[Pg 257]</a></span> -we are admonished to forget the strifes of party, and to -remember only truth, country, and mankind, to which -his honest life was devoted. In other days the horse -and armor of the departed chieftain have been buried in -the grave where he reposed. So, too, may we bury the -animosities, if not the badges, of the past. Then, indeed, -will there be victory for the dead which all will -share.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_258" id="Page_258">[Pg 258]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="RELIEF_OF_BOSTON" id="RELIEF_OF_BOSTON"></a>RELIEF OF BOSTON.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks in the Senate, December 12, 1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The subject under consideration was a bill from the House providing -for a drawback of the duties on all materials imported into Boston for -the rebuilding of that portion of the city laid waste by the recent conflagration,—with -amendments, including one excepting lumber, proposed -by the Committee on Finance, to whom the bill had been referred.</p> - -<p>Mr. Sumner said:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. PRESIDENT,—Hoping that the Senate will -not be less generous than the House of Representatives, -I trust that we shall take the bill as it comes -from the House, voting down the amendments reported -by our Committee.</p> - -<p>I hear it said by the Senator from Michigan [Mr. -<span class="smcap">Ferry</span>] that the bill will be a bad precedent; and the -same argument is repeated, with variety of illustration, -by my excellent friend the Senator from Vermont [Mr. -<span class="smcap">Morrill</span>]. Sir, is it not too late to correct the precedent? -You already have the case of Portland and the -case of Chicago; I am sorry that you must now add the -case of Boston. Call it a bad precedent. It can only -be applicable in a parallel case, and I do not believe such -cases can occur often. The fire-fiend latterly has been -very busy in our land; but he cannot always be so; at -least I have a well-founded trust that by proper precaution,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_259" id="Page_259">[Pg 259]</a></span> -if not also by better fortune, we shall escape -from his visitations. I put aside, therefore, the argument -that this is a bad precedent. It can be called into -activity only in a similar case; and when a similar case -occurs, I am ready for its application. Let any other metropolis -sit like Boston in ashes, and I hope there will -be no hesitation in extending to it a friendly hand.</p> - -<p>It is not fair to call up the smaller losses that may -occur in smaller places, for the simple reason that such -losses are not within the reach of Congress by any ordinary -exercise of its powers. It is only where the loss is -great, as in the familiar cases before us, that there is opportunity -for Congress. An ancient poet says: “Nor -should the Divinity intervene, unless the occasion be -worthy.”<a name="FNanchor_226_226" id="FNanchor_226_226"></a><a href="#Footnote_226_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> I would say, Nor should Congress interfere, -unless the case be such as to justify the exercise of extraordinary -powers. Obviously such an occasion does -not occur except where the scale of loss is great.</p> - -<p>Then, again, the Senator from Michigan reminded -us of the exception of lumber in the bill for the relief -of Chicago; but he vindicated that exception by facts -which do not occur in the present case. He said, as we -all know, that Michigan was also a sufferer at that calamitous -moment; and he did not think it right, therefore, -that the peculiar interests of his State should be -called to contribute even to the great losses of Chicago. -I do not say that the Senator was not entirely right in -that position. Certainly the case as presented by him is -entirely reasonable. Had I had the honor to represent -Michigan at the time, I know not that I should have -acted otherwise than he did. But I call attention to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_260" id="Page_260">[Pg 260]</a></span> -the point, as presented by him, that no such case exists -now. Michigan is not a sufferer; Maine is not a sufferer; -nor is any part of our country which contributes -timber to our business a sufferer. Therefore is there no -reason for introducing this exception. The reason failing, -the exception should fail also. I hope, therefore, -that the Senate will keep the bill in that respect precisely -as it came from the House.</p> - -<p>Then my friend from Vermont suggests that this bill -is practically an invitation to the people of Boston to go -to Europe and elsewhere in order to find workmen. He -seemed frightened at the possibility. I think my friend -sees too often the question of protection to American -industry, and makes himself too unhappy on this account. -I hope that this bill will be considered without -any question of protection. Let the people of Boston -go where they can buy cheapest in order to meet -their great calamity; and if it be to their neighbor British -provinces, I hope my friend from Vermont will not -interfere to prevent it.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_261" id="Page_261">[Pg 261]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="THE_LATE_HON_GARRETT_DAVIS_SENATOR" id="THE_LATE_HON_GARRETT_DAVIS_SENATOR"></a>THE LATE HON. GARRETT DAVIS, SENATOR -OF KENTUCKY.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks in the Senate on his Death, December 18, -1872.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. PRESIDENT,—I was a member of the Senate, -when, in 1861, our departed Senator entered -it; and I was to the end the daily witness of his laborious -service. Standing now at his funeral, it is easy to -forget the differences between us and remember those -things in which he was an example to all.</p> - -<p>Death has its companionship. In its recent autumn -harvest were Garrett Davis, William H. Seward, and -Horace Greeley. Seward was the precise contemporary -of Davis, each beginning life with the century and dying -within a few days of each other. Always alike in -constancy of labor, they were for the larger part of this -period associated in political sentiment as active members -of the old Whig party. But the terrible question -of Slavery rose to divide them. How completely they -were on opposite sides I need not say. Horace Greeley -was ten years the junior, but he was the colleague and -peer of Garrett Davis in devotion to Henry Clay. In -the whole country, among all whose enthusiastic support -he aroused, there was no one who upheld the Kentucky<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_262" id="Page_262">[Pg 262]</a></span> -statesman with more chivalrous devotion than -these two. Here they were alike, and in the record of -life this signal fidelity cannot be forgotten. It was to -the honor of Henry Clay that he inspired this sentiment -in such men, and it was to their honor that they maintained -it so truly. Kindred to truth is fidelity.</p> - -<p>At his death, Garrett Davis was our Congressional -senior, having entered the other House as early as 1839, -after previous service of six years in the Legislature of -Kentucky. For eight years he sat as Representative, -and then, after an interval of thirteen years, he was -for nearly twelve years Senator. During this long period -he was conspicuous before the country, dwelling -constantly in the public eye. How well he stood -the gaze, whether of friend or foe, belongs to his good -name.</p> - -<p>All who knew him in the Senate will bear witness to -his wonderful industry, his perfect probity, and the personal -purity of his life. No differences of opinion can -obscure the fame of these qualities, or keep them from -being a delight to his friends and an example to his -country. Nor can any of us forget how, amid peculiar -trials, he was courageous in devotion to the National -Union. No pressure, no appeal, no temptation, could -sway him in this patriotic allegiance. That fidelity -which belonged to his nature shone here as elsewhere. -He was no holiday Senator, cultivating pleasure rather -than duty, and he was above all suspicion in personal -conduct. Calumny could not reach him. Nothing is -so fierce and unreasoning as the enmities engendered by -political antagonists; but even these never questioned -that he was at all times incorruptible and pure. Let -this be spoken in his honor; let it be written on his<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_263" id="Page_263">[Pg 263]</a></span> -monument. Nor can the State that gave him to the -national service and trusted him so long fail to remember -with pride that he was always an honest man.</p> - -<p>With this completeness of integrity there was a certain -wild independence and intensity of nature which -made him unaccommodating and irrepressible. Faithful, -constant, devoted, indefatigable, implacable, he knew -not how to capitulate. Dr. Johnson, who liked “a good -hater,”<a name="FNanchor_227_227" id="FNanchor_227_227"></a><a href="#Footnote_227_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> would have welcomed him into this questionable -fellowship. Here I cannot doubt. Better far the -opposite character, and even the errors that may come -from it. Kindred to hate is prejudice, which was too -often active in him, seeming at times, especially where -we differed from him, to take the place of reason. On -nothing was this so marked as Slavery. Here his convictions -were undisguised; nor did they yield to argument -or the logic of events. How much of valuable -time, learned research, and intellectual effort he bestowed -in support of this dying cause, the chronicles of -the Senate attest. How often have we listened with -pain to this advocacy, regretting deeply that the gifts -he possessed, and especially his sterling character, were -enlisted where our sympathies could not go! And yet -I cannot doubt that others would testify, as I now do, -that never on these occasions, when the soul was tried -in its depths, did any fail to recognize the simplicity and -integrity of his nature. Had he been less honest, I -should have felt his speeches less. Happily, that great -controversy is ended; nor do I say anything but the -strict truth, when I add that now we bury him who -spoke last for Slavery.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_264" id="Page_264">[Pg 264]</a></span></p> - -<p>Time is teacher and reconciler; nor is it easy for any -candid nature to preserve a constant austerity of judgment -toward persons. As evening approaches, the meridian -heats lose their intensity. While abiding firmly -in the truth as we saw it, there may be charity and consideration -for those who did not see it as we saw it. A -French statesman, yet living, whose name is indissolubly -connected with the highest literature, as well as with -some of the most important events of his age, teaches -how with the passage of life the judgment is softened -toward others. “The more,” says M. Guizot, “I have penetrated -into an understanding and experience of things, -of men, and of myself, the more I have perceived at the -same time my general convictions strengthen and my -personal impressions become calm and mild. Equity, -I will not say toleration for the faith of others, in religion -or politics, has come to take place and grow by the -side of tranquillity in my own faith. It is youth, with -its natural ignorance and passionate prejudices, which -renders us exclusive and biting in our judgments of -others. In proportion as I quit myself, and as time -sweeps me far from our combats, I enter without difficulty -into a serene and pleasant appreciation of ideas -and sentiments which do not belong to me.” Even if -not adopting these words completely, all will confess -their beauty.</p> - -<p>Here let me be frank. Nothing could make any -speech for Slavery tolerable to me; but when I think -how much opinions are determined by the influences -about us, so that a change of birth and education might -have made the Abolitionist a partisan of Slavery and -the partisan of Slavery an Abolitionist, I feel, that, -while always unrelenting toward the wrong, we cannot<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_265" id="Page_265">[Pg 265]</a></span> -be insensible to individual merits. In this spirit I -offer a sincere tribute to a departed Senator, who, amid -the perturbations of the times, trod his way with independent -step, and won even from opponents the palm -of character.</p> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_266" id="Page_266">[Pg 266]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="EQUALITY_IN_CIVIL_RIGHTS" id="EQUALITY_IN_CIVIL_RIGHTS"></a>EQUALITY IN CIVIL RIGHTS.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter to the Committee of Arrangements for the Celebration -of the Anniversary of Emancipation in the -District of Columbia, April 16, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The long procession stopped before Mr. Sumner’s house, where one -of the bands played “Auld Lang Syne.” Arriving in front of the City -Hall of Washington, they were addressed by R. T. Greene, Esq., and -also by Hon. Frederick Douglass. Letters were read from President -Grant, Senators Anthony, Pratt, and Sumner, Hon.’s Horace Maynard, -B. F. Butler, A. G. Riddle, S. J. Bowen, N. G. Ordway, and A. M. -Clapp. Mr. Sumner’s letter was as follows:—</p> - -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Washington</span>, April 16, 1873.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">DEAR SIR,—I regret that it is not in my power to -be with you according to the invitation with -which you have honored me. This is a day whose associations -are as precious to me as to you.</p> - -<p>Emancipation in the national capital was the experiment -which prepared the way for Emancipation everywhere -throughout the country. It was the beginning of -the great end.</p> - -<p>Here, as in other things, you are an example to our -colored fellow-citizens in the States. Your success here -will vindicate the capacity of colored people for citizenship, -and your whole race will be benefited thereby.</p> - -<p>Let me speak frankly. Much has been done, but<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_267" id="Page_267">[Pg 267]</a></span> -more remains to be done. The great work is not yet -accomplished. Until your equality in civil rights is assured, -the pillar of your citizenship is like the column -in honor of Washington,—unfinished and imperfect. -There is constant talk of finishing that column at great -cost of money, but the first thing to be done is to finish -the pillar of your citizenship. Here I shall gladly work; -but I trust that you will all work likewise, nor be content -with anything less than the whole.</p> - -<p>Accept my thanks and best wishes, and believe me, -dear Sir,</p> - -<p class="sig">Faithfully yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">To the Chairman.</span></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_268" id="Page_268">[Pg 268]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="EQUAL_RIGHTS_OF_COLORED_FELLOW-CITIZENS" id="EQUAL_RIGHTS_OF_COLORED_FELLOW-CITIZENS"></a>EQUAL RIGHTS OF COLORED FELLOW-CITIZENS -IN NORMAL SCHOOLS.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter read at a Public Meeting in Washington, -June 22, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>A proposition in the Legislature of the District of Columbia, opening -the Normal School without distinction of color, failed through the -vote of a colored member, which was the occasion of the following letter, -written in reply to an inquiry. The letter was read by the chairman -of a public meeting of colored citizens on the evening of June 30, 1873, -who said he had conferred with distinguished gentlemen, legal and -otherwise, regarding the right of the District Legislature to pass such a -bill, and all had stated that their power was unquestionable. He had -addressed a letter to the Hon. Charles Sumner upon that question, and -had received the following reply:—</p> - -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Washington</span>, June 22, 1873.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">DEAR SIR,—In reply to your inquiry, I have no -hesitation in saying that in my judgment the -right of the District Legislature to provide a normal -school where there shall be no distinction of color is -beyond doubt. To call it in question is simply ridiculous.</p> - -<p>Having the right, the duty of the Legislature is clear -as sunshine. It must open the school to all, without -distinction of color. Should any persons be shut out -from this right on the wretched apology of color, I trust<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_269" id="Page_269">[Pg 269]</a></span> -they will make their indignation felt by the guilty authors -of the outrage.</p> - -<p>I write plainly, because the time has come for those -who love justice to speak out. Too long have colored -fellow-citizens been deprived of their rights; they must -insist upon them.</p> - -<p class="sig">Faithfully yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_270" id="Page_270">[Pg 270]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="THE_PRESIDENT_OF_HAYTI_AND" id="THE_PRESIDENT_OF_HAYTI_AND"></a>THE PRESIDENT OF HAYTI AND -MR. SUMNER.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter in Reply to one from the Former, -July 4, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The following is a translation of the Haytian President’s letter:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Republic of Hayti,<br /> -Port-au-Prince</span>, September 24, 1872.</p> - -<p>Sixty-Ninth Year of Independence.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Honorable Senator</span>,—I eagerly seize the good opportunity offered -me by the departure of our Minister, Citizen S. Preston, to pray you to receive -the testimony of my high consideration, which does not cease to grow, -by reason of the eminent services which you render daily to the noble cause -of an oppressed people.</p> - -<p>I should consider myself as failing in one of my most imperious duties, -if I did not express to you the sentiments of gratitude which your name -awakens in the breast of every one belonging to the African race.</p> - -<p>In assuming the defence of the rights of this people, guided by the most -generous sentiments of your rich nature, by a sincere love of justice, you -have acquired an immortal title to the gratitude of all the descendants of -the African race.</p> - -<p>Please to receive this feeble expression of my high esteem for the noble -character of an illustrious citizen, and believe in the depth of sentiment -with which I declare myself, Honorable Senator,</p> - -<p class="sig">Your devoted friend,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Nisage Saget</span>.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_271" id="Page_271">[Pg 271]</a></span></p> - -<h3>MR. SUMNER’S REPLY.</h3> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Washington</span>, July 4, 1873.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. PRESIDENT,—I cannot, at this late day, acknowledge -the letter with which you have honored -me, without explaining the reason of my delay.</p> - -<p>Owing to absence in Europe, where I had gone for -my health, I did not receive your valuable communication -until some time in the winter, when it was put -into my hands by your excellent Minister. Continuing -feeble in health, I reluctantly postponed this acknowledgment. -I now take advantage of convalescence to -do, thus tardily, what my feelings prompted at an earlier -day.</p> - -<p>Please, Sir, accept my thanks for your generous appreciation -of what I have done, and your kindness in -letting me know it under your own hand. But I beg -you to understand that I do not deserve the praise with -which you honor me. In advocating the cause of an -oppressed people I have only acted according to my -conscience. I could not have done otherwise; and now -my only regret is that I have done so little. I wish I -had done more.</p> - -<p>In the history of mankind the crime against the African -race will stand forth in terrible eminence,—always -observed, and never forgotten. Just in proportion as -civilization prevails will this enormous wrong be apparent -in its true character; and men will read with astonishment -how human beings, guilty only of being black, -were sold into slavery, and then (such was the continuing -injustice towards this unhappy people) how, when -slavery ceased, they were still treated with indignity by -persons whose lordly pretensions were founded on the<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_272" id="Page_272">[Pg 272]</a></span> -skin only. As these things are seen in increasing light, -they will be condemned in no uncertain words; nor will -the denial of equal rights, on account of color, escape -the judgment awarded to slavery itself. Human conduct -on this question is a measure of character. Where -the African race is enslaved or degraded, where it is exposed -to any indignity or shut out from that equality -which is a primal right to humanity, there civilization -is still feeble.</p> - -<p>To the certain triumph of civilization I look with -constant hope. It is sure to come; and one sign of its -arrival will be that prevailing sentiment which recognizes -the perpetual obligations of equal justice to all, -and the duty to repair past wrongs by compensations -in the future.</p> - -<p>In the great debt of the whites to the blacks there is -a bank from which, for generations to come, the latter -can draw.</p> - -<p>Accept, Mr. President, the expression of my ardent -hope for the peace, prosperity, and happiness of the Republic -of Hayti, and allow me to subscribe myself with -true regard,</p> - -<p class="sig">Your faithful friend,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">To the President of the Republic of Hayti.</span></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_273" id="Page_273">[Pg 273]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="INTERNATIONAL_ARBITRATION" id="INTERNATIONAL_ARBITRATION"></a>INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter To Henry Richard, M. P., on the Vote in the -House of Commons agreeing to his Motion for an -Address to the Queen, praying Communication with -Foreign Powers with a View to a General and Permanent -System of International Arbitration, July -10, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">United States Senate Chamber,<br /> -Washington</span>, July 10, 1873.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">MY DEAR SIR,—Few events have given me more -pleasure than the vote on your motion. I thank -you for making the motion; and I thank you also for -not yielding to Mr. Gladstone’s request to withdraw it. -You were in the very position of Buxton on his motion -against Slavery. He, too, insisted upon a division; and -that vote led to Emancipation. May you have equal -success!</p> - -<p>I anticipate much from this vote. It will draw attention -on the Continent, which the facts and figures of -your speech will confirm.</p> - -<p>I find in your speech grand compensation for the long -postponement to which you have been constrained. It -marks an epoch in a great cause. I know you will not -rest. But this speech alone, with the signal result, will -make your Parliamentary life historic. Surely Mr.<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_274" id="Page_274">[Pg 274]</a></span> -Gladstone acted under some imagined exigency of politics. -He cannot, in his soul, differ from you. Honoring -him much, I regret that he has allowed himself to -appear on the wrong side. What fame so great as his, -if he would devote the just influence of his lofty position -to securing for nations the inappreciable benefits of a -tribunal for the settlement of their differences!</p> - -<p>How absurd to call your motion Utopian, if by this -word is meant that it is not practical. There is no -question so supremely practical; for it concerns not -merely one nation, but every nation; and even its discussion -promises to diminish the terrible chances of war. -Its triumph would be the greatest reform of history. -And I doubt not that this day is near.</p> - -<p>Accept my thanks and congratulations, and believe -me, my dear Sir,</p> - -<p class="sig">Sincerely yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">Henry Richard, Esq., M.P.,<br /> -London.</span></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_275" id="Page_275">[Pg 275]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="A_COMMON-SCHOOL_SYSTEM_IRRESPECTIVE" id="A_COMMON-SCHOOL_SYSTEM_IRRESPECTIVE"></a>A COMMON-SCHOOL SYSTEM IRRESPECTIVE -OF COLOR.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter to the Colored Citizens of Washington, -July 29, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Washington</span>, July 29, 1873.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">GENTLEMEN,—I am honored by your communication -of July 26th, in which, after congratulating -me upon returning health, and expressing your -sincere hopes that I may resume my labors in the Senate, -there to take up again the cause of Equal Rights, -you mention that the colored citizens of Washington -are now engaged in agitating what you properly call -“a common-school system for all children.”</p> - -<p>I desire to thank you for the good-will to myself -which your communication exhibits, and for your hopes -that I may again in the Senate take up the cause of -Equal Rights. Health itself is valuable only as it enables -us to perform the duties of life, and I know no -present duty more commanding than that to which -you refer.</p> - -<p>I confess a true pleasure in learning that the colored -people are at last rising to take the good cause into their -own hands, because through them its triumph is certain. -But they must be in earnest. They must insist and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_276" id="Page_276">[Pg 276]</a></span> -labor, then labor and insist again. Only in this way can -indifference, which is worse even than the stubbornness -of opposition, be overcome. The open foe can be met. -It is hard to deal with that dulness which feels no throb -at the thought of opening to all complete equality in -the pursuit of happiness.</p> - -<p>Permit me to remind you, Gentlemen, that, living at -the national capital, you have a peculiar responsibility. -In the warfare for Equal Rights you are the advance -guard, sometimes the forlorn hope. You are animated -to move forward, not only for your own immediate good, -but because through you the whole colored population -of the country will be benefited. What is secured for -you will be secured for all,—while, if you fail, there is -small hope elsewhere. Do not forget—and let this -thought arouse to increased exertion—that your triumph -will redound to the good of all.</p> - -<p>The District of Columbia is the place where all the -great reforms born of the war have begun. It is the -experimental garden and nursery where all the generous -plants have been tried. Emancipation, colored suffrage, -the right of colored persons to testify, and the right to -ride in the street-cars,—all these began here, and I remember -well how they were all encountered.</p> - -<p>On the abolition of Slavery we were solemnly warned -that riot, confusion, and chaos would ensue. Emancipation -took place, and not a voice or sound was heard -except of peace and gladness. I was soberly assured by -eminent politicians, that if colored persons were allowed -to vote there would be massacre at the polls. Then, -again, colored testimony was deprecated,—while it was -insisted that the street-cars would be ruined, if opened -to colored persons. But all these changes, demanded by<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_277" id="Page_277">[Pg 277]</a></span> -simple justice, have been in every way beneficent. Nobody -would reverse them now. Who would establish -Slavery again? Who would drive the colored citizen -from the polls? Who would exclude him from the -court-room? Who would shut him from the street-cars? -And now the old objections are revived, and -made to do service again, in order to defeat the effort -for common schools,—being schools founded on the -very principle of Equal Rights recognized in the elective -franchise, in the court-room, and in the street-car. -If this principle is just for all the latter,—and nobody -says the contrary now,—why hesitate to apply it in -education? How often we are enjoined to train the -child in the way he should go! Why, then, compel -him in those tender years to bear the ban of exclusion? -Why, at that early period, when impressions are received -for life, impose upon him the badge of inferiority? He -is to be a man; therefore he must be trained to that -self-respect without which there can be no true manhood. -But this can be only by removing all ban of exclusion, -and every badge of inferiority from color.</p> - -<p>As the old objections are revived, so again do I present -the great truth announced by our fathers in the -Declaration of Independence, “that all men are created -equal.” Admitting this principle as a rule of conduct, -the separation of children in the public schools on account -of color is absolutely indefensible. In abolishing -it we simply bring our schools into conformity with the -requirements of the Declaration.</p> - -<p>To the objection that this change will injure the -schools, I reply that this is contrary to experience in -other places, where the commingling of children according -to the genius of republican institutions has been found<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_278" id="Page_278">[Pg 278]</a></span> -excellent in influence. And I further reply by insisting -now, as I always do, upon that justice to an oppressed -race which has been too long delayed, and which never -fails to be a well-spring of strength and happiness, blessing -all who help it and all who receive it.</p> - -<p>Feeling as I do on this question, you will understand -that I cannot see without regret any opportunity neglected -of advancing the cause, especially among colored -fellow-citizens. On this they should be a unit. Wherever -the question presents itself, whether in Congress, or -the Legislative Chambers of the District, or the popular -assembly, there should be a solid vote against every discrimination -on account of color. It is easy for lawyers -and politicians to find excuses according to their desires; -but no fine-spun theory or technicality should be allowed -to prevail against the commanding principle.</p> - -<p>Accept my best wishes, and believe me, Gentlemen,</p> - -<p class="sig">Your faithful friend,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">Henry Piper</span>, Chairman.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_279" id="Page_279">[Pg 279]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="BOSTON_ITS_PROPER_BOUNDARIES" id="BOSTON_ITS_PROPER_BOUNDARIES"></a>BOSTON: ITS PROPER BOUNDARIES.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter to Hon. G. W. Warren, of Charlestown, on the -Annexion to Boston of the Suburban Towns, October -4, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Coolidge House</span>, October 4, 1873.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">DEAR MR. WARREN,—I should be glad to meet -your friends in a conference on the question, -How Boston shall be rounded so as to be in reality itself. -I cannot meet with you, but I unite in your purpose, -as I understand it, and especially with regard to -Charlestown.</p> - -<p>I doubt if the future Boston will be content until it -holds and possesses all the territory which hugs the harbor -bearing its name, so that in Boston harbor nobody -shall land except in Boston.</p> - -<p>Evidently Boston should contain all Bostonians, which -it does not now. I know no better way of accomplishing -this result than by widening the circle of its jurisdiction.</p> - -<p>But there is a stronger reason. Every capital is a -natural focus of life, politically, socially, and commercially; -and every person living in this natural focus -properly belongs to the capital. So it is with London, -Paris, and Vienna,—each of which is composed of suburbs -and faubourgs grouped about the original city;<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_280" id="Page_280">[Pg 280]</a></span> -and so in reality it is with Boston,—for the places -about the city, though called by different names, are -parts of the same unity, which needs nothing now -but a common name.</p> - -<p>A capital may be artificial or natural. The artificial -body is that formed by original unchangeable boundaries. -The natural body is that combination, cluster, or -expansion which changes with the developments of time -and to meet the growing exigencies.</p> - -<p>With these views, I find the various processes of annexion -only a natural manifestation, to be encouraged -always, and to be welcomed under proper conditions of -population and public opinion. I say “annexion” -rather than “annexation.” Where a word is so much -used, better save a syllable,—especially as the shorter -is the better.</p> - -<p class="sig">Ever sincerely yours,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>This letter appeared just previously to the vote on the annexion to -Boston of Charlestown, West Roxbury, Brighton, and Brookline,—which -was taken on the first Tuesday of October, 1873, with a favorable -result as to the first three municipalities.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_281" id="Page_281">[Pg 281]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="YELLOW_FEVER_AT_MEMPHIS_AND_SHREVEPORT" id="YELLOW_FEVER_AT_MEMPHIS_AND_SHREVEPORT"></a>YELLOW FEVER AT MEMPHIS AND SHREVEPORT: -AID FOR THE SUFFERERS.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks before the Board of Trade at Boston, -October 24, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>At a meeting in aid of the sufferers by yellow fever in Memphis -(Tennessee) and Shreveport (Louisiana), held at the rooms of the -Board of Trade in Boston, at which the Mayor, Hon. Henry L. Pierce, -presided, after remarks by Mr. Pierce and Hon. Alexander H. Rice, -Mr. Sumner said:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. MAYOR,—I have come less for speech than -to show by my presence here the sincere interest -I feel in the present meeting. For what can I say -to prompt the generosity of Boston merchants? They -understand this call, and their hearts have already answered -it.</p> - -<p>It is hard to hear of suffering anywhere without longing -to relieve it. But happily now all impediment of -distance is removed; and such are the facilities of communication -that before the set of sun your contributions -will brighten the faces of those distant sufferers. Do not -think of distance. It is nothing. If Boston should be -startled by hearing to-day that pestilence had appeared -in one of our new-found possessions, as in Charlestown,—or -even in Brookline, which will not be annexed,—we<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_282" id="Page_282">[Pg 282]</a></span> -should feel the ties of neighborhood. But Memphis -and Shreveport are neighbors by telegraph and steam, -and the grander ties of a common country, which the -ancient Roman orator called the “great charity comprehending -all.”<a name="FNanchor_228_228" id="FNanchor_228_228"></a><a href="#Footnote_228_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> Besides, there is that other more touching -neighborhood which springs from suffering,—for I -do not forget the divine hymn which teaches that</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“Our neighbor is the suffering man,</div> -<div class="verse">Though at the farthest pole.”<a name="FNanchor_229_229" id="FNanchor_229_229"></a><a href="#Footnote_229_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a></div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>In these latter days, my friends, distress has come -less from pestilence than from conflagration. The Fire -Fiend has been more active than the other demon, and -property has suffered more than life. Such are the favoring -conditions of climate and the general security of -health in our country, that we are rarely disturbed by -contagion. But it has come at last with the “reaper -whose name is Death.”</p> - -<p>To arrest this contagion, to help those exposed to its -ravages, we perform a simple duty, as when we direct -water upon the bursting blaze. Pestilence is a conflagration, -and human life is the sacrifice. In this illustration -I bring home to Boston merchants the urgency -of the present call. Too well you know the terrible -scene, when your magnificent and well-filled warehouses, -borrowed in style and form from Venetian palaces, were -seized and devoured by the flames. But other flames, -not less vindictive, are now seizing and devouring fellow-men, -our fellow-countrymen, in fair and beautiful<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_283" id="Page_283">[Pg 283]</a></span> -places where all smiles but the benefactor Health. Let -us do what we can to help the benefactor resume his -sway.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>At the close of Mr. Sumner’s remarks, measures were taken for -the immediate receiving of subscriptions.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_284" id="Page_284">[Pg 284]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="THE_CASE_OF_THE_VIRGINIUS" id="THE_CASE_OF_THE_VIRGINIUS"></a>THE CASE OF THE VIRGINIUS.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Letter to the Cuban Mass Meeting in New York, -November 15, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The Virginius, a steamer sailing from New York under American -colors, was seized on her way from Jamaica to Cuba by a Spanish -cruiser, the Tornado, on the ground that she was carrying men and -munitions of war to the Cuban insurgents, and a large number of those -on board were summarily executed by order of the Spanish authorities -in that island. The intelligence caused much excitement, especially in -the City of New York, which was the centre of Cuban interests in this -country. An indignation meeting was held in that City, which was -countenanced by persons of high character and position, and addressed -by Hon. William M. Evarts and others in speeches of great intensity. -Mr. Sumner, taking a view of the case which the sober second thought -of the people approved, but which was not in accord with the passions -of the hour, answered an invitation to attend the meeting by the -following letter:—</p> - -</div> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p class="right medium"><span class="smcap">Boston</span>, November 15, 1873.</p> - -<p class="dropcap">GENTLEMEN,—It is not in my power to be with -you at your meeting to ask for justice in Cuba.</p> - -<p>Allow me to add, that, longing for immediate Emancipation -in this neighboring island, where Slavery still -shows its infamous front, and always insisting that delay -is contrary to justice, I do not think it practicable -at this moment, on existing evidence, to determine all -our duties in the recent case where civilization has received -a shock.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_285" id="Page_285">[Pg 285]</a></span></p> - -<p>It is very easy to see that no indignation at dreadful -butchery—inconsistent with the spirit of the age, but -unhappily aroused by an illicit filibustering expedition -from our own shores, kindred to that of the Alabama, -for which England has been justly condemned in damages—can -make us forget that we are dealing with the -Spanish nation, struggling under terrible difficulties to -become a sister Republic, and therefore deserving from -us present forbearance and candor. Nor can we forget -the noble President, whose eloquent voice, pleading for -humanity and invoking our example, has so often -charmed the world. The Spanish Republic and Emilio -Castelar do not deserve the menace of war from us.</p> - -<p>If watchwords are needed now, let them be: Immediate -Emancipation and Justice in Cuba!—Success -to the Spanish Republic!—Honor and Gratitude to -Emilio Castelar! and Peace between our two Nations! -Bearing these in mind, there will be no occasion for -the belligerent preparations of the last few days, adding -to our present burdensome expenditures several -millions of dollars, and creating a war fever to interfere -with the general health of the political body.</p> - -<p>I am, Gentlemen,</p> - -<p class="sig">Your faithful servant,</p> - -<p class="sig2"><span class="smcap">Charles Sumner</span>.</p> - -<p class="noindent medium"><span class="smcap">To the Committee.</span></p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_286" id="Page_286">[Pg 286]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="THE_SUPPLEMENTARY_CIVIL-RIGHTS_BILL" id="THE_SUPPLEMENTARY_CIVIL-RIGHTS_BILL"></a>THE SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL-RIGHTS BILL -AGAIN: IMMEDIATE ACTION URGED.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks in the Senate, December 2, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. PRESIDENT,—If the Senate has no business -before it, I think it cannot do better than to -proceed to the consideration of Senate bill No. 1, the -Bill Supplementary to the Civil-Rights Act.<a name="FNanchor_230_230" id="FNanchor_230_230"></a><a href="#Footnote_230_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> It is a -well-known bill, and I do not see how it will require -any debate. I think its reading will be enough. Its -terms are expressive; the bill proves itself. I move -that the Senate proceed to its consideration.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>Mr. Ferry, of Connecticut, objecting, that on the introduction of -this bill, the day before, Mr. Edmunds, of Vermont, who was not now -in his seat, had expressed an earnest desire that it should be referred to -a committee, a feeling in which he himself sympathized, “especially -because the constitutional question which was prominent in the former -debate on it had been submitted to the consideration of the Supreme -Court of the United States, and its decision promulgated since the -Senate last met,”—</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Mr. Sumner replied:—</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. President</span>,—This bill has been before a committee. -What the committee did in the way of consideration -I know not; I had not the honor of being a<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_287" id="Page_287">[Pg 287]</a></span> -member of it. But afterward, as all know, this bill was -completely, most thoroughly, considered and canvassed -in this Chamber. Never in the history of our legislation -was any bill more considered; never has any bill -been more minutely matured. Why, then, refer it to -a committee? I do not say that Senators propose -delay, but it is obvious that such a reference will cause -delay.</p> - -<p>Now, Sir, I am against delay in the enactment of this -measure. It should pass promptly. It is a great act of -justice, to which, as I understand, the political parties of -the country, in solemn convention, are pledged. Why, -then, wait? Why charge a committee with this burden? -Why continue on the country the burden of the -injustice which this bill proposes to relieve?</p> - -<p>We are reminded of a recent decision of the Supreme -Court. I have yet to learn how that decision has any -practical bearing on the present bill. I do not believe -that it touches it. Why, then, interpose this delay? -Why not go forward promptly, swiftly, according to the -merits of this measure, and give it, like a benediction, to -the land? Here are our colored fellow-citizens, many -millions strong, all of whom have votes, and all unite in -asking it. Your table has literally groaned under petitions -presented from month to month, from year to year; -and unless the bill is speedily passed, I predict that your -table will groan again with similar petitions, and justly,—for -our colored fellow-citizens ought to exercise that -great right of petition in favor of this measure until it -is finally adopted.</p> - -<p>I am sorry that the suggestion has been made. I had -hoped that there would be nothing but welcome and -consideration for a measure so truly beneficent, and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_288" id="Page_288">[Pg 288]</a></span> -which is absolutely needed to crown and complete the -great work of Reconstruction.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>Mr. Ferry reiterating his objections, with the remark that this bill -had “in its principle been considered by the Supreme Court of the -United States,” and its constitutionality “substantially decided -against,” and to Mr. Sumner’s inquiry, “When, and on what occasion?” -responding,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“In the New Orleans Slaughter-house cases; and I have read in the -newspapers of the country during the recent vacation what purported to be -the opinion of the Supreme Court; and if the paper which I read was the -opinion of the Supreme Court, that court, by a majority, holds in principle -that the bill which the Senator has presented is a violation of the Constitution -of the United States,”—</p> - -</div> - -<p>Mr. Sumner rejoined:—</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. President</span>,—I would not fail in any courtesy to -any Senator, especially in any courtesy to the Senator -from Vermont, for whom I have all kindness and honor, -but I think Senators will agree that nothing passed -yesterday between us by which I am in any way constrained, -so that I may not ask the Senate to proceed at -once with this bill. If I could see the question as my -friend from Connecticut sees it, he may be assured that -I should not press the bill. I do not see it so; but I -do see that this bill is now on our table numbered <i>One</i>: -it is the first bill of the Calendar. I see also that at -this time the Senate has no business before it; and -should I not fail in duty, if I did not ask the Senate to -proceed during this unoccupied time with a bill which -I regard as so important, and which is actually the first -in order, being foremost among all bills?</p> - -<p>But my friend from Connecticut reminds me of a recent -decision of the Supreme Court. For that Court I -have great respect. Personal and professional familiarity -with the Court, and study of its judgments running now<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_289" id="Page_289">[Pg 289]</a></span> -for much more than a generation, incline me always to -deference when its decisions are mentioned; but if I -understood my friend, he relies upon a newspaper report. -Sir, I have read the judgment of that Court, communicated -to me by one of its members in an official -copy; and I have no hesitation in saying that the Senator -is entirely mistaken, if he supposes that by a hair’s -breadth it interferes with the constitutionality of the -bill which I now move.</p> - -<p>Sir, there is no such lion in our path. It exists only -in the imagination of my friend,—or in the desire, -which he has so often manifested, to interfere with the -adoption of this measure. But the Senator is mistaken -if he supposes that I charge upon him any indifference -to Human Rights. Never, in any debate, has any word -fallen from me which that Senator can so misinterpret. -I know too well his heart, his excellent and abounding -nature, his New-England home, to attribute to -him any such indifference. But I do know full well, -for the Senator has often declared it, that he acts under -interpretations of the Constitution which it seems to me -belong to the period anterior to the war rather than since -the war. It seems to me—I may be mistaken, but I -cannot help saying it—that the Senator has not yet recognized -that greatest of all victories by which a new -interpretation is fixed upon the National Constitution, -so that hereafter all its sentences, all its phrases, all its -words, shall be interpreted broadly and emphatically for -Human Rights. How often have I been obliged to say -this! But the Senator forgets that victory. There is -his error. Most sincerely, most ardently, do I trust that -the Senate will never forget it; I hope we shall duly -act upon it, and celebrate it in our acts.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_290" id="Page_290">[Pg 290]</a></span></p> - -<p>Sir, I have been betrayed into these remarks simply -by way of answer to what has been said by my friend. -I had hoped that this bill might be proceeded with -without debate. I had trusted that this benign measure -was so clear and refulgent with justice that no Senator -would rise in his place to oppose it. I had indulged -the longing that those especially in favor of amnesty -for all would adopt that other greater and more -comprehensive principle of justice for all. Strange, Sir, -that the sensibilities of so many are aroused in favor of -amnesty, and yet those same Senators are so dull when -the rights of men are presented! I, Sir, am anxious to -see universal amnesty; but with it must be asserted also -universal justice. Our colored fellow-citizens must be -admitted to complete equality before the law. In other -words, everywhere, in everything regulated by law, they -must be equal with all their fellow-citizens. There is -the simple principle on which this bill stands. Who -can impugn it? Who can throw upon it the shadow of -question? Sir, if the Constitution of the United States -does not sanction a bill like this, then forthwith should -we proceed to amend that Constitution, and make it -more worthy of our regard. Much as has been done, -this bill must also be added to the trophies of Congressional -action; this bill must be enumerated among the -great results of our recent legislation. Terrible war will -then have been a beneficent parent.</p> - -<p>I hope, Sir, there can be no question on the subject.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The motion was not agreed to.</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_291" id="Page_291">[Pg 291]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="OUR_PILGRIM_FOREFATHERS" id="OUR_PILGRIM_FOREFATHERS"></a>OUR PILGRIM FOREFATHERS.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Speech at the Dinner of the New-England Society -in New York, December 22, 1873.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>After the customary toasts, <i>The Day we celebrate</i>, and <i>The President -of the United States</i>, the President of the Society, Mr. Elliot C. -Cowdin, in announcing the <i>Third Regular Toast</i>, said,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“I give you, Gentlemen, <i>The Senate of the United States</i>.</p> - -<p>“We are happy to greet, on this occasion, the senior in consecutive service, -and the most eminent member of the Senate, whose early, varied, and -distinguished services in the cause of Freedom have made his name a household -word throughout the world,—the Honorable Charles Sumner.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>“On rising,” says the official report, “Mr. Sumner was received -with great cheering,—the members of the Society standing, waving -handkerchiefs, and in other ways expressing lively satisfaction.”</p> - -<p>Mr. Sumner responded:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="noindent"><span class="smcap">Mr. President and Brothers of New England</span>:—</p> - -<p class="dropcap">For the first time in my life, I have the good fortune -to enjoy this famous anniversary festival. -Though often honored by your most tempting invitation, -and longing to celebrate the day in this goodly company, -of which all have heard so much, I could never -excuse myself from duties in another place. If now I -yield to well-known attractions, and journey from Washington -for my first holiday during a protracted public -service, it is because all was enhanced by the appeal<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_292" id="Page_292">[Pg 292]</a></span> -of your excellent President, to whom I am bound by the -friendship of many years in Boston, New York, and -in a foreign land. (<i>Applause.</i>) It is much to be a -brother of New England, but it is more to be a friend -(<i>applause</i>); and this tie I have pleasure in confessing -to-night.</p> - -<p>It is with much doubt and humility that I venture to -answer for the Senate of the United States, and I believe -the least I say on this head will be the most prudent. -(<i>Laughter.</i>) But I shall be entirely safe in expressing -my doubt if there is a single Senator who would not be -glad of a seat at this generous banquet. What is the -Senate? It is a component part of the National Government. -But we celebrate to-day more than any component -part of any government. We celebrate an epoch -in the history of mankind,—not only never to be forgotten, -but to grow in grandeur as the world appreciates -the elements of true greatness. Of mankind, I say: for -the landing on Plymouth Rock, on the 22d of December, -1620, marks the origin of a new order of ages, by which -the whole human family will be elevated. Then and -there was the great beginning.</p> - -<p>Throughout all time, from the dawn of history, men -have swarmed to found new homes in distant lands. -The Tyrians, skirting Northern Africa, stopped at Carthage; -Carthaginians dotted Spain, and even the distant -coasts of Britain and Ireland; Greeks gemmed Italy and -Sicily with Art-loving settlements; Rome carried multitudinous -colonies with her conquering eagles. Saxons, -Danes, and Normans violently mingled with the original -Britons. And in more modern times Venice, Genoa, -Portugal, Spain, France, and England, all sent forth emigrants -to people foreign shores. But in these various<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_293" id="Page_293">[Pg 293]</a></span> -expeditions trade or war was the impelling motive. Too -often commerce and conquest moved hand in hand, and -the colony was incarnadined with blood.</p> - -<p>On the day we celebrate, the sun for the first time in -his course looked down upon a different scene, begun -and continued under a different inspiration. A few -conscientious Englishmen, in obedience to the monitor -within, and that they might be free to worship God according -to their own sense of duty, set sail for the unknown -wilds of the North American continent. After -a voyage of sixty-four days in the ship Mayflower, with -Liberty at the prow and Conscience at the helm, (<i>applause</i>,) -they sighted the white sand-banks of Cape Cod, -and soon thereafter in the small cabin framed that brief -compact, forever memorable, which is the first written -constitution of government in human history, and the -very corner-stone of the American Republic; and then -these Pilgrims landed.</p> - -<p>This compact was not only foremost in time, it was -also august in character, and worthy of perpetual example. -Never before had the object of the “civil body -politic” been announced as “to enact, constitute, and -frame such <i>just and equal laws</i>, ordinances, acts, constitutions, -and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought -most meet and convenient for the general good of the -Colony.”<a name="FNanchor_231_231" id="FNanchor_231_231"></a><a href="#Footnote_231_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> How lofty! how true! Undoubtedly these -were the grandest words of government, with the largest -promise, of any at that time uttered.</p> - -<p>If more were needed to illustrate the new epoch, it -would be found in the parting words of the venerable -pastor, John Robinson, addressed to the Pilgrims, as -they were about to sail from Delft-Haven,—words often<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_294" id="Page_294">[Pg 294]</a></span> -quoted, yet never enough. How sweetly and beautifully -he says: “And if God should reveal anything to -you by any other instrument of His, be as ready to receive -it as ever you were to receive any truth by my -ministry; for I am very confident the Lord hath more -truth and light yet to break forth out of His Holy -Word.” And then how justly the good preacher rebukes -those who close their souls to truth! “As, for example, -the Lutherans, they cannot be drawn to go beyond what -Luther saw,—for, whatever part of God’s will He hath -further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will rather -die than embrace it; and so also you see the Calvinists, -they stick where he left them,—a misery much to be lamented; -for, though they were precious shining lights -in their times, yet God had not revealed His whole will -to them.”<a name="FNanchor_232_232" id="FNanchor_232_232"></a><a href="#Footnote_232_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a> Beyond the merited rebuke, here is a plain -recognition of the law of Human Progress, little discerned -at the time, which teaches the sure advance of -the Human Family, and opens the vista of the ever-broadening, -never-ending future on earth.</p> - -<p>Our Pilgrims were few and poor. The whole outfit of -this historic voyage, including £1,700 of trading-stock, -was only £2,400;<a name="FNanchor_233_233" id="FNanchor_233_233"></a><a href="#Footnote_233_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> and how little was required for their -succor appears in the experience of the soldier Captain -Miles Standish, who, being sent to England for assistance,—not -military, but financial (God save the mark!),—succeeded -in borrowing (how much do you suppose?) -£150 sterling. (<i>Laughter.</i>) Something in the way of -help; and the historian adds,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_295" id="Page_295">[Pg 295]</a></span> “though at fifty per cent” -interest.<a name="FNanchor_234_234" id="FNanchor_234_234"></a><a href="#Footnote_234_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a> So much for a valiant soldier on a financial -expedition. (<i>Laughter, in which General Sherman -and the company joined.</i>) A later agent, Allerton, was -able to borrow for the Colony £200 at a reduced interest -of thirty per cent.<a name="FNanchor_235_235" id="FNanchor_235_235"></a><a href="#Footnote_235_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> Plainly, the money-sharks of -our day may trace an undoubted pedigree to these London -merchants. (<i>Laughter.</i>) But I know not if any -son of New England, oppressed by exorbitant interest, -will be consoled by the thought that the Pilgrims paid -the same.</p> - -<p>And yet this small people,—so obscure and outcast -in condition,—so slender in numbers and in means,—so -entirely unknown to the proud and great,—so absolutely -without name in contemporary records,—whose -departure from the Old World took little more than the -breath of their bodies,—are now illustrious beyond the -lot of men; and the Mayflower is immortal beyond the -Grecian Argo, or the stately ship of any victorious admiral. -Though this was little foreseen in their day, it is -plain now how it has come to pass. The highest greatness, -surviving time and storm, is that which proceeds -from the soul of man. (<i>Applause.</i>) Monarchs and cabinets, -generals and admirals, with the pomp of courts -and the circumstance of war, in the gradual lapse of -time disappear from sight; but the pioneers of Truth, -though poor and lowly, especially those whose example -elevates human nature and teaches the rights of man, so -that Government of the people, by the people, and for the -people shall not perish from the earth (<i>great applause</i>),—such -harbingers can never be forgotten, and their renown -spreads coëxtensive with the cause they served.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_296" id="Page_296">[Pg 296]</a></span></p> - -<p>I know not if any whom I now have the honor of addressing -have thought to recall the great in rank and -power filling the gaze of the world as the Mayflower -with her company fared forth on their venturous voyage. -The foolish James was yet on the English throne, glorying -that he had “soundly peppered off the Puritans.”<a name="FNanchor_236_236" id="FNanchor_236_236"></a><a href="#Footnote_236_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> -The morose Louis the Thirteenth, through whom Richelieu -ruled, was King of France. The imbecile Philip the -Third swayed Spain and the Indies. The persecuting -Ferdinand the Second, tormentor of Protestants, was -Emperor of Germany. Paul the Fifth, of the House -of Borghese, was Pope of Rome. In the same princely -company, and all contemporaries, were Christian the -Fourth, King of Denmark, and his son Christian, Prince -of Norway; Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden; Sigismund -the Third, King of Poland; Frederick, King of -Bohemia, with his wife, the unhappy Elizabeth of England, -progenitor of the House of Hanover; George William, -Margrave of Brandenburg, and ancestor of the -Prussian house that has given an emperor to Germany; -Maximilian, Duke of Bavaria; Maurice, Landgrave of -Hesse; Christian, Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg; -John Frederick, Duke of Würtemberg and Teck; John, -Count of Nassau; Henry, Duke of Lorraine; Albert, -Archduke of Austria, and his wife Isabella, Infanta of -Spain, joint rulers of the Low Countries; Maurice, -fourth Prince of Orange, of the House of Nassau; -Charles Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, and ancestor of the -King of United Italy; Cosmo de’ Medici, fourth Grand -Duke of Tuscany; Antonio Priuli, ninety-fifth Doge of -Venice, just after the terrible tragedy commemorated -on the English stage as “Venice Preserved”; Bethlen<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_297" id="Page_297">[Pg 297]</a></span> -Gabor, Prince of Unitarian Transylvania, and elected -King of Hungary with the countenance of an African; -and the Sultan Osman the Second, of Constantinople, -eighteenth ruler of the Turks.</p> - -<p>Such at that time were the crowned sovereigns of -Europe, whose names were mentioned always with awe, -and whose countenances are handed down by Art, so -that at this day they are visible to the curious as if they -walked these streets. Mark now the contrast. There -was no artist for our forefathers, nor are their countenances -now known to men; but more than any powerful -contemporaries at whose tread the earth trembled -is their memory sacred. (<i>Applause.</i>) Pope, emperor, -king, sultan, grand-duke, duke, doge, margrave, landgrave, -count,—what are they all by the side of the -humble company that landed on Plymouth Rock? -Theirs, indeed, were the ensigns of worldly power; -but our Pilgrims had in themselves that inborn virtue -which was more than all else besides, and their -landing was an epoch.</p> - -<p>Who in the imposing troop of worldly grandeur is -now remembered but with indifference or contempt? -If I except Gustavus Adolphus, it is because he revealed -a superior character. Confront the Mayflower and the -Pilgrims with the potentates who occupied such space -in the world. The former are ascending into the firmament, -there to shine forever, while the latter have been -long dropping into the darkness of oblivion, to be -brought forth only to point a moral or to illustrate the -fame of contemporaries whom they regarded not. (<i>Applause.</i>) -Do I err in supposing this an illustration of -the supremacy which belongs to the triumphs of the -moral nature? At first impeded or postponed, they at<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_298" id="Page_298">[Pg 298]</a></span> -last prevail. Theirs is a brightness which, breaking -through all clouds, will shine forth with ever-increasing -splendor.</p> - -<p>I have often thought, that if I were a preacher, if I -had the honor to occupy the pulpit so grandly filled -by my friend near me, (<i>gracefully inclining toward Mr. -Beecher</i>,) one of my sermons should be from the text, -“A little leaven leaveneth the whole lump.”<a name="FNanchor_237_237" id="FNanchor_237_237"></a><a href="#Footnote_237_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> Nor do -I know a better illustration of these words than the -influence exerted by our Pilgrims. That small band, -with the lesson of self-sacrifice, of just and equal laws, -of the government of a majority, of unshrinking loyalty -to principle, is now leavening this whole continent, -and in the fulness of time will leaven the world. -(<i>Great applause.</i>) By their example republican institutions -have been commended; and in proportion as -we imitate them will these institutions be assured. -(<i>Applause.</i>)</p> - -<p>Liberty, which we so much covet, is not a solitary -plant. Always by its side is Justice. (<i>Applause.</i>) Yet -Justice is nothing but Right applied to human affairs. -Do not forget, I entreat you, that with the highest -morality is the highest liberty. A great poet, in one -of his inspired sonnets, speaking of this priceless possession, -has said,</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“For who loves that must first be wise and good.”<a name="FNanchor_238_238" id="FNanchor_238_238"></a><a href="#Footnote_238_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a></div> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noindent">Therefore do the Pilgrims in their beautiful example -teach liberty, teach republican institutions,—as at an -earlier day Socrates and Plato, in their lessons of wisdom, -taught liberty and helped the idea of the republic. -If republican government has thus far failed in any<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_299" id="Page_299">[Pg 299]</a></span> -experiment, as, perhaps, somewhere in Spanish America, -it is because these lessons have been wanting; there -have been no Pilgrims to teach the Moral Law.</p> - -<p>Mr. President, with these thoughts, which I imperfectly -express, I confess my obligations to the forefathers -of New England, and offer to them the homage -of a grateful heart. But not in thanksgiving only -would I celebrate their memory. I would, if I could, -make their example a universal lesson, and stamp it -upon the land. (<i>Applause.</i>) The conscience which -directed them should be the guide for our public councils; -the just and equal laws which they required -should be ordained by us; and the hospitality to Truth -which was their rule should be ours. Nor would I forget -their courage and steadfastness. Had they turned -back or wavered, I know not what would have been the -record of this continent, but I see clearly that a great -example would have been lost. (<i>Applause.</i>) Had Columbus -yielded to his mutinous crew and returned to -Spain without his great discovery, had Washington -shrunk away disheartened by British power and the -snows of New Jersey, these great instances would have -been wanting for the encouragement of men. But our -Pilgrims belong to the same heroic company, and their -example is not less precious. (<i>Applause.</i>)</p> - -<p>Only a short time after the landing on Plymouth -Rock, the great republican poet, John Milton, wrote -his “Comus,” so wonderful for beauty and truth. His -nature was more refined than that of the Pilgrims; and -yet it requires little effort of imagination to catch from -one of them, or at least from their beloved pastor, the -exquisite, almost angelic words at the close:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_300" id="Page_300">[Pg 300]</a></span></p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“Mortals, that would follow me,</div> -<div class="verse">Love Virtue: she alone is free;</div> -<div class="verse">She can teach ye how to climb</div> -<div class="verse">Higher than the sphery chime:</div> -<div class="verse">Or if Virtue feeble were,</div> -<div class="verse">Heaven itself would stoop to her.”</div> -</div> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>“At the conclusion of Senator Sumner’s speech,” says the report, -“the audience rose and gave cheer upon cheer.”</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_301" id="Page_301">[Pg 301]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="SUPPLEMENTARY_CIVIL-RIGHTS_BILL" id="SUPPLEMENTARY_CIVIL-RIGHTS_BILL"></a>SUPPLEMENTARY CIVIL-RIGHTS BILL: -THE LAST APPEAL.</h2> - -<p class="plabeln"><span class="smcap">Remarks in the Senate, January 27, 1874.</span></p> - -<div class="figcenter"> -<img src="images/line.png" width="80" height="16" alt="" /> -</div> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The Supplementary Civil-Rights Bill, introduced by Mr. Sumner on -the first day of the Session, having now come up for consideration, and -the question being on a motion by Mr. Ferry, of Connecticut, to refer -it to the Committee on the Judiciary, Mr. Sumner said:—</p> - -</div> - -<p class="dropcap">MR. PRESIDENT,—There is a very good reason, -a very strong reason, why this bill should not be -referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, and it is -found in the history of the bill. I have in my hand a -memorandum, which has been kindly prepared for me -at the desk, disclosing details which Senators ought -to bear in mind before they vote. By the Journals of -the Senate it appears that as long ago as May 13, -1870,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Mr. Sumner asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, -leave to bring in a bill supplementary to an Act entitled ‘An -Act to protect all persons in the United States in their civil -rights, and furnish the means of their vindication,’ passed -April 9, 1866; which was read the first and second times, by -unanimous consent, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, -and ordered to be printed.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>The next appearance of the bill is July 7th, of that -year, when, according to the Journal,<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_302" id="Page_302">[Pg 302]</a></span> “Mr. Trumbull, -from the Committee on the Judiciary,” with a large -number of other bills reported this to the Senate, with -a recommendation “that they ought not to pass.” The -record says that—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“The Senate proceeded to consider the said bills as in -Committee of the Whole; and no amendment being made, -they were severally reported to the Senate.</p> - -<p>“On motion by Mr. Trumbull,</p> - -<p>“<i>Ordered</i>, That the said bills be postponed indefinitely.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>You will observe, Sir, the bill was treated in the -lump with others, at the close of the session; and you -have here the report of the very committee to which it -is now proposed to refer it.</p> - -<p>The next appearance of the bill is January 20, 1871, -and the entry is as follows:—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Mr. Sumner asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, -leave to bring in a bill supplementary to an Act entitled ‘An -Act to protect all persons in the United States in their civil -rights, and furnish the means of their vindication,’ passed -April 9, 1866; which was read the first and second times, by -unanimous consent, referred to the Committee on the Judiciary, -and ordered to be printed.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>February 15, 1871, “Mr. Trumbull, from the Committee -on the Judiciary, to whom were referred the following -bills [the present with others], reported them -severally without amendment, and that they ought not -to pass.”</p> - -<p>There was no action of the Senate at the time; for -you will bear in mind the lateness of the day in the -session; and Senators cannot have forgotten the pressure -of business at that time. That was sufficient reason<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_303" id="Page_303">[Pg 303]</a></span> -against the consideration of the bill. Indeed, with all -the assiduity that I could command, I was not able to -obtain a hearing for it.</p> - -<p>Then came the first session of the Forty-Second Congress, -beginning March 4, 1871. Upon the Journal it -appears, March 9, 1871,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“Mr. Sumner asked, and by unanimous consent obtained, -leave to bring in [this same bill, with one other], which -were read the first and second times, by unanimous consent, -and ordered to lie on the table and be printed.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>In introducing the bill this third time I stated that -it had already been to the Judiciary Committee twice -before; that it was to be presumed that they had carefully -considered it; that they had reported it adversely; -that they had not reported any amendment; that I did -not think it advisable now to refer the bill to a committee -which had twice recorded an adverse judgment; -that the bill was well known to Senators; that it had -been before the Senate a long time; and that under the -circumstances I thought I should be justified in asking -that it take its place on the Calendar and be printed. -The order was made, and it held its place on the -Calendar.</p> - -<p>Shortly afterward a measure of general amnesty, it -will be remembered, passed the House of Representatives -and came to this Chamber. Then it was that I -deemed it my duty to move this bill as an amendment, -and you will remember the extended discussion that ensued,—how -justice to the African race was contrasted -with generosity to those who had struck at the life of -the Republic, and it was insisted that our first duty was -justice. The debate was protracted. Senators cannot<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_304" id="Page_304">[Pg 304]</a></span> -have forgotten it; and more than once votes were had -upon the pending amendment. I think it was twice -carried by the casting vote of the Vice-President. Certainly -it was attached to the bill for general amnesty, -and the debate reached over weeks, during which time -the Supplementary Civil-Rights Bill, as it came to be -called, underwent amendment. It was modified in various -particulars,—in none of great importance, in none -of principle, but verbally; also in the penalties, and in -the machinery: but the bill now stands, in principle -and in substance, as it was when originally introduced. -So far as it is changed, it is a change reached by debate -in this Chamber. The Senate itself has been a Committee -of the Whole sitting on this bill, superseding -thereby the labors of any special committee.</p> - -<p>Why, then, after two references to the Judiciary Committee -should we have a third? Is it for delay? Is it -in the hope of any light on this important subject which -Senators have not already? Why, then, the reference? -I can see no considerable or sufficient object, except one -that we are compelled to recognize in this Chamber: can -it be a mode of opposition by interposing time, delay?</p> - -<p>Now, Sir, the bill is on the Calendar No. 1. It should -have been the first acted upon this session; and if it -was not acted upon first, there is no blame on me, for I -tried to have you act upon it on one of the earliest days of -this session, but I was resisted here by the Senator from -Connecticut [Mr. <span class="smcap">Ferry</span>], and the Senator from Maine -[Mr. <span class="smcap">Morrill</span>]; the Senator from Connecticut insisting, -then as now, that the bill should go to a committee. -Now, Sir, I appeal to the Senate to take this important -measure into its own hands at once and directly.</p> - -<p>What is the use of a Committee? It is as eyes and<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_305" id="Page_305">[Pg 305]</a></span> -ears to the Senate. How often do we repeat that saying! -But who wants eyes and ears for the appreciation -of this measure? Its character is manifest; its justice -is confessed; it is in harmony with all that has been -done to carry out the great results of the war; it is in -harmony with the Declaration of Independence, and -with the grand history of the Republic; it is in harmony -with the Constitutional Amendments, and it is -indeed necessary in order to their full enjoyment. The -necessity is manifest every day in the outrages to which -the colored race are exposed, not only in travel and at -hotels, but still more in the children of their homes, -who are shut out from those schools where they ought -to receive practically, as well as by lesson, the great duty -of Equality. The bill is an urgent necessity. There -ought to be no delay. There should not be the postponement -of a Committee, for the Committee is unnecessary. -The Committee has already sat upon it once, -twice: why a third time?</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>In the debate which ensued, Mr. Stewart, of Nevada, and Mr. -Edmunds, of Vermont (Chairman of the Judiciary Committee), among -others, participated, both urging the proposed reference, and the latter -in remarks replete with personality. Mr. Sumner responded as -follows:—</p> - -</div> - -<p>The Senator from Nevada has made a speech which -is founded on oblivion of the past. The bill has been -examined by the Judiciary Committee, and twice reported -by them adversely without amendment.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Edmunds.</span> When was the last report?</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> February 15, 1871.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Edmunds.</span> That was in the time of Trumbull.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_306" id="Page_306">[Pg 306]</a></span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> The Senator says, “That was in the -time of Trumbull.” But it was reported adversely by -the Judiciary Committee, of which my learned friend -was a distinguished member, I think. I cannot mistake; -he must have been on the Committee, a party to -its report; and there was from him no minority voice, -no opposition on this floor to the report of the Chairman. -He allowed the Chairman to speak for the Committee, -including himself.</p> - -<p>But the Senator from Nevada, oblivious of this history, -insists upon another reference. He wishes to put -this bill through another dance. For what purpose? -He has read the existing statute to which this is supplementary, -and he thinks that the Committee ought to -consider the aptitude of this bill to carry out the declared -purpose. Why, Sir, I agree with him that such -aptitude ought to exist, but do not forget that the bill has -been before the Senate now nearly four years. Nearly -four years has this bill, substantially as at this moment, -been before the Senate, and twice before the Judiciary -Committee.</p> - -<p>Now, Sir, let us ascend from words to things. Why -make another reference? Is it that it may find verbal -place on your record that this bill was duly referred and -duly reported? That is the only reason I can imagine; -for the bill in its substance is well known to every Senator, -and, I may add, is well known to every lawyer in -the country. It has been discussed here again and -again, day after day, and has been modified after discussion; -and you now have the result of all the discussion -and the modification. It is well known. It is -familiar to the country. It has received the approbation -of those who are most interested in it. It has been<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_307" id="Page_307">[Pg 307]</a></span> -prayed for by petitioners without number. It has been -commended at public meetings with an earnestness and -an enthusiasm almost without parallel.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Edmunds.</span> May I ask the Senator a question?</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> Certainly.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Edmunds.</span> I should like to ask my friend, the Senator -from Massachusetts, (as he is now speaking of the character -of the bill, which I did not care to refer to particularly,) -where the jury is summoned, and a man should happen to be -convicted of murder or any other crime under the State law, -would it, or not, set aside the verdict?</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> The Senator will pardon me. I had not -intended to touch this branch of the debate.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Edmunds.</span> I merely wish to ask him what he understands -to be the character of the fourth section, supposing we -pass it just as it stands, and supposing a jury happens to be -summoned contrary to the provisions of the fourth section, -but in accordance with the law of the State.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> The effect of the violation of the law in -that respect need not be considered. It is sufficient that this -section provides a penalty against those who violate the law; -such is its simple object.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Edmunds.</span> Ah! but let me ask my friend, does it not -also provide what shall constitute a lawful jury?</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> Very well,—and should it not so provide?</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Edmunds.</span> Very well,—but my question is, What -would be the effect upon the trial of an indictment found by -a grand jury not composed in conformity to this motion?</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> I will not presume to pronounce an -opinion on that question. It is sufficient for me that<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_308" id="Page_308">[Pg 308]</a></span> -the section is clear and explicit in imposing a penalty -upon the party making the exclusion, and that is all the -bill proposes. The other consequences may be, will be, -for the determination of the courts. The question belongs -to them; I doubt if it belongs to us. But the bill -is open to amendment. Let the Senator move such as -he thinks the case requires: I shall welcome it.</p> - -<p>When the Senator interrupted me I was about to address -myself to him; for I should not have risen this -time but for the remarks which he made. I know not, -Sir, why my position on this question should justify the -personalities which the Senator from Vermont considers -so essential to debate. I certainly made no allusion to -him, nor do I claim anything for myself. I am an -humble worker in this Chamber, and in this cause I -have been laborious for years; but not on that account -do I claim anything, nor do I make any pretence. I -know not why the Senator should, with personality of -manner and allusion, undertake to taunt me for the -position that I occupy. Do I deserve it? I represent -humbly the sentiments of the people of Massachusetts, -who have sent me here now for many years. Always -loyal to these sentiments I hope to be, even though it -brings upon me the displeasure of the Senator. Sir, I -am anxious to harmonize with that Senator. I know, -too, his loyalty to this cause,—I do not doubt it; but -I now appeal to that Senator to unite with me in speeding -this great measure. Let him join sincerely, with -his large intelligence, to hasten this bill before the Senate -and make it the law of the land; so would he become -a benefactor to a much-oppressed people.</p> - -<p>Possibly he has his doubts in regard to the Jury provision. -I know other lawyers have expressed doubts<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_309" id="Page_309">[Pg 309]</a></span> -before; and from the inquiry that he made a moment -ago it is perhaps fair to infer that those doubts haunt -his mind. To that I simply answer, Happily they do -not haunt mine. I know the Constitution of my country, -and I know that under that Constitution, unless my -judgment fails entirely, the provision with reference to -juries is absolutely valid and constitutional. I challenge -the discussion. Let the Senator make his objections. -The original Civil-Rights Bill, which passed over the -veto of the President, solemnly declares that no evidence -shall be excluded from any court of justice, National -or State, on account of color. The nation has undertaken -to regulate the testimony, not only in its own -Courts but in State Courts; and will any one pretend -that it may not regulate the jury in State Courts, -when it may regulate the testimony in State Courts? -Why, Sir, there is nothing in the Constitution touching -testimony, but there are no less than three distinct provisions -relating to trial by jury; and among other terms -employed is “an impartial jury,” which is among the -privileges and immunities of the citizen. And is it -wrong for Congress, in the plenitude of its powers, -anxious to do justice to all, to declare that there shall -be an impartial jury in all tribunals, whether National -or State, without regard to color? Having begun by -regulating the testimony, where is the argument which -is to prevent us from regulating the jury? I need not -remind my excellent friend that originally the witnesses -and the jury were almost one and the same.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Edmunds.</span> They were precisely the same.</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> Very well,—so much the better; and -the Senator knows that there is a phrase handed down<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_310" id="Page_310">[Pg 310]</a></span> -to us from English courts by which we are reminded -constantly of the “witness-box” and the “jury-box.” -So closely were they together that they come under a -common nomenclature. Now I insist that they shall -come under a common safeguard. We have already -provided that there shall be no exclusion in testimony -on account of color: we must also provide that there -shall be no exclusion from the jury on account of color; -and until that provision is made by supreme national -law, not to be set aside, justice is not fully done.</p> - -<p>But, Sir, I had no intention to discuss the character -of this bill; and I have only been led into it by the allusion -of the Senator, who, holding the bill in his hand, -signalizes that section as open to criticism. Let him -proceed with his criticism. But then I hope for better -things. I hope my friend, instead of criticism, will give -us that generous support which so well becomes him. -He sees full well, that, until this great question is completely -settled, the results of the war are not all secured, -nor is this delicate and sensitive subject banished from -these Halls. Sir, my desire, the darling desire, if I may -say so, of my soul, at this moment, is to close forever -this great question, so that it shall never again intrude -into these Chambers,—so that hereafter in all our legislation -there shall be no such words as “black” or -“white,” but that we shall speak only of citizens and of -men. Is not that an aspiration worthy of a Senator? -Is such an aspiration any ground for taunt from the -Senator of Vermont? Will he not, too, join in the aspiration -and the endeavor to bring about that beneficent -triumph? Let this be omitted now, let any part of this -bill be dropped out now, and you leave the question for -another Congress, to be pursued by other petitions, to<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_311" id="Page_311">[Pg 311]</a></span> -be pressed by other Senators and Representatives; for, -so long as injustice remains without redress, so long will -there be men to petition, and so long, I trust, will there -be Senators and Representatives to demand a remedy. -I ask for all now.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>At length, on the representation of Mr. Frelinghuysen, of New -Jersey, that, “by acquiescing with the other friends of the measure in -its reference to the Committee on the Judiciary, the Senator from Massachusetts -has it in his power to take from every opponent of the bill -any apology, reason, or excuse for opposing it,” followed by the declaration, -“I think we can give the Senator the assurance that a fortnight -will not pass without the bill being reported,”—</p> - -<p>Mr. Sumner inquiring,—“The Senator is a member of the Judiciary -Committee, I believe?”</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Frelinghuysen.</span> Yes, Sir.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> I accept his assurance and consent to the reference.</p> - -</div> - -<p>Mr. Edmunds, Chairman of the Committee, demurring to the proposed -agreement to report the bill within two weeks, suggested as a -substitute, “its consideration with the promptness that the business of -the Committee will allow,” which Mr. Frelinghuysen pronouncing -“equally satisfactory,” it was tacitly so settled,—Mr. Howe, of Wisconsin, -thereupon observing, “I think the assurances we have from -the Senator from New Jersey and the Senator from Vermont are a sufficient -guaranty that the bill will get back here in good season.”</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Sumner.</span> And in good condition. (<i>Laughter.</i>)</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. Edmunds.</span> Much better than it is now. (<i>Laughter.</i>)</p> - -</div> - -<p>Mr. Morton of Indiana subsequently remarking,—</p> - -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>I do not myself feel that there is any great importance in referring this -bill to a committee, for the reason that the question has been so long before -the Senate and has been so amply discussed. But still that is the usage of -the Senate; we do that with regard to all bills unless under some very -strong emergency; and if the Senator had consented in the first place to the -reference of the bill, we should have had it back long ago. So, I think, he -has nobody to blame but himself that this bill is not now before the Senate -to be acted upon. But I may be allowed to express the hope, and I have no<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_312" id="Page_312">[Pg 312]</a></span> -reason to doubt that it will be gratified, that the Judiciary Committee will -promptly examine this bill, and report back a Civil-Rights Bill upon which -the Senate can take action before long. I think that ought to be done for -very many considerations,—</p> - -</div> - -<p>Mr. Sumner replied:—</p> - -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">Mr. President</span>,—I should not say another word, except -for the ardor with which my friend from Indiana comes -forward to throw a little blame on me. He thinks, that, -if I had consented to an earlier reference of this bill, it -would now be in order before the Senate; but he says -that in a case of strong emergency bills are not referred -to committees. Now I ask the Senator from Indiana if -this is not a case of strong emergency? The bill has -been pending nearly four solid years, during all which -time a portion of our fellow-citizens, counted by the -million, have been exposed to indignity; and because I -tried to speed the result, hoping to bring the Senate to a -generous conclusion of the whole measure without a reference -to the Committee, the Senator from Indiana thus -tardily seeks to rebuke me. If I erred at all, it was because -I trusted the Senate. I felt, that, with this bill on -the Calendar and within reach, it could not hesitate. I -was unwilling to see the bill in a committee-room, where -the Senate, in a generous moment, could not take it up -any day, and, so far as the Senate was concerned, make -it the law of the land. I put too much faith in this -body, which I ought to know well. I did, Sir, have -generous trust. I did believe that at some early day -the bill would be considered and adopted. I have been -disappointed. More than once I have tried to reach -it, I have tried to bring it before the Senate; but you -know well the impediments; you know that other important -matters have occupied attention, so that I could<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_313" id="Page_313">[Pg 313]</a></span> -not, with any reasonable chance of success, seek to press -this important measure. That, Sir, is the occasion for -delay; and I do not think—I hardly like to make any -question with my friend—but I do not think he was -generous in the imputation that he sought to throw -upon me. Had that Senator, on the first day of the -session, or when I made an effort at a later day to bring -it up, come forward then to aid me in pressing it on the -attention of the Senate,—had he reminded the Senate -and the country how many fellow-citizens were shut out -from their rights, and that a denial of rights does not -allow delay,—had these words come from the Senator -at that time, ah! we should have been having no such -debate as has occurred to-day. The bill would have -been hastened on its way, and a people long enslaved -and degraded would be at last lifted to equality.</p> - -<div class="medium"> - -<p>The question being now put, the bill was referred to the Committee -on the Judiciary without objection.</p> - -<p>March 11, 1874, Mr. Sumner died.</p> - -<p>April 14th his bill was reported back by Mr. Frelinghuysen from -the Committee with an amendment in the form of a substitute,—being -substantially the original bill taken into a new draught, with a few differences -of machinery. In this form, after long and exhaustive debate, -it was passed in the Senate, May 22d, by Yeas 29, Nays 16.</p> - -<p>In the House, all efforts to take it up were frustrated by the minority, -under the rule requiring a two-thirds vote for this purpose, until -the closing hours of the succeeding session, March 3, 1875, when a vote -was obtained referring it to the Committee on the Judiciary, but too -late for action, and the bill fell with the expiration of the Congress.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, however, February 3d, Mr. Butler, of Massachusetts, -had reported a bill from this Committee, covering the provisions of the -Senate bill, with the exception only of that relating to cemeteries, but -with the addition to that on Common Schools of the proviso,—</p> -<span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_314" id="Page_314">[Pg 314]</a></span> -<div class="blockquote"> - -<p>“That if any State or the proper authorities in any State, having the -control of Common Schools or other public institutions of learning aforesaid, -shall establish and maintain separate schools and institutions giving -equal educational advantages in all respects for different classes of persons -entitled to attend such schools and institutions, such schools and institutions -shall be a sufficient compliance with the provisions of this section so -far as they relate to schools and institutions of learning.”</p> - -</div> - -<p>On proceeding to a vote, the next day, February 14th, the entire -clause, embracing Common Schools, public institutions of learning or -benevolence, and national agricultural colleges, together with this proviso, -was, on motion of Mr. Kellogg, of Connecticut, struck out by Ayes -123, Noes 48,—a call for the Yeas and Nays, which would have -brought out the names, being refused. A previous motion by Mr. -Cessna, of Pennsylvania, to substitute the full text of the Senate bill -for that of the House Committee, now recurring, was defeated by Yeas -114, Nays 148,—and the latter, amended as above stated, was then -passed by Yeas 162, Nays 100,—and subsequently, February 27th, in -the Senate also, by Yeas 38, Nays 26,—and March 1st received the -approval of the Executive.</p> - -<p>This bill, entitled “An Act to protect all citizens in their civil and -legal rights,”<a name="FNanchor_239_239" id="FNanchor_239_239"></a><a href="#Footnote_239_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a> has since stood on the statute book as a finality,—these -rights, in the terms of the statute, consisting of “the full and equal -enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, and privileges -of [1st] inns, [2d] public conveyances on land or water, [3d] theatres, -and other places of public amusement”; to which another section, rising -to a higher plane, adds the declaration [4th] “That no citizen possessing -all other qualifications which are or may be prescribed by law shall -be disqualified for service as grand or petit juror in any court of the -United States, or of any State, on account of race, color, or previous condition -of servitude,”—with such security to the colored citizens of this -inestimable right as may be found in the provision that “any officer or -other person, charged with any duty in the selection or summoning of -jurors, who shall exclude or fail to summon any citizen for the cause -aforesaid, shall, on conviction thereof, be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, -and be fined <i>not more</i> than five thousand dollars.”</p> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="footnotes"> - -<h2>FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> Case of Plau, French Consul-General at New York.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> April 30, 1864: A Bill to provide for the greater Efficiency of the Civil-Service -of the United States. Congressional Globe, 38th Cong. 1st Sess., -p. 1985; also, <i>ante</i>, Vol. XI. p. 278, seqq.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> Times, December 31, 1870. Executive Documents, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., -H. of R., No. 1, Foreign Relations, p. 368.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> James, iii. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> Speech, February 14th: Congressional Globe, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., -p. 1016. -</p> -<p> -For the portion of the Speech referred to, setting forth the authorities -on this subject, see Appendix (A), pp. 41-44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> Law of Nations, p. 281.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> 7 Wheaton, R., 487.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> See Appendix (A), pp. 43, 44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> House Reports, 40th Cong. 2d Sess., No. 64, p. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> Merchant of Venice, Act iv. Sc. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> Letter of Treasurer Spinner to Senator Wilson, February 16, 1872: -Congressional Globe, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 1072.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Commentaries on American Law, Vol. I. p. 128.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> A Treatise of the Relative Rights and Duties of Belligerent and Neutral -Powers, in Maritime Affairs, by Robert Ward, Esq., Barrister at Law, -(London, 1801,) p. 166.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_14_14" id="Footnote_14_14"></a><a href="#FNanchor_14_14"><span class="label">[14]</span></a> Commentaries upon International Law, Vol. III. p. 282.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_15_15" id="Footnote_15_15"></a><a href="#FNanchor_15_15"><span class="label">[15]</span></a> Ibid., p. 427.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_16_16" id="Footnote_16_16"></a><a href="#FNanchor_16_16"><span class="label">[16]</span></a> Phases et Causes Célèbres. Tom. II. p. 407.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_17_17" id="Footnote_17_17"></a><a href="#FNanchor_17_17"><span class="label">[17]</span></a> Speech on the Report of the Foreign Enlistment Bill, April 16, 1823: -Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates, N. S., Vol. VIII. col. 1056.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_18_18" id="Footnote_18_18"></a><a href="#FNanchor_18_18"><span class="label">[18]</span></a> Occasional Productions, pp. 176, 177. See the letter to William H. -Trescott upon Public and Diplomatic Subjects.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_19_19" id="Footnote_19_19"></a><a href="#FNanchor_19_19"><span class="label">[19]</span></a> This dispatch, after remaining unquestioned for more than a month and -for several weeks after the date of this speech, was finally contradicted by the -French authorities. See Telegram from Minister Washburne to Secretary -Fish, March 19, and Note from the French Chargé at Washington, M. de -Bellonet, to same, March 30, 1872: Report of Committee on Sale of Ordnance -Stores,—Senate Reports, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., No. 183, pp. 524, 604.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_20_20" id="Footnote_20_20"></a><a href="#FNanchor_20_20"><span class="label">[20]</span></a> Speech of February 14th: Congressional Globe, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., -pp. 1008, 1013. This important letter may be found in the Report of the -Select Committee on the Sales of Ordnance Stores by the United States -Government during the Fiscal Year 1871-72: Senate Reports, 42d Cong. -2d Sess., No. 183.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_21_21" id="Footnote_21_21"></a><a href="#FNanchor_21_21"><span class="label">[21]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, p. 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_22_22" id="Footnote_22_22"></a><a href="#FNanchor_22_22"><span class="label">[22]</span></a> Joint Resolution, July 20, 1868: Statutes at Large, Vol. XV. p. 259.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_23_23" id="Footnote_23_23"></a><a href="#FNanchor_23_23"><span class="label">[23]</span></a> Executive Documents, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., H. of R., No. 1, Part 2, -pp. 250, 251.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_24_24" id="Footnote_24_24"></a><a href="#FNanchor_24_24"><span class="label">[24]</span></a> De l’Esprit des Lois, Liv. III. chs. iii. vi.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_25_25" id="Footnote_25_25"></a><a href="#FNanchor_25_25"><span class="label">[25]</span></a> Senate Reports, 36th Cong. 1st Sess., No. 278, pp. 140, 253.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_26_26" id="Footnote_26_26"></a><a href="#FNanchor_26_26"><span class="label">[26]</span></a> Law of Evidence, Part II. ch. xiii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_27_27" id="Footnote_27_27"></a><a href="#FNanchor_27_27"><span class="label">[27]</span></a> Ibid., p. 250 (<i>Rex</i> v. <i>Hardy</i>, 24 Howell’s State Trials, 808).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_28_28" id="Footnote_28_28"></a><a href="#FNanchor_28_28"><span class="label">[28]</span></a> Ibid.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_29_29" id="Footnote_29_29"></a><a href="#FNanchor_29_29"><span class="label">[29]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, p. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_30_30" id="Footnote_30_30"></a><a href="#FNanchor_30_30"><span class="label">[30]</span></a> D’Ewes, Journals of all the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen -Elizabeth, p. 629.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_31_31" id="Footnote_31_31"></a><a href="#FNanchor_31_31"><span class="label">[31]</span></a> Page 146.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_32_32" id="Footnote_32_32"></a><a href="#FNanchor_32_32"><span class="label">[32]</span></a> Gray’s Debates of the House of Commons, Vol. V. p. 145.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_33_33" id="Footnote_33_33"></a><a href="#FNanchor_33_33"><span class="label">[33]</span></a> Ibid., Vol. VI. p. 373.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_34_34" id="Footnote_34_34"></a><a href="#FNanchor_34_34"><span class="label">[34]</span></a> Manual of Parliamentary Practice, Sec. <span class="smcapuc">XXVI</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_35_35" id="Footnote_35_35"></a><a href="#FNanchor_35_35"><span class="label">[35]</span></a> Ibid.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_36_36" id="Footnote_36_36"></a><a href="#FNanchor_36_36"><span class="label">[36]</span></a> Ibid.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_37_37" id="Footnote_37_37"></a><a href="#FNanchor_37_37"><span class="label">[37]</span></a> Lex Parl. Amer., pp. 729-30.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_38_38" id="Footnote_38_38"></a><a href="#FNanchor_38_38"><span class="label">[38]</span></a> Ibid., p. 732.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_39_39" id="Footnote_39_39"></a><a href="#FNanchor_39_39"><span class="label">[39]</span></a> Lex Parl. Amer., p. 383.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_40_40" id="Footnote_40_40"></a><a href="#FNanchor_40_40"><span class="label">[40]</span></a> Congressional Globe, 26th Cong. 2d Sess., p. 231. Cushing, Lex Parl. -Amer., App. XIV., p. 1009.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_41_41" id="Footnote_41_41"></a><a href="#FNanchor_41_41"><span class="label">[41]</span></a> Entitled, “The Struggles (Social, Financial, and Political) of Petroleum -V. Nasby,”—<span class="smcap">David Ross Locke</span>, editor of the Toledo [Ohio] Blade, -where most of these Letters, one hundred and eighty-eight in number, first -appeared, during the period from March 21, 1861, to May 12, 1870.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_42_42" id="Footnote_42_42"></a><a href="#FNanchor_42_42"><span class="label">[42]</span></a> Fourth Annual Report of the Commissioners of Fairmount Park, pp. -15-16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_43_43" id="Footnote_43_43"></a><a href="#FNanchor_43_43"><span class="label">[43]</span></a> Ibid., p. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_44_44" id="Footnote_44_44"></a><a href="#FNanchor_44_44"><span class="label">[44]</span></a> Works, ed. Sparks, Vol. IX. p. 476.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_45_45" id="Footnote_45_45"></a><a href="#FNanchor_45_45"><span class="label">[45]</span></a> Duties of Massachusetts at the Present Crisis: Formation of the Republican -Party. <i>Ante</i>, Vol. IV. p. 267.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_46_46" id="Footnote_46_46"></a><a href="#FNanchor_46_46"><span class="label">[46]</span></a> For the text of this passage see <i>ante</i>, Vol. VI. pp. 336-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_47_47" id="Footnote_47_47"></a><a href="#FNanchor_47_47"><span class="label">[47]</span></a> The Federalist, No. XLVII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_48_48" id="Footnote_48_48"></a><a href="#FNanchor_48_48"><span class="label">[48]</span></a> Letter to Richard Henry Lee, November 15, 1775: Works, Vol. IV. -p. 186.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_49_49" id="Footnote_49_49"></a><a href="#FNanchor_49_49"><span class="label">[49]</span></a> Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States,—Preface: -Ibid., p. 296.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_50_50" id="Footnote_50_50"></a><a href="#FNanchor_50_50"><span class="label">[50]</span></a> Statutes at Large, ed. Hening, Vol. IX. p. 114.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_51_51" id="Footnote_51_51"></a><a href="#FNanchor_51_51"><span class="label">[51]</span></a> Constitution of Massachusetts, Part I.: Declaration of Rights, Art. -XXX.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_52_52" id="Footnote_52_52"></a><a href="#FNanchor_52_52"><span class="label">[52]</span></a> History of Civilization in England, (London, 1868,) Vol. I. pp. 199, -200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_53_53" id="Footnote_53_53"></a><a href="#FNanchor_53_53"><span class="label">[53]</span></a> Ibid., p. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_54_54" id="Footnote_54_54"></a><a href="#FNanchor_54_54"><span class="label">[54]</span></a> Ibid., p. 201.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_55_55" id="Footnote_55_55"></a><a href="#FNanchor_55_55"><span class="label">[55]</span></a> Ibid.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_56_56" id="Footnote_56_56"></a><a href="#FNanchor_56_56"><span class="label">[56]</span></a> Sir H. L. Bulwer, Historical Characters, (4th edit.,) Vol. II. p. 331.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_57_57" id="Footnote_57_57"></a><a href="#FNanchor_57_57"><span class="label">[57]</span></a> Speech at Great Falls, N. H., February 24, 1872, pp. 6, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_58_58" id="Footnote_58_58"></a><a href="#FNanchor_58_58"><span class="label">[58]</span></a> June 6th, Mr. Sumner reiterated in debate, with much emphasis, his -statement of Mr. Stanton’s expressed opinion of the President, and added -the testimony of a letter of Horace White, editor of the Chicago Tribune.—See -Congressional Globe, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 4283.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_59_59" id="Footnote_59_59"></a><a href="#FNanchor_59_59"><span class="label">[59]</span></a> Letter to Benjamin Adams, April 22, 1799: Works, Vol. VIII. p. 636.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_60_60" id="Footnote_60_60"></a><a href="#FNanchor_60_60"><span class="label">[60]</span></a> Letter to George Jefferson, March 27, 1801: Writings, Vol. IV. p. 388.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_61_61" id="Footnote_61_61"></a><a href="#FNanchor_61_61"><span class="label">[61]</span></a> Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. p. 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_62_62" id="Footnote_62_62"></a><a href="#FNanchor_62_62"><span class="label">[62]</span></a> Ibid., pp. 41, 60.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_63_63" id="Footnote_63_63"></a><a href="#FNanchor_63_63"><span class="label">[63]</span></a> Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. p. 60.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_64_64" id="Footnote_64_64"></a><a href="#FNanchor_64_64"><span class="label">[64]</span></a> Dictionnaire Universel d’Histoire et de Géographie.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_65_65" id="Footnote_65_65"></a><a href="#FNanchor_65_65"><span class="label">[65]</span></a> Appleton’s New American Cyclopædia.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_66_66" id="Footnote_66_66"></a><a href="#FNanchor_66_66"><span class="label">[66]</span></a> Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. p. 68.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_67_67" id="Footnote_67_67"></a><a href="#FNanchor_67_67"><span class="label">[67]</span></a> Ibid., p. 89.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_68_68" id="Footnote_68_68"></a><a href="#FNanchor_68_68"><span class="label">[68]</span></a> Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I., p. 80.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_69_69" id="Footnote_69_69"></a><a href="#FNanchor_69_69"><span class="label">[69]</span></a> Ibid., pp. 82, 83; Parte II. p. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_70_70" id="Footnote_70_70"></a><a href="#FNanchor_70_70"><span class="label">[70]</span></a> Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. pp. 99-100.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_71_71" id="Footnote_71_71"></a><a href="#FNanchor_71_71"><span class="label">[71]</span></a> Ibid., p. 94.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_72_72" id="Footnote_72_72"></a><a href="#FNanchor_72_72"><span class="label">[72]</span></a> Ibid., Parte II. p. 132.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_73_73" id="Footnote_73_73"></a><a href="#FNanchor_73_73"><span class="label">[73]</span></a> Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. p. 114.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_74_74" id="Footnote_74_74"></a><a href="#FNanchor_74_74"><span class="label">[74]</span></a> Ibid., Parte II. p. 162.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_75_75" id="Footnote_75_75"></a><a href="#FNanchor_75_75"><span class="label">[75]</span></a> Ibid., pp. 167-68.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_76_76" id="Footnote_76_76"></a><a href="#FNanchor_76_76"><span class="label">[76]</span></a> Ibid., Parte I. p. 103.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_77_77" id="Footnote_77_77"></a><a href="#FNanchor_77_77"><span class="label">[77]</span></a> Ibid., pp. 94, 95.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_78_78" id="Footnote_78_78"></a><a href="#FNanchor_78_78"><span class="label">[78]</span></a> Ibid., p. 94.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_79_79" id="Footnote_79_79"></a><a href="#FNanchor_79_79"><span class="label">[79]</span></a> Nipotismo di Roma, Parte I. pp. 179-80.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_80_80" id="Footnote_80_80"></a><a href="#FNanchor_80_80"><span class="label">[80]</span></a> Ibid., pp. 92-93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_81_81" id="Footnote_81_81"></a><a href="#FNanchor_81_81"><span class="label">[81]</span></a> Ibid., Parte II. p. 132.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_82_82" id="Footnote_82_82"></a><a href="#FNanchor_82_82"><span class="label">[82]</span></a> Ibid., p. 75.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_83_83" id="Footnote_83_83"></a><a href="#FNanchor_83_83"><span class="label">[83]</span></a> Ibid., p. 142.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_84_84" id="Footnote_84_84"></a><a href="#FNanchor_84_84"><span class="label">[84]</span></a> Nipotismo di Roma, Parte II. p. 145.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_85_85" id="Footnote_85_85"></a><a href="#FNanchor_85_85"><span class="label">[85]</span></a> Ibid., p. 152.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_86_86" id="Footnote_86_86"></a><a href="#FNanchor_86_86"><span class="label">[86]</span></a> Ibid., p. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_87_87" id="Footnote_87_87"></a><a href="#FNanchor_87_87"><span class="label">[87]</span></a> Ibid., p. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_88_88" id="Footnote_88_88"></a><a href="#FNanchor_88_88"><span class="label">[88]</span></a> Irving’s Life of Washington, Vol. V. p. 22. See also the writings of -Washington, ed. Sparks, Vol. IX. p. 479, note.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_89_89" id="Footnote_89_89"></a><a href="#FNanchor_89_89"><span class="label">[89]</span></a> Letter to Benjamin Harrison, March 9, 1789: Writings, ed. Sparks, -Vol. IX. p. 476.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_90_90" id="Footnote_90_90"></a><a href="#FNanchor_90_90"><span class="label">[90]</span></a> Washington to Adams, February 20, 1797: Works of John Adams, -Vol. VIII. p. 530.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_91_91" id="Footnote_91_91"></a><a href="#FNanchor_91_91"><span class="label">[91]</span></a> Letter to Madison, March 23, 1813.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_92_92" id="Footnote_92_92"></a><a href="#FNanchor_92_92"><span class="label">[92]</span></a> Letter to George Jefferson, March 27, 1801: Writings, Vol. IV. p. 388.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_93_93" id="Footnote_93_93"></a><a href="#FNanchor_93_93"><span class="label">[93]</span></a> Letter to J. Garland Jefferson, January 25, 1810: Writings, Vol. V. -p. 498.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_94_94" id="Footnote_94_94"></a><a href="#FNanchor_94_94"><span class="label">[94]</span></a> Works of John Adams, Vol. IX. p. 63.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_95_95" id="Footnote_95_95"></a><a href="#FNanchor_95_95"><span class="label">[95]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, p. 103.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_96_96" id="Footnote_96_96"></a><a href="#FNanchor_96_96"><span class="label">[96]</span></a> Works of John Adams, Vol. VIII. pp. 529-30, note.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_97_97" id="Footnote_97_97"></a><a href="#FNanchor_97_97"><span class="label">[97]</span></a> Historic Americans, p. 211.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_98_98" id="Footnote_98_98"></a><a href="#FNanchor_98_98"><span class="label">[98]</span></a> Letter to John Jebb, August 21, 1785: Works, Vol. IX. p. 535.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_99_99" id="Footnote_99_99"></a><a href="#FNanchor_99_99"><span class="label">[99]</span></a> Letter to Edward Cole, August 29, 1834: Letters and other Writings, -Vol. IV. p. 357.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_100_100" id="Footnote_100_100"></a><a href="#FNanchor_100_100"><span class="label">[100]</span></a> Memoirs, by Thomas Bartlett, (London, 1839,) p. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_101_101" id="Footnote_101_101"></a><a href="#FNanchor_101_101"><span class="label">[101]</span></a> Deuteronomy, xvi. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_102_102" id="Footnote_102_102"></a><a href="#FNanchor_102_102"><span class="label">[102]</span></a> Plutarch’s Lives,—<i>Cleomenes</i>, ed. Clough: Vol. IV. p. 479.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_103_103" id="Footnote_103_103"></a><a href="#FNanchor_103_103"><span class="label">[103]</span></a> “Timeo Danaos et dona ferentes.”—<span class="smcap">Virgil</span>, <i>Æneid</i>. Lib. II. 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_104_104" id="Footnote_104_104"></a><a href="#FNanchor_104_104"><span class="label">[104]</span></a> Life and Times of Henry Lord Brougham, London, 1870, Vol. II. pp. -29-32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_105_105" id="Footnote_105_105"></a><a href="#FNanchor_105_105"><span class="label">[105]</span></a> Letter of Benjamin Harrison, January 6, 1785: Washington’s Writings, -ed. Sparks, Vol. IX. p. 83.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_106_106" id="Footnote_106_106"></a><a href="#FNanchor_106_106"><span class="label">[106]</span></a> Life of Washington, Vol. IV. p. 448.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_107_107" id="Footnote_107_107"></a><a href="#FNanchor_107_107"><span class="label">[107]</span></a> Letter to Harrison, January 22, 1785: Writings, ed. Sparks, Vol. -IX. p. 85.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_108_108" id="Footnote_108_108"></a><a href="#FNanchor_108_108"><span class="label">[108]</span></a> September 26, 1785: Ibid., p. 133.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_109_109" id="Footnote_109_109"></a><a href="#FNanchor_109_109"><span class="label">[109]</span></a> Forney’s Anecdotes of Public Men, p. 240.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_110_110" id="Footnote_110_110"></a><a href="#FNanchor_110_110"><span class="label">[110]</span></a> Guizot, Histoire de France, Tom. I. p. 519.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_111_111" id="Footnote_111_111"></a><a href="#FNanchor_111_111"><span class="label">[111]</span></a> See Memoirs, Vol. III. p. 528.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_112_112" id="Footnote_112_112"></a><a href="#FNanchor_112_112"><span class="label">[112]</span></a> King Henry VI., Third Part, Act V. Sc. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_113_113" id="Footnote_113_113"></a><a href="#FNanchor_113_113"><span class="label">[113]</span></a> Timon of Athens, Act I. Sc. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_114_114" id="Footnote_114_114"></a><a href="#FNanchor_114_114"><span class="label">[114]</span></a> Writings, ed. Sparks, Vol. XII. p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_115_115" id="Footnote_115_115"></a><a href="#FNanchor_115_115"><span class="label">[115]</span></a> Writings, Vol. VIII. p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_116_116" id="Footnote_116_116"></a><a href="#FNanchor_116_116"><span class="label">[116]</span></a> Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. 1st Sess., p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_117_117" id="Footnote_117_117"></a><a href="#FNanchor_117_117"><span class="label">[117]</span></a> Sir H. L. Bulwer, Historic Characters, Vol. II. p. 324.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_118_118" id="Footnote_118_118"></a><a href="#FNanchor_118_118"><span class="label">[118]</span></a> Boswell’s Life of Johnson, ed. Croker, April, 1781.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_119_119" id="Footnote_119_119"></a><a href="#FNanchor_119_119"><span class="label">[119]</span></a> Act of September 2, 1789, Section 8: Statutes at Large, Vol. I. p. 67.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_120_120" id="Footnote_120_120"></a><a href="#FNanchor_120_120"><span class="label">[120]</span></a> Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. 1st Sess., p. 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_121_121" id="Footnote_121_121"></a><a href="#FNanchor_121_121"><span class="label">[121]</span></a> Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. 1st Sess., p. 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_122_122" id="Footnote_122_122"></a><a href="#FNanchor_122_122"><span class="label">[122]</span></a> Ibid., p. 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_123_123" id="Footnote_123_123"></a><a href="#FNanchor_123_123"><span class="label">[123]</span></a> Daily Morning Chronicle, March 16, 1869.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_124_124" id="Footnote_124_124"></a><a href="#FNanchor_124_124"><span class="label">[124]</span></a> Writings, Vol. VIII. p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_125_125" id="Footnote_125_125"></a><a href="#FNanchor_125_125"><span class="label">[125]</span></a> Act of July 23, 1866: Statutes at Large, Vol. XIV. pp. 206-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_126_126" id="Footnote_126_126"></a><a href="#FNanchor_126_126"><span class="label">[126]</span></a> Statutes at Large, Vol. XV. p. 96.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_127_127" id="Footnote_127_127"></a><a href="#FNanchor_127_127"><span class="label">[127]</span></a> Statutes at Large, Vol. XII. p. 736.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_128_128" id="Footnote_128_128"></a><a href="#FNanchor_128_128"><span class="label">[128]</span></a> Ibid., Vol. XIV. p. 174.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_129_129" id="Footnote_129_129"></a><a href="#FNanchor_129_129"><span class="label">[129]</span></a> Ibid., p. 336.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_130_130" id="Footnote_130_130"></a><a href="#FNanchor_130_130"><span class="label">[130]</span></a> Ibid., Vol. XVI. p. 320.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_131_131" id="Footnote_131_131"></a><a href="#FNanchor_131_131"><span class="label">[131]</span></a> Statutes at Large, Vol. V. p. 260.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_132_132" id="Footnote_132_132"></a><a href="#FNanchor_132_132"><span class="label">[132]</span></a> Ibid., Vol. XV. p. 58.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_133_133" id="Footnote_133_133"></a><a href="#FNanchor_133_133"><span class="label">[133]</span></a> Ibid., Vol. XVI. p. 319.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_134_134" id="Footnote_134_134"></a><a href="#FNanchor_134_134"><span class="label">[134]</span></a> General Orders, No. 10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_135_135" id="Footnote_135_135"></a><a href="#FNanchor_135_135"><span class="label">[135]</span></a> General Orders, No. 11.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_136_136" id="Footnote_136_136"></a><a href="#FNanchor_136_136"><span class="label">[136]</span></a> Ibid., No. 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_137_137" id="Footnote_137_137"></a><a href="#FNanchor_137_137"><span class="label">[137]</span></a> Ibid., No. 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_138_138" id="Footnote_138_138"></a><a href="#FNanchor_138_138"><span class="label">[138]</span></a> Congressional Globe, 40th Cong. 3d Sess., p. 754, Feb. 1, 1869.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_139_139" id="Footnote_139_139"></a><a href="#FNanchor_139_139"><span class="label">[139]</span></a> General Orders, No. 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_140_140" id="Footnote_140_140"></a><a href="#FNanchor_140_140"><span class="label">[140]</span></a> Statutes at Large, Vol. IV. p. 736.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_141_141" id="Footnote_141_141"></a><a href="#FNanchor_141_141"><span class="label">[141]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, p. 135.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_142_142" id="Footnote_142_142"></a><a href="#FNanchor_142_142"><span class="label">[142]</span></a> Executive Documents, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., H. of R., No. 1, Part 2, p. 37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_143_143" id="Footnote_143_143"></a><a href="#FNanchor_143_143"><span class="label">[143]</span></a> Executive Documents, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., H. of R., No. 1, Part 2, p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_144_144" id="Footnote_144_144"></a><a href="#FNanchor_144_144"><span class="label">[144]</span></a> Inaugural Address, March 4, 1869: Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. 1st -Sess., p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_145_145" id="Footnote_145_145"></a><a href="#FNanchor_145_145"><span class="label">[145]</span></a> Daily Morning Chronicle, March 17, 1869.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_146_146" id="Footnote_146_146"></a><a href="#FNanchor_146_146"><span class="label">[146]</span></a> New York Custom-House Investigation,—Testimony of Gen. G. W. -Palmer: Senate Reports, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., No. 227, Vol. III. p. 581.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_147_147" id="Footnote_147_147"></a><a href="#FNanchor_147_147"><span class="label">[147]</span></a> Testimony of William Atkinson: Ibid., p. 626.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_148_148" id="Footnote_148_148"></a><a href="#FNanchor_148_148"><span class="label">[148]</span></a> Private letter to Mr. Sumner, quoted in Speech of March 27, 1871: -<i>Ante</i>, Vol. XIX. p. 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_149_149" id="Footnote_149_149"></a><a href="#FNanchor_149_149"><span class="label">[149]</span></a> Executive Documents, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., Senate, No. 17, p. 79; No. -45, p. 3. Senate Reports, 41st Cong. 2d Sess., No. 234, pp. 38, 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_150_150" id="Footnote_150_150"></a><a href="#FNanchor_150_150"><span class="label">[150]</span></a> Senate Reports, 41st Cong. 2d Sess., No. 234, p. 188.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_151_151" id="Footnote_151_151"></a><a href="#FNanchor_151_151"><span class="label">[151]</span></a> Executive Documents, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., Senate, No. 17., pp. 80-82.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_152_152" id="Footnote_152_152"></a><a href="#FNanchor_152_152"><span class="label">[152]</span></a> Same, No. 34, p. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_153_153" id="Footnote_153_153"></a><a href="#FNanchor_153_153"><span class="label">[153]</span></a> Congressional Globe, 41st Cong. 3d Sess., pp. 6, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_154_154" id="Footnote_154_154"></a><a href="#FNanchor_154_154"><span class="label">[154]</span></a> Message, April 5, 1871: Cong. Globe, 42d Congr. 1st Sess., pp. 469-70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_155_155" id="Footnote_155_155"></a><a href="#FNanchor_155_155"><span class="label">[155]</span></a> See Letter to Hon. Andrew D. White, <i>post</i>, p. 205.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_156_156" id="Footnote_156_156"></a><a href="#FNanchor_156_156"><span class="label">[156]</span></a> Titus Andronicus, Act I. Sc. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_157_157" id="Footnote_157_157"></a><a href="#FNanchor_157_157"><span class="label">[157]</span></a> Cymbeline, Act III. Sc. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_158_158" id="Footnote_158_158"></a><a href="#FNanchor_158_158"><span class="label">[158]</span></a> “Le roi de France ne venge pas les injures du duc d’Orléans.” <span class="smcap">Louis -XII.</span>—Fournier, L’Esprit dans l’Histoire, (Paris, 1860,) p. 121.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_159_159" id="Footnote_159_159"></a><a href="#FNanchor_159_159"><span class="label">[159]</span></a> Raoul de Caën, Faits et Gestes du Prince Tancrède: Guizot, Mémoires -relatifs à l’Histoire de France, Tom. XXIII. p. 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_160_160" id="Footnote_160_160"></a><a href="#FNanchor_160_160"><span class="label">[160]</span></a> Third Satire of Juvenal, 454-55, 468-69: Dryden’s Works, ed. Scott, -Vol. XIII. p. 146.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_161_161" id="Footnote_161_161"></a><a href="#FNanchor_161_161"><span class="label">[161]</span></a> Gifford, (2d edit., London, 1806,) 407-10.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_162_162" id="Footnote_162_162"></a><a href="#FNanchor_162_162"><span class="label">[162]</span></a></p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“Larges estoit et volentis,</div> -<div class="verse">Mès n’estoit pas bien ententis,</div> -<div class="verse">En ce que ou royaume failloit,</div> -<div class="verse">Si comme reson li bailloit.”</div> -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Godefroy de Paris</span>, <i>Chronique Métrique</i>, 8047-50.</p> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_163_163" id="Footnote_163_163"></a><a href="#FNanchor_163_163"><span class="label">[163]</span></a> “Selon le droit de nature chacun doit naître franc.”—<i>Ord. 3 Juillet, -1315</i>: Ordonances des Roys de France de la troisième Race, Tom. I. p. 583. -Sismondi, Histoire des Français, Tom. IX. pp. 321-22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_164_164" id="Footnote_164_164"></a><a href="#FNanchor_164_164"><span class="label">[164]</span></a> Annual Message, 21st Cong. 2d Sess., December 7, 1830.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_165_165" id="Footnote_165_165"></a><a href="#FNanchor_165_165"><span class="label">[165]</span></a> Speech at the Dayton Convention, September 10, 1840: Niles’s Register, -Vol. LIX. p. 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_166_166" id="Footnote_166_166"></a><a href="#FNanchor_166_166"><span class="label">[166]</span></a> Speech at Taylorsville, Hanover County, Va., June 27, 1840: Works, -Vol. VI. p. 421.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_167_167" id="Footnote_167_167"></a><a href="#FNanchor_167_167"><span class="label">[167]</span></a> Speech in the Senate, February 20, 1866: Congressional Globe, 39th -Cong. 1st Sess., p. 932.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_168_168" id="Footnote_168_168"></a><a href="#FNanchor_168_168"><span class="label">[168]</span></a> New York Custom-House Investigation,—Testimony of Gen. G. W. -Palmer: Senate Reports, 42d Cong. 2d Sess., No. 227, Vol. III., pp. 581, -582.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_169_169" id="Footnote_169_169"></a><a href="#FNanchor_169_169"><span class="label">[169]</span></a> Hansard, Parliamentary History, Vol. XXI. col. 247, 267,—April -6, 1780.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_170_170" id="Footnote_170_170"></a><a href="#FNanchor_170_170"><span class="label">[170]</span></a> Hansard, Parliamentary History, Vol. XXI., col. 247.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_171_171" id="Footnote_171_171"></a><a href="#FNanchor_171_171"><span class="label">[171]</span></a> Daily Morning Chronicle, May 10, 1872.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_172_172" id="Footnote_172_172"></a><a href="#FNanchor_172_172"><span class="label">[172]</span></a> Josiah Quincy, Speech in the House of Representatives, January 30, -1811: Annals of Congress, 11th Cong. 3d Sess., col. 851.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_173_173" id="Footnote_173_173"></a><a href="#FNanchor_173_173"><span class="label">[173]</span></a> Livy, XXXVIII. 51.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_174_174" id="Footnote_174_174"></a><a href="#FNanchor_174_174"><span class="label">[174]</span></a> General Henry Lee, Oration before the Two Houses of Congress on -the Death of Washington, December 26, 1799: Annals of Congress, 6th -Cong., App., col. 1310.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_175_175" id="Footnote_175_175"></a><a href="#FNanchor_175_175"><span class="label">[175]</span></a> Daily Morning Chronicle, May 10, 1872.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_176_176" id="Footnote_176_176"></a><a href="#FNanchor_176_176"><span class="label">[176]</span></a> Speech at the Republican State Convention in Worcester, September -14, 1865. <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XII. p. 339.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_177_177" id="Footnote_177_177"></a><a href="#FNanchor_177_177"><span class="label">[177]</span></a> See Speech entitled “Republicanism <i>vs.</i> Grantism,”—<i>ante</i>, pp. 83-171.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_178_178" id="Footnote_178_178"></a><a href="#FNanchor_178_178"><span class="label">[178]</span></a> Vol. IV. p. 121.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_179_179" id="Footnote_179_179"></a><a href="#FNanchor_179_179"><span class="label">[179]</span></a> Proverbs, xxix. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_180_180" id="Footnote_180_180"></a><a href="#FNanchor_180_180"><span class="label">[180]</span></a> Documents relative to the Colonial History of New York, ed. O’Callaghan, -Vol. IV. p. 1040.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_181_181" id="Footnote_181_181"></a><a href="#FNanchor_181_181"><span class="label">[181]</span></a> Self-Help, (Boston, 1860,) pp. 391-92.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_182_182" id="Footnote_182_182"></a><a href="#FNanchor_182_182"><span class="label">[182]</span></a> Pearce, Memoirs and Correspondence, (London, 1846,) Vol. III. pp. -424-25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_183_183" id="Footnote_183_183"></a><a href="#FNanchor_183_183"><span class="label">[183]</span></a> Annual Message, 21st Cong. 2d Sess., December 7, 1830.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_184_184" id="Footnote_184_184"></a><a href="#FNanchor_184_184"><span class="label">[184]</span></a> Speech at the Dayton Convention, September 10, 1840: Niles’s Register, -Vol. LIX. p. 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_185_185" id="Footnote_185_185"></a><a href="#FNanchor_185_185"><span class="label">[185]</span></a> Speech at Taylorsville, Hanover County, Va., June 27, 1840: Works, -Vol. VI. p. 421.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_186_186" id="Footnote_186_186"></a><a href="#FNanchor_186_186"><span class="label">[186]</span></a> Speech in the Senate, February 20, 1866: Congressional Globe, 39th -Cong. 1st Sess., p. 932.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_187_187" id="Footnote_187_187"></a><a href="#FNanchor_187_187"><span class="label">[187]</span></a> June 3, 1869.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_188_188" id="Footnote_188_188"></a><a href="#FNanchor_188_188"><span class="label">[188]</span></a> July 14, 1869.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_189_189" id="Footnote_189_189"></a><a href="#FNanchor_189_189"><span class="label">[189]</span></a> Democracy in America, ed. Bowen, (Cambridge, 1863,) Ch. VIII. Vol. -I. pp. 172-73.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_190_190" id="Footnote_190_190"></a><a href="#FNanchor_190_190"><span class="label">[190]</span></a> Letter to Madison, March 15, 1789: Writings, Vol. III. p. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_191_191" id="Footnote_191_191"></a><a href="#FNanchor_191_191"><span class="label">[191]</span></a> New York Custom-House Investigation: Senate Reports, 42d Cong. -2d Sess. No. 227, Vol. III. pp. 582, 626.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_192_192" id="Footnote_192_192"></a><a href="#FNanchor_192_192"><span class="label">[192]</span></a> See Report on Affairs in Louisiana: House Reports, 42d Cong. 2d Sess. -No. 92.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_193_193" id="Footnote_193_193"></a><a href="#FNanchor_193_193"><span class="label">[193]</span></a> House Reports, 40th Cong. 1st Sess., No. 7, p. 41.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_194_194" id="Footnote_194_194"></a><a href="#FNanchor_194_194"><span class="label">[194]</span></a> Ibid., as there condensed from the original: Two Treatises on Government, -Book II. § 222.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_195_195" id="Footnote_195_195"></a><a href="#FNanchor_195_195"><span class="label">[195]</span></a> American Annual Cyclopædia, 1872, p. 778.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_196_196" id="Footnote_196_196"></a><a href="#FNanchor_196_196"><span class="label">[196]</span></a> Speech of Mr. Sawyer, of South Carolina, on the Supplementary Civil -Rights Bill as an Amendment to the Amnesty Bill: Congressional Globe, -42d Cong. 2d Sess., p. 490.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_197_197" id="Footnote_197_197"></a><a href="#FNanchor_197_197"><span class="label">[197]</span></a> Dante, De Monarchia, Lib. I. cap. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_198_198" id="Footnote_198_198"></a><a href="#FNanchor_198_198"><span class="label">[198]</span></a> Ovid, Metamorphoses, ed. Garth, Book VII.: <i>The Dragon’s Teeth -transformed to Men</i>, vv. 31-34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_199_199" id="Footnote_199_199"></a><a href="#FNanchor_199_199"><span class="label">[199]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. VII. p. 268.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_200_200" id="Footnote_200_200"></a><a href="#FNanchor_200_200"><span class="label">[200]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. VII. p. 351.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_201_201" id="Footnote_201_201"></a><a href="#FNanchor_201_201"><span class="label">[201]</span></a> Congressional Globe, 37th Cong. 2d Sess., p. 1982.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_202_202" id="Footnote_202_202"></a><a href="#FNanchor_202_202"><span class="label">[202]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. VIII. p. 361. Congressional Globe, <i>ut supra</i>, p. 2010.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_203_203" id="Footnote_203_203"></a><a href="#FNanchor_203_203"><span class="label">[203]</span></a> Congressional Globe, <i>ut supra</i>, p. 2083.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_204_204" id="Footnote_204_204"></a><a href="#FNanchor_204_204"><span class="label">[204]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. IX. pp. 70, 73, 74, and note. Congressional Globe, <i>ut -supra</i>, pp. 2195, 2196.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_205_205" id="Footnote_205_205"></a><a href="#FNanchor_205_205"><span class="label">[205]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. IX. p. 146. Congressional Globe, <i>ut supra</i>, p. 2965.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_206_206" id="Footnote_206_206"></a><a href="#FNanchor_206_206"><span class="label">[206]</span></a> Ibid., p. 208.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_207_207" id="Footnote_207_207"></a><a href="#FNanchor_207_207"><span class="label">[207]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XI. p. 320. Congressional Globe, 38th Cong. 1st Sess., -p. 2800.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_208_208" id="Footnote_208_208"></a><a href="#FNanchor_208_208"><span class="label">[208]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XII. p. 76. Congressional Globe, 38th Cong. 2d Sess., -p. 381.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_209_209" id="Footnote_209_209"></a><a href="#FNanchor_209_209"><span class="label">[209]</span></a> Ibid., p. 331. Congressional Globe, <i>ut supra</i>, p. 1091.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_210_210" id="Footnote_210_210"></a><a href="#FNanchor_210_210"><span class="label">[210]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XII. p. 203. Congressional Globe, <i>ut supra</i>, p. 1126.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_211_211" id="Footnote_211_211"></a><a href="#FNanchor_211_211"><span class="label">[211]</span></a> Ibid.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_212_212" id="Footnote_212_212"></a><a href="#FNanchor_212_212"><span class="label">[212]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XII. pp. 291, 292.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_213_213" id="Footnote_213_213"></a><a href="#FNanchor_213_213"><span class="label">[213]</span></a> Ibid., p. 471.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_214_214" id="Footnote_214_214"></a><a href="#FNanchor_214_214"><span class="label">[214]</span></a> Ibid., p. 492.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_215_215" id="Footnote_215_215"></a><a href="#FNanchor_215_215"><span class="label">[215]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XIV. p. 204.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_216_216" id="Footnote_216_216"></a><a href="#FNanchor_216_216"><span class="label">[216]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XII. pp. 406-7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_217_217" id="Footnote_217_217"></a><a href="#FNanchor_217_217"><span class="label">[217]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XIII. pp. 228-29. Congressional Globe, 39th Cong. 1st -Sess., p. 686.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_218_218" id="Footnote_218_218"></a><a href="#FNanchor_218_218"><span class="label">[218]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XIV. p. 185.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_219_219" id="Footnote_219_219"></a><a href="#FNanchor_219_219"><span class="label">[219]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XIV. pp. 185-6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_220_220" id="Footnote_220_220"></a><a href="#FNanchor_220_220"><span class="label">[220]</span></a> Ibid., pp. 146, 158-59, 163. Congressional Globe, 40th Cong. 1st Sess., -pp. 165, 167, 170.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_221_221" id="Footnote_221_221"></a><a href="#FNanchor_221_221"><span class="label">[221]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XV. p. 208. Congressional Globe, <i>ut supra</i>, p. 625.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_222_222" id="Footnote_222_222"></a><a href="#FNanchor_222_222"><span class="label">[222]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XVI. p. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_223_223" id="Footnote_223_223"></a><a href="#FNanchor_223_223"><span class="label">[223]</span></a> <i>Ante</i>, Vol. XVII. pp. 115-16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_224_224" id="Footnote_224_224"></a><a href="#FNanchor_224_224"><span class="label">[224]</span></a> American Annual Cyclopædia, 1872, p. 778.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_225_225" id="Footnote_225_225"></a><a href="#FNanchor_225_225"><span class="label">[225]</span></a> Ibid., p. 782.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_226_226" id="Footnote_226_226"></a><a href="#FNanchor_226_226"><span class="label">[226]</span></a> “Nec Deus intersit, nisi dignus vindice nodus inciderit.”—<span class="smcap">Horat.</span>, -<i>De Arte Poetica</i>, 191-92.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_227_227" id="Footnote_227_227"></a><a href="#FNanchor_227_227"><span class="label">[227]</span></a> Anecdotes of the late Samuel Johnson, LL.D., during the last Twenty -Years of his Life, by Hesther Lynch Piozzi, (London, Cadell, 1786,) p. 83.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_228_228" id="Footnote_228_228"></a><a href="#FNanchor_228_228"><span class="label">[228]</span></a> “Cari sunt parentes, cari liberi, propinqui, familiares; sed omnes omnium -caritates patria una complexa est.”—<span class="smcap">Cicero</span>, <i>De Officiis</i>, Lib. I. -cap. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_229_229" id="Footnote_229_229"></a><a href="#FNanchor_229_229"><span class="label">[229]</span></a> Dr. William Drennan’s Hymn,</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="verse">“All Nature feels attractive power.”</div> -</div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_230_230" id="Footnote_230_230"></a><a href="#FNanchor_230_230"><span class="label">[230]</span></a> For this bill, see, <i>ante</i>, Vol. XIX. pp. 213, 214.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_231_231" id="Footnote_231_231"></a><a href="#FNanchor_231_231"><span class="label">[231]</span></a> Bradford’s History of Plymouth Plantation, ed. Deane, p. 90.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_232_232" id="Footnote_232_232"></a><a href="#FNanchor_232_232"><span class="label">[232]</span></a> Winslow’s Brief Narration: Young, Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, -(2d ed.) p. 397.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_233_233" id="Footnote_233_233"></a><a href="#FNanchor_233_233"><span class="label">[233]</span></a> Prince, Chronological History of New England, (ed. 1826,) p. 160. -Bradford, pp. 57, 72.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_234_234" id="Footnote_234_234"></a><a href="#FNanchor_234_234"><span class="label">[234]</span></a> Prince, p. 237. “With much adooe (and spent a good deal of it in -expences)”: Bradford, p. 204.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_235_235" id="Footnote_235_235"></a><a href="#FNanchor_235_235"><span class="label">[235]</span></a> Bradford, p. 211. Prince, p. 242.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_236_236" id="Footnote_236_236"></a><a href="#FNanchor_236_236"><span class="label">[236]</span></a> Neal, History of the Puritans, (London, 1733,) Vol. II. p. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_237_237" id="Footnote_237_237"></a><a href="#FNanchor_237_237"><span class="label">[237]</span></a> Galatians, v. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_238_238" id="Footnote_238_238"></a><a href="#FNanchor_238_238"><span class="label">[238]</span></a> Milton, Sonnet XII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a name="Footnote_239_239" id="Footnote_239_239"></a><a href="#FNanchor_239_239"><span class="label">[239]</span></a> Statutes at Large, Vol. XVIII. Part 3, pp. 335-36.</p> - -</div> - -</div> - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_315" id="Page_315">[Pg 315]</a><br /> -<a name="Page_316" id="Page_316">[Pg 316]</a><br /><a name="Page_317" id="Page_317">[Pg 317]</a></span></p> - -<h2><a name="INDEX" id="INDEX"></a>INDEX.</h2> - -<ul> -<li class="ifrst">A.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="AbolitionofSlavery" id="AbolitionofSlavery"></a>Abolition of Slavery, not prevented by the Constitution, I. 310.</li> -<li class="isub1">Franklin petitions for, I. 312; II. 68, 231, 294; III. 17, 293; VI. 203.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jefferson’s desire for, I. 312; III. 15, 288.</li> -<li class="isub1">Washington on, I. 312; II. 230; III. 17, 49 <i>et seq.</i>, 286; V. 96; VII. 129; VIII. 281.</li> -<li class="isub1">A duty, I. 316.</li> -<li class="isub1">In England, III. 302; IV. 313; VIII. 279.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech on bill for, in District of Columbia, VIII. 251.</li> -<li class="isub1">In West Virginia, IX. 122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Constitutional Amendment for, XI. 211 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">In America, advocated by Hartley, XV. 351, 352.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#ConstitutionalAmendment">Constitutional Amendment</a></i> and <i><a href="#Emancipation">Emancipation</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Abolition Societies petition 1st Congress to abolish slavery, II. 68; III. 17, 293; XII. 155.</li> -<li class="isub1">Formation of, in the different States, XII. 154.</li> - -<li class="indx">Abolitionists, need of, I. 314.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jefferson, Franklin, and Washington were such, I. 314; III. 19; VI. 213.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not responsible for the Civil War, VII. 342-344.</li> - -<li class="indx">Academy, Naval, appointments to, IX. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">National, of literature and art; also of moral and political sciences, XI. 401.</li> - -<li class="indx">Adams, Charles Francis, nominated for Vice-President in 1848, II. 295 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Adams, John, on the Stamp Act, III. 130, 344.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, III. 287.</li> -<li class="isub1">Supports equality of representation, IV. 54.</li> -<li class="isub1">Author of Massachusetts Constitution and Bill of Rights, IV. 63, 70.</li> -<li class="isub1">On opposition of the South to republican government, IV. 199; VII. 318.</li> -<li class="isub1">On British impressment of American seamen, VIII. 50.</li> -<li class="isub1">On effect of freeing slaves in Revolution, IX. 222.</li> -<li class="isub1">On meaning of “republic,” XI. 192; XIII. 147, 152.</li> -<li class="isub1">On republican government, XIII. 185; XX. <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His predictions concerning America, XIII. 185; XV. 42, 306-317, 364.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Hartley, XV. 348.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Cérisier, XV. 387.</li> -<li class="isub1">His appointment of relations to office, XX. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His refutation of an apology for nepotism, XX. <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Adams, John Quincy, on abolishing war, II. 412.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treatment of, by slave-masters in Congress, VI. 204-206.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of, VI. 305.</li> -<li class="isub1">His opinions on, and efforts against, slavery, VI. 306; VII. 16, 55.</li> -<li class="isub1">On restraints of popular sovereignty, as declared in Declaration of Independence, VII. 55-57.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proclaims war-powers of Congress to emancipate slaves, VII. 259-263; IX. 142.</li> -<li class="isub1">On privateering, VIII. 77; IX. 290.</li> -<li class="isub1">On mutual right of search against slave-trade, VIII. 342.</li> -<li class="isub1">His early argument against liberation of slaves by armies, IX. 141.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the metric-system, XIV. 150.</li> -<li class="isub1">On appointment of relations to office, XX. <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_318" id="Page_318">[Pg 318]</a></span>His opinion on acceptance of gifts, XX. <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Adams, Samuel, letter of, desiring Congressional action to abolish war, II. 404.</li> -<li class="isub1">On limited power of national government, III. 296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Frees a female slave, VII. 14.</li> -<li class="isub1">On republican government, XIII. 184.</li> - -<li class="indx">Adjournments of Congress, protests against, IX. 176; XI. 405; XIV. 348; XV. 172, 240.</li> -<li class="isub1">Memorandum of, 1846-62, XI. 405 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Administration, duty and strength of the coming (in 1861), VII. 213.</li> -<li class="isub1">Stand by the, IX. 116.</li> - -<li class="indx">Admiral, rank of, IX. 150.</li> - -<li class="indx">Africa, reasons for the condition of, XVII. 170.</li> - -<li class="indx">African Race, alleged inferiority of, VI. 220; XVII. 171.</li> -<li class="isub1">Merits and capacities of, VI. 297; IX. 226; XVII. 172-176.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#ColoredPersons">Colored Persons</a></i> and <i><a href="#ColoredRace">Colored Race</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Agriculture, in slave and free States, VI. 147.</li> -<li class="isub1">In United States in 1850, IX. 250 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Alabama, case of the, X. 27 <i>et seq.</i>; XVII. 65-69.</li> -<li class="isub1">Claims, XVII. 53, 124-127; XX. <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alaman, Lucas, career and works of, XV. 425 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecy concerning Mexico, XV. 426-428.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alaska. See <i><a href="#RussianAmerica">Russian America</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alembert, M. d’, letter of, on Latin verse applied to Franklin, X. 236.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alexandreïs, the, origin and history of, XII. 380-385, 388-393.</li> -<li class="isub1">Author of, XII. 385-388.</li> -<li class="isub1">Analysis of, XII. 394-404.</li> - -<li class="indx">Algerine Captive, the, quoted, II. 65; III. 292; VIII. 292.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="AlgerineSlavery" id="AlgerineSlavery"></a>Algerine Slavery, illustrations of, in literature, II. 8-12, 83-90.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to American, II. 63-69.</li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts of United States against, II. 69-76; VIII. 283-298.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolished, II. 80; VIII. 297; X. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of religion on, II. 92.</li> -<li class="isub1">Descriptions of, by travellers and captives, II. 94-99.</li> -<li class="isub1">Evil effects of, II. 100.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Algiers">Algiers</a></i>, <i><a href="#BarbaryStates">Barbary States</a></i>, <i><a href="#Tripoli">Tripoli</a></i>, and <i><a href="#Tunis">Tunis</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Algiers" id="Algiers"></a>Algiers, described by old English writers, II. 21.</li> -<li class="isub1">War of United States with, II. 74; VIII. 297.</li> -<li class="isub1">Expeditions of Lord Exmouth against, II. 77-80; VIII. 297; IX. 398.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolition of white slavery in, II. 80; VIII. 297; X. 73.</li> - -<li class="indx">Allston, Washington, tribute to, as the artist, in Phi Beta Kappa oration of 1846, I. 272-284.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mrs. Jameson on, I. 273.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ambassadors, seizure of, on neutral ships, according to English authorities, VIII. 55 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to American policy on same, VIII. 57-62;</li> -<li class="isub2">policy of Continental Europe on same, VIII. 63.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ambulance and hospital corps, IX. 255.</li> - -<li class="indx">America, prophetic voices concerning, XV. 251.</li> -<li class="isub1">Allusions to, by early English and American poets, XV. 260-264.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early designation of United States, XV. 431; XVI. 48-50;</li> -<li class="isub2">and perhaps its future name, XVI. 50.</li> -<li class="isub1">Geographical unity of, XVI. 51 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Ames, Adelbert, Gen., remarks on admission of, as Senator from Mississippi, XVIII. 11.</li> - -<li class="indx">Amherst College, Commencement oration at, II. 153.</li> - -<li class="indx">Amnesty, must not be granted to Rebels too soon, XVIII. 301; XIX. 318.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be united with equal rights for colored persons, XIX. 215, 259, 263, 317; XX. <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ancients and Moderns, battle of, II. 259.</li> - -<li class="indx">Andrew, John A., appeal for election of, as Governor of Massachusetts, VI. 379.</li> -<li class="isub1">His merits, VII. 18.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposes all compromise in 1861, VII. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters to, Jan. 17-Feb. 20, 1861, VII. 186-199.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_319" id="Page_319">[Pg 319]</a></span>Extract from letter to, on emancipation, VIII. 14.</li> -<li class="isub1">On pay and enlistment of colored troops, X. 316 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Anti-Lucretius, the, X. 249-251.</li> - -<li class="indx">Antislavery Duties, our immediate, III. 122.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="AntislaveryEnterprise" id="AntislaveryEnterprise"></a>Antislavery Enterprise, the, its necessity, practicability, etc., V. 1;</li> -<li class="isub2">its origin and growth, V. 7-9.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defined, V. 10.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its object, V. 24.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not dangerous to masters, V. 28;</li> -<li class="isub2">or injurious to slaves, V. 30.</li> -<li class="isub1">Good results of, V. 32-34.</li> -<li class="isub1">Aspersions upon the, V. 36-38.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its prospects, V. 48.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeals to all by every argument, V. 49.</li> - -<li class="indx">Antislavery Society, American, letters to, XIV. 51; XVIII. 45.</li> - -<li class="indx">Anxieties and prospects during the winter of 1860-61, VII. 186.</li> - -<li class="indx">Appropriation Bills, origination of, V. 83;</li> -<li class="isub2">debates in National Convention on same, V. 84-87, 88 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Example of England as to, V. 90.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aranda, Pedro, Count, XV. 395.</li> -<li class="isub1">American ministers on, XV. 396.</li> -<li class="isub1">His predictions concerning America, XV. 397-400.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ideas resembling his, XV. 401.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arbitration, a substitute for war, I. 51; II. 416; XX. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Established by Switzerland and German Confederation, II. 380.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advocated by Cobden, II. 409.</li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts to establish, II. 421.</li> -<li class="isub1">Stipulated, or a congress of nations, with disarmament, III. 117.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recommended for settlement of San Juan boundary question, VII. 216.</li> -<li class="isub1">Suggested by England in 1870 to obviate Franco-German War, XVIII. 190.</li> -<li class="isub1">International, XX. <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Architecture, changes in, I. 114.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arctic Expeditions, XVIII. 54.</li> - -<li class="indx">Argenson, René, Marquis d’, on equality, XIII. 198.</li> -<li class="isub1">Career of, XV. 286-288.</li> -<li class="isub1">His writings, XV. 288-291.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecy concerning America, XV. 291.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aristocracy, defined, XIII. 208.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aristotle, testifies to opposition to slavery, II. 15.</li> -<li class="isub1">On coinage, XI. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">On government, XIII. 145.</li> -<li class="isub1">On citizenship, XIII. 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">His definition of equity, XVIII. 36.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arkansas, territorial organization of, IV. 103.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech on recognition of, XI. 351;</li> -<li class="isub2">reasons for opposition to same, XI. 355-360.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sources of Congressional power over, XI. 362-372.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arlington, Massachusetts, celebration at, on assuming its new name, XV. 181.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arlington, Virginia, the patriot dead at, XVIII. 254.</li> - -<li class="indx">Armies, standing, of Europe in 1845, I. 75.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not necessary in United States, I. 86.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of Congress over, I. 354.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of Frederick of Prussia to effect of, II. 370 (and <i>note</i>); XVIII. 226.</li> -<li class="isub1">The national, and fugitive slaves, VIII. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sir Thomas More on, XVIII. 225.</li> -<li class="isub1">Montesquieu on, XVIII. 247.</li> - -<li class="indx">Armories, civil superintendents of, IV. 12.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arms, results of wearing, I. 99; VI. 179; XVIII. 226;</li> -<li class="isub1">Judge Jay on same, I. 100.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sale of, by United States to France in war of 1870, XX. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Army, distinguished from militia, I. 355.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of United States composed of volunteers, I. 356;</li> -<li class="isub2">of same in Rebellion, IX. 212.</li> -<li class="isub1">No exclusion of retired officers of, from civil service, XVIII. 51.</li> - -<li class="indx">Art, importance of expression in, I. 278.</li> -<li class="isub1">Battles not subjects for, I. 281.</li> -<li class="isub1">In the National Capitol, XIV. 164.</li> -<li class="isub1">American, XIV. 175-178.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Engraving">Engraving</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_320" id="Page_320">[Pg 320]</a></span>Ashley, James M., and Reconstruction, XII. 7.</li> - -<li class="indx">Assailants, reply to, IV. 172.</li> - -<li class="indx">Atchison, David R., V. 160.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech of, quoted, V. 173.</li> - -<li class="indx">Atheists, declared, not allowed to take oath, VIII. 220 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="AuburnSystem" id="AuburnSystem"></a>Auburn System of prison discipline explained, I. 171; II. 117.</li> -<li class="isub1">Propagates vice, I. 173.</li> -<li class="isub1">Supported by Boston Prison-Discipline Society, I. 178, II. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Pennsylvania system, II. 144-146.</li> - -<li class="indx">Augustine, St., protests against war-preparations in time of peace, I. 107.</li> -<li class="isub1">On unjust laws, III. 362; XI. 207.</li> - -<li class="indx">Austria, army of, before 1845, I. 75.</li> -<li class="isub1">Navy of, before 1840, I. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relative expenditure of, for war-preparations, I. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">Numbers of its Parliaments, XX. <a href="#Page_2">2</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Authors, in slave and free States, VII. 284.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">B.</li> - -<li class="indx">Babcock, Orville E., his management of negotiation for annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 267-270; XIX. 37, 54-57; XX. <a href="#Page_145">145</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His assumption of title of aide-de-camp to the President, XVIII. 268 <i>et seq.</i>; XX. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Supported by U. S. ships, XIX. 53 <i>et seq.</i>; XX. <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bacon, Lord, his definition of war, I. 14.</li> -<li class="isub1">On philanthropy, I. 286; V. 34.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ideas of, on progress, II. 265.</li> -<li class="isub1">On settlement of Virginia, XI. 456.</li> -<li class="isub1">His definition of equity, XVIII. 36.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bacon, Roger, legend of, I. 212.</li> - -<li class="indx">Baez, Buenaventura, XVIII. 267; XX. <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His associates, XVIII. 267; XIX. 37; XX. <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sustained by U. S. ships of war, XVIII. 271, 303; XIX. 27 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His career, XIX. 31-36.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to his support by U. S. navy, XIX. 42-45, 56-64.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bailey, Goldsmith F., Representative from Massachusetts, speech on death of, VIII. 366.</li> - -<li class="indx">Baker, Edward D., Senator from Oregon, speech on death of, with call for emancipation, VII. 370-376.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ballot, importance of the, V. 171; XIV. 325.</li> - -<li class="indx">Baltimore, attack on the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment at, April 19, 1861, VII. 227.</li> - -<li class="indx">Banks. See <i><a href="#FreeBanking">Free Banking</a></i>, <i><a href="#NationalBanks">National Banks</a></i>, and <i><a href="#StateBanks">State Banks</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Banks, Nathaniel P., letter on commemoration of his election as Speaker of the House of Representatives, V. 97.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="BarbaryStates" id="BarbaryStates"></a>Barbary States, white slavery in the, II. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Gibbon on origin of their name, II. 6.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to slave States of America, II. 7; VI. 159-161.</li> -<li class="isub1">Military expeditions against, II. 22-33.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaties of, with Great Britain, II. 30,—and with United States, II. 70, 73, 74; VIII. 294 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts to ransom white slaves in, II. 33-37, 57; VIII. 282, 286-296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts of slaves to escape from, II. 39.</li> -<li class="isub1">Narratives of escapes from slavery in, II. 41-50, 55.</li> -<li class="isub1">Records of American slaves in, II. 50-55; VIII. 285.</li> -<li class="isub1">Wars of, with United States, II. 71-76; VIII. 296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolition of white slavery in, II. 78, 80; VIII. 297; X. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to condition of white slaves in, II. 91-99; VIII. 284.</li> -<li class="isub1">Black slavery in, II. 101.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#AlgerineSlavery">Algerine Slavery</a></i>, <i><a href="#Algiers">Algiers</a></i>, <i><a href="#Tripoli">Tripoli</a></i>, and <i><a href="#Tunis">Tunis</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bates, Edward, Attorney-General, opinion of, on enlistment of colored troops, X. 321 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_321" id="Page_321">[Pg 321]</a></span>Opinion of, declaring colored persons citizens of United States, XIII. 278, 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Anecdote of, concerning colored officers, XVIII. 159.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bayard, Chevalier, conduct of, in a duel, I. 66; XVIII. 178.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bayard, James A., argument of, to prove that a Senator is a United States officer, quoted, X. 287-289.</li> - -<li class="indx">Belgium, the mission to, XI. 43.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bell, John, party in support of, in 1860, VI. 357; VII. 74.</li> -<li class="isub1">Plan of same, VI. 357-359;</li> -<li class="isub2">same, in 1864, XI. 419.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bellièvre, Pomponne de, engraved portrait of, XIX. 187.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dr. Thies on same, XIX. 187, 188.</li> -<li class="isub1">His career, XIX. 188-191.</li> - -<li class="indx">Belligerence, rule for recognition of, X. 126 <i>et seq.</i>; XVII. 60, 121-124.</li> -<li class="isub1">Requisites for concession of ocean, X. 126-133; XVII. 59 <i>et seq.</i>, 122,—authorities declaring same, X. 129-131;</li> -<li class="isub2">British precedents, illustrating same, X. 133-135.</li> -<li class="isub1">No neutrality possible without recognition of, XVII. 65, 203.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bentham, Jeremy, his plan for universal peace, II. 397.</li> - -<li class="indx">Berkeley, Bishop, XV. 275-278.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecy concerning America, XV. 278;</li> -<li class="isub2">Webster on same, XV. 278;</li> -<li class="isub2">predictions resembling same, XV. 279-281.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bills of Rights, their history and policy, IV. 62.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adoption of one in Massachusetts, IV. 69-71.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bingham, Kingsley S., Senator from Michigan, speech on death of, VII. 364;</li> -<li class="isub2">protests against slavery in same, VII. 365.</li> - -<li class="indx">Binney, Horace, XVIII. 315.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bismarck, Count, XVIII. 230 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Black Code, the, must be abolished, VII. 362; XII. 310.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blackstone, Sir William, on the English militia, I. 357.</li> -<li class="isub1">On trial by battle, II. 349.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of his commentaries in America, III. 332; XVI. 84.</li> -<li class="isub1">On recovery of escaped villeins, III. 333.</li> -<li class="isub1">On fugitive slaves in England, IV. 303 (see <i>note</i>, 304).</li> -<li class="isub1">On unlimited authority of governments, VII. 51.</li> -<li class="isub1">On levying war, VIII. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">On power of Speaker of House of Lords, XVI. 103.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the post-office as a source of revenue, XVIII. 64.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blaine, James G., letter to, on Presidential election of 1872, XX. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="BlaineAmendment" id="BlaineAmendment"></a>Blaine Amendment to the Constitution, speeches on, XIII. 115, 282, 338.</li> -<li class="isub1">Objections to, XIII. 120-123, 284-315, 375 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Boston Recorder on, XIII. 291-293.</li> -<li class="isub1">John E. King on, XIII. 303.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitutes for, XIII. 315-323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposite sides on meaning of the, XIII. 338.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opinion of Gerrit Smith and others on, XIII. 340-342.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blockade, commercial, should be abandoned, VIII. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">British complaints of, during Rebellion, X. 17-19.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln’s proclamation of, XVII. 62-64.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instances of pacific, XVII. 63.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blount, William, impeachment of, X. 286; XVI. 94.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bonds, national taxation of, XVI. 269-271, 356 <i>et seq.</i>; XVII. 108.</li> -<li class="isub1">Payment of, by greenbacks, XVI. 271-277, 358-362; XVII. 107.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reasons for reducing interest on, XVII. 288 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Fivetwenties">Five-twenties</a></i> and <i><a href="#Tenforties">Ten-forties</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Books, increased tax on, opposed, IX. 166 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">No tax on, XI. 297; XII. 204; XIV. 266-270.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cheap, and public libraries, XIV. 263.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the free list, XVIII. 141; XX. <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Boston, should demand withdrawal of troops from Mexico, I. 376.</li> -<li class="isub1">Leadership of, in generous actions, I. 376.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_322" id="Page_322">[Pg 322]</a></span>School Committee of, has no power to make color-distinctions, III. 82-86.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposition of, to Stamp Act, III. 342-344, IV. 167 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Petition for repeal of Fugitive-Slave Bill, speech on, IV. 159-171;</li> -<li class="isub2">origin of same, IV. 160.</li> -<li class="isub1">Vote of, against slavery, in 1701, IV. 189; VI. 26; VII. 13; XII. 145.</li> -<li class="isub1">Importance of, in Revolution, IV. 199; XVII. 98.</li> -<li class="isub1">Public reception of Mr. Sumner at, in 1856, VI. 22.</li> -<li class="isub1">The city of, and Mr. Sumner, XIII. 280.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relief of, after great fire of 1872, XX. <a href="#Page_258">258</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its proper boundaries, XX. <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Boston Common, and its extension, VI. 96.</li> -<li class="isub1">The first treasure of Boston, XX. <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="BostonPrisonDisciplineSociety" id="BostonPrisonDisciplineSociety"></a>Boston Prison-Discipline Society, supports Auburn system, I. 178; II. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">Injustice of, to Pennsylvania system, I. 179; II. 108, 124 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Speech before, II. 104.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s relations to, II. 108, 112.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of Dr. Wayland on, II. 109.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reports and discussions of, II. 111 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Management of, criticised, II. 113, 124, 140 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Its report of 1843 criticised, II. 125-138;</li> -<li class="isub2">foreign comments on same, II. 125;</li> -<li class="isub2">same quoted, II. 126, 128, 130.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of, II. 138.</li> -<li class="isub1">Increased usefulness needed in, II. 140-143.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of De Tocqueville on, II. 148 (<i>note</i>).</li> - -<li class="indx">Boston Public Library, foundation of, X. 272.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bounty Lands for soldiers out of real estate of Rebels, VIII. 363.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bourbons, Massachusetts Whigs in 1855 compared to, V. 74.</li> - -<li class="indx">Boutwell, George S., course of, in the Treasury, defended, XVII. 112.</li> -<li class="isub1">On intriguing for the President by office-holders, XX. <a href="#Page_225">225</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Breckenridge, John C., claims of party in support of, in 1860, VI. 359.</li> -<li class="isub1">Effect of vote for, VI. 360.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bright, Jesse D., of Indiana, expulsion of, from Senate, VIII. 114;</li> -<li class="isub2">facts in case of, VIII. 123-135.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bright, John, on English assistance to rebel States, XVII. 72.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brooks, Preston S., his assault on Mr. Sumner, V. 257-271 (<i>Appendix</i>);</li> -<li class="isub2">defence of same by the South, V. 271-280 (<i>Appendix</i>);</li> -<li class="isub2">sentiment of the North on same, V. 302-328 (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s feelings towards, XX. <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brougham, Lord, on equality, III. 55.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, IV. 315; VIII. 262.</li> -<li class="isub1">On privilege of Parliament, VI. 94.</li> -<li class="isub1">On untrustworthiness of slave-masters to legislate for freedmen, IX. 225; XIV. 213.</li> -<li class="isub1">His mistake in quoting Latin verse applied to Franklin, X. 221.</li> -<li class="isub1">On apprenticeship in British West Indies, XI. 317; XIII. 286.</li> -<li class="isub1">His advice to a young lawyer, XVIII. 315.</li> -<li class="isub1">His refusal of a gift, XX. <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Browne, John W., tribute to, as a college classmate, VI. 348.</li> - -<li class="indx">Browne, Sir Thomas, prophecy of, concerning America, XV. 268-270.</li> - -<li class="indx">Buchanan, James, on interpretation of the Constitution, IV. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">On power of Congress to abrogate treaties, V. 119.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defends irregular proceedings in Michigan before its admission as a State, V. 224, 229, 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Effect of a vote for, VI. 13.</li> -<li class="isub1">Corruption in his election and administration, VI. 308-310, 335.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognizes Lecompton constitution for Kansas, VI. 310, 333.</li> -<li class="isub1">Denounced, VI. 311.</li> -<li class="isub1">Favors Crittenden compromise, VII. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s interview with, in 1861, VII. 180 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_323" id="Page_323">[Pg 323]</a></span>His inactivity against Rebellion, VII. 324; X. 192.</li> -<li class="isub1">On surplus of Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 120.</li> - -<li class="indx">Buffalo Convention of 1848, speech at meeting to ratify its nominations, II. 291.</li> -<li class="isub1">Described, II. 293.</li> -<li class="isub1">Principles of, II. 294.</li> -<li class="isub1">Candidates of, II. 295.</li> - -<li class="indx">Burke, Edmund, on the American War, I. 346.</li> -<li class="isub1">On glory, II. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">On recognition of the French Republic, X. 111 <i>et seq.</i>, 119.</li> -<li class="isub1">On extinction of States, X. 199.</li> -<li class="isub1">On untrustworthiness of slave-masters in regard to freedmen, XII. 293; XIII. 56; XIV. 212.</li> -<li class="isub1">On impeachment, XVI. 106 <i>et seq.</i>, 144, 151, 153, 156, 158, 160, 214.</li> - -<li class="indx">Burlingame, Anson, duty to vote for, VI. 20; VII. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Congratulation on his reëlection in 1856, VI. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Regret for his defeat in 1860, VII. 80.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tribute to, XVI. 319.</li> -<li class="isub1">On disposition of surplus of Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 122-123.</li> - -<li class="indx">Burns, Anthony, surrender of, IV. 261; V. 189.</li> - -<li class="indx">Burns, Robert, prediction by, concerning America, XV. 404.</li> - -<li class="indx">Butler, Andrew P., Senator from South Carolina, attacks of, answered, IV. 175-212; V. 145-149.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Don Quixote, V. 144.</li> -<li class="isub1">His hostility to Kansas denounced, V. 239-242.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the fugitive clause in the Constitution, X. 371.</li> - -<li class="indx">Butler, Benj. F., Gen., care of, for fugitive slaves, VII. 256.</li> - -<li class="indx">Buxton, Thomas F., course of, in moving emancipation, XVIII. 149 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Bynkershoek, his definition of war, I. 15.</li> -<li class="isub1">On confiscation of property in war, IX. 36; XVII. 13.</li> -<li class="isub1">On seizures in neutral waters, XII. 13.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reprisals, XVI. 301.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">C.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cabinet, the President’s, character of the, in United States, XX. <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cabral, José Maria, policy of, in San Domingo, XVIII. 275.</li> -<li class="isub1">Career of, XIX. 33, 35 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Calhoun, John C., on equality, as proclaimed in Declaration of Independence, III. 55; XIII. 234; XIX. 300.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposes irregular admission of Michigan, V. 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of, VI. 305.</li> -<li class="isub1">His opinions on slavery, VI. 306.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposes a single national name, XVI. 47;</li> -<li class="isub2">and a national government, XVI. 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">His opinion on powers of Vice-President, as President of Senate, XVI. 122-124.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="California" id="California"></a>California, extension of slavery into, threatened, III. 24.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to transportation of slaves to, III. 25.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of, III. 124.</li> -<li class="isub1">Safety of passengers in steam-ships for, VI. 109.</li> - -<li class="indx">Campbell, Lewis D., letter to, VI. 11.</li> - -<li class="indx">Canaan, curse of, not applicable to Africans, V. 17; VI. 221-223; XVII. 146.</li> - -<li class="indx">Canada, termination of reciprocity treaty with, XII. 46.</li> -<li class="isub1">Trade of, with United States, XII. 50-52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cobden on annexation of, to United States, XV. 423 <i>et seq.</i>; XVII. 129.</li> -<li class="isub1">Invited by Continental Congress to join United Colonies, XVII. 128.</li> -<li class="isub1">Future union of, with the United States predicted, XVII. 129.</li> - -<li class="indx">Canal, ship-, at Niagara, XIV. 99.</li> -<li class="isub1">Through the Isthmus of Darien, XIV. 124.</li> - -<li class="indx">Canning, George, on fitting out of privateers by neutrals, X. 31.</li> -<li class="isub1">On recognition of new governments, X. 87.</li> -<li class="isub1">On belligerency, X. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_324" id="Page_324">[Pg 324]</a></span>On untrustworthiness of slave-masters to legislate for slaves, XIV. 212.</li> -<li class="isub1">Author of Monroe doctrine, XV. 415.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Spanish America, XV. 417.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cape Cod Association of Massachusetts, letter to, IV. 237.</li> - -<li class="indx">Capital punishment, Rantoul’s efforts for abolition of, III. 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter against, IV. 331.</li> - -<li class="indx">Capitol, the national, no picture at, of victory over fellow-citizens, XII. 201.</li> -<li class="isub1">Art in the, XIV. 164.</li> - -<li class="indx">Caroline, case of the, XII. 26; XVII. 75.</li> - -<li class="indx">Carpenter, Matthew H., Senator from Wisconsin, reply to his criticisms on the supplementary civil-rights bill, XIX. 288-309.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the declaration of Independence, XIX. 303.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reply to his imputations on Mr. Sumner’s fidelity to the Constitution, XIX. 309-313.</li> - -<li class="indx">Carpet-baggers, XVI. 353.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cars, street, opening of, to colored persons, X. 323; XV. 222.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Caste" id="Caste"></a>Caste, and prejudice of color, I. 161; XI. 228; XIX. 246.</li> -<li class="isub1">In United States, III. 73, 80; XI. 29; XIII. 210; XVII. 37, 133, 145; XIX. 230, 297.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defined, III. 73; XIII. 211; XVII. 140; XIX. 297.</li> -<li class="isub1">Negroes described as a, by foreign writers, III. 75; XI. 29; XIX. 230.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to, in India, III. 76-80; XI. 29; XVII. 144 <i>et seq.</i>; XIX. 297 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of Congress to prohibit, XVII. 34.</li> -<li class="isub1">The successor of slavery, XVII. 37, 133.</li> -<li class="isub1">The question of, XVII. 131.</li> -<li class="isub1">Faith in its disappearance, XVII. 135.</li> -<li class="isub1">In Europe and the East, XVII. 140, 141.</li> -<li class="isub1">In India, XVII. 141-145.</li> -<li class="isub1">Apology for, in United States, XVII. 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Forbidden by a common humanity, XVII. 162.</li> -<li class="isub1">Importance of question of, XVII. 181.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cato the Censor, on disposal of slaves, II. 17.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cattle-plague, power of Congress to counteract the, XIV. 49.</li> - -<li class="indx">Centralism, true, distinguished from false, XIV. 217; XVI. 60; XIX. 129.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cérisier, Antoine Marie, XV. 386.</li> -<li class="isub1">John Adams on, XV. 387.</li> -<li class="isub1">His writings and predictions concerning America, XV. 387-391.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cervantes, a slave in Algiers, II. 9, 34, 38, 39, 94.</li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts of, against slavery, II. 9.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, II. 39.</li> -<li class="isub1">His “Life in Algiers” quoted, II. 88-90.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chambrun, Marquis de, defended, XX. <a href="#Page_9">9-11</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Champagne, Philippe de, engraved portrait of, XIX. 192;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities on same, XIX. 192.</li> - -<li class="indx">Channing, William Ellery, tribute to, as philanthropist, in Phi Beta Kappa oration, I. 284-298.</li> -<li class="isub1">His labors for liberty compared to Milton’s, I. 292.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the true object of life, II. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Whig and Democratic parties, II. 312.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chaplains, military, II. 361.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charity, in slave and free States, VI. 150.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charles V., sends expedition against Tunis, II. 22.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sanctions slave-trade in West Indies, II. 24.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chatham, Lord, on the American war, I. 346 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On withdrawing British troops from Boston, I. 375.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the Stamp Act, III. 345; IV. 169.</li> -<li class="isub1">On authority of judicial decisions, XI. 208.</li> -<li class="isub1">His instructions on violation of Portuguese territory, XII. 28-30.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chesapeake, case of the, XII. 22; XVII. 74.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cheyenne Indians, massacre of, XII. 66.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_325" id="Page_325">[Pg 325]</a></span>Chicago, the great fire at, and our duty, XIX. 161.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chief-Justice, the, reasons for requiring him to preside at impeachment of the President, XVI. 89-95.</li> -<li class="isub1">Presiding in the Senate, cannot rule or vote, XVI. 98.</li> - -<li class="indx">Child, Sir Josiah, XV. 270.</li> -<li class="isub1">Disraeli on his prediction concerning America, XV. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">On New England, XV. 272 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">China, our relations with, XVI. 318.</li> -<li class="isub1">Return of Marco Polo from, XVI. 321-323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Results of his travels in, XVI. 323 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Convention of 1858 with, and payment of claims on, XVIII. 115-120.</li> -<li class="isub1">Religion of, XVIII. 157.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chinese, advantages of their immigration to United States, XVII. 183.</li> -<li class="isub1">Naturalization of, defended, XVIII. 152-159.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chinese Embassy, the, XVI. 318.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chinese Indemnity Fund, XVIII. 115.</li> -<li class="isub1">Propositions with regard to surplus of, XVIII. 120-127;</li> -<li class="isub2">same not declined by China, XVIII. 127-129;</li> -<li class="isub2">duty of United States as to same, XVIII. 130-133.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chivalry, pretension of slave-masters to, refuted, XI. 449-460.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defined by Kenelm Digby, XI. 460.</li> - -<li class="indx">Choate, Rufus, on Whig views of slavery, II. 311.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 301.</li> - -<li class="indx">Choiseul, Claude, Duc de, career of, XV. 321-326.</li> -<li class="isub1">His predictions concerning America, XV. 323-325.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cholera from abroad, power of Congress to provide against, XIV. 59.</li> - -<li class="indx">Christianity, opposed to war, I. 54, 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">The religion of progress, II. 251;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of equality, III. 57.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not sanction slavery, V. 19.</li> - -<li class="indx">Church, the, its attitude in relation to war, I. 54, 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its early testimony against war, I. 59.</li> -<li class="isub1">Doctrine of millennium in the, II. 250.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condemns trial by battle, II. 346.</li> -<li class="isub1">In America, early opposed to slavery, III. 289-291; VI. 313; XII. 151-154.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of, against slavery, XI. 202; XII. 176.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cicero, on war, I. 56 (see <i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">On patriotism, I. 68 (see <i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">His opinions on glory, II. 165, 170-174.</li> -<li class="isub1">On unjust laws, III. 362; XI. 207.</li> -<li class="isub1">On a commonwealth, X. 106 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His definition of law, X. 109.</li> -<li class="isub1">On government, XIII. 145.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cities, evil influence of commercial spirit in, IV. 51.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="CivilRights" id="CivilRights"></a>Civil Rights, protection of, XIII. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Johnson’s veto of bill for, XIII. 276-279.</li> -<li class="isub1">The same as political rights, XIV. 215.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sufferings from denial of equality in, XIX. 222.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sources of Congressional power to grant, XIX. 232-234, 272-284, 286.</li> - -<li class="indx">Civil-Rights Bill, supplementary, speeches on, XIX. 203.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of, XIX. 231, 235, 266; XX. <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Immediate action on, urged, XX. <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304-307</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not declared unconstitutional by Supreme Court, XX. <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Last appeal for, XX. <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">History of, XX. <a href="#Page_301">301-304</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jury provision of, discussed, XX. <a href="#Page_307">307-310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Civil Service, reform in the, XI. 278; XX. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">No exclusion of retired army officers from, XVIII. 51.</li> -<li class="isub1">The initial point of reform in, XIX. 168, 174; XX. <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="CivilWar" id="CivilWar"></a>Civil War, Livy on, I. 9.</li> -<li class="isub1">Roman opinions of, II. 190 (see <i>illustrations</i>, 203-206), 427.</li> -<li class="isub1">Uninvited mediation in, not allowable, X. 49, 85.</li> - -<li class="indx">Claflin, William, letter to, VII. 182.</li> -<li class="isub1">Candidate for Governor of Massachusetts in 1870, XVIII. 170.</li> - -<li class="indx">Claims, on France for spoliations of American commerce, XI. 70;</li> -<li class="isub2">objections to same answered, XI. 73-79, 132-158;</li> -<li class="isub2">origin and history of same, XI. 81-96;</li> -<li class="isub2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_326" id="Page_326">[Pg 326]</a></span>compensation for same, XI. 158;</li> -<li class="isub2">value of same, XI. 162-166.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on compensation for, XI. 167.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of citizens in rebel States, XVII. 10.</li> -<li class="isub1">For losses by war, instances of payment of, XVII. 19-22, 25-28.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of loyalists after Revolution, XVII. 23;</li> -<li class="isub2">motives of Parliament in allowing same in part, XVII. 24.</li> -<li class="isub1">On England, XVII. 53, 124; XX. <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">On China, convention for, and payment of, XVIII. 115-120.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clarkson, Thos., beginning of his career, II. 200.</li> -<li class="isub1">His account of Lafayette’s opinions of slavery, II. 210.</li> - -<li class="indx">Classical Studies, I. 253.</li> - -<li class="indx">Classics, the, I. 253-255.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clay, Henry, on claims for French spoliations, XI. 130.</li> -<li class="isub1">On one term for the President, XIX. 171; XX. <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clemency, to political offenders, III. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">And common-sense, XII. 371.</li> -<li class="isub1">To Rebels, limitations on, XII. 405-412.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clergy, of New England, protest of, against Nebraska Bill, IV. 140.</li> -<li class="isub1">Their early influence for liberty, IV. 144.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defence of their right to protest, IV. 151.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exemption of, from conscription, IX. 303.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coal, cheap, XIV. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tax on, oppressive to New England, XIV. 272.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cobbett, William, sketch of, I. 190-194.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Thos. Paine, I. 195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Industry of, described by himself, I. 195-198.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Scott, I. 198.</li> -<li class="isub1">On amount of sleep required, I. 202.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cobden, Richard, advocates arbitration, II. 409.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter on, XII. 366.</li> -<li class="isub1">His character and labors, XV. 422.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prediction concerning America, XV. 423 <i>et seq.</i>; XVII. 129.</li> -<li class="isub1">On American losses in Rebellion, caused by England, XVII. 77, 78, 80.</li> -<li class="isub1">On penny postage, XVIII. 73.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coke, Lord, on arrangement of time, I. 200.</li> -<li class="isub1">On surrender of fugitives, X. 365.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the laws of Parliament, XVI. 102.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coleridge, on Christianity and slavery, V. 20.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coles, Edward, letter to, III. 253.</li> - -<li class="indx">Collamer, Jacob, Senator from Vermont, speech on death of, XIII. 38.</li> - -<li class="indx">Colonies, British, of North America, elements of nationality in, XVI. 22 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">efforts for union among same, XVI. 23-27.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tend toward independence, XVII. 119.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of North America, postal service in, XVIII. 66-68.</li> - -<li class="indx">Colonization for freedom, XII. 334.</li> - -<li class="indx">Color, caste and prejudice of, I. 161; XI. 228; XIX. 246.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prejudice of, peculiar to America, I. 161; III. 99.</li> -<li class="isub1">Removal of disqualification of, in carrying mails, VIII. 247.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exclusion of witnesses on account of, XI. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not a qualification for the franchise, XIII. 214, 307-309; XVI. 246-249; XVII. 40.</li> -<li class="isub1">Distinction of, not recognized by the Constitution, XVI. 247; XVII. 42, 489; XIX. 249,—or by Declaration of Independence, XVI. 247; XVII. 43, 152, 159; XIX. 249;</li> -<li class="isub2">same must be expressly authorized in order to exist, XIX. 250.</li> -<li class="isub1">No distinction of, recognized by common law, as declared by Chief-Justice Holt, XIX. 250.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prejudice of, illustrated by judicial decisions in Ohio, XIX. 252.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Caste">Caste</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Colorado, objections to admission of, as a State, XIII. 346-373.</li> -<li class="isub1">Requirement of enabling Act for, XIII. 348, 358.</li> -<li class="isub1">Constitution of, quoted, XIII. 349;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_327" id="Page_327">[Pg 327]</a></span>evidence of its denial of rights to colored persons, XIII. 364 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="ColoredCitizens" id="ColoredCitizens"></a>Colored Citizens, passports for, VII. 229.</li> -<li class="isub1">Right and duty of, in organization of government, XII. 231, 298.</li> -<li class="isub1">Hope and encouragement for, XII. 234; XIV. 222.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advice to, XII. 298; XX. <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Eligibility of, to Congress, XVI. 255.</li> -<li class="isub1">Other rights and duties of, XIX. 164.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to, on Presidential election of 1872, XX. <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equal rights of, in normal schools, XX. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="ColoredPersons" id="ColoredPersons"></a>Colored Persons, refusal to, of right of petition, VI. 288.</li> -<li class="isub1">Free, are citizens of United States, VI. 291;</li> -<li class="isub2">precedents and illustrations proving same, VI. 291-293.</li> -<li class="isub1">Services of, in American wars, VI. 295; IX. 213 <i>et seq.</i>; X. 141; XIII. 287.</li> -<li class="isub1">Petitions from, formerly presented, VI. 298.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of, in District of Columbia, VIII. 304;</li> -<li class="isub2">in proceedings for confiscation and emancipation, VIII. 364,—and in U. S. courts, IX. 152; XI. 1, 389.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should enlist, IX. 325.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reënslavement of, threatened, X. 217-219.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opening of street-cars to, X. 323; XV. 222.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of American States and European countries to rights of, before 1789, XII. 144-177.</li> -<li class="isub1">Impartial jurors for, XIII. 10.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equal rights of, to be protected by national courts, XIII. 16.</li> -<li class="isub1">Madison on rights of, XIII. 181 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Their rights as freemen not violated by fathers of the Republic, XIII. 196 <i>et seq.</i>, 328.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opinion of Attorney-General declaring them citizens of United States, XIII. 278, 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be chosen on boards of registration in rebel States, XV. 220.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opening of offices to, in District of Columbia, XV. 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Entitled to all the rights of American citizenship, XIX. 255.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of, to necessity of national legislation for equal civil rights, XIX. 262, 265-272, 279-283, 284-286.</li> -<li class="isub1">Their rights sacrificed, XIX. 319.</li> -<li class="isub1">Retrospect and promise for, XX. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#CivilRights">Civil Rights</a></i>, <i><a href="#ColoredCitizens">Colored Citizens</a></i>, <i><a href="#EqualRights">Equal Rights</a></i>, <i><a href="#Freedmen">Freedmen</a></i>, and <i><a href="#Slaves">Slaves</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="ColoredRace" id="ColoredRace"></a>Colored Race, justice to the, XII. 300.</li> -<li class="isub1">Self-sacrifice for, XII. 361.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="ColoredSchools" id="ColoredSchools"></a>Colored Schools, closing of, in North Carolina, IX. 112.</li> -<li class="isub1">In Washington, XIX. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#SeparateSchools">Separate Schools</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Colored Senators, predicted, XV. 220, 223.</li> -<li class="isub1">Importance of, in settling question of equal rights, XVI. 257; XVIII. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">The first one, XVIII. 6.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="ColoredSuffrage" id="ColoredSuffrage"></a>Colored Suffrage, at adoption of the Constitution, VI. 291-293; XII. 147.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judicial decision on, in North Carolina, VI. 292; XI. 287; XII. 147; XIII. 191.</li> -<li class="isub1">In Montana, XI. 62.</li> -<li class="isub1">In Washington, XI. 284.</li> -<li class="isub1">No reconstruction without, XII. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of, in rebel States, XII. 292-296, 298, 325, 327 <i>et seq.</i>, 340; XIII. 129-136, 219-227; XIV. 210, 230; XVI. 347 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">In District of Columbia, XIII. 5; XIV. 229.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sources of Congressional power to grant, XIII. 124, 211-213, 215-219, 324-335; XIV. 215 <i>et seq.</i>; XV. 178-180, 230 <i>et seq.</i>; XVII. 43-49, 101; XVIII. 3.</li> -<li class="isub1">Alexander Hamilton on, XIII. 183 <i>et seq.</i>, 329; XVI. 251; XVII. 45.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early public acts of United States on, XIII. 188-190;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of individual States, XIII. 190-194.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to need of, in rebel States, XIII. 344;</li> -<li class="isub2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_328" id="Page_328">[Pg 328]</a></span>requirement of, in same, XIV. 289.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be prescribed throughout U. S. by Act of Congress, XV. 176, 229; XVI. 1; XVII. 51, 101.</li> -<li class="isub1">A constitutional amendment not proper to secure, XV. 177; XVII. 49-51.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s personal record on, XVII. 303.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="ColoredTroops" id="ColoredTroops"></a>Colored Troops, employment of, IX. 262; XI. 211.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equal pay of, X. 304.</li> -<li class="isub1">Gov. Andrew on pay and enlistment of, X. 316 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Opinion of Attorney-General on enlistment of, X. 321 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Freedom of wives and children of, XII. 61.</li> - -<li class="indx">Colors, regimental, no names of victories over fellow-citizens on, VIII. 361; XX. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Combe, George, opinions of, on Pennsylvania system of prison discipline, II. 126-128.</li> - -<li class="indx">Commerce, in slave and free States, VI. 148 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Commercial Relations, suspension of, an act of war, XVI. 299.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="CommitteeonForeignRelations" id="CommitteeonForeignRelations"></a>Committee on Foreign Relations, reports of, on San Juan boundary question, VII. 216;</li> -<li class="isub2">on draught of convention with Mexico, VIII. 227;</li> -<li class="isub2">on claims on France for spoliations of commerce, XI. 70;</li> -<li class="isub2">and on Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 115.</li> -<li class="isub1">President Grant’s endeavor to change the, XVIII. 289.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="CommonLaw" id="CommonLaw"></a>Common Law, I. 270.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its relation to enlistments by minors in United States, I. 371.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the pardoning power, III. 224.</li> -<li class="isub1">Favors liberty, III. 282, 358 (<i>see note</i>); VI. 225; X. 343 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">In America, III. 332.</li> -<li class="isub1">May be employed to interpret the Constitution, III. 332; IX. 171; XIV. 7; XVI. 100.</li> -<li class="isub1">Requires trial by jury for recovery of escaped villeins, III. 333; X. 375,—authorities proving same, III. 333-337; X. 376.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognizes no distinction of color, according to Chief-Justice Holt, XIX. 250.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="CommonSchools" id="CommonSchools"></a>Common Schools, equal rights in, III. 51; XIX. 3, 158, 165, 166, 241-244, 261; XX. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rights of colored children in, under Massachusetts laws, III. 66.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be open to all, III. 68, 95; XIX. 241, 261.</li> -<li class="isub1">Establishment of, in Massachusetts, VII. 9; XII. 207; XIV. 337.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early opposed in Virginia, VII. 11; XIV. 337.</li> -<li class="isub1">Contributions of, for statue of Horace Mann, VII. 20.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be established in rebel States, XII. 328; XIV. 334-339; XV. 220-227.</li> -<li class="isub1">A system of, irrespective of color, XX. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Condorcet, his treatise on progress, II. 264.</li> -<li class="isub1">On a slave-master, VI. 166.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Franklin’s mission to Paris, X. 230.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, XII. 168.</li> -<li class="isub1">On republican government, XIII. 199.</li> - -<li class="indx">Confederation of the United States, formation and weakness of, X. 177-179; XVI. 29 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Confiscation" id="Confiscation"></a>Confiscation of property in war, IX. 35; XVII. 13-15.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities respecting, IX. 36 <i>et seq.</i>; XVII. 13-15.</li> -<li class="isub1">Within national jurisdiction, IX. 38-40; XVII. 19-21, 25-27,—beyond same, IX. 40-44.</li> -<li class="isub1">History of, IX. 53-69;</li> -<li class="isub2">especially in France, IX. 55-58;</li> -<li class="isub2">and in Revolutionary War, IX. 59-69.</li> -<li class="isub1">And emancipation, should be employed against Rebels, IX. 71, 74-77, 128.</li> - -<li class="indx">Congregate System of prison discipline.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#AuburnSystem">Auburn System</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Congress, Mr. Sumner’s refusal to be a candidate for, I. 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its power over armies, I. 354;</li> -<li class="isub2">and over the militia, I. 354; IV. 21, 26-30.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner accepts Free-Soil nomination for, II. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_329" id="Page_329">[Pg 329]</a></span>Modes of preventing war discussed in, II. 406, 407.</li> -<li class="isub1">Has no power to establish slavery, III. 276, 296, 299; VIII. 274,—or to legislate concerning fugitives from service, III. 276, 297, 299, 318; XII. 12.</li> -<li class="isub1">Actions of 1st, in regard to slavery, III. 293; IV. 121.</li> -<li class="isub1">Provisions of Convention of 1787 for powers of, III. 319-324.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot interfere with slavery in States, III. 326; IV. 121; VI. 376; VII. 1; IX. 26.</li> -<li class="isub1">Can prohibit slavery in Territories, IV. 125; VI. 233, 376; VII. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Has sole power to abrogate treaties, V. 102, 112.</li> -<li class="isub1">Can admit Kansas at once, V. 217.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should overthrow usurpation in Kansas, V. 245.</li> -<li class="isub1">Conduct of slave-masters in, VI. 196-211.</li> -<li class="isub1">War-powers of, against slavery, VII. 258; IX. 45, 128; XI. 191.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of, over rebel States, VIII. 164-167, 245; IX. 120; X. 167; XI. 361; XII. 329; XIV. 209, 225; XV. 218; XVIII. 31,—sources of above power, VIII. 164-167, 245; X. 208-213; XI. 367, 372; XII. 330-332; XIII. 124-127, 325 <i>et seq.</i>; XIV. 341; XVI. 344-347.</li> -<li class="isub1">Can make Treasury notes a legal tender, VIII. 183-192.</li> -<li class="isub1">Can abolish slavery in District of Columbia, VIII. 258, 281;</li> -<li class="isub2">is responsible for same, VIII. 265, 280.</li> -<li class="isub1">Can appropriate money to ransom slaves, VIII. 281.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to intervention of, for ransom of Algerine slaves, VIII. 286-291, 293-296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Usage of, in enrolling bills, VIII. 372.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should confiscate property and liberate slaves of Rebels, IX. 71, 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Achievements of 37th, IX. 144, 205.</li> -<li class="isub1">Protests against final adjournments of, IX. 176; XI. 405; XIV. 348; XV. 172, 240.</li> -<li class="isub1">Chancellor Kent on executive power of, X. 174; XI. 372.</li> -<li class="isub1">Supremacy of, over States, X. 185-190.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exclusion of colored testimony recognized by, XI. 3.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its powers over slavery, XI. 190-195, 209; XII. 62-65.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must determine readmission of rebel States, XI. 296, 361, 366-372.</li> -<li class="isub1">Summer sessions of, XI. 405 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Can ratify executive acts, XII. 71;</li> -<li class="isub2">judicial decision proving same, XII. 71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judicial decisions on its power to regulate commerce between States, XII. 113-117; XIV. 69.</li> -<li class="isub1">Story on its power to establish post-roads, XII. 117, 120.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power and duty of, to grant equal rights to colored persons, XIII. 124-127, 211-219, 324-337; XIV. 210, 215-218; XVI. 1, 61, 252; XVII. 34; XIX. 126-130, 232-234, 266, 272-284, 286.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities respecting powers of, under the Constitution, XIII. 216, 273, 278; XVIII. 29; XIX. 277.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of, to counteract the cattle-plague, XIV. 49;</li> -<li class="isub2">to provide against cholera from abroad, XIV. 59;</li> -<li class="isub2">and to make a ship-canal at Niagara, XIV. 99.</li> -<li class="isub1">The one-man power <i>vs.</i>, XIV. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of, to require free schools in rebel States, XIV. 340.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of the two Houses of, in absence of a quorum, XV. 185.</li> -<li class="isub1">President Johnson’s defiance of, XVI. 171.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of, to require conditions for admission of States, XVI. 235, 244; XVIII. 3-5,—objections to same refuted, XVI. 236-252.</li> -<li class="isub1">Eligibility of colored citizens to, XVI. 255.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judicial decisions on political powers of, XVI. 346.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its treatment of claims for losses by Revolutionary War and War of 1812, XVII. 25-28.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of, to prohibit inequality, caste, and oligarchy of the skin, XVII. 34.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of Virginia to representation in, XVII. 204.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_330" id="Page_330">[Pg 330]</a></span>Power and duty of, to protect Reconstruction, XVII. 208; XVIII. 26-32.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not pledged by Reconstruction Acts to admit rebel States, XVII. 208-210, 224-226.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of, over national banks, XVII. 293-296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of Mississippi to representation in, XVIII. 1;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of Georgia, XVIII. 23.</li> - -<li class="indx">Congress, Continental, on object of the Revolution, III. 281; VI. 226; XIII. 174; XVI. 31.</li> -<li class="isub1">New governments arranged by, X. 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of, to rights of colored persons, XII. 148; XIII. 189.</li> -<li class="isub1">Resolutions and addresses of, quoted, XIII. 170.</li> -<li class="isub1">Debate in, on fisheries, XV. 162 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Meeting of the, XVI. 26.</li> - -<li class="indx">Congress of Nations, a substitute for war, I. 51; II. 414; III. 117.</li> -<li class="isub1">Suggested by Henry IV. of France, II. 385; XVIII. 233.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advocated by Grotius and others, II. 385,—by William Penn, II. 387,—by the Abbé Saint-Pierre, II. 388; XVIII. 233,—by Rousseau, II. 391; XVIII. 233,—by German writers, especially Kant, II. 393-397; XVIII. 233-236,—by Bentham, II. 397,—by the Peace Congress at Brussels, II. 403,—by the legislature of Massachusetts and in Congress, II. 407,—and by M. Bouvet in France and Arnold Ruge in Germany, II. 408.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conkling, Roscoe, Senator from New York, letter of, indorsing Remington and Sons, XX. <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Connecticut, valley of the, IX. 249.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conscription, Mr. Monroe on, I. 355.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exemption of clergymen from, IX. 303.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conservatism, true, defined, II. 278, 289; III. 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">False, II. 278.</li> - -<li class="indx">Consols, should not be established in United States, XVII. 287.</li> - -<li class="indx">Constitution of the United States, does not prevent abolition of slavery, I. 310.</li> -<li class="isub1">Amendments to, allowable, I. 311; III. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authors of, did not believe slavery would be perpetual, I. 311; II. 231; III. 16; VI. 314; XIII. 196,—their declarations against slavery, I. 312; II. 230; III. 17, 277-280; VI. 227, 311; X. 356.</li> -<li class="isub1">Foundation of the party of freedom, II. 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposed to Slave Power, II. 230.</li> -<li class="isub1">Purpose and character of, as expressed by the preamble, II. 230; III. 276; VII. 38; X. 181, 345; XI. 187; XIII. 175, 304; XVI. 39.</li> -<li class="isub1">Disarms separate States, II. 380.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not authorize slavery, III. 16, 276, 296; IV. 346; VI. 314; VII. 1; XI. 186-189, 196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rules for interpreting, III. 276-283, 332; IX. 80, 171; XIII. 219; XIV. 7; XVI. 57, 100; XIX. 233, 272 <i>et seq.</i>, 308, 310.</li> -<li class="isub1">Gives no power to Congress to establish slavery, III. 296; VIII. 274.</li> -<li class="isub1">Original compromises of, III. 304; X. 354.</li> -<li class="isub1">Clause in, on surrender of fugitives from service, III. 303, 356; X. 341.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be obeyed by each public officer as he understands it, IV. 179, 269;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities declaring above rule, IV. 179-181, 269.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of the Supreme Court to interpret, IV. 270-272.</li> -<li class="isub1">Interpretation of its clause on privileges of citizens, IV. 338-341; XIX. 234, 279.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its clause on revenue bills a compromise between large and small States, V. 84;</li> -<li class="isub2">interpretation of same, V. 87, 91.</li> -<li class="isub1">On treaties, V. 101; XIX. 79.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not authorize slavery in Territories, V. 156; VI. 230, 338; X. 214; XI. 195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Nowhere recognizes property in man, VI. 125, 223, 359; XI. 187.</li> -<li class="isub1">Secures right of petition to the people, VI. 294.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_331" id="Page_331">[Pg 331]</a></span>The guide of United States citizens, VII. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proposed amendment to, in favor of slavery, VII. 174, 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">Requires loyalty as a qualification for a Senator, VIII. 213; XVI. 74-76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sacredness of oath to support, VIII. 221.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not sanction slavery in District of Columbia, VIII. 265, 275.</li> -<li class="isub1">Limitations of rights of sovereignty against criminals in, IX. 25-30.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not limit war-powers of Congress, IX. 45, 71, 131-138, 183-185, 216.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposition to its adoption, X. 182; XIII. 305; XVI. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sources of power over slavery in, XI. 190-196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its provisions for supremacy of national government, XVI. 39.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not recognize any distinction of color, XVI. 249; XVII. 42; XVIII. 159; XIX. 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its allotment of the war-power, XIX. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">All statutes and legislation must conform to, XIX. 254.</li> -<li class="isub1">Story on its prohibition of interference with religion, XIX. 292.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not forbid requirement of equal rights in churches, XIX. 293-299.</li> -<li class="isub1">Contrasted with the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 305, 308.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="ConstitutionalAmendment" id="ConstitutionalAmendment"></a>Constitutional Amendment defending liberty, protects all, III. 298; VIII. 277; XI. 193-195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolishing slavery, XI. 211 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">form of same considered, XI. 216-227; XIV. 235-238.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rebel States not needed to ratify a, XII. 101, 181, 341, 359; XIII. 31, 62; XVI. 71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Quorum of States necessary in adoption of a, XII. 357;</li> -<li class="isub2">Bishop on meaning of above rule, XII. 359; XVI. 71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolishing slavery, adoption of, XIII. 30;</li> -<li class="isub2">enforcement of same, XIII. 113, 215-218, 273-276, 310, 333-335; XVII. 46; XIX. 232, 275-278.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not proper to secure colored suffrage, XV. 177; XVII. 49-51.</li> -<li class="isub1">Withdrawal of assent to a, by a State, XVI. 69.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#BlaineAmendment">Blaine Amendment</a></i>, <i><a href="#FifteenthAmendment">Fifteenth Amendment</a></i>, and <i><a href="#FourteenthAmendment">Fourteenth Amendment</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Consular Pupils, XI. 49.</li> - -<li class="indx">Consuls, VIII. 325; XI. 52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities respecting, VIII. 326, 330.</li> - -<li class="indx">Contraband of War, despatches included in, by English authorities, VIII. 64, 67,—but not by American or all Continental authorities, VIII. 64-66.</li> -<li class="isub1">American rules in regard to, VIII. 68-71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be abolished, VIII. 78.</li> - -<li class="indx">Convention, National, of 1787, declarations on slavery in, III. 17, 277-279; VI. 227, 313; X. 356.</li> -<li class="isub1">Meeting and early labors of, III. 306; XVI. 35.</li> -<li class="isub1">Provides for surrender of fugitives from service, III. 308; X. 354.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its provisions for the powers of Congress, III. 319-324.</li> -<li class="isub1">Did not empower Congress to legislate for surrender of fugitives from service, III. 323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Debates in, on origination of money bills, V. 84-87, 88 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">on paper money, VIII. 185;</li> -<li class="isub2">on taxing slaves, IX. 94.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, X. 179, 180; XVI. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Discussion of State rights in, X. 183 <i>et seq.</i>; XII. 125; XIII. 305; XVI. 37 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Debates in, on guaranty of republican government, XIII. 140;</li> -<li class="isub2">on establishment of national government, XVI. 36-38;</li> -<li class="isub2">on suspension of the President, XVI. 91,—and on equality of States, XVI. 238-240.</li> -<li class="isub1">Story on same, XVI. 241.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conventions, political, obligations imposed by, XX. <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conveyances, public, open to all by law, XIX. 238.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities proving same, XIX. 238-240.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conway, Martin F., letter to, VI. 40.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_332" id="Page_332">[Pg 332]</a></span>Coolie Trade, denunciation of the, XIV. 262.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cooper, J. Fenimore, the novelist, III. 213.</li> - -<li class="indx">Copyright, international, XVI. 86.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coquerel, Athanase, XIX. 159.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coquerel, Athanase, <i>fils</i>, XIX. 159.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cotton, cultivation of, favorable to slavery, VI. 314; VII. 322.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tax on, IX. 84.</li> - -<li class="indx">Court, different meanings of the word, XVI. 137 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Courts, mixed, defence of, VIII. 345-347.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#PrizeCourts">Prize Courts</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Covode, John, Representative from Pennsylvania, speech on death of, XIX. 12.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cowley, Abraham, XV. 265.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecy concerning America, XV. 267.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crete, sympathy with, XV. 246.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="CrimeagainstKansas" id="CrimeagainstKansas"></a>Crime against Kansas, the, V. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">Threatens war, V. 140.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slave Power the author of, V. 142.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its origin and extent, V. 151-184.</li> -<li class="isub1">Apologies for, refuted, V. 184-207.</li> -<li class="isub1">Remedies proposed for, V. 207-217.</li> -<li class="isub1">Public opinion aroused against, V. 245.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appendix to speech on, V. 257.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crittenden Compromise, incidents and notes on the, VII. 169-185.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its purport, VII. 169-171, 201 <i>et seq.</i>, 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech on a Massachusetts petition in favor of, VII. 200.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condemned, VII. 201, 214.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crittenden Resolution, VII. 231; XI. 440.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cromwell, sends expedition against Barbary States, II. 29.</li> -<li class="isub1">Intervention of, for Continental Protestants, X. 58-61.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cuba, duty of Spain toward, XVII. 118-120.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of United States concerning, XVII. 120-124.</li> -<li class="isub1">Belligerency of, XVII. 122, 195.</li> - -<li class="indx">Curran, John P., on freedom of fugitive slaves in England, IV. 314.</li> - -<li class="indx">Currency, the national banks and the, XI. 245.</li> -<li class="isub1">Benefits of an improved, XI. 254, 258.</li> -<li class="isub1">Circulation of, in 1860 and in 1867, XVI. 291.</li> -<li class="isub1">Inflation of, XVI. 292.</li> -<li class="isub1">Contraction of, XVI. 293; XVII. 268.</li> -<li class="isub1">Remarks on the, XVII. 184.</li> -<li class="isub1">Redistribution of, XVII. 254.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compound-interest notes for, XVII. 257-259.</li> -<li class="isub1">Need of simplifying, by withdrawing greenbacks and making bank-notes convertible, XVII. 260, 270-277.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="CustomhouseOaths" id="CustomhouseOaths"></a>Custom-house Oaths, abolition of, VI. 95.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of, VIII. 222.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">D.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dane, Nathan, founds professorship in Harvard Law School, III. 108.</li> -<li class="isub1">Author of Ordinance of Freedom in Northwest Territory, III. 254.</li> -<li class="isub1">On State rights, X. 185; XII. 125.</li> - -<li class="indx">Darien, isthmus of, a ship-canal through the, XIV. 124.</li> - -<li class="indx">Davenant, Charles, XV. 270.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecy concerning America, XV. 273.</li> - -<li class="indx">Davis, Garrett, Senator from Kentucky, remarks on death of, XX. <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Davis, Henry Winter, obituary notice of, XIII. 104.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tribute of colored persons to, XIII. 107 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Davis, Jefferson, his definition of slavery, VI. 122, 136.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defends duelling, VI. 201.</li> -<li class="isub1">The chief of the Rebellion, VIII 123.</li> -<li class="isub1">On fugitive slaves, X. 391.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the national government, XII. 259.</li> -<li class="isub1">On beginning of the Civil War, XII. 264.</li> -<li class="isub1">Trial of, XIII. 111.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the doctrine of equality, XIX. 224.</li> - -<li class="indx">Debate, limitations of, in Senate, VIII. 155.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_333" id="Page_333">[Pg 333]</a></span>Debt, public, of European nations before 1845, I. 72.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of Great Britain in 1842, I. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#NationalDebt">National Debt</a></i> and <i><a href="#RebelDebt">Rebel Debt</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Decatur, Stephen, frees slaves in Algiers, II. 75; VIII. 297.</li> - -<li class="indx">Declaration of Independence, foundation of the party of freedom, II. 228, 237.</li> -<li class="isub1">Be true to the, III. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Declares all men equal, III. 15, 64, 281; VI. 226; XII. 240; XIII. 173, 299; XVIII. 152; XIX. 308.</li> -<li class="isub1">Declares equality in rights only, III. 65; IV. 97; XIX. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">And the Constitution, our two title-deeds, III. 165; XVI. 55; XVIII. 159.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be employed to interpret the Constitution, III. 281; XIII. 219; XVI. 57; XIX. 273, 308, 310; XX. <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">On source of authority of government, V. 232.</li> -<li class="isub1">The first declaration of human rights, VI. 363; VII. 50.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its limitations on popular sovereignty, VI. 364; VII. 52; XVII. 218.</li> -<li class="isub1">The guide of United States citizens, VII. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">Assaults upon, VII. 54; XIX. 300-303.</li> -<li class="isub1">J. Q. Adams on, VII. 55-57.</li> -<li class="isub1">Promises of the, XII. 235, 239, 297; XIII. 173.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln on, XII. 249, 251-257, 260; XVIII. 165-168; XIX. 224-226, 302.</li> -<li class="isub1">Stephen A. Douglas on, XII. 250, 251, 252; XVIII. 164; XIX. 302.</li> -<li class="isub1">Promises of, must be fulfilled, XII. 296; XIII. 128; XVI. 363; XVII. 220; XVIII. 161.</li> -<li class="isub1">It made a new nation, XVI. 27.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognizes no distinction of color, XVI. 247; XVII. 43; XVIII. 152, 159; XIX. 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">Degraded by limitations on equal rights, XIX. 223.</li> -<li class="isub1">All statutes and legislation must conform to, XIX. 254.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its importance defended, XIX. 304-309.</li> -<li class="isub1">Bancroft on, XIX. 305, 306.</li> -<li class="isub1">John Adams on celebration of, XIX. 306.</li> - -<li class="indx">De Foe, on America, XV. 274 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Democracy, Mr. Sumner’s belief in, III. 268.</li> - -<li class="indx">Democratic Party, influenced by Slave Power, II. 293; VI. 328.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rejects Wilmot Proviso in 1848, II. 293.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not opposed to slavery, IV. 265; V. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">And Republican Party, XI. 418.</li> -<li class="isub1">In 1864, XI. 423.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its support of slavery, XI. 424.</li> -<li class="isub1">Platform of, in 1864, XI. 427, 478.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proposes to acknowledge Slave Power, XI. 465.</li> -<li class="isub1">Frauds committed by, XII. 3.</li> -<li class="isub1">In 1868, the Rebel party, XVI. 327, 340.</li> -<li class="isub1">Leaders of, XVI. 328.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposed to equal rights for freedmen, XVII. 102; XVIII. 171.</li> -<li class="isub1">A party of repudiation, XVII. 104.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dangers from its attaining power, XVIII. 255.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its position in 1872, XX. <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its support of Greeley, XX. <a href="#Page_184">184</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242-246</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its fidelity to Republican principles in 1872, XX. <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, XX. <a href="#Page_243">243-245</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">motives for same, XX. <a href="#Page_246">246-249</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Denmark, navy of, in 1837, I. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adopts separate system in prisons, II. 135.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaty of, with United States illegally abrogated in 1855, V. 100.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of Congress to terminate same, recognized by Mr. Buchanan, V. 119.</li> - -<li class="indx">Descartes, on progress in science, II. 257.</li> - -<li class="indx">Diplomatic Representatives, rank of, abroad, XIV. 74.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prohibition of uniform for, XIV. 344.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must not accept gifts from foreign powers, XX. <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Disabilities, delay in removal of, XIV. 85.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Disarmament" id="Disarmament"></a>Disarmament, advantages of, I. 119-121,—especially for France in 1870, XVIII. 223-229.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_334" id="Page_334">[Pg 334]</a></span>Disfranchisement, inconsistent with Republican government, XIII. 109.</li> - -<li class="indx">District of Columbia, abolition of slavery in, demanded, I. 308, 337; III. 139,—but not by national Whig Party, II. 308.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slave-trade in, abolished, III. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">Laws of Maryland adopted in, III. 221; VIII. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery and the black code in, VII. 361.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s speech on bill for abolition of slavery in, VIII. 251.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of Congress to abolish slavery in, VIII. 258, 281.</li> -<li class="isub1">Masters in, not properly entitled to compensation, VIII. 259.</li> -<li class="isub1">Congress responsible for slavery in, VIII. 265, 280.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery in, unconstitutional, VIII. 265, 274-278;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities maintaining same, VIII. 266.</li> -<li class="isub1">Account of establishment of seat of government in, VIII. 267-271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Laws of, on slavery, VIII. 272, 304.</li> -<li class="isub1">Money appropriation advisable to ransom slaves in, VIII. 280, 299.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of colored persons in, VIII. 304.</li> -<li class="isub1">Enforcement of emancipation in, VIII. 349.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slaves cannot be surrendered in, IX. 79.</li> -<li class="isub1">Colored suffrage in, XIII. 5; XIV. 229,—the whites <i>vs.</i> same, XIII. 98.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opening of offices to colored persons in, XV. 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exclusion of colored physicians from Medical Society of, XVII. 186; XVIII. 148.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter for celebration of anniversary of emancipation in, XX. <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin of reforms for colored persons in, XX. <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Disunion, threat of, by slave States, VII. 25, 319-321.</li> -<li class="isub1">Absurdity of as a remedy, VII. 33.</li> -<li class="isub1">Difficulty of accomplishing, VII. 34.</li> -<li class="isub1">Effects of, on slave States, VII. 35-37.</li> -<li class="isub1">And a Southern confederacy, VII. 165.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dix, Miss D. L., her book on prison discipline, I. 163.</li> -<li class="isub1">Labors of, I. 164.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advocates separate system in prisons, I. 178.</li> - -<li class="indx">Domestic Relations, our, article on, X. 167.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dominica, diplomatic relations with the republic of, XIII. 270.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#SanDomingo">San Domingo</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Doubtful Clauses, authorities on interpretation of, III. 282, 358; X. 342-346.</li> - -<li class="indx">Douglas, Stephen A., compared to Sancho Panza, V. 149.</li> -<li class="isub1">Threats of, replied to, V. 150, 242.</li> -<li class="isub1">His bill for admission of Kansas condemned, V. 212-215.</li> -<li class="isub1">His attacks answered, V. 251-255.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pretended principles of the party supporting, in 1860, VI. 362.</li> -<li class="isub1">His insincerity in professing popular sovereignty, VI. 367-369; VII. 44, 62;</li> -<li class="isub2">his inconsistency as to same, VI. 370-373.</li> -<li class="isub1">His associates, VI. 373.</li> -<li class="isub1">His heartlessness, VI. 374.</li> -<li class="isub1">His contest with Lincoln, XII. 247,—extracts from his speeches in same, XII. 249-253; XVIII. 164; XIX. 302.</li> - -<li class="indx">Douglass, Frederick, insults to, XIX. 165, 220; XX. <a href="#Page_155">155</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, <a href="#Page_205">205-208</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">And President Grant, XX. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Downing, Andrew J., the landscape Gardener, IV. 1.</li> - -<li class="indx">Downing, George T., article by, quoted, XIX. 279-283.</li> - -<li class="indx">Draft, commutation for the, X. 262.</li> -<li class="isub1">Burden of, should be equalized, X. 264.</li> - -<li class="indx">Drayton and Sayres, proceedings against, for liberating slaves, III. 221-223.</li> -<li class="isub1">Alternatives of pardon for, III. 231-233.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dred Scott Decision, VI. 291; IX. 154; XI. 63-65; XIII. 276; XVIII. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">No bust for author of, XII. 138; XVI. 223.</li> -<li class="isub1">False statements in, XII. 140;</li> -<li class="isub2">refutation of same, XII. 141, 144-177.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_335" id="Page_335">[Pg 335]</a></span>Opinion of Judge Curtis on, quoted, XII. 147.</li> -<li class="isub1">On rights of citizenship, XIII. 331; XVII. 46.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Duel" id="Duel"></a>Duel, the, defined, I. 294.</li> -<li class="isub1">Denounced, VI. 183, 184.</li> -<li class="isub1">Franklin on, VI. 183.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adopted by slave-masters, VI. 183, 199-202.</li> -<li class="isub1">Between France and Germany, XVIII. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Derivation of, XVIII. 177.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dunn, Oscar J., insult to, on the railroad, XIX. 165, 221.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of, XIX. 221.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">E.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eagle, escutcheon of the United States, I. 95.</li> -<li class="isub1">Described by Erasmus, I. 95.</li> - -<li class="indx">Edmunds, George F., Senator from Vermont, answer to his criticisms on supplementary civil-rights bill, XX. <a href="#Page_307">307-311</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Education, establishments of, in slave and free States, VI. 151-156.</li> -<li class="isub1">No tax on, XI. 378; XIV. 267.</li> -<li class="isub1">The department of, XIV. 297.</li> -<li class="isub1">Generosity for, XIV. 317.</li> -<li class="isub1">Indispensable in a republic, XIV. 336; XVIII. 47.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of Congress to prescribe, in rebel States, XIV. 340.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reduction of appropriation for bureau of, XVIII. 47.</li> - -<li class="indx">Elections, powers of States over, XIII. 214; XVI. 246-252; XVII. 39-42.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of Senators, XIV. 1, 105.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rules for, in England, XIV. 8, 106;</li> -<li class="isub2">Cushing on same, XIV. 9.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rules for, in United States, XIV. 9, 107;</li> -<li class="isub2">Cushing on same, XIV. 10.</li> -<li class="isub1">Secret voting at popular, XIV. 105.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eloquence, defined, I. 297.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Emancipation" id="Emancipation"></a>Emancipation, of slaves in West Indies by England, I. 127; V. 28-30; VI. 343.</li> -<li class="isub1">Desirable in United States, I. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Channing’s address on, I. 298; VI. 185.</li> -<li class="isub1">Our best weapon, VII. 241, 347; IX. 76, 229; XI. 198.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of national government from Slave Power, VII. 248.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instances of, in war, VII. 253-255, 257.</li> -<li class="isub1">Modes of, in Roman law, VII. 255.</li> -<li class="isub1">Present modes of accomplishing, VII. 256, 258.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of serfs in Russia, VII. 267; XII. 312, 314; XIII. 57-60; XIV. 57, 315.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appendix to speech on, VII. 270.</li> -<li class="isub1">And the President, VII. 271 (<i>Appendix</i>); VIII. 14; IX. 117 <i>et seq.</i>; XII. 282.</li> -<li class="isub1">The third great epoch in American history, VII. 312.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instructions of Secretary of War tending towards, VII. 348.</li> -<li class="isub1">Military necessity of, VII. 350; IX. 206.</li> -<li class="isub1">And Reconstruction, VIII. 163.</li> -<li class="isub1">State suicide and, VIII. 243.</li> -<li class="isub1">Enforcement of, in District of Columbia, VIII. 349.</li> -<li class="isub1">Patriotic unity and, IX. 180.</li> -<li class="isub1">Harmony with the President, and, IX. 182.</li> -<li class="isub1">A war measure, IX. 233, 253, 273.</li> -<li class="isub1">Celebration of, IX. 256; XIV. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Immediate, and not gradual, IX. 266.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be universal, X. 298, 302;</li> -<li class="isub2">petition for same, X. 300.</li> -<li class="isub1">Universal, without compensation, XI. 173.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pope Gregory the Great on, XI. 203.</li> -<li class="isub1">In District of Columbia, letter for anniversary of, XX. <a href="#Page_266">266</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#AntislaveryEnterprise">Antislavery Enterprise</a></i> and <i><a href="#ProclamationofEmancipation">Proclamation of Emancipation</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Emblems and mottoes, encourage war, I. 93.</li> - -<li class="indx">Emigrant Aid Company of Massachusetts, vindicated, V. 122, 194-205.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not an Abolition Society, V. 199;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, V. 200.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its secret, V. 201.</li> - -<li class="indx">Emigration, to Kansas, IV. 138; V. 121, 159, 194-205; VI. 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Organization in, V. 195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of slavery on, VI. 158.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_336" id="Page_336">[Pg 336]</a></span><a name="England" id="England"></a>England, slave-trade in, II. 18; XVII. 166.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sends expeditions against Barbary States, II. 26-30, 77-80; VIII. 297; X. 72.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery in, III. 301; VIII. 278;</li> -<li class="isub2">same annulled, III. 302; IV. 313; VIII. 279.</li> -<li class="isub1">Confiscation in, IX. 55.</li> -<li class="isub1">Actions and criticisms of, unfriendly to United States during Rebellion, X. 12-41, 124; XII. 267; XVII. 58-73, 84, 124.</li> -<li class="isub1">Liability of, for damages to United States commerce by pirate ships, X. 37-39; XVII. 89.</li> -<li class="isub1">Her growth into a nation, XVI. 16.</li> -<li class="isub1">Individual and national claims on, XVII. 53, 124.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reparation due from, to United States, for aid to Rebels, XVII. 76, 125-127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Her treatment of United States claims for reparation, XVII. 91.</li> -<li class="isub1">Original degradation of, XVII. 164-167.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#GreatBritain">Great Britain</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">English Language, predictions of its extension, XV. 312, 314.</li> - -<li class="indx">Engravers of Portraits:</li> -<li class="isub1">Dürer, XIX. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">A. Caracci, XIX. 182.</li> -<li class="isub1">Goltzius, Pontius, and Rembrandt, XIX. 183.</li> -<li class="isub1">Visscher and Van Dyck, XIX. 184.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mellan, XIX. 185.</li> -<li class="isub1">Morin and Masson, XIX. 186.</li> -<li class="isub1">Nanteuil, XIX. 187.</li> -<li class="isub1">Edelinck, XIX. 191-193.</li> -<li class="isub1">Drevet, XIX. 193 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Ficquet, Schmidt, and Wille, XIX. 195-197.</li> -<li class="isub1">Longhi, XIX. 197.</li> -<li class="isub1">Raffaello Morghen, XIX. 198.</li> -<li class="isub1">Houbraken and Bartolozzi, XIX. 199.</li> -<li class="isub1">Strange, XIX. 200.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sharp, XIX. 201.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Engraving" id="Engraving"></a>Engraving, the best portraits in, XIX. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its relation to painting, XIX. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Longhi on same, XIX. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Great French School of, XIX. 185-194.</li> - -<li class="indx">Episcopal Church of America, befriended by Granville Sharp, IV. 318.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="EqualRights" id="EqualRights"></a>Equal Rights, in the lecture-room, I. 160.</li> -<li class="isub1">In common schools, III. 51; XIX. 3, 158, 165, 166, 241-244, 261; XX. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">And the Emancipation Proclamation, XII. 60.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of guaranties for, XII. 310.</li> -<li class="isub1">Secured to freed serfs in Russia, XII. 312-314; XIII. 58-60; XIV. 57, 211.</li> -<li class="isub1"><i>Vs.</i> the Presidential policy in reconstruction, XII. 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Scheme of Reconstruction on basis of, XIII. 21.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of all, speech on, XIII. 115.</li> -<li class="isub1">The great guaranty, XIII. 124.</li> -<li class="isub1">A condition of Reconstruction, XIV. 92; XVI. 347.</li> -<li class="isub1">Whether political or civil, by Act of Congress, XVI. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Folly of reasons for denial of, XVI. 332.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be under a uniform law, XVIII. 2; XIX. 128, 234; XX. <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Further measures required to secure, XVIII. 21, 45, 317; XIX. 158-164, 166; XX. <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">No reconciliation without, XIX. 215, 259, 263.</li> -<li class="isub1">Limitations on, a denial of the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 223.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not a question of Society, XIX. 227.</li> -<li class="isub1">In hotels, XIX. 236;</li> -<li class="isub2">in public conveyances, XIX. 238;</li> -<li class="isub2">in theatres, XIX. 240;</li> -<li class="isub2">in other public institutions, churches, and cemeteries, XIX. 244, 292-299.</li> -<li class="isub1">Argument against, XIX. 246.</li> -<li class="isub1">On juries, XIX. 290.</li> -<li class="isub1">In normal schools, XX. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#CivilRights">Civil Rights</a></i> and <i><a href="#Equality">Equality</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Equality" id="Equality"></a>Equality before the law, III. 51; XI. 217.</li> -<li class="isub1">Misunderstood by Brougham and Calhoun, III. 55.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and growth of the sentiment of, III. 56.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proclaimed in France by literature and constitutions, III. 58-63; XI. 218-221; XIII. 198-202,—declared in other European countries, III. 63; XI. 221.</li> -<li class="isub1">Greek word for, III. 63; XI. 222.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_337" id="Page_337">[Pg 337]</a></span>Proclaimed by Declaration of Independence and Constitution of Massachusetts, III. 64.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defined, III. 65; IV. 48; XVI. 331; XIX. 219.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognized by Massachusetts laws for common schools, III. 66;</li> -<li class="isub2">and by courts of same, III. 69.</li> -<li class="isub1">Violated by separate colored schools, III. 70; XIX. 241.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equivalents no substitute for, III. 88; XIX. 3, 158, 165, 229.</li> -<li class="isub1">American representative system founded on, IV. 38.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of States, does not allow transportation of slaves into Territories, VI. 229.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of men, a self-evident truth, VI. 338; XIII. 235.</li> -<li class="isub1">La Boëtie and Maine on, XI. 224.</li> -<li class="isub1">Political, without distinction of color, XIII. 282.</li> -<li class="isub1">In rights, must be complete, XIV. 41; XVI. 331; XIX. 219, 316; XX. <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Before the law, protected by national statute, XIX. 203.</li> -<li class="isub1">In rights, the real issue of the war, XIX. 223;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, XIX. 224-226.</li> - -<li class="indx">Equity, definitions of, XVIII. 36.</li> - -<li class="indx">Erasmus, his description of an eagle, I. 95.</li> -<li class="isub1">On his own character, I. 250.</li> -<li class="isub1">His application of Latin proverb on Scylla and Charybdis, XII. 377-379.</li> -<li class="isub1">On uncleanness of English houses, XVII. 167.</li> -<li class="isub1">Portraits of, XIX. 181.</li> - -<li class="indx">Europe, public debt of, before 1845, I. 72.</li> -<li class="isub1">Expenses of war-preparations of, before 1850, I. 75; II. 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tendency of, towards unity, II. 381-383.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sympathies of, in our Civil War, not to be repelled, VII. 236.</li> -<li class="isub1">Policy of, on rights of neutral ships, VIII. 63, 66.</li> -<li class="isub1">Intervention of, in wars for freedom, X. 9.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tends towards Republicanism, XVIII. 251.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lafayette’s prophecy of enfranchisement of, XVIII. 252.</li> - -<li class="indx">Everett, Edward, nomination of, for Vice-President in 1860, VI. 358.</li> -<li class="isub1">Urges compromise in 1861, VII. 176.</li> -<li class="isub1">Supports Lincoln in 1864, XI. 418.</li> -<li class="isub1">The late, XII. 68.</li> -<li class="isub1">On retaliation, XII. 86.</li> - -<li class="indx">Exhibition, Industrial, at London in 1862, representation of United States at, VIII. 157.</li> - -<li class="indx">Exmouth, Lord, expeditions of, against Algiers, II. 77-80; VIII. 297; X. 72.</li> -<li class="isub1">Orders of, quoted, II. 77, 80; X. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Despatch of, quoted, II. 81; VIII. 298; X. 73.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">F.</li> - -<li class="indx">Faculties, all the, should be cultivated, I. 208.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fame, Allston’s definition of, I. 283.</li> -<li class="isub1">Oration on, II. 153.</li> -<li class="isub1">In antiquity, II. 162.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Glory">Glory</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fanaticism, good and bad, defined, V. 146-148.</li> - -<li class="indx">Faneuil Hall, IV. 163; VII. 70.</li> - -<li class="indx">Farmer, the good, and the good citizen, IV. 280.</li> - -<li class="indx">Farmers of Hampshire Co., Massachusetts, speech at dinner of, IX. 248.</li> -<li class="isub1">Liberal sentiments of, IX. 252.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Federal,” should not be applied to government, constitution, courts or army of United States, XVI. 8 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Fellow-citizens, German, and a true Reconstruction, VIII. 239.</li> -<li class="isub1">No names of victories over, on regimental colors, VIII. 361; XX. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">No picture at the Capitol of victory over, XII. 201.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="FemaleSuffrage" id="FemaleSuffrage"></a>Female Suffrage, XIV. 228.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fessenden, William Pitt, Senator from Maine, reply to, on limitation of Senate business and obligations of caucuses, XV. 205-209, 213 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Remarks on death of, XVII. 189.</li> - -<li class="indx">“Fiat justitia, ruat cœlum,” origin of phrase, IV. 310 (and <i>note</i>), 311.</li> - -<li class="indx">Field, Cyrus W., XIV. 220.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_338" id="Page_338">[Pg 338]</a></span>Speech on a resolution giving thanks of Congress to, XIV. 301.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="FifteenthAmendment" id="FifteenthAmendment"></a>Fifteenth Amendment, ratification of the, XVIII. 20.</li> - -<li class="indx">Financial Reconstruction, through public faith and specie payments, XVI. 259; XVII. 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Depends on political, XVI. 264-266, 294, 355.</li> -<li class="isub1">Means of, XVI. 278-281; XVII. 237-241, 279-281.</li> -<li class="isub1">Propositions of Secretary of Treasury for, considered, XVII. 241-244.</li> -<li class="isub1">Consideration of Mr. Sumner’s bill for, XVII. 245-253, 279 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of bill from Committee of Finance for, XVII. 255-260, 264, 266-270.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitute for latter explained, XVII. 260 <i>et seq.</i>, 264-266, 273-277.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitute of Finance Committee for Mr. Sumner’s bill considered, XVII. 281-298.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fish, Hamilton, Secretary of State, personal relations of Mr. Sumner with, XIX. 99, 106-124.</li> -<li class="isub1">His interest in annexation of San Domingo, XIX. 107.</li> -<li class="isub1">His removal of Mr. Motley, XIX. 109;</li> -<li class="isub2">his paper on same, XIX. 109-112;</li> -<li class="isub3">quotation from above paper, XIX. 110;</li> -<li class="isub3">inconsistencies in same, XIX. 115-117.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fisheries, Canadian, XII. 48.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of Russian America, XV. 141-161.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of, XV. 161-165.</li> -<li class="isub1">Growth of, in United States, XV. 162, 165.</li> -<li class="isub1">R. Izard on, XV. 163.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Fivetwenties" id="Fivetwenties"></a>Five-Twenties (bonds), payment of, XVII. 245-247.</li> - -<li class="indx">Flag, the national, the emblem of union for freedom, III. 238; XVI. 43,—history of same, XVI. 43-45.</li> - -<li class="indx">Florida, memorial of, for admission into the Union, quoted, V. 220.</li> - -<li class="indx">Florida, the, case of, XII. 9.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fontenelle, on progress, II. 260.</li> - -<li class="indx">Foot, Solomon, Senator from Vermont, speech on death of, XIV. 33.</li> - -<li class="indx">Foreign Relations, prudence in our, IX. 257.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech on, in New York, in 1863, IX. 327.</li> -<li class="isub1">Principles to be observed in, XVII. 117; XVIII. 253.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#CommitteeonForeignRelations">Com. on Foreign Relations</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Foreigners, in ancient and modern times, V. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1">In United States, V. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1">Our duty to welcome, V. 78; XVII. 183.</li> -<li class="isub1">Services of, in United States and Europe, V. 78-80.</li> -<li class="isub1">Indifference of Mr. Sumner to, denied, XVI. 315-317.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rights of naturalized, in their native countries, to be determined by international law, XVI. 317.</li> - -<li class="indx">Forney, John W., remarks at a dinner to, XVIII. 310.</li> - -<li class="indx">Forts, no surrender of the Northern, VII. 200.</li> - -<li class="indx">Foster, Lafayette S., Senator from Connecticut, remarks of, on testimony of colored persons, answered, IX. 157-161.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="FourteenthAmendment" id="FourteenthAmendment"></a>Fourteenth Amendment, withdrawal of assent to, by Ohio, XVI. 69.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fourth of July, oration on true grandeur of nations, I. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters for celebration of, at Boston in 1851, 1852, 1853, 1854, and 1865, III. 165, 238; IV. 32, 228; XII. 297.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fox, Charles James, on the American War, I. 343 <i>et seq.</i>, 348.</li> -<li class="isub1">On weakness of temporizing, VII. 332.</li> -<li class="isub1">On war with America, XV. 407.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fox, George, intercedes for Quaker slaves in Algiers, II. 35.</li> - -<li class="indx">France, army of, in 1845, I. 75;</li> -<li class="isub2">and in 1870, XVIII. 195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Navy of, in 1837, I. 76;</li> -<li class="isub2">and in 1870, XVIII. 195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Fortifications and militia of, I. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_339" id="Page_339">[Pg 339]</a></span>Relative expenditure of, for war-preparations, I. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts of, to free white slaves in Algiers, II. 31.</li> -<li class="isub1">Favors separate system in prisons, II. 133-135, 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equality developed and proclaimed in, by its literature and constitutions, III. 58-63; XI. 218-221; XIII. 198-202.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abrogation of its treaties with United States in 1798, V. 104;</li> -<li class="isub2">debate in Congress on same, quoted, V. 105.</li> -<li class="isub1">Alliance of, with American colonies, VII. 118.</li> -<li class="isub1">Revolution of 1789 in, VII. 131;</li> -<li class="isub2">same brought about by few persons, VII. 336.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of government of, to rights of neutral ships, VIII. 63, 70.</li> -<li class="isub1">Paper money in, VIII. 194, 204; XVI. 359.</li> -<li class="isub1">Confiscation in, IX. 55-58.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unfriendly actions of, to United States during our Civil War, X. 41-47; X. 256.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognition of United States by, X. 89; XI. 97.</li> -<li class="isub1">Claims on, for spoliations of American commerce before July 31, 1801, XI. 70.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and history of counter-claims of, XI. 96-113;</li> -<li class="isub2">adjustment of same with United States, XI. 113-123.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mints in, XI. 264.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery condemned by law and literature of, XII. 162-169.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of, to republican government, XIII. 198-202.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its growth into a nation, XVI. 17.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instance of barbarous manners in, XVII. 168.</li> -<li class="isub1">And Germany, the duel between, XVIII. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Resources of, in 1870, XVIII. 194.</li> -<li class="isub1">Had no right to interfere with Spain, XVIII. 198.</li> -<li class="isub1">Foolish causes of certain wars of, XVIII. 202.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instances of capture of sovereigns of, XVIII. 206-208.</li> -<li class="isub1">Retribution upon, XVIII. 213.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dismemberment of, XVIII. 219;</li> -<li class="isub2">reasons against same, XVIII. 220-222;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities against same, XVIII. 221 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Advantages of disarmament of, XVIII. 223-229.</li> -<li class="isub1">Charity to, XVIII. 319.</li> -<li class="isub1">Obligations of United States to, XVIII. 319.</li> -<li class="isub1">Annexation of Nice and Savoy to, XIX. 30.</li> -<li class="isub1">Peace and the republic for, XIX. 159.</li> -<li class="isub1">Numerical size of its Assembly, XX. <a href="#Page_2">2</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sale of arms to, by U. S. in Franco-Prussian war, XX. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony showing need of inquiry into same, XX. <a href="#Page_25">25-40</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="FrancoGermanWar" id="FrancoGermanWar"></a>Franco-German War, a duel, XVIII. 177.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proper adjustment of, XVIII. 183.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and pretexts of, XVIII. 183-191.</li> -<li class="isub1">Debates in French Chamber previous to, XVIII. 184 <i>et seq.</i>, 187-190.</li> -<li class="isub1">Declared, XVIII. 192 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Folly of, XVIII. 196.</li> -<li class="isub1">True reason of, XVIII. 200.</li> -<li class="isub1">Progress and character of, XVIII. 203-206.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should have ended at Sedan, XVIII. 216.</li> -<li class="isub1">Three essential conditions of peace after, XVIII. 216, 217.</li> -<li class="isub1">Publicity of, XVIII. 243.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to horrors of, XVIII. 245.</li> - -<li class="indx">Frankfort, Penitentiary Congress at, II. 245, 402.</li> - -<li class="indx">Franking, abolition of, XVIII. 57.</li> -<li class="isub1">In England, XVIII. 57, 61.</li> -<li class="isub1">In United States, XVIII. 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitute for, XVIII. 59.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin of, in England, XVIII. 64-66;</li> -<li class="isub2">abolition of, in same, XVIII. 76.</li> - -<li class="indx">Franklin, Benjamin, industry of, I. 188.</li> -<li class="isub1">Worldly wisdom of, I. 189.</li> -<li class="isub1">Petitions for abolition of slavery, I. 312; II. 68, 231, 294; III. 17, 293; VI. 203.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of, to Mr. Strahan, quoted, I. 382.</li> -<li class="isub1">His apologue on Algerine slavery, II. 68; VI. 203.</li> -<li class="isub1">On war, II. 398; XX. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>,—his labors against same, II. 398.</li> -<li class="isub1">On duels, VI. 183.</li> -<li class="isub1">On compensation to loyalists, IX. 66.</li> -<li class="isub1">And John Slidell at Paris, X. 221.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_340" id="Page_340">[Pg 340]</a></span>Origin and history of the Latin verse applied to, X. 222-225, 233-237, 242, 248-252.</li> -<li class="isub1">Portraits of, in France, with Latin motto, X. 242-246.</li> -<li class="isub1">Translations of Latin verse on, X. 252-255;</li> -<li class="isub2">letter of, on same, X. 253.</li> -<li class="isub1">On republican government, XIII. 176, 299.</li> -<li class="isub1">His friendship with Bishop Shipley, XV. 332.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the colonial post-office, XVIII. 67.</li> - -<li class="indx">Frederick II., of Prussia, on invoking God in war, I. 56.</li> -<li class="isub1">On effect of his standing army, II. 370; XVIII. 226;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony of Lafayette to same, XVIII. 227.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="FreeBanking" id="FreeBanking"></a>Free Banking, objections to, XVII. 259 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Free-Soil Conventions, speeches at, III. 4; IV. 3.</li> -<li class="isub1">Address adopted by, in 1849, III. 6.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to, in 1852, III. 240.</li> - -<li class="indx">Free-Soil Party, importance of its organization, II. 299.</li> -<li class="isub1">Principles of, II. 307; III. 26-29, 138, 153.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal for, II. 316.</li> -<li class="isub1">Explained and vindicated, III. 6.</li> -<li class="isub1">A national party, III. 8-10.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not interfere with slavery in the States, III. 27, 48, 139, 141.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessary, III. 32.</li> -<li class="isub1">Objections to, refuted, III. 34-41, 141.</li> -<li class="isub1">Demands of, III. 139.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Freedmen" id="Freedmen"></a>Freedmen, special committee on slavery and, X. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of caring for, XI. 302-327; XVIII. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to their desire for work, XI. 303-305.</li> -<li class="isub1">Classes of, XI. 311.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dangers of, XI. 315; XII. 321; XVII. 102,—testimony to same, XI. 344 <i>et seq.</i>; XII. 323; XIII. 66-96; XVI. 350 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Guaranties for, XII. 305, 325-329.</li> -<li class="isub1">Colonization for, XII. 334.</li> -<li class="isub1">Enfranchisement and protection of, XIII. 55.</li> -<li class="isub1">Kidnapping of, XIII. 101.</li> -<li class="isub1">Home-steads for, XIV. 307-309; XV. 188.</li> - -<li class="indx">Freedmen’s Bureau, creation of the, XI. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">Location of, XI. 307, 315, 321-323, 341 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities on same, XI. 312-314.</li> -<li class="isub1">Despoiled by President Johnson, XVI. 169.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Freedom" id="Freedom"></a>Freedom, the party of, II. 228, 291; IV. 3.</li> -<li class="isub1">Whigs and Democrats must unite to defend, II. 234, 238.</li> -<li class="isub1">Principles of party of, II. 297; IV. 8.</li> -<li class="isub1">A last rally for, II. 320.</li> -<li class="isub1">Our country on the side of, without belligerent intervention, III. 180.</li> -<li class="isub1">Is national, III. 237, 242, 274; VI. 361.</li> -<li class="isub1">National, slavery sectional: speech, III. 257.</li> -<li class="isub1">Whig and Democratic parties opposed to, IV. 5.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prospects of party of, IV. 9.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of union to uphold, IV. 15.</li> -<li class="isub1">The landmark of, IV. 81.</li> -<li class="isub1">Hope for, in United States, IV. 148.</li> -<li class="isub1">The demands of, IV. 333.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unity for, IX. 316.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Friends" id="Friends"></a>Friends, Society of, in New England, petitions for repeal of Fugitive Slave Bill, III. 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Quakers">Quakers</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="FugitiveClause" id="FugitiveClause"></a>Fugitive Clause in the Constitution, III. 303, 356; X. 341.</li> -<li class="isub1">False assumptions as to origin of, III. 303-306; X. 352-354.</li> -<li class="isub1">True origin of, III. 306-309; X. 354-360.</li> -<li class="isub1">Neglected at first, III. 309 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Merely a compact between States, III. 356-358; X. 366-368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Interpretation of, III. 358-361; IV. 182; VI. 229; X. 342-352; XI. 234-238.</li> -<li class="isub1">Granville Sharp on, IV. 319 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Ambiguity of, X. 346.</li> -<li class="isub1">Applicable to indented servants, X. 348.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities denying power of Congress under, X. 368-372.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fugitive Slave Acts, wrong and unconstitutionality of, X. 338.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relation of, to slavery, X. 339-341.</li> -<li class="isub1">Final repeal of all, XI. 229.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_341" id="Page_341">[Pg 341]</a></span>Fugitive Slave Bill, denounced, III. 127, 312; IV. 162, 342; V. 44; VII. 3; X. 394; XI. 239.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unconstitutional, III. 128, 312 <i>et seq.</i>; IV. 162, 342; X. 360, 384.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s relation to, III. 132.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal against its execution, III. 134-137.</li> -<li class="isub1">Presentation of a memorial against, III. 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Attempt to discuss, III. 243.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speeches for repeal of, III. 257; IV. 333; XI. 229.</li> -<li class="isub1">Difficulties of discussing, III. 267.</li> -<li class="isub1">A usurpation by Congress and a breach of State rights, III. 326; IV. 163, 214, 337; X. 364-372.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its denial of trial by Jury unconstitutional, III. 328-338; IV. 162; X. 372-380.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Stamp Act, III. 339; IV. 165.</li> -<li class="isub1">Public sentiment of free States opposed to, III. 346; IV. 348.</li> -<li class="isub1">Consequences of, III. 349-351; X. 385-390.</li> -<li class="isub1">Favored by Mercantile interest, III. 351.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitute for, III. 356-361.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be disobeyed, III. 364; IV. 282; V. 46; VII. 3.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speeches on Boston petition for repeal of, IV. 159, 172.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authors of, IV. 213; X. 390-393.</li> -<li class="isub1">Peaceful opposition to, IV. 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">No pension for service in support of, IV. 230.</li> -<li class="isub1">Struggle for repeal of, IV. 239.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Massachusetts law against witchcraft, IV. 276.</li> -<li class="isub1">Legislation of States in regard to, defended, IV. 243-245.</li> -<li class="isub1">No recognition of, VIII. 238-240.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin of, X. 363.</li> -<li class="isub1">Webster on, X. 370.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not necessary, X. 391.</li> -<li class="isub1">Humboldt on, XI. 240.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="FugitiveSlaves" id="FugitiveSlaves"></a>Fugitive Slaves, entitled to trial by jury, III. 328; IV. 215; X. 373,—authorities proving same, according to the Constitution and common law, III. 330-338; X. 374-377.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defended by Granville Sharp, IV. 297-313; VIII. 279; XI. 237,—opinion of same on laws for surrender of, IV. 319.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instructions of Secretary of War in favor of, VII. 348.</li> -<li class="isub1">Conduct of our generals towards, in the Civil War, VII. 359; VIII. 8 <i>et seq.</i>, 351.</li> -<li class="isub1">The national armies and, VIII. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">No surrender of, in Washington, IX. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">Objections to trial by jury for, X. 377-380.</li> -<li class="isub1">Commissioners for trial of, X. 381-384.</li> -<li class="isub1">Heroism of, XVII. 172.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Fugitivesfromservice" id="Fugitivesfromservice"></a>Fugitives from service, Act of 1793 for surrender of, III. 310, 315; X. 361,—opposition to same, III. 311; X. 361-363,—Judge Story’s decision on same, III. 315 <i>et seq.</i>; XI. 233.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#FugitiveClause">Fugitive Clause</a></i> and <i><a href="#FugitiveSlaves">Fugitive Slaves</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Funding Bills, speeches on, XVI. 259; XVII. 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Described, XVI. 281-284; XVII. 245-249.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">G.</li> - -<li class="indx">Galiani, Ferdinando, Abbé, prophecies of, concerning America, X. 234; XV. 361 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Character and works of, XV. 359-361.</li> - -<li class="indx">Garrison, William Lloyd, reward offered by Georgia for arrest of, VI. 191 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to, VI. 343.</li> - -<li class="indx">Genoa, siege of, in 1800, I. 26-29.</li> - -<li class="indx">Georgia, admission of, to representation in Congress, XVIII. 23;</li> -<li class="isub2">condition of, in 1870, XVIII. 25.</li> -<li class="isub1">Bingham amendment to Act for, XVIII. 26.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of Congress over, XVIII. 27-32.</li> -<li class="isub1">Different modes of treatment for, XVIII. 32 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Forfeits its title to recognition, XVIII. 35.</li> - -<li class="indx">German Emigrant, the, must be against slavery, IV. 19.</li> - -<li class="indx">German Fellow-citizens, our, and a true Reconstruction, VIII. 238.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Germany" id="Germany"></a>Germany, plans of universal peace developed in, II. 392-397; XVIII. 233-236.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_342" id="Page_342">[Pg 342]</a></span>Pretensions of State sovereignty in, XVI. 18-20.</li> -<li class="isub1">Protection of American citizens in, XVI. 312.</li> -<li class="isub1">The duel between France and, XVIII. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Resources of, in 1870, XVIII. 194.</li> -<li class="isub1">Indemnity to, XVIII. 217.</li> -<li class="isub1">Guaranty claimed by, XVIII. 219.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proper guaranty for, XVIII. 223;</li> -<li class="isub2">advantages of same, XVIII. 223-229.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sufferings of, from war, XVIII. 232.</li> -<li class="isub1">Charity to France or, XVIII. 319.</li> -<li class="isub1">Obligations of United States to, XVIII. 320.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#FrancoGermanWar">Franco-German War</a></i> and <i><a href="#Prussia">Prussia</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gettysburg, battle of, XII. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln’s speech at, XII. 271, 272; XIX. 226.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gibbon, Edward, autobiography of, I. 190.</li> -<li class="isub1">On praise, II. 180.</li> - -<li class="indx">Giddings, Joshua R., treatment of, by slave-masters in Congress, VI. 206-208.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gifts, acceptance of, by office-holders, XX. <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instances of refusal of, XX. <a href="#Page_119">119-122</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Gladstone, William E., XX. <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Glory" id="Glory"></a>Glory, defined, II. 162.</li> -<li class="isub1">In antiquity, II. 163-165, 169.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cicero’s opinions on, II. 165, 170-174.</li> -<li class="isub1">In Middle Ages, II. 166.</li> -<li class="isub1">Among savages, II. 167.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sir W. Jones on, II. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of, II. 175, 194.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pascal on, II. 177.</li> -<li class="isub1">Love of, a low motive, II. 178 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Desire for, dangerous, II. 180.</li> -<li class="isub1">Burke on, II. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">False, II. 182.</li> -<li class="isub1">True, defined, II. 184, 194.</li> -<li class="isub1">Waller on true, II. 185.</li> -<li class="isub1">Wolfe’s idea of, II. 186.</li> -<li class="isub1">Nature of military, II. 187, 424-428.</li> -<li class="isub1">Examples of false and true, II. 197-200.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln on military, XII. 262.</li> - -<li class="indx">God, not the God of armies, I. 57.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gold, coined, is merchandise, XI. 270;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities stating same, XI. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of inspection for, XI. 272.</li> - -<li class="indx">Government, improvement of, XVII. 136-138.</li> -<li class="isub1">The science of justice, XVII. 138.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reform and purity in, XX. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Personal, unrepublican, XX. <a href="#Page_93">93</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">See <i>Military Government</i>, <i><a href="#RepublicanGovernment">Republican Government</a></i>, and <i><a href="#SelfGovernment">Self-Government</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grant, Ulysses S., President of United States, labors to popularize annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 270; XIX. 91; XX. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His usurpation in threatening Hayti and San Domingo by ships of war, XVIII. 282; XIX. 31, 78, 81, 90; XX. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On rejection of treaty for annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 284; XIX. 92; XX. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Threatens independence of Hayti, in annual message, XVIII. 284-288; XIX. 91.</li> -<li class="isub1">His endeavor to change the committee on foreign relations, XVIII. 289.</li> -<li class="isub1">Interview of, with Mr. Sumner on San Domingo treaties, XVIII. 293 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">No precedent for his assumption of war-powers in Dominican treaty, XIX. 82,—his usurpation continued after rejection of same, XIX. 85; XX. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>,—testimony to same, XIX. 87 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Personal relations of Mr. Sumner with, XIX. 99, 104-106; XX. <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His pretensions, as President, XX. <a href="#Page_90">90-92</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124-153</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">As a civilian, XX. <a href="#Page_97">97</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">E. M. Stanton’s opinion of, XX. <a href="#Page_98">98-100</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of exposing, XX. <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His nepotism, XX. <a href="#Page_101">101</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Takes gifts and repays with office, XX. <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122-124</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His selection of his Cabinet, XX. <a href="#Page_122">122</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His inaugural address, XX. <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His appropriation of offices, XX. <a href="#Page_128">128</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_343" id="Page_343">[Pg 343]</a></span>His assault on a safeguard of the Treasury, XX. <a href="#Page_129">129-131</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appoints army officers as secretaries, XX. <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">illegality of same, XX. <a href="#Page_133">133-137</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His interference in local politics, XX. <a href="#Page_142">142</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">The great Presidential quarreller, XX. <a href="#Page_153">153-156</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of Republican party as to his reëlection, XX. <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Favors originally one term for President, XX. <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">necessity of same shown by his example, XX. <a href="#Page_159">159</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Unfit to be President, XX. <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Apologies for, considered, XX. <a href="#Page_162">162-165</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Indifferent to colored people, XX. <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">As a candidate for reëlection, XX. <a href="#Page_165">165-169</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His antecedents, XX. <a href="#Page_177">177-182</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His nomination for reëlection, XX. <a href="#Page_182">182</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His supporters, XX. <a href="#Page_184">184</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Frederick Douglass and, XX. <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Greeley or, XX. <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His reëlection secured by office-holders, XX. <a href="#Page_223">223-225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grantism, Republicanism <i>vs.</i>, XX. <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="GreatBritain" id="GreatBritain"></a>Great Britain, war of, with United States in 1812, I. 17, 31 <i>et seq.</i>; VIII. 50-52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Public debt and annual taxation of, in 1842, I. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Army of, in 1845, I. 75.</li> -<li class="isub1">Navy of, I. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Fortifications and militia of, I. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relative expenditure of, for war-preparations, I. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">Emancipation of slaves in West Indies by, I. 127; V. 28-30; VI. 343.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaties of, with Barbary States, II. 30,—abolishes white slavery in same, II. 78, 80; VIII. 297; X. 72.</li> -<li class="isub1">Great institutions of liberty originated by, IV. 38; VIII. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mode of abrogation of treaty of, with United States, concerning Oregon, V. 106.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early support of slave-trade by, V. 149; X. 71; XIII. 313.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ground of her complaint in Trent case, VIII. 35-37.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pretensions of, in maritime questions, VIII. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to policy of, in regard to neutral rights, VIII. 42-56, 63, 64, 67; XII. 16-32, 38-41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prohibits paper money in America, VIII. 190.</li> -<li class="isub1">Paper money in history of, VIII. 203.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaties of, with United States, to suppress slave-trade, VIII. 337-341.</li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts of, against slave-trade, VIII. 339, 343; X. 74-77.</li> -<li class="isub1">History of intervention of, against slavery, X. 71-84.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relations with: the St. Albans raid, XII. 42.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery condemned by law and literature of, XII. 156-162.</li> -<li class="isub1">Attitude of justice towards, XIV. 96.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reported designs of, against Russian America, XV. 43-48.</li> -<li class="isub1">Action of, concerning surplus of indemnity paid by France in 1815 and 1818, XVIII. 129.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#England">England</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Greeley, Horace, antecedents of, XX. <a href="#Page_177">177</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His nomination to the Presidency, XX. <a href="#Page_182">182</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His supporters, XX. <a href="#Page_184">184</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His election the triumph of Republican principles, XX. <a href="#Page_185">185-187</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Reasons for his nomination, XX. <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Or Grant? speech, XX. <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reasons for voting for, XX. <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reconciliation between North and South, XX. <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His fidelity to Republican principles, XX. <a href="#Page_249">249-252</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of, quoted, XX. <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tribute to, XX. <a href="#Page_256">256</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His devotion to Henry Clay, XX. <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Greene, Nathanael, Gen., on weakness of South Carolina in Revolutionary War, IV. 203-206.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech on presentation of statue of, XVII. 299.</li> - -<li class="indx">Greener, Richard T., article by, on necessity of supplementary civil-rights bill, quoted, XIX. 271.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grégoire, Henri, Abbé, career of, XV. 408-410.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_344" id="Page_344">[Pg 344]</a></span>His prophecies concerning America, XV. 410 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Grimes, James W., Senator from Iowa, reply to his criticism on bill for creation of Freedmen’s Bureau, XI. 323-339, 343-349.</li> - -<li class="indx">Griswold, Rufus W., letter to, III. 213.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grotius, on substitutes for war, II. 385.</li> -<li class="isub1">His definition of war, IX. 21.</li> -<li class="isub1">On recognition of States, X. 107.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reprisals, XVI. 303, 305.</li> -<li class="isub1">On alienation of territory, XVIII. 221.</li> - -<li class="indx">Guaranties, against slavery, X. 295.</li> -<li class="isub1">Irreversible, XI. 351.</li> -<li class="isub1">For the national freedman and the national creditor, XII. 305, 325-329; XVII. 101-116,—modes of obtaining same, XII. 333-341; XVII. 115.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="GuarantyofRepublicanGovernment" id="GuarantyofRepublicanGovernment"></a>Guaranty of Republican Government to State, must be fulfilled by Congress, X. 211; XI. 370; XII. 197, 331; XIII. 62, 136, 211, 327; XV. 231; XVI. 245; XVII. 43; XVIII. 4, 28.</li> -<li class="isub1">Upheld by Madison, X. 212; XIII. 139.</li> -<li class="isub1">Part execution of, XIII. 14, 113, 323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and purpose of, XIII. 139-143.</li> -<li class="isub1">Webster on, XIII. 143.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities declaring duty of Congress to fulfil, XIII. 212;</li> -<li class="isub2">arguments against same, refuted, XIII. 213-215; XVII. 44.</li> - -<li class="indx">Guizot, on increase of toleration in old age, XX. <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gurowski, Adam, Count, his work on slavery, VI. 347.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to, VII. 184.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">H.</li> - -<li class="indx">Habeas Corpus, suspension of, in United States and Ireland, X. 16 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hale, John P., Free-Soil candidate for President in 1852, IV. 10.</li> -<li class="isub1">His remarks on testimony of colored persons in United States courts answered, IX. 154-156.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hale, Sir Matthew, on arrangement of time, I. 201.</li> - -<li class="indx">Halleck, Henry W., Gen., orders of, for surrender of fugitive slaves, VII. 359 <i>et seq.</i>, VIII. 356 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His work on international law, VIII. 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">On consuls, VIII. 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">On privateering, IX. 287.</li> -<li class="isub1">On seizures in neutral waters, XII. 13.</li> -<li class="isub1">On retaliation, XII. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reprisals, XVI. 303, 305, 306.</li> -<li class="isub1">On equality of nations, XIX. 70.</li> -<li class="isub1">On belligerent intervention, XIX. 74 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hamilton, Alexander, views of, on slavery, III. 287.</li> -<li class="isub1">On republican government, XIII. 147, 182 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On right of negroes to representation, XIII. 183 <i>et seq.</i>, 329; XVI. 251; XVII. 45.</li> -<li class="isub1">His plan of representation, XIII. 329.</li> -<li class="isub1">On sovereignty of the Union, XVI. 29, 33.</li> -<li class="isub1">On State rights, XVI. 253.</li> -<li class="isub1">On cessation of obligation of treaties, XVIII. 35.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the treaty-making power, XIX. 79 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Hamlin, Hannibal, Republican candidate for Vice-Presidency in 1860, VI. 337.</li> - -<li class="indx">Harper’s Ferry Investigation, speeches on imprisonment of Thaddeus Hyatt for refusing to testify in, VI. 80.</li> - -<li class="indx">Harrison, William H., on one term for the President, XIX. 170; XX. <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hartley, David, XV. 347.</li> -<li class="isub1">John Adams on, XV. 348.</li> -<li class="isub1">His speeches and letter concerning America, XV. 349-359.</li> -<li class="isub1">The first abolitionist in Parliament, XV. 352.</li> - -<li class="indx">Harvard University in 1845, I. 80.</li> -<li class="isub1">Expenditures of, I. 82.</li> -<li class="isub1">Law School of, I. 142, 262; III. 101.</li> -<li class="isub1">And Dr. Channing, I. 286.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_345" id="Page_345">[Pg 345]</a></span>Mottoes of, I. 302.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judge Story’s benefactions to, III. 112.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#LawSchoolofHarvardUniversity">Law School of Harvard University</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hatch, Davis, on annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 290.</li> -<li class="isub1">Imprisonment of, XIX. 45; XX. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>,—evidence as to same, XIX. 46-48.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hawley, Joseph R., Gen., XVIII. 172.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hayti, and Liberia, independence of, VIII. 307.</li> -<li class="isub1">Entitled to recognition, VIII. 311.</li> -<li class="isub1">Described, VIII. 312-314.</li> -<li class="isub1">Commercial relations of, with United States in 1860, VIII. 315-319.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advantages of recognizing, VIII. 319-322, 324 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Consuls not sufficient for, VIII. 325-327, 330-332.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognition of, early commended, VIII. 327.</li> -<li class="isub1">Merits of citizens of, VIII. 329.</li> -<li class="isub1">Threatened by United States ships of war, XVIII. 277, 303; XIX. 49; XX. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relations of, with Dominica, XVIII. 278-280.</li> -<li class="isub1">President of, on annexion of Dominica, XVIII. 283.</li> -<li class="isub1">Independence of, threatened by President Grant, XVIII. 284-288; XIX. 91; XX. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to threats of United States ships of war against, XIX. 48-51, 57, 64-66.</li> -<li class="isub1">Value of its example, XIX. 49, 155.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treatment of, by United States, a violation of international law, XIX. 71, 75; XX. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">The equal of other nations, XIX. 72.</li> -<li class="isub1">Presentation of medal from, XIX. 154.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to President of, XX. <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Henry IV., of France, proposes congress of nations, II. 384; XVIII. 233.</li> - -<li class="indx">Henry, Patrick, on slavery, II. 231; III. 288; XII. 150.</li> -<li class="isub1">His opposition to the Constitution, X. 182; XII. 125; XIII. 305; XVI. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">On power of Congress over slavery, XI. 191.</li> - -<li class="indx">Herder, on progress, II. 257.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hill, Benjamin H., Senator from Georgia, colloquy of, with Mr. Sumner, on need of civil-rights bill, XIX. 206-212 (<i>Introduction</i>).</li> - -<li class="indx">Hill, Rowland, plans of, for postal reform, XVIII. 69;</li> -<li class="isub2">opposition to same, XVIII. 70 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Honors to, XVIII. 80.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hinds, James, Representative from Arkansas, tribute to, XVII. 32.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, Prince Leopold, XVIII. 184, 186, 197.</li> -<li class="isub1">His relationship to the King of Prussia and Napoleon III., XVIII. 198 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Holland, navy of, in 1839, I. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1">Frees white slaves in Algiers, II. 33.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adopts separate system in prisons, II. 137.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery not allowed in, XII. 169.</li> - -<li class="indx">Homer, on slavery, II. 14.</li> - -<li class="indx">Honor, “point of,” I. 60 (and <i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">True, distinguished from false, I. 61.</li> -<li class="isub1">Vattel on, I. 62 (and <i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">Montesquieu on, I. 62.</li> -<li class="isub1">Plato on, I. 64.</li> -<li class="isub1">“Point of,” not recognized by ancient Greeks, but demanded by chivalry, I. 65.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hooper, Samuel, XVIII. 170.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hornet, case of the, XVII. 201 <i>et seq.</i> (see <i>note</i>).</li> - -<li class="indx">Hotels, open to all by law, XIX. 236;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities proving same, XIX. 236-238.</li> - -<li class="indx">House of Representatives, has inquisitorial powers, VI. 88.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its proper number, XX. <a href="#Page_1">1</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Howard, John, Burke on, I. 165.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advocates separation of prisoners, I. 167.</li> -<li class="isub1">Act of Parliament drawn up by, I. 168; II. 122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ambition of, II. 199.</li> - -<li class="indx">Howard University, address at Commencement of Law School of, XVIII. 314.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_346" id="Page_346">[Pg 346]</a></span>Howe, Samuel G., and Lafayette in July, 1830, I. 334.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of, I. 334.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposed to slavery and the Mexican War, I. 336.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to, VI. 78.</li> - -<li class="indx">Howe, Timothy O., his attacks on Mr. Sumner, XIX. 102 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Human Nature, goodness of, I. 107.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="HumanRights" id="HumanRights"></a>Human Rights, sympathy with, everywhere, a letter expressing, III. 168.</li> -<li class="isub1">No compromise of, XIII. 282, 312.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dedication of United States to, XVI. 28, 31, 54; XIX. 226.</li> -<li class="isub1">Any enactment for, constitutional, XVII. 38.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hume, David, his account of refusals of English sailors to serve in unjust wars, I. 349 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, XII. 160.</li> -<li class="isub1">On duration of the English language, XV. 313.</li> -<li class="isub1">On America, XV. 385 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Humphreys, Col., on freeing American slaves in Barbary States, II. 59, 72; VIII. 293, 296.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hunter, William, XIV. 82.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hyatt, Thaddeus, imprisonment of, VI. 80; XIX. 133, 146.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">I.</li> - -<li class="indx">Idea, absorption in one, dangerous, I. 208;</li> -<li class="isub2">objections to Free Soil Party for same, refuted, III. 34; XVI. 338.</li> - -<li class="indx">Illinois, appeal to Republicans of, in 1856, VI. 13.</li> - -<li class="indx">Impeachment, privileges of debate in the Senate on officers liable to, XV. 241, 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">A political proceeding, XVI. 136-141, 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of offences liable to, XVI. 141;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities on same, XVI. 143-147.</li> -<li class="isub1">Form of procedure in, untechnical, XVI. 148;</li> -<li class="isub2">precedents and authorities proving same, XVI. 149-157.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rules of evidence in cases of, XVI. 157-164;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities respecting same, XVI. 158-160.</li> - -<li class="indx">Income Tax, XVIII. 40.</li> -<li class="isub1">McCulloch on, XVIII. 41-43.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sir R. Peel on, XVIII. 43.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reason for, in England, XVIII. 44.</li> - -<li class="indx">Independence, and those who saved the original work, XVI. 256.</li> - -<li class="indx">Indians, included under word “person” in the Constitution, III. 298; VIII. 277; XI. 194.</li> -<li class="isub1">Massacre of Cheyenne, XII. 66.</li> - -<li class="indx">Industrial Exhibition at London, in 1862, VIII. 157.</li> - -<li class="indx">Inhabitancy, question of, XVIII. 11.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities respecting, XVIII. 13 <i>et seq.</i>, 18.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judicial decision on admissible evidence to prove, XVIII. 15 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Insane, gentleness in treatment of, I. 106.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="InternationalLaw" id="InternationalLaw"></a>International Law, sanctions war, I. 13, 293; II. 340; XVIII. 182.</li> -<li class="isub1">Wheaton’s works on, II. 216, 219, 220, 222-225.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on supremacy of, II. 339.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, II. 350.</li> -<li class="isub1">Modes of establishing principles of, VIII. 31.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should not be violated, VIII. 37; XIX. 67.</li> -<li class="isub1">British pretensions under, VIII. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Needed reforms in maritime, VIII. 75-79.</li> -<li class="isub1">Gen. Halleck’s work on, VIII. 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not require recognition of a <i>de facto</i> power, X. 105;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities declaring same, X. 106-108.</li> -<li class="isub1">Morality a part of, X. 109.</li> -<li class="isub1">Montesquieu on, XII. 86.</li> -<li class="isub1">Everett’s knowledge of, XII. 87.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lieber’s acquaintance with, XII. 88.</li> - -<li class="indx">Intervention, belligerent, III. 180; X. 84; XIX. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Protest against foreign, IX. 307.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of foreign, X. 48-50, 86.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instances of, in external affairs, X. 51-53;</li> -<li class="isub2">and in internal affairs, X. 53-71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unarmed, X. 85.</li> -<li class="isub1">By recognition, X. 87;</li> -<li class="isub2">instances of same, X. 87-94.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_347" id="Page_347">[Pg 347]</a></span>Authorities respecting belligerent, XIX. 74 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Iowa, resources of, III. 196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Improvements in, needed, III. 197.</li> - -<li class="indx">Iowa Railroad Bill, speeches on, III. 182.</li> -<li class="isub1">Objections to amendment to, III. 209, 212.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ireland, sympathy with, III. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">And Irishmen, IV. 80.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="IroncladOath" id="IroncladOath"></a>Iron-clad Oath, the, for Senators, X. 273.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of requirement of, for legislatures of rebel States, XVII. 226-230.</li> - -<li class="indx">Isthmus of Darien, a ship-canal through the, XIV. 124.</li> - -<li class="indx">Italy, independence and unity of, VI. 67; XVIII. 307; XIX. 15.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pretensions of State sovereignty in, XVI. 18.</li> -<li class="isub1">Numerical size of its legislative bodies, XX. <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">J.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jackson, Andrew, on authority of Supreme Court and Constitution, III. 316; IV. 179; V. 253; XVI. 207.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeals to colored men to enlist, VI. 295.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of, on object of Nullification, VII. 166, 320.</li> -<li class="isub1">On recognition of independence of Texas, X. 94.</li> -<li class="isub1">On claims on foreign powers, XI. 157.</li> -<li class="isub1">Favors one term for the President, XIX. 169 <i>et seq.</i>; XX. <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jay, John, on slavery, II. 67; III. 287.</li> -<li class="isub1">His desire for nationality, XVI. 34.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jefferson, Thomas, his desire for abolition of slavery, I. 312; III. 15, 288,—suggested exclusion of same from Territories, II. 210; III. 16, 253; VII. 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">On war, II. 399.</li> -<li class="isub1">On evils of slavery, III. 23, 269; IV. 175; VI. 164; XII. 160.</li> -<li class="isub1">On State rights, III. 325.</li> -<li class="isub1">His plan for a representative system, IV. 44; XIII. 320.</li> -<li class="isub1">On interpreting the Constitution, IV. 180.</li> -<li class="isub1">On British impressment of American sailors, VIII. 46.</li> -<li class="isub1">On establishment of seat of national government, VIII. 270.</li> -<li class="isub1">On confiscation of property in war, IX. 36, 68.</li> -<li class="isub1">On privateers, X. 136.</li> -<li class="isub1">On subordination of military authority in United States, X. 170; XIV. 342; XVIII. 51.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Franklin’s mission to Paris, X. 229.</li> -<li class="isub1">On treaties, XI. 150.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln on, XII. 256.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Republican government, XIII. 178 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On future government of Pacific coast, XV. 52; XV. 412.</li> -<li class="isub1">His other predictions concerning America, XV. 414, 432 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On rules for appointment of Senate committees, XX. <a href="#Page_53">53</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On appointment of relations to office, XX. <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His inaugural address quoted, XX. <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Foresees tyranny of Executive, XX. <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Andrew, VII. 231; XI. 351.</li> -<li class="isub1">Legality of his seat in Senate, X. 195; XI. 352.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reorganizing Tennessee, X. 202; XI. 362.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal to, in 1865, concerning Reconstruction, XII. 342.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Reconstruction, XII. 369, 408; XIV. 197 <i>et seq.</i>, 294; XVII. 231.</li> -<li class="isub1">“Whitewashing” by, XIII. 47; XIV. 206.</li> -<li class="isub1">His attack on Mr. Sumner, XIII. 266-269 (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">His veto of civil-rights bill, XIII. 276-279;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of bill for admission of Colorado, XIII. 372.</li> -<li class="isub1">His usurpation in reconstructing rebel States, XIV. 189-192, 250-253; XV. 218; XVI. 165-167.</li> -<li class="isub1">Bestows power on Rebels, XIV. 192-197, 203; XVI. 167 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His inconsistency, XIV. 197; XVI. 166, 345.</li> -<li class="isub1">His accession to office, XIV. 199.</li> -<li class="isub1">Personal relations of, with Mr. Sumner, XIV. 199-205.</li> -<li class="isub1">Criminality of, XIV. 206-208, 348; XV. 243; XVI. 165, 203, 225.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_348" id="Page_348">[Pg 348]</a></span>Scandalous speeches of, XIV. 207, 254; XVI. 170, 218-220.</li> -<li class="isub1">Protection against, XIV. 239.</li> -<li class="isub1">Vigilance and precaution against, XIV. 348; XV. 170, 191, 240; XVI. 66.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opinion on impeachment of, XVI. 134;</li> -<li class="isub2">same a battle with slavery, XVI. 134.</li> -<li class="isub1">Outline of his transgressions, XVI. 164-173, 199.</li> -<li class="isub1">His open defiance of Congress, XVI. 171.</li> -<li class="isub1">Impeached, XVI. 172.</li> -<li class="isub1">Articles of his impeachment, XVI. 173 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Apologies for, refuted, XVI. 196-208.</li> -<li class="isub1">Technicalities and quibbles in impeachment of, XVI. 208-217.</li> -<li class="isub1">Guilty on all the articles, XVI. 217-221.</li> -<li class="isub1">Anticipated results of acquittal of, XVI. 225.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 302.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Reverdy, Senator from Maryland, criticisms of, answered, X. 329-333; XI. 385 <i>et seq.</i>; XII. 119-126.</li> -<li class="isub1">His defence of Dred Scott decision answered, XI. 63-65.</li> -<li class="isub1">His interpretation of the fugitive clause criticised, XI. 234-238.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Samuel, on merchants, IV. 289.</li> -<li class="isub1">On American slave-masters, VI. 165; XII. 159.</li> -<li class="isub1">On unlimited authority of governments, VII. 51.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson-Clarendon Treaty, speech on the, XVII. 53.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of, XVII. 53-58.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jones, Sir William, on arrangement of time, I. 200.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to John Pickering, I. 237.</li> -<li class="isub1">On glory, II. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">His substitute for militia, II. 366.</li> -<li class="isub1">On complicity with slavery, XII. 268.</li> -<li class="isub1">His character and career, XV. 391.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecy concerning America, XV. 393;</li> -<li class="isub2">other verses resembling same, XV. 394.</li> - -<li class="indx">Judges, crimes committed by, IV. 272 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Support of slavery by, XI. 206.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities for guidance of, in proclaiming emancipation, XI. 208 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Judgments, unrighteous, should be disobeyed, IV. 274-276, 317.</li> - -<li class="indx">Julian, George W., Free-Soil candidate for Vice-President in 1852, IV. 10.</li> - -<li class="indx">Juries, impanelling of, and trial of Jefferson Davis, XIII. 111.</li> -<li class="isub1">Right of colored persons to serve on, XIX. 290 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Jurist, Judge Story as the, in Phi Beta Kappa oration of 1846, I. 258-272.</li> -<li class="isub1">Distinguished from the lawyer, judge, and legislator, I. 263-265.</li> -<li class="isub1">Examples of the, I. 266.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jury, trial by. See <i><a href="#TrialbyJury">Trial by Jury</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Justice, cost of administering, in United States, I. 84.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">K.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kansas, a liberty-loving emigration to guard, IV. 138.</li> -<li class="isub1">Squatter sovereignty in, V. 68.</li> -<li class="isub1">First election and legislation in, V. 69, 163 <i>et seq.</i>, 179-182.</li> -<li class="isub1">Freedom in, must be upheld, V. 72, 123.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reply to assaults on emigration in, V. 121, 194-205.</li> -<li class="isub1">The crime against: speech, V. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">Description of, V. 136.</li> -<li class="isub1">Wrongs of, V. 139; VI. 120; XIII. 41,—motives for same, V. 140, 183; VI. 121.</li> -<li class="isub1">Attempts to convert, into a slave State, V. 158, 172.</li> -<li class="isub1">Emigration to, V. 159; VI. 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Forcible invasions of, V. 160; VI. 368,—testimony to same, V. 161-167.</li> -<li class="isub1">Insecurity of property and life in, V. 168-171.</li> -<li class="isub1">Evidence of usurpation in, V. 172-178.</li> -<li class="isub1">Illegality of its first legislature, V. 185-187.</li> -<li class="isub1">Plan of secret society to form a free State in, V. 193.</li> -<li class="isub1">President’s message on, compared to George III.’s speech on Massachusetts Bay, V. 209 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_349" id="Page_349">[Pg 349]</a></span>People of, should not be disarmed, V. 211.</li> -<li class="isub1">Douglas’s bill for its admission as a State condemned, V. 212-215.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reasons for immediate admission of, V. 217; XIII. 355,—objections to same refuted by historical precedents, V. 218-232.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proceedings in, for formation of a new State, defended, V. 232-236,—especially by American authorities, V. 233-235.</li> -<li class="isub1">Wrongs of, compared to those of America before Revolution, V. 238 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Enemies of, in Senate, V. 239-244.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to South Carolina, V. 241 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Importance of contest in, V. 247.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relief for, V. 343, 345; VI. 18, 40, 44.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty to vote for, and for Burlingame, VI. 20.</li> -<li class="isub1">A last word for, VI. 54.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adoption of Lecompton constitution in, VI. 310, 333.</li> -<li class="isub1">Collamer’s report on, XIII. 42.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#CrimeagainstKansas">Crime against Kansas</a></i>, <i><a href="#NebraskaandKansasBill">Nebraska and Kansas Bill</a></i>, and <i><a href="#SquatterSovereignty">Squatter Sovereignty</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kant, labors of, for perpetual peace, II. 393-395; XVIII. 234 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His definition for a republic, XIII. 203.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kent, Chancellor, adopts Bacon’s definition of war, I. 15.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Judge Story, I. 143.</li> -<li class="isub1">On privateering, IX. 288.</li> -<li class="isub1">On executive power of Congress, X. 174; XI. 372.</li> -<li class="isub1">On seizures in neutral waters, XII. 13.</li> -<li class="isub1">On retaliation, XII. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">On mode of electing Senators, XIV. 5.</li> -<li class="isub1">On equality of nations, XIX. 70.</li> -<li class="isub1">On duties of innkeepers, XIX. 237.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kentucky, necessity of colored suffrage in, XV. 201.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kirkwood, Samuel J., Senator from Iowa, reply to, in regard to Constitution of Iowa, XIV. 137-139.</li> - -<li class="indx">Know-Nothing Party, denounced, V. 74-76, 79.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kossuth, Louis, liberation of, III. 169.</li> -<li class="isub1">Welcome to, III. 171.</li> -<li class="isub1">His visit to England, III. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter on banquet to, III. 180.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ku-Klux-Klan, the, XVI. 199, 351; XVIII. 25, 301; XIX. 93 <i>et seq.</i>, 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lawless actions of United States in San Domingo compared to, XIX. 94.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of national government against, XIX. 126;</li> -<li class="isub2">sources of same, XIX. 127 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="ifrst">L.</li> - -<li class="indx">Labor, hours of, XX. <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">La Bruyère, on war, II. 390.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ladd, William, labors of, against war, II. 400.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lafayette, on imprisonment in the Bastile, I. 170.</li> -<li class="isub1">And Dr. S. G. Howe in July, 1830, I. 334.</li> -<li class="isub1">His interest in prison discipline, II. 120.</li> -<li class="isub1">Incorrectly quoted on Pennsylvania system, II. 130.</li> -<li class="isub1">His opinions and plans concerning slavery, II. 210; VII. 124, 126, 129, 146 <i>et seq.</i>, 149, 157; XII. 169.</li> -<li class="isub1">The faithful one: address, VII. 101.</li> -<li class="isub1">His ruling passion, VII. 105, 110, 125, 158.</li> -<li class="isub1">Grave and home of, VII. 106-108.</li> -<li class="isub1">His career, VII. 108-159.</li> -<li class="isub1">Greatness of, VII. 159-161.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="LandStates" id="LandStates"></a>Land States, justice to the, III. 182.</li> -<li class="isub1">The nation indebted to, III. 188, 192, 195, 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">Annual land-tax in, III. 191.</li> -<li class="isub1">National grants to, III. 192-195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be assisted by United States in building railroads, III. 198.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lands, national, origin and nature of their immunity from taxation, III. 184-188.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judicial decision on, III. 185; IV. 126.</li> -<li class="isub1">Extent and value of above immunity, III. 189-196, 204.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lane, James H., of Kansas, remarks on title of, to his seat in the Senate, VIII. 105.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_350" id="Page_350">[Pg 350]</a></span>Law, of right, the same for nations as for individuals, I. 46, 291, 340, 380; X. 110; XVIII. 242.</li> -<li class="isub1">Hooker on, I. 47.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equality before the, III. 51; XI. 217.</li> -<li class="isub1">No law final, III. 270.</li> -<li class="isub1">God’s law above human, III. 361; XI. 207.</li> -<li class="isub1">St. Augustine and Cicero on unjust laws, III. 362; XI. 207.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cicero’s definition of, X. 109.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#CommonLaw">Common Law</a></i> and <i><a href="#InternationalLaw">International Law</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="LawSchoolofHarvardUniversity" id="LawSchoolofHarvardUniversity"></a>Law School of Harvard University, I. 142, 262.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character and history of the, III. 101.</li> -<li class="isub1">A Story professorship of commercial law in, recommended, III. 114-116.</li> - -<li class="indx">Law School of Howard University, address at Commencement exercises of, XVIII. 314.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lawyer, position of the American, III. 166.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of a colored, to the bar of the Supreme Court, XII. 97.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of the young colored, XVIII. 314.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lawyers, defence of prerogative by, XVI. 216.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lecompton Constitution for Kansas, adoption of, VI. 310, 333.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lee, Robert E., Gen., denies hostility of Southerners to freed negroes, XVI. 351 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">A traitor, XVIII. 254.</li> - -<li class="indx">Leibnitz, announces law of progress, II. 255.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Saint-Pierre’s “Project of Perpetual Peace,” II. 389; XVIII. 233.</li> - -<li class="indx">Letters, debate in Parliament on opening of, by Government, XIX. 150-152.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="LettersofMarqueandReprisal" id="LettersofMarqueandReprisal"></a>Letters of Marque and Reprisal, inexpediency of, IX. 278, 313.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be specially issued by Congress, IX. 285.</li> -<li class="isub1">Regulation of, in England, IX. 285.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should not be issued indefinitely, IX. 293-295.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of the President over, IX. 296-298.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Privateers">Privateers</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Liberia, independence of Hayti and, VIII. 307.</li> -<li class="isub1">Entitled to recognition, VIII. 311.</li> -<li class="isub1">Description of, VIII. 314.</li> -<li class="isub1">Commercial relations of, with United States in 1860, VIII. 316, 323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Clay on recognition of, VIII. 323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Consequences of recognizing, VIII. 324.</li> -<li class="isub1">Consuls not sufficient for, VIII. 325-327, 330-332.</li> -<li class="isub1">Merits of citizens of, VIII. 329.</li> - -<li class="indx">Liberty, jubilee of, XII. 5.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Freedom">Freedom</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Libraries, public, XIV. 264 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Lieber, Francis, on war, I. 15.</li> -<li class="isub1">On retaliation, XII. 80-82, 88.</li> -<li class="isub1">As a publicist, XII. 88.</li> -<li class="isub1">His definition of “nation,” XVI. 12;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of a “state,” XVII. 138.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lincoln, Abraham, Republican candidate for President in 1860, VI. 337.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reasons for selection of, VI. 355; VII. 66; XII. 257.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of, VII. 79; XII. 277-289.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opinions of, on emancipation, VII. 271 (<i>Appendix</i>), VIII. 14; IX. 117 <i>et seq.</i>; XII. 282.</li> -<li class="isub1">His plan for reorganizing rebel States, XI. 363 <i>et seq.</i>; XIV. 196-294.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of, on terms of peace, XI. 429, 477.</li> -<li class="isub1">Effect of a vote for, in 1864, XI. 432.</li> -<li class="isub1">And the Nasby letters, XII. 228; XX. <a href="#Page_65">65-67</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Respect for memory of, XII. 229.</li> -<li class="isub1">Eulogy on, XII. 235.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Washington, XII. 238.</li> -<li class="isub1">His career, XII. 242-277.</li> -<li class="isub1">Extracts from his speeches against Douglas, XII. 247-255, 279; XVIII. 165-167; XIX. 302.</li> -<li class="isub1">His fidelity to the Declaration of Independence, XII. 248-257, 260; XVIII. 165-168; XIX. 224-226, 302.</li> -<li class="isub1">His moderation, XII. 261-263, 284.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to other historical characters, XII. 287-289.</li> -<li class="isub1">On surplus of Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 121.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#ProclamationofEmancipation">Proclamation of Emancipation</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Literature, and art, national academy of, XI. 401.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_351" id="Page_351">[Pg 351]</a></span>A curiosity of, XII. 371;</li> -<li class="isub2">moral of same, XII. 405.</li> - -<li class="indx">Livermore, George, obituary notice of, XII. 301.</li> - -<li class="indx">Locke, John, on equality, III. 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, VI. 164; XII. 159.</li> -<li class="isub1">On taxation without representation, XIII. 156, 300;</li> -<li class="isub2">comments on same, XIII. 300.</li> - -<li class="indx">London, industrial exhibition at, VIII. 157.</li> - -<li class="indx">Louis, St., King of France, character of, I. 40-42.</li> -<li class="isub1">Suppresses trial by battle, I. 41; II. 347; XVIII. 242.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Lincoln, XII. 289.</li> - -<li class="indx">Louis Napoleon, unfriendly actions of, to United States during Rebellion, X. 41-47, 256; XVIII. 211.</li> -<li class="isub1">Perfidy and wickedness of his career, XVIII. 208-212.</li> -<li class="isub1">Retribution upon, XVIII. 212.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#FrancoGermanWar">Franco-German War</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Louisiana, remarks on the recognition of her new State government, XII. 179.</li> - -<li class="indx">Louisiana Convention of 1803, claims on France for spoliations not included in, XI. 141-146.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lovejoy, Owen, Representative from Illinois, speech on death of, XI. 54.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lowndes, William, of South Carolina, IV. 114.</li> - -<li class="indx">Loyal Citizens, rights of, and a republican government, XIII. 35.</li> - -<li class="indx">Luther, on occupation, I. 207.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">M.</li> - -<li class="indx">Macaulay on slavery: article, VI. 71.</li> - -<li class="indx">Macaulay, Zachary, the abolitionist, VI. 76.</li> - -<li class="indx">McClellan, George B., Gen., letter of, as Democratic candidate for Presidency in 1864, XI. 428, 478.</li> -<li class="isub1">Effect of a vote for, XI. 431 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Mackintosh, Sir James, on mediation, X. 53.</li> -<li class="isub1">On recognition of new States, X. 112.</li> - -<li class="indx">McLane, Louis, suggests Missouri Compromise in House of Representatives, IV. 104, 116; VII. 29.</li> - -<li class="indx">Madison, James, opposes admission of idea of slavery into the Constitution, III. 17, 278; VI. 227; X. 358; XIII. 120.</li> -<li class="isub1">On representation, IV. 46; XIII. 320.</li> -<li class="isub1">On British impressment of American seamen, VIII. 48, 50.</li> -<li class="isub1">On seizure of ambassadors and others in neutral ships, VIII. 57-59.</li> -<li class="isub1">On necessity of guaranty of republican government for States, X. 212; XIII. 139.</li> -<li class="isub1">On republican government, XIII. 179-182.</li> -<li class="isub1">On power of Congress to correct inequality of suffrage, XIII. 215; XVI. 251; XVII. 45.</li> -<li class="isub1">His desire for nationality, XVI. 35.</li> -<li class="isub1">On suspension of the President, XVI. 91, 93.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reasons for impeaching the President, XVI. 147.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the pretension that offices are spoils of victory, XX. <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Magicienne, case of the, XIV. 96.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mails, removal of disqualification of color in carrying the, VIII. 247.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="MaleSuffrage" id="MaleSuffrage"></a>Male suffrage, an educational test of, XIV. 228; XVI. 348 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Man, no property in, VI. 131, 218, 319; VIII. 261; XI. 173.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equal rights of, XVII. 134; XIX. 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">The Bible on Unity of, XVII. 147;</li> -<li class="isub2">Humboldt on same, XVII. 156 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">True unity of, XVII. 157-162; XVIII. 250,—same recognized by scientific men, XVII. 159-161.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Races">Races</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Manilius, “Astronomicon” of, X. 252.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mann, Horace, letters on statue of, VI. 78; VII. 20.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_352" id="Page_352">[Pg 352]</a></span>Mansfield, Lord, on popularity, I. 283; II. 180.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the authority necessary for slavery, III. 275; VI. 223; VIII. 274; X. 343.</li> -<li class="isub1">His decree annulling slavery in England, III. 302; IV. 310-313; VIII. 279; XI. 236; XII. 158.</li> -<li class="isub1">His decision in the Lewis kidnapping case, IV. 303.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of, IV. 309.</li> -<li class="isub1">On levying war, VIII. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reprisals, XVI. 302.</li> - -<li class="indx">Manufactures, in slave and free States, VI. 147.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maritime Rights. See <i><a href="#TrentCase">Trent Case</a></i> and <i><a href="#NeutralRights">Neutral Rights</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marque and Reprisal, letters of. See <i><a href="#LettersofMarqueandReprisal">Letters of Marque and Reprisal</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marshall, Chief-Justice, compared to Judge Story, I. 143.</li> -<li class="isub1">On authority for infringement of rights, VI. 224; X. 343.</li> -<li class="isub1">On British impressment of American seamen, VIII. 47.</li> -<li class="isub1">On bills of credit, VIII. 184.</li> -<li class="isub1">On confiscation in war, IX. 69.</li> -<li class="isub1">On power of Congress over Territories, X. 209; XI. 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">On claims for French spoliations, XI. 88, 128.</li> -<li class="isub1">His decision on State taxation of national banks, XI. 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">On power of Congress over inter-State intercourse by railway, XII. 113 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On powers of Congress under the Constitution, XIII. 216, 273, 278; XVIII. 29; XIX. 277.</li> -<li class="isub1">On an attempt to evade neutral obligations, XX. <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maryland, laws of, on slavery, III. 220; VIII. 272.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its laws adopted in District of Columbia, III. 221; VIII. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Statutes of, on pardoning power, III. 225 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of colored suffrage in, XV. 200.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mason, James M., Senator from Virginia, attacks of, answered, IV. 175-177, 212; V. 255.</li> -<li class="isub1">Author of Fugitive-Slave Bill, IV. 213; X. 392,—challenged to defend same, IV. 213-216.</li> -<li class="isub1">His enmity to Kansas, V. 243 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, VI. 123.</li> -<li class="isub1">His treasonable actions, VIII. 32.</li> -<li class="isub1">Seizure of, on the Trent, VIII. 33.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the fugitive clause in the Constitution, X. 371.</li> -<li class="isub1">On trial by jury for fugitive slaves, X. 380.</li> - -<li class="indx">Massachusetts, seal of, I. 94.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exertions of, against slavery, I. 308; VII. 13-16, 264.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should demand abolition of slavery, I. 309.</li> -<li class="isub1">Arguments before Supreme Court of, I. 352; III. 51.</li> -<li class="isub1">Laws of, on militia, I. 359 <i>et seq.</i>, 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Governor of, grants petition for ransoming slaves in Barbary States, II. 52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Aids Gen. Taylor’s nomination, II. 233.</li> -<li class="isub1">Address previous to the State election of 1848, II. 316.</li> -<li class="isub1">Vote of, in Presidential election, II. 316.</li> -<li class="isub1">Resolutions of Legislature of, on substitutes for war, II. 406.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of corporations in, III. 42.</li> -<li class="isub1">Need of reform in its representative system, III. 43; IV. 35.</li> -<li class="isub1">Constitution of, on equality, III. 64.</li> -<li class="isub1">Allows no color-distinction in her schools, III. 66, 85;</li> -<li class="isub2">nor her courts, III. 69.</li> -<li class="isub1">Favors national grants to Land States, III. 207, 208.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposition of, to Stamp Act, III. 340; IV. 166.</li> -<li class="isub1">History of its representative system, IV. 39-44.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of towns in, IV. 50.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and character of Bill of Rights of, IV. 63-71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Account of slavery in, IV. 187-190; VII. 11-15; XI. 448; XII. 145.</li> -<li class="isub1">Number of troops furnished by, in Revolutionary War, IV. 198; V. 206.</li> -<li class="isub1">James Otis an example to, IV. 237.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duties of, at the present crisis (1854), IV. 255.</li> -<li class="isub1">Colonial law of, against witchcraft, IV. 276.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_353" id="Page_353">[Pg 353]</a></span>Influence of, V. 205; VI. 34-35; VII. 8, 16; XII. 315.</li> -<li class="isub1">Her desire for freedom in Kansas, V. 206.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should help Kansas, V. 343; VI. 44.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal to young men of, VI. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unworthy conduct of some citizens of, in regard to Kansas, VI. 36.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s letter to people of, previous to his sailing for Europe in 1858, VI. 62.</li> -<li class="isub1">Example of, against slavery, VII. 5.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duties of citizens of, VII. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early history of, III. 8-16.</li> -<li class="isub1">First settlers of, VII. 8; XI. 448.</li> -<li class="isub1">Paper money in, VIII. 187 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Favors justice to all, XVIII. 158.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mayflower, the, and the slave-ship, VII. 8; X. 260; XI. 446.</li> -<li class="isub1">Carlyle on, XI. 447.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mechanics in the Civil War, justice to, XIV. 43.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mediation, a substitute for war, I. 51.</li> -<li class="isub1">Uninvited, not allowable in civil war, X. 49, 85.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mackintosh on, X. 53.</li> - -<li class="indx">Memphis and Shreveport, aid to sufferers by yellow fever at, XX. <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mercantile Library Association of Boston, address before, IV. 283.</li> - -<li class="indx">Merchant, position and duties of the, illustrated by the life of Granville Sharp, IV. 283.</li> - -<li class="indx">Merchants, American, in Paris, letter to, VI. 56.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unjust arrest and prosecution of two Boston, XII. 209.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="MetricSystem" id="MetricSystem"></a>Metric System of weights and measures, XIV. 148.</li> -<li class="isub1">Invention of, XIV. 156.</li> -<li class="isub1">Explained, XIV. 158-160.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advantages of, XIV. 160-163.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="MexicanWar" id="MexicanWar"></a>Mexican War, injustice of, I. 307, 319, 322, 335, 377.</li> -<li class="isub1">Caused by slavery, I. 307, 322, 335, 377.</li> -<li class="isub1">Beginning of, I. 318.</li> -<li class="isub1">Bill and amendment to raise supplies for, I. 319 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">arguments against same, I. 321.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery and the: speech, I. 333.</li> -<li class="isub1">Denounced by Whig Convention, I. 336.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Winthrop’s actions in regard to, I. 338.</li> -<li class="isub1">Whigs should oppose, I. 339.</li> -<li class="isub1">United States should abandon, I. 340.</li> -<li class="isub1">Invalidity of enlistments in Massachusetts regiment of volunteers for the, I. 352.</li> -<li class="isub1">A war of aggression, I. 379.</li> -<li class="isub1">Expenses of, I. 379.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Revolutionary War, I. 382.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mexico, wrongful declaration of war against, I. 317.</li> -<li class="isub1">Withdrawal of American troops from, I. 374.</li> -<li class="isub1">Help for, against foreign intervention, VIII. 227.</li> -<li class="isub1">Debt of, to allied powers, VIII. 232.</li> -<li class="isub1">Securities for loan to, VIII. 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Remarks on resolutions against French interference in, IX. 257.</li> -<li class="isub1">French expedition to, X. 42.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mediation between contending parties in, XV. 174.</li> -<li class="isub1">Alaman’s prophecy concerning, XV. 426-428.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#MexicanWar">Mexican War</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Michigan, account of irregular admission of, into the Union, V. 222-232;</li> -<li class="isub2">debates in Congress on same quoted, V. 223-225, 227-229.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="MilitaryGovernment" id="MilitaryGovernment"></a>Military Government of rebel States, IX. 119; X. 168-175; XI. 365; XIV. 326.</li> -<li class="isub1">Subordinate to civil, in the United States, X. 170, 194; XIV. 326; XVIII. 51.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jefferson on, X. 170; XIV. 342; XVII. 151.</li> -<li class="isub1">Under Cromwell, X. 171 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Congressional government preferable to, for rebel States, X. 173-175, 194; XIV. 326 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Militia, of United States, not needed for defence or as police, I. 91; II. 363,—not volunteers, I. 357,—cost of, II. 367,—power of Congress over, I. 354; IV. 21, 26-30,—distinguished from army, I. 355.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_354" id="Page_354">[Pg 354]</a></span>Of England, I. 357; IV. 29.</li> -<li class="isub1">C. Turner on, I. 358.</li> -<li class="isub1">Laws of Massachusetts on, I. 359 <i>et seq.</i>, 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to unpopularity of, in Massachusetts, II. 364.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitute for, II. 365;</li> -<li class="isub2">Sir W. Jones’s suggestion for same, II. 366.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of the State over, IV. 20, 25.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exemptions from service in, for conscientious scruples, IV. 23.</li> -<li class="isub1">Colored companies in, IV. 25.</li> -<li class="isub1">Volunteer, are not national, IV. 31.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mills, John, Free-Soil candidate for Lieut.-Governor of Massachusetts in 1848 and 1849, II. 318; III. 44.</li> - -<li class="indx">Milton, on early rising, I. 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">His labors for liberty compared to Channing’s, I. 292.</li> -<li class="isub1">On virtue in individuals and States, I. 380.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, II. 100; XI. 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">On war, II. 185.</li> -<li class="isub1">On true glory, II. 199.</li> -<li class="isub1">On settlement of America, XV. 265.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mints, branch, and coinage, XI. 263.</li> -<li class="isub1">In France, XI. 264.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dumas’ report on French, XI. 265 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">In United States, XI. 267-269.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cost of, XI. 274 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Misprision of treason, definitions of, XVI. 80.</li> -<li class="isub1">Penalty for, in United States, XVI. 81.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mississippi, origin of repudiation in, XVI. 275; XVII. 105,—Judge Curtis on same, XVII. 105 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of, to representation in Congress, XVIII. 1.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mississippi, the, union of, with the lakes by canal, IX. 320.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reconstruction of levees of, XIV. 358.</li> - -<li class="indx">Missouri, protests against admission of, into Union in 1819, I. 152-154; IV. 106.</li> -<li class="isub1">History of its admission, IV. 102-115.</li> -<li class="isub1">Invasions of Kansas from, V. 162-167; VI. 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech on aid to emancipation in, IX. 266.</li> -<li class="isub1">Enfranchisement in, XVI. 331.</li> - -<li class="indx">Missouri Compromise, no repeal of the, IV. 81.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adoption of, IV. 91, 111-115; VII. 29 <i>et seq.</i>; XVI. 231.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not repealed by Slavery Acts of 1850, IV. 93.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin of, and debates on, in Congress, IV. 101-118.</li> -<li class="isub1">Carried by the South, IV. 113, 116-118; V. 67, 152; VII. 29,—but repudiated by same, IV. 118; V. 67, 153; VI. 332.</li> -<li class="isub1">Repeal of, by Nebraska Bill, V. 157; VI. 366.</li> - -<li class="indx">Monopolies, unlawful, XII. 127;</li> -<li class="isub2">Webster on, XII. 127, 128.</li> - -<li class="indx">Montana, colored suffrage in, XI. 62.</li> - -<li class="indx">Montcalm, Louis, Marquis de, reputed predictions by, concerning America, XV. 318-321.</li> - -<li class="indx">Montesquieu, on trial by battle, I. 37; II. 349.</li> -<li class="isub1">On honor, I. 62.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Africans, VI. 166; XII. 168.</li> -<li class="isub1">On international law, XII. 86.</li> -<li class="isub1">His definition of a republic, XIII. 149, 198; XVII. 114.</li> -<li class="isub1">On America, XV. 296.</li> -<li class="isub1">On armies, XVIII. 247.</li> - -<li class="indx">Moral and Political Sciences, national academy of, XI. 401.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morrill, Lot M., Senator from Maine, reply to his criticisms on the supplementary civil-rights bill, XIX. 265-287.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morse, Samuel F. B., letter to, VI. 64.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morton, Oliver P., Senator from Indiana, answer to his remarks on annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 273-275.</li> - -<li class="indx">Motley, John Lothrop, XIX. 106.</li> -<li class="isub1">His removal from the English mission, XIX. 109.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s influence on his nomination, XIX. 117 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His memoir on the Alabama claims, XIX. 120, 122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of English press to, XIX. 123.</li> - -<li class="indx">Motto, of Massachusetts, I. 94 (see <i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">Of United States, XVI. 45;</li> -<li class="isub2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_355" id="Page_355">[Pg 355]</a></span>history of same, XVI. 46.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">N.</li> - -<li class="indx">Naboth’s Vineyard: a speech, XVIII. 257.</li> - -<li class="indx">Napier, Sir William, on war, I. 12, 34.</li> -<li class="isub1">On storming of Badajoz, I. 23.</li> - -<li class="indx">Napoleon I., horrors of his wars, I. 22-26.</li> -<li class="isub1">On war, I. 33, 34; II. 353.</li> -<li class="isub1">On value of time, I. 188.</li> -<li class="isub1">Channing’s essay on, I. 295.</li> -<li class="isub1">On inability of brute force to create anything durable, II. 376; IX. 231.</li> -<li class="isub1">His plans for peace, II. 419.</li> -<li class="isub1">Restrains confiscation in France, IX. 56.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mediation of, in Switzerland, X. 63.</li> -<li class="isub1">On claims for French spoliations, XI. 131.</li> -<li class="isub1">On equality, XIII. 200.</li> -<li class="isub1">His seizure of English travellers, XVI. 307;</li> -<li class="isub2">Alison’s account of same, XVI. 307;</li> -<li class="isub2">same condemned by Napoleon himself and Junot, XVI. 308.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nasby Letters, quotation from, XIX. 296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Introduction to, XX. <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nation, are we a? XVI. 3.</li> -<li class="isub1">Meaning of, XVI. 9 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities on same, XVI. 11-13.</li> -<li class="isub1">Supremacy of the, XVI. 60.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="NationalBanks" id="NationalBanks"></a>National Banks, the, and the currency, XI. 245.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exemption of, from State taxation, XI. 246-254, 260-262;</li> -<li class="isub2">judgment of Chief-Justice Marshall on same, XI. 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">Purpose of, XI. 257.</li> -<li class="isub1">Extension of, XVII. 113, 249;</li> -<li class="isub2">remarks on introducing bill for same, XVII. 184.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advantages of, XVII. 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">Propositions concerning, XVII. 249-251, 261, 295-298.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of Congress over, XVII. 293-296.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="NationalDebt" id="NationalDebt"></a>National Debt, obligation of the, XII. 318, 326; XIII. 99; XVI. 268-277, 355.</li> -<li class="isub1">Denounced by Rebels, XII. 324; XIII. 68 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Diminution of interest on, XVI. 279; XVII. 238, 262, 288 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Time of its payment, XVI. 280; XVII. 111, 238-241, 291 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Amount of, in 1868 and 1869, XVI. 282; XVII. 108.</li> -<li class="isub1">Posterity should bear the burden of, XVII. 239.</li> -<li class="isub1">Interest on, where payable, XVII. 243.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nations, equality of, X. 48; XIX. 67, 156,—authorities stating same, XIX. 68-71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Bound to good faith, as neutrals, XX. <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Neutral, cannot furnish arms to belligerents directly, XX. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">or indirectly, XX. <a href="#Page_16">16</a>,—authorities declaring same, XX. <a href="#Page_18">18-20</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41-44</a> (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> - -<li class="indx">Naturalization, without distinction of race or color, XV. 238; XVIII. 144;</li> -<li class="isub2">conformity of same with Declaration of Independence, XVIII. 151 <i>et seq.</i>, 160;</li> -<li class="isub2">and with the Constitution, XVIII. 160.</li> - -<li class="indx">Naval Academy, appointments to the, IX. 301.</li> - -<li class="indx">Navies of Europe, before 1845, I. 76.</li> - -<li class="indx">Navy, cost of vessels in United States, I. 81 <i>et seq.</i>, 88.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not needed except as police, I. 89; II. 374.</li> -<li class="isub1">Names of ships in British, II. 360.</li> -<li class="isub1">Flogging abolished in United States, III. 126.</li> -<li class="isub1">British criticism on United States, in our Civil War, IX. 347.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of United States, supports Baez in San Domingo, XVIII. 271, 303; XX. <a href="#Page_148">148</a>,—and menaces Hayti, XVIII. 277, 303; XIX. 49; XX. <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, XIX. 27, 42, 45, 48-66, 88.</li> - -<li class="indx">Navy Department, testimony of, to intervention of United States ships at San Domingo and Hayti, XIX. 51-66.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nebraska, objections to admission of, as a State, XIV. 128-146.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="NebraskaandKansasBill" id="NebraskaandKansasBill"></a>Nebraska and Kansas Bill denounced, IV. 86, 94, 147.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_356" id="Page_356">[Pg 356]</a></span>Importance of question of, IV. 90.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, IV. 92.</li> -<li class="isub1">Arguments in support of, refuted, IV. 97-99; V. 153 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">A breach of public faith, IV. 100;</li> -<li class="isub2">and a departure from original policy of the country, IV. 121.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not demanded by northern sentiment, IV. 131-146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s final protest against, for himself and the clergy of N. E., IV. 140.</li> -<li class="isub1">May cause war, IV. 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Passage of the, IV. 260; V. 154.</li> -<li class="isub1">A swindle, V. 155.</li> -<li class="isub1">Despoils people of Kansas of sovereignty, V. 155; VI. 367.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its repeal of Missouri Compromise, V. 157; VI. 366.</li> -<li class="isub1">Squatter Sovereignty in, a trick, VI. 366.</li> - -<li class="indx">Negotiation, substitute for war, I. 51.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nepotism, origin and history of, XX. <a href="#Page_103">103-110</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">American authorities on, XX. <a href="#Page_111">111-114</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Presidential apologies for, XX. <a href="#Page_115">115-117</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Improper in a republic, XX. <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Neutral Duties, XX. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities declaring, XX. <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18-20</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41-44</a> (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to observance of, by United States, XX. <a href="#Page_22">22-24</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="NeutralRights" id="NeutralRights"></a>Neutral Rights, testimony to British policy in regard to, VIII. 42-56, 63, 64, 67; XII. 16-32, 38-41,—and to American policy on, VIII. 45-54, 57-62, 64 <i>et seq.</i>, 68-71; XII. 13.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of Continental Europe to, VIII. 63, 65,—especially of France, VIII. 63-70.</li> -<li class="isub1">French violations of, XI. 82, 110.</li> -<li class="isub1">The Abbé Galiani’s work on, XV. 360.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#RightofSearch">Right of Search</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Neutral Waters, British seizures in, XII. 12, 16-32, 38-41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities respecting seizures in, XII. 13 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">policy of United States as to same, XII. 14.</li> - -<li class="indx">New England Society at New York, letter to, X. 260.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech at dinner of, XX. <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">New Jersey, railroad usurpation in, XII. 105;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, XII. 108-111.</li> - -<li class="indx">New Year’s Day, 1871, XVIII. 300.</li> - -<li class="indx">New York City, letters to Republicans of, in 1860, VI. 302, 346.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reform of abuses in its government, XX. <a href="#Page_6">6</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">New York Tribune, the, XX. <a href="#Page_251">251</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Niagara, a ship-canal at, XIV. 99.</li> - -<li class="indx">Noel, John W., Representative from Missouri, remarks on death of, X. 293.</li> - -<li class="indx">Norfolk Agricultural Society, letter to, IV. 280.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="NormalSchools" id="NormalSchools"></a>Normal Schools, equal rights of colored fellow-citizens in, XX. <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">North, the, when will it be aroused? IV. 137.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duties of, concerning slavery, V. 38-48; VI. 317.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must unite against Slave Power, V. 50.</li> -<li class="isub1">Outrages on citizens of, in slave States, VI. 187-189, 191-196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must stand firm against all compromise, VII. 205.</li> - -<li class="indx">North and South, hope of their union, IV. 136.</li> -<li class="isub1">Their respective contributions to the Revolutionary War, IV. 196-211.</li> -<li class="isub1">Desire for reconciliation between, XX. <a href="#Page_192">192-194</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227-229</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">North Carolina, colored suffrage in, VI. 292; XI. 287-289; XIII. 191.</li> -<li class="isub1">Closing of colored schools in, IX. 112.</li> -<li class="isub1">Laws of, on slavery, quoted, IX. 162-164.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nullification, Jackson’s letter on object of, VII. 166, 320.</li> -<li class="isub1">Described, XVI. 58.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">O.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_357" id="Page_357">[Pg 357]</a></span>Oath to support the Constitution, requirements of, IV. 177-183, 269-271; VIII. 221; XIX. 312,—authorities on same, IV. 177-181, 269 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#CustomhouseOaths">Custom-house Oaths</a></i> and <i><a href="#IroncladOath">Iron-clad Oath</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ocean Telegraph, the, between Europe and America, XIV. 220, 301.</li> - -<li class="indx">Offices, protection for incumbents of, XIV. 241, 254-258.</li> -<li class="isub1">Locality in appointment to, XVII. 94.</li> -<li class="isub1">Presidential prerogative as to, XX. <a href="#Page_115">115</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#TenureofOfficeAct">Tenure-of-Office Act</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="OnecentPostage" id="OnecentPostage"></a>One-cent Postage, XVIII. 57.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reasons for, XVIII. 85, 98-107, 113 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">One-man Power, the, <i>vs.</i> Congress, XIV. 181.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ordinance of Freedom in the Northwest Territory, authorship of, III. 253.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adoption of, VII. 58; XVI. 230.</li> -<li class="isub1">Validity of, defended by Webster and Chase, XVI. 231-234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposition to, XVI. 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not authorize unlimited equality of States, XVI. 242.</li> - -<li class="indx">Oregon, establishment of a branch mint in, XI. 263.</li> - -<li class="indx">Otis, James, an example to Massachusetts, IV. 237.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, XII. 150; XIII. 164.</li> -<li class="isub1">His exertions against taxation without representation, XIII. 158-165, 295-298.</li> -<li class="isub1">Asserts equality of all men, XIII. 295.</li> - -<li class="indx">Overstone, Lord, on paper money, VIII. 200-202.</li> -<li class="isub1">On need of postal reform, XVIII. 73, 99-101.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">P.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pacific Coast, advantages to, of cession of Russian America, XV. 36-39.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jefferson and Webster on future government of, XV. 52, 412 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#California">California</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pacific Railroad, IV. 32; IX. 318.</li> - -<li class="indx">Paley, William, on right of revolution, II. 336.</li> -<li class="isub1">On law of nations, II. 340, 341.</li> -<li class="isub1">His works, XV. 402.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prediction concerning America, XV. 402.</li> -<li class="isub1">His exertions against the slave-trade, XV. 403.</li> - -<li class="indx">Palfrey, John G., liberation of slaves by, I. 151, 292; II. 75.</li> - -<li class="indx">Palmerston, Lord, on armed intervention in Italy, X. 69.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exertions of, against slavery, X. 77-83.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="PaperMoney" id="PaperMoney"></a>Paper Money, debates in National Convention on empowering Congress to issue, VIII. 185.</li> -<li class="isub1">In American history, VIII. 187-190.</li> -<li class="isub1">Policy of issuing, VIII. 192, 205-207; XVI. 288; XVII. 110.</li> -<li class="isub1">Evils of, in United States, VIII. 193; XVI. 285, 289, 359,—and in France, VIII. 194; XVI. 359.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of English Parliamentary Report of 1857 on, VIII. 197-202.</li> -<li class="isub1">In English history, VIII. 203 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">and in French, VIII. 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#TreasuryNotes">Treasury Notes</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Parchment, use of, in legislative proceedings, VIII. 372.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proceedings for discontinuing use of, in Parliament, VIII. 376-379.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pardoning Power, of the President, III. 219.</li> -<li class="isub1">In common law, III. 224.</li> -<li class="isub1">Under Maryland statutes, III. 225.</li> -<li class="isub1">Under the Constitution, III. 226-230.</li> -<li class="isub1">Story on, III. 227.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judicial decisions on, III. 227-229.</li> - -<li class="indx">Paris, Peace Congress at, III. 117.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to American merchants in, VI. 56.</li> - -<li class="indx">Parker, Theodore, reminiscence of, VII. 22.</li> -<li class="isub1">On appointment of relations to office, XX. <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Parliament, English authorities on privileges of, VI. 93 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Quorum of, IX. 169-171.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of presiding officers of, XVI. 103-120, 125-127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Usage of, in impeachments, XVI. 149-155, 158-160.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on its powers over its prisoners, XVI. 102-105.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_358" id="Page_358">[Pg 358]</a></span>Judicial decisions denying applicability of its laws to colonial assemblies, XVI. 110-112.</li> -<li class="isub1">Number of members of, XX. <a href="#Page_2">2</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cases in its history, illustrating rule for appointment of committees, XX. <a href="#Page_49">49-53</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Parties, and importance of a Free-Soil organization, II. 299.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, II. 304; IV. 6; VI. 308.</li> -<li class="isub1">Changes in, necessary, II. 304; IV. 6.</li> -<li class="isub1">Webster on, II. 304.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instances of changes in, in France, England, and United States, II. 305; IV. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">Evils of, II. 306; XI. 438.</li> -<li class="isub1">Channing and Wayland on need of new, II. 312.</li> -<li class="isub1">Political, and our foreign-born population, V. 62.</li> -<li class="isub1">Strife of, during war, unpatriotic, IX. 198.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pascal, on glory, II. 177.</li> -<li class="isub1">On progress, II. 258.</li> - -<li class="indx">Patents, in slave and free States, VI. 157.</li> -<li class="isub1">Denial of, to colored inventors, VIII. 6.</li> - -<li class="indx">Patriotism, heathen, exaggerated, I. 68.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cicero on, I. 68.</li> -<li class="isub1">Andrew Fletcher on, I. 69, 326; XII. 64; XIII. 123.</li> -<li class="isub1">Natural, I. 70.</li> -<li class="isub1">Higher, defined, I. 71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Josiah Quincy on, I. 325.</li> - -<li class="indx">Paul, St., his epistle to Philemon not an argument for slavery, V. 21-23.</li> - -<li class="indx">Peabody, George, speech on resolution giving thanks of Congress to, XIV. 317.</li> - -<li class="indx">Peace, enjoyed by weak nations, I. 99.</li> -<li class="isub1">Illustrations of, produced by gentleness, I. 102-107.</li> -<li class="isub1">Victories of, I. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cause of, II. 330;</li> -<li class="isub2">sneers at same, II. 331 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Individual efforts for, II. 384-400; XVIII. 233-236.</li> -<li class="isub1">Blessings of universal, II. 417; XVIII. 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">Napoleon’s plans for, II. 419.</li> -<li class="isub1">Plea for, II. 420.</li> -<li class="isub1">Auguries of, II. 422.</li> -<li class="isub1">A victory of, XIV. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">Inscription in Thibet declaring, XVIII. 250 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Peace Congress, at Brussels, II. 402;</li> -<li class="isub2">resolutions of same, II. 403.</li> -<li class="isub1">At Paris, III. 117;</li> -<li class="isub2">resolutions of same, III. 118.</li> - -<li class="indx">Peace Society, American, address before, II. 323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, II. 331, 338.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its aims not visionary, II. 333, 411.</li> -<li class="isub1">Right of self-defence and revolution not denied by, II. 337.</li> -<li class="isub1">Founded by W. Ladd, II. 400.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pen, the, better than the sword, V. 58.</li> - -<li class="indx">Penn, William, conduct of, to the Indians, I. 117.</li> -<li class="isub1">His labors for peace, II. 387.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="PennsylvaniaSystem" id="PennsylvaniaSystem"></a>Pennsylvania System of prison discipline, established in Pa., I. 169; II. 121.</li> -<li class="isub1">Present, not solitary, I. 169.</li> -<li class="isub1">Explained, I. 170; II. 117, 122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Best promotes reformation, I. 173.</li> -<li class="isub1">Objections to, refuted, I. 174-176; II. 144.</li> -<li class="isub1">Foreign opinions on, I. 176; II. 132.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adopted extensively in Europe, I. 177; II. 133-137, 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advocated by E. Livingston and Miss Dix, I. 178;</li> -<li class="isub2">and by Suringar, I. 180.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unjustly treated by Boston Prison-Discipline Society, I. 179; II. 108, 124 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Modes of applying, II. 123.</li> -<li class="isub1">G. Combe on, II. 126-128.</li> -<li class="isub1">Roscoe quoted on, II. 128.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lafayette quoted on, II. 130.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Auburn system, II. 144-146.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pensions, not granted for civil services in United States, IV. 233.</li> - -<li class="indx">Peonage, prohibition of, XIV. 232.</li> - -<li class="indx">Person, in the Constitution, includes slaves and Indians, III. 298; VIII. 277; XI. 194.</li> - -<li class="indx">Petition, refusal of right of, to colored persons, VI. 288.</li> -<li class="isub1">Right of, personal, VI. 289;</li> -<li class="isub2">and secured by the Constitution to the people, VI. 294.</li> -<li class="isub1">Interruption of right of, XIV. 86.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_359" id="Page_359">[Pg 359]</a></span>Pettigru, James L., of South Carolina, remarks on a resolution for purchase of his law library, XIV. 103.</li> - -<li class="indx">Phi Beta Kappa Oration, at Harvard University in 1846, I. 241.</li> -<li class="isub1">At Union College, II. 240.</li> - -<li class="indx">Phillips, Stephen C., Free-Soil candidate for Governor of Massachusetts in 1848 and 1849, II. 317; III. 43.</li> - -<li class="indx">Philology, comparative, value of, I. 257.</li> - -<li class="indx">Physicians, colored, XVII. 186.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pickering, John, biographical sketch of, I. 214.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters of Dr. Clarke to, quoted, I. 215.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Sir W. Jones, I. 237.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tribute to, as scholar, in Phi Beta Kappa oration, I. 249-258.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pierce, Franklin, President of United States, his usurpation in abrogating treaty with Denmark, V. 101.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admits illegal actions in Kansas, V. 162.</li> -<li class="isub1">Has power to interfere in Kansas, V. 187, 191 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Enforces surrender of Anthony Burns, V. 189 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to George III., V. 209 <i>et seq.</i>, 238.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pilgrim Forefathers, our, IV. 74-79; XX. <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pinkney, William, on slavery, III. 289; VIII. 262; XII. 155.</li> -<li class="isub1">Suggests Missouri Compromise in Senate, IV. 110, 117.</li> - -<li class="indx">Plato, on honor, I. 64.</li> -<li class="isub1">On true goodness, I. 123.</li> -<li class="isub1">On atoning for slaughter by prayer, II. 362.</li> - -<li class="indx">Plymouth, speech at festival of Aug. 1, 1853, IV. 73.</li> - -<li class="indx">Plymouth Rock, finger-point from, IV. 73.</li> - -<li class="indx">Politics, our, seen from a distance VI. 60.</li> - -<li class="indx">Polk, Trusten, of Missouri, expulsion of, from the Senate, VIII. 12.</li> - -<li class="indx">Polygamy, in Territories, may be suppressed by Congress, IV. 129; VII. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">In Utah, VII. 63.</li> - -<li class="indx">Poor, Rear-Admiral, orders of, respecting San Domingo and Hayti, XIX. 57.</li> -<li class="isub1">Interview of, with President of Hayti, XIX. 64-66.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="PopularSovereignty" id="PopularSovereignty"></a>Popular Sovereignty, not infringed by prohibition of slavery in Territories, IV. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot establish slavery in same, V. 156; VI. 230, 364; VII. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">The pretended principle of Douglas party in 1860, VI. 362.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proclaimed by Declaration of Independence, VI. 363; VII. 50; XVII. 217,—but limited by same, VI. 364; VII. 52; XVII. 218.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and development of perversion of, VI. 365 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">True, defined, VII. 53.</li> -<li class="isub1">Disturbing influence of pretension of, VII. 62.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#SquatterSovereignty">Squatter Sovereignty</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Population, amount required for admission of new States, V. 218-221.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of slave and free States, VI. 144 <i>et seq.</i>, 328.</li> -<li class="isub1">Predicted increase of, in United States, VII. 47; XVI. 280; XVII. 239.</li> - -<li class="indx">Portraits, the best, in engraving, XIX. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Collections of, XIX. 177-179.</li> - -<li class="indx">Portugal, British violation of territory of, XII. 27-32.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of, against slavery, XII. 173-175.</li> - -<li class="indx">Post-Office, the, originally a source of revenue in England, XVIII. 62-64.</li> -<li class="isub1">In the Colonies, XVIII. 66-68.</li> -<li class="isub1">Need of reform in, in England, XVIII. 68;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, XVIII. 72-75;</li> -<li class="isub2">accomplishment of same, XVIII. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unjust burdens on United States, XVIII. 90-95.</li> -<li class="isub1">Expense to, not caused by distance, XVIII. 95-97;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities proving same, XVIII. 95 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Not a taxing machine, but a beneficent agency, XVIII. 107-109.</li> -<li class="isub1">Need not support itself, XVIII. 109-112.</li> - -<li class="indx">Postage, cheap ocean, III. 215; XVII. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_360" id="Page_360">[Pg 360]</a></span>Amount collected in slave and free States, VI. 149.</li> -<li class="isub1">In Continental Europe and England, XVIII. 61.</li> -<li class="isub1">Penny, established in England, XVIII. 76;</li> -<li class="isub2">results of same, XVIII. 77-80, 87, 104.</li> -<li class="isub1">Need of cheap, in United States, XVIII. 81, 112.</li> -<li class="isub1">Various rates of United States, XVIII. 82-85.</li> -<li class="isub1">Results of reduction of, in England and United States, XVIII. 87-90.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#OnecentPostage">One-cent Postage</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pownall, Thomas, XV. 371.</li> -<li class="isub1">His writings and predictions concerning America, XV. 372-385.</li> -<li class="isub1">Predictions opposed to his, XV. 385 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">President of the United States, pardoning power of the, III. 219.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot abrogate treaties, V. 101 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Had power to interfere in Kansas, V. 187, 191 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Does not possess all war-powers, IX. 138-140.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of, over letters of marque, IX. 296-298.</li> -<li class="isub1">His power of instituting State governments, XI. 365; XIV. 190,—Senator Collamer on same, XIII. 43.</li> -<li class="isub1">Protection against, XIV. 239.</li> -<li class="isub1">A single term for and choice by direct vote of the people, XIV. 278.</li> -<li class="isub1">Right of President of Senate <i>pro tem.</i> to vote on impeachment of the, XVI. 88.</li> -<li class="isub1">His powers of removal under the Constitution, XVI. 190-196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot, by his prerogative, refuse to execute the laws, XVI. 204-208.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on his treaty-making power, XIX. 79-81.</li> -<li class="isub1">One term for, XIX. 168; XX. <a href="#Page_157">157-161</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>,—testimony in favor of same, XIX. 169-173; XX. <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221-223</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Obligations of, XX. <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prerogative in regard to bestowing offices, XX. <a href="#Page_115">115</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">and in appointing his Cabinet, XX. <a href="#Page_127">127</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of, should be diminished, XX. <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Presidential Election of 1856, our Bunker Hill, VI. 43.</li> - -<li class="indx">Presidential Election of 1860, letters on, VI. 111, 287, 342; VII. 80.</li> -<li class="isub1">Anticipated effects of Republican victory in, VI. 337-341, 377; VII. 78, 83 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Candidates and issues of, VI. 352.</li> -<li class="isub1">Real question of, VII. 39.</li> -<li class="isub1">Evening before the, VII. 70.</li> -<li class="isub1">Evening after the, VII. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ultimatum of the South in, VII. 333.</li> -<li class="isub1">Result of, XII. 260.</li> - -<li class="indx">Presidential Election of 1864, issues of, XI. 419, 433.</li> -<li class="isub1">Parties of, XI. 420.</li> -<li class="isub1">Congratulations on, XII. 1.</li> - -<li class="indx">Presidential Election of 1868, issues at the, XVI. 326, 332.</li> - -<li class="indx">Presidential Election of 1872, letter to colored citizens on, XX. <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Antecedents of candidates in, XX. <a href="#Page_177">177-182</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">nominations of same, XX. <a href="#Page_182">182</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Platforms in, XX. <a href="#Page_183">183</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Watchword for, XX. <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to Speaker Blaine on, XX. <a href="#Page_196">196</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech on, XX. <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Presiding Officers, powers of, XVI. 99;</li> -<li class="isub2">same must be decided by Parliamentary law, XVI. 102 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities respecting powers of, in House of Lords, XVI. 104-110.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instances of, not members of House of Lords, XVI. 108, 110-119.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities respecting powers of, in House of Commons and House of Representatives, XVI. 126-129.</li> - -<li class="indx">Press, the, in slave and free States, VI. 155.</li> -<li class="isub1">Freedom of, restricted in slave States, VI. 184-186.</li> - -<li class="indx">Prévost-Paradol, M., XVIII. 184.</li> - -<li class="indx">Price, reduction of, increases consumption, XVIII. 86.</li> - -<li class="indx">Price, Richard, on government, XIII. 203.</li> -<li class="isub1">Labors of, XV. 366.</li> -<li class="isub1">His predictions concerning America, XV. 367-370.</li> - -<li class="indx">Prison Discipline, I. 166.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_361" id="Page_361">[Pg 361]</a></span>Separate system of, adopted by Pope Clement XI. and Howard, I. 167; II. 122;</li> -<li class="isub2">and by Pennsylvania, I. 169; II. 121.</li> -<li class="isub1">Horrors of solitary system of, I. 170; II. 119.</li> -<li class="isub1">Objects of, I. 172.</li> -<li class="isub1">Subject of, universally interesting, I. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rival systems of, II. 104.</li> -<li class="isub1">Labors of Roscoe and Lafayette in, II. 120.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of De Tocqueville on, II. 148 (<i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#AuburnSystem">Auburn System</a></i>, <i><a href="#BostonPrisonDisciplineSociety">Boston Prison-Discipline Society</a></i>, <i><a href="#PennsylvaniaSystem">Pennsylvania System</a></i>, and <i><a href="#Prisons">Prisons</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="PrisonersofWar" id="PrisonersofWar"></a>Prisoners of War, treatment of, XII. 74;</li> -<li class="isub2">Washington’s letter on same, XII. 76 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Instructions of Secretary of War on exchange of, XII. 90.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Prisons" id="Prisons"></a>Prisons, and prison discipline, article on, I. 163.</li> -<li class="isub1">Miss Dix’s book on, I. 163.</li> -<li class="isub1">In 18th century, II. 118.</li> -<li class="isub1">King of Sweden’s book on, II. 136.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="PrivateWars" id="PrivateWars"></a>Private Wars in Dark Ages, I. 35; II. 343, 345; XVIII. 180.</li> -<li class="isub1">Forbidden by John and Louis XI. of France, II. 344,—and by Maximilian, Emperor of Germany, II. 345; XVIII. 181, 242.</li> -<li class="isub1">Renounced by German Confederation, XVIII. 181, 242.</li> - -<li class="indx">Privateering, proposition of Congress of Paris for abolishing, VIII. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mode of effectively abolishing, VIII. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolition of, proposed by United States, VIII. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1">J. Q. Adams on, VIII. 77; IX. 290.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dangerous to United States, IX. 287.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on, IX. 287-289.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early denounced by United States, IX. 289-291.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Privateers" id="Privateers"></a>Privateers, substitute for, IX. 279, 292 <i>et seq.</i>, 298 <i>et seq.</i>, 315.</li> -<li class="isub1">Useless against Rebellion, IX. 281, 314.</li> -<li class="isub1">Evils of, IX. 282-284, 314.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jefferson on, X. 136.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="PrizeCourts" id="PrizeCourts"></a>Prize Courts, IX. 49.</li> -<li class="isub1">Example of their exclusive jurisdiction, IX. 50-52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities declaring necessity of, X. 129-131;</li> -<li class="isub2">British precedent showing same, X. 135.</li> - -<li class="indx">Prize Money, policy of, IX. 148.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="ProclamationofEmancipation" id="ProclamationofEmancipation"></a>Proclamation of Emancipation, speech on the, IX. 191.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters on, IX. 247; X. 259; XII. 60.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lord Russell on, X. 20.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adoption of, by Act of Congress, XI. 397.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot be withdrawn, XI. 429-431, 474-476.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln’s issue of, XII. 265.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its constitutionality defended, XII. 265, 266.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of, XII. 285 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Progress, the law of human, II. 241.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defined, II. 267.</li> -<li class="isub1">Same long unrecognized, II. 252,—but disclosed in part by Vico, II. 254.</li> -<li class="isub1">Universal, II. 244, 275.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not recognized in antiquity, II. 247.</li> -<li class="isub1">Christianity the religion of, II. 251.</li> -<li class="isub1">Announced by Leibnitz, II. 255,—by Lessing and Herder, II. 256,—by Descartes, II. 257,—by Pascal, II. 258,—by Perrault and Fontenelle, II. 260, and by Turgot, II. 262.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condorcet’s Work on, II. 264.</li> -<li class="isub1">Bacon’s ideas on, II. 265.</li> -<li class="isub1">History of Greece and Rome not inconsistent with, II. 268-270.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relation of China to, II. 270.</li> -<li class="isub1">Indefinite duration of mankind favors, II. 274.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proved by statistics of life, II. 274.</li> -<li class="isub1">Gradual, II. 278; XVII. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Resisted by prejudice, II. 279.</li> -<li class="isub1">Examples of resistance to, II. 279-285.</li> -<li class="isub1">Certainty of, II. 286-288; XVII. 177.</li> -<li class="isub1">Faith in, encouraging, II. 286.</li> -<li class="isub1">Agents of, XVII. 177.</li> - -<li class="indx">Property, man can have none in man, VI. 131, 218, 319; VIII. 261; XI. 200 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Value of, in slave and free States, VI. 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Confiscation of, in war, IX. 35; XVII. 13-15.</li> -<li class="isub1">As a qualification for the franchise, XIII. 220, 297, 327.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_362" id="Page_362">[Pg 362]</a></span>See <i><a href="#Confiscation">Confiscation</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Provisional governments and Reconstruction, IX. 162.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#MilitaryGovernment">Military Government</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Prussia" id="Prussia"></a>Prussia, army of, in 1845, I. 75.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relative expenditure of, for war-preparations, I. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">Military system of, in 1870, XVIII. 246.</li> -<li class="isub1">Numerical size of its Parliament, XX. <a href="#Page_2">2</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#FrancoGermanWar">Franco-German War</a></i> and <i><a href="#Germany">Germany</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Publishers, letter to committee of, V. 58.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pulci, his prediction of a new world, XV. 258.</li> - -<li class="indx">Puritans, the, IV. 75 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="ifrst">Q.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Quakers" id="Quakers"></a>Quakers, escape of, from pirates, II. 46.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposed to slavery, III. 289; XII. 151-153.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln on, XII. 263.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Friends">Friends</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Qualification, defined, XIII. 308; XVI. 248; XVII. 40.</li> - -<li class="indx">Quincy, Josiah, on patriotism, I. 325.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tribute to, VI. 37.</li> - -<li class="indx">Quincy, Josiah, Jr., his report of Chatham’s speech quoted, I. 375.</li> - -<li class="indx">Quorum, of the Senate, IX. 169; XII. 358.</li> -<li class="isub1">In Parliament, IX. 169-171.</li> -<li class="isub1">Fixed in United States by Constitution, IX. 171.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on rule for, IX. 172.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of States, requisite for adoption of a constitutional amendment, XII. 357.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of the two Houses of Congress in absence of a, XV. 185.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">R.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Races" id="Races"></a>Races, all alike entitled to human rights, V. 18; XVII. 134.</li> -<li class="isub1">Number and distinctions of, XVII. 148-151.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin of, XVII. 152.</li> -<li class="isub1">Arguments for a common origin of, XVII. 153-157;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities favoring same, XVII. 155-157.</li> -<li class="isub1">Common destiny of all, XVII. 162 <i>et seq.</i>, 168, 178.</li> - -<li class="indx">Railroad, Pacific, IV. 32; IX. 318.</li> -<li class="isub1">Air-line, from Washington to New York, IX. 121.</li> -<li class="isub1">Usurpation in New Jersey, XII. 105.</li> - -<li class="indx">Railways, opposed at first by Quarterly Review, II. 283.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rantoul, Robert, Jr., tribute to, III. 246.</li> - -<li class="indx">Raynal, Guillaume, Abbé, his famous work, XV. 326 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His predictions concerning America, XV. 329-331.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ream, Vinnie, speech on contract with, for statue of Lincoln, XIV. 164.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="RebelDebt" id="RebelDebt"></a>Rebel Debt, repudiation of the, XII. 137, 327; XIII. 99.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rebel Party, the, XVI. 326.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="RebelStates" id="RebelStates"></a>Rebel States, secession of, VII. 184; VIII. 119; X. 191.</li> -<li class="isub1">A. H. Stephens on character of government of, VII. 315; X. 100 <i>et seq.</i>; XIX. 225.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of Congress over, VIII. 164-167, 245; IX. 120; X. 167; XI. 361; XII. 329; XIV. 209, 225; XV. 218; XVIII. 31,—sources of above power, VIII. 164-167, 245; X. 208-215; XI. 367-372; XII. 330-333; XIII. 124-127, 325 <i>et seq.</i>; XIV. 341; XVI. 344-347.</li> -<li class="isub1">Military government of, IX. 119; X. 168-175; XI. 365; XIV. 326.</li> -<li class="isub1">Concession of ocean belligerence to, by England, X. 12-15, 124; XII. 267 <i>et seq.</i>; XVII. 59-65; XIX. 121,—and by France, X. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not entitled to recognition by foreign powers, X. 97-124.</li> -<li class="isub1">Constitution of, quoted, X. 100.</li> -<li class="isub1">Other testimony to character of government of, X. 102.</li> -<li class="isub1">Results of recognizing, X. 116-122;</li> -<li class="isub2">apology for same, X. 122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not entitled to ocean belligerence, X. 125-139; XVII. 59 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Theories for extinction of, X. 196, 200 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Non-existence of governments in, X. 202; XIII. 126.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_363" id="Page_363">[Pg 363]</a></span>Readmission of, must be determined by Congress, XI. 296, 361, 366-372.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln’s plan for reorganizing, XI. 363 <i>et seq.</i>; XIV. 196, 294.</li> -<li class="isub1">Objections to recognition of, by U. S., XI. 466-471.</li> -<li class="isub1">Participation of, not necessary in ratifying constitutional amendments, XII. 101, 211, 341, 359; XIII. 31, 62; XVI. 71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Guaranty of republican governments in, XII. 197.</li> -<li class="isub1">Conditions precedent to reception of Senators from, XII. 208.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln on recognition of, XII. 269 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Consent of the governed necessary in forming new governments of, XII. 298.</li> -<li class="isub1">Actual condition of, during Reconstruction period, XII. 320-322; XIII. 55; XIV. 87; XVI. 168,—testimony to same, XII. 323 <i>et seq.</i>; XIII. 64-96.</li> -<li class="isub1">Need of public schools for all in, XII. 328; XIV. 334-339; XV. 220-227.</li> -<li class="isub1">Oath to maintain a republican form of government in, XIII. 12, 22; XIV. 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">Senator Collamer on readmission of, XIII. 44.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not republican in form, XIII. 204-211, 332.</li> -<li class="isub1">Population of, in 1860, XIII. 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">Illegality of existing governments in, in 1866, XIV. 190, 224.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proper foundation of government in, XIV. 324.</li> -<li class="isub1">Conditions of assistance to, XIV. 358.</li> -<li class="isub1">Outrages on loyalists in, XVI. 168, 352; XVII. 103; XVIII. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">Legislation of, concerning freedmen, after Rebellion, XVI. 350 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Claims of citizens in, XVII. 10.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of requiring test oath for legislatures of, XVII. 226-230.</li> -<li class="isub1">Robberies of, after the war, XX. <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#SlaveStates">Slave States</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Rebellion" id="Rebellion"></a>Rebellion, emancipation our best weapon against the, VII. 241, 347; IX. 76, 229; XI. 198.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its origin and main-spring, VII. 250, 305; IX. 230, 323; X. 103; XI. 444; XIII. 234.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its audacity, VII. 250.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its beginning, VII. 315, 325; VIII. 119-123; XI. 441-443; XII. 258.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, VII. 315.</li> -<li class="isub1">Preparations for, VII. 322-324; VIII. 119-122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Numbers of its armed forces, VII. 338.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of crushing at once, VII. 345; IX. 207, 272.</li> -<li class="isub1">A fact, IX. 13 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Must be comprehended and vigorously treated, IX. 210-212.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must fail, X. 142, 168.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rejoicing in its decline, XI. 414.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery and the: speech in New York, XI. 433.</li> -<li class="isub1">Official history of, XIV. 88.</li> -<li class="isub1">Consequences of, XVI. 262 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#WaroftheRebellion">War of the Rebellion</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rebels, barbarities of, VIII. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">Are criminals and enemies, IX. 17, 141.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sources of power against, IX. 18-24, 47 <i>et seq.</i>, 134, 143; XVII. 16,—judicial decisions and other authorities on same, IX. 18-22; XVII. 17 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Proceedings for confiscating property of, allowable, IX. 31-33.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be subdued, not conciliated, IX. 210.</li> -<li class="isub1">Disqualified from national office by Congress, X. 219; XII. 337.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln’s policy towards, XII. 284.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be disfranchised for a time, XII. 337-339, 408; XIII. 283; XIV. 185, 291; XV. 219, 228; XVII. 115 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s sentiments towards, XII. 339; XIV. 313; XV. 228; XVII. 115; XIX. 258, 318; XX. <a href="#Page_192">192-194</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229-240</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Submission of, after the war, XIV. 187;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, XIV. 187, 188.</li> -<li class="isub1">Time for reconciliation with, XX. <a href="#Page_253">253</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Reciprocity Treaty, termination of the Canadian, XII. 46.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its operation, XII. 48-54.</li> - -<li class="indx">Recognition, intervention by, X. 87;</li> -<li class="isub2">instances of same, X. 87-94.</li> -<li class="isub1">Armed, X. 95.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_364" id="Page_364">[Pg 364]</a></span>Unarmed, X. 95.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proper time for, X. 95-97.</li> -<li class="isub1">Of a <i>de facto</i> power, not required by international law, X. 105.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on refusal of, X. 106-108, 111-114, 119.</li> -<li class="isub1">Practice of nations as to, X. 110 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Reconstruction of rebel States, resolutions on, VIII. 163; X. 295.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter on, VIII. 243.</li> -<li class="isub1">Provisional governments and, IX. 162.</li> -<li class="isub1">And adoption of Emancipation Proclamation by Act of Congress, XI. 397.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Ashley and, XII. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">None, without votes of the blacks, XII. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Conditions of, XII. 325-329; XIII. 33, 283; XIV. 92.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equal rights <i>vs.</i> the Presidential policy in, XII. 368.</li> -<li class="isub1">Andrew Johnson on, XII. 369, 408; XIV. 197, 294; XVII. 231,—and his policy in, XII. 369; XIV. 188-197, 203, 250-253; XVI. 165-171.</li> -<li class="isub1">Scheme of, on basis of equal rights, XIII. 21.</li> -<li class="isub1">Time and, XIII. 428.</li> -<li class="isub1">True principles of, XIV. 224.</li> -<li class="isub1">At last, with colored suffrage and protection against rebel influence, XIV. 282.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speeches on bills for, XIV. 282, 321; XV. 217.</li> -<li class="isub1">Further guaranties in, XIV. 304; XV. 219-221.</li> -<li class="isub1">Measures of, not a burden or penalty, XIV. 312.</li> -<li class="isub1">Military government unsuited for, XIV. 326, 342.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s bill for, XIV. 328-334.</li> -<li class="isub1">Incomplete, XV. 226; XVI. 342; XVII. 307; XVIII. 302.</li> -<li class="isub1">A political question, XVI. 346.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power and duty of Congress to protect and regulate, XVII. 208; XVIII. 26-32.</li> -<li class="isub1">With colored suffrage, Mr. Sumner’s personal record on, XVII. 303.</li> - -<li class="indx">Reconstruction Acts, defended, XVI. 342-349.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposition to, in rebel States, XVI. 352.</li> -<li class="isub1">Do not bind Congress to admit rebel States, XVII. 208-210, 224-226.</li> - -<li class="indx">Redemption, Society of Fathers of, II. 36.</li> - -<li class="indx">Redpath, James, letters to, VI. 44, 54.</li> - -<li class="indx">Reform, true, defined, II. 289; III. 248.</li> -<li class="isub1">And purity in government, XX. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Reform League of New York, letter to, XIX. 131.</li> - -<li class="indx">Representation, according to voters, IV. 46, 53; XII. 104; XIII. 19, 315-321.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on right of, XIII. 301; XVII. 44-46.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jefferson and Madison on, XIII. 320.</li> -<li class="isub1">Hamilton on, XIII. 329.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#BlaineAmendment">Blaine Amendment</a></i> and <i><a href="#RepresentativeSystem">Representative System</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="RepresentativeSystem" id="RepresentativeSystem"></a>Representative System, necessary improvements in, in Massachusetts, III. 43; IV. 35, 58-60.</li> -<li class="isub1">And its proper basis, IV. 33.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and nature of, IV. 36-53; XIII. 318.</li> -<li class="isub1">Founded on equality in America, IV. 38.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its history in Massachusetts, IV. 39;</li> -<li class="isub2">evils of, in same, IV. 40.</li> -<li class="isub1">Essex County documents on, quoted, IV. 40-43.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jefferson’s plan for, IV. 44; XIII. 320.</li> -<li class="isub1">Under the Constitution, IV. 45.</li> -<li class="isub1">In France, IV. 45.</li> -<li class="isub1">Vindication of Rule of Three in, IV. 47-53;</li> -<li class="isub2">opposition to same in Massachusetts, IV. 53-56.</li> -<li class="isub1">Amendment to, in Massachusetts, XIII. 317.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Reprisals" id="Reprisals"></a>Reprisals, none, on innocent persons, XVI. 297.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condemned, XVI. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on, XVI. 301-306.</li> -<li class="isub1">Modern rule for, XVI. 304;</li> -<li class="isub2">reasons for same, XVI. 305.</li> -<li class="isub1">Instance of, in modern history, XVI. 307.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Retaliation">Retaliation</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Republic, slave-holding, a mockery, I. 308; III. 3; IX. 235.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rejected definitions of, XI. 192; XIII. 144-153.</li> -<li class="isub1">Machiavelli on regeneration of a, XI. 213.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#RepublicanGovernment">Republican Government</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_365" id="Page_365">[Pg 365]</a></span>Republican Conventions, speeches at, IV. 255; VI. 352; VII. 241; XII. 305; XVII. 98.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="RepublicanGovernment" id="RepublicanGovernment"></a>Republican Government, American definition of, XI. 193; XII. 295, 297; XIII. 196 <i>et seq.</i>, 327; XVI. 245; XVII. 43.</li> -<li class="isub1">Our first duty, XIII. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Oath to maintain, in rebel States, XIII. 12, 22; XIV. 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be defined by Congress, XIII. 63, 137 <i>et seq.</i>, 211, 327; XVI. 245; XVII. 43, 334, 358.</li> -<li class="isub1">Disfranchisement inconsistent with, XIII. 109.</li> -<li class="isub1">Principles of, asserted by fathers of the Republic, XIII. 153-198.</li> -<li class="isub1">Webster on, XIII. 187 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of France to, XIII. 198-202.</li> -<li class="isub1">Other definitions of, XIII. 202 <i>et seq.</i>, 330; XV. 294.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, XX. <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#GuarantyofRepublicanGovernment">Guaranty of Republican Government</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Republican Party, formation of the, IV. 255.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its duties and aims, IV. 263-265; V. 81 <i>et seq.</i>; VI. 312; XI. 421; XIX. 129.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and necessity of, IV. 266; V. 80; VI. 303; XX. <a href="#Page_86">86</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Its hopes of success, IV. 278; VI. 341.</li> -<li class="isub1">In New York, V. 60.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter on the, V. 61.</li> -<li class="isub1">National, not sectional, V. 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal for its candidates in 1856, VI. 2.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its declaration of principles in same year, VI. 4.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal for its cause, VI. 15, 354; VII. 17.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters on its candidates in 1860, VI. 111, 342.</li> -<li class="isub1">Platform of, in 1860, VI. 234 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Speech on, in New York, VI. 303.</li> -<li class="isub1">Permanence of, VI. 336; XVIII. 172.</li> -<li class="isub1">Parties opposed to, in 1860, VI. 356; VII. 17, 26.</li> -<li class="isub1">The only Union party, VII. 37.</li> -<li class="isub1">The only Constitutional party and party of freedom, VII. 38.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not aggressive, but conservative, VII. 86.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be moderate after victory, VII. 87.</li> -<li class="isub1">And Democratic Party in 1864, XI. 418.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its past and future work, XI. 422; XVIII. 169.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its platform in 1864, XI. 426, 477.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unity and strength of, XII. 4.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s devotion to, XX. <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Change for the worse in, XX. <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of, as to reëlection of Grant, XX. <a href="#Page_156">156</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Republicanism <i>vs.</i> Grantism, XX. <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Repudiation, XVI. 275; XVII. 105 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Adopted by Rebel party in 1868, XVI. 329; XVII. 104.</li> -<li class="isub1">Two forms of, XVI. 356; XVII. 107 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Is confiscation, XVII. 106.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cost of, XVII. 108 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Impossible, XVII. 111.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Retaliation" id="Retaliation"></a>Retaliation, and treatment of prisoners of war, XII. 74.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities respecting, XII. 78-82, 86-89.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognized, but limited, by laws of war, XII. 80, 92.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#PrisonersofWar">Prisoners of War</a></i> and <i><a href="#Reprisals">Reprisals</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Revels, Hiram R., speech on admission of, as Senator from Mississippi, XVIII. 6.</li> - -<li class="indx">Revolution, right of, II. 336;</li> -<li class="isub2">Paley on same, II. 336;</li> -<li class="isub2">O’Connell on same, II. 337.</li> - -<li class="indx">Revolutionary War, opposed by English Whigs in Parliamentary debates, I. 340-349.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Mexican War, I. 382.</li> -<li class="isub1">Contributions of Northern and Southern States to, IV. 197 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">American and foreign testimony to same, IV. 199-211.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lafayette’s enthusiasm for, VII. 111.</li> -<li class="isub1">List of statutes for confiscation of property in, IX. 59-64;</li> -<li class="isub2">same defended by American diplomatists and courts, IX. 65-69.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to employment of slaves in, IX. 217-220.</li> -<li class="isub1">Contrasted with our Civil War, X. 24, 256-258; XII. 238; XVII. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, XIII. 154, 172; XVI. 55.</li> -<li class="isub1">Official history of, XIV. 88.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_366" id="Page_366">[Pg 366]</a></span>Rhode Island, appeal to Republicans of, in 1856, VI. 9.</li> - -<li class="indx">Richard, Henry, M.P., letter to, XX. <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="RightofSearch" id="RightofSearch"></a>Right of Search, employed by Great Britain to impress American seamen, VIII. 42;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, VIII. 42-45, 51 <i>et seq.</i>,—and to opposition of United States Government to same, VIII. 45-54.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should not exist, except for suppression of slave-trade, VIII. 78;</li> -<li class="isub2">proposed by Great Britain for same, VIII. 339, 343,—but refused by United States, VIII. 341.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not objectionable against slave-trade, VIII. 344.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exercise of, by privateers, IX. 282.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be employed only by national ships, IX. 299.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#NeutralRights">Neutral Rights</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rights. See <i><a href="#CivilRights">Civil Rights</a></i>, <i><a href="#EqualRights">Equal Rights</a></i>, <i><a href="#HumanRights">Human Rights</a></i>, <i><a href="#NeutralRights">Neutral Rights</a></i>, <i><a href="#RightsofWar">Rights of War</a></i>, and <i><a href="#StateRights">State Rights</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="RightsofWar" id="RightsofWar"></a>Rights of War, IX. 1, 34; X. 210; XIII. 325,—especially against enemy property, IX. 35-44.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities respecting, IX. 36 <i>et seq.</i>; XIII. 326.</li> -<li class="isub1">Include liberation of slaves, IX. 43, 71, 131, 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Have no constitutional limitations, IX. 45, 71, 131-138, 183-185, 216.</li> -<li class="isub1">To be exercised only in war, IX. 48 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Policy of exercising, against Rebels, IX. 70-72.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not to be exercised by the President alone, IX. 138-140.</li> - -<li class="indx">Roads, policy of, III. 182.</li> - -<li class="indx">Roberts, Joseph, Rev., his work on caste quoted, III. 76-80; XVII. 144.</li> - -<li class="indx">Roscoe, William, labors of, for reform of prisons, II. 120.</li> -<li class="isub1">Incorrectly quoted on Pennsylvania system, II. 128.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rousseau, treatise of, on peace, II. 391; XVIII. 233.</li> -<li class="isub1">His opinions on equality, III. 60, 91; XIX. 235.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery, VI. 137.</li> - -<li class="indx">Russell, Earl, on Trent case, VIII. 35.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the Emancipation Proclamation, X. 20.</li> -<li class="isub1">His unfriendliness to United States during Rebellion, X. 39.</li> -<li class="isub1">On necessity of prize courts, X. 130 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On escape of the Alabama, XVII. 66.</li> - -<li class="indx">Russia, army of, in 1845, I. 75.</li> -<li class="isub1">Navy of, in 1837, I. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Serfdom in, restricted to original country, IV. 96.</li> -<li class="isub1">Emancipation of serfs in, VII. 267; XII. 312-314; XIII. 57-60; XIV. 57, 315.</li> -<li class="isub1">The Emperor of, and emancipation, XIV. 56.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cession of Russian America to United States by, XV. 1;</li> -<li class="isub2">reasons for same, XV. 20-23.</li> -<li class="isub1">Friendship of, for United States, XV. 48-50.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="RussianAmerica" id="RussianAmerica"></a>Russian America, cession of, to United States, XV. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Boundaries and configuration of, XV. 6-8.</li> -<li class="isub1">Russia’s title to, XV. 8-17.</li> -<li class="isub1">Discovery of, by Behring, XV. 8-14.</li> -<li class="isub1">French claim to, XV. 17.</li> -<li class="isub1">Spanish claim to, XV. 18-20.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reasons for cession of, XV. 20-23.</li> -<li class="isub1">Humboldt on, XV. 22, 47.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and completion of cession of, XV. 23-30.</li> -<li class="isub1">Documents respecting, quoted, XV. 25-29.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaty for cession of, XV. 30-32;</li> -<li class="isub2">questions under same, XV. 32-35;</li> -<li class="isub2">advantages of same, XV. 36-50.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sources of information upon, XV. 54-64.</li> -<li class="isub1">Blodget’s description of, XV. 65.</li> -<li class="isub1">Government of, XV. 65-80.</li> -<li class="isub1">Population of, XV. 81-94.</li> -<li class="isub1">Climate of, XV. 94-105.</li> -<li class="isub1">Vegetable products of, XV. 105-116.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mineral products of, XV. 116-124.</li> -<li class="isub1">Furs of, XV. 125-141.</li> -<li class="isub1">Fisheries of, XV. 141-161.</li> -<li class="isub1">New name for, XV. 167.</li> -<li class="isub1">Other requirements of, XV. 168 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of legislation to carry out treaty for cession of, XV. 196-199.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">S.</li> - -<li class="indx">St. Albans Raid, the, XII. 42.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_367" id="Page_367">[Pg 367]</a></span>Saint-Pierre, Charles de, Abbé, labors of, for peace, II. 387-390; XVIII. 233.</li> -<li class="isub1">Leibnitz on his “Project of Perpetual Peace,” II. 389; XVIII. 233.</li> -<li class="isub1">D’Argenson on, XV. 287.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="SanDomingo" id="SanDomingo"></a>San Domingo, speech on proposed annexion of, to United States, XVIII. 257.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character and object of joint resolution appointing a commission to, XVIII. 262-267.</li> -<li class="isub1">Negotiation for annexion of, XVIII. 267-271; XIX. 37 <i>et seq.</i>, 54-57; XX. <a href="#Page_144">144-146</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Belligerent intervention of United States navy in, XVIII. 271, 303; XIX. 27, 60-64, 75.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sentiments of people of, on annexion, XVIII. 276.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relations of, with Hayti, XVIII. 278-280.</li> -<li class="isub1">President Grant’s message on annexion of, XVIII. 284-288.</li> -<li class="isub1">Arguments against annexion of, XVIII. 290-292, 303; XIX. 96;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony against same, XVIII. 304.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech on resolutions concerning, XIX. 16.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reason for interest in annexion of, XIX. 20-22.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reannexion of, by Spain, XIX. 23;</li> -<li class="isub2">Spanish documents on same, quoted, XIX. 24-26;</li> -<li class="isub2">result of same, XIX. 29.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaty for annexion of, an infraction of its constitution, XIX. 38 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of United States towards, XIX. 93, 97, 131.</li> - -<li class="indx">San Juan Boundary Question, report of Committee on Foreign Relations on settlement of, VII. 216.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sanborn, Frank B., speeches on case of, VI. 99.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sandwich Islands, mail service between United States and, XIV. 110.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relations of, with United States, XIV. 111.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scholar, jurist, artist, and philanthropist, the, oration on, I. 241.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defined, I. 249.</li> - -<li class="indx">Schools. See <i><a href="#ColoredSchools">Colored Schools</a></i>, <i><a href="#CommonSchools">Common Schools</a></i>, <i><a href="#NormalSchools">Normal Schools</a></i>, and <i><a href="#SeparateSchools">Separate Schools</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Schurz, Carl, Senator from Missouri, on Secretary Fish’s attack on Mr. Sumner, XIX. 110.</li> - -<li class="indx">Schwartz, John, Representative from Pennsylvania, speech on death of, VI. 300.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scott, Sir Walter, compared to Cobbett, I. 198.</li> -<li class="isub1">On morning work, I. 204.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scylla and Charybdis, origin and history of Latin verse on, XII. 371-380;</li> -<li class="isub2">application of same, XII. 409-412.</li> - -<li class="indx">Seamen, wages of, in case of wreck, IV. 324;</li> -<li class="isub2">rule for determining same, IV. 325;</li> -<li class="isub2">abolition of above rule by England, IV. 326.</li> - -<li class="indx">Secession, pretended right of, VII. 326; IX. 323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proposed concessions to prevent, VII. 327-333.</li> -<li class="isub1">Acts of, impotent against United States, VIII. 164; X. 196.</li> - -<li class="indx">Secretary of State, assistant, office of, and Mr. Hunter, XIV. 82.</li> - -<li class="indx">Security, the national, and the national faith, XII. 305.</li> - -<li class="indx">Selden, John, on trial by battle (or duel), I. 38 (<i>note</i>), 42; XVIII. 179.</li> - -<li class="indx">Self-defence, right of, I. 294, 378.</li> -<li class="isub1">Restrictions on, II. 334.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dymond, the Quaker, on, II. 335.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="SelfGovernment" id="SelfGovernment"></a>Self-government, local, advantages of, XVI. 59.</li> - -<li class="indx">Senate of the United States, secrecy in its proceedings, IV. 16; XVIII. 9.</li> -<li class="isub1">Functions of, IV. 16; XIII. 347.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origination of appropriation bills by, a usurpation, V. 84.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot abrogate treaties, V. 101, 109.</li> -<li class="isub1">Usurpation of, in imprisoning a citizen, VI. 80; XIX. 133.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its powers of enforcing testimony, VI. 82 <i>et seq.</i>, 89 <i>et seq.</i>; XIX. 132.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot enforce testimony in Harper’s Ferry investigation, VI. 84-87,—in order to aid legislation, VI. 86, 91; XIX. 141.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_368" id="Page_368">[Pg 368]</a></span>Attempt to kidnap a citizen under order of, VI. 99.</li> -<li class="isub1">Has discretionary power to expel members, VIII. 116.</li> -<li class="isub1">Limitation of debate in, VIII. 155.</li> -<li class="isub1">Order in its business, VIII. 161.</li> -<li class="isub1">Loyalty in the, VIII. 208; X. 273; XVI. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should examine loyalty before administering oath, VIII. 215; XVI. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sacredness of its required oath, VIII. 221.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proper despatch of business in, IX. 110.</li> -<li class="isub1">Constitutional quorum of, IX. 169; XII. 358.</li> -<li class="isub1">Representation of Virginia in, XII. 134.</li> -<li class="isub1">Limitation of its business, XV. 189.</li> -<li class="isub1">Obligations of caucuses of, XV. 189, 207-215.</li> -<li class="isub1">Privileges of debate in, on officers liable to impeachment, XV. 241, 249.</li> -<li class="isub1">Right of President of, <i>pro tem.</i>, to vote on impeachment of the President, XVI. 88;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities denying same, XVI. 90.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of, in trying impeachments, not judicial, XVI. 137, 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to early want of eloquence in, XVII. 191.</li> -<li class="isub1">Consideration of treaties in open, XVIII. 9.</li> -<li class="isub1">Eligibility to: the question of inhabitancy, XVIII. 11.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot continue imprisonment of witnesses after end of the session, XIX. 134, 153;</li> -<li class="isub2">English and American authorities proving same, XIX. 134-140.</li> -<li class="isub1">Does not possess the prerogatives of the House of Lords, XIX. 136.</li> -<li class="isub1">Arguments and authorities against its power of arresting witnesses for violation of its privileges, XIX. 140-149.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of, to break into telegraph-offices, XIX. 149.</li> -<li class="isub1">Parliamentary law on appointment of special committees of, XX. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities stating same, XX. <a href="#Page_49">49-54</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56-59</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Senate Chamber, the: its ventilation and size, XIV. 119.</li> - -<li class="indx">Senator of the United States, letters written during election of a, in Massachusetts, in 1851, III. 152.</li> -<li class="isub1">Acceptance of office of, III. 161; VI. 46,—incompatibility of same with other office, VIII. 105.</li> -<li class="isub1">Position of a, VIII. 118, 147.</li> -<li class="isub1">Loyalty a qualification required in a, VIII. 208; X. 276; XVI. 74 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Is a civil officer, X. 281;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities proving same, X. 281-289.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot vote for himself, XIV. 15;</li> -<li class="isub2">same proved by natural law, XIV. 16-19,—and by parliamentary law, XIV. 20.</li> -<li class="isub1">Inquiry into title of a, to his seat, XIV. 126.</li> -<li class="isub1">The first colored, XVIII. 6.</li> -<li class="isub1">Limitations on examination of a, by Senate committees, XX. <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities stating same, XX. <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Senators, conditions precedent to reception of, from a rebel State, XII. 208.</li> -<li class="isub1">Majority or plurality in election of, XIV. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mode of electing, XIV. 3 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">Chancellor Kent on same, XIV. 5.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of State Legislature in electing, XIV. 6-13.</li> -<li class="isub1">Open voting in election of, XIV. 105.</li> -<li class="isub1">Monuments to deceased, XIV. 299.</li> -<li class="isub1">Colored, predicted, XV. 220, 223.</li> -<li class="isub1">Constitutional responsibility of, for their votes in cases of impeachment, XVI. 227.</li> -<li class="isub1">Importance of colored, XVI. 257; XVIII. 7.</li> - -<li class="indx">Seneca, his prophecy of a new world, XV. 256.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="SeparateSchools" id="SeparateSchools"></a>Separate Schools for colored children, argument against, III. 51.</li> -<li class="isub1">A violation of equality, III. 70; XIX. 241.</li> -<li class="isub1">Introduce principle of caste, III. 74.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not equivalent to common schools, III. 86-88; XIX. 3, 158, 165, 241, 261.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin of, in Boston, III. 91-93.</li> -<li class="isub1">Evils of, III. 93-96; XIX. 241-244.</li> - -<li class="indx">Separate System of prison discipline. See <i><a href="#PennsylvaniaSystem">Pennsylvania System</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_369" id="Page_369">[Pg 369]</a></span>Serenade, address at a, Aug. 9, 1872, XX. <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Servants, indented, in America, X. 348-350; XIX. 14.</li> - -<li class="indx">Service, substituted for “servitude” in the Constitution, III. 309; VI. 228; X. 358.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Fugitivesfromservice">Fugitives from service</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Settlement, a final, union of good citizens for, IX. 187.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sewall, Samuel, Judge, IV. 277; XV. 281.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecy concerning America, XV. 282-286.</li> - -<li class="indx">Seward, William H., views of, on pensions for support of Fugitive-Slave Bill, IV. 230.</li> -<li class="isub1">His bill for admission of Kansas, V. 216.</li> -<li class="isub1">His influence on President Johnson, XIV. 198.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of, on surplus of Chinese indemnity fund, XVIII. 138 (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> - -<li class="indx">Sharp, Granville, life of, as illustration of a merchant’s duties, IV. 293-323.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shaw, Robert G., Colonel, equestrian statue of, XII. 361.</li> -<li class="isub1">Burial of, XIX. 246.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, on the American War, I. 326, 349.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Slavery, XII. 161.</li> -<li class="isub1">On America, XV. 406.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sherman, John, Senator from Ohio, criticisms of, answered, IX. 99-104; X. 263-266.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reply to his criticisms in Reconstruction debate, XIV. 292-296, 313-316.</li> -<li class="isub1">Answer to his defence of appointment of San Domingo commission, XVIII. 262-264.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shipley, Jonathan, Bishop of St. Asaph, XV. 332.</li> -<li class="isub1">His predictions concerning America, XV. 334-338.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shipping, decay of, in United States, XVI. 289.</li> -<li class="isub1">Effect of taxation on, XVII. 243.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ships of War, fitted out in England against United States during Rebellion, X. 27-29, 132; XVII. 65-71,—same defended in England, but condemned by United States Supreme Court, X. 29-31.</li> -<li class="isub1">Policy of United States on fitting out, as a neutral, X. 32-35;</li> -<li class="isub2">liability of England for same, X. 37-39; XVII. 89, 124,—authority proving above liability, X. 38.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sidney, Algernon, author of motto on seal of Massachusetts, I. 94 (and <i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">On government, XIII. 155.</li> - -<li class="indx">Slave, origin of word, II. 13.</li> -<li class="isub1">Webster’s Dictionary on original meaning of, II. 14.</li> -<li class="isub1">Deed of manumission of a, in 1776, III. 13; VII. 14.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tintoretto’s Miracle of the, III. 134 (see <i>note</i>).</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="SlaveMasters" id="SlaveMasters"></a>Slave-Masters, number of, III. 36; V. 42; VI. 326; VII. 334.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot carry slaves into Territories, IV. 128 <i>et seq.</i>; VI. 217-235.</li> -<li class="isub1">Refuse to work, VI. 142.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of, VI. 162, 321 <i>et seq.</i>; IX. 103,—testimony to same, VI. 163-168.</li> -<li class="isub1">Their virtues exceptional, VI. 167-323.</li> -<li class="isub1">In their relations with slaves, VI. 168-173.</li> -<li class="isub1">Their agents, VI. 173, 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Their relations with each other, society, and government, VI. 176-196,—testimony to same, VI. 180-182, 186.</li> -<li class="isub1">Conduct of, in Congress, VI. 196-211.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unconscious of barbarism of slavery, VI. 211-214.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tourgueneff on, VI. 215.</li> -<li class="isub1">Livingstone on, VI. 216.</li> -<li class="isub1">Their success in organizing rebellion explained, VII. 335.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tax on, IX. 93.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to untrustworthiness of, to legislate for freedmen, IX. 225; XIV. 211-213.</li> -<li class="isub1">Their pretension to chivalry refuted, XI. 449-460.</li> -<li class="isub1">Untrustworthiness of, proved by reason, XIV. 213.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pretensions of, in regard to slavery, XVI. 234.</li> - -<li class="indx">Slave Power, necessity of political action against the, II. 207.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_370" id="Page_370">[Pg 370]</a></span>Influence of, II. 211, 232, 292; III. 20, 140; V. 42; VI. 312, 325; VII. 248.</li> -<li class="isub1">Union among men of all parties against, II. 226; IV. 157.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defined, II. 229.</li> -<li class="isub1">Constitution of United States opposed to, II. 230.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its test for office, II. 232; VI. 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">Usurpations of, III. 20-22; V. 43, 66-71; VI. 328 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Must be overthrown, IV. 262; V. 45, 71; VI. 339.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its madness, V. 57.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its aims in Kansas, V. 70, 140.</li> -<li class="isub1">Attempts to introduce slavery into free States, V. 71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Author of crime against Kansas, V. 142.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its influence over President Pierce, V. 189.</li> -<li class="isub1">Denounced, VI. 331-335.</li> -<li class="isub1">Emancipation of national government from, VII. 248.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="SlaveStates" id="SlaveStates"></a>Slave States, compared to Barbary States, II. 7; VI. 159-161,—and to free States, VI. 142-159, 328.</li> -<li class="isub1">Their ignorance, VI. 157; XIV. 336.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to violence in, VI. 180-182.</li> -<li class="isub1">Freedom of press restricted in, VI. 184-187.</li> -<li class="isub1">Outrages on Northern men in, VI. 187-189, 191-196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Threat of disunion by, VII. 25, 319-321.</li> -<li class="isub1">Disunion no remedy for grievances of, VII. 33.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not unanimous in desiring disunion, VII. 34; IX. 228,—effects of same upon, VII. 35-37.</li> -<li class="isub1">Passion for slavery in, VII. 321.</li> -<li class="isub1">Webster on admission of new, IX. 124 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Laws of, on exclusion of colored testimony, XI. 4-16;</li> -<li class="isub2">eccentric judicial decisions in, on same, XI. 17-23.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#RebelStates">Rebel States</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="SlaveTrade" id="SlaveTrade"></a>Slave-Trade, originally a mark of progress in Africa, II. 18.</li> -<li class="isub1">In England, II. 18; XVII. 166.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sanctioned in West Indies by Charles V., II. 24.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposition to early English efforts against, II. 285; IV. 133; V. 37; VI. 190.</li> -<li class="isub1">Resolutions against, in Danbury, Conn., in 1774, III. 14.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolished in District of Columbia, III. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compromise on, in Constitution, III. 304; VII. 318.</li> -<li class="isub1">Granville Sharp on, IV. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">In the North in early times, no example for us, V. 148.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early support of, by England, V. 149; X. 71; XIII. 313.</li> -<li class="isub1">Final suppression of the, VIII. 336.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaties between Great Britain and United States against, VIII. 337, 341.</li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts of United States and Europe against, VIII. 338-341,—especially of Great Britain, VIII. 339, 343; X. 74-77.</li> -<li class="isub1">Means for suppression of, defended, VIII. 344-347.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolition of, in French, Dutch, and Spanish colonies, X. 75.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on illegality of, X. 108.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolition of the coast-wise, XII. 380.</li> -<li class="isub1">Paley’s exertions against, XV. 403.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#RightofSearch">Right of Search</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Slavery" id="Slavery"></a>Slavery, the wrong of, I. 149.</li> -<li class="isub1">Decision of Chief-Justice Shaw on, I. 290, 308; XII. 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Channing’s labors against, I. 290-293.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of, universal, I. 307.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cause of Mexican War, I. 307, 322, 335, 377.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exertions of Massachusetts against, I. 308; VII. 13-16, 264.</li> -<li class="isub1">Declarations of authors of Constitution against, I. 312; II. 230; III. 17, 277-280; VI. 227, 313; X. 356.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be constitutionally repealed, I. 309.</li> -<li class="isub1">And the Mexican War, I. 333.</li> -<li class="isub1">Whigs pledged to overthrow, I. 336.</li> -<li class="isub1">R. C. Winthrop’s actions in regard to, I. 337.</li> -<li class="isub1">White, in Barbary States, II. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">In antiquity, II. 14.</li> -<li class="isub1">A result of war, II. 16, 19.</li> -<li class="isub1">In modern times, II. 18.</li> -<li class="isub1">White, in Algiers, compared by different authorities to American, II. 63-69.</li> -<li class="isub1">The Koran on, II. 93.</li> -<li class="isub1">Milton on, II. 100; XI. 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">Black, in Barbary States, II. 101.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_371" id="Page_371">[Pg 371]</a></span>Necessity of political action against extension of, II. 207.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condemned in East, II. 209.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lafayette’s opinions and plans concerning, II. 210; VII. 124, 126, 129, 146, 149, 157; XII. 169.</li> -<li class="isub1">No compromise with, II. 211, 234; IV. 266; VII. 204, 331; IX. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">Union among men of all parties against extension of, II. 226.</li> -<li class="isub1">Patrick Henry on, II. 230; III. 288; XII. 150.</li> -<li class="isub1">The only important American question, II. 237; III. 12, 142, 270; V. 35, 63.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal to all parties against, II. 238; III. 143; IV. 5, 158.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposition to its extension, principle of Free-Soil Party, II. 307; III. 26;</li> -<li class="isub2">but not of Whig Party, II. 307.</li> -<li class="isub1">Discussion of, cannot be silenced, III. 12, 142, 270; IV. 132; VI. 317.</li> -<li class="isub1">Illustrations of opposition to, at the time of the Revolution, III. 13-16.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not authorized by the Constitution, III. 16, 276, 296; IV. 346; VI. 314; VII. 1; XI. 186-189, 196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Evils of, III. 23; IV. 95; V. 11; VI. 126, 321; XI. 475,—Jefferson on same, III. 23; IV. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Extension of, threatened, III. 24.</li> -<li class="isub1">Is sectional, III. 237, 242, 267, 273; IV. 128; VI. 361.</li> -<li class="isub1">Union against sectionalism of, III. 240.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cannot exist unless specially legalized, III. 275; VI. 223; VIII. 274; X. 343; XI. 187, 236.</li> -<li class="isub1">Did not exist under national jurisdiction in 1789, III. 285; VI. 314.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposed by government at that time, III. 286; IV. 122,—by the country, III. 288; IV. 122; VI. 314,—by the Church, III. 289; VI. 313; XII. 151-154,—and by colleges and literature, III. 291; VI. 313; XII. 149.</li> -<li class="isub1">Actions of 1st Congress in regard to, III. 293; IV. 121.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unconstitutional under national jurisdiction, III. 297, 299; V. 156; VI. 230; VIII. 265, 274-278; X. 214; XI. 195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of, on national government, III. 300; IV. 122; VI. 312, 325.</li> -<li class="isub1">In England, III. 301; VIII. 278,—declared illegal in same, III. 302; IV. 313; VIII. 279.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sympathy with escapes from, III. 353.</li> -<li class="isub1">German emigrants should oppose, IV. 19.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defined, IV. 95; VI. 129.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prohibition of, in Territories, all-important, IV. 99; VI. 378,—legality of same, IV. 125; VI. 233; VII. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influence of, on Northern men, IV. 131.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duke of Clarence on, IV. 134.</li> -<li class="isub1">Agitation against, not dangerous to the Union, IV. 134.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mr. Sumner’s final protest against, in Nebraska and Kansas, for himself and N. E. clergy, IV. 140.</li> -<li class="isub1">History of, in Mass., IV. 187-190; VII. 11-15; XI. 448; XII. 145.</li> -<li class="isub1">Labors of Granville Sharp against, IV. 300, 316; VIII. 279; XI. 237; XII. 161.</li> -<li class="isub1">Brougham on, IV. 315; VIII. 262.</li> -<li class="isub1">Brought before Congress by Southern members, IV. 346; VI. 375.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not sanctioned by Christianity, V. 19.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duties of the North in regard to, V. 38-48; VI. 317.</li> -<li class="isub1">A new outrage for, V. 52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Growth of opposition to, V. 81.</li> -<li class="isub1">Example of Washington against, V. 95.</li> -<li class="isub1">Macaulay on, VI. 71.</li> -<li class="isub1">Presentation of petitions against, VI. 106.</li> -<li class="isub1">The barbarism of, VI. 113, 346; VII. 1; XII. 290.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defended by Southern Senators, VI. 122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Incompatible with civilization, VI. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Barbarism of, shown in its laws, VI. 129, 170, 319.</li> -<li class="isub1">Five elements of, VI. 131-136, 319, 360; VIII. 263.</li> -<li class="isub1">Motive of, VI. 137, 320, 360; VIII. 263.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rousseau on, VI. 137.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin of law of, VI. 139-142; VIII. 263.</li> -<li class="isub1">Practical results of, in slave States, VI. 142-161.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_372" id="Page_372">[Pg 372]</a></span>Its influence on emigration and value of border lands, VI. 158.</li> -<li class="isub1">Outrages for, VI. 187-196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Conduct of slave-masters in Congressional debates on, VI. 202-211.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opinions of Calhoun and Adams on, VI. 306.</li> -<li class="isub1">Favoring influences of, in United States, VI. 314; VII. 322.</li> -<li class="isub1">Gurowski’s book on, VI. 347.</li> -<li class="isub1">Motive for extension of, VI. 354.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter on unconstitutionality of, VII. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Example of Massachusetts against, VII. 5.</li> -<li class="isub1">No popular sovereignty in Territories can establish, VII. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prohibited in Territories by United States Government from the first, VII. 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">The cause of the Civil War, VII. 250, 338; IX. 230, 323; X. 103; XI. 444.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be overthrown by that war, VII. 252, 351; X. 140, 296; XI. 417, 464.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ceases legally and constitutionally on lapse of rebel States, VIII. 165; X. 215; XI. 473; XII. 266.</li> -<li class="isub1">Founded on force, VIII. 263;</li> -<li class="isub2">judicial decisions declaring same, VIII. 264.</li> -<li class="isub1">History of British intervention against, X. 71-84.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognition of, by nations, forbidden by morality and prudence, X. 109, 110.</li> -<li class="isub1">Guaranties against, X. 295.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sources of power over, in the Constitution, XI. 190-196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mode of overthrowing, XI. 206.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prohibition of, in foreign constitutions, XI. 226.</li> -<li class="isub1">And the Rebellion: speech, XI. 433.</li> -<li class="isub1">In American history, XI. 462.</li> -<li class="isub1">Objections to recognizing in the Union, XI. 472-476.</li> -<li class="isub1">Results of overthrowing, XI. 482.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony against, by American States and European countries before 1789, XII. 144-177.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln on, XII. 282.</li> -<li class="isub1">Precaution against revival of, XIV. 234; XVI. 350.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#AbolitionofSlavery">Abolition of Slavery</a></i>, <i><a href="#AlgerineSlavery">Algerine Slavery</a></i>, <i><a href="#BarbaryStates">Barbary States</a></i>, <i><a href="#Emancipation">Emancipation</a></i>, <i><a href="#Slaves">Slaves</a></i>, and <i><a href="#SlaveTrade">Slave-Trade</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Slavery and Freedmen, appointment of committee on, X. 271.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Slaves" id="Slaves"></a>Slaves, sufferings of, when transferred from Northern to Southern slave States, I. 156.</li> -<li class="isub1">First brought to English colonies of North America, II. 26; VII. 8; X. 261; XI. 445.</li> -<li class="isub1">White, in Barbary States, II. 8-12, 21-101; VIII. 283-298;</li> -<li class="isub2">petitions of American, in same, quoted, II. 59, 60; VIII. 291;</li> -<li class="isub2">black, in same, II. 101.</li> -<li class="isub1">Laws of Maryland on stealing and transporting, III. 220.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proceedings against Drayton and Sayres for liberation of, III. 221-223.</li> -<li class="isub1">Definition of, in laws of slave States, V. 12; VI. 129, 319.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compensation for emancipation of, V. 26; VII. 268; VIII. 259, 280; XI. 199, 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not dangerous to masters, if released, V. 28.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to relations of masters with, VI. 168-175.</li> -<li class="isub1">Burning of, alive, VI. 322.</li> -<li class="isub1">Are persons, not property, according to the Constitution, VI. 361; VII. 315, 370.</li> -<li class="isub1">Number of, in United States, fit for military service, VII. 266.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dread of, in ancient wars, VII. 266.</li> -<li class="isub1">Danger of insurrection by, VII. 267.</li> -<li class="isub1">Involuntary assistance of, to Rebellion, VII. 339;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, VII. 339.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ransom of, at national capital, VIII. 251.</li> -<li class="isub1">Liberation of, included in rights of war, IX. 43, 71, 131, 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">Information in regard to freeing, by our armies, IX. 82.</li> -<li class="isub1">Help from, and protection of, IX. 83, 214.</li> -<li class="isub1">Debates in Federal Convention on taxing, IX. 94.</li> -<li class="isub1">Aid of, necessary against Rebellion, IX. 212, 227;</li> -<li class="isub2">appeal to, for same, defended, IX. 215-227.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to employment of, in war, especially in the Revolution, IX. 217-220.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_373" id="Page_373">[Pg 373]</a></span>Exclusion of testimony of, especially in slave States of America, XI. 5-34;</li> -<li class="isub2">reasons for same considered, XI. 34-41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judicial testimony to propriety of examining, under oath, XI. 35 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">At first represented by their masters, XIII. 188, 196.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#AlgerineSlavery">Algerine Slavery</a></i>, <i><a href="#BarbaryStates">Barbary States</a></i>, <i><a href="#Emancipation">Emancipation</a></i>, <i><a href="#Freedmen">Freedmen</a></i>, <i><a href="#FugitiveSlaves">Fugitive Slaves</a></i>, <i><a href="#SlaveMasters">Slave-Masters</a></i>, <i><a href="#SlaveTrade">Slave-Trade</a></i>, and <i><a href="#Slavery">Slavery</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sleep, amount of, required, I. 202-204.</li> - -<li class="indx">Slidell, John, VIII. 32.</li> -<li class="isub1">Seizure of, on the Trent, VIII. 33.</li> -<li class="isub1">Benjamin Franklin and, at Paris, X. 221.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, Adam, on slave-masters, VI. 165; XII. 159.</li> -<li class="isub1">On value of metals, XI. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecy concerning America, XV. 363;</li> -<li class="isub2">same anticipated by John Adams, XV. 364.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith Brothers, protest and opinion on case of the, XII. 209.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony of Hon. S. Hooper on case of, XII. 216;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of witnesses for the prosecution, XII. 217-219, 220, 222.</li> - -<li class="indx">Snelling, George H., letter to, VI. 96.</li> - -<li class="indx">Soldiers, modern, generally unsuccessful as statesmen, XX. <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li> -<li class="isub2">same stated by Buckle, XX. <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Somerset Case, the, III. 302; IV. 304-313; VIII. 279; XI. 236; XII. 158.</li> - -<li class="indx">South Carolina, disobedience to law in, IV. 185.</li> -<li class="isub1">Expulsion of Hon. Samuel Hoar from, IV. 186; VI. 193-196.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tribute to, IV. 195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to her weakness in Revolutionary War, IV. 198, 200-211; IX. 222.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Kansas, V. 241 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Reluctant at first to enter the Union, VII. 28, 317.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to character of early settlers of, XI. 450, 459.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prohibition of colored suffrage in, XIII. 193.</li> -<li class="isub1">Honor to a constant Union man of, XIV. 103.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sovereignty, rights of, and rights of war, IX. 1; X. 296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Constitutional limitations on rights of, against criminals, IX. 25-30.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#PopularSovereignty">Popular Sovereignty</a></i> and <i><a href="#SquatterSovereignty">Squatter Sovereignty</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Spain, testimony of, against slavery, quoted by Prescott and Mackintosh, XII. 170-173.</li> -<li class="isub1">Her growth into a nation, XVI. 17.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of, towards Cuba, XVII. 118-120.</li> -<li class="isub1">Revolt of American colonies of, XVII. 197.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reannexion of San Domingo by, XIX. 23-26;</li> -<li class="isub2">result of same, XIX. 29.</li> -<li class="isub1">Numerical size of its Cortes, XX. <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sparks, Jared, letter to, VII. 89.</li> - -<li class="indx">Specie Payments, necessity of, XVI. 284-289, 355, 361; XVII. 113, 298; XVIII. 302.</li> -<li class="isub1">Means of arriving at, XVI. 289-294.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ease of transition to, XVII, 252.</li> -<li class="isub1">Hindrances to, XVII. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">First steps towards, XVII. 273-276.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="SquatterSovereignty" id="SquatterSovereignty"></a>Squatter Sovereignty, defined, V. 68; VII. 45.</li> -<li class="isub1">Gen. Cass, the author of the artifice of, VI. 365.</li> -<li class="isub1">In Nebraska Bill, a trick, VI. 366.</li> -<li class="isub1">Results of, in New Mexico, VI. 372.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stackpole, Joseph Lewis, obituary notice of, II. 151.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stage-coaches, denounced by an old English writer, II. 282.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stamp Act, John Adams on the, III. 130, 344.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Fugitive-Slave Bill, III. 339; IV. 165.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposition to, in America, III. 339-345; IV. 165-170; XIII. 165-168.</li> -<li class="isub1">Chatham on, III. 345; IV. 169.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stanly, Edward, closes colored schools in North Carolina, IX. 113.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not upheld by Lincoln, IX. 116.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_374" id="Page_374">[Pg 374]</a></span>Illegal actions of, IX. 119.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stanton, Edwin M., Secretary of War, suspension and removal of, by President Johnson, XVI. 172, 190-195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Application of Tenure-of-Office Act to, XVI. 177-187.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitution of Adj.-Gen. Thomas for, contrary to Acts of Congress, XVI. 187-190,—and unconstitutional, XVI. 195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Services of, XVI. 224.</li> -<li class="isub1">His opinion of General Grant, XX. <a href="#Page_98">98-100</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stark, Benjamin, of Oregon, speeches on admission of, to Senate, VIII. 208.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="StateBanks" id="StateBanks"></a>State Banks, XI. 255, 257.</li> -<li class="isub1">Circulation of, in 1862 and 1863, XI. 256.</li> - -<li class="indx">State Department, its confession of support of Baez in San Domingo by United States navy, XIX. 42-45;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of intervention in Hayti by same, XIX. 48-51.</li> - -<li class="indx">State Rebellion, State suicide: Emancipation and Reconstruction, VIII. 163, 243.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="StateRights" id="StateRights"></a>State Rights, defined, III. 325; X. 182; XVI. 13, 60; XVII. 38,—XVIII. 2.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jefferson on, III. 325.</li> -<li class="isub1">Infringed by Fugitive-Slave Bill, III. 326; IV. 337, 341.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pretended cause of the war, IX. 323; X. 191; XII. 263.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proper, to be respected, X. 176; XVI. 236.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pretension of, in American history, X. 176-179, 190-193; XVI. 14, 57 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Same denied by Washington, X. 179; XII. 126; XVI. 35,—by the Constitution, X. 181; XII. 126; XIII. 304,—by the National Convention of 1787, X. 183 <i>et seq.</i>; XII. 125; XIII. 305; XVI. 37 <i>et seq.</i>,—and by Nathan Dane, X. 185; XII. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposed to Congressional governments of rebel States, X. 194.</li> -<li class="isub1">Establishment of national banks hindered by, XI. 246.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pretension of, denounced, XVI. 13, 354; XVIII. 1, 31,—examples of same in European history, XVI. 15-20.</li> -<li class="isub1">Limitations on, XVI. 236, 354; XVII. 38, 217; XVIII. 2, 38, 46; XIX. 128.</li> -<li class="isub1">Alexander Hamilton on, XVI. 253.</li> - -<li class="indx">States, disarmed by the Constitution, II. 380.</li> -<li class="isub1">National parties must interfere in elections of, III. 39-41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Subordinate to national government, X. 182, 185-190; XIII. 304; XVI. 21.</li> -<li class="isub1">Definition of, X. 197.</li> -<li class="isub1">May cease to exist, X. 198.</li> -<li class="isub1">Burke on extinction of, X. 199.</li> -<li class="isub1">Intercourse between, by railway, XII. 105; XIV. 93.</li> -<li class="isub1">Webster on monopolies in, XII. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early laws of, on colored suffrage, XIII. 190-194.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pretensions of, to exclude colored citizens from the franchise, XIII. 213; XVI. 246; XVII. 40,—refutation of same, XIII. 214; XVI. 246-252; XVII. 40-49.</li> -<li class="isub1">Validity and necessity of fundamental conditions on admission of, XVI. 230; XVII. 218; XVIII. 4,—pretensions opposed to same, XVI. 236, 246; XVIII. 2.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equality of, according to the Constitution, XVI. 237, 243;</li> -<li class="isub2">debates on same, in National Convention of 1787, XVI. 238-240;</li> -<li class="isub2">Story on same, XVI. 241.</li> -<li class="isub1">Equality of, according to Ordinance of 1787, XVI. 241, 242.</li> -<li class="isub1">Nature of conditions to be imposed on, XVI. 244.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of, limited by Declaration of Independence, XVII. 218.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#LandStates">Land States</a></i>, <i><a href="#RebelStates">Rebel States</a></i>, <i><a href="#SlaveStates">Slave States</a></i>, and <i><a href="#StateRights">State Rights</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Statutes, revision and consolidation of the national, VIII. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Declaratory, X. 331 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Decision of Supreme Court on interpretation of, XVI. 177.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_375" id="Page_375">[Pg 375]</a></span>Stephens, Alexander H., on character of the Confederacy, VII. 315; X. 100 <i>et seq.</i>; XIX. 225.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stevens, Thaddeus, Representative from Pennsylvania, remarks on death of, XVII. 2.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stewart, William M., Senator from Nevada, answer to his denial of Mr. Sumner’s authorship of provision for colored suffrage in rebel States, XVII. 308-330.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stockton, John P., Senator from New Jersey, case of, XIV. 1, 15; XVI. 96.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stone, Charles P., Gen., surrenders fugitive slaves, VIII. 8.</li> -<li class="isub1">Arrest of, VIII. 10.</li> - -<li class="indx">Story, Joseph, obituary notice of, I. 133.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lord Campbell on, I. 140, 269.</li> -<li class="isub1">Verses by, I. 145.</li> -<li class="isub1">Amount of sleep taken by, I. 203.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tribute to, as jurist, in Phi Beta Kappa oration, I. 258-272.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mackintosh and Denman on, I. 269.</li> -<li class="isub1">His labors in Harvard Law School, III. 111.</li> -<li class="isub1">Extract from his will, III. 111.</li> -<li class="isub1">His benefactions to Harvard University, III. 114.</li> -<li class="isub1">On pardoning power of the Executive, III. 227.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judgment of, on Fugitive-Slave Act of 1793, III. 315 <i>et seq.</i>; XI. 233.</li> -<li class="isub1">On plans for representation, IV. 55.</li> -<li class="isub1">On treaties, V. 102; XIX. 80 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On adoption of Missouri Compromise, VII. 30.</li> -<li class="isub1">On policy of prohibiting States from coining money, VIII. 184.</li> -<li class="isub1">On power of Congress to regulate commerce between States, XII. 115; XIV. 69,—and to establish post-roads, XII. 117.</li> -<li class="isub1">On power of Congress under the Constitution, XIII. 216.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the Chief-Justice’s presiding at trial of the President, XVI. 90.</li> -<li class="isub1">On impeachment, XVI. 139, 146.</li> -<li class="isub1">On debate in the National Convention of 1787 on equality of States, XVI. 241.</li> -<li class="isub1">On meaning of “domicile,” XVIII. 13 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On allotment of war-powers, XIX. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1">On duties of innkeepers, XIX. 237;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of common carriers, XIX. 238.</li> -<li class="isub1">On object of Constitutional prohibition of interference with religion, XIX. 292 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Story, William W., XIV. 177.</li> - -<li class="indx">Strabo, his prophecy of a new world, XV. 257.</li> - -<li class="indx">Suez Canal, opposed by Great Britain, X. 82.</li> - -<li class="indx">Suffrage. See <i><a href="#ColoredSuffrage">Colored Suffrage</a></i>, <i><a href="#FemaleSuffrage">Female Suffrage</a></i>, <i><a href="#MaleSuffrage">Male Suffrage</a></i>, and <i><a href="#UniversalSuffrage">Universal Suffrage</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sumner, Charles, refuses to lecture where colored persons are not admitted with equal rights, I. 160; XI. 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">Refuses to be a candidate for Congress, I. 330.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not desirous of public office, I. 332; III. 152, 153, 268.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relations of, to Boston Prison-Discipline Society, II. 108, 112.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of Dr. Wayland to, II. 109.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of De Tocqueville to, II. 148 (<i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">Renounces Whig Party, II. 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">Accepts Free-Soil nomination for Congress, II. 301-303.</li> -<li class="isub1">His relation to the Fugitive-Slave Bill, III. 132.</li> -<li class="isub1">Beginning of his political career, III. 147.</li> -<li class="isub1">Political aims of, III. 147, 153, 163; VI. 38.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters written by, during election of United States Senator in 1851, III. 152-154.</li> -<li class="isub1">His sentiments on the Union, III. 153, 163.</li> -<li class="isub1">His letter accepting office of United States Senator, III. 161.</li> -<li class="isub1">His belief in democracy, III. 268.</li> -<li class="isub1">His independence of party, III. 268; XX. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Replies to verbal attacks in the Senate, IV. 175-216; V. 250-256.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defends his fidelity to the Constitution, IV. 178-187, 269-271; V. 251-254; XIX. 309-313.</li> -<li class="isub1">His personal testimony as to slavery, V. 64.</li> -<li class="isub1">Brooks’s assault upon, V. 257-271 (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_376" id="Page_376">[Pg 376]</a></span>Previous personalities and aggressions upon, V. 280-301 (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">His injuries and continued disability, V. 328-342 (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">Refuses to allow Massachusetts to assume expenses of his illness, V. 343.</li> -<li class="isub1">Refuses to receive testimonial in approbation of Kansas speech, V. 344.</li> -<li class="isub1">His longing for restoration to active duties, VI. 6, 11, 32, 66.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sends contribution to Kansas, VI. 10.</li> -<li class="isub1">Public reception of, at Boston, in 1856, VI. 22.</li> -<li class="isub1">Accepts reëlection to Senate, VI. 46.</li> -<li class="isub1">State of his health in 1858, VI. 65.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognizes duty of denouncing slavery, VI. 318.</li> -<li class="isub1">His visits to Lafayette’s grave and home, VII. 100-108.</li> -<li class="isub1">Attitude of, during attempts at compromise in 1861, VII. 176-184.</li> -<li class="isub1">Interview of, with President Buchanan in 1861, VII. 180 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Defence of his career in the Senate, IX. 200-205; XVI. 336-339.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reëlection of, to Senate in 1863, IX. 237 (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">His first motion for repeal of Fugitive-Slave Bill, XI. 383.</li> -<li class="isub1">His sentiments towards Rebels, XII. 339; XIV. 313; XV. 228; XVII. 115; XIX. 258, 318; XX. <a href="#Page_192">192-194</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229-240</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">President Johnson’s attack on, XIII. 266-269 (<i>Appendix</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">The city of Boston and, XIII. 280.</li> -<li class="isub1">Relations of, with President Johnson, XIV. 199-205.</li> -<li class="isub1">His bill for Reconstruction, XIV. 328-334.</li> -<li class="isub1">Denies indifference to foreigners, XVI. 315-317.</li> -<li class="isub1">His personal record on Reconstruction with colored suffrage, XVII. 303.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defence of his conduct in the Committee on Foreign Relations, respecting San Domingo treaties, XVIII. 293-295;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of his language in speech on annexion of San Domingo, XVIII. 295-298.</li> -<li class="isub1">His response to a toast, XVIII. 310.</li> -<li class="isub1">Reason for his interest in San Domingo question, XIX. 20-22; XX. <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His interviews with Baez, XIX. 35.</li> -<li class="isub1">Personal relations of, with President Grant, XIX. 99, 104-106; XX. <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>,—and with Secretary Fish, XIX. 99, 106-124.</li> -<li class="isub1">His influence on Mr. Motley’s nomination, XIX. 117;</li> -<li class="isub2">and on negotiations with England concerning Alabama claims, XIX. 120-122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Declines the Haytian medal, XIX. 154.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin of his interest in engraving, XIX. 175.</li> -<li class="isub1">His loyalty to the Declaration of Independence, XIX. 317.</li> -<li class="isub1">His interest in civil-service reform, XX. <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His relations with the Marquis de Chambrun, XX. <a href="#Page_9">9</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Protests against competency of Senate committee to investigate sale of arms to France, XX. <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His devotion to the Republican Party, XX. <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His reasons for voting for Greeley, XX. <a href="#Page_188">188-190</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_211">211-213</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His desire for reconciliation between North and South, XX. <a href="#Page_192">192-194</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">His feelings towards Preston Brooks, XX. <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Personal misrepresentations of, XX. <a href="#Page_218">218-220</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to his desire for reconciliation with the South, XX. <a href="#Page_229">229-240</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defence of his conduct as to supplementary civil-rights bill, XX. <a href="#Page_312">312</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Supreme Court of the United States, decision of, on Fugitive-Slave Act of 1793, III. 315; XI. 233.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jackson on authority of, III. 316; IV. 179; V. 253; XVI. 207.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its power of interpreting the Constitution, IV. 270-272.</li> -<li class="isub1">Decision of, in Dred Scott case, VI. 291; IX. 154; XI. 63-65; XIII. 276; XVIII. 7.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of a colored lawyer to the bar of, XII. 97.</li> -<li class="isub1">Remodelling of, XIV. 30.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_377" id="Page_377">[Pg 377]</a></span>Cannot sit in judgment on Acts of Congress, except incidentally, XVI. 200.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sweden and Norway, navy of, in 1845, I. 76.</li> -<li class="isub1">Adopt separate system in prisons, II. 136.</li> -<li class="isub1">Book on prisons by Oscar, King of, II. 136.</li> - -<li class="indx">Switzerland, preservation of peace in, II. 379.</li> -<li class="isub1">Intervention of France in affairs of, X. 63.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">T.</li> - -<li class="indx">Talleyrand, on result of his life, II. 287.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tappan, Lewis, letter to, IV. 19.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tariff, the, speech of R. C. Winthrop on, I. 323, 338.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not a party question, II. 236; III. 11.</li> -<li class="isub1">Clay and Polk on, III. 11.</li> -<li class="isub1">Additional ten per cent. duty in, opposed, VII. 235.</li> -<li class="isub1">Means for the war, the true object of, XI. 376.</li> - -<li class="indx">Taxation, annual, of Great Britain in 1842, I. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin and nature of freedom of United States national lands from, III. 184-188.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judicial decisions on right of, in States, III. 186; IV. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of increased, XI. 409-411.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be simplified and diminished, XIV. 269; XVI. 267, 278; XVII. 238, 261-264, 279; XVIII. 41.</li> - -<li class="indx">Taxation without Representation, testimony against, XIII. 155-158,—especially of fathers of American Republic, XIII. 158-172.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not a claim for communities only, XIII. 294;</li> -<li class="isub2">evidence proving same, XIII. 295-301.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not a claim for women, XIII. 302;</li> -<li class="isub2">Chief-Justice Parsons on above conclusion, XIII. 302.</li> - -<li class="indx">Taxes, on cotton, IX. 84.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slave-masters, IX. 93.</li> -<li class="isub1">On knowledge, IX. 166; XI. 297; XII. 205-207; XIV. 264-270; XVIII. 142 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Sydney Smith on English, XI. 299.</li> -<li class="isub1">On education, XI. 378.</li> -<li class="isub1">On coal, XIV. 271.</li> -<li class="isub1">On income, XVIII. 40.</li> - -<li class="indx">Taylor, Zachary, Gen., election of, to the Presidency opposed, II. 233.</li> -<li class="isub1">Nomination of, II. 233-293.</li> -<li class="isub1">Berrien on, II. 310.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of his administration, III. 30-32.</li> - -<li class="indx">Telegraph, the electric, honor to its inventor, VI. 64.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ocean, between Europe and America, XIV. 220, 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">Power of the Senate to break into its offices, XIX. 149.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Tenforties" id="Tenforties"></a>Ten-Forties, new bonds, to be issued, XVII. 247-249.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tennessee, rights of, in the Union, X. 195; XI. 351.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not sufficiently reconstructed, XIV. 114.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="TenureofOfficeAct" id="TenureofOfficeAct"></a>Tenure-of-Office Act, speeches on an amendment to the, XIV. 239.</li> -<li class="isub1">Violated by President Johnson, XVI. 172.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, and questions as to, XVI. 175-177.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its application to Secretary Stanton, XVI. 177-187.</li> -<li class="isub1">Grant’s attempt to repeal, XX. <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Territories, organization of new, in 1850, III. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prohibition of slavery in, all-important, IV. 8; VI. 378,—and legal, IV. 125; VI. 233; VII. 1;</li> -<li class="isub2">same does not infringe popular sovereignty, IV. 129.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slave-masters cannot carry slaves into, IV. 128 <i>et seq.</i>; VI. 217-235.</li> -<li class="isub1">Polygamy in, may be suppressed by Congress, IV. 129; VII. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">No popular sovereignty in, can establish slavery, V. 156; VI. 230, 364; VII. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery in, not authorized by the Constitution, V. 156; VI. 230, 338; X. 214; XI. 195.</li> -<li class="isub1">Lincoln’s defence of prohibition of slavery in, VI. 355 <i>et seq.</i>; XII. 259.</li> -<li class="isub1">Extent and predicted population of, VII. 47 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery in, prohibited by United States Government from beginning, VII. 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of above prohibition in, VII. 59, 67;</li> -<li class="isub2"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_378" id="Page_378">[Pg 378]</a></span>advantages of same, VII. 60.</li> -<li class="isub1">Bill for establishing, in rebel States, VIII. 369.</li> -<li class="isub1">Decision of Supreme Court on power of Congress over, X. 209; XI. 368.</li> - -<li class="indx">Territory, acquisition of, XV. 39-41, 53.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of fairness in cession of, XIX. 22 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on cession of, XIX. 39.</li> - -<li class="indx">Texas, speech against admission of, I. 149.</li> -<li class="isub1">Constitution of, I. 154.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of Channing against annexation of, I. 291.</li> -<li class="isub1">Boundaries of, I. 318.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of, favored by R. C. Winthrop, I. 327, 337.</li> -<li class="isub1">Annexation of, II. 308; XIX. 82.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of, as a State, II. 309.</li> -<li class="isub1">Additions to, III. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognition of independence of, X. 94.</li> -<li class="isub1">Benton on Calhoun’s attempt to give military support to, before ratification of treaty, XIX. 83 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Polk on protection of, XIX. 84.</li> - -<li class="indx">Thayer, Eli, letter to, VII. 49.</li> -<li class="isub1">Upholds popular sovereignty, VII. 45;</li> -<li class="isub2">disturbing influence of same on his career, VII. 62-66.</li> - -<li class="indx">Theatres, must be open to all, XIX. 240.</li> - -<li class="indx">Thomas, Lorenzo, appointment of, by President Johnson, as Secretary of War <i>ad interim</i>, XVI. 187-190, 195.</li> - -<li class="indx">Thomas, Philip F., remarks on admission of, as Senator, XVI. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Facts in case of, XVI. 77-79.</li> - -<li class="indx">Time, the employment of, I. 184.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on arrangement of, I. 200, 201.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tintoretto, “Miracle of the Slave” by, III. 134 (see <i>note</i>).</li> - -<li class="indx">Tocqueville, Alexis de, letter of, on prison discipline, II. 148 (<i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">On slave laws, VI. 168.</li> -<li class="isub1">On employment of brute force, IX. 231.</li> -<li class="isub1">On equality, XIII. 202.</li> -<li class="isub1">His character and writings, XV. 418.</li> -<li class="isub1">His predictions concerning America, XV. 419-422.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reëlection of President of U. S., XIX. 173; XX. <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Toussaint l’Ouverture, XVII. 172.</li> - -<li class="indx">Treason, definition of, in the Constitution, VIII. 128;</li> -<li class="isub2">interpretation of clause in same, forbidding forfeiture for, IX. 27-30.</li> -<li class="isub1">Definitions of misprision of, XVI. 80.</li> - -<li class="indx">Treasury Department, duties of, in regard to rebel States, XI. 307-311.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="TreasuryNotes" id="TreasuryNotes"></a>Treasury Notes, a legal tender, VIII. 181.</li> -<li class="isub1">Congress can make them such, VIII. 183-192;</li> -<li class="isub2">evils of so doing, VIII. 193-196, 206.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#PaperMoney">Paper Money</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Treaties, the abrogation of, V. 98.</li> -<li class="isub1">Under the Constitution, V. 101; XIX. 79.</li> -<li class="isub1">Judicial decisions on, V. 102 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Abrogation of, between France and United States, in 1798, V. 104;</li> -<li class="isub2">and between Great Britain and United States in 1846, V. 106.</li> -<li class="isub1">Termination of, by notice, V. 110, 114; XII. 69, 201.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mode of abrogating, in Europe, V. 112.</li> -<li class="isub1">Obligation of, V. 115; XI. 150.</li> -<li class="isub1">List of, with provisions for termination, V. 117.</li> -<li class="isub1">Consideration of, in open Senate, XVIII. 9.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on lawfulness of disregarding, after changes in government, XVIII. 34 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on ratification of, in United States, XVIII. 281; XIX. 79-81.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="TrentCase" id="TrentCase"></a>Trent Case, the, and maritime rights, VIII. 15.</li> -<li class="isub1">Facts in, VIII. 32-34.</li> -<li class="isub1">Vindicated by British precedent, but contrary to American principles, VIII. 34.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ground of England’s complaint in, VIII. 35-37.</li> -<li class="isub1">A question of law, VIII. 38.</li> -<li class="isub1">Points of controversy in, VIII. 39.</li> -<li class="isub1">Result of, VIII. 73-75.</li> -<li class="isub1">Conduct of England in, X. 16.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trial by Battle, I. 36; II. 345; VIII. 38; XVIII. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Montesquieu on, I. 37; II. 349.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_379" id="Page_379">[Pg 379]</a></span>Once universal, I. 38.</li> -<li class="isub1">Selden on, I. 38 (<i>note</i>), 42; XVIII. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condemned by Liutprand, I. 39; II. 349,—and by Pope Martin IV., I. 39.</li> -<li class="isub1">Suppressed in France by St. Louis, I. 41; II. 347; XVIII. 242.</li> -<li class="isub1">Restrained by Henry II. of England, I. 43; II. 347,—and by Elizabeth and Charles I., I. 43.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not abolished in England till 1819, I. 44.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condemned by the Church, II. 346.</li> -<li class="isub1">Folly of, shown by instances, II. 347 <i>et seq.</i>; XVIII. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Blackstone on, II. 349.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Duel">Duel</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="TrialbyJury" id="TrialbyJury"></a>Trial by Jury, fugitive slaves entitled to, III. 328; IV. 215; X. 373.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities proving requirement of, by the Constitution and common law, for fugitive slaves, III. 330-338; X. 374-377.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proposed by Hartley for slaves in America, XV. 350.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Tripoli" id="Tripoli"></a>Tripoli, war of, with United States, II. 71-73; VIII. 296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treatment of slaves in, II. 97.</li> - -<li class="indx">Troops. See <i><a href="#ColoredTroops">Colored Troops</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Truce of God, I. 35.</li> - -<li class="indx">True Grandeur of Nations, oration on, I. 1.</li> -<li class="isub1">Inconsistent with war, 1. 122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Moral, as for individuals, I. 124.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trumbull, Lyman, Senator from Illinois, criticisms of, answered, X. 333-336; XVII. 213-216.</li> -<li class="isub1">Answer to his attack on Mr. Sumner’s Reconstruction record, XVII. 231-233, 304-307.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tucker, Josiah, Dean of Gloucester, XV. 338.</li> -<li class="isub1">Writings of, XV. 339.</li> -<li class="isub1">His predictions concerning America, XV. 340-345.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ideas resembling his, advanced by others, XV. 345-347.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="Tunis" id="Tunis"></a>Tunis, expedition of Charles V. against, II. 23.</li> -<li class="isub1">Gen. Eaton on slavery in, II. 91.</li> -<li class="isub1">Slavery abolished in, II. 102, 209.</li> - -<li class="indx">Turgot, announces universal law of progress, II. 262.</li> -<li class="isub1">Author of Latin verse applied to Franklin, X. 224.</li> -<li class="isub1">His character and sympathy for America, X. 231.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecies concerning America, X. 231, 232; XV. 295-301; XVII. 119.</li> -<li class="isub1">His friendship for Franklin, X. 239.</li> -<li class="isub1">His career, XV. 292-294.</li> -<li class="isub1">His definition of a republic, XV. 294.</li> - -<li class="indx">Turkey, appeal to government of, in behalf of Crete, XV. 247.</li> - -<li class="indx">Twichell, Ginery, XVIII. 170.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">U.</li> - -<li class="indx">Uncle Tom’s Cabin, III. 352; VI. 185.</li> - -<li class="indx">Union, the, Mr. Sumner’s sentiments on, III. 153-163.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not endangered by agitation against extension of slavery, IV. 134.</li> - -<li class="indx">Union College, Phi Beta Kappa oration at, II. 241.</li> - -<li class="indx">United States, war of, with Great Britain in 1812, I. 17, 31 <i>et seq.</i>; VIII. 50-52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Annual expenses of, for six years before 1840, I. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cost of war-preparations in, I. 78, 79, 110; II. 367,—and of administering justice in, I. 84.</li> -<li class="isub1">Standing army not needed in, I. 86;</li> -<li class="isub2">nor navy, for war, I. 88.</li> -<li class="isub1">Fortifications in, of no use, I. 89;</li> -<li class="isub2">nor militia, I. 91.</li> -<li class="isub1">Escutcheon of, I. 95.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should disarm, I. 119, 129.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should abandon Mexican War, I. 340.</li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts of, to ransom American slaves in Barbary States, II. 57, 69-71, 73; VIII. 283-298.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaties of, with same, II. 70, 73, 74; VIII. 294 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Wars of, with same, II. 71-76; VIII. 296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Government of, must be emancipated from power of slavery, III. 28; V. 42; VI. 49.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must be neutral in European affairs, III. 179.</li> -<li class="isub1">Public lands of, III. 184; IV. 126.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_380" id="Page_380">[Pg 380]</a></span>Obligations of, to Land States, III. 188, 192, 195, 198, 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">Railroads in, III. 201.</li> -<li class="isub1">Earliest national acts of, opposed to slavery, III. 281; VI. 226.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its first government antislavery, III. 286, IV. 122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of national government limited, III. 296, 318, 325; IV. 214.</li> -<li class="isub1">Military power subordinate to civil in, IV. 14; X. 170, 194; XIV. 326; XVIII. 51.</li> -<li class="isub1">Change of policy in, as to slavery, IV. 122-124.</li> -<li class="isub1">No proscription for religion in, V. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1">Foreign population of, V. 77-79.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaty of, with Denmark, illegally abrogated in 1855, V. 100.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mode of abrogation of its treaties with France in 1798, V. 104;</li> -<li class="isub2">and of treaty with Great Britain in 1846, V. 106.</li> -<li class="isub1">Extent of, VII. 46.</li> -<li class="isub1">Predicted increase in population and resources of, VII. 47; XVI. 280; XVII. 239, 240.</li> -<li class="isub1">Government of, prohibits slavery in Territories from beginning, VII. 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">Visit of Lafayette to, in 1824, VII. 153-155.</li> -<li class="isub1">Support of government of, VII. 205;</li> -<li class="isub2">emancipation of same from power of slavery, VII. 248.</li> -<li class="isub1">British outrages on vessels of, VIII. 42-45.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to opposition of government of, to same, VIII. 45-54,—and to its policy on neutral rights, VIII. 57-62, 64 <i>et seq.</i>, 68-71; XII. 14.</li> -<li class="isub1">Proposes abolition of privateering, VIII. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1">Representation of, at industrial exhibition at London, in 1862, VIII. 157.</li> -<li class="isub1">Paper money in history of, VIII. 187-190, 193.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its proposals of pecuniary help to Mexico, VIII. 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">Declines to join convention of European powers concerning Mexico, VIII. 231.</li> -<li class="isub1">Commercial relations of, with foreign countries in 1860, VIII. 315-319.</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaties of, with Great Britain against slave-trade, VIII. 337, 341.</li> -<li class="isub1">Efforts of, against same, VIII. 338-341.</li> -<li class="isub1">Refuses to allow right of search against same, VIII. 341, 343.</li> -<li class="isub1">No names of battles with fellow-citizens on regimental colors of, VIII. 361; XX. <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of, against Rebels, IX. 18, 47, 48, 134, 143; XVII. 16.</li> -<li class="isub1">Possesses all rights of war, IX. 34, 44.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must not be separated, IX. 208.</li> -<li class="isub1">Privateering early denounced by, IX. 289-291.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unfriendly actions of England to, during Rebellion, X. 12-41, 124; XII. 267; XVII. 58-73, 84, 124.</li> -<li class="isub1">Policy of, on fitting out war-ships as a neutral, X. 32-35.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unfriendly actions of France to, during Rebellion, X. 41-47, 256.</li> -<li class="isub1">Denounced by English writers for supporting slavery, X. 83.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognition of, by France, X. 89; XI. 97.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognition of Spanish America by, X. 91.</li> -<li class="isub1">Recognizes claims for French spoliations before July 31, 1801, XI. 83, 89, 91.</li> -<li class="isub1">History of French claims on, XI. 96-113.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its adjustment of mutual claims with France, XI. 113-123.</li> -<li class="isub1">Liability of, for claims on France, XI. 124;</li> -<li class="isub2">authorities proving same, XI. 127-132;</li> -<li class="isub2">objections to above liability refuted, XI. 132-158.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mints of, XI. 267-269.</li> -<li class="isub1">Pledged to maintain freedom of slaves, XI. 430; XII. 317; XIII. 56, 288.</li> -<li class="isub1">Must keep pledged faith, XII. 317; XVI. 268, 276, 295, 362; XVII. 110, 113-116, 237.</li> -<li class="isub1">Declarations of, testify to equality in rights, XIII. 173-176.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early public acts of, on colored suffrage, XIII. 188-190.</li> -<li class="isub1">Extension of its dominion and institutions, XV. 40-43, 52-54; XV. 428-433.—John Adams on same, XV. 42, 316.</li> -<li class="isub1">Friendship of Russia for, XV. 48-50.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_381" id="Page_381">[Pg 381]</a></span>Name of, XV. 431; XVI. 46-50.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its government not federal, but national, XVI. 8, 21.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dedication of, to human rights, XVI. 28, 31, 54; XIX. 226.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sovereignty of, belongs to the people, XVI. 28.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early desire for nationality in, XVI. 30-35.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tokens of nationality of, XVI. 42-52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers essential to, as a nation, XVI. 55, 60; XIX. 128,—sources of same, XVI. 56; XIX. 128.</li> -<li class="isub1">Credit of, in Europe in 1868 and 1870, XVI. 281; XVII. 247.</li> -<li class="isub1">Activity of, in protecting American citizens abroad, XVI. 311 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Reparation due to, from England for aid to Rebels, XVII. 76, 125-127.</li> -<li class="isub1">Extent of losses of, caused by England, XVII. 77-86;</li> -<li class="isub2">English and American testimony to same, XVII. 77-83.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rules of law applicable to damages of, XVII. 86-89.</li> -<li class="isub1">Affairs of, at home and abroad, in 1869, XVII. 98.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of, to Spain and Cuba, XVII. 120-124.</li> -<li class="isub1">Wealth of, in 1870, XVII. 245.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should promote education, XVIII. 49.</li> -<li class="isub1">Expense of outlying postal routes in, XVIII. 92.</li> -<li class="isub1">Possible loss of revenue to, from one-cent postage, XVIII. 106.</li> -<li class="isub1">Supports Baez by ships of war at San Domingo, XVIII. 271, 303; XIX. 27;</li> -<li class="isub2">and threatens Hayti, XVIII. 277, 303; XIX. 49;</li> -<li class="isub3">both these actions contrary to international law, XVIII. 280; XIX. 67, 71, 75, 90; XX. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>,—and acts of war, XVIII. 282; XIX. 41, 75, 84; XX. <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Obligations of, to France and Germany, XVIII. 319 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Its treatment of Hayti and Dominica a violation of the Constitution, XIX. 76, 90; XX. <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duty of, in regard to San Domingo, XIX. 93, 97, 131.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sale of arms by, to France in war of 1870, XX. <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Testimony to its observance of neutral duties, XX. <a href="#Page_22">22-24</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Unity, selfish efforts for, II. 375.</li> -<li class="isub1">True, defined, II. 377.</li> -<li class="isub1">Leagues to attain, II. 378.</li> -<li class="isub1">Tendency of mankind towards, II. 381-384, 401.</li> -<li class="isub1">For freedom, IX. 316.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="UniversalSuffrage" id="UniversalSuffrage"></a>Universal Suffrage, XIII. 220.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">V.</li> - -<li class="indx">Van Buren, Martin, nominated for President in 1848, II. 295.</li> -<li class="isub1">Election of, advocated, II. 296.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vattel, his definition of war, I. 15.</li> -<li class="isub1">On law of nature, II. 339.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the Swiss republic, II. 379.</li> -<li class="isub1">On freeing slaves in war, IX. 43.</li> -<li class="isub1">On the object of war, IX. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">On refusal of recognition to nations, X. 113 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On duty of States to satisfy private claims, XI. 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reprisals on persons, XII. 79; XVI. 305.</li> -<li class="isub1">On rights of conquerors, XIII. 326.</li> -<li class="isub1">On destruction of property in war, XVII. 14.</li> -<li class="isub1">On meaning of “domicile,” XVIII. 13.</li> -<li class="isub1">On disregarding treaties, XVIII. 34.</li> -<li class="isub1">On alienation of territory, XVIII. 222.</li> -<li class="isub1">On equality of nations, XIX. 68.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vermont, personal gratitude for sympathy of people of, VI. 52.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vessels, relief of distressed, on the coast, V. 93.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vice-President, abolition of office of, XIV. 279.</li> -<li class="isub1">Succession of, to the Presidency, XIV. 280.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of, as President of the Senate, XVI. 121;</li> -<li class="isub2">Calhoun’s opinion on same, XVI. 122-124.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vico, Giambattista, discovers law of progress, II. 254.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vincent de Paul, St., enslaved in Barbary States, II. 12, 95.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sale of, II. 87.</li> -<li class="isub1">Good works of, II. 199.</li> - -<li class="indx">Virginia, Declaration of Rights of, IV. 68; XIII. 192, 298.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_382" id="Page_382">[Pg 382]</a></span>Early social life of, VII. 11; XI. 448.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early opposition of, to common schools, VII. 11; XIV. 337.</li> -<li class="isub1">Paper money in, VIII. 189.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of first settlers of, XI. 449;</li> -<li class="isub2">testimony to same, XI. 452-458.</li> -<li class="isub1">Representation of, in the Senate, XII. 134.</li> -<li class="isub1">Prohibition of colored suffrage in, XIII. 192.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of, to representation in Congress, XVII. 204.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speech of Gov. Walker of, quoted, XVII. 215.</li> -<li class="isub1">Fraudulent election in, XVII. 231.</li> - -<li class="indx">Virginius, case of the, XX. <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Voltaire, on war, II. 354.</li> -<li class="isub1">On a slave-master, VI. 166.</li> -<li class="isub1">His meeting with Franklin, X. 238.</li> -<li class="isub1">Asserts equal rights of all, XI. 219 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On republican government, XIII. 199.</li> - -<li class="indx">Volunteers, not militia, I. 357.</li> -<li class="isub1">Laws on term of enlistment of, in United States, quoted, I. 367;</li> -<li class="isub1">Justice Johnson on same, I. 367.</li> - -<li class="indx">Votes, importance of, III. 145.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on disallowance of, in legislative assemblies, XIV. 21 <i>et seq.</i>;</li> -<li class="isub2">striking out, from journal of same, XIV. 23-26.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">W.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wade, Benjamin F., Senator from Ohio, reply to, in debate on admission of Nebraska, XIV. 131-133, 135 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On one term for the President, XIX. 172; XX. <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Walker, George W., letter to, XIX. 158.</li> - -<li class="indx">Waller, Edmund, on English captives in Algiers, II. 28.</li> -<li class="isub1">On true glory, II. 185 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Walpole, Horace, XV. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">His prophecies concerning America, XV. 303-306.</li> - -<li class="indx">War, dishonorable now, I. 9; II. 189, 429.</li> -<li class="isub1">Always popular, I. 10; II. 185.</li> -<li class="isub1">Napier on, I. 12, 34.</li> -<li class="isub1">Joseph de Maistre on, I. 12.</li> -<li class="isub1">Sanctioned by international law as arbiter between nations, I. 13, 15, 293; II. 340; XVIII. 182.</li> -<li class="isub1">Definitions of, I. 14; II. 194, 341; IX. 21.</li> -<li class="isub1">At present a trial of right, I. 16.</li> -<li class="isub1">Men resemble beasts in, I. 18.</li> -<li class="isub1">Delight of historians in, I. 21.</li> -<li class="isub1">Horrors of, I. 22-29; II. 350-352.</li> -<li class="isub1">Ineffectual, I. 31.</li> -<li class="isub1">Often decided by chance, I. 33.</li> -<li class="isub1">Napoleon on, I. 33, 34; II. 353.</li> -<li class="isub1">Organized murder and robbery, I. 48.</li> -<li class="isub1">Belief in necessity of, unfounded, I. 50.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitutes for, I. 51; II. 414-416; XX. <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Can and should be abolished by nations, I. 51; II. 412; XVIII. 305.</li> -<li class="isub1">Commonness of, no argument in its favor, I. 52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Contrary to Christianity, but upheld by the Church, I. 54, 58.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rev. A. H. Vinton and Earl of Abingdon on, I. 55.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cicero on, I. 56 (see <i>note</i>).</li> -<li class="isub1">Tacitus and Frederick of Prussia on invoking God in, I. 56.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early testimony of the Church against, I. 59.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not required by honor, I. 62.</li> -<li class="isub1">Demanded by exaggerated patriotism, I. 67.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cause of public debts, I. 72.</li> -<li class="isub1">Longfellow on, I. 83.</li> -<li class="isub1">Encouraged by mottoes and emblems, I. 93.</li> -<li class="isub1">Auguries for cessation of, I. 111.</li> -<li class="isub1">Changes in, I. 113; II. 412.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condemned by Marshal Bugeaud, I. 116;</li> -<li class="isub2">and by Penn, I. 117.</li> -<li class="isub1">Inconsistent with true greatness, I. 122.</li> -<li class="isub1">Its virtues those of peace, I. 125.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should not be extolled in literature or art, I. 281.</li> -<li class="isub1">Channing’s efforts against, I. 293, 295; II. 400.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not necessary except in self-defence, I. 294, 378; X. 84.</li> -<li class="isub1">The duel of nations, I. 294; II. 353; XVIII. 177.</li> -<li class="isub1">Milton on, II. 185.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_383" id="Page_383">[Pg 383]</a></span>All war fratricidal, II. 191, 428.</li> -<li class="isub1">Satirized by Rabelais, II. 193.</li> -<li class="isub1">Voltaire on, II. 354.</li> -<li class="isub1">Worse than all natural ills, II. 354.</li> -<li class="isub1">La Bruyère on, II. 390.</li> -<li class="isub1">Franklin on, II. 398;</li> -<li class="isub2">his labors against, II. 398.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jefferson on, II. 399.</li> -<li class="isub1">Worcester’s and Ladd’s efforts against, II. 399, 400.</li> -<li class="isub1">S. Adams’s letter against, II. 404.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitutes for, discussed by American and foreign governments, II. 406-409.</li> -<li class="isub1">J. Q. Adams on abolishing, II. 412.</li> -<li class="isub1">Powers of Congress against slavery, VII. 258; IX. 45, 128; XI. 191.</li> -<li class="isub1">Rights of, IX. 1, 34; X. 210. XIII. 325 <i>et seq.</i>,—especially against enemy property, IX. 35-44.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolition of, desired by working-men of Europe, XVIII. 236.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unnatural, XVIII. 248.</li> -<li class="isub1">Duke of Wellington on, XIX. 41.</li> -<li class="isub1">Allotment of powers of, according to the Constitution, XIX. 76;</li> -<li class="isub1">Judge Story on same, XIX. 77.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#CivilWar">Civil War</a></i>, <i><a href="#PrivateWars">Private Wars</a></i>, <i><a href="#RightsofWar">Rights of War</a></i>, <i><a href="#WarPreparations">War Preparations</a></i>, and <i><a href="#WarSystem">War System</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="WaroftheRebellion" id="WaroftheRebellion"></a>War of the Rebellion, speech at beginning of the, VII. 224.</li> -<li class="isub1">Object of, VII. 231; IX. 11, 206; XI. 439 <i>et seq.</i>, 443.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolitionists not authors of, VII. 342-344.</li> -<li class="isub1">Applicability of international law to, IX. 13-24; XVII. 16,—judicial decisions and other authorities proving same, IX. 18-22; XVII. 17, 18.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character and importance of, IX. 234-236; X. 23, 295; XI. 445, 460-462, 479 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Issues of the, IX. 322; XIX. 223, 262.</li> -<li class="isub1">Contrasted with Revolutionary War, X. 24, 256, 258; XII. 238; XVII. 301.</li> -<li class="isub1">The greatest victory of the, XIII. 219; XVII. 221; XVIII. 5; XIX. 226, 272, 308; XX. <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cost of, XVII. 241.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Rebellion">Rebellion</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="WarPreparations" id="WarPreparations"></a>War Preparations, in time of peace, I. 74.</li> -<li class="isub1">Expenses of, in Europe and United States, I. 75-85; II. 367-369.</li> -<li class="isub1">Useless and harmful, I. 85, 98; II. 370.</li> -<li class="isub1">Promote war, I. 99-101; II. 369; XVIII. 226.</li> -<li class="isub1">Protested against by St. Augustine, I. 107.</li> -<li class="isub1">Unchristian, I. 108; II. 359.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should be abandoned, I. 115, 119.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condemned by Louis Philippe, I. 116; and by Penn, I. 118.</li> -<li class="isub1">Substitute for, II. 371.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#Disarmament">Disarmament</a></i> and <i><a href="#WarSystem">War System</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><a name="WarSystem" id="WarSystem"></a>War System of the commonwealth of nations, II. 323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Condemned, II. 361, 413.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influences opposed to, XVIII. 232, 242.</li> -<li class="isub1">Precedents for abolition of, XVIII. 242.</li> -<li class="isub1">Peril from, XVIII. 246 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Warren, George W., letter to, XX. <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Washington, George, small sum expended for an army during his administration, I. 86, 109, 110.</li> -<li class="isub1">On abolition of slavery, I. 312; II. 230; III. 17, 49 <i>et seq.</i>, 286; V. 96; VII. 129; VIII. 281.</li> -<li class="isub1">Frees his slaves by will, I. 312; III. 50, 349; V. 96.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advice of, to Braddock, I. 319.</li> -<li class="isub1">On treaty with Algiers, II. 69; VIII. 294 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Forbids sale of his slaves, II. 237.</li> -<li class="isub1">An abolitionist, III. 46 (see annexed opinions of W., III. 48-50).</li> -<li class="isub1">Example of, III. 164; VI. 26.</li> -<li class="isub1">His inauguration, III. 284.</li> -<li class="isub1">His attempt to recover a fugitive slave, III. 347; X. 362,—letter of, in regard to same, quoted, III. 348; X. 362.</li> -<li class="isub1">Example of, against slavery, V. 95.</li> -<li class="isub1">Two lessons from his life, VI. 70.</li> -<li class="isub1">Anecdote of, VI. 296.</li> -<li class="isub1">Friendship of, for Lafayette, VII. 116, 127.</li> -<li class="isub1">On State rights, X. 179; XII. 126; XVI. 35.</li> -<li class="isub1">His desire for nationality, X. 180; XII. 241; XVI. 32, 35, 40.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter of, on treatment of prisoners of war, XII. 76 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">Compared to Lincoln, XII. 238.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_384" id="Page_384">[Pg 384]</a></span>Origin and character of, XII. 241.</li> -<li class="isub1">Uses “America” as the national name, XVI. 49 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On non-intervention, XIX. 74.</li> -<li class="isub1">His refusal to appoint relations to office, XX. <a href="#Page_111">111</a> <i>et seq.</i>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His refusal of gifts, XX. <a href="#Page_119">119-121</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">His inaugural address quoted, XX. <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Washington, D. C., no surrender of fugitive slaves in, IX. 78.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opening of street-cars in, to colored persons, X. 323.</li> -<li class="isub1">Colored suffrage in, XI. 284.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of equal rights in common schools of, XVIII. 21; XIX. 2.</li> -<li class="isub1">Colored schools in, XIX. 1;</li> -<li class="isub2">reports of trustees of same quoted, XIX. 5-10, 262.</li> -<li class="isub1">Preservation of the park at, XX. <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to colored citizens of, XX. <a href="#Page_275">275</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Washingtons, the, memorial stones of, in England, VII. 89.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wayland, Francis, letter of, on Boston Prison-Discipline Society, II. 109.</li> -<li class="isub1">On parties, II. 313.</li> - -<li class="indx">Webster, Daniel, on duty of abolishing all evil practices, I. 309.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal to, to oppose slavery, I. 314 (see annexed letter, I. 316).</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal to, to oppose the Mexican War, I. 382.</li> -<li class="isub1">On parties, II. 304.</li> -<li class="isub1">On Ordinance of 1787, III. 254; XVI. 232.</li> -<li class="isub1">On British impressment of American seamen, VIII. 53.</li> -<li class="isub1">On admission of new slave States, IX. 124 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On necessity of proceeding constitutionally in organizing governments, X. 205 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On Fugitive-Slave Bill, X. 370.</li> -<li class="isub1">On monopolies in States, XII. 127 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On guaranty of republican government, XIII. 143.</li> -<li class="isub1">On principles of republican government, XIII. 187 <i>et seq.</i></li> -<li class="isub1">On future government of Pacific coast, XV. 52, 413.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reprisals on persons, XVI. 306.</li> -<li class="isub1">On conversation, XVIII. 109.</li> - -<li class="indx">Webster, Edward, legality of his appointment as an officer in Massachusetts regiment of volunteers for the Mexican War, I. 362-364.</li> - -<li class="indx">Weights and Measures, metric system of, XIV. 148.</li> -<li class="isub1">Uniformity in, early desired by United States Government, XIV. 149-151.</li> -<li class="isub1">Necessity of uniformity in, XIV. 151-155.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#MetricSystem">Metric System</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wesley, John, on slavery, II. 63; III. 290; XII. 149.</li> - -<li class="indx">West Indies, emancipation of slaves in, by England, I. 127; V. 28-30,—same a blessing, not a failure, VI. 343.</li> -<li class="isub1">Brougham on apprenticeship in, XI. 317; XIII. 286.</li> - -<li class="indx">West Point, cost of academy at, I. 87.</li> - -<li class="indx">West Virginia, admission of, as a State, IX. 122; XI. 365.</li> -<li class="isub1">Abolition of slavery in, IX. 122.</li> - -<li class="indx">Whately, Richard, on weakness of slave States, IV. 210.</li> -<li class="isub1">On concessions to intimidation, VII. 332.</li> -<li class="isub1">On rights of slave-masters, XI. 209.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wheaton, Henry, obituary notice of, II. 215.</li> -<li class="isub1">English authorities on works of, II. 216, 222.</li> -<li class="isub1">On consuls, VIII. 326.</li> -<li class="isub1">On reprisals, XVI. 304.</li> -<li class="isub1">On ratification of treaties, XVIII. 281.</li> -<li class="isub1">On belligerent intervention, XIX. 74.</li> - -<li class="indx">Whewell, William, on the object of war, I. 15.</li> - -<li class="indx">Whig Conventions, speeches at, I. 303; II. 207.</li> -<li class="isub1">Resolutions of, in 1846, I. 335.</li> -<li class="isub1">On slavery and the Mexican War, I. 336.</li> - -<li class="indx">Whig Party, antislavery duties of the, I. 303.</li> -<li class="isub1">Defined, I. 305.</li> -<li class="isub1">Should oppose slavery, I. 313.</li> -<li class="isub1">And the Mexican War, I. 339.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not party of humanity, II. 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">Renounced by Mr. Sumner, II. 228.</li> -<li class="isub1">Influenced by Slave Power, II. 293; VI. 328.</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a name="Page_385" id="Page_385">[Pg 385]</a></span>Rejects Wilmot Proviso in 1848, II. 293, 310.</li> -<li class="isub1">Late origin of, II. 306.</li> -<li class="isub1">Not opposed to extension of slavery, II. 307.</li> -<li class="isub1">Same proved by its history, II. 308-311.</li> -<li class="isub1">Compromise its essential element, IV. 266.</li> -<li class="isub1">Dead in 1855, V. 73.</li> -<li class="isub1">Favored one term for the President, XIX. 171 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Whipple, William, letter of, to Washington, on recovery of his fugitive slave, III. 348.</li> - -<li class="indx">White, no more states with that word in their Constitutions, XIII. 346; XIV. 128;</li> -<li class="isub2">same should be struck out of naturalization laws, XV. 238; XVIII. 145, 152, 160,—and of all other legislation, XX. <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">White, Andrew D., Mr. Sumner’s letter to, concerning Frederick Douglass and President Grant, XX. <a href="#Page_205">205-208</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wide-Awakes, the, VII. 72.</li> -<li class="isub1">Speeches to, after election of 1860, VII. 76, 82, 86.</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to, after same, VII. 80.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wilkes, Charles, Capt., seizure of Rebel commissioners by, VIII. 33, 71-73; X. 15.</li> -<li class="isub1">See <i><a href="#TrentCase">Trent Case</a></i>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Willey, Waitman T., Senator from West Virginia, threatens reënslavement of negroes, X. 217 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">William I., King of Prussia, XVIII. 229 <i>et seq.</i></li> - -<li class="indx">Williams, George H., Senator from Oregon, reply to his objections to allowing Chinese to be naturalized, XVIII. 154-159.</li> - -<li class="indx">Williamson, Passmore, letter to, V. 52.</li> -<li class="isub1">Case of, V. 71.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wilmot Proviso, rejected by Whig and Democratic parties in 1848, II. 293, 310.</li> -<li class="isub1">Origin of, II. 309.</li> -<li class="isub1">Clayton and Choate on, II. 311.</li> -<li class="isub1">Advocated by Free-Soil Party, III. 26.</li> -<li class="isub1">Character of, X. 334.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wilson, Henry, Senator from Massachusetts, VI. 34; XVIII. 171.</li> - -<li class="indx">Winthrop, John, on civil liberty, III. 131.</li> - -<li class="indx">Winthrop, Robert C., letter to, I. 317.</li> -<li class="isub1">Vote of, on Mexican War Bill, I. 317, 323;</li> -<li class="isub2">reasons in defence of same considered, I. 323-326.</li> -<li class="isub1">His speech on the tariff, I. 323, 338.</li> -<li class="isub1">Admission of Texas favored by, I. 327, 337.</li> -<li class="isub1">Appeal to, to oppose Mexican War, I. 327.</li> -<li class="isub1">His actions in regard to slavery, I. 337;</li> -<li class="isub2">and the Mexican War, I. 338.</li> - -<li class="indx">Witnesses, powers of the Senate over recusant, VI. 82 <i>et seq.</i>, 89 <i>et seq.</i>; XIX. 132.</li> -<li class="isub1">Answers of, criminating themselves, VIII. 152.</li> -<li class="isub1">Exclusion of, on account of color, XI. 2, 389,—consequences of same, XI. 24-26, 393.</li> -<li class="isub1">Historical examples of exclusion of, XI. 27-34.</li> -<li class="isub1">Opening of United States courts to colored, XI. 389.</li> -<li class="isub1">Authorities on exclusion of colored, XI. 390-393.</li> - -<li class="indx">Women’s National League, petition of, for universal emancipation, X. 300.</li> - -<li class="indx">Worcester, Noah, labors of, against war, II. 399.</li> - -<li class="indx">Worcester, Massachusetts, a Republican stronghold, VI. 353.</li> - -<li class="indx">Working-men of Europe, desire abolition of war, XVIII. 236.</li> -<li class="isub1">Addresses of, quoted, XVIII. 237-241.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Y.</li> - -<li class="indx">Yellow Fever at Memphis and Shreveport, aid to sufferers by, XX. <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> -</ul> - -<div class="transnote"> -<a id="transnote" name="transnote"></a> - -<p class="center">List of other volumes in this series</p> - -<table summary="Other volumes"> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">Volume</td><td class="tdc">Project Gutenberg<br />ebook number</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">I.</td><td class="tdc">45230</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">II.</td><td class="tdc">45473</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">III.</td><td class="tdc">45637</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">IV.</td><td class="tdc">45954</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">V.</td><td class="tdc">48035</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VI.</td><td class="tdc">48045</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VII.</td><td class="tdc">48077</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">VIII.</td><td class="tdc">48170</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">IX.</td><td class="tdc">48266</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">X.</td><td class="tdc">48285</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XI.</td><td class="tdc">48376</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XII.</td><td class="tdc">49789</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XIII.</td><td class="tdc">50159</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XIV.</td><td class="tdc">50160</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XV.</td><td class="tdc">50161</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XVI.</td><td class="tdc">50167</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XVII.</td><td class="tdc">50370</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XVIII.</td><td class="tdc">48314</td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class="tdr">XIX.</td><td class="tdc">50386</td> - </tr> -</table> - -</div> - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Charles Sumner; 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