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diff --git a/old/50987-0.txt b/old/50987-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index dfc0646..0000000 --- a/old/50987-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,40548 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Narrative and Critical History of America, -Vol. III (of 8), by Various, Edited by Justin Winsor - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. III (of 8) - English Explorations and Settlements in North America 1497-1689 - - -Author: Various - -Editor: Justin Winsor - -Release Date: January 21, 2016 [eBook #50987] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. III (OF 8)*** - - -E-text prepared by Giovanni Fini, Dianna Adair, Bryan Ness, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries -(https://archive.org/details/americana) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file - which includes the more than 240 original illustrations. - See 50987-h.htm or 50987-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/50987/50987-h/50987-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/50987/50987-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive/American Libraries. See - https://archive.org/details/narrcrithistory03winsrich - - -Transcriber’s note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - A carat character is used to denote superscription. A - single character following the carat is superscripted - (example: nascim^o). Multiple superscripted characters - are enclosed by curly brackets (example: C^{no}). - - - - - -English Explorations and Settlements in North America 1497-1689 - - -[Illustration] - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -Edited by - -JUSTIN WINSOR - -Librarian of Harvard University -Corresponding Secretary Massachusetts Historical Society - -VOL. III - - - - - - - -Boston and New York -Houghton, Mifflin and Company -The Riverside Press, Cambridge - -Copyright, 1884, -by James R. Osgood and Company. -All rights reserved. - - - - - CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. - - [_The English arms on the title are copied from the Molineaux map, - dated 1600._] - - PAGE - CHAPTER I. - - THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS. _Charles Deane_ 1 - - ILLUSTRATION: Sebastian Cabot, 5. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Henry VII., 1; Henry VIII., 4; Edward VI., 6; Queen - Mary, 7. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 7 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: La Cosa map (1500), _phototype_, 8, 8; Ruysch’s - map (1508), 9; Orontius Fine’s map (1531), 11; Stobnicza’s map - (1512), 13; Page of Peter Martyr in fac-simile, 15; Thorne’s - map (1527), 17; Sebastian Cabot’s map (1544), 22; Lok’s map - (1582), 40; Hakluyt-Martyr map (1587), 42; Portuguese Portolano - (1514-1520), 56. - - - CHAPTER II. - - HAWKINS AND DRAKE. _Edward E. Hale_ 59 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: John Hawkins, 61; Zaltieri’s map (1566), 67; - Furlano’s map (1574), 68. - - AUTOGRAPHS: John Hawkins, 61; Francis Drake, 65. - - CRITICAL ESSAY ON DRAKE’S BAY 74 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Modern map of California coast, 74; Viscaino’s - map (1602), 75; Dudley’s map (1646), 76, 77; Jeffreys’ - sketch-map (1753), 77. - - NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. _The Editor_ 78 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Hondius’s map, 79; Portus Novæ Albionis, 80; - Molineaux’s map (1600), 80; Sir Francis Drake, 81, 84; Thomas - Cavendish, 83. - - - CHAPTER III. - - EXPLORATIONS TO THE NORTH-WEST. _Charles C. Smith_ 85 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Martin Frobisher, 87; Molineaux globe (1592), - 90; Molineaux map (1600), 91; Sir Thomas Smith, 94; James’s map - of Hudson Bay (1632), 96. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Martin Frobisher, 87; John Davis, 89; George - Waymouth, 91; William Baffin, 94. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 97 - - ILLUSTRATION: Luke Fox’s map of Baffin’s Bay (1635), 98. - - THE ZENO INFLUENCE ON EARLY CARTOGRAPHY; FROBISHER’S AND - HUDSON’S VOYAGES. _The Editor_ 100 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: The Zeno map (_circa_ 1400), 100; map in Wolfe’s - _Linschoten_ (1598), 101; Beste’s map (1578), 102; Frobisher’s - Strait, 103. - - - CHAPTER IV. - - SIR WALTER RALEGH: SETTLEMENTS AT ROANOKE AND VOYAGES TO - GUIANA. _William Wirt Henry_ 105 - - AUTOGRAPHS: Walter Ralegh, 105; Queen Elizabeth, 106; Ralph - Lane, 110. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 121 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: White’s map in Hariot (1587), 124; De Laet’s map - (1630), 125. - - AUTOGRAPH: Francis Bacon, 121. - - - CHAPTER V. - - VIRGINIA, 1606-1689. _Robert A. Brock_ 127 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Jamestown, 130; George Percy, 134; Seal of the - Virginia Company, 140; Lord Delaware, 142. - - AUTOGRAPHS: King James, 127; Delaware, 133; Thomas Gates, 133; - George Percy, 134; George Calvert, 146; William Berkeley, 147. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 153 - - AUTOGRAPHS: William Strachey, 156; Delaware, 156; John Harvey, - 156; John West, 164. - - NOTES ON THE MAPS OF VIRGINIA, ETC. _The Editor_ 167 - - ILLUSTRATION: Smith’s map of Virginia or the Chesapeake, - _phototype_, 167. - - - CHAPTER VI. - - NORUMBEGA AND ITS ENGLISH EXPLORERS. _Benjamin F. De Costa_ 169 - - ILLUSTRATION: Map of Ancient Pemaquid, 177. - - AUTOGRAPHS: J. Popham, 175; Ferd. Gorges, 175. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 184 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Modern map of Coast of Maine, 190; Henri II. map - (1543), 195; Hood’s map (1592), 197; Smith’s map of New England - (1616), 198. - - AUTOGRAPHS: J. Popham, 175; Ferd. Gorges, 175. - - EARLIEST ENGLISH PUBLICATIONS ON AMERICA, AND OTHER NOTES. _The - Editor_ 199 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Title of Eden’s Münster, 200; Münster’s map - (1532), 201, (1540), 201; Title of Stultifera Nauis (1570), - 202; Gilbert’s map (1576), 203; Linschoten, 206; John G. Kohl, - 209; Lenox globe (1510-1512), 212; Extract from Molineaux globe - (1592), 213; Frankfort globe (1515), 215; Molineaux map (1600), - 216. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Humphrey Gilbert, 203; Richard Hakluyt, 204; Jul. - Cæsar, 205; Ro. Cecyll, 206; John Smith, 211. - - - CHAPTER VII. - - THE RELIGIOUS ELEMENT IN THE SETTLEMENT OF NEW - ENGLAND.—PURITANS AND SEPARATISTS IN ENGLAND. _George E. Ellis_ 219 - - CRITICAL ESSAY 244 - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - THE PILGRIM CHURCH AND PLYMOUTH COLONY. _Franklin B. Dexter_ 257 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Site of Scrooby Manor-House, 258; Map of Scrooby - and Austerfield, 259; Austerfield church, 260; Record of - William Bradford’s baptism, 260; Robinson’s House in Leyden, - 262; Plan of Leyden, 263; Map of Cape Cod Harbor, 270; Map of - Plymouth Harbor, 272; Historic Swords, 274; Governor Edward - Winslow, 277; Pilgrim relics, 279; Governor Josiah Winslow, 282. - - AUTOGRAPHS: John Smyth, 257; John Robinson, 259; Robert Browne, - 261; Francis Johnson, 261; Signatures of Mayflower Pilgrims - (William Bradford, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John - Alden, John Howland, Edward Winslow, George Soule, Francis - Eaton, Isaac Allerton, Samuel Fuller, Peregrine White, Resolved - White, John Cooke), 268; Dorothy May, 268; William Bradford, - 268; Thomas Cushman, 271; Alexander Standish, 273; James Cole, - senior, 273; Signers of the Patent, 1621 (Hamilton, Lenox, - Warwick, Sheffield, Ferdinando Gorges), 275; Governors of - Plymouth Colony (William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas - Prence, Thomas Hinckley, Josiah Winslow), 278. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 283 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Extract from Bradford’s History, 289; First - page, Plymouth Records, 292. - - AUTOGRAPH: Nathaniel Morton, 291. - - - CHAPTER IX. - - NEW ENGLAND. _Charles Deane_ 295 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Dudley’s map of New England (1646), 303; - Alexander’s map (1624), 306; John Wilson, 313; Dr. John Clark, - 315; John Endicott, 317; Hingham meeting-house, 319; Joseph - Dudley, 320; John Winthrop of Connecticut, 331; John Davenport, - 332; Map of Connecticut River (1666), 333. - - AUTOGRAPHS: William Blaxton, 311; Samuel Maverick, 311; Thomas - Walford, 311; Mathew Cradock, 312; John Wilson, 313; Quaker - autographs, 314; John Endicott, 317; Colonial ministers of - 1690 (Charles Morton, James Allen, Michael Wigglesworth, - Joshua Moody, Samuel Willard, Cotton Mather, Nehemiah Walter), - 319; Joseph Dudley, 320; Abraham Shurt, 321; Thomas Danforth, - 326; Thomas Hooker, 330; John Haynes, 331; John Winthrop, the - younger, 331; John Allyn, 335; William Coddington, 336; Samuel - Gorton, 336; Narragansett proprietors (Simon Bradstreet, Daniel - Denison, Thomas Willett, Jno. Paine, Edward Hutchinson, Amos - Richison, John Alcocke, George Denison, William Hudson), 338; - Roger Williams, 339. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 340 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Seal of the Council for New England, 342; Cotton - Mather, 345; Ship of the seventeenth century, 347; Fac-simile - of a page of Thomas Lechford’s _Plaine Dealing_, 352; James - Savage’s manuscript note on Lechford, 353; Beginning of Thomas - Shepard’s Autobiography, 355. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Leaders in Pequot war (John Mason, Israel - Stoughton, Lion Gardiner), 348; Jonathan Brewster, 349; - Nathaniel Ward, 350; Signatures connected with the Indian Bible - (Robert Boyle, Peter Bulkley, William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, - Thomas Hinckley, John Cotton, John Eliot, James Printer), 356; - Edward Johnson, 358; John Norton, 358; Edward Burrough, 359; - Robert Pike, 359; Benjamin Church, 361; Thomas Church, 361; - William Hubbard, 362; Walter Neale, 363; Ferdinando Gorges, - 364; John Mason, 364; Roger Goode, 364; Thomas Gorges, 364; - Connecticut secretaries (John Steel, Edward Hopkins, Thomas - Welles, John Cullick, Daniel Clark, John Allyn), 374. - - BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES; EARLY MAPS OF NEW ENGLAND. _The Editor_ 380 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Maps of New England (1650), 382, (1680), 383. - - AUTOGRAPH: John Carter Brown, 381. - - - CHAPTER X. - - THE ENGLISH IN NEW YORK. _John Austin Stevens_ 385 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Sir Edmund Andros, 402; Great Seal of Andros, - 410. - - AUTOGRAPHS: Commissioners (Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, - George Cartwright, Samuel Maverick), 388; Francis Lovelace, - 395; Thomas Dongan, 404; Jacob Leisler, 411. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 411 - - NOTES. _The Editor_ 414 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: View of New York (1673), 416; View of The - Strand, 417; Plan of New York, 418; Stadthuys (1679), 419. - - AUTOGRAPH: Thomas Willett, 414. - - - CHAPTER XI. - - THE ENGLISH IN EAST AND WEST JERSEY, 1664-1689. _William A. - Whitehead_ 421 - - AUTOGRAPHS: King James, 421; Richard Nicoll, 421; Robert Carr, - 422; John Berkeley, 422; G. Carteret, 423; Philip Carteret, - 424; James Bollen, 428; Edward Byllynge, 430; Gawen Laurie, - 430; Nicolas Lucas, 430; Edmond Warner, 430; R. Barclay, 436; - Earl of Perth, 439. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 449 - - NOTE. _The Editor_ 455 - - ILLUSTRATION: Sanson’s map (1656), 456. - - NOTE ON NEW ALBION. _Gregory B. Keen_ 457 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Insignia of the Albion knights, 462; Farrer map - of Virginia (1651), 465. - - AUTOGRAPH: Robert Evelin, 458. - - - CHAPTER XII. - - THE FOUNDING OF PENNSYLVANIA. _Frederick D. Stone_ 469 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: George Fox, 470; William Penn, 474; Letitia - Cottage, 483; Seal and Signatures to Frame of Government, 484; - Slate-roof House, 492. - - AUTOGRAPHS: William Penn, 474; Thomas Wynne, 486; Charles - Mason, 489; Jeremiah Dixon, 489; Thomas Lloyd, 494. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 495 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Title of _Some Account_, etc., 496; Title of - _Frame of Government_, 497; Receipt and Seal of Free Society - of Traders, 498; Gabriel Thomas’s map (1698), 501; Seal of - Pennsylvania, 511; Section of Holme’s map of Pennsylvania, 516. - - - CHAPTER XIII. - - THE ENGLISH IN MARYLAND, 1632-1691. _William T. Brantly_ 517 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: George, first Lord Baltimore, 518; Baltimore - arms, 520; Map of Maryland (1635), 525; Endorsement of - Toleration Act, 535; Baltimore coins, 543; Cecil, second Lord - Baltimore, 546. - - AUTOGRAPHS: George, first Lord Baltimore, 518; Leonard Calvert, - 524; Thomas Cornwallis, 524; John Lewger, 528; Thomas Greene, 533; - Margaret Brent, 533; William Stone, 534; Josias Fendall, 540; - Charles Calvert, 542. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 553 - - AUTOGRAPH: Thomas Yong, 558. - - - INDEX 563 - - - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL - -HISTORY OF AMERICA. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE VOYAGES OF THE CABOTS. - -BY CHARLES DEANE, LL. D. - -_Vice-President, Massachusetts Historical Society._ - - -“WE derive our rights in America,” says Edmund Burke, in his _Account -of the European Settlements in America_, “from the discovery of -Sebastian Cabot, who first made the Northern Continent in 1497. The -fact is sufficiently certain to establish a right to our settlements -in North America.” If this distinguished writer and statesman had -substituted the name of John Cabot for that of Sebastian, he would have -stated the truth. - -[Illustration: SIGN MANUAL OF HENRY VII.] - -John Cabot, as his name is known to English readers, or Zuan Caboto, as -it is called in the Venetian dialect, the discoverer of North America, -was born, probably, in Genoa or its neighborhood. His name first -appears in the archives of Venice, where is a record, under the date -of March 28, 1476, of his naturalization as a citizen of Venice, after -the usual residence of fifteen years. He pursued successfully the study -of cosmography and the practice of navigation, and at one time visited -Arabia, where, at Mecca, he saw the caravans which came thither, and -was told that the spices they brought were received from other hands, -and that they came originally from the remotest countries of the -east. Accepting the new views as to “the roundness of the earth,” as -Columbus had done, he was quite disposed to put them to a practical -test. With his wife, who was a Venetian woman, and his three sons, he -removed to England, and took up his residence at the maritime city -of Bristol. The time at which this removal took place is uncertain. -In the year 1495 he laid his proposals before the king, Henry VII., -who on the 5th of March, 1495/6, granted to him and his three sons, -their heirs and assigns a patent for the discovery of unknown lands -in the eastern, western, or northern seas, with the right to occupy -such territories, and to have exclusive commerce with them, paying to -the King one fifth part of all the profits, and to return to the port -of Bristol. The enterprise was to be “at their own proper cost and -charge.” In the early part of May in the following year, 1497, Cabot -set sail from Bristol with one small vessel and eighteen persons, -principally of Bristol, accompanied, perhaps, by his son Sebastian; -and, after sailing seven hundred leagues, discovered land on the 24th -of June, which he supposed was “in the territory of the Grand Cham.” -The legend, “prima tierra vista,” was inscribed on a map attributed -to Sebastian Cabot, composed at a later period, at the head of the -delineation of the island of Cape Breton. On the spot where he landed -he planted a large cross, with the flags of England and of St. Mark, -and took possession for the King of England. If the statement be true -that he coasted three hundred leagues, he may have made a _periplus_ of -the Gulf of St. Lawrence, returning home through the Straits of Belle -Isle. On his return he saw two islands on the starboard, but for want -of provisions did not stop to examine them. He saw no human beings, -but he brought home certain implements; and from these and other -indications he believed that the country was inhabited. He returned in -the early part of August, having been absent about three months. The -discovery which he reported, and of which he made and exhibited a map -and a solid globe, created a great sensation in England. The King gave -him money, and also executed an agreement to pay him an annual pension, -charged upon the revenues of the port of Bristol. He dressed in silk, -and was called, or called himself, “the Great Admiral.” Preparations -were made for another and a larger expedition, evidently for the -purpose of colonization, and hopes were cherished of further important -discoveries; for Cabot believed that by starting from the place -already found, and coasting toward the equinoctial, he should discover -the island of Cipango, the land of jewels and spices, by which they -hoped to make in London a greater warehouse of spices than existed in -Alexandria. His companions told marvellous stories about the abundance -of fish in the waters of that coast, which might foster an enterprise -that would wholly supersede the fisheries of Iceland. On the 3d of -February 1497/8 the King granted to John Cabot (the sons are not named) -a license to take up six ships, and to enlist as many men as should be -willing to go on the new expedition. He set sail, says Hakluyt, quoting -Fabian, in the beginning of May, with, it is supposed, three hundred -men, and accompanied by his son Sebastian. One of the vessels put back -to Ireland in distress, but the others continued on their voyage. This -is the last we hear of John Cabot. His maps are lost. It is believed -that Juan de la Cosa, the Spanish pilot, who in the year 1500 made a -map of the Spanish and English discoveries in the New World, made use -of maps of the Cabots now lost. - -Sebastian Cabot, the second son of John Cabot, was born in Venice, -probably about the year 1473. He was early devoted to the study of -cosmography, in which science his father had become a proficient, and -Sebastian was largely imbued with the same spirit of enterprise; and -on the removal of his father with his family to England, he lived -with them at Bristol. His name first occurs in the letters patent of -Henry VII., dated March 5, 1495/6, issued to John Cabot and his three -sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, and to their heirs and assigns, -authorizing them to discover unknown lands. There is some reason to -believe that he accompanied his father in the expedition, already -mentioned, on which the first discovery of North America was made; but -in none of the contemporary documents which have recently come to light -respecting this voyage is Sebastian’s name mentioned as connected with -it. A second expedition, as already stated, followed, and John Cabot -is distinctly named as having sailed with it as its commander; but -thenceforward he passes out of sight. Sebastian Cabot, without doubt, -accompanied the expedition. No contemporary account of it was written, -or at least published, and for the incidents of the voyage we are -mainly indebted to the reports of others written at a later period, and -derived originally from conversations with Sebastian Cabot himself; in -all of which the father’s name, except incidentally, as having taken -Sebastian to England when he was very young, is not mentioned. In these -several reports but one voyage is spoken of, and that, apparently, -the voyage on which the discovery of North America was made; but -circumstances are narrated in them which could have taken place only on -the second or a later voyage. - -With a company of three hundred men, the little fleet steered its -course in the direction of the northwest in search of the land of -Cathay. They came to a coast running to the north, which they followed -to a great distance, where they found, in the month of July, large -bodies of ice floating in the water, and almost continual daylight. -Failing to find the passage sought around this formidable headland, -they turned their prows and, as one account says, sought refreshment -at Baccalaos. Thence, coasting southwards, they ran down to about the -latitude of Gibraltar, or 36° N., still in search of a passage to -India, when, their provisions failing, they returned to England. - -If the views expressed by John Cabot, on his return from his first -voyage, had been seriously cherished, it seems strange that this -expedition did not, at first, on arriving at the coast, pursue the more -southerly direction, where he was confident lay the land of jewels and -spices. - -They landed in several places, saw the natives dressed in skins of -beasts, and making use of copper. They found the fish in such great -abundance that the progress of the ships was sometimes impeded. The -bears, which were in great plenty, caught the fish for food,—plunging -into the water, fastening their claws into them, and dragging them to -the shore. The expedition was expected back by September, but it had -not returned by the last of October. - -There is some evidence that Sebastian Cabot, at a later period, sailed -on a voyage of discovery from England in company with Sir Thomas Pert, -or Spert, but which, on account of the cowardice of his companion, -“took none effect.” But the enterprise is involved in doubt and -obscurity. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF HENRY VIII.] - -In 1512, after the death of Henry VII., and when Henry VIII. had been -three years on the throne, Sebastian Cabot entered into the service -of Ferdinand, King of Spain, arriving at Seville in September of that -year, where he took up his residence; and on the 20th of October was -appointed “Capitan de Mar,” with an annual salary of fifty thousand -maravedis.[1] Preparations for a voyage of discovery were now made, -and Cabot was to depart in March, 1516, but the death of Ferdinand -prevented his sailing. On the 5th of February, 1518, he was named, by -Charles V., “Piloto Mayor y Exâminadór de Pilotos,” as successor of -Juan de Solis, who was killed at La Plata in 1516. This office gave -him an additional salary of fifty thousand maravedis; and it was soon -afterwards decreed that no pilots should leave Spain for the Indies -without being examined and approved by him. In 1524 he attended, -not as a member but as an expert, the celebrated junta at Badajoz, -which met to decide the important question of the longitude of the -Moluccas,—whether they were on the Spanish or the Portuguese side of -the line of demarcation which followed, by papal consent in 1494, a -meridian of longitude, making a fixed division of the globe, so far -as yet undefined, between Spain and Portugal. On the second day of -the session, April 15, he and two others delivered an opinion on the -questions involved. - -In the following year an expedition to the Moluccas was projected, -and under an agreement with the Emperor, executed at Madrid on the -4th of March, Sebastian Cabot was appointed its commander with the -title of Captain-General. The sailing of the expedition was delayed -by the intrigues of the Portuguese. In the mean time his wife, -Catalina Medrano, who is again mentioned with her children a few -years later, received by a royal order fifty thousand maravedis as a -_gratificacion_. On April 3, 1526, the armada sailed from St. Lucar -for the Spice Islands, intending to pass through the Straits of -Magellan. It was delayed from point to point, and did not arrive on -the coast until the following year, when Cabot entered the La Plata -River. A feeling of disloyalty to their commander, the seeds of which -had been sown from the beginning, broke out in open mutiny. He had, -moreover, lost one of his vessels off the coast of Brazil. He therefore -determined to proceed no farther at present, to send to the Emperor a -report of the condition of affairs, and in the mean time to explore -the La Plata River, which had been penetrated by De Solis in 1515. He -remained in that country for several years, and returned in July or -August, 1530. The details of this expedition are described in another -volume of this work and by another hand. - -[Illustration: SEBASTIAN CABOT. - -[This cut follows a photograph taken from the Chapman copy of the -original. The original was engraved when owned by Charles J. Harford, -Esq., for Seyer’s _Memoirs of Bristol_, 1824, vol. ii. p. 208, and -a photo-reduction of that engraving appears in Nicholl’s _Life of -Sebastian Cabot_. Other engravings have appeared in Sparks’s _Amer. -Biog._, vol. ix. etc. See Critical Essay.—ED.]] - -As might have been expected, this enterprise was regarded at home as -a failure, and Cabot had made many enemies in the exercise of his -legitimate authority in quelling the mutinies which had from time to -time broken out among his men. Complaints were made against him on his -return. Several families of those of his companions who were killed -in the expedition brought suits against him, and he was arrested and -imprisoned, but was liberated on bail. Public charges for misconduct -in the affairs of La Plata were preferred against him; and the Council -of the Indies, by an order dated from Medina del Campo, Feb. 1, 1532, -condemned him to a banishment of two years to Oran, in Africa. I have -seen no evidence to show that this sentence was carried into execution. -Cabot, who on his return laid before the Emperor Charles V. his final -report on the expedition, appears to have fully justified himself in -that monarch’s esteem; for he soon resumed his duties as Pilot Major, -an office which he retained till his final return to England. - -Cabot made maps and globes during his residence in Spain; and a large -_mappe monde_ bearing date 1544, engraved on copper, and attributed to -him, was found in Germany in 1843, and is now deposited in the National -Library in Paris. This map has been the subject of much discussion. -While in the employ of the Emperor, Cabot offered his services to -his native country, Venice, but was unable to carry his purpose into -effect. He was at last desirous of returning to England, and the Privy -Council, on Oct. 9, 1547, issued a warrant for his transportation from -Spain “to serve and inhabit in England.” He came over to England in -that or the following year, and on Jan. 6, 1548/9, the King granted -him a pension of £166 13s. 4d., to date from St. Michael’s Day -preceding (September 29), “in consideration of the good and acceptable -service done and to be done” by him. In 1550 the Emperor, through his -ambassador in England, demanded his return to Spain, saying that Cabot -was his Pilot Major under large pay, and was much needed by him,—that -“he could not stand the king in any great stead, seeing he had but -small practice in those seas;” but Cabot declined to return. In that -same year, June 4, the King renewed to him the patent of 1495/6, and in -March, 1551, gave him £200 as a special reward. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF EDWARD VI. OF ENGLAND.] - -The discovery of a passage to China by the northwest having been deemed -impracticable, a company of merchants was formed in 1553 to prosecute a -route by the northeast, and Cabot was made its governor. He drew up the -instructions for its management, and the expedition under Willoughby -was sent out, the results of which are well known. China was not -reached, but a trade with Muscovy was opened through Archangel. After -the accession of Mary to the Crown of England, the Emperor made another -unsuccessful demand for Cabot’s return to Spain. On Feb. 6, 1555/6, -what is known as the Muscovy Company was chartered, and Cabot became -its governor. Among the last notices preserved of this venerable -man is an account, by a quaint old chronicler, of his presence at -Gravesend, April 27, 1556, on board the pinnace, the “Serchthrift,” -then destined for a voyage of discovery to the northeast. It is related -that after Sebastian Cabot, “and divers gentlemen and gentlewomen” -had “viewed our pinnace, and tasted of such cheer as we could make -them aboard, they went on shore, giving to our mariners right liberal -rewards; and the good old Gentleman, Master Cabota, gave to the poor -most liberal alms, wishing them to pray for the good fortune and -prosperous success of the ‘Serchthrift,’ our pinnace. And then at the -sign of the ‘Christopher,’ he and his friends banqueted, and made me -and them that were in the company great cheer; and for very joy that he -had to see the towardness of our intended discovery he entered into the -dance himself, amongst the rest of the young and lusty company,—which -being ended, he and his friends departed most gently commending us to -the governance of Almighty God.” - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF QUEEN MARY.] - -Cabot’s pension, granted by the late King, was renewed to him by Queen -Mary Nov. 27, 1555; but on May 27, 1557, he resigned it, and two days -later a new grant was issued to him and William Worthington, jointly, -of the same amount, by which he was deprived of one half his pay. This -is the last official notice of Sebastian Cabot. He probably died soon -afterwards, and in London. Richard Eden, the translator and compiler, -attended him in his last moments, and “beckons us, with something of -awe, to see him die.” He gives a touching account of the feeble and -broken utterances of the dying man. Though no monument or gravestone -marks his place of burial, which is unknown, his portrait is preserved, -as shown on a preceding page. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -UNLIKE the enterprises of Columbus, Vespucius, and many other -navigators who wrote accounts of their voyages and discoveries at -the time of their occurrence, which by the aid of the press were -published to the world, the exploits of the Cabots were unchronicled. -Although the fact of their voyages had been reported by jealous and -watchful liegers at the English Court to the principal cabinets of the -Continent, and the map of their discoveries had been made known, and -this had had its influence in leading other expeditions to the northern -shores of North America, the historical literature relating to the -discovery of America, as preserved in print, is, for nearly twenty -years after the events took place, silent as to the enterprises and -even the names of the Cabots. Scarcely anything has come down to us -directly from these navigators themselves, and for what we know we have -hitherto been chiefly indebted to the uncertain reports, in foreign -languages, of conversations originally held with Sebastian Cabot many -years afterwards, and sometimes related at second and third hand. -Even the year in which the voyage of discovery was made was usually -wrongly stated, when stated at all, and for more than two hundred years -succeeding these events there was no mention made of more than one -voyage.[2] - -[Illustration: LA COSA MAP. 1500. _Left side_] - -[Illustration: LA COSA MAP. 1500. _Right side_] - -[Illustration: RUYSCH’S MAP, 1508.] - -I now ask the reader to follow me down through the sixteenth century, -if no further, and examine what notices of the Cabots and their voyages -we can find in the historical literature of this period; and then to -examine what has recently come to light. - -John Cabot had died when his son Sebastian in 1512, three years after -the death of Henry VII., left England and entered into the service of -the King of Spain, who gave him the title of Captain, and a liberal -allowance, directing that he should reside at Seville to await orders. -He there became an intimate friend of the famous Peter Martyr, the -author of the _Decades of the New World_, or _De Orbe Novo_, and a -volume of letters entitled _Opus Epistolarum_, etc., a writer too well -known to need further introduction here. Through Martyr, for the first -time, there was printed in 1516 an account of the voyage of the Cabots. - -[Illustration: PART OF ORONTIUS FINE’S GLOBE OF 1531, REDUCED TO -MERCATOR’S PROJECTION.] - -He published in that year at Alcala (Complutum), in Spain, the first -three of his Decades, addressed to Pope Leo X., the second and third -of which Decades had been written in 1514 and 1515.[3] In the sixth -chapter of the third Decade—of which we give later a page in slightly -reduced fac-simile—is the following:— - - “These northern shores have been searched by one Sebastian Cabot, - a Venetian born, whom, being but in manner an infant, his parents - carried with them into England, having occasion to resort thither for - trade of merchandise, as is the manner of the Venetians to leave no - part of the world unsearched to obtain riches. He therefore furnished - two ships in England at his own charges, and first with three hundred - men directed his course so far towards the North Pole that even in the - month of July he found monstrous heaps of ice swimming on the sea, and - in manner continual daylight; yet saw he the land in that tract free - from ice, which had been molten. Wherefore he was enforced to turn his - sails and follow the west; so coasting still by the shore that he was - thereby brought so far into the south, by reason of the land bending - so much southwards that it was there almost equal in latitude with the - sea _Fretum Herculeum_. He sailed so far towards the west that he had - the island of Cuba on his left hand in manner in the same degree of - longitude. As he travelled by the coasts of this great land (which he - named Baccalaos) he saith that he found the like course of the waters - toward the great west, but the same to run more softly and gently - than the swift waters which the Spaniards found in their navigation - southward.... Sebastian Cabot himself named these lands Baccalaos, - because that in the seas thereabout he found so great multitudes of - certain big fishes much like unto tunnies (which the inhabitants - call _baccallaos_)[4] that they sometimes staied his ships. He also - found the people of those regions covered with beasts’ skins, yet not - without the use of reason. He also saith there is great plenty of - bears in those regions which use to eat fish; for plunging themselves - into the water, where they perceive a multitude of these fishes to - lie, they fasten their claws in their scales, and so draw them to - land and eat them, so (as he saith) they are not noisome to men. He - declareth further, that in many places of those regions he saw great - plenty of laton among the inhabitants. Cabot is my very friend, whom - I use familiarly, and delight to have him sometimes keep me company - in mine own house. For being called out of England by the commandment - of the Catholic king of Castile, after the death of Henry VII. King - of England, he is now present at Court with us, looking for ships to - be furnished him for the Indies, to discover this hid secret of - Nature. I think that he will depart in March in the year next - following, 1516, to explore it. What shall succeed your Holiness - shall learn through me, if God grant me life. Some of the Spaniards - deny that Cabot was the first finder of the land of Baccalaos, and - affirm that he went not so far westward.”[5] - - [Illustration: STOBNICZA’S MAP, 1512, REDUCED. - - [The legends on the map even on the large scale are not clear, and - Brunet, _Supplement_, p. 697, gives a deceptive account of them. - The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 54, makes them thus: On North - America, “Ortus de bona ventura,” and “Isabella.” Hispaniola is - called “Spagnolla.” On the northern shore of South Ameica, “Arcay” - and “Caput de Sta de.” On its eastern parts, “Gorffo Fremosa,” “Caput - S. Crucis,” and “Monte Fregoso.” At the southern limit, “Alla pega.” - The straight lines of the western coasts, as well as the words “Terra - incognita,” are thought to represent an uncertainty of knowledge. The - island at the west is “Zypangu insula,” or Japan. Mr. Bartlett, the - editor of the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, is of the opinion that the - island at the north is Iceland; but it seems more in accordance with - the prevailing notions of the time to call it Baccalaos. It appears - in the same way on the Lenox globe, and in the circumpolar MS. map of - Da Vinci (1513) in the Queen’s library at Windsor, where this island - is marked “Bacalar.” The eastern coast outline of the Stobnicza map - bears a certain resemblance to the Waldseemüller map which appeared in - the Ptolemy of 1513, having been however engraved, but not published, - in 1507, and Stobnicza may have seen it. If so, he might have - intended the straight western line of North America to correspond to - the marginal limit of the Ptolemy map; but he got no warrant in the - latter for the happy conjecture of the western coast of the Southern - Continent, nor could he find such anywhere else, so far as we know. - The variations of the eastern coast do not indicate that he depended, - solely at least, upon the Ptolemy map, which carries the northern - cut-off of the northern continent five degrees higher. “Isabella” is - transferred from Cuba to Florida, and the northeast coast of South - America is very different. There are accurate fac-similes of this - Ptolemy map in Varnhagen’s _Premier Voyage de Vespucci_, and in - Stevens’s _Historical and Geographical Notes_, pl. ii. See the chapter - on Norumbega, _notes_.—ED.]] - -This account we may well suppose to have come primarily from Sebastian -Cabot himself, and it will be noticed that his father is not mentioned -as having accompanied him on the voyage. Indeed, no reference is made -to the father except under the general statement that his parents -took him to England while he was yet very young, _pene infans_. No -date is given, and but one voyage is spoken of. It may be said that -Peter Martyr is not here writing a history of the voyage or voyages -of the Cabots; that the account is merely brought into his narrative -incidentally, as it were, to illustrate a subject upon which he was -then writing,—namely, on a “search” into “the secret causes of -Nature,” or the reason “why the sea runneth with so swift course -from the east into the west;” and that he cites the observations of -Sebastian Cabot, in the region of the Baccalaos, for his immediate -purpose. Richard Biddle, in his _Life of Sebastian Cabot_, pp. 81-90, -supposes the voyage here described to be the second, that of 1498, -undertaken after the death of the father, as the mention of the three -hundred men taken out would imply a purpose of colonization, while the -first voyage was one of discovery merely; and thinks that this view is -confirmed by a subsequent reference of Martyr to Cabot’s discovery of -the Baccalaos, in _Decade_ seven, chapter two, written in 1524, where -the discovery is said to have taken place “twenty-six years before,” -that is, in 1498.[6] - -[Illustration: PETER MARTYR, 1516.] - -A map of the world was composed in 1529 by Diego Ribero, a very -able cosmographer and map-maker of Spain in the early part of the -sixteenth century. It is a very interesting map, but is so well known -to geographers that I need give no particular description of it here. -The northern part of our coast, delineated upon it, is supposed to -have been drawn from the explorations and reports of Gomez made in -1525. It was copied and printed, in its general features only, in -1534, at Venice. A superior copy in fac-simile of the original map was -published by Dr. Kohl in 1860, at Weimar, in his _Die beiden Æltesten -General-Karten von Amerika_.[7] On this map an inscription, of which -the following is an English version, is placed over the territory -inscribed Tierra del Labrador: “This country the English discovered, -but there is nothing useful in it.” See an abridged section of the map -and a description of it in Kohl’s _Doc. Hist. of Maine_, i. 299-307.[8] - -[Illustration: THORNE’S MAP, 1527.] - -In 1530, four years after Martyr’s death, there was published at -Alcala (Complutum), in Spain, his eight Decades, _De Orbe Novo_, which -included the three first published in 1516, in the last of which, -the third, appeared the notice of Sebastian Cabot cited above. And -it may be added here that the three Decades, including the _De nuper -... repertis insulis_, etc., or abridgment, so called, of the fourth -Decade, printed at Basel in 1521, were reprinted together in that city -in 1533. Of later editions there will be occasion to say something -farther on. Martyr’s notice of Cabot was the earliest extant, and the -republication of these Decades, at different places, served to keep -alive the important fact of the discovery of North America under the -English flag. In some of these later Decades, written in 1524 and 1525, -references will be found to Sebastian Cabot and to his employment in -Spain. - -There was published in Latin at Argentoratum (Strasbourg), in 1532, -by James Ziegler,—a Bavarian theologian, who cultivated mathematics -and cosmography with success,—a book relating in part to the northern -regions. Under the head of “Gronland” the author quotes Peter Martyr’s -account of Sebastian Cabot’s voyage:— - - “Peter Martyr of Angleria writeth in his Decades of the Spanish - navigations, that Sebastian Cabot,[9] sailing from England continually - towards the north, followed that course so far that he chanced upon - great flakes of ice in the month of July; and diverting from thence - he followed the coast by the shore, bending toward the south until he - came to the clime of the island of Hispaniola above Cuba, an Island - of the Cannibals. Which narration hath given me occasion to extend - Gronland beyond the promontory or cape of Huitsarch to the continent - or firm land of Lapponia above the castle of Wardhus; which thing I - did the rather for that the reverend Archbishop of Nidrosia constantly - affirmed that the sea bendeth there into the form of a crooked elbow.” - -This writer evidently supposed that Cabot sailed along the east coast -of Greenland, and the inference he drew from Cabot’s experience, as -related by Martyr, confirmed his belief that that country joined on -to Lappona (Lapland),—an old notion which lasted down to the time of -Willoughby,—making “one continent;” and so he represented it on his -map no. 8, published in his book.[10] He places “Terra Bacallaos” on -the east coast of “Gronland.” He believed that Cabot’s falling in with -ice proved “that he sailed not by the main sea, but in places near unto -the land, comprehending and embracing the sea in the form of a gulf.” -I have copied this from Eden’s English version of Ziegler (_Decades_, -fol. 268), in the margin of which at this place Eden says, “Cabot told -me that this ice is of fresh water, and not of the sea.”[11] - -There was published at Venice in 1534, in Italian, a volume in three -parts; the first of which was entitled, _Summario de la generale -historia de l’indie occidentali cavato da libri scritti dal signor don -Pietro Martyre del consiglio delle indie della maesta de l’imperadore, -et da molte altre particulari relationi_.[12] - -This, as will be seen, purports to be a summary drawn from Peter Martyr -and other sources,—“from many other private accounts.” The basis -of the work is Martyr’s first three Decades, published together in -Latin in 1516, the original arrangement of the author being entirely -disregarded, many facts omitted, and new statements introduced for -which no authority is given. By virtue of the concluding words of -the quoted title, the translator or compiler appears to claim the -privilege of taking the utmost liberty with the text of Martyr. For -the well-known passage in the sixth chapter of the third Decade, where -Martyr says that Sebastian Cabot “sed a parentibus in Britāniam insulam -tendentibus, uti moris est Venetorum: qui commercii causa terrarum -omnium sunt hospites transportatus pene infans” (“whom being yet but in -manner an infant, his parents carried with them into England, having -occasion to resort thither for trade of merchandise, as is the manner -of the Venetians to leave no part of the world unsearched to obtain -riches”), the Italian translator has substituted, “Costui essendo -piccolo fu menato da suo padre in Inghilterra, da poi la morte del -quale trouandosi ricchissimo, et di grande animo, delibero si come -hauea fatto Christoforo Colombo voler anchor lui scoprire qualche nuoua -parte del mōdo,” etc. (“He being a little boy was taken by his father -into England, after whose death, finding himself very rich and of -great ambition, he resolved to discover some new part of the world as -Columbus had done”). - -M. D’Avezac has given some facts which show that the editor of this -Italian version of Peter Martyr, as he calls this work, was Ramusio, -the celebrated editor of the _Navigationi et Viaggi_,[13] etc., and -this work is introduced into the third volume of that publication, -twenty-one years later. Mr. Brevoort has also called my attention to -the fact that the woodcut of “Isola Spagnuola,” used in the early work, -was introduced into the later one, which is confirmatory of the opinion -that Ramusio was at least the editor of the _Summario_ of 1534.[14] - -Cabot we know was, during his residence in Spain, a correspondent of -Ramusio,—at least, the latter speaks once of Cabot’s having written to -him, and we shall see farther on that they were not strangers to each -other,—and it is possible that this modification of Peter Martyr’s -language was authorized by him. It is here stated, however, that Cabot -reached only 55° north, while in the prefatory _Discorso_ to his third -volume the editor says that Cabot wrote to him many years before that -he reached the latitude of 67 degrees and a half, and no explanation -is given as to whether the reference is to the same voyage. A fair -inference from the passage above cited from the Italian _Summario_ -would be that Sebastian Cabot planned the voyage of discovery after his -father’s death, which we know was not true; as it was equally untrue -that the death of his father made him very rich, for the Italian envoy -tells us that John Cabot was poor. Indeed, the whole language of the -passage relating to Sebastian Cabot is mythical and untrustworthy, -whoever may have inspired it.[15] - -I now come to a map of Sebastian Cabot, bearing date 1544, as the -year of its composition, a copy of which was discovered in Germany in -1843, by Von Martius, in the house of a Bavarian curate, and deposited -in the following year in the National Library in Paris. It has been -described at some length by M. D’Avezac, in the _Bulletin de la Société -de Géographie_, 4 ser. xiv. 268-270, 1857. It is a large elliptical -_mappe monde_, engraved on metal, with geographical delineations drawn -upon it down to the time it was made. I saw the map in Paris in 1866. -On its sides are two tables: the first, on the left, inscribed at the -head “Tabula Prima;” and that on the right, “Tabula Secunda.” On these -tables are seventeen legends, or inscriptions, in duplicate; that is to -say, in Spanish and in Latin, the latter supposed to be a translation -of the former,—each Latin legend immediately following the Spanish -original and bearing the same number.[16] - -After the seventeen legends in Spanish and in Latin, we come to -a title or heading: “Plinio en el secund libro capitulo lxxix., -escriue” (“Pliny, in the second book, chapter 79, writes”). Then -follows an inscription in Spanish, no. 18, from Pliny’s _Natural -History_, cap. lxvii., the chapter given above being an error. Four -brief inscriptions, also in Spanish, numbered 19 to 22, relating to -the natural productions of islands in the eastern seas, taken from -other authors, complete the list. So there are twenty-two Spanish -inscriptions or legends on the map,—ten on the first table and twelve -on the second,—the last five of which have no Latin _exemplaires_; -and there are no Latin inscriptions without the same text in Spanish -immediately preceding. - -There are no headings prefixed to the inscriptions, except the 1st, the -17th, and 18th. The first inscription, relating to the discovery of -the New World by Columbus, has this title, beneath Tabula Prima, “_del -almirante_.” The 17th—a long inscription—has this title: _Retulo, -del auctor conçiertas razones de la variaçion que haze il aguia del -marear con la estrella del Norte_ (“A discourse of the author of the -map, giving certain reasons for the variation of the magnetic needle -in reference to the North Star”). It is also repeated in Latin over -the version of the inscription in that language. The title to the 18th -inscription, if it may be called a title, has already been given. - -The 17th inscription begins as follows: “Sebastian Caboto, capitan -y piloto mayor de la S. c. c. m. del Imperador don Carlos quinto -deste nombre, y Rey nuestro sennor hizo este figura extenda en plano, -anno del nascim^o de nrō Salvador Iesu Christo de MDXLIIII. annos, -tirada por grados de latitud y longitud con sus vientos como carta -de marear, imitando en parte al Ptolomeo, y en parte alos modernos -descobridores, asi Espanoles como Portugueses, y parte por su padre, y -por el descubierto, por donde, podras navegar como por carta de marear, -teniendo respecto a luariaçion que haze el aguia,” etc. (“Sebastian -Cabot, captain and pilot-major of his sacred imperial majesty, the -emperor Don Carlos, the fifth of this name, and the king our lord, made -this figure extended on a plane surface, in the year of the birth of -our Saviour Jesus Christ, 1544, having drawn it by degrees of latitude -and longitude, with the winds, as a sailing chart, following partly -Ptolemy and partly the modern discoveries, Spanish and Portuguese, and -partly the discovery made by his father and himself: by it you may -sail as by a sea-chart, having regard to the variation of the needle,” -etc.). Then follows a discussion relating to the variation of the -magnetic needle, which Cabot claims first to have noticed.[17] - -In the inscription, No. 8, which treats of Newfoundland, it says: “This -country was discovered by John Cabot, a Venetian, and Sebastian Cabot, -his son, in the year of our Lord Jesus Christ, MCCCCXCIV. [1494] on the -24th of June, in the morning, which country they called ‘primum visam’; -and a large island adjacent to it they named the island of St. John, -because they discovered it on the same day.”[18] - -A fac-simile of this map was published in Paris by M. Jomard, in Plate -XX. of his _Monuments de la Géographie_ (begun in 1842, and issued -during several years following down to 1862), but without the legends -on its sides, which unquestionably belong to the map itself; for those -which, on account of their length, are not included within the interior -of the map, are attached to it by proper references. M. Jomard promised -a separate volume of “texte explicatif,” but death prevented the -accomplishment of his purpose.[19] - -[Illustration: PART OF THE SEBASTIAN CABOT MAPPE MONDE, 1544.] - -If this map, with the date of its composition, is authentic, it is the -first time the name of John Cabot has been introduced to our notice -in any printed document, in connection with the discovery of North -America. Here the name is brought in jointly with that of Sebastian -Cabot, on the authority apparently of Sebastian himself. He is said to -be the maker of the map, and if he did not write the legends on its -sides he may be supposed not to have been ignorant of their having been -placed there. As to Legend No. 8, copied above, who but Sebastian Cabot -would know the facts embodied in it,—namely, that the discovery was -made by both the father and the son, on the 24th of June, about five -o’clock in the morning; that the land was called _prima vista_, or its -equivalent, and that the island near by was called St. John, as the -discovery was made on St. John’s Day? Whether or not Sebastian Cabot’s -statement is to be implicitly relied on, in associating his own name -with his father’s in the voyage of discovery, in view of the evidence -which has recently come to light, the legend itself must have proceeded -from him. Some additional information in the latter part of the -inscription, relating to the native inhabitants, and the productions -of the country, may have been gathered in the voyage of the following -year. Sebastian Cabot, without doubt, was in possession of his father’s -maps, on which would be inscribed by John Cabot himself the day on -which the discovery was made. - -Whatever opinions, therefore, historical scholars may entertain as -to Sebastian Cabot’s connection with this map in its present form, -or with the inscriptions upon it as a whole, all must admit that the -statements embodied in No. 8, and, it may be added, in No. 17, could -have been communicated by no one but Sebastian Cabot himself. The -only alternative is that they are a base fabrication by a stranger. -Moreover, this very map itself, or a map with these legends upon it, -as we shall see farther on, was in the possession of Richard Eden, or -was accessible to him; and one of its long inscriptions was translated -into English, and printed in his _Decades_, in 1555, as from “Cabot’s -own card,”—and this at a time when Cabot was living in London, and -apparently on terms of intimacy with Eden. Legend No. 8 contains an -important statement which is confirmed by evidence recently come to -light, namely, the fact of John Cabot’s agency in the discovery of -North America; and, although the name of the son is here associated -with the father, it is a positive relief to find an acknowledgment from -Sebastian himself of a truth that was to receive, before the close of -the century, important support from the publication of the _Letters -Patent_ from the archives of the State. And this should serve to modify -our estimate of the authenticity of reports purporting to come from -Sebastian, in which the father is wholly ignored, and the son alone -is represented as the hero. The long inscription, No. 17, contains -an honorable mention of his father, as we have already seen; and in -the Latin duplicate, the language in the passage which I have given -in English will be seen to be even more emphatic than is expressed in -the Spanish text. Indeed, in several instances in the Latin, though -generally following the Spanish, so far as I have had an opportunity -of observing, there are some statements of fact not to be found in the -Spanish.[20] The passage already cited concludes thus in the Latin: -“And also from the experience and practice of long sea-service of the -most excellent John Cabot, a Venetian by nation, and of my author [the -map is here made to speak for itself] Sebastian his son, the most -learned of all men in knowledge of the stars and the art of navigation, -who have discovered a certain part of the globe for a long time hidden -from our people.”[21] - -Though we are not quite willing to believe that Sebastian Cabot wrote -the eulogy of himself contained in this passage, yet who but he could -have known of those facts concerning his father, who, we suppose, had -been dead some fifty years before this map was composed? - -The map itself, as a work of Sebastian Cabot, is unsatisfactory, and -many of the legends on its sides are also unworthy of its alleged -author. It brought forward for the first time, in Legend 8, the year -1494 as the year of the discovery of North America, which the late -M. D’Avezac accepted, but which I cannot but think from undoubted -evidence, to be adduced farther on, is wrong. The “terram primum visam” -of the legend is inscribed on the northern part of Cape Breton, and -there would seem to be no good reason for not accepting this point on -the coast as Cabot’s landfall. The “y de s. Juan,” the present Prince -Edward Island, is laid down on the map; and although Dr. Kohl thinks -that the name was given by the French, and that Cabot may have taken -it, not from his own survey, but from the French maps, I have seen -no evidence of the application of the name on any map before this of -Cabot. Cartier gave the name “Sainct Jean” to a cape on the west coast -of Newfoundland, in 1534, discovered also on St. John’s Day; but this -fact was not known, in print at least, till 1556, when the account of -his first voyage was published in the third volume of Ramusio. - -We find no strictly contemporaneous reference to this map, or evidence -that it exerted any influence on opinions respecting the first two -voyages of the Cabots; and the name of John Cabot again sinks out of -sight. Dr. Kohl has called attention to the fact that the author of -this map has copied the coast line of the northern shore largely from -Ribero. - -It may be added that the inscription No. 8, on Cabot’s map, has since -its republication by Hakluyt, with an English version by him, in -1589, been regarded as containing the most definite and satisfactory -statement which had appeared as to the discovery of North America, -the date as to the year having been subjected to some interesting -criticisms, to be referred to farther on. - -In the year 1550 Ramusio issued at Venice the first volume of his -celebrated collection of voyages and travels in Italian, entitled, -_Delle Navigationi et Viaggi_, etc. This contained, in a discourse on -spices, etc., the well-known report of a conversation at the villa of -Hieronymo Fracastor, at Caphi, near Verona, in which the principal -speaker, a most profound philosopher and mathematician, incidentally -relates an interview which he had, some years before, with Sebastian -Cabot at Seville. Ramusio, who was present, and tells the story -himself, says he does not pretend to give the conversation precisely as -he heard it, for that would require a talent beyond his; but he would -try and give briefly what he could recollect of it. The substance of -Cabot’s story as related, much abridged by me, is this:— - -Sebastian Cabot’s father took him from Venice to London when he was -very young, yet having some knowledge of the _humanities_, and of -the sphere. His father died at the time when the news was brought of -the discovery of Columbus, which caused a great talk at the court -of Henry VII., and which created a great desire in him (Cabot) to -attempt some great thing; and understanding, by reason of the sphere, -that if he should sail by the northwest he would come to India by a -shorter route, he caused the king to be informed of his idea, and the -king immediately furnished him with two small ships, and all things -necessary for the voyage, which was in the year 1496, in the beginning -of summer. He therefore began to sail to the northwest, expecting to -go to Cathay, and from thence to turn towards India, but found after -some days, to his displeasure, that the land ran towards the north. He -still proceeded hoping to find the passage, but found the land still -continent to the 56th degree; and seeing there that the coast turned -toward the east, he, in despair of finding the passage, turned back -and sailed down the coast toward the equinoctial, ever hoping to find -the passage, and came as far south as Florida, when, his provisions -failing, he returned to England, where he found great tumults among the -people, and wars in Scotland. - -The volumes of Ramusio became justly celebrated throughout the literary -centres of Europe, and the publication of the account of Sebastian -Cabot’s discovery in the first volume attracted the attention of -scholars in England. It will be noticed that Sebastian Cabot here, as -well as in the account in Peter Martyr, is said to have been born in -Venice, and taken to England while yet very young; yet not so young -but that he had acquired some knowledge of letters, and of the sphere. -He speaks here of the death of his father as occurring before the -voyage of discovery was entered upon, for which he had two small ships -furnished him by the king. He says that this was in the year 1496; yet -he speaks of events occurring in England on his return,—great tumults -among the people, and wars in Scotland,—which point to the year -1497. The latitude he reached “under our pole” was 56 degrees; and, -despairing to find the passage to India, he turned back again, sailed -down the coast, “and came to that part of this firm land we now call -Florida.”[22] Many incidents here described could not have occurred on -the voyage of discovery, as we shall see farther on. - -We do not know the precise year in which the interview at Seville -between this learned man and Sebastian Cabot was held, but have given -some reasons below for believing that it took place about ten years -before it was printed by Ramusio.[23] - -I might mention here another reference to Cabot, in Ramusio’s third -volume, 1556, though of a little later date. In a prefatory dedication -to his excellent friend Hieronimo Fracastor,[24] at whose house the -conversation related in Ramusio’s first volume took place, Ramusio -under date of June 20, 1553, says that “Sebastian Cabot our countryman, -a Venetian,” wrote to him many years ago that he sailed along and -beyond this land of New France, at the charges of Henry VII. King of -England; that he sailed a long time west and by north into the latitude -of 67½ degrees, and on the 11th of June, finding still the sea open, -he expected to have gone on to Cathay, and would have gone, if the -mutiny of the shipmaster and mariners had not hindered him and made him -return homewards from that place.[25] - -I have already briefly referred to this letter, in speaking of the -alleged voyage of 1516-17, contended for by Biddle (pp. 117-19), on -which occasion he thinks Cabot entered Hudson Bay. This passage in -Ramusio is mentioned twenty years later by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, in -his tract, as we shall see farther on, principally on account of the -high degree of northern latitude reached, 67½°, and where the sea -was found still open.[26] As this is the only account of a voyage which -describes so high an elevation reached, and an immediate return thence -by reason of mutiny, some have supposed that the incidents described -must have occurred on a third voyage, in company with Sir Thomas -Pert. On Cabot’s map of 1544 there is inscribed a coast line trending -westward, terminating at the degree of latitude named. - -In 1552 Gomara’s _Historia General de las Indias_ was published at -Saragossa in Spain. In cap. xxxix., under the head of “Los Baccalaos,” -he says:— - - “Sebastian Cabot was the first that brought any knowledge of this - land, for being in England in the days of King Henry VII. he furnished - two ships at his own charges, or (as some say) at the King’s, whom - he persuaded that a passage might be found to Cathay by the North - Seas.... He went also to know what manner of lands those Indies - were to inhabit. He had with him three hundred men, and directed - his course by the track of Iceland, upon the Cape of Labrador, at - fifty-eight degrees (though he himself says much more), affirming - that in the month of July there was such cold and heaps of ice that - he durst pass no further; that the days were very long and in manner - without night, and the nights very clear. Certain it is that at sixty - degrees the longest day is of 18 hours. But considering the cold and - the strangeness of the unknown land, he turned his course from thence - to the west, refreshing themselves at Baccalaos; and following the - coast of the land unto the 38th degree, he returned to England.”[27] - -Francis Lopez Gomara was among the most distinguished of the historical -writers of Spain. In his _History of the Indies_ his purpose was to -give a brief view of the whole range of Spanish conquest in the islands -and on the American continent, as far down as about the middle of the -sixteenth century. He must have known Cabot in Seville, and might have -informed himself as to his early maritime enterprises, but he seems -to have neglected his opportunity. His book was published after Cabot -had returned to England. On one point in the above brief account, -namely, as to whether the ships were furnished at the charge of Cabot, -he speaks doubtfully. Peter Martyr had said that Cabot furnished two -ships at his own charge, while Ramusio, in the celebrated _Discorso_, -makes Cabot say that the king furnished them. As usual but one voyage -is spoken of; and Sebastian Cabot is the only commander, and is called -a Venetian. His statement contains little new, and is principally a -repetition of Peter Martyr. There is added the statement that the -expedition, on returning from the northern coasting, “refreshed at -Baccalaos.” The degrees given, as to the latitude and longitude reached -in sailing both north and south, appear to be an inference from Martyr -and Ramusio. The incidents here related of course refer to the second -voyage. Gomara, in his history, has other notices of Cabot during his -residence in Spain at a later period, in connection with his account of -the junta at Badajos, and the expedition to the La Plata. - -In 1553 Richard Eden, the first English collector of voyages and -travels, published in London a translation “out of Latin into English” -of the fifth book of the _Universal Cosmographia_ of Sebastian Münster, -entitling it _A Treatise of the Newe India_,[28] etc. In the dedication -of the book to the Duke of Northumberland, who had been Lord High -Admiral of England under Henry VIII., Eden says, incidentally, that -“King Henry VIII. about the same year of his reign [i. e. between April -1516 and April 1517], furnished and sent forth certain ships under the -gouvernance of Sebastian Cabot yet living, and one Sir Thomas Pert, -whose faint heart was the cause that the voyage took none effect;” and -that if manly courage “had not at that time been wanting, it might -happily have come to pass that that rich treasure called Perularia, -which is now in Spain in the city of Sivil, and so named for that in it -is kept the infinite riches brought hither from the new-found-land of -Peru, might long since have been in the Tower of London, to the king’s -great honor and wealth of this his realm.” - -I find no notice taken of this statement of Eden, at the time, and it -is only when we come down to the publication of Hakluyt’s folio, in -1589, that we see an attempt made to attach some importance to it. -Although deviating a little from the chronological order of this -narrative, I propose here to bring together what I may have to say -concerning this voyage. - -Dr. Kohl[29] very properly says that this incidental remark of Eden is -all the original evidence we have on this so-called expedition of Cabot -in 1516, to which some modern writers attach great importance, and by -which great discoveries are said to have been made under Henry VIII. -Hakluyt, in his folio of 1589, p. 515, copies the language of Eden -cited above, and also an abstract from a spurious Italian version of -Oviedo, in Ramusio’s collections, in which that writer is made to say -that a Spanish vessel in the year 1517 fell in with an English rover -at the islands of St. Domingo and St. John’s in the West Indies, on -their way from Brazil; and concludes that this English rover could be -none other than the vessel of Cabot and Pert. But Richard Biddle,[30] -nearly two hundred and fifty years after Hakluyt wrote this opinion, -exploded this theory by showing that Oviedo, in his genuine work, -really gave 1527 as the date of the meeting of the English vessel, as -narrated. Biddle, however, still had faith in Eden’s statement that -an expedition sailed from England in the year indicated, commanded -by Cabot and Pert, but held that it took a northwesterly direction, -and that it was on this expedition that Cabot entered Hudson Bay, and -reached the high latitude of 67½ N. as mentioned by him in a letter -to Ramusio;[31] in which letter Cabot says that “on the 11th of June, -finding still the open sea without any manner of impediment, he thought -verily by that way to have passed on still the way to Cathay, which -is in the east, ... if the mutiny of the shipmaster and mariners had -not hindered him, and made him to return homewards from that place.” -Biddle saw a parallel in the language of Eden as to the “faint heart” -of Pert, and in that of Cabot as to the “mutiny of the shipmaster and -mariners;” not forgetting also similar language in a letter written by -Robert Thorne to Doctor Ley, in 1527, relating to a voyage of discovery -to the west, in which Thorne’s father and another merchant of Bristol, -Hugh Eliot, were participants—which voyage, Mr. Biddle says, was in -1517—that, “if the mariners would then have been ruled and followed -their pilots’ mind, the lands of the West Indies, from whence all the -gold cometh, had been ours.”[32] Mr. Biddle forgets that in the letter -of Cabot to Ramusio, cited above, the writer says that the voyage of -which he is here speaking was made in the reign of Henry VII., who died -in 1509, seven or eight years before the date which Biddle assigns to -the alleged Cabot and Pert voyage. - -Dr. Kohl, who has very learnedly and at great length examined the -claims for this voyage of 1516-17,[33] has little confidence that -any such expedition actually sailed. Eden says the voyage “took none -effect,” which may mean that the expedition never sailed. It seems -also very improbable that Cabot, so recently domiciled in Spain, where -he was occupying an honorable position, should leave it all now and -re-enter the service of England, by whose Government he had apparently -for so many years been neglected. No English or Spanish writer mentions -his leaving Spain at this time.[34] - -In 1555 there appeared in London the first collection in English of -the “results of that spirit of maritime enterprise which had been -everywhere awakened by the discovery of America.” The book was edited -by Richard Eden,—just mentioned as the translator of the fifth book -of Munster, in 1553,—and consisted of translations from foreign -writers, principally Latin, Spanish, and Italian, of travels by sea -and land, largely relating to discoveries in the New World. The book -was entitled, _The Decades of the Newe Worlde or West India_, etc., -inasmuch as one hundred and sixty-six folios out of three hundred and -seventy-four, which the book contains, consist of the first three -Decades of Peter Martyr, and an epitome of the fourth Decade first -issued at Basle, in 1521. Then follow abstracts of Oviedo, Gomara, -Ramusio, Ziegler, Pigafeta, Munster, Bastaldus, Vespucius, and several -others. Some of the voyages are original and were drawn up by Eden’s -own hand. It is a very desirable book to possess; and though Eden was -a clumsy editor, not always correct in his translations, and did not -always make it clear whether he or his author was speaking, we are -grateful to him for the book. An enthusiastic tribute is paid to Eden -and his book by Richard Biddle,[35] who sets him off by an invidious -comparison with Richard Hakluyt, whom he studiously depreciates. Eden -was apparently a devoted Catholic, and was a spectator of the public -entry of Philip and Mary into London in 1554. He says that the splendid -pageant as it passed before him inspired him to enter upon some work -which he might in due season offer as the result of his loyalty, and -“crave for it the royal blessing.”[36] In his preface to the reader -Eden gives a brief review of ancient history, and coming down to the -time of the conquest of the Indies by Spain he eulogizes the conduct of -that nation towards the natives, particularly in having so effectually -labored for their conversion. His language is one continued eulogy of -the Spaniards. He urges England to submit to King Philip, of whom he -says:— - - “Of his behavior in England, his enemies (which canker virtue never - lacked),—they, I say, if any such yet remain,—have greatest cause - to report well, yea so well, that if his natural clemency were not - greater than was their unnatural indignation, they know themselves - what might have followed.... Being a lion he behaved himself as a - lamb, and struck not his enemy having the sword in his hand. Stoop, - England, stoop, and learn to know thy lord and master, as horses and - other brute beasts are taught to do!” - -He earnestly desires to see the Christian religion enlarged, and urges -his countrymen to follow here the example of the Spaniards in the New -World. He says:— - - “I am not able, with tongue or pen, to express what I conceive - hereof in my mind, yet one thing I see which enforseth me to speak, - and lament that the harvest is so great and the workmen so few. The - Spaniards have showed a good example to all Christian nations to - follow. But as God is great and wonderful in all his works, so beside - the portion of land pertaining to the Spaniards (being eight times - bigger than Italy, as you may read in the last book of the second - Decade), and beside that which pertaineth to the Portugals, there - yet remaineth another portion of that main land reaching toward the - northeast, thought to be as large as the other, and not yet known - but only by the sea-coasts, neither inhabited by any Christian men; - whereas, nevertheless, (as writeth Gemma Phrisius) in this land - there are many fair and fruitful regions, high mountains, and fair - rivers, with abundance of gold, and diverse kinds of beasts. Also - cities and towers so well builded, and people of such civility, - that this part of the world seemeth little inferior to our Europe, - if the inhabitants had received our religion. They are witty people - and refuse not bartering with strangers. These regions are called - Terra Florida and Regio Baccalearum or Bacchallaos, of the which you - may read somewhat in this book in the voyage of that worthy old man - yet living, Sebastian Cabot, in the vi. book of the third Decade. - But Cabot touched only in the north corner, and most barbarous part - thereof, from whence he was repulsed with ice in the month of July. - Nevertheless, the west and south parts of these regions have since - been better searched by other, and found to be as we have said - before.... How much therefore is it to be lamented, and how greatly - doth it sound to the reproach of all Christendom, and especially to - such as dwell nearest to these lands (as we do), being much nearer - unto the same than are the Spaniards (as within xxv days sailing - and less),—how much, I say, shall this sound unto our reproach and - inexcusable slothfulness and negligence, both before God and the - world, that so large dominions of such tractable people and pure - gentiles, not being hitherto corrupted with any other false religion - (and therefore the easier to be allured to embrace ours), are now - known unto us, and that we have no respect neither for God’s cause nor - for our own commodity, to attempt some voyages into these coasts, to - do for our parts as the Spaniards have done for theirs, and not ever - like sheep to haunt one trade, and to do nothing worthy memory among - men or thanks before God, who may herein worthily accuse us for the - slackness of our duty toward him.” - -The few voyages of discovery made by the English in the first part of -the sixteenth century, either by the authority of the Government or on -private account, were productive of little results; and when Sebastian -Cabot finally returned to England from Spain, in 1547 or 1548, his -influence was engaged by sundry merchants of London, who were seeking -to devise some means to check the decay of trade in the realm, by the -discovery of a new outlet for the manufactured products of the nation. -The result was the sending off the three vessels under Willoughby, -in May, 1553, to the northeast, and finally the incorporation of the -merchant adventurers, with Cabot as governor. - -In Richard Eden’s long address to the reader prefixed to his -translation of the fifth Book of Sebastian Münster, written probably -before the Willoughby expedition had been heard from, he speaks of “the -attempt to pass to Cathay by the North East, which some men doubt, as -the globes represent it all land north, even to the north pole.” In -his preface to his _Decades_, cited above, written two years later, we -have seen that he urges the people of England to turn their attention -in the old direction, and to take possession of the waste places still -unoccupied by any Christian people; which regions be says are called -Terra Florida and Regio Baccalearum. These offer a large opportunity -for traffic as a remedy for the stagnation of trade under which England -is suffering, and a wide field for the Christian missionary. - -The reader will have noticed, in the above extract, that Eden says -that Sebastian Cabot “touched only in the north corner and most -barbarous part” of the region which he is urging his countrymen to take -possession of, “from whence he was repulsed with ice in the month of -July.” - -Eden’s _Decades_ placed before the English reader for the first time -the several notices of Sebastian Cabot, of which mention has been here -made; namely, by Martyr, Ramusio, Gomara, and the brief Commentary -by Ziegler. And the fact that this large unoccupied territory at the -west, which Eden here urges the English Government and people to take -possession of, was discovered by Cabot for the English nation, could -not fail in time to produce its fruit upon the English mind. - -Sebastian Cabot, as we have seen, was living in England at the time -Richard Eden published his book, and a very old man. Eden appears -to have been on terms of acquaintance with him, if not of intimacy; -and unless the infirmities of years weighed too heavily upon his -faculties, Cabot might have been able to impart much information to -one so curious and eager as Eden was to gather up details. Eden more -than once speaks of what Sebastian Cabot told him. In the margin of -folio 255, where is a report of the famous conversation concerning -Sebastian Cabot, extracted from Ramusio, in which Cabot is spoken of as -“a Venetian born,” Eden says: “Sebastian Cabot told me that he was born -in Brystowe, and that at iiii years old he was carried with his father -to Venice, and so returned again into England with his father, after -certain years, wherby he was thought to have been born in Venice.” This -was a bad beginning on the part of Eden as an interviewer; that is to -say, the truth was not reached. - -Sebastian Cabot, if he had been asked, might have told Eden much more. -Why did not Eden hand in a list of questions? Why did he not submit to -him a proof-sheet of the story from Ramusio, which we know contains so -many errors, and ask him to correct it, so that the world might have -a true account of the discovery of North America? What an excellent -opportunity was lost to Cabot for printing here under the auspices -of Eden all those maps and discourses which Hakluyt, at a later -period, tells us were in the custody of the worshipful Master William -Worthington, who was very willing to have them overseen and published, -but which have never yet seen the light![37] - -I have already called attention to the fact that Eden had a copy of -Cabot’s map, and translated one of the legends upon it,—that relating -to the River La Plata, no. vii.[38] - -About this time, or perhaps a few years earlier, there was painted in -England a portrait of Sebastian Cabot, supposed for many years to have -been done by Holbein, whose death has usually been referred to the year -1554, though recent investigations have rendered it probable that he -died eleven years before. The first notice of this portrait which I -have seen is in Purchas.[39] A minute description of it, with a notice -of its disappearance from Whitehall, where it hung for many years, is -given by Mr. Biddle,[40] who subsequently purchased the picture in -England and brought it to this country, where in 1845 it was burned -with his house and contents, in Pittsburg, Pa. Two excellent copies of -it, however, had fortunately been taken, one of which, by the artist -Chapman, is in the gallery of the Massachusetts Historical Society,[41] -and the other in that of the New York Historical Society.[42] The -portrait was painted after Cabot had returned to England; and it is -said, I know not on what authority, to have been painted for King -Edward VI., who died in 1553. Cabot lived some five years longer. -The picture represents Cabot as a very old man. It has the following -inscription upon it:[43]— - - EFFIGIES· SEBASTIANI CABOTI - ANGLI· FILII· JOHÃNIS· CABOTI· VENE - TI· MILITIS· AVRATI· PRIMI· INVĒT - ORIS· TERRÆ NOVIÆ SUB HERICO VII. ANGL - LÆ REGE. - -A peculiar interest is attached to this inscription, from the -circumstance that it must probably have proceeded from Sebastian Cabot -himself; that is to say, the facts intended to be embodied in it by -the artist or herald could best come from him. But being clumsily -expressed, it is uncertain whether the son or the father was intended -to be represented as the knight and discoverer. With the exception -of the legend on the map already mentioned, it is the only direct -testimony presumably from Sebastian himself as to the principal fact -involved. That joins both the father and the son as discoverers. Here -the honor is given to but one of them, but unhappily the only statement -clearly expressed is that Sebastian Cabot is an Englishman and the son -of John Cabot, a Venetian. Which was the knight and the discoverer no -one can tell certainly from the legend itself. The inscription has -been the subject of considerable discussion and even controversy.[44] -Humboldt has a brief note on the subject,[45] in which he says: “Il -importe de savoir si c’est le père Jean ou le fils Sebastien qui est -désigné comme celui auquel la décoverte est due. Si c’était le fils, -Holbein aurait probablement placé le mot _filii_ après _Veneti_. Il -aurait écrit: _Effigies_ Seb. Caboti Angli, Joannis Caboti Veneti -filii....” We now know from other evidence that John Cabot was the -discoverer of North America. He may have been accompanied by his son, -Sebastian, but it would have been a pleasant fact to have the testimony -of the son to his father’s honor clearly expressed, as may have been -intended in this awkward composition. Sebastian Cabot has been the -sphinx of American history for over three hundred years, and this -inscription over his head in his picture does not tend to divest him -of that character. There has as yet appeared no other evidence to show -that either John Cabot or Sebastian was ever knighted. Purchas[46] -insists on giving the title of “Sir” to the son. Laying aside the -question as to the interpretation of the inscription on the portrait, -there is sufficient evidence elsewhere to show that Sebastian Cabot -was not a knight. In two documents to be more particularly noticed in -another place,—one dated in May, 1555, and the other in May, 1557, the -latter dated not long before Sebastian Cabot’s death,—relating to a -pension granted to him by the Crown of England, he is styled “Armiger,” -a dignity below that of knight and equivalent to that of esquire. See -Rymer’s _Fœdera_, vol. xv. pp. 427 and 466. - -In 1558 there was published in Paris a book entitled _Les Singularitez -de la France Antarcktique_, etc., by F. André Thevet, the French -Cosmographer.[47] This writer is held in little estimation, and -deservedly so. In chapter lxxiv. fol. 145, _verso_, in speaking of the -Baccalaos, is this passage:— - - “It was first discovered by Sebastian Babate, an Englishman, who - persuaded Henry VII., King of England, that he could go easily this - way by the North to Cathay, and that he would thus obtain spices - and other articles from the Indies equally as well as the King of - Portugal; added to which he proposed to go to Peru and America, to - people the country with new inhabitants, and to establish there a - New England, which he did not accomplish. True it is he put three - hundred men ashore, somewhere to the north of Ireland, where the cold - destroyed nearly the whole company, though it was then the month of - July. Afterwards Jaques Cartier (as he himself has told me) made two - voyages to that country in 1534 and 1535.” - -This passage it will be seen is a mere perversion of that in Gomara, -changing the name of Cabot to Babate, and Iceland to Ireland, but -adding the wholly unauthorized statement that the three hundred men -were put ashore and perished in the cold. Mr. Biddle,[48] who calls -attention to this writer’s recklessness, says that this is a “random -addition suggested by the reference in Gomara to one of the objects -of Cabot’s expedition, and the reasons which compelled him to turn -back.” On the other hand, he thinks it possible that Thevet “derived -his information from Cartier, who would be very likely to know of any -such attempt at settlement.” It is not at all likely that Thevet had -any authority whatever for his statement. His mention of Cartier is -probably suggested by seeing in Gomara,[49] immediately following the -extract from him above quoted, the mention of Cartier as being on that -coast in 1534 and 1535. But Thevet’s statement has entered into sober -history, and has been quoted and requoted. - -Captain Antonio Galvano, the Portuguese, had died in 1557, leaving -behind him a _Trádado_, a historical treatise, which was published -at Lisbon in 1563. It gives an account “of all the discoveries, -ancient and modern, which have been made up to the year one thousand -five hundred and fifty.” This is a valuable chronological list of -discoveries in which the writer includes, in the latter part, his -own experience. He spent the early part of his life in India, and the -latter part, on being recalled home, in compiling an account of all -known voyages. The Hakluyt Society have published Galvano’s book in -the original, from a copy, believed to be unique, in the Carter-Brown -Library, at Providence R. I. It is accompanied by an English version, -by an unknown translator, long in the possession of Hakluyt, corrected -and published by him, as the title says, in 1601.[50] Hakluyt never -could get sight of a copy of the original edition. On comparing the -texts, several omissions and additions are noticed by the modern -editor. The former are supposed to be due to the inadvertence of -the translator, the latter to Hakluyt, who supplied what he thought -important from other sources; and to him are probably due the marginal -references. The following is the English version of Galvano’s -account[51] of Cabot’s discovery, some omissions having been supplied -by the modern editor:— - - “In the year 1496 there was a Venetian in England called John Cabota, - who having knowledge of such a new discovery as this was [viz. the - discovery by Columbus], and perceiving by the globe that the islands - before spoken of stood almost in the same latitude with his country, - and much nearer to England than to Portugal, or to Castile, he - acquainted King Henry the Seventh, then King of England, with the - same, wherewith the said king was greatly pleased, and furnished him - out with two ships and three hundred men; which departed and set sail - in the spring of the year, and they sailed westward till they came in - sight of land in 45 degrees of latitude towards the north, and then - went straight northwards till they came into 60 degrees of latitude, - where the day is eighteen hours long, and the night is very clear - and bright. There they found the air cold, and great islands of ice, - but no ground in seventy, eighty, an hundred fathoms sounding, but - found much ice, which alarmed them; and so from thence putting about, - finding the land to turn eastwards, they trended along by it on the - other tack, discovering all the bay and river[52] named Deseado, to - see if it passed on the other side; then they sailed back again, - diminishing the latitude, till they came to 38 degrees toward the - equinoctial line, and from thence returned into England. There be - others which say that he went as far as the Cape of Florida, which - standeth in 25 degrees.” - -It will be seen that the greater part of this is taken from Gomara, and -the writer had also read Peter Martyr and Ramusio, and from the latter -takes his year 1496. One statement,—namely, that Cabot came in sight -of land in 45 degrees north,—is original here, which would almost lead -one to suppose that Galvano had seen the _prima vista_ of Cabot’s map. - -It will be noticed, near the beginning of the extract from Galvano, -that John Cabot is said to be the discoverer. Thus it stands in the old -English version as published by Hakluyt, but in the original Portuguese -it reads: “No anno de 1496 achandose hum Venezeano por nome Sebastiāo -Gaboto em Inglaterra,” etc. The substitution of John for Sebastian was -no doubt due to Hakluyt, who also made this marginal note: “The great -discovery of John Cabota and the English.”[53] - -In this same year (1563) there was published in London an English -version from the French of Jean Ribault, entitled, _The whole and True -discoverie of Terra Florida_ (_englished the Flourishing Lande_), etc., -giving an account of the attempt to found a colony at Port Royal in -the preceding year. The translation was made by Thomas Hacket, and was -reprinted by Richard Hakluyt in his _Divers Voyages_, in 1582.[54] In -referring to the preceding attempts at discovery and settlement of -those northern shores, he says:— - - “Of the which there was one, a very famous stranger named Sebastian - Cabota, an excellent pilot, sent thither by King Henry, the year - 1498, and many others, who never could attain to any habitation, nor - take possession thereof one only foot of ground, nor yet approach or - enter into these parts and fair rivers into the which God hath brought - us.”[55] - -This passage from Ribault is cited principally for the date there -given, 1498, as the year of Sebastian Cabot’s visit to the northern -shores. It was not the year of the discovery, but was the year of the -second voyage. Where did Ribault pick up this date? No one of the -notices of Cabot’s voyage hitherto cited contains it. I have already -called attention to Peter Martyr’s language, in 1524, that Sebastian -Cabot discovered the Baccalaos twenty-six years before, from which by a -calculation that date is arrived at.[56] - -In 1570 Abraham Ortelius published at Antwerp the first edition of -his celebrated _Theatrum orbis terrarum_, containing fifty-three -copperplate maps, engraved by Hogenberg.[57] In the beginning of -the book is a list of the maps which Ortelius had consulted, and he -mentions among them one by “Sebastianus Cabotus Venetus, Universalem -Tabulam: quam impressam æneis formis vidimus, sed sine nomine loci et -impressoris.” This would seem to describe, so far as it goes, the Cabot -map in the National Library, at Paris, which is a large engraved map of -the world, “without the name of the place or the printer.” - -Mr. Biddle was impressed with the belief that Ortelius was largely -influenced in the composition of his map by the map of Cabot. He -contended that Cabot’s landfall was the coast of Labrador, and he found -near that coast, on the map of Ortelius, a small island named St. -John, which he supposed was that discovered by Cabot on St. John’s day -and so named, and was taken by Ortelius from Cabot’s map.[58] But an -examination of the Paris map fails to confirm Biddle’s hypothesis. The -“Y. de s. Juan,” is in the Gulf of St. Lawrence near where the _prima -vista_ is placed. A delineation of what might be called Hudson Bay -appears on the map of Ortelius, and Biddle supposed that Cabot’s map -furnished the authority for it. But no such representation of that bay -appears on Cabot’s map. - -In 1574 there appeared at Cologne another edition of Peter Martyr’s -three Decades, published in connection with some writings of the -distinguished Fleming, Damiani A. Goès.[59] The third Decade of Martyr, -as I have already said, contained the earliest notice of Sebastian -Cabot. - - * * * * * - -We have arrived at a period now when the public men of England -began especially to interest themselves in voyages of discovery and -colonization, and successfully to engage the good offices of the -Queen in their behalf. “There hath been two special causes in former -age,” says George Beste in “the Epistle Dedicatory” to his voyages of -Frobisher, published in 1578, “that have greatly hindered the English -nation in their attempts. The one hath been lack of liberality in the -nobility; and the other, want of skill in the cosmography and the art -of navigation,—which kind of knowledge is very necessary for all -our noblemen, for that, we being islanders, our chiefest strength -consisteth by sea. But these two causes are now in this present age -(God be thanked!) very well reformed; for not only her Majesty now, -but all the nobility also, having perfect knowledge in cosmography, -do not only with good words countenance the forward minds of men, but -also with their purses do liberally and bountifully contribute unto the -same; whereby it cometh to pass that navigation, which in the time of -King Henry VII. was very raw, and took (as it were) but beginning (and -ever since hath had by little and little continual increase), is now in -her Majesty’s reign grown to his highest perfection.”[60] - -Frobisher sailed on his first voyage in June, 1576. The tract of Sir -Humphrey Gilbert, entitled, _A Discourse of Discovery for a new Passage -to Cataia_, principally written ten years before, was published before -Frobisher left the Thames. The reference in this tract to Sebastian -Cabot—who “by his personal experience and travel hath set forth and -described this passage [that is, the Straits of Anian] in his charts, -which are yet to be seen in the Queen’s Majesty’s Privy Gallery at -Whitehall, who was sent to make this discovery by King Henry VII., -and entered the same fret,” etc.—has led Mr. Biddle to suppose that -Frobisher had the benefit of Cabot’s experience, and that his maps or -charts hanging in the gallery at Whitehall had delineated on them the -strait or passage through to the Pacific, which Cabot entered, and -would have passed on to Cathay, if he had not been prevented by the -mutiny of the master and mariners.[61] - -One would naturally infer that Gilbert wrote this passage after -inspecting the map in Whitehall, but the full passage of which we have -here given an extract is taken from Cabot’s letter in Ramusio,[62] to -which work Gilbert refers in the margin of his tract thus: “Written -in the Discourses of Navigation.”[63] I may add that in the following -year, 1577, Richard Willes published a new edition of Eden,[64] -containing all the references to Cabot in the genuine edition, and also -a paper on Frobisher’s first voyage, with some speculations, added to -those of Gilbert, as to the northwest passage. In this paper, addressed -to the Countess of Warwick, he makes frequent reference to Cabot’s -card or table, in possession of the countess’s father “at Cheynies,” -as proving by Cabot’s experience the existence of such a strait as had -been spoken of by Gilbert, and of which Frobisher in his first voyage -was in search. He says: “Cabota was not only a skilful seaman but a -long traveller, and such a one as entered personally that strait, sent -by King Henry VII. to make this aforesaid discovery, as in his own -discourse of navigation you may read in his card drawn with his own -hand; the mouth of the northwest strait lieth near the 318 meridian, -betwixt 61 and 64 degrees in elevation, continuing the same breadth -about 10 degrees west, where it openeth southerly more and more.”[65] - -If the Countess of Warwick’s father, the Earl of Bedford, had a map -by Cabot, with a northwestern strait delineated on it in degrees of -latitude and longitude as described by Willes, it could not be a -copy of the recently recovered Paris map. In the latter the coast to -the north of Labrador from latitude 58 to 65 runs in a northeasterly -direction, when it suddenly trends in a northwesterly direction, its -delineation ceasing at latitude 68, where is this inscription, “Costa -del hues norueste” (coast west-northwest). Dr. Kohl is of opinion that -Cabot is here delineating, from his own experience, Cumberland Island -in Davis’s Strait; but Mr. Biddle thinks that Cabot’s highest northern -latitude was reached in Fox’s Channel on the shores of Melville -Peninsula. All these speculations seem to me to be based on very -uncertain data.[66] - -One is impressed with the ambiguous language of Willes when he speaks -of Cabot’s “own discourse of navigation [which] you may read in his -card drawn by his own hand.” The phrase “discourse of navigation” -sounds so much like Gilbert’s reference in the margin of his tract to -Ramusio, that I am disposed to refer it to that source. - -Clement Adams, as we shall see farther on, made a copy of Cabot’s map -or a copy of some reputed map of Cabot, in 1549 (if the supposition as -to the date is correct), which in Hakluyt’s time hung in the gallery at -Whitehall, and of which copies were also to be seen in many merchants’ -houses; yet it is difficult to understand how different copies of a -genuine map of Cabot could contain such variations. Certainly they are -all unsatisfactory, and throw but little light on the voyage of the -Cabots. - -The indefatigable compiler and translator Belleforest issued in -1576,[67] in Paris, his _Cosmographie Universelle_, on the basis of -the work of Sebastian Munster; and he says[68] that Sebastian Cabot -attempted, at the expense of Henry VII. of England, to find the way -to Cathay by the north; that he discovered the point of Baccalaos, -which the Breton and Norman sailors now call the Coast of Codfish, and -proceeding yet farther reached the latitude of 67 degrees towards the -Arctic pole. Substantially the same passage may be found in Chauveton’s -_Histoire Nouvelle du Nouveau Monde_, p. 141, published at Geneva, in -1579, being a translation of Benzoni, and of other writers. - -In connection with Frobisher’s voyage there was published in London, -in 1578, _A Prayse and Report of Maister Martyne Frobisher’s Voyage to -Meta Incognita_, by Thomas Churchyard, a miscellaneous and voluminous -writer, who says: “I find that Cabota was the first in King Henry -VII.’s days that diserned this frozen land or seas from 67 towards the -north, from thence toward the south along the coast to 36 degrees.”[69] - -The work of George Beste, the writer of the account of Frobisher’s -three voyages, before mentioned, published in London in 1578, speaks of -Sebastian Cabot as having discovered sundry parts of new-found-land, -and attempted the passage to Cathay, and as being an Englishman, born -in Bristowe. And a yet further reference is made to him, with the -singular additional statement that the date of his discovery was 1508. -This date may be a clerical or typographical error. - -These brief notices of Sebastian Cabot are cited as showing how a -tradition is kept alive by one author or compiler quoting another, -neither of which is of the slightest authority in itself. - -In 1582 there appeared at Paris a work entitled _Les Trois Mondes_, -etc. by L. V. Popellinière. It is a mere compilation, and embraces -translations from various authors relating to the discoveries of the -different maritime nations of Europe in various parts of the world. His -third world is Australia, called by the Spaniards, he says, Terra del -Fuego, which is here represented on a map as a large continent.[70] On -fol. 25 it is said that Cabot was the first to conduct the English to -the Baccalaos, which was better known to him than to any other; that -he armed two ships at the charge and with the consent of Henry VII. of -England to go there, and took out with him three hundred Englishmen, -and sailed along 48½ degrees in a strait, but was so baffled by the -extremity of the cold which he found there in July, that, although the -days were long, and the nights were clear, he did not dare to pass -beyond with his men to the island to which he wished to conduct them. - -This is substantially a resumé of the account in Gomara, with a -discrepancy in stating the latitude reached. - -Following a long resumé in French of the conversation in the first -volume of Ramusio, this writer remarks: “This then was that Gabote -which first discovered Florida for the King of England, so that the -Englishmen have more right thereunto than the Spaniards; if to have -right unto a country, it sufficeth to have first seen and discovered -the same.”[71] - -In 1580 was published the first edition of Stow’s _Chronicle_ (or -_Annals_) _of England_, etc., which contains, under the year 1498, the -alleged passage from Fabian, which Mr. Biddle[72] charges Hakluyt with -perverting, by prefixing in his larger work the name of John Cabot to -the “Venitian” as it appeared in the _Divers Voyages_ of 1582. The -passage in Stow begins thus: “This year one Sebastian Gabato, a Genoa’s -son, born in Bristow,” etc. Reference will be made to this document -farther on. - -In 1582 Richard Hakluyt published his _Divers Voyages_, his first book, -which contains many curious and important documents. It is dedicated to -Master Philip Sidney, Esquire, who, with other statesmen and public men -of England, was then deeply interested in American Colonization, being -largely inspired by political considerations. The dedication contains -an interesting summary of what had been done by other nations, and the -reasons why England should now enter upon this work. Reasons are also -given for believing that “there is a strait and short way open into -the west even unto Cathay,” which they had so long desired to find. -And finally the claim of England to the large unsettled territory in -America is set forth, “from Florida to sixty-seven degrees northward, -by the letters patent granted to John Gabote and his three sons, Lewis, -Sebastian, and Santius, with Sebastian’s own certificate to Baptista -Ramusius of his discovery of America, and the testimony of Fabian our -own chronicler.” - -We begin now to approach for the first time a document which is of -the highest authenticity and value. I mean the letters patent, which -Hakluyt here prints,[73] under which the discovery of North America -was made by authority of England. John Cabot, the father, now emerges -from obscurity, for we find the grant is to him and to his three sons, -of whom Sebastian is the second. The patent gave them permission to -sail with five ships, at their own costs and charges, under the royal -banners and ensigns, to all countries and seas of the east, of the -west, and of the north, and to seek out and discover whatsoever isles, -countries, and provinces of the heathen and infidels, whatsoever they -be, which before this time had been unknown to Christians. They also -had license to set up the royal banners in the countries found by them, -and to conquer and possess them as the king’s vassals and lieutenants. -This document is dated 5 March, 1495 (that is 1496, new style). Hakluyt -also prints an extract from Fabian’s chronicle, furnished him by John -Stow, and supposed to have been in manuscript, as it is not contained -in any printed edition of Fabian. In the heading which Hakluyt gives -to the paper as printed, he says it is “a note of Sebastian Gabote’s -voyage of discovery.” The document reads: “This year the King (by means -of a Venetian which made himself very expert and cunning in knowledge -of the circuit of the world and islands of the same, ...) caused to man -and victual a ship at Bristowe to search for an island which, he said -he knew well, was rich and replenished with rich commodities,—which -ship thus manned and victualed at the King’s cost, divers merchants -of London ventured in her small stocks, being in her as chief patron -the said Venetian. And in the company of the said ship sailed also out -of Bristowe three or four small ships fraught with slight and gross -merchandizes; ... and so departed from Bristowe in the beginning of -May, of whom in this Mayor’s time returned no tidings.” This of course -refers to the voyage of 1498. - -In the margin against this paper Hakluyt has this note: “In the 13 -year of King Henry the VII., 1498,” and also “William Purchas, Mayor -of London,” whose time expired the last of October, 1498. Stow, as -has been seen, had already printed this paper, two years before, in -his _Annals_; and it is reprinted in later editions of that work. -What precise shape the original paper was in, which was used by Stow -and Hakluyt, we do not know. If they had but one original it was not -followed in all its details by both. Dr. E. E. Hale printed in the -_Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society for October, 1865, a -paper from the Cotton manuscripts in the British Museum, Vitellius, A. -xvi, which he thought was the original paper used by each, and to which -Hakluyt’s copy conforms more nearly than does that of Stow. The Cotton -manuscript gives no name to the navigator, but calls him a stranger -“Venetian,” as does Hakluyt. Stow, who probably rarely heard of the -name of John Cabot, and was very familiar with that of Sebastian, calls -him “Sebastian Gaboto, a Genoa’s son.”[74] - -Hakluyt also prints in this precious little volume the substance of -Sebastian Cabot’s letter to Ramusio, printed in the beginning of his -third volume, in which he mentions the degree of latitude, 67½° N., -which Cabot reached in his voyage in search of a way to Cathay. - -He also prints for the first time the two well-known letters of Robert -Thorne, in the latter of which, addressed to Dr. Ley, the English -ambassador to Spain, the writer says that his father and another -merchant of Bristol, Hugh Eliot, were the discoverers of the new-found -lands. Some have conjectured that these merchants went out with the -Cabots, and others that they were in some later expedition not well -defined. Hakluyt also prints here an English version of “Verarzanus,” -and Hacket’s “Ribault.” The volume also contains two maps, one of -which, prepared by Michael Locke, was made, he says, “according to -Verarzanus’s plat,” an “old excellent map, which he gave to King Henry -VIII., and is yet in the custody of Master Locke.” The map of Locke was -probably made only in its general features according to the original -model, and contained some more modern additions by its compiler. It has -one interesting inscription upon it,—namely, on the delineation of C. -Breton we read, “J. Gabot, 1497.” This is the first time I have seen -this date assigned as the date of the discovery.[75] - -Hakluyt’s little volume expressed the interest felt in England on the -subject of North American colonization, and furnished the ground on -which England based her title to the country. He also announced in -this book that Sebastian Cabot’s maps and discourses were then in the -custody of one of Cabot’s old associates, William Worthington, who was -willing to have them seen and published. - - * * * * * - -The interest in the contemplated voyage of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who -made the first serious attempt in that century at colonization for -England, culminated next year, when he sailed and never returned. Among -the reports of that voyage was one written by Mr. Edward Haies in 1583, -in which he says: “The first discovery of these coasts (never heard of -before) was well begun by John Cabot the father, and Sebastian the son, -an Englishman born, who were the first finders out of all that great -tract of land stretching from the Cape of Florida unto those islands -which we now call the Newfoundland; all which they brought and annexed -unto the crown of England.”[76] - -Sir George Peckham, a large adventurer with Gilbert, also wrote in 1583 -on the same theme, and he makes mention of the title of England in the -following language: “In the time of the Queen’s grandfather of worthy -memory, King Henry VII., letters patent were by his Majesty granted to -John Cabota, an Italian, to Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, his three -sons, to discover remote, barbarous, and heathen countries, which -discovery was afterwards executed to the use of the Crown of England in -the said King’s time by Sebastian and Sancius, his sons, who were born -here in England.”[77] It seems to have been thought that the title of -England would be strengthened by the statement that the discoverers, -or some of them, were native subjects of the Crown of England. This -seems to have been one reason why it has always been insisted on that -Sebastian Cabot, so long supposed to be the discoverer, was born in -England.[78] - -[Illustration: LOK’S MAP, 1582.—REDUCED.] - -I have already spoken of an edition of Peter Martyr’s _Decades_ in the -original Latin, _De Orbe Novo_, published at Paris in 1587, under -the editorship of Richard Hakluyt, who was then residing in that -city in connection with the British Embassy. It was dedicated to Sir -Walter Raleigh, for whom, three years before, Hakluyt had written the -_Discourse on Westerne Planting_. It was the first time the _Decades_ -had been printed entire since the first edition of them appeared at -Alcala in Spain in 1530. It has been suggested by Mr. Brevoort that the -Spanish Government did not favor their circulation, or encourage their -republication. In Hakluyt’s edition there was inserted an excellent -map of North and South America, of small size, six and a half by seven -and a half inches, and dedicated to him by the maker, “F. G.” On the -delineation of the coast of Labrador, there is inscribed just north -of the River St. Lawrence, “Baccalaos Ab Anglis, 1496.” This date was -without doubt supplied by Hakluyt himself, who, in his _Discourse on -Westerne Planting_, insisted on that erroneous date as the true year of -discovery,—citing the conversation in the first volume of Ramusio for -his authority, as we have seen. - -In tracing down the notices in print of John or Sebastian Cabot, we -come now to a book of considerable interest, published in Venice in -1588, some years after the death of its author, Livio Sanuto. It was -entitled _Geographica Distincta_, etc., and related in part to matters -connected with naval science. The author was deeply interested in the -subject of the variation of the needle, and having heard that Sebastian -Cabot had publicly explained this subject to the King of England -(supposed to be Edward VI., on Cabot’s return to England), he applied -to the Venetian ambassador there resident to ascertain from Cabot -himself where he had fixed the point of no variation. The information -was accordingly procured and published by Sanuto. In the course of -his investigations the author made use of a map composed by Cabot -himself, in which the position of this meridian was seen to be one -hundred and ten miles to the west of the island of Flores, one of the -Azores. Mr. Biddle,[79] who dwells at some length on this volume, calls -attention to the fact “that the First Meridian on the maps of Mercator, -running through the most western point of the Azores, was adopted with -reference to the supposed coincidence in that quarter of the true and -magnetic poles.” Sanuto makes frequent reference to the map of Cabot -in his book, and also makes mention of Cabot’s observations relating -to the variation of the compass at the equator. I have already called -attention to one of the legends on Cabot’s map of 1544, no. 17, which -relates in part to the variation of the needle. In _Prima Parte_, lib. -ii. fol. 17, Sanuto gives a brief account of Cabot’s voyage, which -Mr. Biddle[80] says corresponds minutely with that which Sir Humphrey -Gilbert derived from the map hung up in Queen Elizabeth’s gallery. -Sanuto, however, evidently copied from Cabot’s letter in the preface of -the third volume of Ramusio, from which also the language in Gilbert is -drawn. - -In 1589 Hakluyt published his first folio of 825 pages entitled, _The -Principal Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation_, -a monument of his industry as a collector. In this first folio Hakluyt -included several pieces from his little quarto tract of 1582, and he -collected and put into English other most important evidence relating -to the discovery of North America by the Cabots. He gave the passage -in Peter Martyr, the conversation in Ramusio, the extract from Gomara, -added to those documents reprinted from the quarto tract, all of which -have been here noticed in the order in which they appeared in print. -It may be added that in the passage from Fabian Hakluyt introduced -the name of John Cabot as the Venetian, though he allowed the name of -Sebastian to stand in the heading, probably through inadvertence. He -also brought the marginal date into the text. - -[Illustration: A SKETCH OF THE HAKLUYT-MARTYR (1587) MAP. - -[This sketch-map is taken from the fac-simile in Stevens’s _Historical -and Geographical Notes_, and needs the following key:— - - 1. Groenlandia. - 2. Islandia. - 3. Frislandia. - 4. Meta incognita ab Anglis inventa An. 1576. - 5. Demonum ins. - 6. S. Brandon. - 7. Baccalaos ab Anglis, 1496. - 8. Hochelaga. - 9. Nova Albion inventa An. 1580, ab Anglis. - 10. Nova Francia. - 11. Virginia, 1584. - 12. Bermuda. - 13. Azores. - 14. Florida. - 15. Nueva Mexico. - 16. Nova Hispania. - 17. Caribana. - 18. Brasilia. - 19. Fretum Magellani. - 20. Peru. - -This map is so rare that the copies in some of the choicest collections -lack it, such as the Huth (p. 920,) Brinley (no. 42), and Carter-Brown -(no. 370). Rich priced a copy in 1832 with the map at £4 4s., which -would to-day be a small sum for the book without the map; while a copy -with the map is now worth £20. Quaritch, Cat. 331, no. 1. The Boston -Athenæum copy has the map. See Norton’s _Lit. Gazette_, new series, i. -272. _Bull. Soc. Géog._, Oct. 1858, p. 271.—ED.]] - -He also produced here from the Rolls Office a memorandum of a license -granted by the King to John Cabot alone, to take five English ships of -two hundred tons or under, with necessary furniture, and mariners and -subjects of the King as would willingly go with him,—dated the 3d day -of February in the thirteenth year of his reign (1497/8). - -The full copy of this license Hakluyt probably never saw, and the -significance of this brief memorandum was never known until, two -hundred and forty years afterwards, the entire document was found and -published by Mr. Richard Biddle in his _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_.[81] -It was therefore often interpreted, in connection with the letters -patent previously issued, as a grant to take up ships for the first -voyage, which, as was supposed, did not take place till 1498. - -The original grant of this license, of which Hakluyt publishes a brief -memorandum, is found to be a permit to enlist ships and mariners, etc., -“and them convey and lead _to the land and isles of late found by the -said John in our name and by our commandment_. Paying for them and -every of them as and if we should in or for our own cause pay, and none -otherwise.” - -The part I have italicized is most significant, and shows that a -previous voyage had been made by John Cabot under the authority of the -Crown. - -Hakluyt also reprinted for the first time, in Latin, with an English -version, an extract from Sebastian Cabot’s map, being no. 8 of the -Legends inscribed upon it, relating to the discovery of North America, -already recited on p. 21. And in saying that it was taken from -Sebastian Cabot’s map, I should explain that Hakluyt says it was “an -extract taken out of the map of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams, -... which is to be seen in her Majesty’s Privy Gallery at Westminster, -and in many other ancient merchants’ houses.” This language is a little -equivocal, and some have supposed that Hakluyt intended to say that -the extract simply was cut by Adams, and not that the whole map was -copied by him. Clement Adams was a schoolmaster and a learned man, and -probably was not an engraver. But Hakluyt is elsewhere more explicit. -In his _Westerne Planting_,[82] he says: “His [Cabot’s] own map is in -the Queen’s Privy Gallery at Westminster, the copy whereof was set out -by Mr. Clement Adams, and is in many merchants’ houses in London.” -It was probably reproduced under the inspection of Adams. We do not -know the year in which Adams’s copy was made, unless an equivocal date -in the margin of Purchas[83] may be regarded as expressing the year, -namely “1549.” Purchas has fallen into great confusion in attempting to -describe Cabot’s map and his picture as they hung in Whitehall in his -time.[84] - -All these documents relative to the Cabot voyages were reprinted by -Hakluyt in the third volume of his larger work—bearing a similar -general title to that of 1589—published in 1600.[85] In the extract -from Cabot’s map, cut by Clement Adams, there reproduced, he changed -the date of the year of the discovery from 1494 to 1497. This latter -is no doubt the true date, but on what authority did Hakluyt make the -change? M. D’Avezac, who contended that 1494 was the true date of the -discovery, that being the date on Cabot’s map, believed that the change -was the result of a typographical error.[86] That it was deliberate -and that the change was not made by an error of the printer, is shown -by the fact that the altered date appears both in the Latin extract -and the English version of it; and that the index or general catalogue -at the beginning of the third volume, in noticing the authorities for -Sebastian Cabot’s voyage, gives “1497” as the year. Again, a copy of -Emeric Molyneaux’s map, prepared about this time, and inserted in some -copies of this volume of Hakluyt, has on the delineation of Labrador, -which some suppose to have been the _prima vista_ of Cabot, the -following inscription: “This land was discovered by John and Sebastian -Cabot for King Henry VII., 1497.”[87] I have already referred to the -earliest use of this date as the year of the discovery, inscribed on a -map of Locke in Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_ of 1582. But the true source -of the date is not here revealed.[88] - -Clement Adams’s map is yet a mystery. I have already called attention -to two editions of Cabot’s map, one of which is in the National Library -at Paris, and another from which the legends in Chytræus were copied. -The extract from Adams’s edition, first made by Hakluyt in 1589,[89] -was in Latin, but from a text quite different from that of Chytræus, -or from the Paris map. It is Legend No. 8 of the inscriptions, and was -the “Chapiter of Gabot’s mapp _De terra nova_,” as set out by Adams, -which Hakluyt tells us of in his _Discourse_.[90] This heading is the -same as that in Chytræus. Here we have two different translations from -a Spanish original. Did Adams transcribe from another copy of Cabot’s -map yet to be discovered—for we can hardly suppose he would make a new -Latin version of the legends, with one already before him—or did he -translate from a map with the Spanish legends only?—neither of which -precious documents is to be found in our bureaus of cartography, and -they are yet to be added to Dr. Kohl’s list of lost maps! - -Following Hakluyt’s extract from Adams’s map is an English version by -him, beginning thus:— - - “In the year of our Lord 1494, John Cabot, a Venetian, and his son - Sebastian (with an English fleet set out from Bristol), discovered - that land which no man before that time had attempted, on the 24th of - June, about five of o’clock early in the morning. This land he called - Prima vista, that is to say, First seen, because, as _I suppose_, it - was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea. That island - which lyeth out before the land he called the Island of S. John, upon - this occasion, as _I think_, because it was discovered upon the day of - St. John the Baptist.” - -It is scarcely necessary to say that the passage in parenthesis is not -in the original, but is introduced by Hakluyt. But the words which I -have italicized are represented in the extract by “credo” and “opinor,” -and are not authorized by the language of the Paris map, nor by the -same legend in Chytræus. In the concluding part of this extract, not -here quoted, Hakluyt speaks of a certain kind of fish seen by the -Cabots, “which the _Savages_ call Baccalaos.” The Latin of Adams’s map -and of the Paris map is _vulgus_, which may mean the common people of -Europe, or the fishermen. In the Spanish of the Paris map, it is said -that the fish are called Baccalaos, but it does not say by whom. The -“white bears” of the Spanish crept into the Latin of Adams, and of -course into Hakluyt’s English, as “white lions.” - -An interesting discussion as to the authenticity of this map of Cabot -in the Paris Library, in connection with the genuineness of the date -1494, as expressing the true year of the discovery of North America, -may be seen in the letter of M. D’Avezac to President Woods, already -referred to. M. D’Avezac accepts the map and the date as genuine and -authentic, while Dr. Kohl rejects both. Mr. Richard Henry Major, in -his paper on “The True Date of the English Discovery,” etc., ably -reviews the whole question discussed by those distinguished _savans_, -and adopts a somewhat modified view. He believes that Sebastian Cabot -originally drew a map with _legends_ or inscriptions upon it in Spanish -only, but that he had no hand in publishing it, or in correcting it -for the press, and that the errors in the engraved map arose from -the ignorance or inadvertence of transcribers; that the date of the -discovery, 1497, was expressed in Roman numerals in the manuscript; -that the letter V. in the numerals VII. was carelessly drawn, and not -well joined at the base, so that a reader might well take it for a -II.; and that such an error might more easily occur in a manuscript, -especially on parchment, than on an engraved map on paper. As evidence -that the Paris map, which Dr. Kohl thinks was made in Germany or -Belgium, was copied from a Spanish manuscript, Mr. Major cites the -instance of the name Laguna de Nicaragua being rendered into “Laguna -de Nicaxagoe.” The Spanish manuscript _r_ being in the form of our -northern x, the transcriber showed his ignorance by substituting the -one letter for the other. So also as regards the copy made by Clement -Adams from the Spanish original. He made an independent translation of -the inscriptions into Latin, which accounts for the two Latin versions, -and also made the same error for the same reason, in giving the date -1494, instead of 1497. - -Mr. Major believes that Hakluyt had good reason for making the -change of date from 1494 to 1497 as the true date of discovery, as -in the same volume in which the change was made he introduced the -remarkable map of Molyneaux, referred to above, on which that date -was inscribed as the year of the discovery; and furthermore that he -may have consulted the papers of Cabot in the possession of William -Worthington.[91] - - * * * * * - -To return again from this long digression to the volumes of Hakluyt -in which he has brought together his various authorities relating -to the voyages of the Cabots, one is impressed with a feeling of -disappointment that he makes no attempt to reconcile their apparent -glaring discrepancies,—that is to say, as to the different dates given -in them to the voyage of discovery, and the variation in the different -degrees of latitude reached; while no opinion is expressed as to the -comparative agency of John or Sebastian Cabot, or the question as to -whether there was more than one voyage,—I mean a second immediately -following the first which was of discovery. In the general catalogue -prefixed in 1600 to the third volume of his larger work, he refers to -these several “testimonies” as proving a voyage of discovery in 1497, -while in reality no one of them proves that date, bearing in mind that -the date in the extract from Adams’s map was in this later reprint -inserted by him on some evidence not found in his volumes,—the truth -being that all these testimonies, taken as a whole, refer probably to -two if not three voyages, as we have already seen.[92] - -I do not forget that these volumes of Hakluyt contain other interesting -documents relating to Cabot,—namely, the record of the pension granted -by Edward VI., dated Jan. 6, 1548-49, of £165 13_s._ 6_d._, to date -from the preceding Michaelmas Day (September 29); the Ordinances and -Instructions compiled by Cabot for the intended voyage for Cathay, May -9, 1553; his appointment in the charter of the Muscovy Company, Feb. -6, 1555-56, as its governor; the story of his presence on board the -“Serchthrift” at Gravesend on the 13th of April, 1556, about to sail -on a voyage of discovery to the northeast, where the venerable man -“entered into the dance himself.”[93] - -I have already referred to a volume of Chytræus, containing the -Latin legends on Sebastian Cabot’s map, which was published about -this time,—the first edition in 1594, a second in 1599, and a third -edition in 1606. We can hardly suppose that Hakluyt ever saw this book, -at least in the earlier editions, as he could hardly have failed to -incorporate the inscriptions into his larger work. The date 1494 given -in the 8th Legend as the year of the discovery of the new lands, and -the same date incorporated in Hakluyt’s folio of 1589 from Adams’s -map, gave currency to its use to a limited extent.[94] But Hakluyt’s -larger work of 1598-1600 quite superseded in use his previous books, -and Chytræus was probably rarely seen or consulted; yet Mr. Biddle, who -never could have seen Chytræus or Hakluyt’s folio of 1589, could never -understand why later writers, like Harris and Pinkerton, adopted that -date. - -I did not propose, in presenting this sketch of authorities relating to -the Cabots, in chronological order, to pursue the inquiry much beyond -the period to which I have arrived. Neither do I flatter myself that -I have, in the field already traversed, embraced everything in printed -form that should have been noticed, and something of value may have -escaped me. In proceeding, therefore, to notice two or three important -works relating to my theme published about the period now reached, I -shall conclude this chapter by introducing some important material -which has come to light at a later time, from the slumbering archives -of foreign States, and much of it within a few years.[95] - -One of the most important books relating to the history of America -was published at Madrid, 1601-15, by Herrera,—_Historia General_. It -contains nothing relating to the first voyages of the Cabots, except -the passage from Gomara already cited; but it gives other interesting -facts respecting Sebastian Cabot’s residence in Spain, drawn from -official documents. In citing passages from this work below, I have -also made use of the more recently published works of Navarrete, and -even of other writers, where they relate to the same subject. In the -“deceptive conversation” given in the first volume of Ramusio, Cabot -is made to say that the troubles in England induced him, that is, -on his return from his voyage of discovery, to seek employment in -Spain. But Peter Martyr informs us that Cabot did not leave England -until after the death of Henry VII., which took place in 1509.[96] -Herrera[97] mentions the circumstances under which the invitation from -Ferdinand was given and accepted, and Cabot arrived in Spain, Sep. 13, -1512. - -He was taken into service as “capitan,” with pay of fifty thousand -maravedis by a royal grant made at Lagroño, Oct. 20, 1512.[98] -Eden,[99] in a translation of Peter Martyr, makes that author say -that Cabot had been, at the time at which Martyr was writing, 1515, -appointed a member of the Council of the Indies, but it is believed -that the original language of Martyr, “concurialis noster,” will not -bear that interpretation.[100] In 1515 he was appointed “Cosmographo -de la Casa de la Contratacion,” an office which involved the care of -revising maps and charts.[101] And in that same year, Peter Martyr -tells us, there was projected a voyage under the command of Cabot, to -search for that “hid secret of Nature” in the northwest, to sail in -the following year, 1516. But the death of King Ferdinand, on the 23d -of January of that year, put an end to the expedition. In November, -1515, Cabot and Juan Vespucius gave an opinion (_parecer_) concerning -the demarcation line in Brazil.[102] I have already spoken of the -alleged voyage of Cabot and Sir Thomas Pert from England, of 1516-17, -concerning which serious doubts have been expressed. Herrera makes -no mention of Cabot’s leaving Spain at this time; and De Barcia, -not perhaps the highest authority, in the preface to his _Ensayo -Chronologico_, etc., Madrid, 1723, says that Cabot was residing quietly -in Spain from 1512 to 1526, and that “he never intended or proposed to -prosecute the proposed discovery.” On Feb. 5, 1518, he was appointed -“Piloto Mayor y Examinador de Pilotos,” succeeding Juan de Solis, who -had been killed on the La Plata River in 1516, with the same pay in -addition to that of capitano.[103] In 1520 this appointment is again -confirmed, with orders that no pilot should pass to the Indies without -being first examined and approved by him.[104] On April 14, 1524, the -celebrated Congress at Badajos was held, which was attended by Cabot, -not as a member but as an expert; and he and several others delivered -an opinion on the questions submitted, April 15, the second day of the -session.[105] Immediately after the decision of the Congress, which -was pronounced practically in favor of the Spanish interest, a company -was formed at Seville to prosecute the trade to the Moluccas, through -the Straits of Magellan, and Cabot was invited to take the command; -and in September of this year he received the sanction of the Council -of the Indies to engage in the enterprise, and the agreement with -the Emperor was executed at Madrid on March 4, 1525, and the title -of Captain-General was conferred upon him. It was intended that the -expedition should depart in August, but it was delayed by the intrigues -of the Portuguese, and did not sail till April 3, 1526.[106] Cabot’s -expedition to the La Plata, it having been diverted on the coast from -its original destination, will be considered in another volume. On Oct. -25, 1525, his wife, Catalina Medrano, was directed by a royal order to -receive fifty thousand maravedis as a “gratificacion.”[107] - -Cabot returned from South America to Seville with two ships at the end -of July or the beginning of August, 1530, and laid his final report -before the Emperor, of which an abstract may be found in Herrera. -Private complaints were laid against him, and at the suit of the -families of some of his companions who had perished in the expedition -he was arrested and imprisoned, but liberated on bail. Public charges -were preferred against him for misconduct in the affairs of the La -Plata, and the Council of the Indies by an order dated from Medina del -Campo, Feb. 1, 1532, condemned him to a banishment of two years to -Oran, in Africa. But the sentence was not carried into execution. Under -the date of 1531, Herrera speaks of his wife and children.[108] - -During Cabot’s absence, that is to say, on April 4, 1528, Alonzo de -Chaves was appointed “Piloto Mayor,” with Ribero;[109] but the office -was resumed by him not long after his return. Navarrete quotes from -the Archivo de Indias a declaration made in 1574, by Juan Fernandez -de Ladrillos, of Moguer, a great pilot, over seventy years old, who -had sailed to America for twenty-eight years, that he was examined by -Sebastian Cabot in 1535.[110] This office Cabot retained till he left -Spain and returned to England. - -I may as well introduce here as elsewhere a few passages from that -part of the history of Oviedo recently published at Madrid, for the -first time, by the Academy of History. Oviedo is very severe on Cabot -for his want of knowledge and skill in his operations on the La Plata. -But my citations are for another purpose. “Another great pilot (piloto -mayor), Sebastian Cabot, Venetian by origin, educated in England, who -at present is Piloto Mayor and Cosmographer of their Royal Majesties, -etc.... I will not defend from passions ... and negligence Sebastian -Cabot in the affairs of this expedition, since he is a good person and -skilful in his office of cosmography, and making a map of the whole -world in plane or in a spherical form; but it is not the same thing to -command and govern people as to point a quadrant or an astrolabe.”[111] - -Several interesting episodes in the life of Cabot during his residence -in Spain have been recently made public from the Venetian archives. -They may be related here. - -The story of Cabot’s intrigue with the authorities of Venice is told -in a remarkable and interesting letter of Gasparin Contarini, the -Venetian ambassador to Charles V., dated Valladolid, Dec. 31, 1522. -Cabot was at this time holding a high office under the Emperor, and -was drawing large pay. It appears that he had made secret proposals -to the Council of Ten through a friend of his, a certain friar, named -Hieronimo de Marin, a native of Ragusa, to enter into the service of -Venice, and disclose the strait or passage which he claimed to have -discovered, whereby she would derive a great commercial benefit. He -proposed to visit Venice and lay the whole plan before the Council. -The Council of Ten, though they had but little confidence in the -scheme, made all this known to their ambassador by letter, in which -they enclosed a letter also for Cabot, which they had instructed the -friar to write to him. Contarini sent for Cabot, who happened then -to be residing at the court, and gave him his letter, which he there -read with manifest embarrassment. After his fears had been quieted he -told Contarini that he had previously, in England, out of the love he -bore his country, spoken to the ambassadors of Venice on the subject -of the newly discovered countries, through which he had the means of -benefiting Venice, and that the letter had reference to that subject; -but he besought the ambassador to keep the thing a secret, as it would -cost him his life. Contarini told him that he was thoroughly acquainted -with the whole affair, but they would talk further on the subject in -the evening. At the hour appointed, when they were closeted alone in -the ambassador’s chamber, Cabot said:— - - “My Lord Ambassador, to tell you the whole truth, I was born in - Venice, but was brought up in England (Io naqui a Venetia, ma sum - nutrito in Engelterra), and then entered the service of their Catholic - Majesties of Spain, and King Ferdinand made me a captain, with a - salary of 50,000 maravedis. Subsequently his present Majesty gave - me the office of Pilot Major, with an additional salary of 50,000 - maravedis, and 25,000 maravedis besides, as a gratuity; forming a - total of 125,000 maravedis, equal to about 300 ducats.” - -He then proceeded to say that being in England some three years -before, Cardinal Wolsey offered him high terms if he would sail with -an armada of his on a voyage of discovery, for which preparations were -making; but he declined unless the Emperor would give his consent, -in which case he would accept the offer. But meeting with a Venetian -who reproached him for not serving his own country instead of being -engaged altogether for foreigners, his heart smote him, and he wrote -the Emperor to recall him, which he did. And on his return to Seville, -and contracting an intimate friendship with this Ragusan friar, he -unbosomed himself to him; and, as the friar was going to Venice, -charged him with the aforesaid message to the Council of the Ten, and -to no one else; and the Ragusan “swore to me a sacred oath to this -effect.” Cabot then said he would go to Venice, and lay the matter -before the Council, after getting the Emperor’s consent to go, “on the -plea of recovering his mother’s dowry.” The ambassador approved of -this, but made some serious objections to the feasibility of the scheme -which Cabot proposed for the benefit of Venice. Cabot answered his -objections. In the course of the conversation he told Contarini that he -had a method for ascertaining by the needle the distance between two -places from east to west, which had never been previously discovered -by any one. The interview was concluded by his promising to go to -Venice at his own expense, and return in like manner if his plan was -disapproved by the Council. He then urged Contarini to keep the matter -secret. - -On the following 7th of March the ambassador again wrote to the Chiefs -of the Ten, saying that Cabot had been several times to see him, and -that he was disposed to come to Venice to carry his purpose into -effect, but that he did not then dare ask leave for fear he might be -suspected of going to England, and he must wait three months longer; -and that Cabot desired the Council to write him a letter urging him to -come to Venice for the dispatch of his affairs (meaning his private -business). On the 28th of April the Council, in the name of the Ragusan -friar, wrote to Cabot what had been done to discover where his property -was; that there was good hope of recovering the dower of his mother -and aunt, and that had he been present no doubt the object would have -been attained before. He is therefore urged to come at once, “for your -aunt is very old.” The Council say they have caused this letter to be -written “touching his private affairs, in order that it may appear -necessary for him to quit Spain.” On the 26th of July, Contarini again -writes that Cabot, who had been residing at Seville, had come to -Valladolid on his way to Venice, and was endeavoring to get leave of -the Imperial Councillors to go, and that the Signory would be informed -of the result of the application. Probably he never went. The next -mention of him in the Venetian correspondence, during his residence in -Spain, is under the date of September 21, 1525,—that Sebastian Cabot -is captain of the fleet preparing for the Indies.[112] - -Cabot still kept up his intrigues with Venice, even after his return -to England. On the 12th of September, 1551, the Council of Ten write -to their ambassador in England, telling him to assure Cabot that they -are gratified by his offer, and that they will do all they can about -the recovery of his property there, but that it is necessary that he -should come personally to Venice, as no one there knows him; that the -matters concerned are over fifty years old, and by the death of men, -decay of houses, and perishing of writings, as well as by his own -absence, no assured knowledge can be arrived at. He should therefore -come at once. Ramusio, the Secretary of the Council, had been put in -trust by Cabot of all such evidences as should come to hand regarding -Cabot’s business, and he would use all diligence towards establishing -his rights. In the mean time the ambassador is to learn from him all he -can about this navigation. - -Whether this talk about Cabot’s property in Venice, the dowry from his -mother and his aged aunt, was all fictitious, perhaps never can be -known. That these alleged facts were used as a pretext or “blind” in -this correspondence, was on both sides avowed.[113] - -It has been already mentioned, that, after Cabot’s return to England, -and his entry into the service of Edward VI.,—a warrant for his -transportation hither from Spain having passed the Privy Council on the -9th of Oct. 1547,—the King, on the 6th of January, 1548/9, granted him -a pension for life of £166 13_s._ 4_d._, “in consideration of good and -acceptable service done and to be done by him.” But in the following -year a little _contretemps_ occurred between Cabot and the Emperor -Charles V. Through the Spanish ambassador, Jan. 19, 1549/50, Charles -had demanded the return of Cabot to Spain, saying that he was the -“Grand Pilot of the Emperor’s Indies, ... a very necessary man for the -Emperor, whose servant he was, and had a pension of him.” The Council -replied that Cabot was not detained by them, but that he had refused -to go, saying that being the King’s subject there was no reason why he -should be compelled to go. The ambassador insisted that Cabot should -declare his mind to him personally; and an interview was held, at which -Cabot made a declaration to the same import, but said he was willing -to write to the Emperor, having good-will towards him, concerning some -matters important for the Emperor to know. He was then asked if he -would return to Spain if the King of England and the Council should -demand of him to go; to which Cabot made an equivocal answer, but which -the Council, to whom a report of the conversation was made by a third -person present, interpreted to mean that he would not go, as he had -divers times before declared to them.[114] - -In March, 1551, Sebastian Cabot received from the King a special reward -of £200. On the 9th of September, 1553, soon after the accession of -Philip and Mary, the Emperor, Charles V., again made an earnest request -that Cabot should return to Spain. But he declined to go. On the 27th -of November, 1555, Cabot’s pension was renewed to him. Edward VI. -having died two years previous, the former grant had probably expired -with him. On the 27th of May, 1557, Cabot resigned his pension, and -on the 29th a new grant was made to him and to William Worthington, -jointly, of the same amount, so that Cabot was bereft of half his -pay.[115] Cabot died not long afterwards, the precise date, however, -not being known. - -Mr. Biddle was strongly impressed with the belief that Cabot suffered -great neglect and injustice in his last days from Philip, through the -jealousy of Spain of the growing commerce and maritime enterprise -of England, stimulated by one who had left his father’s service and -refused to return, and “who was now imparting to others the benefit -of his vast experience and accumulated stores of knowledge.” And he -believed that William Worthington, who was associated with Cabot in the -last grant to him of his pension, was a creature of Spain, who finally -got possession of Cabot’s papers, and confiscated them beyond the reach -of the students and statesmen of England. - -I will now call attention to some documents recently made public, -principally derived from the archives of Venice and of Spain, which -reveal John Cabot again to our view and show him to have been the real -discoverer of North America.[116] - -John Cabot, or in the Venetian dialect, Zuan Caboto, was probably born -in Genoa or its neighborhood, and came to Venice as early as 1461. He -there married a daughter of the country, by whom he had three sons. On -the 28th of March, 1476, by the unanimous consent of the Senate, he -obtained his naturalization as a citizen of Venice,[117] “within and -without,” having resided there fifteen years.[118] He engaged in the -study of cosmography and the practice of navigation, and at one time -visited Mecca, where the caravans brought in the spices from distant -lands. He subsequently left Venice with his family for England and -took up his residence in Bristol, then one of the principal maritime -cities of that country. Sebastian is reported as saying that his father -went to England to follow the trade of merchandise. When this removal -took place is uncertain. Peter Martyr says that Sebastian, the second -son, at the time was a little child (_pene infans_), while Sebastian -himself says, if correctly reported, that he was very young (_che egli -era assai giouare_), yet that he had some knowledge of the _humanities_ -and of the sphere. He therefore must have arrived at some maturity of -years.[119] Eden[120] says that Sebastian told him that he was born -in Bristol, and was taken to Venice when he was four years old, and -brought back again after certain years. He told Contarini, at a most -solemn interview, that he was born in Venice and bred (_nutrito_) in -England, which is probably true. It is reasonable to suppose that the -three sons were of age when the letters patent were granted to them and -their father in March, 1496, in which case Sebastian, being the second -son, must have been born as early as 1473, or three years before his -father took out his papers of naturalization in Venice.[121] - -In a letter from Ferdinand and Isabella to Doctor de Puebla, in London, -dated March 28, 1496, they say, after acknowledging his letter of -the 21st of January: “You write that a person like Columbus has come -to England for the purpose of persuading the King to enter into an -undertaking similar to that of the Indies, without prejudice to Spain -and Portugal. He is quite at liberty.” But Puebla is further charged to -see that the King of England, who they think has had this temptation -laid before him by the King of France, is not deceived in this matter, -for that these undertakings cannot be executed without prejudice to -Spain and Portugal.[122] - -A reasonable inference from this would be, that John Cabot had arrived -in England not long before the date of Puebla’s letter to their -Majesties, to lay his proposals before Henry VII., as Columbus had done -some years before through his brother, and not that he had been a long -resident in the country. The letters patent had already been issued, -that is to say, on the 5th of March.[123] This letter from Spain may -have caused some delay in the sailing of the expedition, which did not -depart till the following year. But some time was necessary to beat -up recruits for the voyage, and to enlist the aid of the substantial -citizens of Bristol in the undertaking. John Cabot, accompanied perhaps -by his son Sebastian, finally sailed in the early part of May, 1497, -with one small vessel and eighteen persons, “almost all Englishmen -and from Bristol,” says Raimondo; who adds, “The chief men of the -enterprise are of Bristol, great sailors.” A few foreigners were -included in the company, as we learn from the same authority that a -Burgundian and a Genoese accompanied them. The name of the vessel is -said to have been the “Matthew.” Mr. Barrett[124] says: “In the year -1497, June 24th, on St. John’s day, as it is in a manuscript in my -possession, ‘was Newfoundland found by Bristol men in a ship called -the Matthew.’” How much of this paragraph was in the manuscript is not -clear. The first part of it was evidently taken from Hakluyt. And we -are not told whether the manuscript was ancient or modern. It cannot -now be found.[125] - -John Cabot returned in the early part of August. The following -well-known memorandum, from the Privy Purse Expenses of Henry VII., -“August 10, 1497: To him who found the New Isle, 10_l._,” is supposed -to refer to him.[126] - -Additional evidence concerning the voyage will now be given. The -following is a letter from Lorenzo Pasqualigo, a merchant residing in -London, to his brothers in Venice, dated August 23d, 1497, which I have -somewhat abridged:— - - “The Venetian, our countryman, who went with a ship from Bristol, is - returned, and says that 700 leagues hence he discovered land in the - territory of the Grand Cham. He coasted 300 leagues and landed, saw - no human beings, but brought to the king certain snares set to catch - game, and a needle for making nets. Was three months on the voyage. - The king has promised that in the spring our countryman shall have ten - ships. The king has also given him money wherewith to amuse himself - till then, and he is now in Bristol with his wife, who is also a - Venetian, and with his sons. His name is Zuan Cabot, and he is styled - the great Admiral. Vast honor is paid him. The discoverer planted on - his new-found land a large cross, with one flag of England and one of - St. Mark, by reason of his being a Venetian.... London, 23d of August, - 1497.”[127] - -On the following day, August 24, 1497, Raimondo de Soncino, envoy of -the Duke of Milan to Henry VII., wrote the following passage in a long -dispatch to his Government: - - “Also, some months ago, his Majesty sent out a Venetian who is a very - good mariner, and has good skill in discovering new islands, and he - has returned safe, and has found two very large and fertile new - islands, having likewise discovered The Seven Cities, four hundred - leagues from England in the western passage. This next spring his - Majesty means to send him with fifteen or twenty ships.”[128] - -In the following December, Raimondo de Soncino wrote another letter -from London, making more particular mention of John Cabot’s discovery, -and of the intention of the King to authorize another expedition. This -letter, from the State Archives of Milan, was first published in the -_Annuario Scientifico_, in 1865,[129] and is now published in English -for the first time. There is some obscurity in the letter in a few -places, in naming the direction in which the vessel sailed, as the -east when the west was evidently intended. Whether this was a clerical -error, or whether by the term “the east” was meant “the land of the -spices” to which the expedition was bound, and which in the language -of the day lay to the east, is uncertain. Neither is the geographical -object named as “Tanais” recognized. This letter throws no light on -the Landfall. I am indebted to Professor Bennet H. Nash, of Harvard -College, for revising the translation of this letter. - - MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND EXCELLENT MY LORD:— - - Perhaps among your Excellency’s many occupations, it may not - displease you to learn how his Majesty here has won a part of Asia - without a stroke of the sword. There is in this kingdom a Venetian - fellow, Master John Caboto by name, of a fine mind, greatly skilled - in navigation, who seeing that those most serene kings, first he of - Portugal, and then the one of Spain, have occupied unknown islands, - determined to make a like acquisition for his Majesty aforesaid. - And having obtained royal grants that he should have the usufruct - of all that he should discover, provided that the ownership of the - same is reserved to the crown, with a small ship and eighteen persons - he committed himself to fortune; and having set out from Bristol, - a western port of this kingdom, and passed the western limits of - Hibernia, and then standing to the northward he began to steer - eastward, leaving (after a few days) the North Star on his right - hand; and, having wandered about considerably, at last he fell in - with _terra firma_, where, having planted the royal banner and taken - possession on behalf of this King, and taken certain tokens, he has - returned thence. The said Master John, as being foreign-born and poor, - would not be believed if his comrades, who are almost all Englishmen - and from Bristol, did not testify that what he says is true. This - Master John has the description of the world in a chart, and also in - a solid globe which he has made, and he [or the chart and the globe] - shows where he landed, and that going toward the east he passed - considerably beyond the country of the Tanais. And they say that it - is a very good and temperate country, and they think that Brazil-wood - and silks grow there; and they affirm that that sea is covered with - fishes, which are caught not only with the net but with baskets, a - stone being tied to them in order that the baskets may sink in the - water. And this I heard the said Master John relate, and the aforesaid - Englishmen, his comrades, say that they will bring so many fishes that - this kingdom will no longer have need of Iceland, from which country - there comes a very great store of fish which are called stock-fish. - But Master John has set his mind on something greater; for he expects - to go farther on toward the East (Levant,) from that place already - occupied, constantly hugging the shore, until he shall be over against - [or “on the other side of”] an island, by him called Cipango, situated - in the equinoctial region, where he thinks all the spices of the - world, and also the precious stones, originate; and he says that in - former times he was at Mecca, whither spices are brought by caravans - from distant countries, and that those who brought them, on being - asked where the said spices grow, answered that they do not know, - but that other caravans come to their homes with this merchandise - from distant countries, and these [caravans] again say that they are - brought to them from other remote regions. And he argues thus,—that - if the Orientals affirmed to the Southerners that these things come - from a distance from them, and so from hand to hand, presupposing - the rotundity of the earth, it must be that the last ones get them - at the North toward the West; and he said it in such a way, that, - having nothing to gain or lose by it, I too believe it: and what is - more, the King here, who is wise and not lavish, likewise puts some - faith in him; for (ever) since his return he has made good provision - for him, as the same Master John tells me. And it is said that, in - the spring, his Majesty afore-named will fit out some ships, and will - besides give him all the convicts, and they will go to that country - to make a colony, by means of which they hope to establish in London - a greater storehouse of spices than there is in Alexandria; and the - chief men of the enterprise are of Bristol, great sailors, who, now - that they know where to go, say that it is not a voyage of more than - fifteen days, nor do they ever have storms after they get away from - Hibernia. I have also talked with a Burgundian, a comrade of Master - John’s, who confirms everything, and wishes to return thither because - the Admiral (for so Master John already entitles himself) has given - him an island; and he has given another one to a barber of his from - Castiglione-of-Genoa, and both of them regard themselves as Counts, - nor does my Lord the Admiral esteem himself anything less than a - Prince. I think that with this expedition there will go several poor - Italian monks, who have all been promised bishoprics. And, as I have - become a friend of the Admiral’s, if I wished to go thither I should - get an archbishopric. But I have thought that the benefices which - your Excellency has in store for me are a surer thing; and therefore - I beg that if these should fall vacant in my absence, you will cause - possession to be given to me, taking measures to do this rather - [especially] where it is needed, in order that they be not taken from - me by others, who because they are present can be more diligent than - I, who in this country have been brought to the pass of eating ten or - twelve dishes at every meal, and sitting at table three hours at a - time twice a day, for the sake of your Excellency, to whom I humbly - commend myself. - - Your Excellency’s - Very humble servant, - - RAIMUNDUS. - - LONDON, Dec. 18, 1497. - -These letters are sufficient to show that North America was discovered -by John Cabot, the name of Sebastian being nowhere mentioned in them, -and that the discovery was made in 1497. The place which he first -sighted is given on the map of 1544 as the north part of Cape Breton -Island, on which is inscribed “prima tierra vista,” which was reached, -according to the Legend, on the 24th of June. Pasqualigo, the only one -who mentions it, says he coasted three hundred leagues. Mr. Brevoort, -who accepts the statement, thinks he made the _periplus_ of the Gulf -of St. Lawrence, passing out at the straits of Belle Isle, and thence -home.[130] He saw no human beings, so that the story of men dressed in -bear-skins and otherwise described in the Legend must have been seen by -Sebastian Cabot on a later voyage. The extensive sailing up and down -the coast described by chroniclers from conversations with Sebastian -Cabot many years afterwards, though apparently told as occurring on -the voyage of discovery,—as only one voyage is ever mentioned,—must -have taken place on a later voyage. There was no time between the 24th -of June and the 1st of August for any very extensive explorations. -Indeed, John Cabot intimated to Raimondo that he intended on the next -voyage to start from the place he had already found, and run down the -coast towards the equinoctial regions, where he expected to find the -island of Cipango and the country of jewels and spices. No doubt he -was anxious to return and report his discovery thus far, and provide -“for greater things.” The plea of a shortness of provisions may have -covered another motive. The great abundance of fish reported might have -supplied any immediate want. - -[Illustration: PORTUGUESE PORTOLANO. 1514-1520. - -[This map, at no. 5, places the Breton discovery at the Cabot landfall. -The original is dated by Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, 179) in 1520; and -by Kunstmann in 1514. Stevens, _Hist. and Geog. Notes_, pl. v., copies -Kunstmann. The points and inscriptions on it are as follows:— - -1. Do Lavrador (Labrador). Terram istam portugalenses viderunt atamen -non intraverunt. (The Portuguese saw this country, but did not enter -it.) - -2. Bacaluaos (east coast of Newfoundland). - -3. (Straits of Belle Isle.) - -4. (South entrance to Gulf of St. Lawrence.) - -5. Tera que foij descuberta por bertomas. (Land discovered by the -Bretons.) - -6. Teram istam gaspar Corte Regalis portugalemsis primo invenit, etc. -(Nova Scotia. Gaspar Cortereal first discovered this country, and he -took away wild men and white bears; and many animals, birds and fish -are in it. The next year he was shipwrecked and did not return, and -so was his brother Michael the following year.) The voyages of the -Cortereals will be described in Vol. IV.—ED.]] - -John Cabot was now in high favor with the King, who supplied him with -money, by which he was able to make a fine appearance. Indeed, the King -granted him under the great seal, during the royal pleasure, a pension -of twenty pounds sterling per annum, having the purchasing value of -two hundred pounds at the present time; to date from the preceding -25th of March. The grant was a charge upon the customs of the port of -Bristol. The document authorizing this grant we are able to present -here for the first time in print. The order from the King is dated the -13th of December, 1497, and it passed the seals the 28th of January, -1498:[131]— - - “Memorandum quod xxviii. die Januarii anno subscripto istæ litteræ - liberatæ fuerunt domino Cancellario Angliæ apud Westmonasterium - exequendæ:— - - “Henry, by the Grace of God King of England and of France and Lord of - Ireland, to the most reverend father in God, John Cardinal Archbishop - of Canterbury, primate of all England and of the apostolic see legate, - our Chancellor, greeting:— - - “We let you wit that we for certain considerations, us specially - moving, have given and granted unto our well-beloved John Calbot, - of the parts of Venice, an annuity or annual rent of twenty pounds - sterling to be had and yearly paid from the feast of the Annunciation - of Our Lady last past, during our pleasure, of our customs and - subsidies coming and growing in our port of Bristowe by the hands of - our customs there for the time being at Michaelmas and Easter, by even - portions. Wherefore we will and charge you that under our great seal - ye do make hereupon our letters patents in good and effectual form. - Given under our privy seal, at our palace of Westminster, the xiiith - day of December, the xiiith year of our reign.” - -Preparations were now made for a second voyage, and a license to John -Cabot alone, as we have already seen, was issued by the King, for leave -to take up six ships and to enlist as many of the King’s subjects -as were willing to go. This was evidently a scheme of colonization. -Peter Martyr says, if this is the voyage which he is describing, that -Sebastian Cabot—for he never speaks of John—furnished two ships -at his own charge, and Sebastian Cabot, in Ramusio, says that the -King furnished them, and the Bristol merchants are supposed to have -furnished three others; and they took out three hundred men.[132] The -Fabian manuscript quoted by Hakluyt says they sailed in the beginning -of May; and De Ayala says they were expected back by September. There -is no doubt that Sebastian Cabot accompanied his father on this voyage. -From the documents already cited from Peter Martyr and Ramusio there is -some reason to believe that the expedition coasted some distance to the -north, and then returning ran down the coast as far as to the 36° N. -without accomplishing the purpose for which they went. That this latter -course was pursued receives some confirmation from the declarations -of John Cabot on his return from the first voyage, that he believed -it practicable to reach in that direction the Island of Cipango and -the land of the spices. But the prospects were discouraging and their -provisions failed. Gomara, in noticing this voyage, says that on their -return from the north they stopped at Baccalaos for refreshment. But -all the accounts relied on for this voyage are vague and, as we have -already seen, unsatisfying. - -The following letter from the Prothonotary, Don Pedro de Ayala, -residing in London, to Ferdinand and Isabella, dated July 25, 1498, -relates to the sailing of this expedition: - - “I think your Majesties have already heard that the King of England - has equipped a fleet in order to discover certain islands and - continents which he was informed some people from Bristol, who manned - a few ships for the same purpose last year, had found. I have seen - the map which the discoverer has made, who is another Genoese like - Columbus, and who has been in Seville and in Lisbon asking assistance - for his discoveries. The people of Bristol have, for the last seven - years, sent out every year two, three, or four light ships in search - of the Island of Brazil and the Seven Cities, according to the fancy - of this Genoese. The King determined to send out ships, because the - year before they brought certain news that they had found land. His - fleet consisted of five vessels, which carried provisions for one - year. It is said that one of them, in which Friar Buel went, has - returned to Ireland in great distress, the ship being much damaged. - The Genoese has continued his voyage. I have seen on a chart the - direction which they took and the distance they sailed; and I think - that what they have found, or what they are in search of, is what - your Highnesses already possess. It is expected that they will be - back in the month of September.... I think it is not further distant - than 400 leagues.... I do not now send the chart, or _mapa mundi_, - which that man has made, and which, according to my opinion, is false, - since it makes it appear as if the land in question was not the said - islands.”[133] - -We see by this letter that this “Genoese,” who had discovered land the -year before, had again sailed on the expedition here described. If so -important a person as John Cabot now was to the King had died before -its departure, the fact would have been known at court, and De Ayala -would surely have mentioned it, as the Spaniards were very jealous of -all these proceedings. The statement that the King had equipped the -fleet may only mean that the expedition was fitted and sent out under -his countenance and protection. De Ayala says it was expected back -in September, but it had not returned by the last of October. No one -knows when the expedition returned, and no one knows what became of -John Cabot. When the domestic calendars of the reign of Henry VII. are -published, some clew to him may turn up. In the mean time we must wait -patiently. - -The enterprise was regarded as a failure, and no doubt the Bristol and -London adventurers suffered a pecuniary loss. All schemes of Western -discovery and colonization were for years substantially abandoned by -England. Some feeble attempts in this direction appear to have been -made in 1501 and 1502, when patents for discovery were granted by -Henry in favor of some merchants of Bristol, with whom were associated -several Portuguese, but it is not certain that anything was done under -their authority.[134] - -[Illustration: Autograph Charles Deane] - - * * * * * - -NOTE.—Henri Harrisse’s _Jean et Sébastien Cabot, leur origine et leurs -voyages_, has been published since this chapter was completed. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -HAWKINS AND DRAKE. - -BY THE REV. EDWARD EVERETT HALE, D.D., - -_Massachusetts Historical Society._ - - -THE English voyagers had no mind to content themselves with adventure -in those more rugged regions to which the Cabots had introduced them. -Whether in peace or war, their relations with Spain were growing closer -and closer all through the sixteenth century. Sebastian Cabot, in fact, -soon passed into the service of the Spanish Crown. Indeed, if we had no -other memorial of the intimacy between English and Spanish navigators, -we could still trace it in our language, which has derived many of its -maritime words from Spanish originals. The seamen of England found -their way everywhere, and soon acquainted themselves with the coasts -of the West India Islands and the Spanish main. There exists, indeed, -in the English archives a letter written as early as 1518 by the -Treasurer-General of the West Indies to Queen Katherine, the unhappy -wife of Henry VIII., in which he describes to her the peculiarities -of his island home. He sends to her a cloak of feathers such as were -worn by native princesses. From that time forward, allusions to the new -discoveries appear in English literature and in the history of English -trade.[135] Still, it would be fair to say, that, for thirty years -after the discovery of America, that continent attracted as little -attention in England as the discovery of the Antarctic continent, forty -years ago, has attracted in America up to this time. - -It belongs to another chapter to trace the gradual steps by which -the English fisheries developed England’s knowledge of America. The -instincts of trade led men farther south, in a series of voyages which -will be briefly traced in this chapter. One of the earliest of them, -which may be taken as typical, is that of William Hawkins, of Plymouth. -Not content with the short voyages commonly made to the known coasts of -Europe, Hawkins “armed out a tall and goodly ship of his own,” in which -he made three voyages to Brazil, and skirted, after the fashion of the -time, the African coast. He carried thither negroes whom he had taken -on the coast of Guinea. He deserves the credit, therefore, such as it -is, of beginning that African slave-trade in which England was engaged -for nearly three centuries. - -The second of these voyages seems to have been made as early as 1530. -He brought to England, from the coast of Brazil, a savage king, whose -ornaments, apparel, behavior, and gestures were very strange to the -English king and his nobility. These three voyages were so successful, -that a number of Southampton merchants followed them up, at least as -late as 1540. - -It was, however, William Hawkins’s son John who was knighted by Queen -Elizabeth for his success in the slave-trade, and in acknowledgment of -the wealth which his voyages brought into England. Engaging several -of his friends, some of whom were noblemen, in the adventure, John -Hawkins sailed with a fleet of three ships and one hundred men for the -coast of Guinea, in October, 1562. He took—partly by the sword, and -partly by other means—three hundred or more negroes, whom he carried -to San Domingo, then called Hispaniola, and sold profitably. In his own -ships he brought home hides, ginger, sugar, and some pearls. He sent -two other ships with hides and other commodities to Spain. These were -seized by the Spanish Government, and it is curious that Hawkins should -not have known that they would be. His ignorance seems to show that his -adventure was substantially a novelty in that time. He himself arrived -in England again in September, 1563. Notwithstanding the loss of half -his profits in Spain, the voyage brought much gain to himself and the -other adventurers. - -Thus encouraged, Hawkins sailed again, the next year, with four ships, -of which the largest was the “Jesus,” of Lubec, of seven hundred tons; -the smallest was the “Swallow,” of only thirty tons. He had a hundred -and seventy men; and, as in all such voyages, the ships were armed. -Passing down the coast of Guinea, they spent December and January in -picking up their wretched freight, and lost by sickness and in fights -with the negroes many of their men. On the 29th of January, 1565, they -had taken in their living cargo, and then they crossed to the West -Indies. On the voyage they were becalmed for twenty-one days. But they -arrived at the Island of Dominica, then in possession of savages, on -the 9th of March. From that period till the 31st of May, they were -trading on the Spanish coasts, and then returned to England, touching -at various points in the West Indies. They passed along the whole coast -of Florida, and they are the first Englishmen who give us in detail any -account of Florida.[136] - -It was Hawkins’s great good fortune to come to the relief of the -struggling colony of Laudonnière, then in the second year of its -wretched history. From his narrative we learn that the settlers had -made twenty hogsheads of wine in a single summer from the native -grapes, which is perhaps more than has been done there since in the -same period of time.[137] The wretched colonists owed everything to -the kindness of Hawkins. He left them a vessel in which to return to -France; and they had made all their preparations so to do, when they -were relieved—for their ultimate destruction, as it proved—by the -arrival of a squadron under Ribault.[138] Hawkins returned to England -after a voyage sufficiently prosperous, which had lasted eleven months. -He had lost twenty persons in all; but he had brought home gold, -silver, pearls, and other jewels in great store. - -[Illustration: John Hawkins - -[This cut follows a photograph of the bas-relief which is given in the -Hakluyt Society’s edition of the _Hawkins Voyages_. Another engraving -of it is given in _Harper’s Magazine_, January, 1883, p. 221.—ED.]] - -His account of Florida is much more careful than what he gives of any -of the West India Islands. From his own words it is clear that he -thought it might be of use to England, and that he wanted to draw -attention to it as a place open to colonization. Like so many other -explorers, from Ponce de Leon down to our own times, he was surprised -that a country, which is so attractive to the eye, should be left so -nearly without inhabitants. It seems to have been more densely peopled -when Ponce de Leon landed there in 1513 than it was at the beginning of -this century. To such interest or enthusiasm of Hawkins do we owe an -account of Florida, in its native condition, more full than we have of -any other of our States, excepting New Mexico, at a period so early in -our history. - -Besides tobacco, he specifies the abundance of sorrel,—which grew as -abundantly as grass,—of maize, of mill, and of grapes, which “taste -much like our English grapes.” He describes the community building -of the southern tribes, as made “like a great barne, in strength not -inferiour to ours,” with stanchions and rafters of whole trees, and -covered with palmetto leaves. There was one small room for the king and -queen, but no other subdivisions. In the midst of the great hall a fire -was kept all night. The houses, indeed, were only used at night. - -In a country of such a climate and soil, with “marvellous store of -deer and divers other beasts, and fowl and fish sufficient,” Hawkins -naturally thought that “a man might live,” as he says quaintly. Maize, -he says, “maketh good savory bread, and cakes as fine as flower.” -The first account to be found in English literature of the “hasty -pudding” of the American larder, the “mush” of the Pennsylvanians,[139] -is in Hawkins’s narrative. “It maketh good meal, beaten, and sodden -with water, and eateth like pap wherewith we feed children.” The -Frenchmen, fond by nature of soup, had made another use of it, not -wholly forgotten at this day. “It maketh also good beverage, sodden -in water and nourishable; which the Frenchmen did use to drink of in -the morning, and it assuaged their thirst so that they had no need to -drink all the day after.” It was, he says, because the French had been -too lazy to plant maize for themselves that their colony came to such -wretched destitution. To obtain maize, they had made war against the -so-called savages who had raised it, and this aggression had naturally -reacted against them. - -It is interesting to observe that in all these early narratives of -the slave-trade there is no intimation that it involved cruelty or -any form of wrong. Hawkins sailed in the ship “Jesus,” with faith as -sincere as if he had sailed on a crusade. His sailing orders to his -four ships close with words which remind one of Cromwell: “Serve God -daily; love one another; preserve your victuals; beware of fire; and -keep good company.” By “serve God,” it is meant that the ship’s company -shall join in religious services morning and evening; and this these -slave-traders regularly did. In one of their incursions on the Guinea -coast they were almost destroyed by the native negroes, as they well -deserved to be. Hawkins narrates the adventure with this comment: “God, -who worketh all things for the best, would not have it so, and by him -we escaped without danger. His name be praised for it!” And again, when -they were nearly starved, becalmed in mid-ocean: “Almighty God, who -never suffereth his elect to perish, sent us the ordinary breeze.”[140] - -The success of the second voyage was such that a coat-of-arms was -granted to Hawkins. Translated from the jargon of heraldry, the grant -means that he might bear on his black shield a golden lion walking over -the waves. Above the lion were three golden coins. For a crest he was -to have a figure of half a Moor, “bound, and a captive,” with golden -amulets on his arms and ears. No disgrace attached to the capturing of -Africans and selling them for money. That the Heralds’ Office might -give to the transaction the sanctions of Christianity, it directed -Hawkins, five years after, to add in one corner of the shield the -pilgrim’s scallop-shell in gold, between two palmer’s staves, as if to -intimate that the African slave-trade was the true crusade of the reign -of Elizabeth. - -So successful was this expedition, that Hawkins started on a third, -with five ships, in October, 1567. He commanded his old ship, the -“Jesus,” and Francis Drake, afterward so celebrated, commanded the -“Judith,” a little vessel of fifty tons. They took four or five hundred -negroes, and crossed to Dominica again, but were more than seven -weeks on the passage. As before, they passed along the Spanish main, -where they found the Spaniards had been cautioned against them. They -absolutely stormed the town of Rio de la Hacha before they could obtain -permission to trade. In all cases, although the Spanish officers had -been instructed to oppose their trade, they found that negroes were -so much in demand that the planters dealt with them eagerly. After a -repulse at Cartagena, they crossed the Gulf of Mexico towards Florida, -but were finally compelled, by two severe tempests, to run to San -Juan d’ Ulua, the port of Mexico, for repairs and supplies. Here they -claimed the privileges of allies of King Philip, and were at first -well enough received. Hawkins takes to himself credit that he did not -seize twelve ships which he found there, with, £200,000 of silver on -board. The local officers sent to the City of Mexico, about two hundred -miles inland, for instructions. The next day a fleet from Spain, of -twelve ships, arrived in the offing. Hawkins, fearing the anger of his -Queen, he says, let them come into harbor, having made a compact with -the Government that neither side should make war against the other. -The fleet entered, and for three days all was amity and courtesy. But -on the fourth day, from the shore and from the ships, the five English -vessels were attacked furiously, and in that little harbor a naval -action ensued, of which the result was the flight of the “Minion” and -the “Judith” alone, and the capture or destruction of the other English -vessels. So crowded was the “Minion,” that a hundred of the fugitives -preferred to land, rather than to tempt the perils of the sea in her. -They fell into the hands of the Inquisition, and their sufferings were -horrible. The others, after a long and stormy passage, arrived in -England on the 25th of January, 1568/69. - -It is a real misfortune for our early history that no reliance can be -placed on the fragmentary stories of the few survivors who were left -by Hawkins on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. One or two there were -who, after years of captivity, told their wretched story at home. But -it is so disfigured by every form of lie, that the most ingenious -reconstructer of history fails to distil from it even a drop of the -truth. The routes which they pursued cannot be traced, the etymology -of geography gains nothing from their nomenclature, and, in a word, -the whole story has to be consigned to the realm of fable.[141] Such a -narrative as these men might have told would be our best guide for what -has been well called by Mr. Haven “the mythical century” of American -history. - -In this voyage of Hawkins the Earls of Pembroke and of Leicester were -among the adventurers. - -If Hawkins’s account of the perfidy of the Spaniards at San Juan d’Ulua -be true,—and it has never been contradicted,—the Spanish Crown that -day brought down a storm of misery and rapine from which it never -fairly recovered. The accursed doctrine of the Inquisition, that no -faith was to be kept with heretics, proved a dangerous doctrine for -Spain when the heretics were such men as Hawkins, Cavendish, and Drake. -On that day Francis Drake learned his lesson of Spanish treachery; and -he learned it so well that he determined on his revenge. That revenge -he took so thoroughly, that for more than a hundred years he is spoken -of in all Spanish annals as “The Dragon.”[142] - -Hawkins gives no account of Drake’s special service in the -“Judith,”—the smallest vessel in the unfortunate squadron, and one of -the two which returned to England; nor has Drake himself left any which -has been discovered; nor have his biographers. Clearly his ill-fortune -did not check his eagerness for attack; and from that time forward -Spain had at least one determined enemy in England. - -[Illustration] - -He had made two voyages to the West Indies in 1570 and in 1571, of -which little is known. For a fifth voyage, which he calls the third of -importance, he fitted out a little squadron of only two vessels, the -“Pasha” and the “Swan,” and sailed in 1572, with no pretence of trade, -simply to attack and ravage the Spanish main. He specially assigns -as his motive for this enterprise his desire to inflict vengeance -for injuries done him at Rio de Hacha in 1565 and in 1566, and, in -particular, that he might retaliate on Henriques, Viceroy of Mexico, -for his treachery at San Juan d’ Ulua. It seems that he had vainly -sought amends at the Court of Spain, and that the Queen’s diplomacy -had been equally ineffective. The little squadron, enlarged by a third -vessel which joined them after sailing, attacked Nombre de Dios, then -the granary of the West Indies, but with small success. They then -insulted the port of Cartagena, and afterward, having made an alliance -with the Cimaronnes, since and now known as Maroons,—a tribe of -savages and self-freed Africans,—they marched across the isthmus, -and Drake obtained his first sight of that Pacific Ocean which he was -afterward to explore. “Vehemently transported with desire to navigate -that sea, he fell upon his knees and implored the divine assistance -that he might at some time sail thither and make a perfect discovery of -the same.” The place from which Drake saw it was probably near the spot -where Balboa “thanked God for that great discovery,” and that he had -been first of Christian men to behold that sea. His discovery was made -in 1513, sixty years before Drake renewed it.[143] - -The narrative which we cite is in the words of the historian Camden. -Camden tells us also that Drake had “gotten together a pretty sum of -money” in this expedition, and, satisfied for the moment, he remained -in England. He engaged himself in assisting, at sea, in the reduction -of Ireland. But he had by no means done with the Spaniards, and at the -end of 1577, sailing on the 15th of November, he left Plymouth on the -celebrated voyage in which he was to sail round the world. The squadron -consisted of the “Pelican,” of one hundred tons, the “Elizabeth,” of -eighty, the “Swan,” of fifty, and the “Marigold” and “Christopher,” -of thirty and of fifteen tons. Of these vessels the “Pelican” was the -only one which completed the great adventure. Her armament was twenty -guns of brass and iron. She had others in her hold. So well had Drake -profited by earlier expeditions, that his equipment was complete, and -even luxurious. He carried pinnaces in parts, to be put together when -needed. He had “expert musicians, rich furniture, all the vessels for -the table, yea, many even of the cook-room, being of pure silver.” -In every detail he was prepared to show the magnificence and the -civilization of his own country. - -The crew were shipped and the expedition sailed, with the pretence -of a voyage to Egypt. This was to blind the Spanish envoys, in -concealment of the real object of the expedition, as similar -expeditions since have been veiled. But it is clear enough that the -partners in the enterprise and the men they shipped knew very well -whither they were faring. - -After one rebuff, the fleet finally left England on the 13th of -December, 1577, and, with occasional pauses to refit at the Cape de -Verde and at different points not frequented by the Portuguese or -Spaniards on the Brazilian coast and the coast south of Brazil, they -arrived at Port St. Julian on the 19th of June, in the beginning of the -southern winter. Here they spent two months, not sailing again until -the 17th of August, when they essayed the passage of the Straits of -Magellan. While at Port St. Julian Drake found, or professed to find, -evidences of the treachery of Doughty, one of the gentlemen in whom at -first he had most confided. Doughty was tried before a jury of twelve, -found guilty, and beheaded. They all remembered that Magellan had had a -similar experience in the same harbor fifty-seven years before. Indeed -they found the gibbet on which, as they supposed, John of Cartagena had -been hanged by Magellan, with his mouldering bones below. The Spaniards -said that Drake himself acted as Doughty’s executioner. Fletcher says, -“he who acted in the room of provost marshal.” It is hard to see how -the Spaniards should know. - -After a series of stormy adventures, they found themselves safe in the -Pacific on the 28th of October. After really passing the straits, they -had been driven far south by tempests, and on the extreme point of -Tierra del Fuego Drake had landed. On a grassy point he fell upon the -ground at length, and extended his arms as widely as possible, as if -to grasp the southern end of the hemisphere,—in memory, perhaps, of -Cæsar’s taking possession of England. The “Pelican” was the only vessel -now under his command. The others had either been lost or had deserted -him; and though he sought for his consorts all the way on his voyage -northward, he sought in vain. - -From Drake’s own pen we have no narrative of this remarkable voyage. -His chaplain, Fletcher,[144] gives a good account of Patagonia and -of the natives, from the observations made in Port St. Julian and in -their after experiences as they passed the straits. The Englishmen -corrected at once the Spanish fable regarding the marvellous height -of these men. They corrected errors which they supposed the Spaniards -had intentionally published in the charts. It is supposed that Drake -sighted the Falkland Islands, which had been discovered by Davis a -few years before. Drake gave the name of Elizabeth Islands, or the -Elizabethides, to the whole group of Tierra del Fuego and its neighbors. - -In their voyage north they touched for supplies at a great island, -which the Spaniards called Mucho; and afterward at Valparaiso, where -they plundered a great ship called the “Captain of the South,” which -they found at anchor there. Fletcher describes all such plunder with a -clumsy raillery, as if a Spaniard’s plunder were always fair game. To -Drake it was indeed repayment for San Juan d’ Ulua. Farther north, they -entered the bay of “Cyppo;” and in another bay, still farther north, -they set up the pinnace which they had in parts on board their vessel. -In this pinnace Drake sailed south a day to look for his consorts; but -he was driven back by adverse winds. After a stay of a month here, -which added nothing to our knowledge of the geography of the country, -they sailed again. “Cyppo” is probably the Copiapo of to-day. - -[Illustration: ZALTIERI’S MAP, 1566. - -This sketch follows a drawing by Kohl in his manuscript in the American -Antiquarian Society’s Library. This is the key:— - - 1. Mare Septentrionale. - 2. Terra incognita. - 3. Quivira prov. - 4. C. Nevada. - 5. Tigna fl. - 6. R. Tontonteac. - 7. Y. delle Perle. - 8. Y. di Cedri. - 9. Giapan. - 10. Mare di Mangi. - 11. Chinan Golfo. - 12. Parte di Asia.] - -Pausing for plunder, or for water, or fresh provisions, from time -to time, they ran in, on the 7th of February, to the port of Arica, -where they spoiled the vessels they found, generally confining their -plunder to silver, gold, and jewels, and such stores as they needed -for immediate use. At Callao they found no news of their comrades; but -they did find news from Europe,—the death of the kings of Portugal, -of France, of Morocco, and of Fez, and of the Pope of Rome. From one -vessel they took fifteen hundred bars of silver, and learning that a -treasure-ship had sailed a fortnight before, went rapidly in pursuit of -her. - -They overtook her on the 1st of March, and captured her. As part of -her cargo, she had on board “a certain quantity of jewels and precious -stones,” thirteen chests of silver reals, eighty pounds weight of -gold, twenty-six tons of uncoined silver, two very fair gilt silver -drinking-bowls, “and the like trifles,—valued in all about three -hundred and sixty thousand pezoes,”—as Fletcher says in his clumsy -pleasantry. The ships lay together six days, then Drake “gave the -master a little linen and the like for his commodities,” and let him -and his ship go. Her name, long remembered, was the “Cacafuego.” The -Spanish Government estimated the loss at a million and a half of -ducats. A ducat was about two dollars. - -Drake now determined to give up the risk of returning by the way he -came, and to go home by the north or by crossing the Pacific. He -abandoned the hope of joining his consorts, who had, though he did not -know it, no thought of joining him. On the 16th of March he touched -at the Island of Caines, where he experienced a terrible earthquake; -on the 15th of March at Guatulco, in Mexico, where he took some fresh -provisions; and sailing the next day, struck northward on the voyage in -which he discovered the coast of Oregon and of that part of California -which now belongs to the United States. - -[Illustration: MAP OF PAULO DE FURLANO, 1574. - -Furlano is said to have received this map from a Spaniard, Don Diego -Hermano de Toledo, in 1574. The sketch is made from the drawing in -Kohl’s manuscript in the American Antiquarian Society’s Library. The -key is as follows:— - - 1. Mare incognito. - 2. Stretto di Anian. - 3. Quivir. - 4. Golfo di Anian. - 5. Anian regnum. - 6. Quisau. - 7. Mangi Prov. - 8. Mare de Mangi. - 9. Isola di Giapan. - 10. Y. di Cedri.] - -A certain doubt hangs over the original discovery of the eastern -coast of this nation. There is no doubt that the coast of Oregon was -discovered to Europe by the greatest seaman of Queen Elizabeth’s -reign.[145] - -Taking as plunder a potful of silver reals,—the pot, says Fletcher, -“as big as a bushel,”—and some other booty, Drake sailed west, then -northwest and north, “fourteen hundred leagues in all.” This, according -to the account of Fletcher, his chaplain, brought them to the 3d of -June,[146] when they were in north latitude 42°. On the night of that -day, the weather (which had been very hot) became bitterly cold; the -ropes of the ship were stiff with ice, and sleet fell instead of rain. -This cold weather continued for days. On the fifth they ran in to a -shore which they then first descried, and anchored in a bad bay, which -was the best roadstead they could find. But the moment the gale lulled, -“thick stinking fogs” settled down on them; they could not abide there; -and from this place[147] they turned south, and ran along the coast. -They found it “low and reasonable plain.” Every hill was covered with -snow, though it was in June. - -In the latitude of 38° 30′, they came to a “convenient and fit -harbour.” Another narrator says, “It pleased God to send us into a -fair and good bay, with a good wind to enter the same.” They entered, -and remained in it till the 23d of July. During all this time they -were visited with the “like nipping colds.” They would have been glad -to keep their beds, and if they were not at work, would have worn -their winter clothes. For a fortnight together they could take no -observations of sun or star. When they met the natives, they found them -shivering even under their furs; and the “ground was without greenness” -and the trees without leaves in June and July. - -The day after they entered this harbor an Indian came out to them in a -canoe. He made tokens of respect and submission. He threw into the ship -a little basket made of rushes containing an herb called _tobàh_.[148] -Drake wished to recompense him, but he would take nothing but a hat, -which was thrown into the water. The company of the “Pelican” supposed -then and always that the natives considered and reverenced them as -gods. In preparation for repairing the ship, Drake landed his stores. -A large company of Indians approached as he landed, and friendly -relations were maintained between them and the Englishmen during the -whole of their stay. Drake received them cautiously but kindly. He set -up tents, and built a fort for his defence. The natives, watching the -English with amazement, still regarded them as gods. One is tempted to -connect this superstition with the direct claim which Alarcon had made -of a divine origin, in presence of these tribes, a generation before, -though at a point five hundred miles away. Fletcher’s description of -their houses is precisely like the Spaniard’s account of the winter -houses of the tribes he met. “Those houses are digged round within the -earth, and have from the uppermost brimmes of the circle clefts of wood -set up, and joined close together at the top like our spires on the -steeple of a church; which, being covered with earth, suffer no water -to enter, and are very warm; the door in the most part of them performs -the office also of a chimney to let out the smoke; it’s made in bigness -and fashion like to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing -slopewise.”[149] - -At the end of two days an immense assembly, called together from all -parts of the country, gathered to see the strangers. They brought with -them feathers and bags of _tobàh_ for presents or for sacrifices. -Arrived at the top of the hill, their chief made a long address, -wearying his English hearers and himself. When he had concluded, the -rest, bowing their bodies in a dreamy manner “and long producing of the -same,” cried “Oh!” giving their consent to all that had been spoken. -This reminds one of the “hu” of the Indians of the Tizon. The women, -meanwhile, tore their cheeks with their nails, and flung themselves -on the ground, as if for a personal bloody sacrifice. Drake met this -worship, not as Alarcon had done, but by calling his company to prayer. -The men lifted their eyes and hands to heaven to signify that God was -above, and besought God “to open their blinded eyes to the knowledge of -him and of Jesus Christ the salvation of the Gentiles.” Through these -prayers, the singing of psalms, and reading certain chapters of the -Bible, Fletcher, who was the chaplain, says they sat very attentively. -They observed every pause, and cried “Oh!” with one voice, greatly -enjoying our exercises. They thus showed a more catholic spirit than -the whites had shown, who were wearied by the length of the address of -the savages. Drake made them presents, which at the departure of the -English they returned, saying that they were sufficiently rewarded by -their visit. - -The fame of this visit extended so far, that at the end of three days -more, on the 26th of June, a larger company assembled. This time the -king himself, with a body-guard of one hundred warriors, was with them. -They called him their _Hióh_. He approached the English, preceded by a -mace-bearer, who carried two feather crowns, with three chains of bone -of marvellous length, often doubled. Such chains were of the highest -estimation, and only a few persons were permitted to wear them. The -number of chains, indeed, marked the rank of the highest nobility, some -of whom wore as many as twenty. Next to the mace-bearer came the king -himself. On his head was a knit crown somewhat like those which were -borne before him. He wore a coat of the skins of conies coming to his -waist. His guards wore similar coats, and some of them wore cauls upon -their heads, covered with a certain vegetable down, almost sacred, and -used only by the highest ranks. The common people followed, naked, but -with feathers,[150] every one pleasing himself with his own device. The -last part of the company were women and children. Each woman brought a -well-made basket of rushes. Some of these were so tight that they would -hold water. They were adorned with pearl shells and with bits of the -bone chains. In the baskets they had bags of _tobàh_ and roots called -_petáh_, which they ate cooked or raw. Drake meanwhile held his men in -military array. - -The mace-bearer then pronounced aloud a long speech, which was dictated -to him in a low voice by another. All parties, except the children, -approached the fort, and the mace-bearer began a song, with a dance -to the time, in which all the men joined. The women danced without -singing. Drake saw that they were peaceable, and permitted them to -enter his palisade. The women showed signs of the wounds which they had -made before coming, by way of preparing for the solemnity. - -At the request of the chief, Drake then sat down. The king and others -made to him several orations, or, “indeed, supplications, that he would -take province and kingdom into his hand, and become their king and -patron.” With one consent they sang a song, placed one of the crowns -upon his head, hung their chains upon his neck, and honored him as -their _Hióh_. - -Drake did not think he should refuse this gift. “In the name and to -the use of Queen Elizabeth, he took the sceptre, crown, and dignity of -the country into his hand.” He only wished, says the historian, that -he could as easily transport the riches and treasures wherewith in the -upland it abounds, to the enriching of her kingdom at home. Had Drake -had any real knowledge of the golden gravel over which the streams of -the upland flowed, it may well be that the history of California would -have been changed. - -From this time, through several weeks while Drake remained there, the -multitude also remained. At first they brought offerings every three -days as sacrifices, until they learned that this displeased their -English king. Like other sovereigns who have had much to do with this -race, he found that he had to feed his red retainers. But he had -mussels, seals, “and such like,” in quantity sufficient for their -rations. - -Drake made a journey into the country. He saw “infinite company” of fat -deer, in a herd of thousands. He found a multitude of strange “conies” -in large numbers, with long tails, and with a bag under the chin in -which to carry food either for future supply or for their children. - -Drake erected on the shore a post, on which he placed a plate of brass. -Here he engraved the Queen’s name, the date of his landing, the gift of -the country by the people, and left her Majesty’s portrait and arms. -The last were not designed by his artists, as some historians have -carelessly supposed, but were on a silver piece, of sixpence, “showing -through a hole made of purpose in the plate.” - -When the people saw that Drake could not remain, they could not -conceal their grief. At last they stole on the English unawares with -a sacrifice which “they set on fire,” thus burning a chain and bunch -of feathers. The English could not dissuade them till they fell to -prayers and singing of psalms, when the sad natives let their fire go -out, and left the sacrifice unconsumed. On the 23d of July the friends -parted, the English for the shores of Asia, the savages to the hills, -where they built fires as long as the “Pelican” was in sight. Thus did -England take possession of the region which, after near three hundred -years, proved to be the richest gold-bearing country in the world. -Drake gave to the country the name of New Albion, and it bore that name -on the maps for centuries. He called it so “for two causes: in respect -of the white banks and cliffs which lie towards the sea; and the -other because it might have some affinity with our country in name.” -Curiously enough, the original narrative says, “There is no part of -earth here to be taken up wherein there is not some speciall likelihood -of gold or silver.”[151] - -From the time when the Government’s ships crept along the coast to Cape -Mendocino, and then turned, unwilling, to their long voyage to Asia, -observations on that coast were doubtless repeated by navigators. The -line of coast took different courses and different names accordingly. -But it is well-nigh certain that from the time of Drake until 1770 the -California now a part of the United States had no European inhabitants. -The part of California which is in Mexico was first settled by Jesuit -missions, whose first successes date from the year 1697. - -Drake returned to England by way of the Cape of Good Hope, and arrived -at Plymouth in triumph on the 26th of September, 1580. He had given the -name NOVA ALBION to the western coast of North America thus discovered; -he had taken possession for his sovereign, Elizabeth, with better color -of right than most discoverers could urge. But under this title the -Queen never claimed, nor her successors indeed, until, after three -centuries, Drake’s voyage may have been sometimes cited as a vague or -shadowy introduction to any rights by which England claimed the mouth -of the Columbia River and the region northward.[152] - -The name NOVA ALBION was generally applied on the maps to the more -northerly region, the Oregon of our geography. But the name CALIFORNIA -held its place for the whole region known to us as the State of -California, as well as for the peninsula and the gulf. The distinction -between Upper and Lower California is still observed. - -Drake’s reception at home was an enthusiastic one, by a populace always -anxious for a hero. It was tempered somewhat by the cautious feelings -of some, who regarded with no favorable eye the policy of private -reprisals upon another nation in time of peace. The Queen had no such -compunctions. She received him with undisguised favor, dined with him -on board his ship, and made him a knight. She directed that the vessel -which had borne her authority about the world should be carefully -preserved; and when the ship was finally broken up, John Davis, the -Arctic navigator, caused a chair to be made of the timbers, which is -now one of the relics of interest in the Bodleian Library, and within -whose seat Abraham Cowley wrote one of his well-known poems. - -At length, in 1585, Queen Elizabeth determined on open hostility, and -giving Drake his first royal commission, and an ample fleet and land -force, he started on his successful expedition to the Spanish main, -when town after town fell into his hands, and the Spanish settlements -experienced most poignantly ravages similar to those which they had so -abundantly for nearly a century inflicted upon the natives of those -regions. Of his subsequent exploits in European waters this is no place -for the recital; but in 1595 he prevailed upon Elizabeth to put him, -in connection with his old patron and companion, Sir John Hawkins, -once more in command of another expedition to Spanish America. They -sailed from Plymouth in August, with the purpose of seizing Nombre de -Dios, and then of marching his twenty-five hundred troops to Panama -to capture the treasure which took that route from Peru on its way to -Spain. The expedition was a melancholy failure. The Spaniards were -forewarned. Porto Rico successfully resisted the English in the first -place, and the attack on Panama was abortive. - -Hawkins died, overcome by the reverses; and Drake, struck with a fever -of mortification, sank beneath the fatal influences of the climate, -and died on board his ship early in the following year. His remains -were placed in a leaden casket and sunk off Puerto Cabello, and there -was no failure of suspicions that he had been the victim of foul play. -There are those in the English nation who indulge the hope that the -casket may yet be recovered, and that the remains of the great English -“Dragon” may yet rest beneath the pavement of Westminster Abbey. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON DRAKE’S BAY. - -THE question where was the “convenient and fit harbor,” the “fair and -good bay,” which Drake entered on the Pacific coast, and where he -careened and repaired the “Pelican,” is still undecided, after much -discussion by the Californian geographers, who have now their capital -in the city of San Francisco,—on that matchless land-locked harbor -which is entered by the narrow passage known as the “Golden Gate.” The -authorities are not many, and are not quite in accord. - -The narrative of Fletcher, which has been followed in the text, gives -the latitude of this bay as 38° 30′ north. But the briefer narrative -in Hakluyt[153] says: “We came within thirty-eight degrees towardes -the line; in which height it pleased God to send us into a faire and -good bay, with a good wind to enter the same.” Here is a difference of -half a degree. But the text in Hakluyt is supported by a manuscript -marginal note on what seems to be the original drawing of Dudley’s -map, and which is preserved in Munich, where the language (Italian) -is: “This map begins with the port of New Albion, in longitude 237° -and latitude 38°, discovered by the Englishman Drake in 1579 or -thereabout, as above,—a convenient place to water and to collect -other refreshment.” The manuscript has a note, which the engraving has -not, “Porto bonissimo.” But on the coast farther north, where the same -author speaks of the cold, he says: “Drake returned to 38½ degrees, and -the weather was temperate, and he called it New Albion.” The _Arcano -del Mare_, in which these maps are printed, was not published till -1646. But Dudley, the author, was active in maritime affairs in England -in all the last ten years of the sixteenth century. He was the son of -Elizabeth’s Earl of Leicester; he was brother-in-law of Cavendish, -administered on his estate, and must have seen his chart.[154] Hakluyt -had wished to publish his narrative of Drake in his edition of 1589; -but this account by Pretty was not regularly embodied by Hakluyt in -his great work till 1600.[155] The _World Encompassed_ was not printed -until 1628, but is from Fletcher’s contemporary notes. Dudley himself -prepared an expedition to the South Seas. He may be spoken of as a -valuable contemporary authority. The English Government did not publish -such discoveries. But Cavendish would have had Drake’s charts. - -[Illustration: MODERN MAP. - -This sketch will indicate the relative positions of the several bays.] - -Now the opening of the Golden Gate is in latitude 37° 46′: it exactly -corresponds with “within 38° N.” of one account, but it lacks 44′ of -the 38° 30′ of the other two. The discrepancy is not so important -when we find that in 38° 30′ there is no harbor and no bay, good or -bad. The voyager must come down the coast as far as 38° 15′ to find -Bodega Bay, which has, accordingly, been assigned by some conjectures -as Sir Francis’ resting-place. Just south of this, near the line of -38°, is an open roadstead which has some advocates in this discussion. -Between this bay and the Golden Gate, the point of Los Reyes runs out -southwest. East of this, and northwest of the Golden Gate, is another -open roadstead, facing the south, which for many years, long before the -discovery of Californian gold, had been known as Jack’s Bay, or Sir -Francis Drake’s Bay. One of these four bays is chosen by one or another -geographer as the fair and good harbor into which a special providence -drove Drake by a favorable wind. - -[Illustration: VISCAINO’S MAP. - -Sketch from _Carta de los reconocimentos hechos en 1602 por el Capitan -Sebastian Vizcaino formada por los Planos que hizo el misno durante su -comision_, in an atlas in the State Department at Washington.] - -In this discussion, the map of Dudley, whose information was nearly -at first-hand, plays an important part. His representation of Drake’s -bay—a sort of bottle-shaped harbor—so far resembles the double bay of -San Francisco, that it would probably decide the question, but that, -unfortunately, he gives two such bays. His two maps, also, do not very -closely resemble each other. It becomes necessary to suppose that one -of his bays was that which we know as Bodega Bay, or that both are -drawn from the imagination. The map of Hondius gives a chart of Drake’s -bay,[156] which has, unfortunately, no representation to any bay on the -coast, and is purely imaginary. - -The discussion is complicated from the fact, that, if Drake entered -San Francisco Bay, the English Government kept its secret so well that -they forgot it themselves. What is curious is, that for two centuries -the Spaniards were seeking at intervals for “Port St. Francisco,” and -did not find it. In 1603, Viscaino put into a bay which he called Port -St. Francisco; but it is urged[157] that Viscaino really entered the -Bay of Monterey. The Spaniards by this time were eagerly seeking a bay -of refuge for their Asiatic squadrons.[158] They knew that Drake had -repaired a vessel somewhere. Viscaino passed “Port St. Francisco” in -a gale, and returned into it, according to the narrative. It was not -until 1769 that a land party of Franciscan monks finally discovered to -Spain the magnificent Bay of San Francisco. One theory is that no one -ever discovered it before; but a contemporary manuscript account of the -discovery, preserved in the British Museum, says distinctly that this -famous port, according to the signs given by history, is called San -Francisco. It is distant from St. Diego two hundred leagues, and is to -be found in 38½°. “They say it is the best bay they have discovered; -and while it might shelter all the navies in Europe, it is entered by a -straight of three leagues, and surrounded with mountains which make the -waters tranquil.” - -[Illustration: COAST OF NOVA ALBION, FROM DUDLEY’S ARCANO DEL MARE.] - -The reader must understand that all the maps had a port of Sir Francis, -or a Puerto San Francisco, or some similar name. One English map -bravely says,[159] “Port Sr. Francis Drake, _not_ St. Francisco,” for -the bay discovered in 1770. - -[Illustration: JEFFERYS’ SKETCH.] - -So soon as this discovery was known in England, Captain Burney claimed -it as Drake’s bay; in America, Davidson, in the _Coast Pilot_, and Mr. -Greenhow give the same decision. - -Probably the early maps must be taken as the best and decisive -authorities. - -The reader has before him Dudley’s two maps. Of these, Dudley says -that California was drawn by an English pilot. In his text describing -the shore, he goes no further than Cape St. Lucas, and then crosses -to California, which suggests that he is following Cavendish, who -took this course, and who was Dudley’s near kinsman. On the margin in -the manuscript of Dudley’s map at Munich, he calls Drake’s bay “Porto -bonissimo,” “the best of harbors,”—an expression which certainly does -not belong to Jack’s Bay. In both maps, also, it is represented as -the southern of the two deep bays, of which the northern appears to -correspond to Bodega Bay, and the southern to San Francisco Bay. On the -larger of the two maps Drake’s bay is placed in the same relation to -Monterey as is held by San Francisco. - -[Illustration: DUDLEY’S CARTA PRIMA. - -[This is a section from a marginal map on the “Carta Prima” of Dudley’s -_Arcano del Mare_, vol. i. lib. 2, p.19. Key:— - - 1. C. Arboledo. - 2. Ensa Larga. - 3. P^o. di Don Gasper. - 4. R. Salado. - 5. P^o. dell Nuovo Albion scoperto dal Drago C^{no}. Inglese. - 6. Enseada - 7. P^o. di Anonaebo. - 8. P^o. di Moneerei. - 9. C. S. Barbera. - 10. C. S. Agostino. - 11. Quivira R^o. - 12. Nuova Albione.—ED. -]] - -In the curious “new map” mentioned by Shakespeare in “Twelfth -Night,”[160] the spot where Drake landed is indicated. The names, as -one reads southward from the parallel of 40°, are C. Roxo, Sierra de -los Pescadores,—Tierra de Paxaros R. GRANDE, which seems to be Drake’s -harbor,—Rio Hermoso, C. Frio, Sierra Nevada, C. Blanco, Cicuic, Playa, -Tiguer. Cicuic and Tiguer are evidently borrowed from Ciceyé and Tiguex -of Coronado’s narrative. The same position is given to Tiguex in -Hondius’s map. Of this the scale is so small that Drake’s Bay could -not be determined from it, were it not for the issuing of the dotted -line showing his homeward track. - -The Spanish geographers are at work on this subject, with full -understanding of the points involved in the problem. It will not be -long, probably, before the question is decided. This writer does not -hesitate to say that he believes it will prove that Drake repaired -his ship in San Francisco Bay, and that this bay took its name not -indirectly from Francis of Assisi, but from the bold English explorer -who had struck terror to all the western coast of New Spain.[161] - -[Illustration: Autograph Edward E Hale] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES - -ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -FOR the authoritative accounts of William Hawkins’s Brazilian voyages, -we must go to Hakluyt’s third volume, as published in 1600. In it -likewise we shall find the account of the West Indian voyages of -Sir John Hawkins in 1562, 1564, and 1567-68. We may also read them -in the usual compilations drawn from Hakluyt, among the latest of -which is _The Elizabethan Seamen_ of Payne, who remarks that “nothing -which Englishmen had done in connection with America previous to -those voyages had any result worth recording.” Lowndes, in his -_Bibliographer’s Manual_, gives an edition, in 1569 (London), of John -Hawkins’s _True Declaration of the Troublesome Voyages to the Partes of -Guynea and the West Indies_; but Sabin (_Dictionary_, viii. 157) thinks -it was only printed in Hakluyt. - -[Illustration: A SKETCH OF HONDIUS’S MAP. - -A sketch of a part of Hondius’s map of the world, on which Drake’s -route is marked; it is taken from a fac-simile in the Hakluyt Society’s -edition of The World Encompassed. - -Key:— - - 1. Nova Albion, sic a Francisco Draco, 1579, dicta qui bis ab incolis - eodem die diademate redimitus, eandem Reginæ Angliæ consecravit. - 2. Hic præ ingenti frigore in Austrum reverti coactus est lat. 42 die - 5 Junii. - 3. Cozones. - 4. [Drake’s Bay]. - 5. Tigues. - 6. I. de passao. - 7. California. - 8. San Miguel. - 9. Damantes. - 10. Mare Vermeo. - 11. S. Thomas.] - -Fox Browne, in his _English Merchants_, chap. viii., shows the -relations which Hawkins in his day established with British commerce. - -_The Observations of Sir Richard Hawkins, Knight, in his Vojage jnto -the South Sea, Anno Domini 1593_, was printed in London in 1622,[162] -and was reprinted in 1847 by the Hakluyt Society, under the editing of -Captain C. R. D. Bethune. The book gives us some useful notes upon the -aborigines of Florida and the regions farther south. - -The most convenient embodiment, however, of the ancient records and -of modern criticisms upon all the exploits of the Hawkinses is in the -volume of the Hakluyt Society for 1878,—_The Hawkins’ Voyages during -the Reigns of Henry VIII., Queen Elizabeth, and James I._, edited, with -an Introduction, by the careful hand of Clements R. Markham. Here we -have not only what Hakluyt has preserved for us, but the _Observations_ -of 1622, and other journals and narratives. - -[Illustration: PORTUS NOVÆ ALBIONIS. - -This is an outline sketch of the map of Drake’s Bay given in the margin -of Hondius’s map, but which is omitted in the reproduction of that map -in the Hakluyt Society’s edition of _The World Encompassed_. The map is -rare, and our sketch follows another belonging to Mr. Charles Deane. - - Key:—1. A group of Indian houses. - 2. Place of the ship. - 3. Portus Novæ Albionis. - 4. A group of the English conferring with the natives. - -A fac-simile of the original engraving is given in Gay’s _Popular -History of the United States_, ii. 577. It has a Latin legend beneath -it, which reads: “The inhabitants of Nova Albion lament the departure -of Drake, now twice crowned, and by frequent sacrifices lacerate -themselves.” A curious picture representing the crowning of Drake is in -the 1671 edition of Montanus, p. 213. - -A writer in the _San Francisco Evening Bulletin_, Oct. 5, 1878, says -that the island in the sketch is misplaced, if Bodega Bay is intended, -being below the peninsula; but that, viewed from the position assigned -to Drake’s ship, it seems to be outside, as drawn. He maintains that -this bay answers all the other conditions of Fletcher’s description, -and that Hondius’s sketch is confirmed by Dudley’s map.] - -For Drake the material is more abundant. Regarding his famous voyage -round the world in 1577-80, the earliest statement in print is one -said to be by Francis Pretty, and called _The famous Voyage of Sir -Francis Drake into the South Sea ... begun in the yeare of our Lord -1577_.[163] Hakluyt had this, and says in effect, in the Introduction -of his 1589 edition, that the friends of Drake who did not wish their -publications forestalled, had wished him to omit it. Hakluyt, however, -seems to have privately printed it, in six pages, and these, without -pagination, are found in some, if not all, copies of the 1589 volume, -inserted after page 643.[164] It finally publicly appeared in his third -volume of the 1598-1600 edition. A more authoritative publication, -however, was _The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, carefully -Collected out of the notes of Master Francis Fletcher, Preacher in this -imployment, and divers others his followers_, London, 1628.[165] It was -reprinted in 1635,[166] and made part of _Sir Francis Drake revived_ in -1653.[167] It was again reprinted by the Hakluyt Society in 1855, with -an Introduction by W. S. W. Vaux. This and other accounts of the voyage -have also found a place in the general collections of Hakluyt, Harris, -and the Oxford Voyages.[168] - -The report of Da Silva mentions that Drake captured some sea-charts -from the Spaniards during this voyage; and Kohl (_Catalogue of Maps in -Hakluyt_, p. 82) supposes that Drake had with him the maps of Mercator -and Ortelius. After Drake’s return, Hondius made a map of the world, in -which he tracked both the routes of Drake and Cavendish; and of that -portion showing New Albion, as well as of his little plan of Drake’s -Bay, sketches are given herewith. Kohl thinks (page 84) that Hondius -may have used Drake’s own charts in this little marginal sketch, while -the main map has “little to do with Drake’s own charts.” Hondius, -however, is thought to have been living in England at this time. -Molineaux is known to have used Drake’s reports and perhaps his map, in -making his mappemonde of 1600, of which an outline sketch of a part of -the Pacific coast is annexed. This is the map mentioned by Mr. Hale as -supposed to be referred to by Shakespeare. - -[Illustration: FROM MOLINEAUX’S MAP, 1600. - -The Key:— - - 1. Nova Albion. - 2. Cabo Mendocino. “It appeareth by the discoverie of Francis Gaulle, - a Spaniard, in the year 1584, that the sea betweene the west part - of America and the east of Asia (which hath bene ordinarily set out - as a straight, and named in most maps the Streight of Anian) is - above 1,200 leagues wide at the latitude of 38°, and that the - distance betweene Cape Mendocino and Cape California, which many - maps and sea-charts make to be 1,200 or 1,300 leagues, is scarce so - much as 600.” [This legend is in the right-hand upper corner of the - map. Gali (or Gaulle), in returning from China in 1583, had struck - the California coast at 37° 30´. His account appeared in - Linschoten, and so was rendered in the English translation of - Linschoten, 1598, and is given in Hakluyt, vol. iii. (1600) p. 442.] - 3. R. Grande. - 4. C. San Francisco. - 5. Rio Grande. - 6. C. Blanco. - 7. C. Blanco. - 8. B. Hermosa. - 9. B. San Lorenzo. - 10. California. - 11. R. Grande. - 12. S. Francisco. - 13. New Mexico. - 14. Cibola.] - -For Drake’s expedition of 1585-86, we have the original account in -Latin, printed at Leyden in 1588,—_Expeditio Francisci Draki_,—which -should be accompanied by four large folding maps; namely, of Cartagena, -St. Augustine, San Domingo, and S. Jacques (Guinea).[169] An English -translation by Thomas Cates appeared in London the next year (1589) -as _A Summarie and true Discourse of Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian -Voyage, wherein were taken the towns of St. Jago, Sancto Domingo, -Cartagena, and Saint Augustine._[170] This first edition seems to have -been without maps; but a second edition of the same year is sometimes -found with copies of the Leyden maps, besides a fifth, a mappemonde, -showing “The famous West Indian Voyadge,” which did not appear in the -Leyden edition.[171] The _Huth Catalogue_, ii. 442, notes a third -edition for the same year.[172] - -In 1855, Louis Lacour edited at Paris a French manuscript upon this -1585-86 expedition, which is preserved in the National Library at -Paris.[173] - -The expedition in 1587, by Drake and Norris, against the Spaniards in -Europe, does not fall within our present scheme.[174] - -Of Drake’s last voyage in 1595-96 we have his log-book, printed for the -first time in Kunstmann’s _Entdeckung Amerikas_ in 1859. A manuscript -account, by Thomas Maynarde, is preserved in the British Museum, which, -with a Spanish account, “Francis Draque y Juan Acquines,”[175] was -printed by the Hakluyt Society in 1849, under the editing of W. D. -Cooley. - -Henry Savile’s _Libell of Spanish Lies_, giving the earliest English -account in print, was issued in London in 1596 (_Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 508), and was also included in Hakluyt’s third -volume in 1600.[176] - -Tiele—_Mémoire bibliographique_ (1867), p. 300—says that Hakluyt -lent his account, two years before he published it, to the Dutch -historian Van Meteren, who printed a Dutch version of it at Amsterdam -in 1598.[177] - -[Illustration: SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. - -A fac-simile of a copperplate engraving in H. Holland’s _Heroologia_, -Arnheim, 1620, p. 105,—a book now rare. There is a copy in Harvard -College Library. Cf. also _Magazine of American History_, March, 1883. -There is another head by Houbraken in his series of heads, London, -1813, p. 47. - -A library, which is said to have been begun by Drake and kept up by -his descendants at Nutwell Court, Lympstone, Devon, was recently sold -in London. Cf. _London Times_, March 16, 1883. There were books in -the sale pertaining to America, which were published early enough to -have been collected by Drake himself; but the rarest of the Americana, -of interest to the students of this period, must rather have been -the accumulation of the younger Francis Drake, the chronicler of his -uncle’s exploits. Some of the rare books mentioned in other chapters of -this history are noted as bringing the following prices: Rich’s _Newes -from Virginia_, £93; Whitaker’s _Good Newes from Virginia_, £90, later -priced by Quaritch at £105; Hariot’s _New found land of Virginia_, -£300, later advertised by Quaritch for £335; Rosier’s _True Relation_, -£301, later marked by Ouaritch at £335; _Declaration of the State of -the Colonie and Affairs in Virginia_, £46; De la Warre’s _Relation_, -£26 11_s._; _Good Speed to Virginia_, £30; Hamor’s _True Discourse_, -£69; _New Life of Virginia_, £18 5_s._, later priced by Ouaritch at -£25; _True Declaration of the Estat of the Colonie of Virginia_, £80, -later priced by Quaritch at £96.] - -A kinsman of Drake published at London, in 1626, _Sir Francis Drake -revived: calling upon this dull or effeminate age to follow his noble -steps for gold and silver, by this memorable relation of the rare -occurrences (never yet declared to the world) in a third Voyage made -by him to the West Indies in the yeares ‘72 and ‘73, faithfully taken -out of the reporte of Christofer Ceely, Ellis Hixon, and others; -reviewed by Sir Fr. Drake himself, and set forth by Sir Fr. Drake, -his nephew_.[178] This edition was reissued in 1628, with the errata -corrected.[179] It was again reissued in 1653, in the first collected -edition of Drake’s voyages, under the title, _Sir Francis Drake -revived: four several voyages ... collected out of the notes of the -said Sir Francis Drake, Master Philip Nichols, Master Francis Fletcher, -... carefully compared together_.[180] - -[Illustration: CAVENDISH. - -Follows a copperplate engraving in H. Holland’s _Heroologia_, Arnheim, -1620, p. 89.] - -In 1595 a _Life of Drake_ by C. FitzGeffrey was published in -London.[181] Fuller, in his _Holy and Prophane State_ (1642), gives a -characteristic seventeenth-century estimate of Drake, and he knew some -of Drake’s kin. - -Samuel Clarke’s _Life and Death of Drake_ was published in London -in 1671.[182] Robert Burton’s _English Hero_, long a popular book, -and passing through many editions, was first published in 1687 and -1695, and was translated into German and other foreign tongues. -Dr. Johnson’s _Life of Drake_ has his peculiar flavor. Of the later -biographies, Barrow’s seems to unite best the various details of -Drake’s career.[183] - -The voyages of Candish, or Cavendish, can be followed in the Latin and -German of De Bry’s eighth part of his _Great Voyages_ (1599), and in an -abridged form in Hulsius’ part vi. There is no separate English edition -of the account of the 1586-88 voyage, written by Francis Pretty, who -took part in it; but besides the text in Hakluyt’s third volume (it had -been briefly given in the 1589 edition), it can be found in the later -collections of Callender (1766), Harris (vol. i.), and Kerr (vol. x.); -cf. S. Colliber’s _Columna Rostrata, or a Critical History of English -Sea Affairs_, London, 1727. It was later reprinted in Dutch, Amsterdam, -1598, and in 1617.[184] - -[Illustration: SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. - -This portrait, said to follow the three-quarters likeness in Vaughan’s -print (of which there is a copy in the Lenox Library), is a fac-simile -of a cut in the title of _Sir Francis Drake revived_, issued in London -in 1626, by his nephew, Sir Francis Drake, Baronet; cf. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, ii. 133. Another likeness of a little later date will -be observed in the fac-simile of the Virginia Farrar map, given in -connection with Professor Keen’s paper on “Plowden’s Grant,” in the -present volume. There are other portraits on the title of De Bry, parts -viii. (1599) and xi. (1619), and in Hulsius, part vi. (1603), and on -the folding map in part xvi. (1619); cf. also _Le Voyage Curieux_, -Paris, 1641. - -Some new light has been thrown upon Drake by a namesake, Dr. Drake, -in the _Archæological Journal_, 1873; and Mr. Walter Herries Pollock -says the latest word in the _National Review_, May, 1883. Two other -testimonies to the alleged change of the name of San Francisco Bay -(see p. 77) may be found among the contributions of the middle of the -last century to the history of the Pacific coast geography. The map -published by the Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg in 1754 and 1773 -says, “Port de Francois Drake, fausement appellé de St. Francois.” -J. Green, in his _Remarks in support of the new Chart of North and -South America_, London, 1753, says, “The French geographers within -this century have converted Port Sir Francois Drake into Port San -Francisco.”] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -EXPLORATIONS TO THE NORTH-WEST. - -BY CHARLES C. SMITH, - -_Treasurer of the Massachusetts Historical Society._ - - -THE fresh spirit of maritime adventure which marked the last decade of -the fifteenth century and the first quarter of the sixteenth century, -owed its origin to mistaken theories as to the distance between the -west of Europe and the east of Asia. Columbus believed that the -land which he first discovered was an island on the coast of Japan; -and he seems never to have relinquished this idea. The contemporary -geographers all cherished the same mistake; and the early maps give a -much better representation of the coast-line of Asia than they do of -the shores of North America.[185] It is a curious fact that the true -position and form of South America were familiar to cartographers -long before there was any exact knowledge of the northern half of the -continent. North America was regarded as an island or a collection -of islands, through which it would not be difficult to find a short -passage to Zipangu and Cathay,—the modern Japan and China.[186] -Gradually these mistakes yielded to more correct views; but it was -still believed that a feasible passage existed around the northern -shore of the new continent. This belief was the inspiring motive of -all the early northwestern explorations, and it lingered almost to -our own time, long after every one knew that such a passage would be -of no practical use. At length the problem has been solved; but the -introduction of new methods of ocean and land trade and travel has -deprived it of all but a purely scientific and geographical interest. -Meanwhile the search for a northwest passage has developed an heroic -endurance and a perseverance in surmounting obstacles scarcely -paralleled anywhere else, and has added largely to the stores of human -knowledge. - -At the head of the long list of explorers for a northwest passage stand -the names of the Cabots; but the intricate questions as to the measure -of just fame to be assigned to father and son have been fully treated -in another chapter of this work,[187] and neither John nor Sebastian -penetrated the more northern waters with which our inquiry is mainly -concerned. It is enough now to recall their names as the leaders in an -enterprise in which for nearly three centuries England took a foremost -part, and that so early as 1497 John Cabot set sail in the hope of -this great discovery. Within the next half century he was followed by -his son Sebastian, the Cortereals, Cartier, and Hore, not one of whom -sought to reach a high northern latitude. It was not until Frobisher -sailed on his first voyage that the real northwest explorations can -be said fairly to have begun. Since that time more than one hundred -voyages and land journeys have been undertaken in this vain quest. - -In two of the northwestern voyages of Martin Frobisher the discovery -of a short way to the South Sea was only a secondary object. The -adventurers at whose cost they were undertaken looked mainly to -the profit from a successful search for gold, though they were not -unmindful of the advantages to be gained by shortening the distance to -the Spice Islands of the East. In the bitter quarrel between Frobisher -and Michael Lok, after the third voyage, it was charged that Frobisher -had neglected this part of the undertaking. But it was natural that -Lok, who had no doubt lost heavily by the voyages, should be angry -with Frobisher, and endeavor to make the most of any failure on his -part to carry out the whole plan; and there is no reason to believe -that Frobisher wilfully neglected the interests or the wishes of his -employers, however much they may have been disappointed. The whole -amount subscribed for the three voyages was upward of twenty thousand -pounds, and of this sum Lok subscribed, for himself and his children, -nearly one fourth. Among the subscribers were Queen Elizabeth, who -invested four thousand pounds, Lord Burleigh, the Earl and Countess of -Warwick, the Earl of Leicester, the Earl and Countess of Pembroke, Sir -Philip Sidney, Sir Thomas Gresham, Sir Francis Walsingham, and others -scarcely less conspicuous in that generation. - -Frobisher’s first expedition consisted of two small vessels, the -“Gabriel” and the “Michael,” one of twenty-five tons and the other of -twenty tons, and a pinnace of ten tons. They set sail from Blackwall -on the 15th of June, 1576, but it was not until the 1st of July that -they were clear of the coast of England. Not long after coming in sight -of Friesland, Frobisher parted company with the pinnace, in which -were four men, who were never seen again; and about the same time the -“Michael” slipped away without any warning, and returned to England. -Nevertheless, Frobisher pressed on, and on the 21st he entered the -opening now known as Frobisher’s Strait or Bay, “having upon eyther -hande a great mayne or continent; and that land uppon hys right hande -as hee sayled westward, he judged to be the continente of Asia, and -there to bee devided from the firme of America, which lyeth uppon -the lefte hande over against the same.”[188] Into this bay, as it is -now known to be, he sailed about sixty leagues, capturing one of the -natives, whom he carried to England. The land, Meta Incognita, he -took possession of in the name of the Queen of England, commanding his -company, “if by anye possible meanes they could get ashore, to bring -him whatsoever thing they could first find, whether it were living or -dead, stocke or stone, in token of Christian possession.”[189] Some -of the men returned to him with flowers, some with green grass, “and -one brought a peece of black stone, much lyke to a seacole in coloure, -which by the waight seemed to be some kinde of mettall or mynerall.” -Frobisher reached England on his return in the following October, and -on his arrival presented the stone to one of his friends, an adventurer -in the voyage. The wife of this gentleman accidentally threw it into -the fire, where it remained for some time, when it was taken out and -quenched in vinegar. It then appeared of a bright gold color, and on -being submitted to a goldfinder in London, was said to be rich in gold; -and large profits were promised if the ore was sufficiently abundant. - -[Illustration - -This cut follows the engraving in the Hakluyt Society’s edition of -_Frobisher’s Voyages_.] - -With this report, there was little difficulty in providing means for -a second voyage. The new expedition consisted of a “tall ship of her -Majesty’s,” named the “Ayde,” of two hundred tons, and of two smaller -vessels, with the same names as those in the former voyage, but now -said to be of thirty tons each. They were manned in all by one hundred -and twenty men, to which number Frobisher was limited by his orders. -After some delay, he sailed from Harwich on the 31st of May, 1577. By -his orders he was directed to proceed at once to the place where the -mineral was found, and set the miners at work. There he was to leave -the “Ayde,” and then to sail to another place visited on his first -voyage, where a further attempt at mining was to be made, and where one -of the small barks was to be left. With the remaining bark he was to -sail fifty or a hundred leagues farther west, to make “certayne that -you are entred into the South Sea; and in yo^r passage to learne all -that you can, and not to tarye so longe from the ‘Ayde’ and worckmen -but that you bee able to retorne homewards w^{th} the shippes in due -tyme.” If the mines should prove less productive than it was hoped -they would be, he was to “proceade towards the discovering of Cathaya -w^{th} the two barcks, and returne the ‘Ayde’ for England agayne.”[190] -Frobisher had his first sight of Friesland on the 4th of July; and he -reached Milford Haven, in Wales, on his return voyage, about the 23d -of September. During this period of a little more than two months, his -energies were mainly devoted to procuring ore, of which, in twenty -days, he obtained nearly two hundred tons; but he also made as careful -an examination as was practicable of the region previously visited by -him, and added something to the stock of geographical knowledge. Two of -the natives were captured, and were carried to England to be educated -as interpreters. - -Frobisher’s third voyage was planned on a much larger scale than any -other which hitherto had been sent to the Arctic regions, and he -was placed in command of fifteen vessels. They were all collected -at Harwich by the 27th of May, 1578; and after receiving their -instructions from Frobisher, they sailed together on the 31st. On -the 2d of July they reached the mouth of Frobisher’s Bay; but after -entering it a short distance, they found it so choked with ice that -it was impossible to proceed. One of the vessels was soon sunk by the -ice, and all suffered more or less. After beating about for several -days, they entered a strait, supposed at first to lead to their desired -goal, but which was, in fact, what is now known as Hudson’s Strait, the -entrance to the great bay which bears his name, “havyng alwayes a fayre -continente uppon their starreboorde syde, and a continuance still of an -open sea before them.” According to Best, one of the captains, and an -historian of the expedition, Frobisher was probably one of the first -to discover the mistake, though he persuaded his followers that they -were in the right course and the known straits. “Howbeit,” he adds, -“I suppose he rather dissembled his opinion therein than otherwyse, -meaning by that policie (being hymself ledde with an honorable desire -of further discoverie) to enduce y^e fleete to follow him, to see a -further proofe of that place. And, as some of the company reported, -he hath since confessed, that, if it had not bin for the charge and -care he had of y^e fleete and fraughted shippes, he both would and -could have gone through to the South Sea, called Mare del Sur, and -dissolved the long doubt of the passage which we seeke to find to the -rich countrey of Cataya.”[191] Toward the latter part of July it was -determined not to proceed any farther, and after many difficulties and -dangers they returned to Meta Incognita. It had been their intention -to erect a house here, and to leave a considerable party to spend the -winter. But after a full consideration it was decided that this plan -was impracticable, and it was relinquished. A house of lime and stone -was, however, built on the Countess of Warwick’s Island, in which -numerous articles were deposited. On the last day of August the fleet, -having completed their loading with more than thirteen hundred tons of -ore, sailed for England, where they arrived at various times about the -1st of October, and with the loss of not more than forty men in all. -The ore proved to be of very little value, and the adventurers lost a -large part of what they had subscribed.[192] - -Of the voyages of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, who is often included among the -northwest explorers, little need be said here; for though he wrote an -elaborate _Discourse of a Discovery for a new Passage to Cataia_, to -stimulate the search for a northwest passage, the voyage in which he -lost his life was not extended beyond the coasts of Newfoundland.[193] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: FROM THE MOLINEAUX GLOBE, 1592. - -[This globe is now in the Middle Temple. (See Editorial Note E, at the -end of Dr. De Costa’s chapter.) This is thought to have been made, -in part at least, from Davis’s charts, which are now lost. Kohl’s -_Catalogue of Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 23. The sketch is to be interpreted -thus:— - - 1. Grocland. - 2. Hope Sanderson. - 3. London cost. - 4. Marchant Yle. - 5. Davies island. - 6. Challer’s Cape. - 7. Gilbert’s Sound. - 8. Easter Point. - 9. Regin. Eli. forland. - 10. Fretum Davis. - 11. Mare Conglelatum. - 12. C. Bedford. - 13. Sandrson’s tour. - 14. Mont Ralegh. - 15. E. Cumberland isles. - 16. E. Warwicke’s forland. - 17. L. Lumley’s inlet. - 18. A furious overfall. - 19. Terre de Labrador. - 20. Dorgeo. - 21. I. de Arel.(?) - - —ED.]] - -Next in importance to the three voyages of Frobisher are the three -voyages of Captain John Davis, who has been immortalized by the -magnificent strait which bears his name, and which was discovered -on his first voyage. On this voyage he sailed from Dartmouth on the -7th of June, 1585, with two vessels,—the “Sunshine,” of fifty tons, -manned by twenty-three persons, and the “Moonshine,” of thirty-five -tons, with seventeen men. But it was not until three weeks later that -he was able to take his final departure from the Scilly Islands; and -he arrived at Dartmouth, on his return, on the 30th of September. -In this brief period he made some important discoveries, and sailed -as far north as 66° 66′, and westward farther than any one had yet -penetrated, “finding no hindrance.” He naturally concluded that he -had already discovered the desired passage, and that it was only -necessary to press forward in order to insure entire success. But he -was compelled by stress of weather to put back, and he reached England -shortly afterward. On his second voyage his little fleet was increased -by the addition of the “Mermaid,” of one hundred tons, and the “North -Star,” a pinnace of ten tons. He sailed from Dartmouth on the 7th of -May, 1586, and for a time everything promised well; but at the end of -July the crew of his largest vessel became discontented, and returned -with her to England. Meanwhile, the “Sunshine” and the pinnace had been -sent to make discoveries to the eastward of Greenland. But, in nowise -disheartened by these circumstances, Davis determined to prosecute his -enterprise in the “Moonshine.” He reached, however, not quite so far -north as in his previous voyage, and apparently about as far west, and -arrived home early in October,—“not having done so much as he did in -his first voyage,” is the judgment of one of his successors in Arctic -navigation.[194] - -On his third voyage he sailed from Dartmouth, on the 19th of May, -1587, with three vessels,—the “Elizabeth,” the “Sunshine,” and a -smaller vessel, the “Helen,”—and arrived at the same port, on his -return, on the 15th of September. His course was in the track which -he had previously followed; but he added little to the knowledge he -had already gained, and having been inadequately provided for a long -voyage, was obliged to sail for home when he thought “the passage is -most probable, the execution easie.”[195] - -[Illustration: FROM MOLINEAUX’S MAP, 1600. - -[It is claimed that Davis, who was in England, June, 1600, to February, -1601, probably furnished the plot, and there is manifest an endeavor -in it to reconcile the old Zeno map. Davis’s discoveries are correctly -placed, but Frobisher’s are on the wrong side of the Straits. It needs -the following key:— - - 1. A furious overfall. - 2. Warwick’s forelande. - 3. E. Cumberland Inlet. - 4. Estotiland. - 5. M. Rawghley. - 6. Saunderson’s towe. - 7. C. Bedford. - 8. Fretum Davis. - 9. Desolation. - 10. Warwick’s Forlande (_repeated_). - 11. Meta incognita. - 12. Mr. Forbusher’s straights. - 13. Reg. E. Foreland. - 14. Freyland. - 15. Gronlande. - -See Editorial Note F, at the end of Dr. De Costa’s chapter.—Ed.]] - -[Illustration] - -It is a matter for surprise, in view of the sanguine expectations of -Davis, that an interval of nearly fifteen years elapsed between his -return from his third voyage and the sailing of the next expedition. -This was sent out at the cost of the East India Company, and consisted -of two small vessels,—the “Discovery,” under the command of Captain -George Waymouth, and the “Godspeed,” under John Drew. Waymouth sailed -from the Thames on the 2d of May, 1602, under a contract which provided -that he should sail directly toward the coast of Greenland and the sea -described as Fretum Davis, and that thence he should proceed by those -seas, “or as he shall find the passadge best to lye towards the parts -or kingdom of Cataya or China, or the backe side of America, w^{th}out -geveng ouer the proceedinge on his course soe longe as he shall finde -those seas or any ṗte thereof navigable, and any possibilitie to -make way or passadge through them.”[196] In spite of these specific -directions, the voyage was not productive of any important results, -though it is probable that he sighted land to the north of Hudson’s -Strait; and Luke Fox appears to have been right when he says that -Waymouth “neither discovered nor named any thing more than Davis, nor -had any sight of Groenland, nor was so farre north; nor can I conceive -he hath added anything more to this designe. Yet these two, Davis and -he, did (I conceive), light Hudson into his straights.”[197] Waymouth -himself ascribed his failure to a mutiny which occurred in the latter -part of July, and which compelled him to return to Dartmouth, where he -arrived on the 5th of August. An inquiry into the causes of the failure -was begun shortly afterward, but no evidence has been found to show how -it terminated. - -Three voyages were undertaken not long afterward by the Danes, in which -James Hall was the chief pilot; and one by the English, under the -command of John Knight, in a pinnace of forty tons, sent out by the -East India and Muscovy companies. But each of these voyages had for -its chief object the discovery of gold and silver mines, and though -they all seem to have followed in the track of Frobisher, they added -little or nothing to the knowledge of Arctic geography, and contributed -nothing toward the solution of the problem of a northwest passage. -The first of these expeditions, in which both Hall and Knight were -employed, consisted of two small ships and a pinnace, and sailed from -Copenhagen on the 2d of May, 1605. After coasting along the western -shore of Davis Strait as far north as 69°, the ships reached Elsinore -on their return early in August. The next year a fleet of four ships -and a pinnace was sent out, with Hall as pilot-major. They sailed from -Elsinore on the 29th of May, but were prevented by the ice and stormy -weather from reaching as far north as before, and after much delay they -returned to Copenhagen on the 4th of October. In 1607 Hall accompanied -a third expedition, consisting of two vessels, which was equally -unproductive of results. When they had reached no farther than Cape -Farewell, on the southern coast of Greenland, they were compelled to -return, from causes which are variously stated, but which were probably -complicated by a mutinous spirit in the crew. - -In the same year with Hall’s second voyage, Knight sailed from -Gravesend, on the 18th of April. Two months afterward he made land on -the coast of Labrador; and the captain and five men went on shore to -find a convenient place for repairing their vessel. Leaving two men -with their boat, the captain and three men went to the highest part -of the island. They did not return that day, and on the following day -the state of the ice was such that it was impossible to reach them, -and they were never heard from afterward. The pinnace then went to -Newfoundland to repair; and after encountering many perils, reached -Dartmouth on the 24th of December. Hall made a fourth voyage, in -1612, in two small vessels fitted out by some merchant-adventurers in -London. In this voyage he was mortally wounded in an encounter with the -Esquimaux on the coast of Labrador. His death destroyed all hope of a -successful prosecution of the enterprise, and shortly afterward the -vessels returned to England. - -Henry Hudson had already acquired a considerable reputation as a -bold and skilful navigator, and had made three noteworthy voyages of -discovery when he embarked on his voyage for northwest exploration. On -the 17th of April, 1610, he sailed from Gravesend in the “Discovery,” -a vessel of only fifty-five tons, provisioned for six months; and on -the 9th of June he arrived off Frobisher’s Strait. He then sailed -southwesterly, and entering the strait which bears his name, passed -through its entire length, naming numerous islands and headlands, -and finally, on the 3d of August, saw before him the open waters of -Hudson’s Bay. Three months were spent in examining its shores, and on -the 10th of November his vessel was frozen in. She was not released -until the 18th of June in the following year, and six days afterward -a mutiny occurred. Hudson and his son, with six of the crew who were -either sick or unfit for work, were forced into a shallop, where they -were voluntarily joined by the carpenter; and then the frail boat -was cut loose, and the mutineers set sail for home, leaving their -late master and his companions to the mercy of the waves or death -by starvation. They were never seen or heard of again; but after -encountering great perils and privations, the mutineers finally made -land in Galway Bay, on the coast of Ireland. Hudson’s own account of -the voyage terminates with his entrance into the bay discovered by -him. For the later explorations and for the tragic end of the great -navigator’s brilliant career, we are forced to trust to the narrative -of one of his men, Abacuk Pricket. If we may believe the story told by -him, he had no part in the mutiny; but no one can read his narrative -without sharing the suspicion of Fox: “Well, Pricket, I am in great -doubt of thy fidelity to Master Hudson.”[198] - -Two years after Hudson sailed on his last voyage, a new expedition -was sent to the northwest under the command of Sir Thomas Button. It -consisted of two ships, the “Resolution” and the “Discovery,” and -was provisioned for eighteen months. “Concerning this voyage,” says -Luke Fox, “there cannot bee much expected from me, seing that I have -met with none of the Journalls thereof. It appeareth that they have -been concealed, for what reasons I know not.”[199] Button sailed from -England in the beginning of May, and entering Hudson’s Strait, crossed -the Bay to the southern point of Southampton Island, which he named -Carey’s Swan’s Nest. He then kept on toward the western side of the -Bay, to which he gave the significant name “Hope’s Check,” and coasting -along the shore he discovered the important river which he called Port -Nelson, and which is now known as Nelson’s River. Here he wintered, -“and kept three fires all the Winter, but lost many men, and yet was -supplied with great store of white Partridges and other Fowle,” says -Fox.[200] On the breaking up of the ice he made a thorough exploration -of the bay and of Southampton Island, and finally returned to England -in the autumn, having accomplished enough to give him a foremost rank -among Arctic navigators. - -A little less than a year and a half after Button’s return, Robert -Bylot and William Baffin embarked on the first of the two voyages -commonly associated with their names. - -[Illustration] - -They sailed from the Scilly Islands on Good Friday, April 7, 1615, in -the “Discovery,” a ship of about fifty-five tons, in which Bylot had -already made three voyages to the northwest. Following a course already -familiar to him, they passed through Hudson’s Strait, and ascended what -is now known as Fox Channel. Here and at the western end of Hudson’s -Strait they spent about three weeks, and then sailed for home, where -they arrived in the early part of September. - -[Illustration: SIR THOMAS SMITH. - -Passe’s engraving is very rare. It is also reproduced by Markham, in -whose Introduction are accounts of Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, Sir John -Wolstenholme, and other eminent patrons of Arctic exploration in that -day. See Belknap’s _American Biography_, ii. 9.] - -Their next voyage was one of far greater interest and importance, and -ranks among the most famous of the Arctic voyages. They sailed again -in the “Discovery,” leaving Gravesend on the 26th of March, 1616, with -a company numbering in all seventeen persons; and coasting along the -western shore of Greenland and through Davis Strait, they visited and -explored both shores of the great sea which has ever since borne the -name of Baffin’s Bay. Here they discovered and named the important -channels known as Lancaster Sound and Jones Sound, beside numerous -smaller bodies of water and numerous islands since become familiar to -Arctic voyagers. All this was accomplished in a short season, and on -the 30th of August they cast anchor at Dover on their return. - -Fifteen years elapsed, during which no important attempt was made -toward the discovery of a northwest passage; but in 1631 two voyages -were undertaken, to one of which we owe the quaint, gossippy narrative -entitled _Northwest Fox, or Fox from the Northwest Passage_. Luke Fox, -its author, was a Yorkshireman, of keen sense and great perseverance, -as well as a skilful navigator. He had long been interested in -northwest explorations; and, according to his own account, he wished to -go as mate with Knight twenty-five years before. At length he succeeded -in interesting a number of London merchants and other persons in the -enterprise, and on the 5th of May, 1631, he set sail from Deptford -in the “Charles,” a pinnace of seventy tons, victualled for eighteen -months. He searched the western part of Hudson’s Bay, discovered the -strait and shore known as Sir Thomas Roe’s Welcome, sailed up Fox -Channel to a point within the Arctic Circle, and satisfied himself, by -a careful observation of the tides, of the existence of the long-sought -passage, but failed to discover it. On his return he cast anchor in -the Downs on the 31st of October, “not having lost one Man, nor Boy, -nor Soule, nor any manner of Tackling, having beene forth neere six -moneths. All glory be to God!”[201] - -On the same day on which Fox began his voyage, Captain Thomas James -sailed from the Severn in a new vessel of seventy tons, named the -“Maria,” manned by twenty-two persons, and, like Fox’s vessel, -victualled for eighteen months. On his outward voyage he encountered -many perils, and on more than one occasion his vessel barely escaped -shipwreck. His explorations were confined to the waters of Hudson’s -Bay, and more particularly to its southeastern part, where he wintered -on Charlton Island. Here he built a house in which the ship’s company -lived from December until June, enduring as best they might all the -horrors of an Arctic winter on an island only a little north of the -latitude of London. On the 2d of July they again set sail, but were so -hampered by ice that their progress was very slow, and in the latter -part of August James, with the unanimous concurrence of his officers, -determined to return home. He arrived at Bristol on the 22d of October, -1632, having added almost nothing to the knowledge gained by Fox in a -third of the time. - -[Illustration: A PART OF JAMES’S MAP. - -[This is the southwest corner of a folding map, 16 × 12 inches, -entitled “The Platt of Sayling for the discoverye of a passage into -the South Sea, 1631,1632,” which belongs to James’s _Strange and -Dangerous Voyage_, London, 1633. Mr. Charles Deane has two copies, both -with photographic fac-similes of the map made from the copy now in -the Barlow Library, New York. The Harvard College copy is defective. -The map has a portrait of James, “ætatis suæ, 40.” (Cf. Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, ix. 35,711; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. no. 400. -Quaritch priced it in 1872, £36.) The narrative was reprinted in 1740, -and is in the Collections of Churchill and Harris.—ED.]] - -Both voyages were substantially failures, and their want of success -nearly put an end to northwestern explorations. It was more than a -hundred years before the matter was again taken up in any deliberate -and efficient manner. But in the long list of Arctic navigators there -are no greater names than those of Frobisher, Davis, Hudson, and -Baffin. With means utterly disproportioned, as it now seems, to the -task which they undertook, these men accomplished results which have -called forth the admiration of more than one of their successors. They -did not find the new and more direct way to Cathay which they sought -for; but they dispelled many geographical illusions, and every fresh -advance in our knowledge of the Arctic regions has only confirmed the -accuracy of their statements. The story of these later explorations -belongs to another part of this History; and we shall there see an -energy and perseverance and an heroic endurance of hardship for the -solution of great geographical problems not unworthy of the men whose -voyages have been here narrated. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -A COMPLETE bibliography of the northwest explorations is apart from -our present purpose.[202] The principal works used in the preparation -of the preceding narrative were almost all of them written by the men -who were the chief actors in the scenes and incidents described, or are -based on the original journals of those men. Their general accuracy and -trustworthiness have never been challenged, and with some unimportant -exceptions the statements of the early navigators have been confirmed -by their successors. The men who first encountered the perils of -those unknown seas were men of plain, straightforward character, who -told in simple and unpretentious words what they saw and did. Some -rectifications of their opinions and descriptions have, it is true, -become necessary; in part through the imperfections of the early -astronomical instruments, and in part through the difficulty, often -very great, of deciding what was land and what water, even from the -most careful observation. As a general rule, the early latitudes are -given too high from the first of these causes; but the longitudes are -substantially correct. - -Of the works which are mainly compilations, the undisputed pre-eminence -belongs to Hakluyt’s _Voyages_ and Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_. Hakluyt -was an enthusiast with regard to western discoveries, and he spared -neither time nor labor to obtain trustworthy information with regard -to the voyages in which he took so deep an interest. His narratives -of the early voyages, so far as we have the means of verifying them, -follow with almost entire accuracy the original documents, though -in a few instances he has abbreviated his originals, apparently -from motives of economy and the want of space. In these instances, -however, the republication of the narratives by the Hakluyt Society, -with the learned annotations of their thoroughly competent editors, -places before the reader an exact copy of the originals. Purchas is -an authority of less importance than Hakluyt, but a similar remark -will apply to his accounts of the early voyages, though they are -more abridged than Hakluyt’s. Luke Fox prefixed to his quaint and -fascinating narrative of his own voyage an account of what had been -done by his predecessors, and this must be classed among the best -authorities. Of the later compilations the _Chronological History_[203] -of Sir John Barrow, so far as it covers the earlier period, should -not be overlooked by any one who wishes for a full summary of what was -accomplished. He was scarcely less of an enthusiast than was Hakluyt; -and his statements of fact are apparently indisputable. But he was a -man of strong and often of unreasonable prejudices, and his opinions, -particularly regarding events near his own time, cannot always be -accepted without a careful investigation of their grounds. The -_Narratives_,[204] edited by Mr. Rundall for the Hakluyt Society, must -also be classed with the compilations useful in this study. - -[Illustration: BAFFIN’S BAY—CAPT LUKE FOX 1635.] - -As an attempt to find a practicable passage between the Atlantic and -the Pacific, either through or around North America, every voyage -early and late was a failure. The theories in accordance with which -northwestern explorations were first undertaken were unsound, and -the objects by which they were inspired found realization long ago -in quite other ways. But not the less did those theories and those -objects animate men with a zeal and self-sacrifice worthy of the -Crusades, and produce results of great importance. No easier route to -China and Japan was discovered to enrich the fortunate adventurers; no -valuable territories were added to the realm of England; and it was an -utterly barren sovereignty which Frobisher and his successors claimed. -But for the disappointment of these expectations there was an ample -compensation in the whaling grounds to which they pointed the way, -and which have proved the fruitful source of large accessions to the -wealth of nations;[205] and it was something to learn, almost from the -first, that the gold mines from which so much was expected were only a -delusion and a snare. - -We subjoin a specific mention of some of the more important separate -sources. For Frobisher the student may refer to Admiral Collinson’s -excellent gathering for the Hakluyt Society, as embodying the earliest -monographic literature upon the Northwest search.[206] Of John -Davis of Sandridge, whose exploits we are concerned with, there has -sometimes been confusion with a namesake and contemporary, John Davis -of Limehouse, and Mr. Froude has confounded them in his _Forgotten -Worthies_; but a note in the Hakluyt Society’s edition of _Davis’s -Voyages_, p. lxxviii, makes clear the distinction, and is not the least -of the excellences of that book, which contains the best grouping of -all that is to be learned of Davis.[207] - -Referring to the general collections, for the intervening voyages we -come to Hudson’s explorations, and must still trust chiefly to the work -of the Hakluyt Society,[208] to which must also be credited the best -summary of the voyages conducted by Baffin.[209] - -For Fox’s quaint and somewhat capriciously rambling narrative, the -present reader may possibly chance upon an original copy,[210] but -he can follow it at all events in modern collections. The author -accompanied it with a circumpolar map, which is only to be found, -according to Markham, in one or two copies; and a fac-simile of -Markham’s excerpt of the parts interesting in our inquiry is herewith -given. - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -=A.= THE ZENO INFLUENCE ON EARLY CARTOGRAPHY.—Frobisher’s reference to -Friesland indicates the influence which the Zeno map, then for hardly a -score of years before the geographers of Europe, was having upon their -notions regarding the North Atlantic. - -[Illustration: THE ZENO CHART, _circa_ 1400.] - -Of this map and its curious history a full account is given in Vol. -I. of the present History. It had been brought to light in Italy in -1558, and Frobisher is said to have taken it with him on his voyage. -Its errors in latitude deceived that navigator. When he fell in -with the Greenland shore, in 61°, he supposed himself to be at the -southern limit of Friesland, that being Zeno’s latitude for that point -(the southern point of his Greenland being in 66°); and thus that -unaccountable insular region of the Zeno chart was put anew into the -maps of the North Atlantic, and remained there for some time. Again, -when Davis fell in with land in 61°, he thought it neither Friesland -nor Zeno’s Greenland, but a new country, which he had found and which -he named “Desolation;” and so it appears in Molineaux’s map and globe, -and in Hudson’s map (given in fac-simile in Asher’s _Henry Hudson_), -as an island south of Greenland, with a misplaced Frobisher’s Straits -(still misplaced as late as the time of Hondius) separating it from -Greenland. Our Zeno chart must be interpreted by the following key:— - - 1. Engronelant (Greenland). - 2. Grolandia. - 3. Islanda (Iceland). - 4. Norvegia (Norway). - 5. Estland (Shetland Islands?). - 6. Icaria. - 7. Frisland (Faroe Islands?). - 8. Estotiland (Labrador?). - 9. Drogeo (Newfoundland or New England?). - 10. Podalida. - 11. Scocia (Scotland). - 12. Mare et terre incognite. - -Its influence can be further traced, twenty years later, in the map of -the world which Wolfe, in 1598, added to his English translation of -Linschoten. We annex a sketch-map of the Arctic portion, which needs to -be interpreted by the key below the cut. - -[Illustration: FROM WOLFE’S LINSCHOTEN, 1598. - - 1. Terra Septemtrionalis. - 2. Grocland. - 3. Groenland. - 4. Island (Iceland). - 5. Friesland. - 6. Drogeo. - 7. Estotiland. - 8. R. Nevado. - 9. C. Marco. - 10. Gol di S. Lorenzo. - 11. Saguenay flu. - 12. Canada. - 13. Nova Francia. - 14. Norōbega. - 15. Terra de Baccalaos. - 16. Do Bretan. - 17. Juan. - 18. R. de Tomēta. - 19. S. Brādam. - 20. Brasil.] - -Considering the doubt attached to the Zeno chart, it would seem that -the earliest undoubted delineation of American parts of the Arctic -land is the representation of Greenland which appears in the Ptolemy -of 1482. This position of Greenland was reproduced, about ten years -before Frobisher’s voyage, in Olaus Magnus’s Latin _Historia_, Basil, -1567, who puts on the peninsula this legend: “Hic habitant Pygmei -vulgo Screlinger dicti.” There had been an earlier Latin edition of -the _Historia_ at Rome in 1555, and one in Italian at Venice in 1565: -there was no English edition till 1658. (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. -269.) Ziegler’s _Schondia_ had in Frobisher’s time been for forty years -or more a source of information regarding the most northern regions. -(_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, pp. 103, 120, for editions of 1532 and 1536.) - -The cartographical ideas of the North from the earliest conceptions -may be traced in the following maps, which for this purpose may be -deemed typical: In 1510-12, in the Lenox Globe, which is drawn in Dr. -De Costa’s chapter; the map in Sylvanus’s _Ptolemy_, 1511, represents -Greenland as protruding from the northwest of Europe; the globe of -Orontius Fine, 1531, is resolvable into a similar condition, as shown -on page 11 of the present volume; Mercator’s great map of 1569, -blundering, mixes the Zeno geography with the later developments; -Gilbert’s map, 1576, gives an insular Greenland of a reversed trend -of coast; the Lok map of 1582 may be seen on page 40, and the -Hakluyt-Martyr map on page 42. The map of America showing the Arctic -Sea which appears in Boterus’s _Welt-beschreibung_, 1596, and Acosta’s -map (1598) of Greenland and adjacent parts, can be compared with -Wolfe’s, in Linschoten, already given in this note. Finally, we may -take the Hondius maps of 1611 and 1619, in which Hondius places at 80° -north this legend: “Glacis ab Hudsono detecta.” - - -=B.= FROBISHER’S VOYAGES.—George Beste’s _True Discourse of Discoverie -by the North Weast_, 1578, covers the three voyages, and contains two -maps,—one a mappemonde, the most significant since Mercator’s, and of -which in part a fac-simile is here given. The other is of Frobisher’s -Straits alone. Kohl, _Catalogue of Maps mentioned in Hakluyt_, p. 18, -traces the authorship of these charts to James Beare, Frobisher’s -principal surveyor. Compare it with Lok’s map, page 40, of the present -volume. - -[Illustration: PART OF MAP IN BESTE’S “FROBISHER,” 1578.] - -Beste’s book is very rare, and copies are in the Lenox and Carter-Brown -libraries. It is reprinted by Hakluyt. - -Beste’s general account may be supplemented by these special -narratives:— - -_First Voyage._ A State-paper given by Collinson, “apparently by M. -Lok.” The narrative by Christopher Hall, the master, in Hakluyt. See an -examination of its results in _Contemporary Review_ (1873), xxi. 529, -or _Eclectic Review_, iii. 243. - -_Second Voyage._ Dionysius Settle’s account, published separately in -1577. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 206, with fac-simile of title. -It was reprinted by Mr. Carter-Brown (50 copies) in 1869. See notice -by J. R. Bartlett in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1869, p. 363. -This narrative is given in Hakluyt, vol. iii.; Pinkerton, vol. xii.; -Brydge’s _Restituta_, 1814, vol. ii. Chippin’s French version of -Settle, _La Navigation du Cap. Martin Forbisher_, was printed in 1578. -It is in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. It has reappeared at -various dates, 1720, 1731, etc. From this French version of Settle was -made the Latin, _De Martini Forbisseri Angli navigatione in regiones -occidentis et septentrionis, narratio historica ex Gallico sermone -in Latinum translata per D. Joan Tho. Freigium_, Norbergæ, 1580, 44 -leaves. This is also in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, and Sparks (Cornell -University) Collections. Cf. _Sunderland Catalogue_, ii. 4,650. Its -value is from $10 to $30. It was reprinted with notes at Hamburg -in 1675. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 33. Brinley, no. 28. Sabin, -_Dictionary_, vii. 25,994. This edition is usually priced at $12 or -$15. There are also German (1580, 1679, etc.) and Dutch (1599, 1663, -1678; in Aa’s Collection, 1706) editions. In the 1580 German edition is -a woodcut of the natives brought to England. _Huth Catalogue_, ii. 556. - -_Third Voyage._ Thomas Ellis’s narrative, given by Hakluyt and -Collinson. Edward Sellman’s account is also given by Collinson. - -Collinson’s life of Frobisher, prefixed to his volume, is brief; his -authorities, other than those in the body of his book, are Fuller’s -_Worthies of England_, and such modern treatises as Campbell’s _Lives -of the Admirals_, Barrow’s _Naval Worthies_, Muller’s _History of -Doncaster_, etc. S. G. Drake furnished a memoir, with a good engraving -of the usual portrait, in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, vol. iii.; -and there is a _Life_ by F. Jones, London, 1878. Biddle, in his -_Cabot_, chap. 12, epitomizes the voyages, and they can be cursorily -followed in Fox Bourne’s _English Seamen_, and Payne’s _Elizabethan -Seamen_. Commander Becher, in his paper in the _Journal_ of the Royal -Geographical Society, xii. 1, gives a useful map of the Straits, a part -of which is reproduced in the accompanying cut. In the same volume of -the _Journal_ its editor enumerates the various manuscript sources, -most of which have been printed, and have been referred to above. - -[Illustration: FROBISHER’S STRAIT.] - - -=C.= HUDSON’S VOYAGES.—The sources of our information on this -navigator’s four voyages to the North are these:— - -_First voyage_ in 1607, under the auspices of the Muscovy Company, to -the Northeast. A log-book, in which Hudson may have had a hand, or -to which he may have supplied facts; and a few fragments of his own -journal. Purchas’s _Pilgrims_, vol. iii.; Asher’s _Henry Hudson_, pp. i -and 145. - -_Second voyage_, 1608, under the auspices of the Muscovy Company, to -the Northeast. A log-book by Hudson himself. Purchas’s _Pilgrims_, iii. -574; _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 81; Asher’s _Hudson_, p. 23. - -A map by Hondius illustrating the first and second voyage, and given by -Asher in fac-simile, was originally published in Pontanus’s _History of -Amsterdam_, Latin ed. 1611, and Dutch ed. 1614. - -_Third voyage_, 1609, under the auspices of the East India Company, to -the Northeast, where, foiled by the ice, he turned and sailed to make -explorations between the coast of Maine and Delaware Bay. The journal -of Juet, his companion. Purchas’s _Pilgrims_, vol. iii.; Asher’s -_Hudson_, p. 45. See further in Mr. Fernow’s chapter in Vol. IV. of -this History. - -_Fourth voyage_, 1610, to the Northwest, discovering Hudson’s Strait -and Hudson’s Bay. Purchas, _Pilgrims_, vol. iii., got his account -from Sir Dudley Digges. He also gives an abstract of Hudson’s journal -(Asher, p. 93); a discourse by Pricket, one of the crew, whom Purchas -discredits, which is largely an apology for the mutiny which set Hudson -adrift in an open boat in the bay now bearing his name (Asher, p. 98); -a letter from Iceland, May 30, 1610, perhaps by Hudson himself, and an -account of Juet’s trial (Asher, p. 136). Purchas added some new facts -in his _Pilgrimage_, reprinted in Asher, p. 139. - -H. Gerritsz seized the opportunity, occasioned by the interest in -Hudson’s voyage and his fate, to promulgate his views of the greater -chance of finding a northwest passage to India, rather than a northeast -one; and in the little collection of tracts edited by him, produced -first in the Dutch edition of 1612, he gives but a very brief narrative -of Hudson’s voyage, which is printed on the reverse of the map showing -his discoveries,—the maps, which he gives, both of the world and of -the north parts of America being the chief arguments of his book, -the latter map being also reproduced by Asher. The original Dutch -edition is extremely scarce, but four or five copies being known. A -reproduction of it in 1878 by Kroon, through the photo-lithographic -process, consists of 200 copies, and contains also, under the general -title of _Detectio freti Hudsoni_, a reproduction of the Latin edition -of 1613, with an English version by F. J. Millard, and an Introductory -Essay on the origin and design of this collection, which, besides -Gerritsz’s tract, includes others by Massa and De Quir. Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, viii. 33,489; Asher’s _Hudson_, p. 267. - -In the enlarged Latin translation, ordinarily quoted as the _Detectio -freti Hudsoni_ of 1612, Gerritsz inverted the order of the several -tracts, giving more prominence to Hudson, as May’s expedition to the -northeast had in the mean time returned unsuccessful. _Huth Catalogue_, -ii. 744, shows better than _Brunet_, iii. 358, the difference between -this 1612 and the 1613 editions. H. C. Murphy’s _Henry Hudson in -Holland_. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 131, gives this little -quarto the following title: _Descriptio ac delineatio Geographica -detectionis freti sive, Transitus ad Occasum, suprà terras Americanas -in Chinam atq: Iaponem ducturi, Recens investigati ab M. Henrico -Hudsono Anglo_, etc., and cites the world in two hemispheres as among -the three maps which it contains. A copy in Mr. Henry C. Murphy’s -collection has a second title, which shows that Vitellus and not -Gerritsz made the Latin translation. This other title reads: _Exemplar -Libelli ... super Detectione quintæ Orbis terrarum partiscui Australiæ -Incognitæ nomen est: item Relatio super Freto per M. Hudsonum Anglum -quæsito, ac in parte dedecte supra Provincias Terræ Novæ, novæque -Hispaniæ, Chinam, et Cathaiam versus ducturo ... Latine versa ab -R. Vitellio, Amstelodami ex officina Hessilii Gerardi. Anno 1612_. -Speaking of this little tract and the share which Gerritsz had in it, -Asher, in his _Henry Hudson the Navigator_, says, “Around it grew in a -very remarkable manner the most interesting of the many collections of -voyages and travels printed in the early part of the sixteenth century.” - -In a second Latin edition, 1613, Gerritsz again remodelled his -additions, and gave a further account of May’s voyage. _Huth -Catalogue_, ii. 744; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 152; Tièle, _Mémoire -bibliographique_, 1867, no. 153; Muller’s _Essai d’une bibliographie -néerlando-russe_, 1859, p. 71. - -To some copies of this second edition Gerritsz added a short appendix -of two leaves, Sig. G, which is reprinted in the Kroon reproduction, -and serves to make some bibliographers reckon a third Latin edition. -There are in the Lenox Library six copies of the original, representing -the different varieties of the Dutch and Latin texts. One of the -copies in Harvard College Library has these two additional leaves, -which are also in the copy in the Carter-Brown Library, whose -_Catalogue_, ii. 152, says that the fac-simile reprint by Muller must -have been made from a copy with different cuts and ornamental capitals -and tail-pieces, as these are totally different from those of the -Carter-Brown copy. The map of the world was repeated in this edition. - -The original Dutch text has been reprinted in several later collections -of voyages, published in Holland. The English translation in Purchas is -incomplete and incorrect; and that of Millard, as well as the English -generally in the Kroon reprint, could have been much bettered by a -competent native proof-reader. - -German versions appeared in De Bry and in Megiser’s _Septentrio -novantiquus_, p. 438, both in 1613; and in 1614 in Hulsius, part xii. - -There is a French translation in the _Receuil d’Arrests_ of 1720. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -SIR WALTER RALEGH: THE SETTLEMENTS AT ROANOKE AND VOYAGES TO GUIANA. - -BY WILLIAM WIRT HENRY, - -_Third Vice-President of the Virginia Historical Society._ - - -HISTORY has recorded the lives of few men more renowned than Walter -Ralegh,—the soldier, the sailor, the statesman, the courtier, the -poet, the historian, and the philosopher. The age in which he lived, -the versatility of his genius, his conspicuous services, and “the deep -damnation of his taking off,” all conspired to exalt his memory among -men, and to render it immortal. Success often crowned his efforts in -the service of his country, and the impress of his genius is clearly -traced upon her history; but his greatest service to England and -to the world was his pioneer effort to colonize America, in which -he experienced the most mortifying defeat. Baffled in his endeavor -to plant the English race upon this continent, he yet called into -existence a spirit of enterprise which first gave Virginia, and then -North America, to that race, and which led Great Britain, from this -beginning, to dot the map of the world with her colonies, and through -them to become the greatest power of the earth. - -[Illustration] - -Walter Ralegh[211] was born, in 1552, in the parish of Budleigh, in -Devonshire. His father was Walter Ralegh, of Fardel, and his mother was -Catherine, daughter of Sir Philip Champernown, of Modbury, and widow of -Otho Gilbert, of Compton, in Devonshire. On his mother’s side he was -brother to Sir John, Sir Humphrey, and Sir Adrian Gilbert,—all eminent -men. He studied at Oxford with great success, but he left his books in -1569 to volunteer with his cousin, Henry Champernown, in aid of the -French Protestants in their desperate struggle for religious liberty -under the Prince of Condé and Admiral Coligny. He reached France in -time to be present at the battle of Moncontour, and remained six years, -during which time the massacre of St. Bartholomew occurred. Afterward -he served in the Netherlands with Sir John Norris under William of -Orange in his struggle with the Spaniards. - -In these wars he became not only an accomplished soldier, but a -determined foe to Roman Catholicism and to the Spanish people. His -contest with Spain, thus early begun, ended only with his life. It -was indeed a war to the death on both sides. Elizabeth, his great -sovereign, with all the courage of a hero in the bosom of a woman, -sustained him in the conflict, and had the supreme satisfaction of -seeing him administer a death-blow to Spanish power at Cadiz; while her -pusillanimous successor rendered himself forever infamous by putting -such a conqueror to death at the mandate of the Spanish King. - -[Illustration] - -The claim of Spain to the New World, based upon its discovery by -Columbus, fortified by a grant from Pope Alexander VI. and further -strengthened by continued exploration and by settlements, was disputed, -at least as regards the northern continent, by England on the strength -of the Cabot voyages, of which an account has been given in the opening -chapter of this volume. The English claimed that they were entitled -to North America by the right of Cabot’s discovery of its mainland -preceding that of Columbus, who had not then touched the mainland at -the south. No serious effort was made, however, to follow up this claim -by a settlement till 1578, when Elizabeth granted to Sir Humphrey -Gilbert a charter looking to a permanent occupation of the country. -Sir Humphrey sailed in November, 1578, with seven ships and three -hundred and fifty men. One of the fleet, the “Falcon,” was commanded by -Ralegh, who had already learned to be a sailor as well as a soldier. -His presence with the expedition was not alone due to his attachment to -his distinguished brother. He had already discovered that the power of -Spain was due to the wealth she derived from her American possessions, -and he earnestly desired to secure for England the same source of -power. His attention had been attracted to the coast of Florida by -Coligny, whose colony of Huguenots there had been brutally murdered by -the Spaniards under Menendez in 1565. - -The voyage of Gilbert met with disaster. In a short time all the ships -except Ralegh’s were forced to return. Ralegh determined to sail for -the West Indies, but when he had gone as far as the Islands of Cape -de Verde, upon the coast of Africa, he was forced by a scarcity of -provisions to return. He arrived at Plymouth in May, 1579, after having -experienced many dangerous adventures in storms and sea-fights. - -Sir Humphrey had returned before him, and was busy preparing for a -renewal of the voyage; but an Order from the Privy Council, April 26, -prohibited their departure. The conflicts at sea seem to have been with -Spanish vessels, and complaints had been made to the Council concerning -them. - -Ralegh spent but little time in vain regrets, but at once took service -in Ireland, where he commanded a company of English soldiers employed -to suppress the insurrection headed by the Earl of Desmond, who led a -mongrel force of Spaniards, Italians, and Irishmen. His service began -under the Lord Justice Pelham, and was continued under his successor, -Lord Grey. His genius and courage soon attracted public notice, and -won for him the favor of the Queen. Upon his return in 1582 he made -his appearance at court, and at once became that monarch’s favorite. -No one could have been better fitted to play the _rôle_ of courtier -to this clever, passionate, and capricious woman. Ralegh is described -by a contemporary as having “a good presence in a handsome and -well-compacted person; a strong natural wit, and a better judgment; -with a bold and plausible tongue, whereby he could set out his parts -to the best advantage.” He had the culture of a scholar and the fancy -of a poet, as well as the chivalry of a soldier; and he superadded to -these that which was equally as attractive to his mistress,—unrivalled -splendor in dress and equipage. - -The Queen’s favor soon developed into magnificent gifts of riches -and honor. He was given the monopolies of granting license for the -export of broadcloths, and for the making of wines and regulating -their prices. He was endowed with the fine estates in five counties -forfeited to the Crown by the attainder of Anthony Babington, who -plotted the murder of Elizabeth in the interest of Mary of Scotland; -and with twelve thousand acres in Ireland, part of the land forfeited -by the Earl of Desmond and his followers. He was made Lord Warden of -the Stannaries, Lieutenant of the County of Cornwall, Vice-Admiral of -Cornwall and Devon, and Captain of the Queen’s Guard. - -One of his Irish estates was near the home of Edmund Spenser, secretary -to Lord Grey during the Irish rebellion, and a visit which led to -a renewal of their friendship led also to the publication, at the -instance of Ralegh, of the _Faerie Queene_, in which Elizabeth is -represented as Belphœbe. - -No sooner did Ralegh find that his fortune was made, than he determined -to accomplish the object of his passionate desire,—the English -colonization of America. He furnished one of the little fleet of -five ships with which Sir Humphrey Gilbert sailed June 11, 1583, -upon his last and most disastrous voyage to America, and was only -prevented from going with him by the peremptory order of the Queen, -who was unwilling that her favorite should incur the risk of any -“dangerous sea-fights.” The gallant Sir Humphrey, after taking formal -possession of Newfoundland, sailed southward, but, experiencing a -series of disasters, went down with his ship in a storm on his return -homeward.[212] - -Ralegh obtained a new charter, March 25, 1584, drawn more carefully -with a design to foster colonization. Not only was he empowered to -plant colonies upon “such remote heathen and barbarous lands, not -actually possessed by any Christian prince nor inhabited by Christian -people,” as he might discover, but the soil of such lands was to be -enjoyed by the colonies forever, and the colonies planted were to “have -all the privileges of free denizens and persons native of England, -in such ample manner as if they were born and personally resident in -our said realm of England, any law, etc., notwithstanding,” and they -were to be governed “according to such statutes as shall be by him or -them established; so that the said statutes or laws conform as near -as conveniently may be with those of England, and do not oppugn the -Christian faith, or any way withdraw the people of those lands from our -allegiance.”[213] - -These guarantees of political rights, which first appeared in the -charter to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, were renewed in the subsequent charter -of 1606, under which the English colonies were planted in America, and -constituted one of the impregnable grounds upon which they afterwards -maintained the struggle which ended in a complete separation from the -mother country. It is doubtless to Ralegh that we are indebted for -these provisions, which justified the Virginia burgesses in declaring -in 1765,— - - “That the first adventurers and settlers of this his Majesty’s colony - and dominion brought with them, and transmitted to their posterity - and all other his Majesty’s subjects since inhabiting in this his - Majesty’s said colony, all the privileges, franchises, and immunities - that have at any time been held, enjoyed, and possessed by the people - of Great Britain.” - -Ralegh’s knowledge of the voyages of the Spaniards satisfied him that -they had not explored the Atlantic coast north of what is now known -as Florida, and he determined to plant a colony in this unexplored -region.[214] Two ships were immediately made ready, and they sailed -April 27, 1584, under the command of Captains Philip Amadas and Arthur -Barlowe, for the purpose of discovery, with a view to a permanent -colony. - -On the 10th of May they reached the Canaries, on the 10th of June the -West Indies, and on the 4th of July the American coast. They sailed -northward one hundred and twenty miles before they found “any entrance -or river issuing into the sea.” They entered the first which they -discovered, probably that now known as New Inlet, and sailing a short -distance into the haven they cast anchor, and returned thanks to God -for their safe arrival. Manning their boats, they were soon on the -nearest land, and took possession of it in the name “of the Queen’s -most excellent Majestie, as rightful Queene and Princesse of the -same,” and afterwards “delivered the same over to Sir Walter Ralegh’s -use, according to her Majestie’s grant and letters patents under her -Highnesse great seale.” They found the land to be about twenty miles -long and six miles wide, and, in the language of the report to Sir -Walter,— - - “very sandie and low towards the water’s side, but so ful of grapes, - as the very beating and surge of the sea overflowed them, of which we - found such plentie, as well there as in all places else, both on the - sand and on the greene soile on the hils as in the plaines, as well on - every little shrubbe, as also climing towards the tops of high cedars, - that I thinke in all the world the like abundance is not to be found; - and myselfe having seene those parts of Europe that most abound, find - such difference as were incredible to be written.” - -The report continues:— - - “This Island had many goodly Woodes full of Deere, Conies, Hares, - and Fowle, even in the middest of Summer, in incredible abondance. - The Woodes are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, Hercynia, - barren and fruitles, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, - farre bettering the Cedars of the Azores, of the Indies, or Lybanus; - Pynes, Cypres, Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the - Masticke, the tree that beareth the rind of blacke Sinamon.” - -On the third day a boat with three natives approached the island, and -friendly intercourse was at once established. On the next there came -several boats, and in one of them Granganimeo, the king’s brother, -“accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome and goodly -people, and in their behavior as mannerly and civill as any of Europe.” -When the English asked the name of the country, one of the savages, -who did not understand the question, replied, “Win-gan-da-coa,” which -meant, “You wear fine clothes.” The English on their part, mistaking -his meaning, reported that to be the name of the country. - -The King was named Wingina, and he was then suffering from a wound -received in battle. After two or three days Granganimeo brought his -wife and daughter and two or three children to the ships. - - “His wife was very well favoured, of meane stature, and very bashfull; - shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather, with the furre side - next to her body, and before her a piece of the same; about her - forehead shee hade a band of white corall, and so had her husband many - times; in her eares shee had bracelets of pearles hanging doune to - her middle, and these were of the bignes of good pease. The rest of - her women of the better sort had pendants of copper hanging in either - eare; he himself had upon his head a broad plate of golde or copper, - for being unpolished we knew not what mettal it should be, neither - would he by any meanes suffer us to take it off his head, but feeling - it, it would bow very easily. His apparell was as his wives, onely the - women wear their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one. - They are of colour yellowish, and their haire black for the most part, - and yet we saw children that had very fine auburne and chesnut-colored - haire.” - -The phenomenon of auburn and chestnut-colored hair may be accounted for -by the fact, related by the natives, that some years before a ship, -manned by whites, had been wrecked on the coast; and that some of the -people had been saved, and had lived with them for several weeks before -leaving in their boats, in which, however, they were lost. It was the -descendants of these men, doubtless, who were found by the English. - -After the natives had visited the ships several times, Captain Barlowe -with seven men went in a boat twenty miles to an island called Roanoke -(probably a corruption of the Indian name Ohanoak), at the north end of -which “was a village of nine houses built of cedar and fortified round -about with sharp trees to keep out their enemies, and the entrance -into it made like a turnpike, very artificially.” There they found the -wife of Granganimeo, who, with her attendants, in the absence of her -husband, entertained them “with all loue and kindness, and with as much -bounty (after their manner) as they could possibly devise.” - -They did not attempt to explore the mainland, but returned to England, -arriving about the middle of September, and carrying with them two of -the natives, Manteo and Manchese. They were enthusiastic concerning -all they had seen, describing the soil as “the most plentiful, sweet, -fruitful, and wholesome of all the world,” and “the people most gentle, -loving, and faithful, void of all guile and treason, and such as live -after the manner of the Golden Age.” - -The Queen, not less delighted than Ralegh, named the newly-discovered -country VIRGINIA, in commemoration of her maiden life, and conferred -upon Ralegh the honor of knighthood. He now had a new seal of his arms -cut, with the legend, _Propria insignia Walteri Ralegh, militis, Domini -et Gubernatoris Virginiæ_. He was soon honored also with a seat in -Parliament by his native shire of Devon, and rose to eminence in that -body. - -[Illustration] - -Upon the return of his expedition Ralegh began to fit out a colony -to be planted in Virginia. Everything was made ready by the next -spring, and on the 9th of April, 1585, he sent from Plymouth a fleet -of seven ships in command of his cousin, Sir Richard Grenville, “with -one hundred householders, and many things necessary to begin a new -state.” The colony itself was put in the immediate charge of Ralph -Lane, who was afterwards knighted by the King. He had seen considerable -service, and was on duty in Ireland when invited by Ralegh to take -command of the colony. The Queen ordered a substitute to be appointed -in his government of Kerry and Clanmorris, “in consideration of his -ready undertaking the voyage to Virginia for Sir Walter Ralegh at her -Majesty’s command.” His residence in Ireland and Ralegh’s interest -there account for a number of Irish names which appear among the -colonists. Captain Philip Amadas was associated with Lane as his -deputy, and among those who accompanied him were two who were men of -distinction. One, Thomas Cavendish, afterwards became celebrated as a -navigator by sailing round the world; and another, Thomas Hariot, was a -mathematician of great distinction, who materially advanced the science -of algebra, and was honored by Descartes, who imposed some of Hariot’s -work upon the French as his own. - -On the voyage the conduct of Sir Richard Grenville gave great offence -to Lane and the leading men of the colony, and Lane became convinced -that Grenville desired his death. On the 26th of June they came to -anchor at Wocokon, now known as Ocracoke Inlet. On the 11th of July -Grenville crossed the southern portion of Pamlico Sound, and discovered -three Indian towns,—Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, and Secotan. At Aquascogoc a -silver cup was stolen from one of his men, and failing to recover it, -they “burned and spoiled their corn, all the people being fled.” This -act of harsh retribution made enemies of the inhabitants of this part -of the country, and was unfortunate in its consequences. - -Grenville landed the colony at Roanoke Island, and leaving Lane in -charge of one hundred and seven men, he sailed for England August 25, -promising to return with supplies by the next Easter. Lane at once -erected a fort on the island, and then began to explore the coast and -rivers of the country. The exploration southward extended about eighty -miles, to the present county of Carteret; northward, about one hundred -and thirty miles, to the vicinity of Elizabeth River; northwest, about -the same distance, to a point just below the junction of the Meherrin -and Nottoway rivers; and westward, up the Roanoke River to the vicinity -of Halifax. - -Lane was a man of decided ability and executive capacity. He informed -himself regarding the country and its inhabitants, and protected -his men from the many dangers which surrounded them. He soon became -convinced that a mistake had been made in attempting a settlement on -Roanoke Island, because of the dangerous coast and wretched harbor. -He learned on his voyage up the Chowan, from an Indian king named -Monatonon, that on going three days’ journey in a canoe up the river -and four days’ journey over land to the northeast, he would come to a -king’s country which lay upon the sea, whose place of greatest strength -was an island in a deep bay. This information evidently pointed to -Craney Island in Chesapeake Bay. Lane thereupon resolved, as soon as -the promised supply arrived from England, to send ships up the coast -to discover the bay, and to send men overland to establish posts, and -if he found the bay to be as described, to transfer the colony to its -shore. - -The two natives who had been carried to England had returned with Lane. -Manteo was a firm friend to the English, while Manchese became their -implacable enemy. Granganimeo, the brother, and Ensenore, the father, -of Wingina, were also friendly, but both died within a few months after -the arrival of the colony, and the king, who had changed his name to -Pemisapan, did all in his power to destroy it. When Lane ascended the -Roanoke, he found that the tribes along its banks, with whom he had -previously entered into terms of friendship, had been informed by -Pemisapan that the English designed to kill them. They had retired -into the interior with their families and provisions, and Lane, whose -supplies were running short, found great difficulty in subsisting his -men. - -The exploration of this river, called by the Indians Moratoc, was -deemed of the greatest importance, as the natives reported it as -flowing with a bold stream out of a rock upon the coast of the Western -Ocean, and running through a land rich in minerals. During the voyage -they were reduced to great straits for subsistence, but the men -insisted on going farther and feeding on the flesh of dogs, rather than -to give up the search. Finally they were attacked by the natives, and -being without food they returned from their search for the mines and -the South-Sea passage. The scarcity of provisions at Roanoke Island -had now become a matter of serious concern, as the time had passed -for Sir Richard Grenville to return with supplies, and Pemisapan was -endeavoring to starve them out. In order to get subsistence Lane was -forced to divide his men into three parties. One of these he sent to -the Island of Croatoan, and another to Hatorask. Learning from Skyco, a -son of King Monatonon, held as a hostage, that Pemisapan had informed -him of a plot to murder the English, Lane saved his men by striking the -first blow, and putting to death Pemisapan and seven or eight of his -chief men. - -Within a few days afterwards Sir Francis Drake, with a fleet of -twenty-three sail, returning from sacking St. Domingo, Carthagina, -and St. Augustine, came in sight of the Island of Croatoan, and on -the 10th of June came to anchor near Roanoke Island. Drake acted in -the most generous manner towards the colonists. He proposed to carry -them back to England if they desired it, or to leave them sufficient -shipping and provisions to enable them to make further discovery. -Lane and his men, being desirous to stay, accepted the last offer, -promising when they had searched the coast for a better harbor to -return to England in the coming August. They had despaired of the -return of Sir Richard Grenville, and they believed that Ralegh had -been prevented from looking after them by the condition of public -affairs in England. Sir Francis at once placed one of his ships at the -disposal of Lane, and began to put provisions aboard. Before this was -accomplished a storm arose, which lasted three days and threatened -to destroy the whole fleet. To save themselves several of the ships -put to sea, and among them the “Francis,” selected for the use of the -colony, with the provisions aboard. After the storm had abated Drake -offered another ship of much greater burden, it being the only one he -could then spare; but it being too heavy for the harbor and not suited -for their purposes, Lane with the chief men determined to ask for a -passage to England for the colony, which was granted them by Drake, and -they arrived at Plymouth on the 27th of July, 1586, having lost but -four of their number. Thomas Hariot carried with him, on the return -of the colony, a carefully prepared description of the country,—its -inhabitants, productions, animals, birds, and fish,—and John White, -the artist of the expedition, carried illustrations in water-colors. -Specimens of the productions of the country were also carried by the -colonists; and of these two, though not previously unknown in Europe, -through the exertions of Ralegh were brought into general use, and have -long been of the greatest importance. One was the plant called by the -natives _uppowoc_, but named by the Spaniards tobacco; the other, the -root known as the potato, which was introduced into Ireland by being -planted on the estate of Ralegh. In Hariot’s description of the grain -called by the Indians _pagatour_, we easily recognize our Indian corn. - -Soon after the departure of the colony a ship arrived with supplies -sent by Ralegh, with a direction to assure them of further aid. Finding -no one on the island, this vessel returned to England. Fifteen days -after its departure Sir Richard Grenville arrived with three ships well -provisioned, but finding the island desolate, and searching in vain for -the colony or any information concerning it, he also returned, leaving, -however, fifteen men with provisions for two years. This was done to -retain possession of the country, and in ignorance of the hostility -of the natives and of the purpose of Lane to abandon that locality as -a settlement. Though seemingly wise and proper, it proved to be the -source of further misfortune. - -Sir Walter Ralegh, upon receiving the report of Lane, determined to -make no further effort to settle Roanoke Island, but at once began to -prepare for a settlement upon Chesapeake Bay. He granted a charter of -incorporation to thirty-two persons, nineteen of whom were merchants of -London who contributed their money, and thirteen, styled “the Governor -and Assistants of the city of Ralegh in Virginia,” who adventured -their persons in the enterprise. Of the nineteen styled merchants, ten -were afterwards subscribers to the Virginia Company of London which -settled Jamestown. Among them were Sir Thomas Smith, for years the -chief officer of that company, and one of the two Richard Hakluyts. -John White was selected as the governor, and with him were sent one -hundred and fifty persons, including seventeen women. They were carried -in three ships in charge of Simon Ferdinando, with directions to -visit Roanoke Island and take away the men left there by Sir Richard -Grenville, and then to steer for Chesapeake Bay. On July 22, 1587, they -arrived at Hatorask, and White, taking with him forty of his best men, -started in the pinnace to Roanoke Island. - -Ferdinando, who was a Spaniard by birth, was either acting in the -interest of Spain or was angered by his difficulties with White. He -had purposely separated from one of the ships during the voyage, and -instead of carrying the colony to Chesapeake Bay, as he had agreed, -he no sooner saw White and his men aboard the pinnace for Roanoke -Island, than he directed the sailors to bring none of the men back, -on the pretext that the summer was too far spent to be looking for -another place. The colony was thus forced to remain upon the island. -They found evidence of the massacre by the savages of the men left -by Grenville, and they soon experienced the hostility of the Indians -toward themselves. - -Manteo, who had gone to England with Lane, returned with White, -and was of the greatest service to the colony. By the direction of -Ralegh he “was christened in Roanoke, and called lord thereof, and of -Dasamonguepeuk, in reward of his faithful service.” On the 18th of -August Eleanor, daughter of the governor and wife of Ananias Dare one -of the assistants, gave birth to a daughter, “and because this child -was the first Christian born in Virginia, she was named Virginia.” - -The little vessel, from which Ferdinando had parted company, arrived -safely with the rest of the colony aboard in a few days, and the men -who landed on the island, all told, were one hundred and twenty souls. - -When the time came for the ships to return to England it was determined -by the unanimous voice of the colony to send White back to represent -their condition and to obtain relief. He at first refused to go, but at -last yielded to their solicitation, and on the 5th of November arrived -in England. - -When White landed he found the kingdom alarmed by the threatened -Spanish invasion. Ralegh, Grenville, and Lane were all members of the -council of war, and were bending every energy toward the protection -of England from the Spanish Armada. Ralegh’s genius shone forth -conspicuously in this crisis, and his policy of defending England on -the water by a well-equipped fleet was not only adopted, but has been -steadily pursued since, and has resulted in her becoming the great -naval power of the world. - -Ralegh did not forget his colony, however, and by the spring he had -fitted out for its relief a small fleet, which he placed under the -command of Sir Richard Grenville. Before it sailed every ship was -impressed by the Government, and Sir Richard was required to attend -Sir Walter, who was training troops in Cornwall. Governor White, with -Ralegh’s aid, succeeded in sailing for Virginia with two vessels, -April 22, 1588, but encountering some Spanish ships and being worsted -in a sea-fight, he was forced to return to England, and the voyage -was abandoned for the time. White was not able to renew his effort -to relieve the colony during the year 1589, but during the next -year, finding that three ships ready to sail for the West Indies at -the charges of John Wattes, a London merchant, had been detained by -the order prohibiting any vessel from leaving England, he applied -to Ralegh to obtain permission for them to sail, on condition that -they should take him and some others with supplies to Roanoke Island. -After obtaining permission to sail on this condition, the owner and -commanders of the ships refused to take any one aboard except White; -and as they were in the act of sailing, and White had no time to lodge -complaint against them, he went aboard, determined alone to prosecute -his search. On the 15th of August they came to anchor at Hatorask. -When White left the colony they had determined to remove fifty miles -into the interior, and it had been agreed that they should carve on -the trees or posts of the doors the name of the place where they were -seated, and if they were in distress a cross was to be carved above -the name. White found no one on the island, but the houses he had -left had been taken down and a fort erected, which had been so long -deserted that grass was growing in it. The bark had been cut from one -of the largest trees near the entrance, and five feet from the ground, -in fair capital letters, was cut the word CROATOAN, without any sign -of distress. Further search developed the fact that five chests, -buried near the fort, had been dug up and their contents destroyed. -White recognized among the fragments of the articles some of his own -books, maps, and pictures. He concluded that the colony had removed -to Croatoan, the island from which Manteo came, whose inhabitants -had been friendly to the English. White at once begged the captain -of the ship to carry him to Croatoan, which the captain promised to -do; but a violent storm preventing, he finally determined to sail for -England, where they arrived on the 24th of October. This was White’s -fifth and last voyage, as he states in his letter to Hakluyt in 1593. -His disappointment produced despondency, and he abandoned all hope of -relieving the colony, with whom he had left his daughter and grandchild. - -Ralegh had already spent forty thousand pounds in his several efforts -to colonize Virginia, and he found himself unable to follow up his -design from his own purse alone. He thereupon leased his patent to a -company of merchants, hoping thus to achieve his object. But in this -he was disappointed. He did not abandon all hope of final success, -however, but continued to send out ships to look for his lost colony. -In 1602 he made his fifth effort to afford them help by sending Captain -Samuel Mace, a mariner of experience, with instructions to search for -them. Mace returned without executing his orders, and Ralegh wrote to -Sir Robert Cecil on the 21st August that he would send Mace back, and -expressed his faith in the colonization of Virginia in these words, -“I shall yet live to see it an Englishe nation.” He lived, indeed, to -see his prediction verified, but not until he was immured in the Tower -of London. During the last years of Elizabeth’s reign he continually -pressed the Secretary and Privy Council for facilities to resume his -schemes, but without success; and he finally abandoned all hope of -finding the colony left at Roanoke Island. - -What became of this colony was long a question of anxious inquiry, only -to be solved by the information obtained from the Indians after the -English settled at Jamestown. It was then ascertained that they had -intermixed with the natives, and, after living with them till about -the time of the arrival of the colony at Jamestown, had been cruelly -massacred at the instigation of Powhatan, acting under the persuasions -of his priests.[215] Only seven of them—four men, two boys, and a -young maid—had been preserved from slaughter by a friendly chief. From -these was descended a tribe of Indians found in the vicinity of Roanoke -Island in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and known as the -Hatteras Indians. They had gray eyes, which were found among no other -tribes, and claimed to have white people as their ancestors. - -The failure of Ralegh’s efforts to colonize Virginia may be ascribed -to the inherent difficulties of the enterprise, increased by the -inexperience of those sent out; to the unfortunate selection of the -place of settlement; and, above all, to the war with Spain, which -prevented Ralegh from taking proper care of the infant colony until it -could become self-sustaining. - -But although the colonies he sent to Virginia perished, to Ralegh must -be awarded the honor of securing the possession of North America to the -English. It was through his enterprise that the advantages of its soil -and climate were made known in England, and that the Chesapeake Bay was -fixed upon as the proper place of settlement; and it was his genius -that created the spirit of colonization which led to the successful -settlement upon that bay. - -Ralegh incurred the displeasure of the Queen in 1592 by his marriage -with Elizabeth Throgmorton, her beautiful maid of honor. He was more -than compensated, however, by the acquisition of a faithful and loving -wife, who was in every way worthy of him. The jealous Queen sent them -both to the Tower. After a few months’ imprisonment Sir Walter was -released, that he might superintend the division of the rich spoil -taken in the Spanish ship “Madre de Dios,” on her return from the West -Indies, by a privateering fleet which he had sent out. The Queen was -personally interested in this enterprise, and got the lion’s share of -the profits. Afterward he was permitted to retire with his wife to his -estate, and there he matured his plans for a voyage to Guiana, which he -had been long considering. His colony had found no mines in Virginia, -and he longed to make England the rival of Spain in mineral wealth. - -Spanish travellers had reported that the natives told of a city of gold -called “El Dorado,” which was situated in the unexplored region of the -northeastern portion of South America, known as the “Empire of Guiana.” -Between the years 1530 and 1560 a number of expeditions had been sent -by the Spaniards to this unknown land. They had proved unsuccessful, -and been attended with great loss of life and money. Ralegh was seized -with a desire to visit this region and secure its riches. In 1594 -he sent out Jacob Whiddon, with instructions to examine the coast -contiguous to the River Orinoco, and to explore that river and its -tributaries. Whiddon met at the Island of Trinidad with Antonio de -Berreo, the Spanish governor, who was himself planning an exploration -of the region along the Orinoco, and who opposed every obstacle to -the success of Whiddon’s mission. Ralegh’s agent returned to England -towards the close of the year with but little trustworthy information. -Sir Walter continued his preparations, however, and on February 9, -1595, with a squadron of five ships, he sailed from Plymouth for -Trinidad, having aboard one hundred officers, soldiers, and gentlemen -adventurers. Before the end of March he arrived at Trinidad. He -captured the town of St. Joseph, and took Berreo prisoner. Treating his -captive with kindness, Ralegh soon learned from him what he knew of -Guiana. He was informed by Berreo that the empire of Guiana had more -gold than Peru; that the imperial city called by the Spaniards “El -Dorado” was called by the Indians “Manoa,” and was situated on a lake -of salt water two hundred leagues long, and that it was the largest -and richest city in the world. Berreo showed Sir Walter a copy of a -narrative by Juan Martinez of his journey to Manoa, which had induced -Berreo to send a special messenger to Spain to get up an expedition for -the conquest of El Dorado, or, as it was then called, “Laguna de la -Gran Manoa.” - -This narrative appeared to confirm the marvellous tales concerning El -Dorado which had so long obtained credence. Ralegh did not rely on -Berreo, however, but sought out the oldest among the Indians on the -island, and inquired of them concerning the country, its streams and -inhabitants. He then started upon his perilous voyage up the Orinoco, -with four boats and provisions for a month. He entered by the most -northern of the divisions through which that remarkable river flows -into the sea, and after struggling against its rapid, various, and -dangerous currents for more than a month, and reaching the mouth of the -Caroni, and ascending that stream some forty miles to the vicinity of -its falls, he was forced by the rising of the river to return,—finding -that his farther progress was not only prevented thereby, but his -return made dangerous. He supposed he had gone four hundred miles by -the windings of the river, and he was still more than two hundred -miles from the country of which Manoa was the capital, according to -the reckoning of Berreo. Ralegh did not find the rich deposits of gold -he had hoped for, but saw, as he supposed, many indications of that -metal, and secured specimens of ores and precious stones. He found that -the Spaniards had previously traversed the country contiguous to the -river, and been cruel in their treatment of the natives. He informed -them that his Queen, whose portrait he showed them, was the enemy of -the Spaniards, and that he came to deliver them from their tyranny. -He soon made them his fast friends by his kindness, and an old chief, -Topiawari, promised to unite the several tribes along the river in a -league against the Spaniards by the time Sir Walter should return. This -chief gave his son to Ralegh as a pledge of his fidelity, and received -in return two Englishmen, who were instructed to learn what they could -of the country, and, if possible, to go to the city of Manoa. - -Ralegh arrived in England in the latter part of the summer of 1595, -after laying under contribution several Spanish settlements on the way. -He published a glowing account of his voyage, in which he related not -only the wonderful things he had seen, but the more wonderful things -which had been told him by the Spaniards and natives. He was firmly -persuaded of the existence of El Dorado, and also that there lived in -Guiana the Amazons, a race of women who allowed no man to remain among -them; and the Ewaipanoma, a tribe who had their eyes in their shoulders -and their mouths in the middle of their breasts. The publication was -eagerly read, and increased his already great reputation. But it was -severely criticised at the time, as it has been since by Hume and other -historians. During the present century two distinguished men—Humboldt -and Schomburgk—have explored the Orinoco and the countries drained by -it and its almost innumerable tributaries. They found that what Ralegh -stated of the country, as coming under his own observation, was true, -while many of the tales told him by others were the merest fiction. - -In January, 1596, Ralegh sent Captain Laurence Keymis, a companion -of his first voyage, with two ships, to renew the exploration of the -Orinoco, with a view to planting a colony. He returned in June, and -his report confirmed Ralegh in his belief in the mineral wealth of the -country. He brought intelligence, however, of a Spanish settlement made -by Berreo near the mouth of the Caroni, with the men sent out to him -from Spain. - -When Keymis landed in England he found that Ralegh had been partially -restored to the favor of the Queen, and united with Essex and Howard -in command of the force sent to attack Cadiz. The operations before -that city were directed by Ralegh’s genius, and he led the van of the -naval attack which resulted in the destruction of the Spanish fleet -and the capture of the city. From the effects of this blow Spain never -recovered, and the 21st of June, 1596, the day of the battle, marks the -date of her decline as one of the great powers. During the next year he -struck her another blow by the capture of Fayal. - -In the year 1596 Ralegh despatched one of the smaller ships which had -fought at Cadiz, to Guiana, under the command of Captain Leonard Berry, -but with no important results. In 1598 he attempted to get together -a fleet of thirteen ships, to be commanded by Sir John Gilbert, with -which to convey a colony to the fertile valley of the Orinoco, but from -some cause, not known, he failed. - -His frequent failures did not dampen his ardor in the cause of -colonization, but he found that it “required a prince’s purse to -have it thoroughly followed out,” and he therefore endeavored to -interest the Ministry in his schemes. But the end of the great Queen -was approaching, and instead of aiming at the enlargement of her -kingdom, her ministers were scheming for their own advancement with her -successor. - -The accession of James to the throne of England changed the fortunes of -Ralegh. When he met the King he found the royal mind already prejudiced -against him. He was displaced from the Captaincy of the Guard, and -shortly afterwards was arrested on a charge of treason, in plotting -with the Count of Arenburg, an ambassador of the Archduke Albert, to -place Lady Arabella Stuart upon the throne, and to obtain aid from the -King of Spain for the purpose. The mockery of a trial which followed -drew from one of his judges the statement, which succeeding ages have -pronounced true, that “never before was English justice so injured or -so degraded.” The brutal conduct of Sir Edward Coke who prosecuted, -and of Chief-Justice Popham who presided, at the trial, and denied the -request of Ralegh to be confronted with the witnesses against him, has -consigned their memory to lasting infamy. That Ralegh, after spending -his life in war with Spain, should plot with her to overthrow his King -and put another in his place is not credible, and that the Government -that prosecuted him did not believe the charge is conclusively shown by -the fact, that the Count of Arenburg retained the favor of King James, -and further, that some of the men prominent in the prosecution were at -the time in the paid service of Spain. - -James did not proceed to execute the sentence of death which his -corrupt court had pronounced against Ralegh, but kept him a prisoner in -the Tower for thirteen years. In prison he devoted himself to the study -of chemistry and to literary composition; and the great wrong done in -depriving him of his liberty resulted in that literary treasure, the -_History of the World_. - -As prison life became more and more irksome to Ralegh, he attempted to -relieve himself from it by obtaining employment in Virginia or Guiana, -promising the King rich returns if he would but permit him to visit -either country. Finally, by bribing those who had the ear of the King, -he was released January 30, 1616, to prepare for a voyage to Guiana. He -had been assured by Keymis that a rich mine existed near the mouth of -the Caroni, and he pledged himself to find it or else to bear all the -expenses of the expedition. Keymis was to go along with him, and also a -sufficient force “to defend him against the Spaniards inhabiting upon -the Orenocke, if they offered to assaile him,—not that it is meant -to offend the Spaniards there, or to beginne any quarrell with them, -except themselves shall beginne the warre.” It was said in London at -the time that Ralegh wanted to obtain a pardon under the Great Seal, -but it required a further expenditure of money which he needed in his -expedition, and he was advised by Bacon that the King’s commission -under which he sailed was equivalent to a pardon. The release of Ralegh -enabled him to see Pocahontas, who was in England in 1616, and we can -well conceive with what interest he beheld her who had so much aided in -realizing his hope of seeing Virginia an English nation. - -King James had fallen under the influence of Count Gondomar, the -Spanish ambassador, to whom Ralegh was particularly obnoxious on -account of his lifelong enmity to Spain. The Count attempted to prevent -the sailing of the expedition, but failing in that, he obtained from -the King Ralegh’s plans, and at once transmitted them to Madrid, where -steps were immediately taken to thwart them. In June, 1617, Ralegh -sailed with eleven vessels from Plymouth, having with him his son, -young Walter Ralegh, Captain Keymis, and four hundred and thirty-one -men. He arrived at Trinidad in December, suffering from the effects -of a violent fever. He was too feeble to attempt the ascent of the -Orinoco, but sent forward his son and Keymis. When they approached -St. Thomas, settled since his first voyage, they were attacked by the -Spaniards. The conflict ended in the taking of the town, but at the -cost of young Walter Ralegh’s life. Keymis continued the search for -the mine, and with a part of his men reached the vicinity of the place -at which he had located it on his previous voyage. The hostility of -the Spaniards reduced his numbers so that he felt forced to return to -St. Thomas for reinforcements. After returning to that point he became -despondent, and finally burnt the town and returned to Trinidad, taking -along with him documents found at St. Thomas, which showed that the -plans of Ralegh, communicated to the King, had been betrayed to the -Court of Madrid. When Keymis met Ralegh and saw how he was affected by -the failure of the expedition and the loss of his son, and heard his -reproaches, he was seized with remorse at the thought that upon him -rested the responsibility for the failure, and committed suicide. - -Ralegh, utterly dispirited and broken-hearted, now turned his face -homeward, and arrived at Plymouth early in July, 1618. He was arrested -upon his arrival, by order of the King, on the charge of breaking the -peace with Spain. No trial was had upon this charge, which could not -have been sustained; but as the King of Spain demanded that he should -be put to death James sought for a legal cover for compliance, and upon -the advice of Bacon determined to issue a warrant for his execution -upon the conviction of 1603. Ralegh was brought before the Court of -King’s Bench on the 28th of October, and asked what he had to allege -in further stay of execution. He pleaded his commission from the King, -giving him command of the expedition to Guiana, as working a pardon, -but was told that “Treason must be pardoned by express words, not -by implication.” Nothing remained but to execute the death-warrant, -already drawn by Bacon and signed by the King. He was beheaded on the -next day, meeting death with the greatest fortitude. His execution -excited the horror and indignation of the Protestant world, and King -James was at once arraigned at the bar of public opinion. He called to -his defence the genius of his Lord Chancellor, and Bacon attempted to -justify him by publishing a disgraceful attack upon Ralegh’s fame. But -the effort was in vain. The world acquitted Ralegh of the charges which -had been made the pretext of his judicial murder, and adjudged King -James to be the real criminal. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE life of Sir Walter Ralegh, reprehensible in some of its parts, but -admirable in most and brilliant in all, has been variously portrayed. -Lord Bacon in 1618 published in quarto _A Declaration of the Demeanor -and Carrige of Sir Walter Ralegh, as well in his Voyage as in and since -his Return_, etc., intending it as a justification of the conduct of -King James in beheading him; but it grossly misrepresented him. He -began with the statement that “Kings are not bound to give account of -their actions to any but God alone;” but the whole apology is framed -upon the theory that King James was forced by the popular voice to give -an account of this base action. It appears from a letter of Bacon to -the Marquis of Buckingham, dated Nov. 22, 1618,[216] that the King made -very material additions to the manuscript after Bacon had prepared it. - -[Illustration] - -The first Life of Ralegh was published with his works not long after -his death. The name of the author is not given, and it is not a full -narrative, but was written during his life or soon after his death. - -The next publication was under the style of _The Life of the Valiant -and Learned Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, with his Tryal at Winchester_, -London: printed by J. D. for Benj. Shirley and Richard Tonsin, 1677. -This has sometimes been attributed to James Shirley, the dramatist, who -was a contemporary of Ralegh. The narrative, however, was little more -than what was already known from books familiar to the public. - -In 1701 the Rev. John Prince, a fellow-Devonian, published in his -_Worthies of Devon_ a short memoir of Ralegh, which was the best -account of its subject that had then appeared. He was able to throw -light upon some of the obscurer portions of his life by his local -knowledge, and his book is still worthy of perusal. - -No other Life of Ralegh of value appeared until 1733, when William -Oldys published his work, which showed great industry in collecting -and judgment in arranging his material. For near a century it was -the standard _Life of Ralegh_, and was the source from which writers -derived their materials. Notwithstanding the criticism of Gibbon, that -“it is a servile panegyric or flat apology,” this work is of great -value. It contains all that was accessible, when it was published, from -printed records, and much information derived from the descendants of -Ralegh and from his contemporaries.[217] - -Dr. Thomas Birch published three several Lives of Ralegh,[218]—the -first in 1734, in the _General Dictionary, Historical and Critical_. -This author corresponded with the descendants of Ralegh, and collected -various anecdotes of him, but he made no additions of real value to the -work of Oldys. - -The next work worthy of mention was by Arthur Cayley in 1805, although -a dozen Lives perhaps appeared between Birch’s and this. Cayley made -valuable additions to the knowledge concerning Ralegh which Oldys had -gathered. He brought to light several new and valuable documents, which -threw additional light upon his subject.[219] - -In 1830 Mrs. A. T. Thompson published a _Life of Ralegh_ in London, -which was republished in Philadelphia in 1846, containing fifteen -original letters then first printed from the collection in the -State-Paper Office, throwing light on the share he took in the -political transactions of his times. It was of but little additional -value so far as its other materials were concerned. - -In 1833 Patrick Fraser Tytler published a _Life of Ralegh_, “with a -Vindication of his Character from the Attacks of Hume[220] and other -writers.” This writer added several original documents to the material -previously used, but his publication is more justly entitled to the -criticism of Gibbon on the work of Oldys than was that book. He first -carefully traced out the conspiracy which brought Ralegh to the -scaffold. - -In 1837 there appeared in Lardner’s _Cabinet of Biography_, among the -Lives of the British Admirals, an excellent life of Ralegh by Robert -Southey, the poet. The author’s only addition to the knowledge afforded -by previous writers was in reference to the Guiana expeditions, the -additional information being drawn from Spanish sources. - -In 1847 the Hakluyt Society published Ralegh’s accounts of his voyages -to Guiana, with notes and a biographical memoir by Sir Robert H. -Schomburgk. This memoir is an admirable summary of what was then known -of Ralegh, and the publication is a complete vindication of Ralegh’s -statements and conduct in reference to Guiana. The notes of the author -are of the greatest value. He was a British Commissioner to survey the -boundaries of Guiana in 1841, and traversed the country visited by -Ralegh and those sent out by him. He also had the benefit of Humboldt’s -previous exploration of the country. This writer published for the -first time two valuable manuscripts in the British Museum, both from -the pen of Ralegh. One was written about the year 1596, and entitled -“Of the Voyage for Guiana,” and the other was the journal of his last -voyage to that country. - -In 1868 there was published in London the most valuable of all the -biographies of Ralegh. It was written by Edward Edwards, and is -“based on contemporary documents preserved in the Rolls House, the -Privy Council Office, Hatfield House, the British Museum, and other -manuscript repositories, British and foreign, together with his -letters now first collected.” The author also had the advantage of the -correspondence of the French ambassador at London during the latter -part of Ralegh’s life. He has cleared up some of the obscure parts -of Ralegh’s career, and has, not only by the very full collection of -his letters, but by the admirable treatment of his subject, rendered -invaluable service to his memory.[221] - -Another Life of Ralegh, published in the same year (1868) by St. John, -is also the embodiment of the latest information, and is better adapted -to the general reader than that of Edwards, and elucidates some points -more fully. - -The voyage of Amadas and Barlow to Roanoke Island in 1584 was related -by the latter in a Report addressed to Sir Walter Ralegh. The voyage -of Sir Richard Grenville in 1585, conveying Ralph Lane and the colony -under his command, was related by one of the persons who accompanied -Grenville, and the account of what happened after their arrival was -written by one of the colonists, probably Lane himself.[222] An account -of the country, its inhabitants and productions, was written by Thomas -Hariot (_b._ 1560; _d._ 1621), one of the colony.[223] There are also -accounts of the voyages of John White to Virginia written by himself. - -These several publications are found together in Hakluyt, and are of -the highest authority. They have been republished by Francis L. Hawks, -D.D., LL.D., with valuable notes, in the first volume of his _History -of North Carolina_, published in 1857. Dr. Hawks was a native of North -Carolina, and personally familiar with its coast, and thus enabled -to fix the localities mentioned in the early voyages. His book is -accompanied with valuable maps. He defends Lane with much ability from -the attacks of Bancroft and others.[224] - -The letters of Ralph Lane constitute a very valuable addition to the -history of Lane’s colony, and show that the disputes between Lane and -Grenville had in all probability much to do with Lane’s abandonment of -the enterprise. - -[Illustration: WHITE’S OLD VIRGINIA (HARIOT).] - -[Illustration: PART OF DE LAET’S MAP, 1630.] - -The voyages to Guiana are related by Ralegh himself.[225] The journal -of the second voyage is given by Schomburgk from the original -manuscript in the British Museum. The collections of the works of -Ralegh show his several other writings concerning Guiana, among -which are an “Apology for the Voyage to Guiana,” written in 1618, on -his way from Plymouth to London as a prisoner; to gain time for the -preparation of which he feigned sickness at Salisbury. Expecting to be -put to death, he was determined before he died fully and elaborately -to justify to the world his last expedition, which had been grossly -misrepresented. It was not published till 1650. - -In Force’s _Historical Tracts_, vol. iii., there is published a letter, -written Nov. 17, 1617, “from the River Aliana, on the coast of Guiana,” -by a gentleman of the fleet, who signs his initials “R. M.” It is -entitled _Newes of Sir Walter Rawleigh_, and gives the orders he issued -to the commanders of his fleet, and some account of the incidents of -the expedition.[226] - -In Sir Walter Ralegh’s _History of the World_ he often illustrates his -subject by the incidents of his own life, and thus we have in the book -much of an autobiography. - -[Illustration] - - * * * * * - -NOTE.—At the charge of an American subscription a Ralegh window has -been placed in St. Margaret’s Church, Westminster, London; and a -sermon, _Sir Walter Raleigh and America_, was preached by the Rev. -Canon Farrar, at the unveiling, May 14, 1882. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -VIRGINIA, 1606-1689. - -BY ROBERT A. BROCK, - -_Corresponding Secretary of the Virginia Historical Society._ - - -ON the petition of Hakluyt (then prebendary of Westminster), Sir -Thomas Gates, Sir George Somers, and other “firm and hearty lovers -of colonization,” James I., by patent dated the 10th of April, 1606, -chartered two companies (the London and the Plymouth), and bestowed on -them in equal proportions the vast territory (then known as Virginia) -lying between the thirty-fourth and forty-fifth degrees of north -latitude, together with the islands within one hundred miles of the -coast stretching from Cape Fear to Halifax. - -[Illustration] - -The code of laws provided for the government of the proposed colonies -was complicated, inexpedient, and characteristic of the mind of the -first Stuart. For each colony separate councils appointed by the King -were instituted in England, and these were in turn to name resident -councillors in the colonies, with power to choose their own president -and to fill vacancies. Capital offences were to be tried by a jury, but -all other cases were left to the decision of the council. This body -was, however, to govern itself according to the prescribed mandates -of the King. The religion of the Church of England was established, -and the oath of obedience was a prerequisite to residence in the -colony. Lands were to descend as at common law, and a community of -labor and property was to continue for five years. The Adventurers, -as the members of the Company were termed, were authorized to mine -for gold, silver, and copper, to coin money, and to collect a revenue -for twenty-one years from all vessels trading to their ports. Certain -articles of necessity, imported for the use of the colonists, were -exempted from duty for seven years. Sir Thomas Smith, an eminent -merchant of London, who had been the chief of the assignees of Sir -Walter Raleigh and ambassador to Russia, was appointed treasurer of the -Company. - -But the body of the men who composed the expedition had little care -for forms of government. A wilder chimera than the impractical devices -of the selfish and pedantic monarch possessed them. “I tell thee,” -says Seagull, in the play of _Eastward Ho!_ which was popular for -years, “golde is more plentifull there than copper is with us; and for -as much redde copper as I can bring I’ll have thrise the weight in -gold. Why, man, all their dripping-pans ... are pure gould; and all -the chaines with which they chaine up their streets are massie gold; -and for rubies and diamonds, they goe forth in Holydayes and gather -‘hem by the seashore, to hang on their children’s coates and sticke -in their children’s caps, as commonly as our children weare saffron -gilt brooches and groates with holes in ‘hem.” A life of ease and -luxury is pictured by Seagull, and, as the climax of allurement, with -“no more law than conscience, and not too much of eyther.”[227] The -expedition left Blackwall on the 19th of December, but was detained -by “unprosperous winds” in the Downs until the 1st of January, -1606-7. It consisted of three vessels,—the “Susan Constant,” of one -hundred tons, with seventy-one persons, in charge of the experienced -navigator Captain Christopher Newport (the commander of the fleet); -the “God-Speed,” of forty tons, Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, carrying -fifty-two persons; and the “Discovery,” of twenty tons, Captain John -Ratcliffe, carrying twenty persons. The crews of the ships must have -constituted thirty-nine of the total of these, as the number of the -first planters was one hundred and five. In the lists of their names, -more than half are classed as “gentlemen,” and the remainder as -laborers, tradesmen, and mechanics. Two “chirurgeons,” Thomas Wotton, -or Wootton, and Wil. Wilkinson, are included; the service of the first -of them in a professional capacity is afterwards noted. Sailing by the -old route of the West Indies, the Virginia coast was reached on the -26th of April, and in Chesapeake Bay on that night the instructions -from the King were examined. These, with a mystery well calculated -to promote mischief, had been confided to Newport, in a sealed box, -with the injunction that it should not be opened until he reached -his destination. The councillors found to be designated were Edward -Maria Wingfield, Bartholomew Gosnold, John Smith, Christopher Newport, -John Ratcliffe, John Martin, and John Kendall. Wingfield, a man of -honorable birth and a strict disciplinarian, who had been a companion -of Ferdinando Gorges in the European wars, was chosen president; and -Thomas Studley, cape-merchant, or treasurer. - -On the 29th of the month a cross was planted at Cape Henry, which -was so named in honor of the Prince of Wales, the eldest son of King -James; the name of his second son, then Duke of York, afterwards -Charles I., being perpetuated in the opposite cape. The point at which -the ships anchored the next day was designated, in thankful spirit, -Point Comfort. On the 13th of May, 1607, the colonists landed at a -peninsula on the northern bank of the river known to the natives as -Powhatan, after their king, but to which the English gave the name -James River. Upon this spot, about fifty miles from its mouth, they -resolved to build their first town, to which they also gave the name -of the English monarch. The selection of this site is said to have -been urged by Smith and objected to by Gosnold. The better judgment -of the latter was vindicated in the sequel. Smith—at this time not -yet twenty-eight years of age, a man the most remarkably endowed among -those nominated for the council, and whose administrative capacity was -to be so prominently evidenced—was at first excluded from his seat -because, says Purchas, he had been “suspected of a supposed mutinie” -on the voyage over.[228] This proscription in all probability had no -more warrant than in the jealousy which the recent adventurous career -and the confident bearing of Smith may be supposed to have excited, -since he was admitted to office on the 10th of June following. The -colonists at once set about building fortifications and establishing -the settlement. Newport, Smith, and twenty-three others in the mean -time ascended the river in a shallop on a tour of exploration. At an -Indian village below the falls was found a lad of about ten years -of age with yellow hair and whitish skin, who, it has been assumed, -was the offspring of some representative of the ill-fated Roanoke -Colony left by White, of which it is narrated that seven persons -were preserved from slaughter by an Indian chief.[229] On the 26th -of May, the day before the return of the explorers to Jamestown, the -unfinished fort (not completed until the 15th of June) was attacked by -the savages, who were repulsed by the colonists under the command of -Wingfield. The colonists had one boy killed and eleven men wounded, -one of whom died. Communion was administered by the chaplain, the Rev. -Robert Hunt, on Sunday, the 21st of June, and on the next day Newport -sailed for England in the “Susan Constant,” laden with specimens of the -forest and with mineral productions. A bark or pinnace, with provisions -sufficient to sustain the colonists for three months, was left with -them. The prospect of the men thus cast upon their own resources, was -not promising. Disturbed by the fatuous hope of discovering gold, -divided by faction, unused to the labor and hardships to which they -were now subjected, and in daily peril from the hostility of the -savages, the difficulties of success were enhanced by the insalubrity -of their ill-chosen settlement. By September fifty of them, including -the intrepid Gosnold, had died, and the store of damaged provisions -upon which they mainly depended was nearly exhausted. Violent -dissension ensued, which resulted, on the 10th of the month, in the -displacement of Wingfield by Ratcliffe in the office of president, -and the deposing, imprisonment, and finally the execution of Kendall; -by which the Council, never more than seven in number (including -Newport), and in which no vacancies had been filled, was reduced to -three only,—Ratcliffe, Smith, and Martin. Reprehensible as the conduct -of the colonists at this period may have been, they yet held religious -observances in regard. Their piety and reverence are instanced both -by Smith and Wingfield. In Bagnall’s narrative in the _Historie_ of -the first, it is noted that “order was daily to haue Prayer, with a -Psalme;”[230] and Wingfield states that when their store of liquors was -reduced to two gallons each of “sack” and “aqua-vitæ,” the first was -“reserued for the communion table.”[231] - -[Illustration: JAMESTOWN. - -This cut follows a sketch made about 1857 by a travelling Englishwoman, -Miss Catherine C. Hopley, and shows the condition of the ruined church -at that time.] - -Differences among the colonists being somewhat allayed, labor was -resumed, habitations were provided, a church was built, and, through -the courage and energy of Smith, supplies of corn were obtained from -the Indians. Leaving the settlement on the 10th of December, Smith -again ascended the Chickahominy to get provisions from the savages, but -incurring their hostility, two of his companions, Emry and Robinson, -were killed, and Smith himself was taken captive. Being released after -a few weeks, on the promise of a ransom of “two great guns and a -grindstone,” he returned to Jamestown. On his arrival there he found -the number of the colonists reduced to forty, and that Captain Gabriel -Archer had been admitted to the Council during his absence. Archer -caused him to be arrested and indicted, under the Levitical law, for -allowing the death of his two men; but in the evening of the same day, -Jan. 8, 1607-8, Newport returned from England with additional settlers -(a portion of the first supply), and at once released both Smith and -Wingfield from custody. Within five or six days the fort and many of -the houses at Jamestown were destroyed by an accidental fire. Newport, -accompanied by Matthew Scrivener (newly arrived and admitted to the -Council), with Smith as interpreter and thirty or forty others, now -visited Powhatan at his abode of Werowocomico. This was at Timberneck -Bay, on the north side of York River. On the east bank of the bay still -stands a quaint stone chimney,[232] subsequently built for Powhatan by -German workmen among the colonists. Hostages were exchanged; Namontack, -an Indian who was taken to England by Newport, being received from -Powhatan for Thomas Savage, a youth aged thirteen, who for many years -afterwards rendered important service to the colonists as interpreter. -With supplies of food obtained from Powhatan and Opecancanough, the -chief of the Pamunkey tribe, the party returned to Jamestown. - -The ship being loaded with iron ore, sassafras, cedar posts, and -walnut boards, Newport, with Archer[233] and Wingfield as passengers, -sailed on the 10th of April from Jamestown, and on the 20th of May, -1608, arrived in England. The diet of the colonists was soon reduced -to meal and water, and through hunger and exposure death diminished -them one half. While they were engaged in re-building Jamestown and -in planting, to their great joy Captain Nelson, who had left England -with Newport, but from whom he had been separated by storm and detained -in the West Indies, arrived in the ship “Phœnix,” with provisions -and seventy settlers, being the remainder of the first supply of one -hundred and twenty. He departed for England on the 2d of June with a -cargo of cedar-wood, carrying Martin of the Council. Smith, in an open -boat, with fourteen others,—seven gentlemen (including Dr. Walter -Russell of the last arrival), and seven soldiers,—accompanied the -“Phœnix” down the river, and parted from her at Cape Henry, with the -bold purpose of exploring Chesapeake Bay and its tributaries, and -establishing intercourse with the natives along their borders. To -the islands lying off Cape Charles, Smith gave his own name. After a -satisfactory cruise, having crossed the bay, visited its eastern shore, -and explored the Potomac River some thirty miles, the party returned -late in July to Jamestown for provisions. Smith again embarked on the -24th of July to complete his explorations, with a crew of twelve, -similarly constituted as before, but with Anthony Bagnall as surgeon. -At the head of Chesapeake Bay they were hospitably entertained by a -tribe of Indians, supposed by Stith[234] to have been of the Iroquois, -or Five Nations, and also by the Susquehannas, at a village on the -Tockwogh (now Sassafras) River. The highest mountain to the northward -observed by them was named Peregrine’s Mount, and Willoughby River -was so called after the native town of Smith. The Indian tribes -on the Patuxent, and the Moraughtacunds and the Wighcomoes on the -Rappahannock, were visited. Richard Featherstone, a “gentleman” of the -party, dying, was buried on the banks of the last-named river, which -was explored to the falls, near where Fredericksburg now is. Here -a skirmish took place with the Rappahannock tribe. The Pianketank, -Elizabeth, and Nansemond rivers were in turn examined for a few miles. -From the results of these discoveries Smith composed his Map of -Virginia, a work so singularly exact that it has formed the basis of -all like delineations since, and was adduced as authority as late as -1873 towards the settlement of the boundary dispute between the States -of Virginia and Maryland. The drawing was sent to England by Newport -before the close of the year, and in 1612 was published in the _Oxford -Tract_. Returning to Jamestown, Sept. 7, 1608, Smith was elected -President of the Council over Ratcliffe (who suffered from a wounded -hand and was enfeebled by sickness), and now, for the first time, he -had the “letters patent” of office placed in his hands.[235] Ever -firm, courageous, and persevering, he at once instituted vigorous and -salutary measures adapted to the wants and conducive to the discipline -of the colonists. The church was repaired, the storehouse covered, -and magazines erected. Soon after, Newport arrived for the third time -from England, with the second supply of settlers, seventy in number. -Among them were Captains Peter Wynne and Richard Waldo, Francis West -(the brother of Lord Delaware), Raleigh Crashaw, Daniel Tucker, some -German and Polish artisans for the manufacture of glass and other -articles, Mrs. Thomas Forest, and her maid, Ann Burras. The last named -of these—the first Englishwomen in the colony—became, before the -close of the year, the wife of John Laydon. This was the first marriage -celebrated in Virginia. Newport had left England under the silly -pledge not to return without a lump of gold, or without tidings of the -discovery of a passage to the North Sea, or without the rescue of one -of the settlers of the lost company of Sir Walter Raleigh. The Company -added the equally impossible condition that he should bring a freight -in his vessel of equal value to the cost of the expedition, which was -£2,000. In case of failure in these respects, the colonists were to be -abandoned to their own resources. Much valuable time was consumed by -Newport in an idle coronation of Powhatan (for whose household he had -brought costly presents), and in futile efforts for the accomplishment -of the visionary expectations of the Company. At last there was -provided by those of the colonists who remained at their labors a part -of a cargo of pitch, tar, glass, and iron ore, and Newport set sail, -leaving at Jamestown about two hundred settlers. The iron ore which he -carried was smelted in England, and seventeen tons of metal sold to the -East India Company at £4 per ton. In the preservation of the colony -until the next arrival, the genius and energy of Smith were strongly -but successfully taxed,—for Captain Wynne dying, and Scrivener and -Anthony Gosnold, with eight others, having been drowned, he alone of -the Council remained. His measures were sagacious. Corn was planted, -and blockhouses were built and garrisoned at Jamestown for defence, -and an outpost was established at Hog Island, to give signal of the -approach of shipping. - -At the last place the hogs, which increased rapidly, were kept. But -being subject to the treachery of the natives, the colonists were in -continual danger of attack, and were too slothful to make due provision -for their wants, so that the tenure of the settlement became like a -brittle thread. The store of provisions having been spoiled by damp or -eaten by vermin, their subsistence now depended precariously on fish, -game, and roots. The prospects of the colony were so discouraging at -the beginning of the year 1609, that, in the hope of improving them, -the Company applied for a new charter with enlarged privileges. This -was granted to them, on the 23d of May, under the corporate name of -“The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters of the City of -London for the first Colony in Virginia.” The new Association, which -embraced representatives of every rank, trade, and profession, included -twenty-one peers, and its list of names presents an imposing array of -wealth and influence. By this charter Virginia was greatly enlarged, -and made to comprise the coast-line and all islands within one hundred -miles of it,—two hundred miles north and two hundred south of Point -Comfort,—with all the territory within parallel lines thus distant -and extending to the Pacific boundary; the Company was empowered to -choose the Supreme Council in England, and, under the instructions and -regulations of the last, the Governor was invested with absolute civil -and military authority. - -[Illustration] - -With the disastrous experience of the previous unstable system, a -sterner discipline seems, under attending circumstances, to have been -demanded to insure success. Thomas West (Lord Delaware), the descendant -of a long line of noble ancestry, received the appointment of Governor -and Captain-General of Virginia. The first expedition under the second -charter, which was on a grander scale than any preceding it, and which -consisted of nine vessels, sailed from Plymouth on the 1st of June, -1609. - -[Illustration] - -Newport, the commander of the fleet, Sir Thomas Gates, -Lieutenant-General, and Sir George Somers, Admiral of Virginia, -were severally authorized, whichever of them might first arrive at -Jamestown, to supersede the existing administration there until the -arrival of Lord Delaware, who was to embark some months later; but -not being able to settle the point of precedency among themselves, -they embarked together in the same vessel, which carried also the -wife and daughters of Gates. Among the five hundred colonists, were -the returning Captains Ratcliffe, Archer, and Martin, divers other -captains and gentlemen, and, by the suggestion of Hakluyt, a number -of old soldiers[236] who had been trained in the Netherlands. On the -23d of July the fleet was caught in a hurricane; a small vessel was -lost, others damaged, and the “Sea Venture,” which carried Gates, -Somers, and Newport, with about one hundred and fifty settlers, was -cast ashore on the Bermudas. Captain Samuel Argall (a relative of Sir -Thomas Smith) arrived at Jamestown in July, with a shipload of wine and -provisions, to trade on private account, contrary to the regulations of -the Company. As the settlers were suffering for food, they seized his -supplies. Many of them at this time had gone to live among the Indians, -and eighty had formed a settlement twenty miles distant from the -fort. Early in August the “Blessing,” Captain Archer, and three other -vessels of the delayed fleet sailed up James River, and soon after the -“Diamond,” Captain Ratcliffe, appeared, without her mainmast, and she -was followed in a few days by the “Swallow,” in like condition. - -The Council being all dead save Smith, he, obtaining the sympathy of -the sailors, refused to surrender the government of the colony; and -the newly arrived settlers elected Francis West, the brother of Lord -Delaware, as temporary president. The term of Smith expiring soon -after, George Percy—one of the original settlers, a brother of the -Earl of Northumberland, and a brave and honorable man—was elected -president, and West, Ratcliffe, and Martin were made councillors. - -[Illustration: George Percy] - -Smith, about Michaelmas (September 29), departed for England or, as -all contemporary accounts other than his own state, was sent thither -“to answer some misdemeanors.”[237] These were doubtless of a venial -character; but the important services of Smith in the sustenance of -the colony appear not to have been as highly esteemed by the Company -as by Smith himself. He complains that his several petitions for -reward were disregarded, and he never returned to Virginia. Modern -investigation has discredited many of the so-long-accepted narratives -in which he records his own achievements and judges so harshly the -motives and conduct of all others of his companions; and the glamour -of romance with which he invested his own exploits has been somewhat -dissipated. But whatever may have been the fervor of his imagination -as a historian, it was more than equalled by his fertility of resource -in vital emergencies, and there is ample evidence that his services in -the preservation of the infant colony were momentous. After his return -to England but little is recorded of him until the year 1614, during -which he made a successful voyage to New England, under the auspices -of the Plymouth Company, which gained for him the title of Admiral of -New England.[238] Whatever may have been the defects of Smith, the -greatness of his deeds has impressed him enduringly on the pages of -history as one of the most prominent figures of his period. At the time -of his departure for England he left at Jamestown three ships, seven -boats, a good stock of provisions, nearly five hundred settlers, twenty -pieces of cannon, three hundred guns, with fishing-nets, working-tools, -horses, cattle, swine, etc. - -Jamestown was strongly fortified with palisades, and contained between -fifty and sixty houses. The favorable prospects of the colony were soon -threatened by the renewal of Indian hostilities. Provisions becoming -scarce, West and Ratcliffe embarked in small vessels to procure corn. -The latter, deceived by the treachery of Powhatan, was slain with -thirty of his companions, two only escaping,—one of whom, Henry -Spelman, a young gentleman well descended, was rescued by Pocahontas, -and lived for many years among the Patowomekes. He acquired their -language, and was afterwards highly serviceable to his countrymen as an -interpreter. He was slain by the savages in 1622. No effort by tillage -being made to replenish their provisions, the stock was soon consumed, -and the horrors of famine were added to other calamities. The intense -sufferings of the colonists were long remembered, and this period is -referred to as “the starving time.” In six months their number was -reduced to sixty, and such was the extremity of these that they must -soon have perished but for speedy succor. The passengers of the wrecked -“Sea Venture,” though mourned for as lost, had effected a safe landing -at the Bermudas, where, favored by the tropical productions of the -islands, they, under the direction of Gates and Somers, constructed -for their deliverance two vessels from the materials of the wreck and -cedar-wood, the largest of the vessels being of eighty tons burden. -The Sabbath was duly observed by them under the faithful ministry of -Mr. Bucke. Among the passengers was John Rolfe and wife,[239] to whom -a male child was born on the island, who was christened Bermuda; a -girl also born there was named Bermudas. Six of the company, including -the wife of Sir Thomas Gates, died on the island. The company of -one hundred and forty men and women embarked on the completed -vessels—which were appropriately named the “Patience” and the -“Deliverance”—on the 10th of May, 1610, and on the 23d they landed at -Jamestown. Here the church bell was immediately rung, and such of the -famished colonists as were physically able repaired to the sanctuary, -where “a zealous and sorrowful prayer” was offered by Mr. Bucke. The -new commission being read, Percy, the acting president, surrendered -the former charter and his credentials of office. The fort was in a -dismantled condition, and most of the habitations had been consumed for -fire-wood. So forlorn was the condition of the settlement that Gates -reluctantly resolved to abandon it and to return to England by way of -Newfoundland, where he expected to receive succor from trading-vessels. -Some of the colonists were with difficulty restrained from setting fire -to the town, Gates, with a guard to prevent it, remaining on shore -until all others had embarked. A farewell volley was fired; but the -leave-taking of a spot associated with so much suffering was tearless. - -In the mean time, the repeated ill tidings brought by returning ships -to England, and the supposed loss of the “Sea Venture” had so dismayed -the members of the Company in London that many of them withdrew their -subscriptions. Lord Delaware—who is characterized in the “Declaration” -of the Council, in 1610, as “one of approved courage, temper, and -experience”—determined to go in person as Governor and Captain-General -of Virginia (the first of such title and authority), and, disregarding -the comforts of home and noble station, “did bare a grate part upon -his owne charge.” By his example, constancy, and resolution, “that -which was almost lifeless” was revived in the Company. On Feb. 21, -1609-10, William Crashaw, a preacher at the Temple (the father of the -poet eulogized by Cowley), in view of the departure of Lord Delaware, -delivered before the Council and Adventurers in London a stirring -sermon, which was the first preached in England to any embarking for -Virginia in a missionary cause.[240] Distinct and unequivocal testimony -is given by the Company, in the “Declaration” already cited, as to -the reputation of settlers for the colony, none being desired but -those of blameless character. Five weeks later Lord Delaware sailed -with three vessels and one hundred and fifty settlers, and arrived in -Virginia providentially to intercept, off Mulberry Island, Gates and -his disheartened companions as they were descending the river, who -returned at once to Jamestown. The fleet, following, arrived there on -Sunday, the 10th of June. The first act of Lord Delaware upon landing -was to fall devoutly upon his knees and offer up a prayer, after which -he repaired with the company to the church, to listen to a sermon by -Mr. Bucke. Two days later a council was organized, consisting of Sir -Thomas Gates, lieutenant-general, Sir Thomas Somers, admiral, Sir -Ferdinando Wenman, master of ordnance (who soon died), Captain Newport, -vice-admiral, Captain George Percy and William Strachey, secretary and -recorder. Captain John Martin was made master of the steel and iron -works. The restoration of the settlement was prosecuted with vigor, and -the church, a building sixty feet in length by twenty-four in breadth, -was repaired, and services were held regularly twice on Sunday, and -again on Thursday. Two forts were also built on Southampton River, and -called after the King’s sons, Henry and Charles, respectively. - -The administration of Delaware, though ludicrously ostentatious for -so insignificant a dominion, was yet highly wholesome, and under -his judicious discipline the settlement was restored to order and -contentment. On the 19th of June Sir George Somers, in his cedar -pinnace, accompanied by Argall in another vessel, re-embarked to seek -for provisions. The vessels separating, Argall on the 27th of August -“came to anchor in nine fathoms, in a very great bay,” called by him -Delaware,[241] and on the ninth of the month reached Cape Charles. -Somers, soon after parting from Argall, reached the Bermudas, where, -dying from the effects of the hardships he had undergone, his body -was embalmed and conveyed to England by his nephew, Captain Matthew -Somers. About Christmas, Captain Argall sailed in the “Discovery” up -the Potomac for supplies of corn, and rescued the captive English boy -Henry Spelman from Jopassus, the brother of Powhatan. In the month of -February following, Argall, aided by a small land force under Captain -Edward Brewster, attacked the chief of the Warraskoyacks for a breach -of contract and burned two of his towns. Sir Thomas Gates, being -despatched to England to report to the Company the condition of the -colony, succeeded by strenuous appeals in inducing it to send a fresh -supply of settlers and provisions. During his absence, the health of -Lord Delaware failing, on the 28th of March, 1611, accompanied by -Dr. Bohune and Captain Argall, he sailed for England by way of the -Isle of Mevis, leaving Percy in authority. On the 17th of March Sir -Thomas Dale, with the appointment of “high marshall,” had sailed with -three vessels for the colony, with settlers (among whom was the Rev. -Alexander Whitaker) and cattle. He reached Point Comfort May the 12th, -and spent several days in provisioning and disciplining that station -and the forts Henry and Charles on the Southampton River, and in -planting corn. - -Sir Thomas landed at Jamestown on Sunday the 19th, where, first -repairing to the church, he listened to a sermon from the Rev. Mr. -Poole, after which, his commission being read by Secretary Strachey, -Percy surrendered the government to him. Under an extraordinary code -of “Lawes, Divine, Morall, and Martiall,” compiled by William Strachey -for Sir Thomas Smith, and based upon those observed in the wars in the -Low Countries, Dale inaugurated vigorous measures for the government -and advancement of the colony. The church was repaired, and store, -powder, and block houses severally were built, while pales and posts -were prepared for a new settlement. The site selected for the last -was a peninsula in Varina Neck on James River, known as Farrar’s -Island, which is formed by an extraordinary curve resembling that of a -horseshoe, where the river, after a sweep of seven miles, returns to -a point within a hundred and twenty yards from that of its deviation. -The name of the bend, Dutch Gap,[242] by the events of the late civil -war attained a historic notoriety. The building of the new town was -delayed by insubordination among the colonists, which however, under -the rigors of the martial code in force, was promptly quelled, eight of -the ringleaders being executed. The pernicious system of a community -of property was now to some extent remedied by Dale, in the allotment -to each settler of three acres of land to be worked for his individual -benefit. “Comon gardens for hemp and flaxe, and such other seedes,” -were also laid out.[243] - -In June, 1611, Sir Thomas Gates, accompanied by his wife (who died on -the passage) and daughters and the Rev. Mr. Glover (who lived but a -short time after his arrival in the colony), followed Dale with six -ships, three hundred settlers, and one hundred cows, besides other -cattle and an abundant supply of provisions. He arrived at Jamestown -early in August, and thus increased the number of the colonists to -seven hundred persons. Gates established himself at Hampton, deputed -the command of Jamestown to Percy, and sent Dale, early in September, -with three hundred and fifty men, to found the projected town of -Henrico, at which, among the “three streets” of buildings erected, -was a handsome church. The foundation of another, to be of brick, was -laid.[244] In December, the Appomattox Indians having committed some -depredations, Dale captured their town on the south side of the James, -near the mouth of Appomattox River (and about five miles distant from -Henrico), and upon its site established a third town, which he called -Bermuda. Here the pious apostle Alexander Whitaker fixed his residence, -serving as the minister both of Bermuda and Henrico.[245] Several -plantations were laid out near Bermuda,—Upper and Lower Rochdale, -West Shirley, and Digges’ Hundred. In conformity with the code of -martial law, each hundred was subjected to the control of a captain. -In December, also, Newport arrived at London from Jamestown, in the -ship “Star,” with a cargo of “forty fine and large pines for masts,” -and with the daughters of Sir Thomas Gates as passengers. Newport’s -name does not again appear in connection with Virginia.[246] The -reinforcements for the colony for some months were insignificant, the -only ships sent over being the “John and Francis” and the “Sarah,” -with few settlers and less provisions, and the “Treasurer” with fifty -persons, under the bold and unscrupulous Captain Samuel Argall, who, -sailing from England in July, 1612, arrived at Point Comfort, September -17.[247] This year was a marked one in the inauguration by John Rolfe -of the systematic culture of tobacco,—a staple destined to exert -a controlling influence in the future welfare and progress of the -colony, and soon, by the paramount profit yielded by its culture, to -subordinate all other interests, agricultural as well as manufacturing. -This influence permeated the entire social fabric of the colony, -directed its laws, was an element in all its political and religious -disturbances, and became the direct instigation of its curse of African -slavery. It may be added, however, as an indisputable fact, that the -culture of tobacco constituted the basis of the present unrivalled -prosperity of the United States, and that this staple is still one of -the most prolific factors in the revenue of the General Government. - -Early in the spring of 1613, the colonists needing food, Argall -determined on a bold stroke, and with the bribe of a copper kettle -induced Jopassus, the king of Potomac, in whose domain Pocahontas was -sojourning, to betray her into his hands. Having sent a messenger to -Powhatan, demanding as a ransom the restoration of all English captives -held by him, and of all arms and tools stolen from the settlement, -Argall returned with his captive to Jamestown. There was a protracted -struggle in the breast of the savage chieftain between avarice and -parental affection. - -Some months later Dale, with a command of one hundred and fifty men, -sailed up York River to Werowocomico, the seat of Powhatan, carrying -Pocahontas with him. Meeting with defiance, he landed and destroyed -the settlement, and then returned to Jamestown. The ship “Elizabeth” -arriving in March with thirteen settlers, Sir Thomas Gates departed -in her for England finally, leaving the government to Dale. An event -most auspicious for the future welfare of the colony soon occurred. -A mutual attachment springing up between John Rolfe and Pocahontas, -with the consent of Sir Thomas Dale they were united in marriage by -the Rev. Alexander Whitaker, about the 5th of April, 1614. This was a -politic example, which Dale himself unsuccessfully attempted to follow, -although he had then a wife in England. Sending Ralph Hamor (who had -been secretary of the Council under Lord Delaware) to Powhatan, with -a request for the younger sister of Pocahontas, a girl scarce twelve -years of age, his overtures were disdainfully rejected. The results of -the union of Rolfe and Pocahontas were the good-will of Powhatan during -the remainder of his life, and a treaty of peace with the formidable -Chickahominy tribe, by which the natives agreed ever to be called -Englishmen, and to be true subjects to the British crown. With the -immunity of peace, and under the wholesome discipline of Dale, industry -was stimulated, property accumulated, and famine was no longer feared. -Prosperity being now seemingly assured to the colony, the martial -spirit of Dale sought other modes of manifesting itself. As early as -1605 the French had sent settlers to Acadia, and planted a colony at -Port Royal, which had now attained some prominence. - -[Illustration: SEAL OF THE VIRGINIA COMPANY. - -This is a fac-simile of the engraving used in the publications of the -Company. Cf. _Calendar of Virginia State Papers_, i. p. xxxix; Neill’s -_Virginia Company_, p. 156. An example of this seal with the same -dimensions and devices, but with the differing legend on the reverse -of “COLONIA VIRGINÆ—CONSILIO PRIMA,” is in the collections of the -Virginia Historical Society. It is of red wax between the leaves of a -foolscap sheet of paper, and is affixed to a patent for land issued by -Sir John Harvey, governor, dated March 4, 1638.] - -This being deemed by Dale an invasion of the territory of Virginia, -which by charter extended to the forty-fifth degree of latitude, -he sent Argall to dislodge the settlers, which was summarily -accomplished.[248] Stimulated to new conquests, Argall on his return -visited the Dutch settlement near the site of Albany, on the Hudson, -and compelled its governor to capitulate.[249] It was however soon -after reclaimed by the Dutch. Argall now sailed for England, where he -and Gates both arrived in June, 1614. In March, 1612, a third charter -had been granted to the Virginia Company, extending the boundaries of -the colony so as to include all islands lying within three hundred -leagues of the continent,—one object of which was to embrace the -Bermuda or Summer Islands, of the fertility of which extravagant -accounts had been given; but these last were soon after sold by the -Company to one hundred and twenty of its members, who became a distinct -corporation.[250] The privilege of holding lotteries for the benefit -of the Company was also secured. Gates reporting that the colony in -Virginia would perish unless better provided, the Company held for -its relief a grand lottery, by which the sum of £29,000 was secured. -The year 1615 is remarkable in the history of Virginia for the first -establishment of a fixed property in the soil, in the granting by the -Company of fifty acres to every freeman in absolute right. - - -Good order being established, and the colony prosperous, in April, -1616, Sir Thomas Dale, leaving the government to Captain George -Yeardley as his deputy, accompanied by Rolfe, Pocahontas, and several -Indians of both sexes, sailed for England, where he arrived on the -12th of June. The settlements in Virginia at this time were Henrico, -the seat of the college for the education of the natives (of whom -children of both sexes were already being taught), and of which the -Rev. William Wickham was the minister,—its limits being Bermuda, -Nether Hundred, or Presquile, the residence of the Deputy-Governor -Yeardley and of the Rev. Alexander Whitaker; West and Shirley Hundred, -Captain Isaac Madison, commander; Jamestown, Captain Francis West, Mr. -Mease, minister; Kiquotan; and Dale’s Gift, on the sea-coast near Cape -Charles, Lieutenant Cradock, commander. The total population of the -colony was three hundred and fifty-one. - -Pocahontas was the object of much kindly attention in London, where she -was presented at court by Lady Delaware, attended by Lord Delaware, -her husband, and other persons of quality. In March, 1617, John Rolfe -prepared to return to Virginia with Pocahontas and their infant child -Thomas,[251] but on the eve of embarkation Pocahontas was stricken with -the small-pox, of which she died on the 21st instant, aged twenty-two -years, and was buried at Gravesend, in the county of Kent.[252] Tobacco -proving the most salable commodity of the colony, in 1616 Yeardley -directed general attention to its culture, the profit of which speedily -became so alluring that all other occupations were forsaken for it. - -Through the influence of the court faction of the Company, in 1617, -Captain Samuel Argall was elected Deputy-Governor of Virginia. He -arrived in the colony on the 15th of May, with one hundred settlers, -accompanied by Ralph Hamor as Vice-Admiral, and John Rolfe as -“Secretary and Recorder-General.” They found “the market-place, -streets, and all other spare places” in Jamestown planted with -tobacco.[253] In a few days thereafter Captain Martin also arrived -in a pinnace, after a passage of five weeks. The whole number of the -colonists was now about four hundred. To reinforce the languishing -colony, the Company, in April, 1618, sent thither Lord Delaware, the -Governor-General, in the ship “Neptune,” with two hundred men, and -supplies. After his departure the ship “George” arrived from Virginia -with such complaints of the malfeasance of Argall, who under martial -law had loaded the colonists with oppressive exactions and robbed them -of their property, that letters were despatched to Lord Delaware to -seize upon all goods and property in Argall’s possession. Lord Delaware -dying on the passage, these letters fell into the hands of Argall, -who, to make the most of his remaining time, grew yet more tyrannical. -For seizing one of the servants of the estate of Lord Delaware, on -the complaint of Edward Brewster, the son of its manager, Argall -was arrested, and on the 15th of October, 1618, tried and sentenced -to death; but the penalty was commuted to perpetual banishment. He -secretly stole away from the colony April the 9th, 1619, leaving -Captain Nathaniel Powell in authority. Upon the intelligence of the -death of Lord Delaware, Captain George Yeardley, who was knighted on -the occasion, was appointed to succeed him. Sir Edwin Sandys also -displaced Sir Thomas Smith as treasurer of the Company. - -[Illustration: LORD DELAWARE. - -His portrait is preserved at Bourne, the seat of his descendant the -present Earl de la Warr, in Cambridgeshire, England. There is a copy -of it in the Library of the State of Virginia at Richmond, which was -made by William L. Sheppard, an artist of that city in July, 1877. He -is represented as a stout, ruddy-visaged Saxon, with a most benevolent -expression of countenance. King James granted a pension to the widow of -Lord Delaware, who was alive in 1644, and is called Dame Cecily Dowager -de la Warre in the sixth _Report of the Historical Commission_ to -Parliament, in a paper in which the continuance of her pension is asked -for.] - -Yeardley arrived in the colony April the 19th with a new authority -under the charter, by which the authority of the governor was limited -by a council and an annual general assembly, to be composed of the -Governor and Council, and two burgesses from each plantation, to -be freely elected by the inhabitants thereof. John Rolfe, who was -succeeded in the office of Secretary of the Colony by John Pory, a -graduate of Cambridge, a great traveller and a writer, was, with -Captain Francis West, Captain Nathaniel Powell, William Wickham, -and Samuel Macock, added to the Council. On Friday, July 30, 1619, -in accordance with the summons of Governor Yeardley in June, the -first representative legislative assembly ever held in America was -convened in the chancel of the church at James City or Jamestown, and -was composed of twenty-two burgesses from the eleven several towns, -plantations, and hundreds, styled boroughs. The proceedings were -opened with prayer by the Rev. Mr. Bucke, and each burgess took the -oath of supremacy. John Pory was elected speaker, and sat in front -of Governor Yeardley, and next was John Twine, the clerk, and at the -bar stood Thomas Pierse, sergeant-at-arms. The delegates from Captain -John Martin’s plantation were excluded, because by his patent, granted -according to the unequal privilege of the manors of England, he was -released from obeying any order of the colony except in time of war -and the Company was prayed that the clause in the charter guaranteeing -equal immunities and liberties might not be violated, so as to “divert -out of the true course the free and public current of justice.” The -education and religious instruction of the children of the natives -was enjoined upon each settlement. Among the enactments, tobacco was -authorized as a currency, and the treasurer of the colony (Abraham -Percy) was directed to receive it at the valuation of three shillings -per pound for the best, and eighteen-pence for the second quality. -The government of ministers was prescribed according to the Church -of England, and a tax of tobacco laid for their support. It was also -enacted that “all persons whatsoever upon the Sabbath days shall -frequent divine service and sermons, both forenoon and afternoon.” To -compensate the officers of the Assembly, a tax of a pound of tobacco -was laid upon every male above sixteen years of age. - -The introduction of negro slavery into the colony is thus noted by -John Rolfe: “About the last of August [1619] came in a Dutch man of -warre, that sold us twenty Negars.”[254] During this year there were -sent to the colony more than twelve hundred settlers, and one hundred -“disorderly persons” or convicts, by order of the King, to be employed -as servants. Boys and girls picked up in the streets of London were -also sent, and were bound as apprentices[255] to the planters until -the age of majority. In June twenty thousand pounds of tobacco, the -crop of the preceding year, was shipped to England. In November the -London Company adopted a coat-of-arms, and ordered a seal to be -engraved.[256] The Company appears ever to have held in due regard the -importance of education as intimately connected with the preservation -and dissemination of Christianity in the colony. Under an order from -the King, nearly £1,500 were collected by the bishops of the realm to -build the college at Henrico, and fifteen thousand acres of land were -appropriated for its support.[257] To cultivate it during the years -1619 and 1620 one hundred laborers were sent over under the charge of -Mr. George Thorpe (a kinsman of Sir Thomas Dale) and Captain Thomas -Newce as agents. At a meeting of the Company held June 28, 1620, -the Earl of Southampton was elected to succeed Sir Edwin Sandys as -treasurer. - -The population of the colony in July was estimated at four thousand, -and during the year forty thousand pounds of tobacco were shipped to -England. The freedom of trade which the Company had enjoyed for a brief -interval with the Low Countries, where they sold their tobacco, was in -October, 1621, prohibited in Council, and thenceforward England claimed -a monopoly of the trade of her plantations. The planters at length -were absolved from service to the Company, and enjoyed the blessings -of property in the soil and of domestic felicity. In the autumn of -1621 the practice was begun by the Company of shipping to the colony -young women of respectability as wives for the colonists, who were -chargeable with the cost of transportation. This charge was at first -one hundred and twenty, afterwards one hundred and fifty, pounds of -tobacco. A windmill, the first in America, was about this time erected -by Sir George Yeardley, and iron-works (the primal inauguration of this -essential manufacture in this country) were established at Falling -Creek on James River, under the management of Mr. John Berkeley.[258] - -Upon the request of Sir George Yeardley to be relieved of the cares -of office, Sir Francis Wyatt was appointed to succeed him upon the -expiration of his term of government on the 18th of November, 1621. Sir -Francis, with a fleet of nine sail, arrived in October, accompanied by -his brother, the Rev. Haut Wyatt, Dr John Pott as physician, William -Claiborne (destined to later prominence in the colony) as surveyor of -the Company’s lands, and George Sandys[259] as treasurer, who during -his stay translated the _Metamorphoses_ of Ovid and the First Book -of Virgil’s _Æneid_. This first Anglo-American poetical production -was published in 1626. Sir Francis Wyatt brought with him a new -constitution for the colony, granted July 24, by which all former -immunities and franchises were confirmed, trial by jury was secured, -and the Assembly was to meet annually upon the call of the Governor, -who was vested with the right of veto. No act of this body was to be -valid unless ratified by the Company; but, on the other hand, no order -of the Company was to be obligatory without the concurrence of the -Assembly. This famous ordinance furnished the model of every subsequent -provincial form of government in the Anglo-American colonies.[260] In -November Daniel Gookin arrived from Ireland with fifty settlers under -his control and thirty-six passengers, and planted himself in Elizabeth -City County, at Mary’s Mount, just above Newport News.[261] There -arrived during the year twenty-one vessels, bringing over thirteen -hundred men, women, and children. The aggregate number of settlers -arriving during the years 1619, 1620, and 1621 was thirty-five hundred -and seventy. - -Deluded by long peace, on the 22d of March, 1622, the unsuspecting -colonists fell easy victims to a frightful Indian massacre of men, -women, and children, to the number of three hundred and forty-seven. -Among the slain were Mr. George Thorpe, the agent for the college at -Henrico, and Mr. John Berkeley, master of the iron-works at Falling -Creek.[262] Their death and the destruction of their charges terminated -the prosecution of these material measures for the good of the colony. -The future policy with the savages was aggressive until the peace -of 1632. At an Assembly held in March, 1623, monthly courts to be -appointed by the Governor were authorized. The Virginia Company, in -their opposition to the King in the nomination of their officers, had -already incurred his ill-will, which was increased by the freedom with -which they discussed public measures so as to invoke his denunciation -of them as “but a seminary to a seditious parliament.” Violent factions -divided them, and the massacre came at a juncture to fan discontent. -Commissioners were sent to Virginia by the King to gather materials -for the ruin of the Company. The result was the annulling of its -charter by the King’s Bench on the 16th of June, 1624. Sir Francis -Wyatt was continued as governor by commission from King James, dated -Aug. 26, 1624, and again in May, 1625, by the young monarch, Charles -I., who appointed as councillors for the colony, during his pleasure, -Francis West, Sir George Yeardley, George Sandys, Roger Smith, Ralph -Hamor, John Martin, John Harvey, Samuel Matthews, Abraham Percy, -Isaac Madison, and William Claiborne. He omitted all mention of an -assembly, and there is no preserved record of the meeting of this body -again until 1629. The administration of Wyatt was wise and pacific. -The death of his father, Sir George Wyatt, calling him to Ireland, he -was succeeded, in May, 1626, by Sir George Yeardley, who dying Nov. -14, 1627, the Council elected as his successor, on the following day, -Francis West, a younger brother of Lord Delaware. West, departing for -England on the 5th of March, 1628, was succeeded by Dr. John Pott. The -export of tobacco in 1628 was five hundred thousand pounds. Charles, -desiring a monopoly of the trade, directed an assembly to be called -to grant it. That body, replying the 26th of March, demanded a higher -price and more favorable terms than his Majesty was disposed to yield. -The colony rapidly increased in strength and prosperity, the population -in 1629 being five thousand. Pott was superseded as governor in March, -1630, by Sir John Harvey, who had been one of the commissioners sent -in 1623 to procure evidence to be used against the Virginia Company. -Between him and the colonists there was but little good-will, and his -arbitrary rule soon rendered him odious. - -[Illustration] - -In July, by a strange mutation of fortune, Pott, the late governor, -was tried for cattle-stealing, and convicted. This was the first trial -by jury in the colony. It was in 1630 that George Calvert, with his -followers, arrived in the colonies; but the details of his experience -here and of the disputes about jurisdiction arising out of the grant -of the present territory of Maryland, made to him and confirmed to his -son in 1632, are given in another chapter.[263] It was under successive -grants from the governors in 1627, 1628, and 1629, and from Charles -I. in 1631, that William Claiborne had established his trading-posts -in the disputed territory, from which he was driven with bloodshed, -and by the final decree of the King in 1639 despoiled of £6,000 of -property. Harvey—actuated, it has been charged, by motives of private -interest—sided with Maryland in the disputes, and rendered himself so -obnoxious that an assembly was called for the 7th of May, 1635, to hear -complaints against him. Before it met, however, he consented to go to -England to answer the charges, and was “thrust out of his government” -by the Council on the 28th of April, and Captain John West, a brother -of Lord Delaware, was authorized to act as his successor until the -King’s pleasure might be known. In 1634 the colony was divided into -eight shires,[264] subject, as in England, to the government of a -lieutenant.[265] The election of sheriffs, sergeants, and bailiffs was -similarly provided for. The King, intolerant of opposition, reinstated -the hated Harvey as governor, by commission dated April 2, 1636.[266] -During his rule of three years thereafter, no assembly was held. -Charles gradually relaxed his policy, and in November, 1639, displaced -Harvey with Sir Francis Wyatt, who in turn was succeeded by Sir -William Berkeley as governor in February, 1642. During the year three -Congregational ministers came from Boston to Virginia to disseminate -their doctrines. - -[Illustration] - -Their stay, however, was but short; for by an enactment of the Assembly -all ministers other than those of the Church of England were compelled -to leave the colony. It will be shown that their success was limited. -On the 18th of April, 1644, a second Indian massacre occurred. The -number of victims has been differently stated as three and five -hundred. During a visit by Berkeley to England, from June, 1644, to -June, 1645, his place was filled by Richard Kemp. In 1642 the ship -of Richard Ingle, from London, had been seized by Governor Brent, -of Maryland, acting under a commission from Charles I., and an oath -against Parliament tendered the crew. Ingle escaped, and, securing a -commission from Parliament to cruise in the waters of the Chesapeake -against Malignants, as the friends of the King were called, reappeared -in February, 1645, in the ship “Reformation,” near St. Inigo Creek, -where there was a popular uprising, and with the aid of the insurgents -and forces from Virginia expelled Leonard Calvert and installed Colonel -Edward Hill as governor. Calvert regained authority in August, 1646. -The colony of Virginia continued to prosper. In 1648 the population -consisted of fifteen thousand whites and three hundred negro slaves. -Domestic animals were abundant; corn, wheat, rice, hemp, flax, and many -vegetables were cultivated; there were fifteen varieties of fruit, and -excellent wine was made. The average export of tobacco for several -years had been 1,500,000 pounds. Besides the “old field schools,” there -was a free school endowed by Benjamin Symmes with two hundred acres of -land, a good house, forty milch cows, and other appurtenances. - -The Dissenters, who had increased in number to one hundred and -eighteen, now encountered the rigors of colonial authority in -imprisonment and banishment, and all opposition to the Established -Church was decisively quelled.[267] - -With the beheading of Charles I. on the 30th of January, 1649, the -Commonwealth of England was inaugurated; but Virginia still continued -its allegiance to his son, the exiled prince, and offered an asylum to -his fugitive adherents. Three hundred and thirty of these, including -Colonel Henry Norwood and Majors Francis Morrison and Richard Fox, -arrived near the close of 1649 in the “Virginia Merchant.” - -Norwood was sent the following year by Berkeley to Holland to invite -the fugitive King to Virginia as its ruler, and returned from Breda -with a new commission for Berkeley as governor, dated June 3, and -another for himself as treasurer of the colony, in approbation of the -loyalty manifested. Charles II. was crowned by the Scotch at Scone in -1651, and, invading England with his followers, was utterly overthrown -and defeated at Worcester, September 3. In the same month the Council -of State issued instructions to Captain Robert Dennis, Richard Bennet, -Thomas Steg,[268] and William Claiborne, as commissioners for the -reduction of Virginia to the authority of the Commonwealth. Captain -Dennis arrived at Jamestown in March, 1652, and the capitulation -of the colony was ratified on the 12th instant upon liberal terms, -which confirmed the existing privileges of the colonists and granted -indemnity for all offences against Parliament. The commissioners Bennet -and Claiborne soon after effected the reduction of Maryland, but with -singular moderation allowed its Governor and Council to retain their -offices upon the simple condition of issuing all writs in the name of -the Commonwealth. A provisional government was organized in Virginia, -on the 30th of April, by the election by the House of Burgesses of -Richard Bennet as governor and William Claiborne as secretary of state, -and a council of twelve, whose powers were to be defined by the Grand -Assembly, of which they were ex-officio members. - -A remarkable instance of individual enterprise was given in the early -part of 1654 by Francis Yeardley,[269] who effected discoveries -in North Carolina, and at the cost of £300 purchased from the -natives “three great rivers and all such others as they should like -southerly,” and took possession of the country in the name of the -Commonwealth.[270] In March, 1655, Richard Bennet was appointed the -agent of the colony at London, and was succeeded as governor by Edward -Digges. In 1656 Colonel Edward Hill the elder, in endeavoring with -one hundred men to dislodge seven hundred Ricahecrian Indians who had -seated themselves at the Falls of James River, was utterly routed. -Bloody Run, near Richmond, significantly derives its name from this -encounter. On the 13th of March, 1657, Edward Digges was sent to London -as the agent of the colony, and was succeeded as governor by Samuel -Matthews. The government of the colony under the Commonwealth was -beneficent, and the people were prosperous. - -Upon the reception of the intelligence of the death of Oliver and -of the accession of Richard Cromwell as Protector, obedience was -acknowledged by the Assembly on the 9th of March, 1658. Richard -Cromwell resigned on the 22d of April, 1659, and Matthews had died -in January previously. England was for a time without a monarch, and -Virginia without a governor. The Virginia Assembly, convening on the -23d of March, 1660, elected Sir William Berkeley as governor, and -declared that all writs should be issued in the name of the Grand -Assembly. On the 8th of May Charles II. was proclaimed as King in -England, and on the 31st of July following he transmitted a new -commission to his faithful adherent, Sir William Berkeley. In March, -1661, 44,000 pounds of tobacco were appropriated by the Assembly to -defray the cost of an address to the King, praying him to pardon the -inhabitants of Virginia for having yielded during the Commonwealth -to a force they could not resist. And in contrition for their tacit -submission to the “execrable power that so bloodily massacred the -late King Charles the First of blessed and glorious memory,” it was -enacted that “the 30th of January, the day the said King was beheaded, -be annually solemnized with fasting and prayer, that our sorrows may -expiate our crime, and our tears wash away our guilt.”[271] A little -later, the 29th of May, the date of the restoration of Charles II., was -decreed to be celebrated annually as a “holy day.”[272] - -Berkeley being sent on the 30th of April, 1661, by the colony to -England to protest against the enforcement of the Navigation Act, -Colonel Francis Morrison was elected in his stead. Berkeley returned -in the fall of 1662 with advantageous patents for himself, but -without relief for the colony. Colonel William Claiborne, secretary -of state, was displaced by Thomas Ludwell, commissioned by the -King. Colonel Francis Morrison and Henry Randolph, clerk of the -Assembly, were appointed to revise the laws, and it was ordered that -all acts which “might keep in memory our forced deviation from his -Majesty’s obedience” should be “expunged.” A satisfactory account of -the condition of the colony in 1670 is afforded in a report made by -Governor Berkeley to the Lords Commissioners of Foreign Plantations. -The executive consisted of the Governor and sixteen councillors -commissioned by the King, who determined all causes above £15; causes -of less amount were tried by the county courts, of which there were -twenty. The Assembly, composed of two burgesses from each county, met -annually; it levied the taxes, and appeals lay to it. The legislative -and executive powers rested in the Governor, Council, Assembly, and -subordinate officers. The Acts of the Assembly were sent by the -secretary of the colony to the Lord Chancellor. All freemen were bound -to muster monthly in their own counties. The force of the colony -numbered upwards of eight thousand horsemen. There were five forts, -mounted with thirty cannon. - -The whole population was forty thousand, of which two thousand were -negro slaves, and six thousand white servants. Eighty vessels arrived -yearly from England and Ireland for tobacco; a few small coasters -came from New England. The annual exportation of tobacco was 15,000 -hogsheads (about 12,000,000 pounds), upon which a duty of two shillings -a hogshead was levied. Out of this revenue the Governor received as -salary £1,200. The King had no revenue from the colony except the -quit-rents.[273] There were forty-eight parishes, the ministers of -which were well paid. Under the monopoly of the Navigation Act the -price of tobacco was greatly depressed, the cost of imported goods -enhanced, and the trade of the colony almost extinguished; yet the -profligate King oppressed the colonists still further, and by a grant -of the whole territory of Virginia to Lords Arlington and Culpeper they -found themselves deprived of the very titles to the lands they owned. -The privilege of franchise was even virtually withheld, for there had -been no election of burgesses since the Restoration in 1660, the same -legislature having continued to hold its sessions by prorogation. -The colonists grew so impatient under their accumulated grievances -that a revolt was near bursting forth in 1674. It was quieted for a -time by some pacific concessions; but the fires only slumbered, and -an immediate grievance and a popular leader were alone required to -produce revolutionary measures. The severity of the policy against the -Indians incensed them to hostility, and the lives of the colonists were -in constant jeopardy. They petitioned the Governor for protection, -and on the meeting of the Assembly in March, 1676, war was declared -against the Indians, and a force of five hundred men raised and put -under the command of Sir Henry Chicheley to subdue them; but when he -was about to march he was suddenly and without apparent cause ordered -by Berkeley to disband his forces. The Indians continued their murders -until sixty lives had been sacrificed. The alarmed colonists, having -in vain petitioned the Governor for protection, rose tumultuously in -self-defence, including quite all the civil and military officers of -the colony, and chose Nathaniel Bacon, Jr., as their leader. Bacon, -who was of the distinguished English family of that name, had been -but a short time in the colony; but he was a member of the Council, -brave, rich, eloquent, and popular. He had an immediate stimulant, -too, in the murder at his plantation, near the site of Richmond, of -his overseer and a favorite servant.[274] Bacon, fruitlessly applying -for a commission, marched at the head of five hundred men against the -savages; and in the mean time Berkeley proclaimed them as traitors -and ineffectually pursued them with an armed force. Bacon replied in -a declaration denouncing the Governor as a tyrant and traitor to his -King and the country. During Berkeley’s absence the planters in the -lower counties rose, and, the revolt becoming general, he was forced to -return, when he endeavored to quiet the storm. Writs for a new Assembly -were issued, to which Bacon was elected. He, having punished the -savages, while on his way to the Assembly was arrested in James River -by an armed vessel, but was soon released on parole. When the Assembly -met on the 5th of June, he read at the bar a written confession and -apology for his conduct, and was thereupon pardoned and readmitted to -his seat in the Council. He was also promised a commission to proceed -against the Indians; but, being secretly informed of a plot by the -Governor against his life, he fled, returning however to Jamestown in -a few days with a large force, when, appealing to the Assembly, they -declared him their general, vindicated his course, and sent a letter -to England approving it. They also passed salutary laws of reform. -Berkeley resisted, dissolved them, and in turn addressed the King. -Bacon, all-powerful, having extorted a commission from the Governor, -marched against the Indians. Berkeley once more proclaimed him as a -traitor. Bacon, on hearing it, in the midst of a successful campaign -returned; and Berkeley, deserted by his troops, fled to Accomac. Bacon, -now supreme, called together, by an invitation signed by himself and -four of the Council, a convention of the principal gentlemen of the -colony, at the Middle Plantation, to consult for defence against the -savages and protection against the tyranny of Berkeley. He also issued -a reply to the proclamation of Berkeley, in which he vindicates himself -in lofty strains.[275] He now again marched against the Indians; -but in his absence a fleet which he had sent to capture Berkeley was -betrayed, and the Governor returned to Jamestown at the head of the -forces sent to capture him. Bacon now returned, and Berkeley, deserted -by his men, fleeing again to Accomac, Bacon triumphantly entered -Jamestown and burned the State House. He died shortly afterwards -from disease contracted by exposure, and his followers, left without -a leader, dispersed, and Berkeley was finally dominant. On the 29th -of February, 1677, a fleet with a regiment of soldiers, commanded by -Colonels Herbert Jeffreys and Francis Morrison, arrived in the colony -to quell the rebellion. Jeffreys, Morrison, and Berkeley sat as a -commission to try the insurgents. They were vindictively punished: -the jails were filled, estates confiscated, and twenty-three persons -executed. At length the Assembly, in an address to the Governor, -deprecated any further sanguinary punishments, and he was prevailed -upon, reluctantly, to desist. All the acts of the Assembly of June, -1676, called Bacon’s Laws, were repealed, though many of them were -afterwards re-enacted. Berkeley, being recalled by the King, sailed for -England on the 27th of April, 1677, and was succeeded by Sir Herbert -Jeffreys as governor. Jeffreys effected a treaty with the Indians, -but dying in December, 1678, was succeeded by Sir Henry Chicheley, -who in turn gave place, on the 10th of May, 1680, to Lord Culpeper, -who had been appointed in July, 1675, governor of Virginia for life. -Virginia was now tranquil. The resources of the country continued -to be developed. The production and export of tobacco—the chief -staple—steadily increased, and with it the prosperity of the colony. -The ease with which wealth was acquired fostered the habits of personal -indulgence and ostentatious expenditure into which the Virginia planter -was led by hereditary characteristics. - -Undue stress has been laid by many historians upon the transportation -of “convicts” to the colony. Such formed but a small proportion of the -population, and it is believed that the offence of a majority of them -was of a political nature. Be it as it may, all dangerous or debasing -effect of their presence was effectually guarded against by rigorous -enactments. The vile among them met the fate of the vicious, while -the simply unfortunate who were industrious throve and became good -citizens. It is clearly indicated that the aristocratic element of the -colony preponderated. - -The under stratum of society, formed by the “survival of the fittest” -of the “indentured servant” and the “convict” classes, as they improved -in worldly circumstances, rose to the surface and took their places -socially and politically among the more favored class. The Virginia -planter was essentially a transplanted Englishman in tastes and -convictions, and emulated the social amenities and the culture of the -mother country.[276] Thus in time was formed a society distinguished -for its refinement, executive ability, and a generous hospitality, for -which the Ancient Dominion is proverbial. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THERE is abundant evidence, as instanced by Mr. Deane in a paper in the -_Boston Daily Advertiser_, July 31, 1877, that the name of Virginia -commemorates Elizabeth, the virgin queen of England. Mr. Deane’s paper -was in answer to a fanciful belief, expressed by Mr. C. W. Tuttle in -_Notes and Queries_, 1877, that the Indian name Wingina, mentioned by -Hakluyt, may have suggested the appellation.[277] The early patents are -given in Purchas (abstract of the first), iv. 1683-84; Stith; Hazard’s -_Historical Collections_, i. 50, 58, 72; _Popham Memorial_ (the first), -App. A; and Poor’s _Gorges_, App. - -See a paper by L. W. Tazewell, on the “Limits of Virginia under -the Charters,” in Maxwell’s _Virginia Historical Register_, i. 12. -These bounds were relied on for Virginia’s claims at a later day to -the Northwest Territory. Cf. H. B. Adams’s _Maryland’s Influence in -Founding a National Commonwealth_, or Maryland Historical Society -Publication Fund, no. 11. See also Lucas’s _Charters of the Old English -Colonies_, London, 1850. Ridpath’s _United States_, p. 86, gives a -convenient map of the grants by the English crown from 1606 to 1732. -Mr. Deane has discussed the matter of forms used in issuing letters -patent in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ xi. 166. - -The earliest printed account of the settlement at Jamestown, covering -the interval April 26, 1607-June 2, 1608, is entitled: _A True Relation -of such occurrences and accidents of noate as hath hapned in Virginia -since the first planting of that Collony which is now resident in the -South part thereof, till the last returne from thence. Written by -Captaine Smith, Coronell of the said Collony, to a worshipfull friend -of his in England_. Small quarto, black letter, London, 1608.[278] - -The second contemporary account appears in _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, iv. -1685-1690, published in 1625, and is entitled, “Obseruations gathered -out of a Discourse of the Plantations of the Southerne Colonie in -Virginia by the English, 1606, written by that Honorable Gentleman -Master George Percy.”[279] The narrative gives in minute detail the -incidents of the first voyage and of the movements of the colonists -after their arrival at Cape Henry until their landing, on the 14th of -May, at Jamestown. It is to be regretted that a meagre abridgment only -of so valuable a narrative should have been preserved by Purchas, who -assigns as a reason for the omissions he made in it, that “the rest is -more fully set down in Cap. Smith’s Relations.” - -The third account of the period, “Newport’s Discoveries in Virginia,” -was published for the first time in 1860 in _Archæologia Americana_, -iv. 40-65. It consists of three papers, the most extended of which is -entitled: “A Relatyon of the Discovery of our river from James Forte -into the Maine; made by Captain Christopher Newport, and sincerely -written and observed by a Gentleman of the Colony.” This “Relatyon” -is principally confined to an account of the voyage from Jamestown -up the river to the “Falls,” at which Richmond is now situated, and -back again to Jamestown, beginning May 21 and ending June 21, the day -before Newport sailed for England. The second paper, of four pages, is -entitled: “The Description of the new-discovered river and country of -Virginia, with the liklyhood of ensuing riches, by England’s ayd and -industry.” The remaining paper, of only a little more than two pages, -is: “A brief description of the People.” These papers were printed from -copies made under the direction of the Hon. George Bancroft, LL.D., -from the originals in the English State Paper Office, and were edited -by the Rev. Edward Everett Hale.[280] - -The next account to be noted, “A Discourse of Virginia,” by Edward -Maria Wingfield, the first President of the colony, was also printed -for the first time in _Archæologia Americana_, iv. 67-163, from a -copy of the original manuscript in the Lambeth Library, edited by -Charles Deane, LL.D., who also printed it separately. The narrative -begins with the sailing of Newport for England, June 22, 1607, and -ends May 21, 1608, on the author’s arrival in England. The final six -pages are devoted by Wingfield to a defence of himself from charges -of unfaithfulness in duty, on which he had been deposed from the -Presidency and excluded from the Council. The narrative was cited for -the first time by Purchas in the margin of the second edition of his -_Pilgrimage_, 1614, pp. 757-768. He also refers to what is probably -another writing, “M. Wingfield’s notes,” in the margin of p. 1706, of -vol. iv. of his _Pilgrimes_. Mr. Deane reasonably conjectures that the -narrative of Wingfield as originally written was more comprehensive, -and that a portion of it has been lost.[281] Chapter I. of Neill’s -_English Colonization in America_ is devoted to Wingfield. - -Another narrative of the period:— - -_A Relation of Virginia_, written by Henry Spelman, “the third son -of the Antiquary,” who came to the colony in 1609, was privately -printed in 1872 at London for James Frothingham Hunnewell, Esq., of -Charlestown, Mass., from the original manuscript.[282] Spelman, who -was a boy when he first came to Virginia, lived for some time with -the Indians, became afterwards an interpreter for the Colony, and was -killed by the savages in 1622 or 1623. - -In 1609 there were four tracts printed in London, illustrative of the -progress of the new colony:— - -1. _Saules Prohibition staid, a reproof to those that traduce Virginia._ - -2. William Symondes’ _Sermon_ before the London Company, April 25, -1609.[283] - -3. _Nova Britannia: offeringe most excellent Fruites by Planting in -Virginia._[284] - -4. _A Good Speed to Virginia._ The dedicator is R. G., who “neither in -person nor purse” is able to be a “partaker in the business.”[285] - -In 1610, appeared the following:— - -1. W. Crashaw’s _Sermon_ before Lord Delaware on his leaving for -Virginia, Feb. 21, 1609. - -2. _A true and sincere declaration of the purpose and ends of the -plantation begun in Virginia._[286] - -3. A true declaration of the estate of the Colonie in Virginia.[287] - -4. The mishaps of the first voyage and the wreck at Bermuda were -celebrated in a little poem by R. Rich, one of the Company, called -_Newes from Virginia_, which was printed in London in 1610.[288] - -William Strachey was not an actual observer of events in the colony -earlier than May 23, 1610, when he first reached Jamestown. The -incidents of his letter, July 15, 1610, giving an account of the wreck -at Bermuda and subsequent events _(Purchas_, iv. 1734), must, so far as -antecedent Virginia events go, have been derived from others.[289] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -In 1612 Strachey edited a collection of _Lawes Divine_ of the -colony.[290] - -There are two MS. copies of his _Historie of Travaile into Virginia -Britannia; expressing the Cosmographie and Comodities of the Country, -together with the Manners and Customes of the People_,—one preserved -in the British Museum among the Sloane Collection, and the other is -among the Ashmolean MSS. at Oxford. They vary in no important respect. -The former was the copy used by R. H. Major in editing it for the -Hakluyt Society in 1849. This copy was dedicated to Sir Francis Bacon. - -In 1611 Lord Delaware’s little _Relation_ appeared in London.[291] In -1612 the Virginia Company, to thwart the evil intentions of the enemies -of the colony, printed by authority a second part of _Nova Britannia_, -called _The New Life of Virginia_. Its authorship is assigned to Robert -Johnson.[292] - -In 1612 the little quarto volume commonly referred to as the _Oxford -Tract_ was printed, with the following title: _A Map of Virginia. With -a Description of the Country, the Commodities, People, Government, -and Religion, Written by Captaine Smith, sometimes Governour of the -Country. Whereunto is annexed the proceedings of those Colonies since -their first departure from England, with the discoveries, Orations, -and relations of the Salvages, and the accidents that befell them in -all their Iournies and discoveries. Taken faithfully as they were -written out of the writings of Doctor Rvssell, Tho. Stvdley, Anas -Todkill, Ieffra Abot, Richard Wiffin, Will. Phettiplace, Nathaniel -Powell, Richard Potts. And the relations of divers other intelligent -observers there present then, and now many of them in England, by W. -S. At Oxford, Printed by Joseph Barnes_, 1612. As the title indicates, -the tract consists of two parts. The first, written as Smith says, -in the _Generall Historie_, “with his owne hand,” is a topographical -description of the country, embracing climate, soil, and productions, -with a full account of the native inhabitants, and has only occasional -reference to the proceedings of the colony at Jamestown. The second -part of the _Oxford Tract_ has a separate titlepage as follows: “The -proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia since their first -beginning from England in the year 1606, till this present 1612, with -all their accidents that befell them in their iournies and Discoveries. -Also the Salvages’ discourses, orations, and relations of the Bordering -Neighbours, and how they became subject to the English. Vnfolding even -the fundamentall causes from whence haue sprang so many miseries to the -vndertakers, and scandals to the businesse; taken faithfully as they -were written out of the writings of Thomas Studley, the first provant -maister, Anas Todkill, Walter Russell, Doctor of Phisicke, Nathaniel -Powell, William Phettiface, Richard Wyffin, Thomas Abbay, Tho. Hops, -Rich. Potts, and the labours of divers other diligent observers, that -were residents in Virginia. And pervsed and confirmed by diverse now -resident in England that were actors in this busines. By W. S. At -Oxford, Printed by Joseph Barnes. 1612.”[293] - -Alexander Whitaker’s _Good Newes from Virginia_ was printed in 1613. -He was minister of Henrico Parish, and had been in the country two -years. The preface is by W. Crawshawe, the divine.[294] Ralph Hamor the -younger, “late secretary of that colony,” printed in London in 1615 -his _True Discourse of the present state of Virginia_, bringing the -story down to June 18, 1614. It contains an account of the christening -of Pocahontas and her marriage to Rolfe. It was reprinted in 1860 -at Albany (200 copies) for Charles Gorham Barney, of Richmond.[295] -Rolfe’s _Relation of Virginia_, a MS. now in the British Museum, -was abbreviated in the 1617 edition of Purchas’s _Pilgrimage_, and -printed at length in the _Southern Literary Messenger_, 1839, and -in the _Virginia Historical Register_, i. 102. (See also Neill’s -_Virginia Company_, ch. vi.) There are various other early printed -tracts, besides those already mentioned, reprinted by Force, which are -necessary to a careful study of Virginian history.[296] - -Fortunately a copy of the records of the Company[297] from April -28, 1619, to June 7, 1624, is preserved. This copy was made from -the originals, which are not now known to exist, at a time when the -King gave sign of annulling their charter. Nicholas Ferrar (see the -_Memoir of Nicholas Ferrar_ by Peter Peckard, London, 1790, a volume -throwing much light on early Virginian history, and compare Palfrey’s -_New England_, i. 192), with the aid of Collingwood the secretary, -seems to have procured the transcription at the house of Sir John -Danvers, in Chelsea, an old mansion associated with Sir Thomas More’s -memory. Collingwood compared each folio, signed it,—the work being -completed only three days before judgment was pronounced against the -Company,—and gave the whole into the hands of the Earl of Southampton -for safe keeping, from whom the records passed to his son Thomas, Lord -High Treasurer, after whose death, in 1667, William Byrd, of Virginia, -bought them for sixty guineas, and it was from the Byrd family, at -Westover, that Stith obtained them, to make use of in his _History_. -By some means Stith’s brother-in-law, Peyton Randolph, got them, and -at his death in 1775 his library was sold, when Jefferson bought it, -and found these records among the books. Jefferson’s library afterwards -becoming the property of the United States, these records in two -volumes (pp. 354 and 387 respectively) passed into the Library of -Congress, where they now are. - -In May, 1868, Mr. Neill, who had used these records while working on -his _Terra Mariæ_, memorialized Congress, explaining their value, and -offering, without compensation, to edit the MS., under the direction -of the Librarian of Congress.[298] The question of their publication -had already been raised by Mr. J. Wingate Thornton ten years earlier, -in a paper in the _Historical Magazine_, February, 1858, p. 33, and -in a pamphlet, _The First Records of Anglo-American Colonization_, -Boston, 1859. In these the history of their transmission varies a -little from the one given above, which follows Neill’s statements.[299] -Being thwarted in his original purpose, Mr. Neill made the records -the basis of a _History of the Virginia Company of London_, Albany, -1869, which, somewhat changed, appeared in an English edition as -_English Colonization in America in the Seventeenth Century_.[300] Of -considerable importance among the papers transmitted to our time is -the collection which had in large part belonged to Chalmers, and been -used by him in his _Political Annals_; when passing to Colonel William -Aspinwall,[301] they were by him printed in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._ 4th -series, vols. ix. and x., with numerous notes, particularly concerning -the earlier ones, beginning in 1617, in which the careers of Gates, -Pory,[302] and Argall are followed. - -Mr. Deane, _True Relation_, p. 14, quotes as in Mr. Bancroft’s hands a -copy from a paper in the English State-Paper Office entitled “A Briefe -Declaration of the Plantation of Virginia during the first twelve -years when S^r Thomas Smyth was Governer of the Companie [1606-1619], -and downe to the present tyme [1624], by the Ancient Planters now -remaining alive in Virginia.” Mr. Noël Sainsbury, in his _Calendar of -State Papers, Colonial Series_, London, 1860, etc., has opened new -stores of early Virginian as well as of general Anglo-American history, -between 1574 and 1660. The work of the Public Record Office has been -well supplemented by the _Reports of the Historical Commission_, which -has examined the stores of historical documents contained in private -depositaries in Great Britain. Their third Report of 1872 and the -appendix of their eighth Report are particularly rich in Virginian -early history, covering documents belonging to the Duke of Manchester. -The _Index_ to the Catalogue of MSS. in the British Museum discloses -others. - -In 1860 the State of Virginia sent Colonel Angus W. McDonald to London -to search for papers and maps elucidating the question of the Virginia -bounds with Maryland, Tennessee, and North Carolina, which resulted -in the accumulation of much documentary material, and a report to the -Governor in March, 1861, Document 39 (1861), which was printed. See -_Hist. Mag._ ix. 13. - -Matter of historical interest will be found in other of the documents -of this boundary contest: Document 40, Jan. 9, 1860; Senate Document, -Report of Commissioners, Jan. 17, 1872, with eleven maps, including -Smith’s; Final Report, 1874; Senate Document No. 21, being reprints -in 1874 of Reports of Jan. 9, 1860, and March 9, 1861; House Document -No. 6, Communication of the Governor, Jan. 9, 1877. There were also -publications by the State of Maryland relating to the contest.[303] - -In 1874 there was published, as a State Senate Document, _Colonial -Records of Virginia_, quarto, which contains the proceedings of the -first Assembly, convened in 1619 at Jamestown,[304] with other early -papers, and an Introduction and Notes by the late Hon. Thomas H. -Wynne. Attention was first called in America to these proceedings by -Conway Robinson, Esq. (who had inspected the original manuscript in -the State-Paper Office, London), in a Report made as chairman of its -Executive Committee, at an annual meeting of the Virginia Historical -Society, held at Richmond, Dec. 15, 1853, and published in the -_Virginia Historical Reporter_, i. 7. They were first published in -the _Collections_ of the New York Historical Society, 1857, with an -Introduction by George Bancroft.[305] - -Abstracts from the English State-Paper Office have been furnished the -State Library of Virginia by W. Noël Sainsbury, to Dec. 30, 1730. - -There are various papers on the _personnel_ of the colony in the lists -of passengers for Virginia of 1635, which Mr. H. G. Somerby printed in -the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ ii. 111, 211, 268; iii. 184, 388; -iv. 61, 189, 261; v. 61, 343; and xv. 142; and in the collection of -such documents, mostly before published, which are conveniently grouped -in Hotten’s _Original Lists_ (1600-1700), London, 1874 and 1881; and in -S. G. Drake’s _Researches among the British Archives_, 1860. - -The Virginia Company published three lists of the venturers and -emigrants in 1619, and in 1620 a similar enumeration in a _Declaration -of the State of the Colonie_.[306] This was dated June 24; another -brief _Declaration_ bears date Sept. 20, 1620. A list of ships arriving -in Jamestown 1607-1624 is given by Neill in the _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, 1876, p. 415. - -Neill has published various studies of the census of 1624 in the _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ for 1877, pp. 147, 265, 393.[307] - -The most trustworthy source of information as to those who became -permanent planters and founders of families is afforded by the Virginia -records of land patents, which are continuous from 1620, and are no -less valuable for topographical than for genealogical reference.[308] - -The manuscript materials of the history of Virginia have been ever -subject to casualty in the varied dangerous and destructive forms of -removal, fire, and war. The first capital, Jamestown, was several -times the scene of violence and conflagration. The colonial archives -were exposed to accident when the seat of government was removed to -Williamsburg; and finally when, in 1779, the latter was abandoned for -the growing town of Richmond, and when, upon the apprehended advance -of the British forces during the Revolution, they were again disturbed -and removed hastily to the last place. It is probable that at the -destruction by fire of the buildings of William and Mary College, -in 1705, many valuable manuscripts were lost which had been left in -them when the royal governors ceased to hold sessions of the Council -within her walls, and when other government functionaries no longer -performed their duties there. Many doubtless suffered the consequences -of Arnold’s invasion in 1781, upon whose approach the contents of the -public offices at Richmond were hastily tumbled into wagons and hurried -off to distant counties. The crowning and fell period of universal -destruction to archives and private papers was, however, that of our -late unhappy war, when seats of justice, sanctuaries, and private -dwellings alike were subjected to fire and pillage. The most serious -loss sustained was at the burning of the State Court House at Richmond, -incidental on the evacuation fire of April 3, 1865, when were consumed -almost the entire records of the old General Court from the year 1619 -or thereabout, together with those of many of the county courts (which -had been brought thither to guard against the accidents of the war) and -the greater part of the records of the State Court of Appeals. - -Of the records of the General Court, a fragment of a volume covering -the period April 4, 1670-March 16, 1676, is in the _Collections_ -of the Virginia Historical Society, and another fragment—Feb. 21, -1678-October, 1692—is in the archives of Henrico County Court at -Richmond. In the State Library are preserved the journals of the -General Assembly from 1697 to 1744, with occasional interruptions. - -Of the records of the several counties, the great majority of those of -an early period, it is certain, have been destroyed. Information as -to the preservation of the following has been received by the writer: -Northampton (old Accomac), continuous from 1634; Northumberland, -from 1652; Lancaster, from 1652; Surrey, a volume beginning in 1652; -Rappahannock, from 1656; Essex, from 1692; Charles City, a single -volume, from Jan. 4, 1650, to Feb. 3, 1655, inclusive; Henrico, a -deed book, 1697-1704, and, with interruptions, the same records to -1774,—all classes of records, unbroken, from October, 1781. - -In elucidation of the social life and commerce of the period,—the -three decades of the seventeenth century,—the following may be named: -Letters of Colonel William Fitzhugh, of Stafford County, a lawyer -and planter, May 15, 1679-April 29, 1699; Letters of Colonel William -Byrd, of the “Falls,” James River, planter and Receiver-General of -the colony, January, 1683-Aug. 3, 1691,—in the _Collections_ of the -Virginia Historical Society. - -The following parish records preserved in the library of the -Theological Seminary near Alexandria, Va., are valuable sources of -early genealogical information; Registers of Charles River Parish, York -County,—births 1648-1800, deaths 1665-1787;[309] Vestry Books (some -with partial registers) of Christ Church Parish, Middlesex County, -1663-1767; Petsoe Parish, Gloucester County, from June 14, 1677; -Kingston Parish, Matthews County, from 1679; St. Peter’s Parish, New -Kent County, from 1686. - -Of such of the early papers in the State archives at Richmond as -escaped the casualties of the war, the Commonwealth intrusted the -editing to William P. Palmer; and vol. i., covering 1652-1781 (with a -very few, however, before 1689), was published in 1875 as _Calendar -of State Papers and other Manuscripts preserved in the Capitol at -Richmond_.[310] - -On the life of Captain John Smith in general, some notes are made -in another chapter of this volume.[311] It will be remembered that -Fuller—in the earliest printed biography of Smith, contained in his -_Worthies of England_—says of him, “It soundeth much to the diminution -of his deeds, that he alone is the herald to publish and proclaim them.” - -Mr. Deane first pointed out (1860), in a note to his edition of -Wingfield’s _Discourse_, that the story of Pocahontas’s saving Smith’s -life from the infuriated Powhatan, which Smith interpolates in his -_Generall Historie_, was at variance with Smith’s earlier recitals in -the tracts of which that book was composed when they had been issued -contemporaneous with the events of which he was treating some years -earlier, and that the inference was that Smith’s natural propensity -for embellishment, as well as a desire to feed the interest which had -been incited in Pocahontas when she visited England, was the real -source of the story. Mr. Deane still farther enlarged upon this view -in a note to his edition (p. 38) of Smith’s _Relation_ in 1866.[312] -It has an important bearing on the question that Hamor, who says so -much of Pocahontas, makes no allusion to such a striking service. The -substantial correctness of Smith’s later story is contended for by W. -Robertson in the _Hist. Mag._, October, 1860; by William Wirt Henry, -in _Potter’s American Monthly_, 1875; and a general protest is vaguely -rendered by Stevens in his _Historical Collections_, p. 102. - -The file of the _Richmond Dispatch_ for 1877 contains various -contributions on the early governors of the colony of Virginia by E. -D. Neill, William Wirt Henry, and R. A. Brock, in which the claims -of Smith’s narrative to consideration are discussed. Charles Dudley -Warner, in _A Study of the Life and Writings of John Smith_, 1881, -treats the subject humorously and with sceptical levity. Smith finds -his latest champion, a second time, in William Wirt Henry, in an -address, _The Early Settlement at Jamestown, with Particular Reference -to the late Attacks upon Captain John Smith, Pocahontas, and John -Rolfe_, delivered before the annual meeting of the Virginia Historical -Society, held Feb. 24, 1882, and published with the _Proceedings_ of -the Society. Mr. Deane’s views are, however, supported by Henry Adams -(_North American Review_, January, 1867, and _Chapter of Erie, and -other Essays_, p. 192) and by Henry Cabot Lodge (_English Colonies in -America_, p. 6). Mr. Bancroft allowed for a while the original story -to stand, with a bare reference to Mr. Deane’s note (_History of the -United States_, 1864, i. 132); but in his Centenary Edition (1879, -vol. i. p. 102) he abandoned the former assertion, without expressing -judgment. The most recent recitals of the story of Pocahontas under the -color of these later investigations have been by Gay, in the _Popular -History of the United States_, i. 283, and by Charles D. Warner in his -_Captain John Smith_, before named,—the latter carefully going over -all the evidence. - -Alexander Brown has contributed several articles, published in the -_Richmond Dispatch_ in April and May, 1882, in which he controverts -the views of Mr. Henry, not only as to the truth of the story of the -rescue, but as to the general veracity of Smith as a historian, taking -a more absolute position in this respect than any previous writer has -done. - -Pocahontas is thought to have died at Gravesend just as she was about -re-embarking for America, March 21, 1617; and the entry on the records -of St. George’s Church in that place—which speaks of a “lady Virginia -born,” and has been supposed to refer to her—puts her burial March 21. -1617.[313] - -For the tracing of Pocahontas’s descendants through the -Bollings,—Robert Bolling having married Jane Rolfe, the daughter of -Thomas Rolfe, the son of Powhatan’s daughter,—see _The Descendants -of Pocahontas_, by Wyndham Robertson, 1855, and Wynne’s Historical -Documents, vol. iv., entitled _A Memoir of a Portion of the Bolling -Family_, Richmond, 1868 (fifty copies printed), which contains -photographs of portraits of the Bollings.[314] - -There is an engraving of Pocahontas by Simon Pass, which perhaps -belongs to, but is seldom found in, Smith’s _Generall Historie_.[315] -The original painting is said to have belonged to Henry Rolfe, of -Narford,—a brother of John, the husband of Pocahontas,—and from him -passed to Anthony Rolfe, of Tuttington, and from him again, probably -by a marriage, to the Elwes of Tuttington, and it is mentioned in a -catalogue of a sale of their effects in the last century. It has not -since been traced.[316] - -Richard Randolph, of Virginia, is said to have procured from England -two portraits,—one of Rolfe, and the other of Pocahontas,—and they -were hung in his house at Turkey Island. After his death, in 1784, they -are said to have been bought by Thomas Bolling, of Cobbs, Va., and the -inventory showing them is, or was, in the County Court of Henrico. In -1830 they were in the possession of Dr. Thomas Robinson, of Petersburg, -when he wrote of the portrait of Pocahontas that “it is crumbling so -rapidly that it may be considered as having already passed out of -existence.” A letter of the late H. B. Grigsby to Mr. Charles Deane -states that he had heard it was on panel let into the wainscot. In -1843, while still owned by Mr. Robinson, R. M. Sully made a copy of it, -which seems to have proved acceptable, as appears from the attestations -printed in M’Kinney and Hall’s _Indian Tribes of North America_, 1844, -vol. iii., where at p. 64 is a reproduction in colors of Sully’s -painting. Mr. Grigsby says that the original was finally destroyed in -a contest which grew out of a dispute when the house was sold, whether -the panel went with it or could be reserved.[317] - -Of the massacre at Falling Creek, March 22, 1621-22, the Virginia -Company printed, in Edward Waterhouse’s _Declaration of the State of -the Colony and Affairs in Virginia_, a contemporary account.[318] Mr. -Neill has made the transaction the subject of special consideration in -the _Magazine of American History_, i. 222, and in his _Letter to N. G. -Taylor_ in 1868, and has printed a considerable part of Waterhouse’s -account in his _Virginia Company_, p. 317 _et seq._ - -The massacre is also incidentally mentioned by the present writer -in a paper, “Early Iron Manufacture in Virginia, 1619-1776,” in -the _Richmond Standard_, Feb. 8, 1879, and by James M. Swank, in -“Statistics of the Iron and Steel Production of the United States,” -compiled for the Tenth Census, which may also be referred to for -information as to that industry in the Colony of Virginia. - -An examination of the story of Claiborne’s rebellion is made in the -Maryland chapter in the present volume. - -Respecting Bacon’s rebellion, the fullest of the contemporary accounts -is that of T. M. on “The beginning, progress, and conclusion of Bacon’s -Rebellion,” which is printed in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i. no. 8.[319] -Equally important is a MS. “Narrative of the Indian and Civil Wars in -Virginia,” now somewhat defective, which was found among the papers of -Captain Nathaniel Burwell, and lent to the Massachusetts Historical -Society and printed carelessly in their _Collections_ in 1814, vol. -xi., and copied thence by Force in his _Tracts_, vol. i. no. 11, in -1836. The MS. was again collated in 1866, and reprinted accurately in -the Society’s _Proceedings_, ix. 299, when the original was surrendered -to the Virginia Historical Society (_Proceedings_, ix. 244, 298; x. -135). Tyler, _American Literature_, i. 80, assigns its authorship to -one Cotton, of Aquia Creek, whose wife is said to be the writer of “An -Account of our late troubles in Virginia,” which was first printed in -the _Richmond Enquirer_, Sept. 12, 1804, and again in Force’s _Tracts_, -vol. i. no. 9. The popular spreading of the news in England of the -downfall of the rebellion was helped by a little tract, _Strange news -from Virginia_, of which there is a copy in Harvard College Library. -There is in the British Museum Sir William Berkeley’s list of those -executed under that governor’s retaliatory measures, which has been -printed in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i. no. 10. - -Other original documents may be found in Hening’s _Statutes at Large_, -vol. ii.; in the appendix of Burk’s _Virginia_; and in the _Aspinwall -Papers_, i. 162, 189, published in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._ _An -Historical Account of some Memorable Actions, particularly in Virginia, -etc._, by “Sir Thomas Grantham, Knight” (London, 1716), was reprinted -in fac-simile with an Introduction by the present writer (Carlton -McCarthy & Co., Richmond, 1882).[320] The fragment of the records -of the General Court of Virginia, cited as being in the Collections -of the Virginia Historical Society, contains details of the trial -of the participants in the “rebellion” not included in Hening, and -the abstracts from the English State-Paper Office, furnished by Mr. -Sainsbury to the State Library of Virginia, give unpublished details. -Extracts from the same source are in the library of the present writer. -There are various papers in the early volumes of the _Hist. Mag._; see -April, 1867, for a contemporary letter. Massachusetts Bay proclaimed -the insurgents rebels.[321] - - * * * * * - -The earliest _History of Virginia_ after John Smith’s was an anonymous -one published in London in 1705, with De Bry’s pictures reduced by -Gribelin. When it was translated into French, and published two -years later (1707) both at Amsterdam and Orleans (Paris), the former -issue assigned the authorship to D. S., which has been interpreted -D. Stevens, and so it remained in other editions, some only title -editions, printed at Amsterdam in 1712, 1716, and 1718, though the -later date may be doubtful. (Sabin, ii. 5112.) The true author, a -native of Virginia and a Colonial official, had meanwhile died there in -1716. This was Robert Beverley.[322] The book is concisely written, -and is not without raciness and crispness; but its merits are perhaps -a little overestimated in Tyler’s _American Literature_, ii. 264. His -considerate judgment of the Indians is not, however, less striking -than praiseworthy. For the period following the Restoration he may be -considered the most useful, though he is not independent of a partisan -sympathy. - -Sir William Keith’s _History of Virginia_ was undertaken, at the -instance of the Society for the Encouragement of Learning, as the -beginning of a series of books on the English plantations; but no -others followed. It was published in 1738 with two maps,—one of -America, the other of Virginia,—and he depended almost entirely on -Beverley, and brings the story down to 1723.[323] Forty years after -Beverley the early history of the colony was again told, but only down -to 1624, by the Rev. William Stith, then rector of Henrico Parish; -being, however, at the time of his death (1755), the president of -William and Mary College. He seems to have been discouraged from -continuing his narrative because the “generous and public-spirited” -gentlemen of Virginia were unwilling to pay the increased cost of -putting into his Appendix the early documents which give a chief value -to his book to-day. He had the use of the Collingwood transcript -of the records of the Virginia Company. His book, _History of the -First Discovery and Settlement of Virginia_, was published at -Williamsburg in 1747, and there are variations in copies to puzzle the -bibliographer.[324] Stith’s diffuseness and lack of literary skill -have not prevented his becoming a high authority with later writers, -notwithstanding that he implicitly trusts and even praises the honesty -of Smith.[325] - -The somewhat inexact _History of Virginia_ by John Burk has some of the -traits of expansive utterance which might be expected of an expatriated -Irishman who had been implicated in political hazards, and who was -yet to fall in a duel in 1808.[326] This book, which was published in -three volumes at Petersburg (1804-5), was dedicated to Jefferson. A -fourth volume, by Skelton Jones and Louis Hue Girardin, was added in -1816; but as the edition was in large part destroyed by a fire, it -is rarely found with the other three.[327] Burk used the copy of the -Virginia Company records which had belonged to John Randolph, as well -as some collections made by Hickman (which Randolph had had made when -it was his intention to write on Virginian history), and Colonel Byrd’s -Journal. - -The name of Campbell is twice associated with the history of Virginia. -J. W. Campbell published in 1813 at Petersburg a meagre and unimportant -_History of Virginia_, coming down to 1781. The best known, however, -is the work of Charles Campbell, his son, who in 1847, at Richmond, -published a well-written _Introduction to the History of Virginia_, -and in 1860, at Philadelphia, a completed _History of the Colony and -Ancient Dominion of Virginia_, coming down to 1783,—a book written -before John Smith was called a romancer. The book, however defective -in arrangement and execution, is thought to be the best general -authority.[328] - -The most comprehensive _History of Virginia_ is that of Robert R. -Howison, vol. i. coming down to 1763, being published at Philadelphia -in 1846, and vol. ii., ending in 1847, being published at Richmond the -next year. He is a pleasing writer, but sacrifices fact to rhetoric, -though he makes an imposing display of references. - -To these may be added, in passing, William H. Brockenbrough’s _Outline -of History of Virginia to 1754_; Martin’s _Gazetteer_, 1835, and Howe’s -_Historical Collections of Virginia_, printed in Charleston, 1856. - - * * * * * - -Respecting the religious history of the colony, besides the general -historians, there have been several special treatments. Mr. Neill has -written upon the Puritan affinities in _Hours at Home_, November, -1867, and on Thomas Harrison and the Virginia Puritans in his _English -Colonization_, where is also a chapter on the planting of the Church of -England. - -Patrick Copland’s sermon, _Virginia’s God be thanked_, was preached -before the Company in London, April 18, 1622; a copy of which is in -Harvard College Library. Cf. Mr. Neill’s _Memoir of Rev. Patrick -Copland_, New York, 1871, p. 52, and his _English Colonization_, p. 104. - -Further, see Hawkes’s _Contributions to the Ecclesiastical History -of the United States_, “Virginia,” 1836; Hening’s Statutes; _Papers -relating to the History of the Church in Virginia_, 1650-1770, by W. -S. Perry, 1870; Hammond’s _Leah and Rachel_, 1656; Bishop Meade’s _Old -Churches, etc._, 1855; “Notes on the Virginia Colonial Clergy” in the -_Episcopal Recorder_, and reprinted separately by E. D. Neill, 1877; -Savage’s Winthrop’s _History of New England_, and Anderson’s _Church of -England in the Colonies_, 1856. - -The writer has also in his possession the Records of the Monthly -Meeting of Henrico County, June 10, 1699-1797, which he designs to -use in a history of the Society of Friends in Virginia. He has also -earlier isolated records, and a partial registry of births, marriages, -and deaths of those of the faith of the Society in Henrico and Hanover -counties in the eighteenth century. - -For an account of early manufactures in Virginia, see Bishop’s _History -of American Manufactures_, 1866. For a view of the early agriculture, -see a paper by the present writer on the _History of Tobacco in -Virginia from its Settlement to 1790_; _Statistics, Agriculture, and -Commerce_, prepared for the Tenth Census; _History of Agriculture in -Virginia_, by N. F. Cabell, 1857; the _Farmers’ Register_, 1833-42; -_Transactions of the State Agricultural Society of Virginia_, 1855; and -“Virginia Colonial Money and Tobacco’s Part therein,” by W. L. Royall, -in _Virginia Law Journal_, August, 1877. - -For a view of slavery in the colony, see Bancroft, ch. v.; -O’Callaghan’s _Voyages of the Slavers_; Wilson’s _Rise and Fall of the -Slave Power_; Cobb’s _Inquiry_; and the works of Cabell, Fitzhugh, -Fletcher, Hammond, Ross, Stringfellow, and general histories. - -It is evident that no single author has yet given an adequate history -of Virginia; and while it is true that much precious material therefor -has perished, it is believed that the original record is yet not -wanting for such a representation of the past of the State as would be -at once more intelligible as to the motives which occasioned events, -and more convincingly just in the recital of them. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -=A.= MAPS OF VIRGINIA OR THE CHESAPEAKE.—There seem to have been -visits of the Spaniards to the Chesapeake at an early day (1566-1573), -and they may have made a temporary settlement (1570) on the -Rappahannock. (Robert Greenhow in C. Robinson’s _Discoveries in the -West_, p. 487, basing on Barcia’s _Ensayo Chronologico_; _Historical -Magazine_, iii. 268, 318; J. G. Shea in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_.) -In the map which De Bry gave with the several editions of Hariot in -1590, the bay appears as “Chesepiooc Sinus;” but in the more general -maps, shortly after, the name Chesipooc, or some form of it, is applied -rather wildly to some bay on the coast, as by Wytfliet’s in 1597, or -earlier still by Thomas Hood, 1592, where the “B. de S. Maria” of the -Spaniards, if intended for the Chesapeake, is given an outline as vague -as the rest of the neighboring coast, where it appears as shown in the -sketch in chapter vi. between the Figs. 1 and 2. It may be, as Stevens -contends (_Historical and Geographical Notes_), that not before Smith -were the entangling Asian coast-lines thoroughly eliminated from this -region; but certainly there was no wholly recognizable delineation -of the bay till Smith recorded the results of the explorations which -he describes in his _Generall Historie_, chs. v. and vi. Smith -indicates by crosses on the affluents of the bay the limits of his own -observations. Strachey’s _Historie of Travaile_, p. 42. - -In Smith’s _Map of Virginia, with a Description of the Country_, etc., -Oxford, 1612, W. S., or William Strachey, eked out the little tract -with an appendix of others’ contributions. Strachey afterwards adopted -a considerable part in his _Historie of Travaile_. Mr. Deane, in his -edition of the _True Relation_, p. xxi, has given a full account of -this tract. Smith reprinted it in his _Generall Historie_ with some -changes and additions and small omissions. Purchas reprinted it in his -_Pilgrimes_, but not without changes and omissions of small extent, -and with some additions, which he credits on the margin to Smith; and -he had earlier given an abstract of it in his _Pilgrimage_. There -is a copy of the original in the Lenox Library. Tyler, _American -Literature_, i. 30, notices it. - -The map accompanying this tract, engraved by W. Hole, appeared in three -impressions (Stevens’s _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, no. 1,903). It -was altered somewhat, and the words, “Page 41, Smith,” were put in -the lower right-hand corner, when it was next used in the _Generall -Historie_, 1624 and later; and in 1625 it was again inserted at pp. -1836-37 of Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, vol. iv. De Bry next re-engraved -it in part xiii. of his _Great Voyages_, printed in German, 1627, -and in Latin 1634; and in part xiv. in German in 1630 (_Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. 370-71). It was also re-engraved for Gottfriedt’s _Newe -Welt_, published at Frankfort, and marked “Erforshet und beschriben -durch Capitain Iohan Schmidt.” The compiler of this last book was J. -Ph. Abelin, who had been one of De Bry’s co-workers, and he made this -work in some sort an abridgment of De Bry’s, use being made of his -plates, often inserting them in the text, the book being first issued -in 1631, and again in 1655. (Muller’s _Books on America_, 1872, no. -636, and (1877) no. 1,269.) - -The map was next used in two English editions of Hondy’s _Mercator_, -“Englished by W. S.” 1635, etc., but with some fanciful additions, as -Mr. Deane says (Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. 1103). The map of the coast in -De Laet, 1633 and 1640, was, it would seem, founded upon it for the -Chesapeake region; cf. also the map of Virginia and Florida called “par -Mercator,” of date 1633, and the maps by Blaeu, of 1655 and 1696. - -Once more Smith’s plot adorned, in 1671, Ogilby’s large folio on -_America_, p. 193, as it had also found place in the prototype of -Ogilby, the Amsterdam Montanus of 1671 and 1673. In these two books -(1671-73) also appeared the map “Virginiæ, partis australis et Floridæ, -partis orientalis, nova descriptio,” which shows the coast from the -Chesapeake down to the 30th degree of north latitude. - -Smith’s was finally substantially copied as late as 1735, as the best -available source, in _A Short Account of the First Settlement of the -Provinces_, etc., London, 1735,—a contribution to the literature of -the boundary dispute, and was doubtless the basis of the map in Keith’s -_Virginia_ in 1738; but it finally gave place to Fry and Jefferson’s -map of the region in 1750. - -A phototype fac-simile, reduced about one quarter, of the earliest -state of the original map in the Harvard College copy of the Oxford -tract of 1612 is given herewith. A similar fac-simile, full size, is -given in Mr. Deane’s reprint of the _True Relation_, though it was not -published in that tract. A lithographic fac-simile, full size, but -without the pictures in the upper corners, is given in the Hakluyt -Society’s edition of Strachey, p. 23. Other reproductions will be -found in Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. 6, Scharf’s _Baltimore City and -County_, 1881, p. 38, and in Cassell’s _United States_, p. 27. That -in the Richmond (1819) reprint of the _Generall Historie_ is well -done, full size, on copper. This copperplate was rescued in 1867 from -the brazier’s pot by the late Thomas H. Wynne, and at the sale of his -library in 1875 was purchased for the State Library of Virginia. - -Neill, in his _Virginia Company_, p. 191, mentions “A mapp of Virginia, -discovered to y^e Hills and its latt. from 35 deg. and ½ neer Florida -to 41 deg. bounds of New England. Domina Virginia Ferrar collegit, -1651,” and identifies this compiler of the map as a daughter of John -Ferrar. The map we suppose to be the one engraved by Goddard. This -map is associated with a London publication of 1650, called _Virgo -triumphans, or Virginia richly and truly valued_, which is usually -ascribed to Edward Williams, but is held nevertheless to be in -substance the work of John Ferrar of Geding. There were two editions -of this year (1650): _Brinley Catalogue_ no. 3,816; Quaritch, _General -Catalogue_, no. 12,535, held at £36 John Ferrar’s copy of the first -edition, with his notes, and the original drawing of the map, inserted -by Ferrar to make up a deficiency in the first edition, of which he -complains. Quaritch prices a good copy without such annotations at -£25. The second edition (1650) had additions, as shown in the title, -_Virginia, more especially the South part thereof, second edition, -with addition of the discovery of silkworms, etc._ In this the same -map appeared engraved as above, and the Huth copy of it has it in two -states, one without, and the other with an oval portrait of Sir Francis -Drake. (_Huth Catalogue_, v. 1594.) The Harvard College copy lacks -the map, which is described by Quaritch (no. 12,536, who prices this -edition at £32) in a copy from the Bathurst Library, as a folding sheet -exhibiting New Albion as well as Virginia, with the purpose of showing -an easy northern passage to the Pacific, the text representing the -Mississippi as dividing the two countries, and flowing into the South -Sea; see also _Menzies’ Catalogue_, no. 2,143, and the note in Major’s -edition of Strachey, p. 34, on a map published in 1651 in London. This -second edition was the one which Force followed in reprinting it in his -_Tracts_, vol. iii. no. 11. The _Huth Catalogue_ notes a third edition, -_Virginia in America richly valued_, 1651. The map is given on a later -page. - - -=B.= THE VIRGINIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY.—From 1818 to 1828 the eleven -volumes of the _Evangelical and Literary Magazine_, edited at Richmond -by John Holt Rice, D.D., had contained some papers on the early -history of the State, but no organized effort was made to work in this -direction before the Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society was -formed, in December, 1831, with Chief Justice Marshall as president, -and under its auspices a small volume of _Collections_ was issued in -1833; but from February, 1838, to 1847 the Society failed to be of -any influence. Meanwhile, from 1834 to 1864 the _Southern Literary -Messenger_ afforded some means for the local antiquaries and historical -students to communicate with one another and the public. - -In December, 1847, a revival of interest resulted in a reorganization -of the old Association as the Virginia Historical Society, with the -Hon. William C. Rives as president. Promptly ensuing, Maxwell’s -_Virginia Historical Register_ was started as an organ of the Society, -and was published from 1848 to 1853,—six volumes. The Society laid -a plan of publishing the annals of the State, and, as preliminary, -intrusted to Conway Robinson, Esq., the preparation of a volume which -was published in 1848 as _An Account of the Discoveries in the West -until 1529, and of Voyages to and along the Atlantic Coast of North -America from 1520 to 1573_. This was an admirable summary, and deserves -wider recognition than it has had. It subsequently published, besides -various addresses, _The Virginia Historical Reporter_, 1854-1860, which -contained accounts of the Society’s meetings. The Civil War interrupted -its work, but in 1867 the Society was again resuscitated, and it has -been under active management since. There is a bibliography of its -publications in the _Historical Magazine_, xvii. 340. Its historical -students have contributed to the files of the _Richmond Standard_ since -Sept. 7, 1878, much early reprinted and later original matter relating -to Virginia. - - * * * * * - -NOTE.—Since this chapter was completed has appeared Mr. George W. -Williams’s _Negro Race in America_, which has a chapter on the history -of Slavery in the colony of Virginia; and also Mr. J. A. Doyle’s _The -English in America, Virginia, Maryland, and the Carolinas_, London, -1882. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -NORUMBEGA AND ITS ENGLISH EXPLORERS. - -BY THE REV. BENJAMIN F. DE COSTA, D.D. - -_Formerly Editor of the Magazine of American History._ - -THE story of Norumbega is invested with the charms of fable and -romance. The name is found in the map of Hieronimus da Verrazano of -1529, as “Aranbega,” being restricted to a definite and apparently -unimportant locality. Suddenly, in 1539, Norumbega appears in the -narrative of the Dieppe Captain as a vast and opulent region, extending -from Cape Breton to the Cape of Florida. About three years later -Allefonsce described the “River of Norumbega,” now identified with -the Penobscot, and treated the capital of the country as an important -market for the trade in fur. Various maps of the period of Allefonsce -confine the name of Norumbega to a distinct spot; but Gastaldi’s map, -published by Ramusio in 1556,—though modelled after Verrazano’s, of -which indeed it is substantially an extract,—applies the name to the -region lying between Cape Breton and the Jersey coast. From this time -until the seventeenth century Norumbega was generally regarded as -embracing all New England, and sometimes portions of Canada, though -occasionally the country was known by other names. Still, in 1582, Lok -seems to have thought that the Penobscot formed the southern boundary -of Norumbega, which he shows on his map[329] as an island; while John -Smith, in 1620, speaks of Norumbega as including New England and the -region as far south as Virginia. On the other hand Champlain, in 1605, -treated Norumbega as lying within the present territory of Maine. He -searched for its capital on the banks of the Penobscot, and as late as -1669 Heylin was dreaming of the fair city of Norumbega. - -Grotius, for a time at least, regarded the name as of Old Northern -origin, and connected with “Norbergia.” It was also fancied that -a people resembling the Mexicans once lived upon the banks of the -Penobscot. Those who have labored to find an Indian derivation for -the name say that it means “the place of a fine city.” At one time -the houses of the city were supposed to be very splendid, and to -be supported upon pillars of crystal and silver. Pearls were also -reported as abundant, which at that early period was no doubt the -case. Charlevoix offers the unsupported statement that Francis I. made -Roberval “Lord of Norumbega.” Roberval was certainly the patentee of -the whole territory of Norumbega, though Mark Lescarbot made merry -over the matter, as he could find nothing to indicate any town except -a few miserable huts. It is reasonable to infer, however, that at an -early period an Indian town of some celebrity existed. Like the ancient -Hochelaga, which stood on the present site of Montreal and was visited -and described by Cartier, it eventually passed away. To-day, but for -Cartier, Hochelaga would have had quite as mythical a reputation -as Norumbega, which, however, still forms an appropriate theme for -critical inquiry.[330] - - * * * * * - -The first Englishman whose name has been associated with any portion -of the region known as Norumbega was John Rut. This adventurer -reached Newfoundland during August, 1527, and afterwards, according -to Hakluyt’s report, sailed “towards Cape Breton and the coastes of -Arembec;” but Purchas, who was better informed, says nothing about any -southward voyage. One of the ships, the “Sampson,” was reported as -lost, while the other, the “Mary of Guilford,” returned to England. -There is nothing to prove that Rut even reached Cape Breton; much less -is it probable that he explored the coast southward, along Nova Scotia, -which was called “Arembec.” - -The first Englishman certainly known to have reached any portion of -the region here treated as Norumbega was David Ingram, a wandering -sailor. During October, 1568, with about one hundred companions, he was -landed on the shore of the Gulf of Mexico by Captain John Hawkins, who, -on account of the scarcity of provisions, sailed away and left these -messmates behind. With two of his companions Ingram travelled afoot -along the Indian trails, passing through the territory of Massachusetts -and Maine to the St. John’s River, where he embarked in a French -ship, the “Gargarine,” commanded by Captain Champagne, and sailed -for France. The narrative of his journey is profusely embellished -by his imagination, it may be,—as is generally held; but that he -accomplished the long march has never been doubted. At that period the -minds of explorers were dazzled by dreams of rich and splendid cities -in America, and Ingram simply sought to meet the popular taste by his -reference to houses with pillars of crystal and silver.[331] He also -says that he saw the city of Norumbega, called Bega, which was three -fourths of a mile long and abounded with peltry. There is no doubt of -his having passed through some large Indian village, and possibly his -Bega may have been the Aranbega of Verrazano. - -At the close of 1578 Sir Humphrey Gilbert made a voyage to North -America, but may not have visited Norumbega. The earliest mention of -his expedition is that found in Dee’s _Diary_, under date of Aug. 5, -1578, where he says: “Mr. Raynolds, of Bridewell, tok his leave of me -as he passed towards Dartmouth to go with Sir Umfry Gilbert towards -Hochelaga.”[332] - -The first known English expedition to Norumbega was made in a “little -ffrigate” by Simon Ferdinando, who was in the service of Walsingham. -Ferdinando sailed from Dartmouth in 1579, and was absent only three -months. The brief account does not state what part of Norumbega -was visited; but the circumstances point to the northern part, and -presumably to the Penobscot region of Maine. It would also appear that -the voyage was more or less of the nature of a reconnoissance. - -The first Englishman known to have conducted an expedition to -Norumbega was John Walker, who, the year following the voyage of -Ferdinando, sailed to the river of Norumbega, in the service of -Sir Humphrey Gilbert. He reached the Penobscot, of which he gave a -rough description, finding the region rich in furs, as described -by Allefonsce and Ingram. He discovered a silver mine where modern -enterprise is now every year opening new veins of silver and gold. -This voyage, like that of his predecessor, proved a short one,—the -return trip being made direct to France, where the “hides” which he had -secured were sold for forty shillings apiece. - -In 1583 Sir Humphrey Gilbert took possession of Newfoundland; and -afterwards sailed for Norumbega, whither his “man” Walker had gone -three years before. In latitude 44° north, near Sable Island, he lost -his great ship, the “Admiral,” with most of his supplies; when, under -stress of the autumnal gales, the brave knight reluctantly abandoned -the expedition and shaped his course for home, sailing in a “little -ffrigate,”—possibly the “barck” of Ferdinando. Off the Azores, in the -midst of a furious storm, the frigate went down, carrying Sir Humphrey -with her; just as, shortly before, Parmenius—a learned Hungarian -who had joined the enterprise expressly to sing the praise of fair -Norumbega in Latin verse—had gone down in the “Admiral.” - -In 1584, while Sir Humphrey Gilbert lay sleeping in his ocean grave, -Raleigh was active in Virginia, where the work of colonization was -pushed forward during a period of six years.[333] Meanwhile the -services of Simon Ferdinando as pilot were employed in this direction -in the pay of Granville, and Norumbega for a space was unsearched, so -far as we know, by the exploring English. There seems, however, ground -for supposing that the fisheries or trade in peltries may have allured -an occasional trafficking vessel, and contraband voyages may have been -carried on without the knowledge of the patentee, the furs being sold -in France. The elder Hakluyt appears to have had a very fair idea of -the region, and he knew of the copper mines off the eastern coast of -Maine, at the Bay of Menan, which was laid down on the map of Molyneux. -Nevertheless, the only voyager that we can now point to is Richard -Strong, of Apsham, who, in 1593, sailed to Cape Breton, and afterwards -cruised some time “up and down the coast of Arembec to the west and -southwest of Cape Breton.” He doubtless searched for seal in the waters -of Maine, and made himself familiar with its shores. It is said that -he saw men, whom he “judged to be Christians,” sailing in boats to the -southwest of Cape Breton. - -The opening of the seventeenth century witnessed a revival of English -colonial enterprise; and Sir Walter Raleigh, though busy with schemes -for privateering, nevertheless found time to think of Virginia, of -which, both north and south, he was now the patentee. Accordingly he -sent out a vessel to Virginia under Mace, evidently with reference to -the lost colonists.[334] Upon the return of Mace, Sir Walter went to -Weymouth to confer with him, when, to his surprise, he learned that, -without authority, another expedition had visited that portion of his -grant which was still often called Norumbega. This was the expedition -of Gosnold, who sailed from Falmouth, March 26, 1602, in a small -bark belonging to Dartmouth, and called the “Concord.” The company -numbered thirty-two persons, eleven of whom intended to remain and -plant a colony, apparently quite forgetful of the fact that they were -intruders and liable to be proceeded against by the patentee. In this -voyage Gosnold took the direct route, sailing between the high and low -latitudes, and making a saving of nearly a thousand miles. In this -respect he has been regarded as an innovator, though probably Walker -pursued the same course. If there is no earlier instance, Verrazano, as -we now know, in 1524 set navigators the example of the direct course, -thereby avoiding the West Indies and the Spaniards. It is reasonable to -suppose that Gosnold took the idea direct from Verrazano, as he left -Falmouth with the Florentine’s letter in his hand, referring directly -to it in his own letter to his father; while Brereton and Archer -made abundant use of it in their accounts of the voyage. On May 14 -Gosnold sighted the coast of Maine near Casco Bay, calling the place -Northland; twelve leagues southwest of which he visited Savage Rock, -or Cape Neddock, where the Indians came out in a Basque shallop, and -with a piece of chalk drew for him sketches of the coast. Next Gosnold -sailed southward sixteen leagues to Boon Island, and thence, at three -o’clock in the afternoon, he steered out “into the sea,” holding his -course still southward until morning, when the “Concord” was embayed -by a “mighty headland.” Their last point of departure could not have -been nearer the “mighty headland,” which was Cape Cod, than indicated -by the sailing time. If the starting-point had been Cape Ann, they -would have sighted Cape Cod before sunset. Archer says, when at Savage -Rock, that they were short of their “purposed voyage.” They had, then, -a definite plan. Evidently they were sailing to the place, south of -Cape Cod, described in the letter of Verrazano. Gosnold may have seen -this island in the great Verrazano map described by Hakluyt. At all -events Cape Cod was rounded, and the expedition reached that island of -the Elizabeth group now known as Cuttyhunk, where, upon an islet in a -small lake, they spent three weeks in building a fortified house, which -they roofed with rushes. All this work they kept a secret from the -Indians, while they intended, according to the narrative, to establish -a permanent abode. Indeed, this appears to have been the particular -region for which Sir Humphrey was sailing in 1583, as we know by -Hakluyt’s annotation on the margin of his translation of Verrazano -which Gosnold used. - -From Cuttyhunk the members of the expedition made excursions to the -mainland, and they also loaded their vessel with sassafras and cedar. -When, however, the time fixed for the ship’s departure came, those who -were to remain as colonists fell to wrangling about the division of -the supplies; and, as signs of a “revolt” appeared, the prospects of -a settlement began to fade, if indeed the idea of permanence had ever -been seriously entertained. Soon “all was given over;” and June 17 -the whole company abandoned their beautiful isle, with the “house and -little fort,” and set sail, desiring nothing so much as the sight of -their native land. Gliding past the gorgeous cliffs of Gay Head, the -demoralized company had no relish for the scene, but sailed moodily on -to No-Man’s Land, where they caught some wild fowl and anchored for -the night. The next day the “Concord,” freighted we fear with discord, -resumed the voyage, and took her tedious course over the solitary sea. - -Gosnold reached South Hampton on the 23d of July, having “not one cake -of bread” and only a “little vinegar left;” yet even here his troubles -did not end, for in the streets of Weymouth he soon encountered Sir -Walter Raleigh, who confiscated his cargo of sassafras and cedar -boards, on the ground that the voyage was made without his consent, and -therefore contraband. Gosnold nevertheless protected his own interests -by ingratiating himself with Raleigh, leaving the loss to fall the -more heavily on his associates. Thus was Raleigh made, upon the whole, -well pleased with the results of the voyage, and he resolved to send -out both ships again. Speaking with reference to the unsettled region -covered by his patent, he says, “I shall yet live to see it an Englishe -nation.” - -The year 1603 was signalized by the death of Elizabeth and the -accession of James, while at nearly the same time Raleigh’s public -career came to an end. Before the cloud settled upon his life, two -expeditions were sent out. The “Elizabeth” went to Virginia, under -the command of Gilbert, who lost his life there; while Martin Pring -sailed with two small vessels for New England. Pring commanded the -“Speedwell,” and Edmund Jones, his subordinate, was master of the -“Discoverer.” This expedition had express authority from Raleigh -“to entermeddle and deale in that action.” It was set on foot by -Hakluyt and the chief merchants of Bristol. Leaving England April 10, -Pring sighted the islands of Maine on the 2d of June, and, coasting -southward, entered one of the rivers. He finally reached Savage Rock, -where he failed to find sassafras, the chief object of his voyage, -and accordingly “bore into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold -overshot.” This gulf was Massachusetts Bay, the northern side of which -did not answer his expectations; whereupon he crossed to the southern -side, and entered the harbor now called Plymouth, finding as much -sassafras as he desired, and he remained there for about six weeks. -The harbor was named Whitson, in honor of the Mayor of Bristol; and a -neighboring hill, probably Captain’s Hill, was called Mount Aldworth, -after another prominent Bristol merchant. On the shore the adventurers -built a “small baricado to keepe diligent watch and warde in” while -the sassafras was being gathered in the woods. They also planted seed -to test the soil. Hither the Indians came in great numbers, and “did -eat Pease and Beans with our men,” dancing also with great delight to -the “homely musicke” of a “Zitterne,” which a young man in the company -could play. This fellow was rewarded by the savages with tobacco and -pipes, together with “snake skinnes of sixe foote long.” These were -used as belts, and formed a large part of the savage attire, though -upon their breasts they wore plates of “brasse.” - -By the end of July Pring had loaded the “Discoverer” with sassafras, -when Jones sailed in her for England, leaving Pring to complete the -cargo of the other ship. Soon the Indians became troublesome, and, -armed with their bows and arrows, surrounded the “baricado,” evidently -intending to make an attack; but when Pring’s mastiff, “greate Foole,” -appeared, holding a half-pike between his jaws, they were alarmed, and -tried to turn their action into a jest. Nevertheless, the day before -Pring sailed for England, they set the forest on fire “for a mile -space.” On August 9 the “Elizabeth” departed from Whitson Bay, and -reached Kingsroad October 2. Thus two years before Champlain explored -Plymouth Harbor, naming it Port of Cape St. Louis, ten years before -the Dutch visited the place, calling it Crane Bay, and seventeen years -before the arrival of the Leyden Pilgrims, Englishmen became familiar -with the whole region, and loaded their ships with fragrant products of -the neighboring woods. - - * * * * * - -We next approach the period when the French came to seek homes on the -coasts of the ancient Norumbega, as, in 1604, De Monts and Champlain -established themselves at St. Croix,—the latter making a voyage to -Mount Desert, where he met the savages, who agreed to guide him to the -Penobscot, or Peimtegoüet, believed to be the river “which many pilots -and historians call Norembegue.” He ascended the stream to the vicinity -of the present Bangor, and met the “Lord” of Norumbega; but the -silver-pillared mansions and towers had disappeared. The next year he -coasted New England to Cape Malabar, but a full account of the French -expeditions is assigned to another volume of the present work. - -The voyage of Waymouth, destined to have such an important bearing -upon the future of New England colonization, was begun and ended -before Champlain embarked upon his second expedition from St. Croix, -and the English captain thus avoided a collision with the French. -Waymouth sailed from Dartmouth on Easter Sunday, May 15, 1605 evidently -intending to visit the regions south of Cape Cod described by Brereton -and Verrazano. Upon meeting contrary winds at his landfall in 41° -2´ north, being of an irresolute temper, he bore away for the coast -farther east; and on June 18 he anchored on the north side of the -island of Monhegan. He was highly pleased with the prospect, and hoped -that it would prove the “most fortunate ever discovered.” The next -day was Whitsunday, when he entered the present Booth’s Bay, which he -named Pentecost Harbor. He afterwards explored the Kennebec, planting -a cross at one of its upper reaches; and, sailing for England June 16, -he carried with him five of the Kennebec natives, whom he had taken by -stratagem and force. - -In connection with Waymouth’s voyage we have the earliest indications -of English public worship, which evidently was conducted according to -the forms of the Church, in the cabin of the “Archangel,” the savages -being much impressed thereby.[335] The historian of Waymouth’s voyage -declares “a public good, and true zeal of promulgating God’s holy -Church by planting Christianity, to be the sole intent of the honorable -setter forth of this discovery.” - -[Illustration] - -The narrative of Waymouth’s voyage was at once published, and attracted -the attention of Sir John Popham, chief-justice. It also greatly -encouraged Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who, in connection with Sir John, -obtained from King James two patents,—one for the London and the other -for the Plymouth company; the latter including that portion of ancient -Norumbega extending from 38° north to 45° north, thus completely -ignoring the claims of the French. The patentees were entitled to -exercise all those powers which belong to settled and well-ordered -society, being authorized to coin money, impose taxes and duties, and -maintain a general government for twenty-one years. - -[Illustration] - -This was accomplished in 1606, when Sir Ferdinando Gorges sent out a -ship under Captain Challons, which was captured by the Spaniards and -never reached her destination. Before hearing of the loss of this -ship, another was despatched under Thomas Hanam, with Martin Pring as -master. Failing to find Challons, they made a very careful exploration -of the region, which Sir Ferdinando says was the best that ever came -into his hands. In the mean time the five Indians brought home by -Waymouth had been in training for use in connection with colonization -under the supervision of Gorges. Indeed he expressly says that these -Indians were the means, “under God, of putting on foot and giving life -to all our plantations.” Accordingly the plans of a permanent colony -were projected, and on the last day of May, 1607, two ships—the “Gift -of God” and the “Mary and John”—were despatched under the command -of Captain George Popham, brother of the chief-justice, and Captain -Raleigh Gilbert. At the end of twenty-one days the expedition reached -the Azores, where the “Mary and John,” having been left behind by her -consort, barely escaped from the Netherlanders. Finally, leaving the -Azores, Gilbert stood to sea, crossing the ocean alone, and sighted -the hills of Le Have, Nova Scotia, July 30. After visiting the harbor -of Le Have, Gilbert sailed southward, rounding Cape Sable, and entered -the “great deep Bay” of Fundy. Then he passed the Seal Islands, -evidently being well acquainted with the ground, and next shaped his -course for the region of the Penobscot, looking in the mean time for -the Camden Hills, which, on the afternoon of August 5, lifted their -three double peaks above the bright summer sea. As he confidently -stood in towards the land, the Matinicus Islands soon shone white -“like unto Dover clifts;” and afterward the “Mary and John” found -good anchorage close under Monhegan, Waymouth’s fortunate island, -named in honor of England’s patron saint, St. George. Landing upon -the island Gilbert found a sightly cross, which had been set up by -Waymouth or some other navigator. The next morning, as the “Mary and -John” was leaving Monhegan, a sail appeared. It proved to be the “Gift -of God,” of whose voyage no account is now known. In company with his -consort Gilbert returned to the anchorage ground. At midnight he made -a visit to Pemaquid, on the mainland, accompanied by Skidwarres, one -of Waymouth’s Indians, rowing over the placid waters with measured -stroke among many “gallant islands.” They found the village sought -for, and then returned. The next day was Sunday, when the two ships’ -companies landed upon Monhegan,—then crowned with primeval forests and -festooned with luxuriant vines,—where their preacher, the Rev. Richard -Seymour, delivered a discourse and offered prayers of thanksgiving. The -following is the entry of the pilot:— - - “Sondaye beinge the 9th of August, in the morninge the most part of - our holl company of both our shipes landed on this Illand, the wch - we call St. George’s Illand, whear the crosse standeth; and thear we - heard a sermon delyvred unto us by our preacher, gguinge God thanks - for our happy metinge and saffe aryvall into the contry; and so - retorned abord aggain.” - -This, so far as our present information extends, is the first recorded -religious service by any English or Protestant clergyman within -the bounds of New England, which was then consecrated to Christian -civilization. - -On Sunday, August 19, after encountering much danger, both ships -were safely moored in the harbor of Sagadahoc at the mouth of the -Kennebec. The adventurers then proceeded to build a pinnace called the -“Virginia,” the first vessel built in New England. She crossed the -Atlantic several times. - -[Illustration: ANCIENT PEMAQUID. - -This sketch-map follows one given with Sewall’s paper on “Popham’s -town,” in _Maine Hist. Coll._, vii. See a more extended sketch of the -coast in the Critical Essay.] - -The Kennebec was explored by Gilbert, while a fort, a church, a -storehouse, and some dwellings were built upon the peninsula of Sabino, -selected as the site of the colony. The two ships returned to England, -the “Mary and John” bearing a Latin epistle from Captain Popham to -King James. It gave a glowing description of the country, which was -even supposed to produce nutmegs. During the winter Popham died; and -in the spring, when a ship came out with supplies, the colonists were -found to be greatly discouraged, their storehouse having been destroyed -by fire, and the winter having proved extremely cold. Besides, no -indications of precious metals were found, and they now learned that -the chief-justice, like his brother, had passed away. Accordingly the -fort, “mounting twelve guns,” was abandoned, and Strachey says “this -was the end of that northern colony upon the river Sagadehoc.” - -After the abandonment of Sabino the English were actively engaged in -traffic upon the coast; as appears from the testimony of Captain John -Smith, who, in describing his visit to Monhegan in 1614, says that -opposite “in the Maine,” called Pemaquid, was a ship of Sir Francis -Popham, whose people had used the port for “many yeares” and had -succeeded in monopolizing the fur-trade. The particulars concerning -these voyages, and the scattered settlers around the famous peninsula -of Pemaquid, are not now accessible. - -The next Englishman to be referred to is Henry Hudson, who, with a crew -composed of English and Dutch, visited Maine in 1609,—probably finding -a harbor at Mt. Desert, where he treated the Indians with cruelty and -fired upon them with cannon. Sailing thence he touched at Cape Cod, and -went to seek a passage to the Indies by the way of Hudson River, which -had been visited by Verrazano in 1524, and named by Gomez the following -year in honor of St. Anthony. The voyage of Hudson is not of necessity -connected with English enterprise.[336] The next year Captain Argall, -from Virginia, visited the Penobscot region for supplies, but he does -not appear to have communicated with any of his countrymen. - -In 1611 the English showed themselves on the coast with a strong hand. -This fact is learned from a letter of the Jesuit Biard, who, in writing -to his superior at Rome, gives the history of an encounter between the -English and French. From his narrative it appears that early in 1611 -a French captain, named Plastrier, undertook to go to the Kennebec, -and was made a prisoner by two ships “that were in an isle called -Emmetenic, eight leagues from the said Kennebec.” He escaped by paying -a ransom and agreeing not to intrude any more. This fact coming to -the knowledge of Biencourt, the commander at Port Royal, the irate -Frenchman proceeded to the Kennebec to find the English and to obtain -satisfaction from them. Upon reaching the site of the Popham colony at -Sabino, Biencourt found the place deserted. On his return he visited -Matinicus (Emmetenic), where he saw the shallops of the English on -the beach, but did not burn them, for the reason that they belonged -to peaceful civilians and not to soldiers. Who then were the English -for whom Biencourt was so considerate? Evidently they were those led -by Captains Harlow and Hobson, who, as stated by Smith, sailed from -Southampton for the purpose of discovering an isle “supposed to be -about Cape Cod.” They visited that cape and Martha’s Vineyard, and, -it would appear, sailed along the coast of Maine, where they showed -Plastrier their papers, indicating that they acted by authority. -Possibly, however, Sir Francis Popham’s agent, Captain Williams, may -have been the commander who expelled the French. At all events there -was no lack of English representation on the coast of New England in -1611. Smith, speaking in a fit of discouragement, says that “for any -plantation there was no more speeches;” but the fact that Sir Francis -annually for many years sent ships to the coast indicates brisk -enterprise, though there may have been no movement in favor of such -a venture as that of the colony of 1607. Many scattered settlers, no -doubt, were living around Pemaquid. Smith may be quoted again as saying -that no Englishman was then living on the coast; but this is something -that he could not know. It is also opposed to recognized facts, and -to the declaration of Biard that the English in Maine desired “to -be masters.” Still we do not at present know the name of a single -Englishman living in New England during the winter of 1611. In 1612 -Captain Williams was opposite Monhegan, at Pemaquid, where, no doubt, -his agents lived all the year round, collecting furs. In 1613 the scene -became more animated. At this period the French were boldly inclined, -and Madame de Guercheville had determined to found a Jesuit mission -in what was called Acadia. In 1613, therefore, the Jesuits Biard and -Masse left Port Royal and proceeded to establish themselves on the -border of Somes’s Sound in Mount Desert, where they began to land their -goods and build a fortification, the ship in which they came being -anchored near the shore. Argall, who was fishing in the neighborhood, -learned of their arrival from the Indians, and by a sharp and sudden -attack captured the French ship. He sent a part of the company to Nova -Scotia, and carried others to Virginia. This action was not justified -by the English Government, and some time afterward the French ship was -surrendered.[337] - - * * * * * - -In the year 1614 Captain John Smith, the hero of Virginia, enters upon -the New England scene; yet his coming would appear, in some respects, -to have been without any very careful prevision, since he begins his -narrative by saying, “I chanced to arive in New England, a parte of -Ameryca, at the Ile of Monahiggan.” The object of his expedition was -either to take whales or to try for mines of gold; and, failing in -these, “Fish and Furres was our refuge.” In most respects the voyage -was a failure, yet it nevertheless afforded him the opportunity of -writing his _Description of New England_, whose coast he ranged in -an open boat, from the Penobscot to Cape Cod. His brief description, -so fresh and unconventional, will never lose its value and charm; -and, because so unique, it will maintain a place in the historical -literature of its time. Smith knew that his impressions were more or -less crude, yet the salient features of the coast are well presented. -At the Penobscot he saw none of the people, as they had gone inland -for the summer to fish; and at Massachusetts, by which he meant -the territory around Boston, “the Paradise of all those parts,” he -found the French six weeks in advance of him, they being the first -Europeans known to have visited the place. The River of Massachusetts -was reported by the natives as extending “many daies Iourney into -the entralles of that countrey.” At Cohasset he was attacked by the -natives, and was glad to escape; while at Accomacke, which he named -Plymouth, he found nothing lacking but “an industrious people.” -He was the third explorer to proclaim in print the value of the -situation.[338] One result of his examination was his Map of New -England, which he presented to Prince Charles.[339] - - -During the year 1614 another expedition was sent out. Gorges says that -while he was considering the best means of reviving his “languishing -hopes” of colonization, Captain Harlow brought to him one of the -Indians whom he had captured in 1611. This savage, named Epenow, had -been exhibited in London as a curiosity, being “a goodly man of brave -aspect.” Epenow was well acquainted with the New England tribes. At the -same time Sir Ferdinando had recovered Assacumet, one of Waymouth’s -Indians, who had been carried to Spain, in 1606, when Challons was -captured by the Spaniards. The possession of these two Indians inspired -the knight with hope, since he was firmly persuaded that in order to -succeed in colonization it would be necessary to have the good-will of -the natives, whose co-operation he hoped to secure through the good -offices of those whom he had taught to appreciate, in some measure, -the advantages of English civilization. In this respect he was wise. -In connection therefore with the Earl of Southampton he fitted out a -ship, which was put in command of Captain Hobson, whom he describes as -“a grave gentleman.” Hobson himself invested a hundred pounds in the -enterprise, one of the main objects of which was to discover mines of -gold. This metal, Epenow said, would be found at Capawicke, or Martha’s -Vineyard. Hobson sailed in June, 1614, and finally reached the place -where Epenow was “to make good his undertaking,” and where the savages -came on board and were entertained in a friendly and hospitable way. -Among the guests were Epenow’s brothers and cousins, who improved the -occasion to arrange for his escape,—it being decided, as it appears -from what followed, that upon their return he should jump overboard -and swim away, while the tribe menaced the English with arrows. They -accordingly appeared in full strength at the appointed time, when -Epenow, though closely watched, and clothed in flowing garments to -render his retention the more certain, succeeded in evading his keepers -and jumped overboard. Hobson’s musketeers immediately opened fire, -foolishly endeavoring to shoot the swimming savage, while Epenow’s -friends bravely shot their arrows and wounded the master of the ship -and many of the crew. In the end Epenow escaped; and Sir Ferdinando -says: “Thus were my hopes of that particular mode void and frustrate;” -adding, that such are “the fruits to be looked for by employing men -more zealous of gain than fraught with experience how to make it.” -Hobson however did not lose so much as was supposed; for, though no -doubt Epenow believed that gold existed at Capawicke, and that if it -should prove necessary he could bring the English to the mine, it is -clear that no precious metal existed. The supposed gold was simply a -sulphate of iron, which the mineralogist finds to-day in the aluminous -clays of Gay Head. - -Though both Smith and Hobson had failed essentially in the objects of -their voyage, the former was not in the slightest degree disheartened, -but spoke in such glowing terms of the country and its resources that -the Plymouth Company resolved to take vigorous action, and offered -Smith “the managing of their authority in those parts” for life. The -London Company was also stirred up, and sent out four ships before the -people of Plymouth acted. The Londoners offered Smith the command of -their ships, which he declined, having already made a life-engagement. -Nevertheless the London ships sailed in January, led by Captain Michael -Cooper, and reached Monhegan in March, where they fished until June, -and then sent a ship of three hundred tons to Spain loaded with fish. -This ship was taken by the Turks, while another sailed to Virginia, -leaving the third to return to England with fish and oil. Smith’s -Plymouth friends, however, furnished only two ships. Nevertheless -he sailed with these, Captain Dermer being second in command. His -customary ill fortune still attended him, and not far from port he lost -both his masts, while his consort went on to New England. Sailing a -second time in a small vessel of sixty tons, Smith was next captured -by French pirates; and, while tossing at sea in captivity, wrote his -_Description of New England_. His language has been regarded as very -significant where he speaks of “the dead patent of this unregarded -country;” but this is the language of a depressed prisoner. The patent -was not dead; while, if it had been dead, English enterprise was alive, -of which his own voyage, though cut short by pirates, was a convincing -proof. To show that the patent was not dead, the Plymouth Company, in -1615, sent out Sir Richard Hawkins, who was acting “as President for -that year.” Hawkins sailed October 15. Gorges says that he spent his -time while in New England very usefully in studying the products of the -country; but unfortunately he arrived at the period when the Indian war -was at its height, and many of the principal natives were killed. From -New England he coasted to Virginia, and thence he sailed to Spain, “to -make the best of such commodities as he had got together,” which Sir -Ferdinando loosely says “was all that was done by any of us that year.” -Nevertheless, Smith tells us that Plymouth in 1616 sent out four ships, -and London two; while Purchas states that “eight voluntarie ships” went -to New England to make “further tryall.” Another of two hundred tons, -the “Nachen,” commanded by Edwarde Brawnde, who addressed an account of -the voyage to “his worthye good frend Captayne John Smith, admirall of -New England,” also went out. In his letter reference is made to other -vessels on the coast. The “Nachen,” of London, sailed from Dartmouth -March 8, and reached Monhegan April 20. Afterwards Brawnde went to -Cape Cod in his pinnace to search for pearls, which were also the -first things sought for by the Leyden emigrants, in 1620, when they -reached the harbor of Provincetown. Brawnde also mentions that he had -his boats detained by Sir Richard Hawkins, who thus appears to have -wintered upon the coast and to have sailed to Virginia in the spring. -Notwithstanding various mishaps, Brawnde entertained a favorable -impression of New England, where profitable voyages were to be made in -fish and furs, if not spoiled by too many factors, while he found the -climate good, and the savages “a gentell-natured people,” altogether -friendly to the English. - -In 1617 Smith himself made the discovery that the patent of New England -was not dead. At that time he had secured three ships, while his -life-appointment for the new country was reaffirmed. Still misfortune -continued to pursue him, and he did not even succeed in leaving port. -Together with a hundred sail he was wind-bound at Plymouth for three -months. By the terms of the contract he says that he was to be admiral -for life, and “in the renewing of their Letters pattents so to be -nominated.” But for the unfortunate head-winds he would have gone to -New England in 1617 and undertaken a permanent work, as the times were -ripe. He might have begun either at Plymouth or Massachusetts, “the -paradise of all those parts,” and thus have made Boston anything but a -Nonconformist town. - -In 1618 the English were still active, and Captain Rocroft went to -Monhegan to meet Captain Dermer, who was expected from Newfoundland. -Dermer, however, failed to appear, while Rocroft improved the occasion -to seize “a small barque of Dieppe,” which he carried to Virginia. -This Frenchman was engaged in the fur-trade at Saco, in disregard of -the claims of the English; but Gorges, with his customary humanity, -condoned the offence, the man “being of our religion,” and kindly made -good his loss. Soon after capturing the French trader, Rocroft came -near being the victim of a conspiracy on the part of certain of his own -men. When the plot was discovered he spared their lives, but set them -ashore at Saco, whence they went to Monhegan and passed the winter, -but succeeded in escaping to England in the spring. About this time -that poorly known character, Sir Richard Vines, passed a winter on the -coast, probably at Saco, sleeping in the cabins of the Indians, and -escaping the great plague, which swept away so many of the Sagamores. -The winter fisheries were commonly pursued, and the presence of -Englishmen on the coast all the year round was no doubt a common thing, -while a trading-post must have been maintained at Pemaquid. Rocroft -finally sailed to Virginia, where he wrecked his vessel, and then lost -his life in a brawl. Thus suddenly this “gallant soldier” dropped out -of New England history. - -With the summer of 1619 Dermer finally reached Monhegan, the rendezvous -of English ships, and found that Rocroft had sailed for Virginia. While -his people engaged in fishing, he explored the coast in a pinnace as -far as Plymouth, having Squanto for his guide, and then travelled afoot -westward to Nummastuquyt, or Middleboro’. From this place he sent a -messenger to the border of Narragansett Bay, who brought “two kings” to -confer with him. Here also he redeemed a Frenchman who had been wrecked -at Cape Cod. Dermer adds immediately, that he obtained another at -Mastachusit, or the region about Boston, which he must have visited on -his way back to Monhegan. The account of his exploration is meagre; and -he hints vaguely at a very important island found June 12, which may -have been thought gold-bearing, as he says that he sent home “some of -the earth.” Near by were two other islands, named “King James’s Isles,” -because from thence he had “the first motives to search for that now -probable passage which hereafter may be both honorable and profitable -to his Majesty.” Clearly he refers to a supposed passage leading -through the continent to the Pacific and the Indies. In a letter -to Purchas, not now known, he mentioned the important island first -referred to, and probably described its locality, though its identity -is now left to conjecture. It may have been situated near Boston -Harbor, while the “probable passage” may have been suggested by the -mouths of the Mystic and the Charles, which, according to the report -given by the natives to Smith, penetrated many days’ journey into the -country. - -Dermer finally reached Monhegan, and sent his ship home to England. -He afterwards put his surplus supplies on board the “Sampson,” and -despatched her for Virginia. He then embarked once more in his pinnace -to range along the coast. Near Nahant, during a storm, his pinnace was -beached; but getting off with the loss of many stores, and leaving -behind his Indian guide, he sailed around Cape Cod. At a place south of -the cape he was taken prisoner by the natives, but he escaped covered -with wounds. Subsequently he sailed through Long Island Sound, and, -passing through Hell Gate, he found it a “dangerous cataract.” While -here the savages on the shore saluted him with a volley of arrows. In -New York Harbor the natives proved peaceable, and undertook to show -him a strait leading to the west; but, baffled by the wind, he sailed -southward to Virginia, where he made a map of the coast, which he would -not “part with for fear of danger.” This map probably exhibited his -ideas respecting the “westward passage,” which was to be concealed from -the French and Dutch.[340] In Virginia this late but hopeful explorer -of Norumbega died. - -Dermer was emphatically an explorer, and even in 1619 was dreaming of a -route through New England to China; but his most important work was the -peace made with the Indians at Plymouth. It is mentioned in his report -to Gorges. This report was quoted in the _Relation_ of the president -and council, and was used by Morton and Bradford. The latter quotes -him as saying, with reference to Plymouth, “I would that the first -plantation might here be seated, if there come to the number of fifty -persons or upward.” This was but the echo of Captain John Smith. Morton -endeavors, in an ungenerous spirit, to cheapen the services of Dermer, -but it would be as just to underrate the work of the English on the -Maine coast; and we should remember that it was their faithful friend -the Pemaquid Chief Samoset who hailed the Leyden colonists, upon their -arrival at Plymouth, with the greeting, “Welcome, Englishmen!”[341] -This was simply the natural result of the policy of peace and good-will -which imparted a gracious charm to the life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, -who may be well styled the Father of New England Colonization. Here we -leave the English explorers of Norumbega. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -DOCUMENTS, whether in our own tongue or in others, which throw light -upon the explorations of the English in Norumbega are by no means -wanting. They embrace formal report and epistolary chronicle in great -variety and of considerable extent. In some cases they are full -and rich in details, but in others they disappoint us from their -meagreness. Such deficiency particularly confronts us when we are -searching for the tracks of their progress in maps or charts of these -early dates. - -The English, in reality, were behind the age in maritime -enterprise,[342] and this forms one reason for the delay in colonizing -ancient Norumbega.[343] - -The present writer has never found an Indian on the coast of Maine -who could recall the word Norumbega, or any similar word. M. Beauvois -shows, among other facts, that the Icelandic vaga is the genitive -plural of _vagr_, signifying “a bay.” Possibly, however, the word is -Spanish. In this language _b_ and _v_ are interchangeable; and _vagas_ -often occurs on the maps, signifying “fields;” while _norum_ may be -simply a corruption of some familiar compound. Perhaps the explanation -of the word does not lie so far away as some suppose, though the study -of the subject must be attended with great care. In this connection -may be consulted such works as Ramusio’s _Navigationi et Viaggi_, -etc., Venice, 1556, iii. 359; the _Ptolemy_ of Pativino, Venice, -1596, p. 281; Wytfliet’s _Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ Augmentum_, etc., -Douay, 1603, p. 99; Magin’s _Histoire Universelle_, Douay, 1611, p. -96; _Introductio in Universam Geographicam_, by Cluverius, Amsterdam, -1729, p. 673; De Laet’s _Nieuwe Wereldt_, etc.; Leyden, 1625, p. -64, and his _Histoire du nouveau Monde_, etc., Leyden, 1640, p. 58; -Ogilby’s _America_, 1671, p. 138; Montanus’s _De Nieuwe en Onbekende -Wereldt_, Amsterdam, 1671, p. 29; Dapper’s _Die unbekante Neue Welt_, -etc., Amsterdam, 1673, p. 30. The subject of the varying bounds and the -name is also discussed by Dr. Woods in his introduction to Hakluyt’s -_Westerne Planting_, p. lii, and by the following: Sewall, _Ancient -Dominions of Maine_, p. 31; De Costa, _Northmen in Maine_, p. 44; -Murphy, _Verrazano_, p. 37; _Historical Magazine_, ii. 187; _Magazine -of American History_, May, 1881, p. 392. - -The voyage of John Rut has been pointed out as the earliest voyage -having a possible connection with any portion of the territory of -Norumbega, which never included Bacalaos, though Bacalaos, an old -name of Newfoundland, sometimes included New England. The extreme -northeastern extension of Norumbega was Cape Breton. It was towards -Cape Breton and the coasts of Arembec, that Rut is said to have sailed -when he left St. John. Hakluyt is the first authority summoned in -connection with a subject which has elicited much curious discussion; -but Hakluyt was poorly informed.[344] He refers to the chronicles -of Hall and Grafton, who said that Henry VIII. sent out two ships, -May 20, 1527; yet he did not know either the name of the commander -or of the ships, one of which was given as the “Dominus vobiscum.” -Purchas, however, gives the names of both ships, and the letter of -Captain Rut to Henry VIII., together with a letter in Latin, written -by Albert de Prato, a canon of St. Paul’s, London, which is addressed -to Cardinal Wolsey.[345] Hakluyt, in his edition of 1589, reads, -“towards the coasts of Norombega,” instead of Arembec, as in the -edition of 1600. The latter appears to be a correction intended to -limit the meaning. Arembec may have been a name given to Nova Scotia. -A similar name was certainly given to one or more islands near the -site of Louisburg.[346] According to Hakluyt, Rut often landed his -men “to search the state of those unknown regions,” after he left the -northerly part of Newfoundland; but the confused account does not -prove that it was on Cape Breton or Arembec that they landed. Rut -says nothing about any such excursion, but simply says that he should -go north in search of his consort, the “Samson,” and then sail with -all diligence “to that island we are commanded;” and Hakluyt says -that it was an expedition intended to sail toward the North Pole. -Nevertheless, it has been fancied that Rut, in the “Mary of Guilford,” -explored all Norumbega, and then went to the West Indies. This notion -is based upon the statement of Herrera, who tells of an English ship -which lost her consort in a storm, and in 1519 came to Porto Rico from -Newfoundland,[347] the pilot, who was a native of Piedmont, having been -killed by the Indians on the Atlantic coast.[348] Herrera’s date has -been regarded as wrong; and it has been corrected, on the authority of -Oviedo, and put at 1527. There is no proof that Rut lost his pilot; but -as he had with him a learned mathematician, Albert de Prato, a priest, -it has been assumed that the priest was both a pilot and an Italian, -and consequently that the vessel seen at Porto Rico was Rut’s. It would -be more reasonable to suppose that this was the missing “Samson,” or -else one of the English traders sent to the West Indies in 1526/7.[349] -The ship described by Herrera was a “great ship,” heavily armed and -full of stores. On the other hand, the “Mary of Guilford” was a small -vessel of one hundred and sixty tons only, prepared for fishing.[350] -Finally, Rut was still at St. John August 10, while Hakluyt states -that the “Mary of Guilford” reached England by the beginning of -October. This, if correct, renders the exploration of Norumbega and -the cruise in the West Indies an impossibility. Nevertheless Rut must -have accomplished something, while it is significant that when Cartier -explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence, in 1534, he found a cape called Cape -Prato, apparently a reminiscence of the canon of St. Paul’s.[351] - -David Ingram’s narrative, referred to in the text, was printed by -Hakluyt in 1589,[352] who, however, omitted it in 1600. Ingram suffered -much, and saw many things, no doubt, with a diseased brain. He listened -also to the stories of others, repeating them with additions in -sailor fashion; and, besides, may have been moved by vanity. Purchas, -referring to Hakluyt, says, “It seemeth some incredibilities of his -report caused him to leave him out in the next Impression, the reward -of lying being not to be believed in truths.”[353] - -The larger portion however, of the statements in his narrative appears -to be true. He seems to have occupied about eleven months in reaching a -river which he calls Gugida,[354] this being simply the Indian Ouigoudi -of Lescarbot,[355] and the Ouygoudy of Champlain,[356] who, June 24, -1604, explored the river, and named it the St. John. - -Concerning Simon Ferdinando there has been much misapprehension. He -was connected with the Virginia voyages in 1584-86. In the latter -year his ship was grounded. This led to his being loaded with abuse -by White.[357] It was re-echoed by Williamson[358] and Hawks.[359] -The latter declared that he was a Spaniard, hired by his nation to -frustrate the English colony, calling him a “treacherous villain” and -a “contemptible mariner;” yet Hawks did not understand the subject. -Subsequently, Ferdinando’s real character came to light; and, in one -of the oldest pieces of English composition produced on the continent -of North America, his skill and faithfulness were applauded by Ralph -Lane.[360] He was one of the numerous Portuguese domiciled in England; -but he had powerful friends like Walsingham, and thus became the leader -of the first-known English expedition to Norumbega. His life was -somewhat eventful, and like most men of his class he occasionally tried -his hand at privateering. At one time he was in prison on a charge -of heresy, and was bailed out by William Herbert, the vice-admiral. -His voyage of 1579 seems hitherto to have escaped notice; but this, -together with his personal history, would form the subject of an -interesting monograph. - -It was through the calendars of the state-paper office that the fact of -John Walker’s voyage became known some time since, but not as yet with -detail; and it is only by means of a marginal note, which makes Walker -“Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s man,” that we get any clew to its purpose, -and from which we are led to infer its tentative character, and its -influence upon Gilbert’s subsequent career.[361] - -Upon reaching Sir Humphrey Gilbert we discover a man rich in his -intentions respecting Norumbega. He was the patentee,[362] and he -possessed power and resources which would have insured success but for -the untimely termination of his career. The true story of his life yet -remains to be written, and in competent hands it would prove a noble -theme.[363] The State Papers afford many documents throwing light upon -his history, while the pages of Hakluyt supply many facts.[364] - -The work of Barlow and others, from 1584 to 1590, does not properly -belong to the story of Norumbega; yet the attempts in Virginia may be -studied for the side-lights which they afford, the narratives being -given by Hakluyt,[365]—who also gives the voyage of the “Marigold” -under Strong, fixing the site of Arembec on the coast southwest of Cape -Breton.[366] - -With the opening of the seventeenth century the literature of our -subject becomes richer. Gosnold’s voyage, now shorn of much of its -former prestige, has only recently come to be understood. It was -somewhat fully chronicled by Brereton and Archer, each of whom wrote -accounts. The original volume of Brereton forms a rare bibliographical -treasure.[367] It has been reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical -Society,[368] but an edition properly edited is much needed. In 1625 -Purchas gave Archer’s account, with a letter by Brereton to Raleigh, -and Gosnold’s letter to his father.[369] The voyage is also treated in -the Dutch collection of Van der Aa,[370] which gives an engraving at -variance with the text, in that it represents the savages assisting -Gosnold in building his island fortification, the construction of which -was in fact kept a secret. The voyage of Gosnold has been accepted as -an authorized attempt at colonization, and used to offset the Popham -expedition of 1607; but that part of the titlepage of Brereton which -says that the voyage was made by the permission of Raleigh is now known -to be untrue, and the contraband character of the enterprise stands -confessed.[371] - -It has been said more than once that Drake visited New England, and -gave Gosnold some account thereof; but while he brought home the -Virginia adventurers in 1587, and may then have touched on the coast -of North Virginia, no early account of any such visit is found. It has -also been said that Gosnold went so far in the work of fortification as -to build a platform for six guns. The authority for the statement does -not appear.[372] - -The voyage of Martin Pring, as already pointed out, was a legitimate -enterprise, having the sanction of Sir Walter Raleigh, the -patentee.[373] This voyage is also the more noticeable as having had -the active support of Hakluyt. Harris says that a thousand pounds were -raised for the enterprise, and that Raleigh “made over to them all the -Profits which should arise from the Voyage.”[374] Here, therefore, it -may be proper to delay long enough to indicate something of Hakluyt’s -great work in connection with colonization. - - * * * * * - -Richard Hakluyt was born about the year 1553, and was educated at -Westminster School and Christ Church College, Oxford. At an early age -he acquired a taste for history and cosmography. In the preface to his -work of 1589, dedicated to Walsingham, he says:— - - “I do remember that being a youth, and one of her Maiestie’s scholars - at Westminster, that fruitfull nurserie, it was my happe to visit the - chamber of Mr. Richard Hakluyt my cosin, a Gentleman of the Middle - Temple, well known unto you, at a time when I found lying vpen his - boord certeine bookes of Cosmosgraphie with a vniversal Mappe: he - seeing me somewhat curious in the view thereof, began to instruct my - ignorance by showeing me the divisions thereof.” - -His cousin also turned to the 107th Psalm, relating to those who go -down into the sea in ships and occupy themselves on the great waters. -Upon which Hakluyt continues:— - - “The words of the Prophet, together with my cousin’s discourse (things - of high and rare delight to my young nature), tooke so deepe an - impression that I constantly resolved, if euer I were preferred to - the Vniversity, where better time and more convenient place might be - ministered for these studies, I would by God’s assistance prosecute - that knowledge and kinde of literature, the doores whereof (after a - sort) were so happily opened before me.” - -This interview decided Hakluyt for life, and one of the first fruits -of his zeal was his _Divers Voyages_, published in 1582.[375] In -1589 appeared his _Principal Navigations_.[376] In the year 1600 he -enlarged his work, bringing it out in three volumes. In 1605 Hakluyt -was made a prebend of Westminster; and in 1609 he published _Virginia -Richly Valued_, being the translation of a Portuguese work.[377] -Hakluyt also published other pieces. He died in Herefordshire, in 1616, -finding a burial-place in Westminster Abbey. Still curiously enough, -notwithstanding his great services to American colonization, his name -has never been applied to any portion of our country; though Hudson, -in 1608, named a headland on the coast of Greenland in his honor. -He left behind, among other manuscripts, one entitled _A Discourse -of Planting_, recently published, though much of the essence of the -volume had been produced before in various forms.[378] Among the tracts -appended to Brereton are the _Inducements_ of Hakluyt the Elder, who -appears to have known all about the _Discourse_.[379] - - * * * * * - -In connection with the voyage of Waymouth, 1605, one topic of -discussion relates to the particular river which he explored. This, -indeed, is a subject in connection with which a divergence of opinion -may be pardonable. Did he explore the St. George’s River, or the -Kennebec? Belknap, however, in 1796, in a crude fashion and with poor -data, held that the Penobscot was the river visited.[380] In 1857 a -Maine writer took the ground that Waymouth explored the Kennebec.[381] -Other writers followed with pleas for the St. George’s.[382] - -[Illustration: SKETCH-MAP OF THE MODERN COAST OF MAINE. - - 1. Portsmouth. - 2. York [Gorgiana, 1641]. - 3. Agamenticus. - 4. Saco. - 5. Richmond Island. - 6. Casco. - 7. Sabino [Popham’s Colony]. - 8. Sagadahoc River. - 9. Damariscotta River. - 10. Sheepscott River. - 11. Pemaquid. - 12. Monhegan Island. - 13. Fox Islands. - 14. Isle au haut. - 15. Castine [Pentagöet, Bagaduce]. - 16. Mount Desert. - 17. Kennebec River. - 18. Penobscot River. - 19. George’s River. - 20. St. George’s Islands [?Pentecost harbor]. - 21. Boothbay [? Pentecost]. - 22. Camden Hills. - 23. Damariscove Islands. - A. Lygonia, 1630; subsequently part of Gorges and Mason’s grant, 1622, - and Somersetshire, 1635. - B. Plymouth grant. - C. Muscongus, 1630. - D. Waldo patent. - -See for the region about Pemaquid the map in the narrative part of this -chapter.] - -Ballard wrote what was, in most respects, a convincing argument in -support of the Kennebec River.[383] In opposition to the advocate -of the Kennebec, it has been said that the high mountains seen by -Waymouth were not the White Mountains,—for the reason that the White -Mountains could not be seen,—but were the Camden hills, towards -which he went from Monhegan; and consequently that he reached the St. -George’s River, which lies in that direction. It has been said, also, -that the White Mountains cannot be seen from that vicinity. This is -simply an assumption. The White Mountains are distinctly visible in -fair weather from the deck of a ship lying inside of Monhegan.[384] -Yet the mountains in question have less to do with the subject than -generally supposed, since a careful examination of the obscure text -shows that it is not necessary to understand Rosier as saying that -in going to the river they sailed directly towards the mountains. -His language shows that they “came along to the other islands more -adjoining the main, and in the road directly with the mountains.”[385] -Here it is not necessary to suppose that it was the course sailed that -was direct, but rather that it was the _road_ that was direct with the -mountains,—the term _road_ signifying a roadstead, or anchorage place -at a distance from the shore, like that of Monhegan. Beyond question -Waymouth saw both the White and the Camden mountains; but they do -not form such an essential element in the discussion as both sides -have fancied. Strachey really settles the question where he says that -Waymouth discovered two rivers,—“that little one of Pamaquid,” and -“the most excellent and beneficyall river of Sachadehoc.”[386] This -river at once became famous, and thither the Popham colonists sailed in -1607. In fact, the St. George’s River was never talked about at that -period, being even at the present time hardly known in geography, while -the importance of the Kennebec is very generally understood. - -The testimony of another early writer would alone prove sufficient to -settle the question. In fact, no question would ever have been raised -if New England writers had been acquainted with the works of Champlain -at an earlier period. In July, 1605, Champlain visited the Kennebec, -where the natives informed him that an English ship had been on the -coast, and was then lying at Monhegan; and that the captain had killed -five Indians belonging to their river.[387] These were the five Indians -taken by Waymouth at Pentecost Harbor—the modern Booth’s Bay—who were -supposed to have been killed, though at that time sailing on the voyage -to England unharmed. - -The narrative of the expedition of Waymouth was written by James -Rosier, and published in 1605.[388] It was printed by Purchas, with -a few changes, in 1625;[389] and reprinted by the Massachusetts -Historical Society, in 1843.[390] This narrative forms the source of -almost everything that is known about the voyage. It contains some -perplexing passages; but when properly interpreted, it is found that -they are all consistent with other statements, and prove that the river -explored was the Kennebec. - -The story of the Popham Colony, of 1607-8, at one time occasioned much -acrimonious discussion, for which there was no real occasion; but of -late the better the subject has been understood, the less reason has -been found for any disagreement between the friends of the Church of -England and the apologists of New England nonconformity. - -Prior to the year 1849 the Popham Colony was known only through notices -found in Purchas,[391] the _Brief Relation_,[392] Smith,[393] Sir -William Alexander, Gorges,[394] and others. In the year 1849, however, -the Hakluyt Society published Strachey’s work, entitled _The Historie -of Travaile into Virginia Britannia_, edited by R. H. Major; chapters -viii., ix., and x. of which contained an account of the Popham Colony -found to be much fuller than any that had appeared previously. In 1852 -these chapters were reprinted with notes in the _Collections_ of the -Massachusetts Historical Society;[395] and the next year four chapters -of the work were reprinted by the Maine Historical Society.[396] -In 1863 the same society published a _Memorial Volume_, which was -followed by heated discussions, some of which, with a bibliography of -the subject, were published in 1866. Articles of a fugitive character -continued to appear; and, finally, in 1880, there came from the press -the journal of the voyage to the Kennebec in 1607, by one of the -adventurers,[397] which was reprinted in advance from the _Proceedings_ -of the Massachusetts Historical Society.[398] It would seem from the -internal evidence furnished by the journal and the express testimony -of Purchas,[399] that this composition was by James Davies, who, in -the organization at the Sagadahoc, held the office of Captain of the -Fort. This journal was found to be the source whence Strachey drew his -account of the colony, large portions of which he copied verbatim, -giving no credit. Since the publication of this journal no new material -has been brought to light.[400] - -The Popham Colony formed a part of the work undertaken by Sir -Ferdinando Gorges and his colaborers, who sought so long and so -earnestly to accomplish the colonization of New England.[401] Many -experiments were required to insure final success, and the attempt -at Sagadahoc proved eminently useful, contributing largely to that -disciplinary experience essential under such circumstances. Viewed in -its necessary and logical connection, it need not be regarded as a -useless failure, since it opened the eyes of adventurers more fully, -bringing a clearer apprehension of the general situation and the -special requirements of the work which the North Virginia Company had -in hand. - -A paragraph that may have some bearing on the condition of things -in Maine after the year 1608 appeared in 1609, and runs as follows: -“Two goodly Rivers are discovered winding farre into the Maine, the -one in the North part of the Land by our Westerne Colonie, Knights -and Gentlemen of _Excester_, _Plymouth_, and others. The other in the -South part thereof by our Colonie of _London_.”[402] Again a letter -by Mason to Coke, assigned to the year 1632, teaches that the work of -colonization was considered as having been continued from 1607.[403] -This would seem to indicate, that, in the opinion of the writer, the -work was not wholly abandoned; yet, concerning the actual condition of -affairs on the Maine coast for several years after the colonists left -Fort Popham, much remains to be learned. From neglected repositories -in the seaport towns of the south of England, material may yet be -gleaned to show a continuous line of scattered residents living around -Pemaquid during all the years that followed the departure of the Popham -colonists from Sabino[404] in 1608. - -The visit of Henry Hudson to New England in 1609 is described in Juet’s -Journal.[405] - -Argall’s visit to New England in 1610 is treated by Purchas, though -it has made no figure in current histories.[406] What appears to -be the most correct account of the voyage of Hobson and Harlow, in -1611, is found in Smith. The student may also consult the _Briefe -Relation_,[407] which, however, appears to confuse the account by -introducing an event of 1614, the capture of Indians by Hunt. Gorges is -also confused here, as in many other places.[408] We are indebted to -the French for the account of the capture and ransom of Plastrier.[409] - -In connection with Argall’s descent upon the French at Mount Desert, -it will be necessary to consult the Jesuit Relations,[410] which throw -considerable light upon the transactions of the English at this period; -also the State Papers. These show that Argall’s ship was named the -“Treasurer.”[411] Champlain says that this ship mounted fourteen guns, -while ten more English vessels were at hand.[412] If his statement is -correct, there must have been a large number of Englishmen on the coast -at this period. - -Smith, in 1614, as at other times, is his own historian, and his -writings show the growth of the feeling that existed with respect -to colonization, and they at the same time illustrate his adverse -fortune.[413] - -Gorges gives an account of Hobson’s and Harlow’s voyage for 1614.[414] -Hunt’s cruelty, in connection with the Indians whom he enslaved and -sold in Spain, is made known by Smith.[415] Some of these Indians -recovered their liberty, and Bradford speaks of Squanto, the -interpreter to the Plymouth Colony.[416] - -Gorges makes us acquainted with Sir Richard Hawkins, who was on the New -England coast at the close of the year 1615. Sir Richard was the son -of the famous John Hawkins, who set David Ingram and his companions -ashore in the Bay of Mexico. Hawkins was born in 1555, and in 1582 he -conducted an expedition to the West Indies. In 1588 he is found in -command of the “Swallow,” and he distinguished himself in the defeat -of the Armada. He next sailed upon an expedition to the Pacific, where -he was captured and carried to Spain.[417] In 1620 he was named in -connection with the Algerine expedition, dying at the end of 1621 -or the beginning of 1622. A full account of his transactions in New -England would be very interesting; but the account of Gorges, in -connection with Brawnde’s Letter to Smith, must suffice.[418] - -The story of Rocroft is told by Gorges, and Dermer writes of his own -voyage at full length.[419] - - * * * * * - -It remains now to speak of the old cartology, so far as it may afford -any traces of the English explorers of Norumbega. At the outset -the interesting fact may be indicated that the earliest reference -to Norumbega upon any map is that of the Italian Verrazano, 1529; -while the most pronounced, if not the latest, mention during the -seventeenth century is that of the Italian Lucini, who engraved over -his “Nova Anglia” the word “Norambega,” which is executed with many -flourishes.[420] - -Passing over the first cartographical indication of English exploration -on the coast of North America, in the map of Juan de la Cosa, which -is figured and described in the chapter on the Cabots; and passing -over the French and the Italians,[421]—adverting but for a moment -to the Dauphin map of 1543, with its novel transformation of the name -Norumbega into Anorobagea,—the next map that needs mention is that of -John Rotz, of 1542. It is of interest, for the reason that the “_booke -of Idrography_,”[422] of which it forms a part, was dedicated by its -author to Henry VIII. Rotz subscribes himself “sarvant to the King’s -mooste excellente Majeste.” The English royal arms are placed at the -beginning, though originally Rotz intended to present the book to -Francis I. Indeed, the outline of the coast is drawn according to the -French idea. Nevertheless, the names on the map are chiefly Spanish. -It shows no English exploration; and, in a general way, indicates an -absence of geographical knowledge on the part of that nation, which, -however, is recognized by the legend placed in the sea opposite the -coast between Newfoundland and the Penobscot. The legend is as follows: -“The new fonde lande quhaz men goeth a-fishing.” The main features of -the coast are delineated. Cape Breton and the Strait of Canseau, with -the Penobscot and Sandy Hook, are defined; but Cape Cod, the “Arecifes” -of Rotz, appears only in name, though in its proper relation to the -Bay of St. John the Baptist, a name given to the mouth of Long Island -Sound, in connection with the Narragansett Waters. The word Norumbega -does not occur, and the nomenclature is hardly satisfactory. It -contains no reference either to Verrazano or Cartier. The so-called map -of Cabot, 1544, does not touch the particular subject under notice.[423] - -[Illustration: HENRI II. (DAUPHIN) MAP, 1546. - -[The legends are as follows:— - - 2. C. des Illes. - 3. Anorobagea. - 4. Arcipel de Estienne Gomez. [This voyage - of Gomez will be described in - Vol. IV.] - 5. Baye de St. Jhon Baptiste. - 6. R. de bona mere. - 7. B. de St. Anthoine. - 8. R. de St. Anthoine. - 9. C. de St. Xρofle. - 10. R. de la tournee. - 11. C. de Sablons.—ED.] - -Frobisher’s map of 1578 shows a strait at the north leading from the -Atlantic to the Pacific, and bearing his name, but the map throws no -light upon Norumbega.[424] - -Dr. John Dee was much interested in American enterprise, and made a -particular study of the northern regions, as well as of the fisheries. -Under date of July 6, 1578, he speaks of “Mr. Hitchcok, who had -travayled in the plat for fishing.”[425] A map bearing the inscription, -“Ioannes Dee, Anno, 1580,” is preserved in the British Museum.[426] -It reminds one of Mercator’s map of 1569, but is not so full. Dee was -frequently invited to the Court of Elizabeth to make known her title to -lands in the New World that had been visited by the English; and he was -deferred to by Hakluyt, Gilbert, Walsingham, and others. - -He writes in his diary, under date of July 3, 1582, “A meridie hor -3½ cam Sir George Peckham to me to know the tytle of Norombega, in -respect of Spayn and Portugall parting the whole world’s distilleryes; -he promised me of his gift and of his patient ... of the new -conquest.”[427] Gilbert’s voyage was then being projected, but Dee’s -map has no reference to him or the English adventurers.[428] It shows -the main divisions of the coast of Norumbega, except Cape Cod, from -Sandy Hook to Cape Breton. The Penobscot is well defined, and Norombega -lies around its headwaters. - -The map in Hakluyt’s Edition of Peter Martyr, published 1587, shows the -English nomenclature around and north of the waters of the Gulf of St. -Lawrence, but it gives away the territory of Norumbega to the French -as Nova Francia. On the west coast of North America is Nova Albion. In -Nova Francia there is a river apparently bearing the name of Arambe, -which, it has been suggested, was used later in a restricted sense. Not -far from this river, at the south, is the legend, “Virginia, 1580.”[429] - -A map made in 1592, by Thomas Hood, does not show any English influence -on the coast, but Norombega is represented north of the Penobscot, -which is called R. des Guamas, intended for “Gamas,” the Stag -River.[430] - -The globe of Molyneux[431] shows the explorations of Davis in the -north, and its author calls the northern continent, north of Sandy -Hook, “Carenas.” Confusion reigns to a considerable extent. Norumbega -is confined to the Penobscot, and nothing is indicated with respect to -the English in that quarter. - -The map of Molyneux, 1600, is extremely interesting, but it does not -show the operations of the English in New England, though the Bay of -Menan is recognized, this being the place so well known to Hakluyt the -Elder for its deposits of copper.[432] New England, as on Lok’s map, is -shown as an island.[433] - -The cartology at this period is very disappointing though the maps -pointed out the main features of the coast. In many respects they were -inferior to some of the earlier maps, and were occupied with a vain -iteration. A little later the map of Lescarbot, of 1609, as might be -supposed, is poor in its outlines and devoted rather to the French -occupation.[434] - -[Illustration: HOOD’S MAP, 1592. - -The Legends are as follows:— - - 1. Rio de S. Spo. - 2. Rio Salado. - 3. C. de S. Joan. - 4. C. de las arenas. - 5. C. de Pero (arenas). - 6. Santiago. - 7. B. de S. Christoforo. - 8. Monte Viride. - 9. R. de buena madre. - 10. St. John Baptista. - 11. Terrallana. - 12. C. de las Saxas. - 13. Archipelago. - 14. C. S. Maria. - 15. C. de mucas y^{as}. - 16. R. das Guamas. - 17. Aracifes. - 18. R. de Mōtanas. - 19. R. de la Plaia.—ED. -] - -Smith’s well-known map, issued with his _Description of New England_ -in 1616, was the earliest to give a configuration of the coast, -approaching accuracy; and he could have found little in Lescarbot’s and -Champlain’s maps to assimilate, even if he had known them. Cape Cod now -for the first time was drawn with its characteristic bend. Smith says -that he had brought with him five or six maps, neither true to each -other nor to the coast. - -Smith’s map did not originally contain a single English name,[435] -but the young Prince Charles, to whom it was submitted in accordance -with Smith’s request, changed about thirty “barbarous” Indian names -for others, in order that “posterity” might be able to say that that -royal personage was their “godfather.” A number of Scotch names were -selected, among others, by the grandson of the Queen of Scots. Smith -gave the name of Nusket to Mount Desert, confusing it, perhaps, -with the aboriginal Pemetic, which was changed to Lomond, given as -“Lowmonds” on the map. The prince very naturally desired to give names -recalling the country of his birth; and while Ben Lomond, one of the -noblest Caledonian hills, bears a certain grand resemblance to its -namesake, the breezes of the lake of Mount Desert, like “answering -Lomond’s,” - - “Soothe many a chieftain’s sleep.” - -In a similar spirit he named the Blue Hills of Milton the “Cheuyot -hills;” the ancient river of Sagadahoc being the Forth, with what was -intended for “Edenborough” standing near its headwaters. There is -nothing on the map to recall the nonconformists of Nottinghamshire -and Lincolnshire, who afterwards came upon the coast, except Boston -and Hull which stand near the Isles of Shoals, being, in fancy, close -together on the map, as afterwards they were reproduced farther south, -in fact. - -The young prince, then a lad of about fifteen, no doubt had suggestions -made to him respecting the names to be selected, as he favored the -southern and southwestern communities like Bristol and Plymouth, which -furnished those expeditions encouraged by churchmen like Popham and -Gilbert. Poynt Suttliff forms a distinct recognition of Dr. Sutliffe, -the Dean of Exeter, who took so much interest in New England.[436] - -On this map we find the ancient Norumbega called New England. Rich -says that Smith was the first to apply this name. In reply, Mr. Henry -C. Murphy has referred to its alleged use by a Dutchman in 1612.[437] -Special reference is made to a statement printed upon the back of a -map contained in a book brought out by Hessell Gerritsz at Amsterdam, -giving a description of the country of the Samoieds in Tartary. The -phrase used, however, is not “New England,” nor “Nova Anglia,” but -“Nova Albion,”[438] which was applied to the whole region by Sir -Francis Drake, in his explorations on the Pacific coast. - -[Illustration] - -At that time the continent lying between the Atlantic and the Pacific -was regarded as a narrow strip of land; and as late as 1651 it was -estimated that it was only ten days’ journey on foot from -the headwaters of the James to the Pacific.[439] In 1609 the country -was called Nova Britannia. It would seem, therefore, according to -present indications, that Smith was entitled to the credit given him -by Rich. At all events the importance of Smith’s work in New England -cannot be questioned. Smith himself was not backward in asserting -the value of his services, declaring in one place that he “brought -New England to the Subjection of the Kingdom of Great Britain.”[440] -After the publication of his map, Norumbega well-nigh disappeared from -the pages of travellers,[441] and a new series of observation of the -territory was begun by the authors of works like those which chronicled -the doings of the Leyden Adventurers in New England. - -[Illustration] - - * * * * * - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - - -=A.= EARLIEST ENGLISH PUBLICATIONS ON AMERICA.—The backwardness of -the English in all that related to the extension of American discovery -is distinctly apparent in the comparatively few publications from -the London press in the sixteenth century which conduced to spread -intelligence of the New World on the land and incite rivalry on the -ocean. The following list will show this:— - -=1509.= When Alexander Barclay put Sebastian Brant’s _Ship of Fools_ -into English verse and published it in folio in London, he disclosed -one of the earliest references to the Spanish discoveries which the -English people could have read. This book is very rare; a copy brought -£120 at the Perkins sale in London in 1873,—_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -p. 245. This edition has of late been reprinted in England, edited by -Jamieson. - -=1511.=(?) A book _Of the newe Lādes_, printed about this time at -Antwerp, but in English, is thought to have been the earliest original -treatise in the English tongue which makes any mention of America. The -New World is supposed to be meant by “Armenica.” Harrisse, however, -assigns 1522 as its date,—_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ p. 196. There is a copy -in the British Museum. - -=1519=, though put by some as early as 1510. _A new Interlude of the -iiij. Elements._ This has been already described in Mr. Deane’s chapter. - -=1517.= Wynkyn de Worde printed Watson’s English prose translation of -Brant’s _Ship of Fools_. - -A half century and more slipped away without the English press taking -heed, except in such chance notices as these, of what was so closely -engaging the attention of the rest of Europe. But in - -=1553= appeared the earliest book produced in England chiefly devoted -to the American discoveries, and this was Richard Eden’s _Treatyse of -the newe India_, which he had translated from the Latin of the fifth -book of Sebastian Munster’s _Cosmographia_, pp. 1099 to 1113. See -_Carter-Brown Cat._ p. 171, and further in the chapter on the Cabots. - -Munster was one of the most popular cosmographers of his day. He had -begun his work in 1532 by supplying a map by Apianus to Gyrnæus’s -_Novus Orbis_ of that date, which was not very creditable, being much -behind the times; and he made amends by trying to give the latest -information in an issue of Ptolemy, which he edited in 1540, to which -he supplied a woodcut map that did service in a variety of publications -for nearly all the rest of the century. It was one of the earliest -maps, in which interstices were left in the block for the insertion -of type for the names, and in this way it was made to accompany both -German and Latin texts. It was also used in Sylvanus’s Ptolemy, the -names being in red. Kohl, _Disc. of Maine_, p. 296; _Harvard Coll. Lib. -Bull._ i. 270. - -Munster’s _Cosmographia_, to which he transferred this map, was first -published in German, according to Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. -258, quoting the _Labanoff Catalogue_, in 1541, and again in 1544, with -a new map. After this there were two German (1545 and 1550) and one -Latin (1550) edition, each published at Basle, and a French edition -(1552), all of which are generally noted, besides Eden’s version of -1552 (owned by Mr. Brevoort); cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, 1865, p. -27, and an earlier one (1543), cited in Poggendorff’s _Biog.-lit. -Handwörterbuch_, ii. 234, which is not so generally recognized, if -indeed it exists at all. The statement is, however, enough to indicate -that Eden thus made a popular book the medium of his first presentation -to the English public. - -[Illustration: TITLE OF EDEN’S MUNSTER. - -The cut is taken from the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_. The Colophon reads: -“Thus endeth this fyfth boke of Sebastian Munster, of the lādes of Asia -the greater, and of the newefounde landes, and Ilandes. 1553.”] - -=1555.= Richard Eden, who to his book-learning added the results -of converse with sailors, next published his _Decades of the Newe -Worlde, or West India_, derived in large part, as shown in Mr. Deane’s -chapter, from the Latin of Peter Martyr. This made to the English -public the first really collective presentation of the results of the -maritime enterprise of that time. (H. Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._ 1870, -no. 632; Field, _Indian Bibliog._ no. 484; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -p. 184, with fac-simile of title.) Among the supplemental matters was -a “Description of the two Viages made out of England into Guinea,” -in 1553-54, which were the earliest English voyages ever printed. -This 1555 edition, which fifty years ago was worth in good copies six -guineas (Rich’s _Catalogue_, 1832, no. 30), will now bring about £25. -The Editor has used the Harvard College and Mr. Charles Deane’s copies. -There was sold in the Brinley sale, no. 40, the 1533 edition of Peter -Martyr, which was the copy used by Eden in making this translation, -and it is enriched with his little marginal maps and annotations. See -Sabin’s _Dictionary_, i. 201, where it is said Bellero’s map, measuring -5 × 6½ inches, is found in some copies. The Lenox copy has a larger -map, 10½ × 7 inches, with a similar title. - -=1559.= “A perticular Description of suche partes of America as are -by travaile founde out,” made the last chapter of a heavy folio, _The -Cosmographicalle Glasse_, which appeared in London, the work of a young -man, William Cunningham, twenty-eight years old, a doctor in physics -and astronomy. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 214, where a fac-simile -of the author’s portrait as it appeared in the book is given. - -=1563.= _The whole and true discouerie of Terra Florida_, as set forth -in English, following Ribault’s narrative, was published in London on -the 30th of May. The book is so scarce that the Lenox and Carter-Brown -Libraries have been content with manuscript copies from the volume in -the British Museum. This may possibly indicate that the destruction of -the edition followed upon much reading and thumbing. - -=1568.= _The New found Worlde, or Antarctike ... travailed and written -in the French tong by that excellent learned man, Master Andrewe -Thevet, and now newly translated into English. Imprinted at London -for Thomas Hacket._ This is a translation of Thevet’s well-known but -untrustworthy book. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 241; there is also -a copy in H. C. Murphy’s collection. - -[Illustration: MUNSTER, 1532.] - -[Illustration: MUNSTER, 1540. - -This sketch-map needs the following key:— - - 1. India Superior. - 2. Archipelagus 7448 Insularum. - 3. Francisca. - 4. C. Britonum. - 5. Terra Florida. - 6. Cortereali. - 7. Hispaniola. - 8. Cuba. - 9. Iucatan. - 10. Jamica. - 11. Antillæ. - 12. Dominica. - 13. Zipangri. - 14. Paria. - 15. Regio Gigantum. - 16. Fretum Magalini. - 17. Insulæ Inforunatæ. - 18. Oceanus Occidentalis. - 19. Insulæ Hesperidum. - 20. Insula Atlantica quam vocant Basilij et Americam.] - -=1570.= Another English edition of Barclay’s version of the _Ship of -Fools_. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 243, gives the title and -portrait of Brant in fac-simile. - -=1572.= Eden’s version of Munster again appeared under the title of _A -briefe Collection and Compendious Extract of Straunge and Memorable -Thinges, gathered out of the Cosmographeye of Sebastian Munster_. See -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 172. - -=1574.= Eden’s _Briefe Collection_ was reissued. There was a copy in -the Heber sale, and one is now in the British Museum, according to -Sabin. - -[Illustration: Title of Stultifera Nauis (1570) - - [Stultifera Nauis, - qua omnium mortalium narratur stultitia, admodum - vtilis & necessaria ab omnibus ad suam salutem perlegenda, - è Latino sermone in nostrum vulgarem versa,& iam diligenter - impressa. An. Do. 1570. - - The Ship of Fooles, wherin is shewed the folly - of all States, with diners other workes adioyned unto the same, - very profitable and fruitfull for all men. - Translated out of Latin into Englishe by Alexander - Barclay Priest.]] - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT.] - -=1576.= In April appeared Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s _Discourse of a -Discoverie for a new passage to Cataia_, a Gothic-letter tract of -great rarity in these days. It is credited with giving a new impulse -to English explorations; and had exerted some influence in manuscript -copies before being printed. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 258; -_Brinley Catalogue_, no. 31, Heber’s copy, which brought $255. It is -also in the Lenox Library; and this and the Carter-Brown copy have -the rare map which in the Catalogue of the latter collection is given -slightly reduced, and it is in part reproduced herewith. See Fox -Bourne’s _English Seamen_, chs. 5 and 7. Gilbert in this had undertaken -to prove, both from reasoning and report, that there was a northwest -passage, and that America was an island, and he recounts traditions of -its being sailed through. See Mr. Deane’s chapter on “The Cabots.” - -[Illustration: PART OF GILBERT’S MAP, 1576.] - -=1577.= Settle published in London his _True Reporte of the laste -Voyage into the west and northwest regions_, the author having -accompanied Frobisher on his voyage in 1577. Its rarity—for besides -the Grenville copy in the British Museum, that in the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, p. 266, where its title is given in fac-simile, is the only -one we have noted—may signify the eagerness there was to read it, with -a consequent use great enough to destroy the edition, though there -are said to have been two issues the same year. A fac-simile reprint -(fifty copies) has been privately made from the Carter-Brown copy; and -it is also reprinted in Brydges’s _Restituta_, 1814, vol. ii. See _N. -E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1869, p. 363,—a notice by John Russell -Bartlett. - -=1577.= Richard Willes brought out in London, with some augmentation, -an edition of Eden’s Peter Martyr, under the new title of _The History -of Trauvayle_, a stout volume, which in the known copies has stood wear -better. Willes’s preface tells the story of Eden’s labors, and adds, -“Many of his Englysche woordes cannot be excused in my opinion for -smellyng to much of the Latine.” - -It would seem that the arrangement was still mostly the labor of Eden, -who did not die till 1576. Willes, however, suppressed Eden’s preface -of 1555. - -This edition has likewise much appreciated in value. Rich, in his 1832 -_Catalogue_, no. 57, priced a fine copy at £4 4_s._; now one is worth -£20 or more. There are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown (no. -312), Charles Deane’s and Boston Athenæum Libraries. See also _Brinley -Catalogue_, no. 41; _Sunderland Catalogue_, no. 4180; Field, _Ind. -Bibl._, no. 485; _Huth Catalogue_, p. 922. - -[Illustration] - -=1577.= John Frampton translated and published, under the title of -_Joyfull Newes out of the New founde Worlde_, a book of the Seville -Physician, Nicholas de Monardes. See _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 46; -Stevens’s _Nuggets_, 1924; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 313. - -=1578.= Thomas Churchyard’s _Prayse and Report of Maister Martyne -Forboisher’s Voyage to Meta Incognita_, London. Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. -450, reports a copy in the British Museum. - -=1578.= George Best published his _True Discourse of the late voyage of -discoverie for the finding of a passage to Cathaya by the North-weast, -under the Conduct of Martin Frobisher, generall_. This is also very -rare. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 319, which shows the two rare -maps, a portion of one of which is given in fac-simile in ch. iii. from -that in Collinson’s _Martin Frobisher_. - -=1578.= Thomas Nicholas printed, under his initials only, an English -version of Gomara’s account of Cortes’ conquest of New Spain, called -_The Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of the Weast Indies_. Fine -copies are worth about £10. There are copies in the Boston Athenæum, -Lenox Library, etc. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 275, for -fac-simile of title; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vii. 311; W. C. Hazlitt’s -_Bibliog. Coll. and notes_, 2d ser. p. 265. - -=1580.= A new edition of Frampton’s _Joyfull Newes_. This edition is -worth about £4. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. Rich, -_Catalogue_, 1832, no. 64. - -=1580.= John Florio published a retranslation into English from -Ramusio’s Italian version of Cartier’s _Voyage to New France_ (1534), -which had appeared originally in French, but was not now apparently -accessible to Florio. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 331. - -=1581.= T. Nicholas published an English translation, now very rare, of -Zarate’s account of the Conquest of Peru. - -=1582.= Hakluyt began his active participation in furthering English -maritime exploration by his first publication, the little _Divers -Voyages_, dedicating it to Sir Philip Sidney; and in this he says: “I -marvaile not a little ... that we of England could never have the grace -to set fast footing in such fertill and temperate places as are left -as yet unpossessed.” Again he says: “In my public lectures I was the -first that produced and showed both the olde imperfectly composed and -the new lately reformed mappes, globes, and spheares, to the generall -contentment of my auditory.” See further in Mr. Deane’s chapter on “The -Cabots.” Cf. W. C. Hazlitt’s _Bibliog. Coll. and notes_, 1st ser. p. -101. - -There is, unfortunately, no sufficiently extended account of Hakluyt, -and the most we know of him must be derived from his own publications. -The brief account in Anthony Wood’s _Athenæ Oxonienses_ is the source -of most of the notices. Mr. J. Payne Collier has added something in a -paper on “Richard Hakluyt and American Discovery” in the _Archæologia_, -xxxiii. 383; and Mr. Winter Jones in his Introduction to the reprint -of the _Divers Voyages_ has told about all that can be gleaned, and in -his Appendix he gives some papers before unprinted, including Hakluyt’s -will. The subject has had later treatment, with the advantage of some -recent information, in the Introduction to the _Westerne Planting_, by -Dr. Woods and Mr. Deane. - -With the exception of the criticism of John Locke,—if he be the editor -of Churchill’s _Collection_,—who wished Hakluyt had condensed more, -and of Biddle, who accuses him of perversions in his account of the -Cabots (see Mr. Deane’s chapter), the general opinion of Hakluyt’s -labor has been very high. Locke’s explanatory catalogue of voyages, -which appeared in Churchill, is reprinted in Clarke’s _Maritime -Discovery_. Oldys in the _British Librarian_, p. 136, analyzes -Hakluyt’s books, and there is a list of them in Sabin’s _Dictionary_ -and in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 448. An account of the set in -the Lenox Library is printed in Norton’s _Literary Gazette_, i. 384. - -Of the _Divers Voyages_, perfect copies are excessively rare, and the -two maps are almost always wanting. The two British Museum copies have -them, but the Bodleian has only the Lok map, and the same is true -of the Carter-Brown copy (_Catalogue_, p. 290). The other copies in -America belong to Harvard College (imperfect), Charles Deane, and Henry -C. Murphy. Of the maps, that by Lok is given in reduced fac-simile in -the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (as also in chapter i. of the present -volume), and both are given full size in the reprint of the Hakluyt -Society. - -=1583.= Captain J. Carleill’s little _Discourse upon the entended -Voyage to the hethermoste Partes of America_, a tract of a few leaves -only, in Gothic letter, was probably printed about this time with the -aim to induce emigration and the fixing of commercial advantages. -Hakluyt thought it of enough importance to include it in his third -volume seventeen years later. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 292. - -=1583.= Sir George Peckham’s _True Report of the late Discoveries_, -etc. See further on this tract on a preceding page. - -=1583.= M. M. S. published at London a small tract giving a -translation of Las Casas’ story of the Spanish deeds in the New World. -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 293. - -=1588.= What is called the second original work published in England -on the New World is Hariot’s _New Foundland of Virginia_, a small -quarto of twenty-three leaves, imprinted at London. Heber had a copy; -and Brunet, the first to describe it, took the title from Heber’s -Catalogue. There are copies in the Lenox, Huth (_Catalogue_, ii. -652), Grenville (British Museum) and the Bodleian libraries. Sabin, -_Dictionary_, viii. 30377, who says this, adds that there was a copy -sold surprisingly low at Dublin in 1873, escaping the attention of -collectors. It was reprinted at Frankfort in 1590. See chapter iv. - -=1588.= Appeared an English version of the Latin account of Drake’s -voyage. - -=1589.= Hakluyt gave out the first edition of his _Principall -Navigations_. Copies are at present worth from £5 to £10, according to -condition; and we have noted the following: Harvard College, Brinley -(no. 33), Carter-Brown (no. 384), Charles Deane, Long Island Historical -Society, Field (_Ind. Bibliog._ no. 631), Crowninshield (_Catalogue_, -no. 487), etc. The catalogues usually note the six suppressed leaves of -Drake’s voyage when present. - -Hakluyt, at the end of his preface, speaks of “The comming out of a -very large and most exact terestriall Globe, collected and reformed -according to the newest, secretest, and latest discoveries, ... -composed by Mr. Emmerie Mollineaux, of Lambeth, a rare gentleman in his -profession.” - -In place of this Molineaux map, there sometimes appears, at p. 597, -what Hakluyt calls “One of the best general mappes of the world,” -which is a recut plate of one in Ortelius’s Atlas; and in other copies -instead we find another edition of the same, which is also found in the -English translation of Linschoten. Sabin says he has sometimes found a -woodcut of Gilbert’s map substituted. The Ortelius map is reproduced in -chapter i. of the present volume. - -=1591.= Job Hortop’s _Rare Travales of an Englishman_, published in -London. Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. 1124. There is a copy in the British -Museum. Hortop was one of Ingram’s companions, and after being captured -and confined in Mexico, reached England after very many years’ absence. - -=1595.= John Davis published his _Worlde’s Hydrographical -Descriptions_, which in parts reiterates the views of Gilbert’s -_Discourse_. The only copies known are in the Grenville Library -(British Museum) and Lenox Library, New York. It is reprinted in the -Hakluyt Society’s edition of _Davis’s Voyages_, p. 191, and in the 1812 -edition of Hakluyt’s _Principall Navigations_. - -=1596.= A third edition of Frampton’s _Joyfull Newes_. A fine copy is -worth about three guineas. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 497. - -=1596.= Second edition of Nicholas’s translation of Gomara. _Brinley -Catalogue_, nos. 32 and 5309; Sabin, _Dictionary_, 27752; Field, _Ind. -Bibl._ no. 611; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 499. - -[Illustration] - -=1598.= Wolfe, of London, published an English translation, by William -Philip, of Linschoten’s _Discours of Voyages into y^e Easte and West -Indies, in foure Bookes_, with a dedication to Sir Julius Cæsar, Judge -of the High Court of Admiralty. The preface adds: “Which Booke being -commended by Maister Richard Hackluyt, a man that laboureth greatly -to advance our English Name and Nativity, the Printer thought good -to cause the same to bee translated into the English Tongue.” The -original became a very popular book on the Continent. The maps of -American interest are those of the World, of the Antilles, and of South -America. The description of America begins on p. 216. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. no. 527; _Crowninshield Catalogue_, no. 625; Rich -(1832), no. 84, prices a copy at £8 8_s._ - -[Illustration] - -These are all, or nearly all, the publications brought out in English -and relating to America prior to the enlarged edition of Hakluyt’s -Collection, which was dedicated to Sir Robert Cecil, and of which the -third volume, bearing date 1600, was devoted to America. Compared -with the publications of the Continent for the same century, they are -strikingly fewer in number; and such as they are, it will be seen that -of the thirty-four separate issues enumerated above only fourteen are -of English origin, and of the whole number only twelve belong to the -first three quarters of the century. - -[Illustration] - -During this same century the literature of navigation took its origin. -The Continental nations had already preceded. It was not till 1528 that -the first sea-manual appeared in England, and no copy of it is now -known. This was a translation of the French _Le Routier de la Mer_, -the antetype of the later rutters. The English edition was called _The -Rutter of the Sea_, and other editions appeared in 1536, 1541, and 1560 -(?); the second of these adding, “A rutter of the northe, compyled -by Rychard Proude.” None of these, however, recognized the American -discoveries. - -In 1561, Eden, at the suggestion of the Arctic navigator, Stephen -Burrough (b. 1525, d. 1586), again tried to give some impulse -to English interest by his translation of Martin Cortes’ _Art -of Navigation_, which had appeared at Seville ten years before. -(_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 151.) Cortes was the first to suggest a -magnetic pole. Frobisher, when he made his first voyage, fifteen years -later (1576), perhaps because Eden’s translation was out of print, took -with him a Spanish edition of Medina’s _Arte de Navegar_,—a work which -preceded Cortes’, but never became so popular in England. - -In 1565 came a fifth edition of the _Rutter of the Sea_, and in 1573 -William Bourne first issued his _Regiment of the Sea_, which long -remained the chief English book on navigation.[442] - -Eden put forth, at what precise date is not known, but not later than -1576, _A very necessarie and profitable book concerning Navigation, -compiled in Latin by Joannes Taisnierus_, in which the translator -intimates that Cabot knew more of the ways of discovering longitude -than he had disclosed. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 262. _Davis’s -Voyages_ (Hakluyt Society) gives the date 1579. - -Such books, as the interest in America became more general, increased -rapidly, and I note them in chronological order. - -=1577.= Second edition, _Regiments of the Sea_. - -=1578.= Edward Hellowes published in London, in a small tract, a -translation, _A booke of the Invention of Navigation_ of Antonio de -Gaevara, Bishop of Mondonedo, originally printed at Valladolid in 1539. - -=1578.= Second edition, Eden’s Cortes. - -=1580.= Sixth edition of _The Rutter of the Sea_. - -=1580.= Third edition, Eden’s Cortes. - -=1581.= _The Arte of Navigation. By Pedro de Medina. Translated out of -the Spanish by John Frampton._ Medina’s _Arte de Navegar_ originally -appeared at Valladolid in 1545. - -=1584.= Fourth edition, Eden’s Cortes. See _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 19, -for a copy which has a folding woodcut map of the New World, which is -usually wanting in later editions. - -=1585.= Robert Norman, hydrographer, published his _Newe Attractive_, -with rules for the art of navigation annexed. - -=1587.= Robert Tanner’s _Mirror for Mathematiques, ... a sure safety -for Saylers_, etc. - -=1587.= Seventh edition of _The Rutter of the Sea_. - -=1588.= The first marine atlas ever made appeared at Leyden in 1583-84, -and this year in London as _The Mariner’s Mirrour, ... first made by -Luke Wagenaer, of Enchuisen, and now fitted with necessarie additions -by Anthony Ashley_. - -=1588.= Fifth edition, Eden’s Cortes. - -=1589.= Thomas Blundeville’s _Brief Description of Universal Mappes and -Cardes, and of their Use, and also the Use of Ptolemy his tables_. - -=1589.= A sixth edition of Eden’s version of Martin Cortes’ _Arte of -Navigation_ appeared. Good copies of this small black-letter quarto are -worth about seven guineas. It is known that Hakluyt about this time was -endeavoring with the aid of Drake to found in London a public lecture -for the purpose of advancing the art of navigation. - -=1590.= Robert Norman translated from the Dutch _The Safeguard of -Saylers, or Great Rutter_. Edward Wright corrected and enlarged this in -1612. Norman was the inventor of the dipping-needle, in 1576. - -=1590.= Thomas Hood’s _Use of the Jacob’s Staffe; also a dialogue -touching the use of the Crosse Staffe_. These were instruments for -the taking of latitude. The astrolabe, an instrument of remote -antiquity, had been adapted to sea-use by Martin Behaim; but it was -soon found that it did not adapt itself to the automatic movement of -the observer’s body in a rolling sea, and in 1514 the cross-staff was -invented, or at least was first described. - -=1592.= A third edition of Bourne’s _Regiment of the Sea_, corrected by -Thomas Hood. - -=1592.= Thomas Hood’s _Use of both the Globes, celestiall and -terrestriall_, written to accompany the Molineaux globes. - -=1592.= Thomas Hood’s _Marriner’s Guide_. - -=1594.= John Davis published his _Seaman’s Secrets, wherein is taught -the three kindes of Sayling,—Horizontall, Paradoxall, and Sayling upon -a great Circle_. He held up the example of the Spaniards: “For what -hath made the Spaniard to be so great a Monarch, the Commander of both -Indies, to abound in wealth and all Nature’s benefites, but only the -painefull industrie of his Subjects by Navigation.” No copy of this -first edition is known. The second edition, 1607, is in the British -Museum, and from this copy the tract is reprinted in _Davis’s Voyages_ -(Hakluyt Society ed.). - -=1594.= _M. Blundevile, his Exercises_, with instruction in the art of -navigation. This proved a popular instruction book. - -=1594.= Robert Hues printed in London a Latin treatise on the Molineaux -globes, _Tractatus de Globis, et eorum usu_. This includes a chapter by -Thomas Hariot on the rhumbs, or the lines which so perplexingly cover -the old maps. - -=1596.= Another edition of Hood’s corrected issue of Bourne’s _Regiment -of the Sea_. - -=1596.= Second edition of Norman’s _Newe Attractive_, etc. - -=1596.= John Blagrave’s _Necessary and Pleasaunt Solace and recreation -for Navigators.... Whereunto ... he has anexed another invention -expressing on one face the whole globe terrestrial, with the two great -English voyages lately performed round the world_. This last is a map -by Hondius, reproduced in Drake’s _World Encompassed_ (Hakluyt Soc. -ed.). - -=1596.= Thomas Hood’s _Use of the mathematicall Instruments, the Crosse -Staffe differing from that in common use, and the Jacob’s Staffe_. - -=1596.= Seventh edition of Eden’s version of Cortes. - -=1597.= Second edition of _Blundevile, his Exercises_. - -=1597.= William Barlow’s _Navigator’s Supply, containing many things of -principal importance belonging to navigation_. Largely on compasses. - -=1598.= John Wolfe translated and printed _A treatyse ... for all -seafaringe men, by Mathias Sijverts Lakeman, alias Sofridus_. - -=1599.= Simon Stevin’s _De Haven-vinding_ appeared at Leyden, and -Edward Wright brought it out at once in English, as _The Haven-Finding -Art_. - -=1599.= Edward Wright published his _Certain Errors in Navigation, -detected and corrected_. Wright was born in 1560, was lecturer on -navigation for the East India Company, was the verifier and improver of -Mercator’s projection, and is thought to have been the author of the -Molineaux map. - -It will be observed that of this list of thirty-three publications for -twenty-five years about one half is of foreign origin. - - -=B.= HAKLUYT’S “WESTERNE PLANTING” AND THE MAINE HISTORICAL -SOCIETY.—The history of this manuscript, so far as known, is as -follows:— - -The family of Sir Peter Thomson (who died in 1770) possessed it, -from whom Lord Valentia secured it, and this collector indorsed upon -it “unpublished” and “extremely curious.” It subsequently is found -in the hands of Mr. Henry Stevens, who put it into a public sale in -London, May, 1854; and in the Catalogue (lot 474) it is called “a -most important unpublished manuscript, 63 pages, closely and neatly -written, in the original calf binding.” It brought £44, and passed into -the Collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps. (Stevens’s _Hist. and Geog. -Notes_, 1869, p. 20.) This gentleman began in 1837 to print privately -a catalogue of his library, then kept at Middle Hill, Worcestershire, -and continued the printing, sheet by sheet, and under no. 14097 this -manuscript appears as “A Hakluyt Discourse.” In 1859 Sir Thomas bought -Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, the seat of Lord Northwick, and hither -he removed his vast collections of manuscripts and books, where they -now are, in the possession of his heirs, Sir Thomas having died in -1872. They are open to inquirers under restrictions. See _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, 1873, p. 429. - -The manuscript of the _Westerne Planting_ is not thought to be in -Hakluyt’s hand, though in a contemporary script; and the writing of it -by Hakluyt seems to have been in progress during the summer of 1584, -while its author was thirty-two years old. There is evidence that it -existed in four or five copies,—of which the only one known at this -day is the Phillipps copy,—one of which was for the queen, and all -were made with the view of recommending the planting of Norumbega. - -In 1867 Dr. Woods was commissioned by the Governor of Maine to -procure in Europe material for the early history of the State, and -the first fruit was the engaging of Dr. Kohl in the work, which -subsequently assumed shape in his _Discovery of Maine_, and the second -the procurement of this Hakluyt manuscript. Dr. Woods was engaged in -preparing it for the press, when his health declined, and the labor was -completed by Mr. Charles Deane, the book being published by the Maine -Historical Society in 1877. - - * * * * * - -Under the auspices of this Society some important historical work has -been done. Dr. Kohl’s book is the most elaborate summary yet made -of the early explorations on our New England coast. The labors of -Dr. Woods have been the subject of consideration in Dr. E. A. Park’s -_Life and Character of Leonard Woods_, Andover, 1880, 52 pp., and in -Dr. C. C. Everett’s notice in _Me. Hist. Coll._, viii. 481, and in -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 15. The late George Folsom opened -an important field of investigation in his _Catalogue of Original -Documents in the English Archives relating to the Early History of -Maine_, privately printed, New York, 1858, which covers the years -1601-1700, and is said to have been compiled for him by Mr. H. G. -Somerby. See _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._,1859, p. 262, and 1869, p. -481. Of the labors of William D. Williamson, the principal historian -of the State, there is due record in the _Historical Magazine_, xiii. -265, May, 1868, and in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, i. 90. The -Hon. William Willis, of whom there are accounts in the _Maine Hist. -Coll._, vii. 473, and in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1873, -p. 1, was for many years the president of the Society, and besides -furnishing many communications, he issued a bibliography of Maine in -_Norton’s Literary Letter_, no. 4, 1859, which was much enlarged in -the _Historical Magazine_, xvii. 145, March, 1870. In connection with -this subject the bibliography in Griffin’s _History of the Press in -Maine_, 1872, deserves notice. There is in the _Hist. Mag._, Jan. -1868, an account of the Maine Historical Society and the historical -investigations it has patronized. - -A list of the charters and grants on the Maine coast is given in the -_Hist. Mag._, March, 1870, p. 154. See in this connection S. F. Haven’s -lecture in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Lowell Lectures_. - - -[Illustration: DR. JOHN G. KOHL. - -We are indebted for the photograph used by the engraver to Dr. -Kohl’s successor in the librarianship of the Public Library at -Bremen, Dr. Heinrich Bulthaupt. No name ranks higher than Kohl’s -in the investigations of our early North American geography. “From -my childhood,” he says, “I was highly interested in geographical -researches in connection with history.” Having gathered much material -on the early cartographical history of America in the archives and -libraries of Europe, he came to this country, and receiving an -appropriation from Congress to enable him to make copies of his maps -for the Government, he undertook that work, the results of which are -now in the State Department at Washington. All that he desired to do -was not provided for by the order of Congress, and he returned to -Europe disappointed in his hopes, but leaving behind him, besides -the collections in Washington, a memoir with maps on the discovery -of the western coast of America, which is now in the library of the -American Antiquarian Society. In Europe he annotated and published at -Munich in fac-simile the two oldest general maps of America, those -known as Ribero’s and Ferdinando Columbus’s, and a treatise on the -history of the Gulf Stream, as well as a condensed popular history of -the discovery of America. In 1868 he undertook, what proved to be his -chief contribution to American historical geography, his _Discovery of -Maine_. He did not feel that he had accomplished all in this that he -would; but it still remains the most important essay since Humboldt in -that peculiar field. See Charles Deane’s notice of Kohl in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, Dec. 1878, and the memoir in the _Beilage zur Allgemeinen -Zeitung_, Augsburg, July 9, 1879.] - -=C.= THE POPHAM COLONY.—It was unfortunate, as it was unnecessary, -that any theological color should have been given to the discussion -arising out of the claims made for this colony, since the merits of the -case concerned solely the historical significance of secular events, -upon which all were agreed in the main. The claim asserted by the -Maine Historical Society, or by those representing it, was this: That -the temporary settlement at Sabino, being made under the charter of -1606, was the first event to secure New England for the English crown, -and should therefore be deemed the beginning of the existence of its -colonies. The claim of those historical students who took issue was -this: That the granting in 1606 of a patent by the king to his subjects -concerned no further the question than that it simply formulated a -pre-existing claim, while the actual attempts at colonization by -Gosnold in 1602, whether authorized or not,—the latter alternative -having of late years been brought forward by Dr. De Costa,—were more -practically demonstrative of that claim, in accordance with the English -interpretation of rights in new countries, namely, actual possession. -Further, that the true historic beginning of New England was not in -the abortive attempts of Gosnold and Popham to effect a settlement, -however much, in connection with many other events, they helped in -preparing a way, but in the permanent colonization which was made at -Plymouth in 1620, which was the first founded upon family life, and -which under greater distress than befell either of the others, was -rendered permanent more by the spirit of religious independency, as -evinced by their Holland exile, than by the mercenary longing, which -was professedly the chief motive of the others. Strachey distinctly -says of the Popham Colony, that mining was “the main intended benefit -expected.” - -It is susceptible of proof that the blood of the Pilgrims and of their -congeners runs through the veins of a large part of the population -of New England to-day. No genealogical tree has been produced which -connects our present life with a single one of the Sabino party. -How, then, was New England saved for the English race? The decisive -historical event is never those scattering forerunners which always -harbinger an epoch, but the fulfilment of the idea which comes in the -ripeness of time. - -The controversy as it was waged was a reaction from the views with -which the Pilgrims had long been regarded for their devotion under -trial and for the pluck of their constancy in first making English -homes on this part of the continent. Maine writers like George Folsom -and William Willis had never questioned such established claims, -but had reasserted them. The leading spirit in this revocation of -judgment was Mr. John A. Poor, of Portland. This gentleman, having -done much to increase the material interests of his native State, -entered with pertinacity into a process of rendering, as he claimed, -the position of Maine in history more conspicuous. This required the -aggrandizement of the fame of Sir Ferdinando Gorges; and he began his -missionary work with a vindication of Gorges’ claims to be considered -the father of English colonization in America. It was no new idea, -for George Folsom had done Gorges justice in his _Discourse_ in 1846. -Mr. Poor’s lecture was printed, and was subsequently appended to the -_Popham Memorial_. To emphasize this claim, he secured the naming of -a new fort in Portland Harbor after Sir Ferdinando in 1860; and in -1862, when the General Government built a fortification on the old -peninsula of Sabino, his efforts caused it to be named Fort Popham, -and his zeal planned and directed a commemorative service in August of -that year on the spot, when a tablet recounting the claims of which -he was the champion was placed near its walls. The address which he -then delivered, which showed the intemperance, if not the perversity, -of an iconoclast, and which appeared with other papers and addresses -more or less pronounced in the same way in a _Popham Memorial_, opened -the controversy. See also _Historical Magazine_, Jan. 1863, and -Sept. 1866, and Mr. C. W. Tuttle’s account of Mr. Poor’s agency in a -“Memorial of J. A. Poor,” in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, Oct. -1872. The committee charged with the preparation of the _Memorial_ -unwisely omitted a counter speech of the late J. Wingate Thornton, on -“The Colonial Schemes of Popham and Gorges,” which was accordingly -printed in the _Congregational Quarterly_, April, 1863, and separately, -and is examined favorably by Abner C. Goodell in the _Essex Institute -Collections_, Aug. 1863, p. 175. A similar unfavorable estimate of -Popham’s colonists had been taken by R. H. Gardiner in the _Maine -Historical Collections_, ii. 269; v. 226. - -For some years the spirit was kept alive by recurrent commemorations. -Mr. Edward E. Bourne (see memoir of him in _N. E. Hist and Geneal. -Reg._, 1874, p. 9, and _Me. Hist. Coll._, viii. 386) answered the -detractors in an address, “The Character of the Colony founded by -George Popham,” Portland, 1864. The statements of Poor and Bourne led -to a review by S. F. Haven in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April -26, 1865, and in the _Hist. Mag._ (Dec. 1865, p. 358; March, July, -Sept., Nov., 1867; Feb. and May, 1869). There was a dropping fire on -both sides for some time. Meanwhile the address in 1865 by James W. -Patterson, on _The Responsibilities of the Founders of Republics_, led -to a controversy between William F. Poole attacking, and Rev. Edward -Ballard and Frederick Kidder defending, the colonists; and their -papers were printed together as _The Popham Colony: a Discussion of -its Historic Claims_, to which Mr. Poole appended a bibliography of -the subject up to 1866. Poole also gave his view of Gorges and the -colony in his edition of Johnson’s _Wonder Working Providence_, and in -the _North American Review_, Oct. 1868. At the celebration in 1871 Mr. -Charles Deane reviewed the erroneous conclusions presented at earlier -anniversaries, in a paper on “Early Voyages to New England, and their -Influence on Colonization,” which was printed in the _Boston Daily -Advertiser_, Sept. 2, 1871. A paper by R. K. Sewall on “Popham’s Town -of Fort St. George,” which contains a summary of the arguments and -events on the side of its historic importance, is given in the _Me. -Hist. Coll._, vii., accompanied by a map of the region. The latest -statement of the claim, apart from the review in the Preface to _The -Voyage to Sagadahoc_, referred to on an earlier page, is in General -Chamberlain’s _Maine_: _her Place in History_, which is too moderate -to provoke any criticism. Thus a reaction that at one time claimed the -necessity of rewriting history, has in the end engaged few advocates, -and is almost lost sight of. - - -=D.= CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH’S PUBLICATIONS.—The _Description_ is now a -rare book, worth with the genuine map, should one be offered, fifty -pounds or upwards. There is some bibliographical detail regarding it -in the _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 50, 52, 53. Latin and German -versions of it were included in De Bry, part x. Michael Sparke, the -London printer, issuing Higginson’s _New England’s Plantation_ in 1630, -appended this recommendation:— - - “But whosoever desireth to know as much as yet can be discovered, I - advise them to buy Captaine John Smith’s booke of the description of - New England in folio, and reade from fol. 203 to the end; and there - let the reader expect to have full content.” - -Smith’s letter (1618) to Bacon, upon New England, is in the _Hist. -Mag._, July, 1861, and the annexed autograph is taken from the original -in the Public Record office. See Sainsbury’s _Calendar of Colonial -Papers_, no. 42, p. 21; _Popham Memorial_, App. p. 104; Palfrey, _New -England_, i. 97. - -[Illustration] - -A little tract of Smith’s, _New England’s Trials_ [_i. e._ Attempts at -Settlements], needs to be taken in connection with the _Description_. -Of this tract, of eight pages, published in 1620, there is no copy -known in America, and Mr. Deane describes it and reprints it in the -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ xii. 428, 449, from the Bodleian copy, which -differs in the names of the dedication from the British Museum copy. -In 1622 it was issued in a second edition, enlarged to fourteen pages, -which is also very rare, though copies are in the Deane Collection -and in that of John Carter-Brown, from the last of which a privately -printed reprint has been made. It was this text which Force used in his -_Tracts_, ii. See _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 363. - -Smith had moved, April 12, 1621, in a meeting of the Virginia Company, -that its official sanction should be given to a compiled history of -“that country, from her first discovery to this day,” showing that -the purpose of his _Generall Historie_ was then in his mind. (Neill’s -_Virginia Company_, p. 210.) The first edition of it was issued in -1624, and in it he included, besides abstracts of various other -writings, substantially all his previous publications on America (see -the chapter on Virginia in the present volume), except his _True -Relation_, in the place of which he had put the _Map of Virginia_, a -tract covering the same transactions. When reissued in 1626 it was -from the same type, and again in 1627, and twice in 1632. An account -of the various editions in the Lenox Library, which differ only in the -front matter and plates, can be found in Norton’s _Literary Gazette_, -new ser. i. pp. 134 _a_, 218 _c_. Mr. Deane has printed a part of the -original prospectus. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 454. - -The best opportunity for studying the slight diversities of the -different issues of this book may be found in the Lenox Library, which -has ten copies, showing all the varieties. Among other copies, the -following are noted:— - -1624., Charles Deane. A large paper dedication copy of this edition, -bound for Smith’s patron, the Duchess of Richmond and Lenox, was -bought, at the Brinley Sale in 1879, no. 364, for the Lenox Library, -$1,800. The Menzies and Barlow copies are also called large paper -ones. See _Griswold Catalogue_, no. 778; Field’s _Ind. Bibliog._ no. -1435. The _Huth Catalogue_, p. 1367, gives a copy of this edition in -the original rich binding, showing the arms of the Duke of Norfolk -quartered with those of his wife, the daughter of the Duchess of -Richmond and Lenox. - -1626., Harvard College Library. Sparks’s Collection, now at Cornell -University, no. 2424. - -1627., Prince Library in Boston Public Library. Massachusetts -Historical Society. See the _Crowninshield Catalogue_, no. 992. - -1631., The _Huth Catalogue_, p. 1367, gives, perhaps by error, an -edition of this date. I have noted no other copy. - -1632., Harvard College Library. - -The two portraits of the Duchess of Richmond and of Matoaka are usually -wanting. See the note to chapter v. Average copies without the genuine -portraits, which in Rich’s day (1832) were worth five guineas, are now -valued at more than three times that sum. The portrait of Smith, which -is shown reduced on the map of New England already given, has been -similarly reproduced full size in the _Memorial History of Boston_, i., -and is engraved in the Richmond edition of the _Generall Historie_, in -Bancroft, Drake’s _Boston_, Hillard’s _Life of Smith, N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, Jan. 1858, etc. - -The _Generall Historie_, in conjunction with the _True Travels_, was -carelessly reprinted at Richmond, in 1819, at the cost of the Rev. John -Holt Rice, D.D., who lost by the speculation. (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, 1877, p. 114.) A large part appeared in Purchas’s _Pilgrims_, -iv. 1838. It is given entire in Pinkerton’s _Collections of Voyages_, -xiii. - -It is the sixth book of this _Generall Historie_ which relates to -New England, and in this Smith supplements his own experience, and -brings the details down beyond the limits of this present chapter, -by borrowing from _Mourt’s Relation_ and reporting upon other -accounts, as he did in his still later publication, the tract called -_Advertisements for the Unexperienced Planters of New England_, which -brings the story down to 1630. - -Dr. Palfrey has a note on the confidence to be reposed in Smith’s -books, in his _History of New England_, i. 89. - -Smith was born in 1579 at Willoughby, as the parish records show. -(_Hist. Mag._, i. 313; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ix. 451.) He died -June 21, 1631, signing his will the same day (_Ibid._ ix. 452), and -was buried in St. Sepulchre’s, London, where the inscription above -his grave is said to be now illegible. A committee of the American -Antiquarian Society was appointed in 1874 to see to its restoration, -but were prevented from acting by the demand of a fee for the privilege -from the vestry of the church. (_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1874, -p. 222.) In Sparks’s _American Biography_ is a memoir of him by George -S. Hillard; another, by W. Gilmore Simms, was printed in 1846; and a -recent study of his life and writings has been made by C. D. Warner, -who says that the inscription, with the three (Turks’?) heads in St. -Sepulchre’s, long supposed to mark the grave of Smith, is proved to -commemorate some one who died in September, aged 66, while Smith died -June, 1631, aged 51. Stow’s _Survey of London_, 1633, gives the long -epitaph which could be read on the walls of the church previous to its -destruction in the great London fire in 1666. Cf. Deane in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, Jan. 1867, p. 454. - -[Illustration: NEW WORLD FROM THE LENOX GLOBE.] - -Simon Passe, whose Latinized name we see on the engraving of Smith’s -map, was ten years in England, and engraved many of the chief people -of the time; and as he was his own draughtsman, it is probable the -portrait of Smith was drawn by Passe from life, though Robert Clerke is -credited with draughting the map. - - -=E.= EARLY GLOBES.—The Molineaux globe referred to in the text was -constructed at the instance of that great patron of navigation, William -Sanderson. (_Davis’s Voyages_, Introduction by Markham, pp. xii. 211.) -It is said to be the earliest ever made in England. (_Ibid._ p. lix.) -It is two feet in diameter, and was completed in 1592. (Asher’s _Henry -Hudson_, p. 274.) The oldest globe known antedates it more than a -century, and of those intervening which are known, the following, with -the prototype, deserve mention:— - -1. Martin Behaim’s, 1492, preserved in the library at Nuremberg. It -presents an open ocean between Europe and Asia. The first meridian runs -through Madeira. There is a copy in fac-simile in the Bibliothèque -Nationale, at Paris. There have been engraved delineations of it -by Doppelmayr at Nuremberg in 1730; by Dr. Ghillany, in connection -with his _Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim_, 1853; by -Jomard in his _Monuments de la Géographie_, 1854-56, pl. 15. There are -sections and reductions in Cladera’s _Investigaciones Historicas_, -Madrid, 1794; in Lelewel’s _Moyen Age_; in the _Journal of the Royal -Geographical Society_, xviii.; in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_; in some -of the editions of Irving’s _Columbus_; in Bryant and Gay’s _United -States_, i. 103; and in Maury’s paper in _Harper’s Monthly_, xlii. -(February, 1871). - -2. Acquired from a friend in Laon in 1860 by M. Leroux, of the -Administration de la Marine at Paris, and represents the geographical -knowledge current at Lisbon, 1486-87, according to D’Avezac, who gives -a projection of it in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de -Paris_, 4th series, viii. (1860). It is dated 1493. The first meridian -runs through Madeira. - -3. A small copper globe in the Lenox Library, in New York, which is -said to be the earliest globe to show the American coast, and its date -is fixed at about 1510-12, but by some as early as 1506-7. - -[Illustration: FROM THE MOLINEAUX GLOBE. - -This extract is from a tracing by Dr. De Costa. The legends on it are -marked as follows: A, Nova Francia; B, Canada; C, Norumbega; D, India; -E, Virginia, primum lustrata et Culta ab Anglis inpensis D. Gualteri de -Ralegh Equitis Aurati, etc., annuente Elizabetha sev. Angliæ Regina. - - 1. Hochelaga. 18. S. Cruz. 34. Claudia. - 2. Mont Royal. 19. De Breton. 35. Rio Grande. - 3. Estade. 20. Aredona. 36. De Lagus. - 4. Stadin flu. 21. C. de Breton. 37. Montagna. - 5. Saguinay. 22. S. Miguel. 38. B. S. Johan. - 6. I. de Orleans. 23. C. Real. 39. Buena Vista. - 7. R. Dulce. 24. C. S. Joan. 40. S. Samson. - 8. R. S. Laurens. 25. Sinus Laureti. 41. Chesapicke. - 9. S. Nicolas. 26. C. d’Esperance. 42. R. de Buelta. - 10. C. Tienot. 27. G. de Chalue. 43. C. de Arenas. - 11. Chasteaux. 28. Hunedo. 44. S. Christovall. - 12. Belle Ysle. 29. I. S. Joan. 45. Chiapanak. - 13. C. Blanco. 30. R. de la Pelaijo. 46. Trinitie Harbour. - 14. Isle des Oiseaux. 31. R. Vista. 47. P. Hatorack. - 15. C. de Bona Vista. 32. R. de Montagnas. 48. C. Hatoras. - 16. The Bacailo. 33. Rio Honda. 49. Ye C. of Fear. - 17. C. de Razo.] - -It was bought in Paris about twenty-five years ago by R. M. Hunt, the -architect, and was given by him to Mr. Lenox. It is about five inches -in diameter. Dr. De Costa has described it and given a draught of -its geography in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Sept. 1879. This paper, -translated by M. Gravier, appeared in the _Bulletin de la Société -normande de Géographie_, 1880. A projection of it is said to have -been made in the Coast Survey Bureau in 1869, at the instance of Mr. -Henry Stevens, and a reduction of this is given in the _Encyclopædia -Britannica_, 9th edition, x. 681, of which the Western Hemisphere is -herewith reproduced. The globe opens on the line of the equator, and -was probably used as a pyx. It may be said to be the oldest globe -showing any part of the New World. - -4. Brought to light in a _Catalogue de Livres rares appartenant à M. H. -Tross, année 1881_, no. xiv. 4924, where a fac-simile by S. Pilinski is -given. The gores composing it are found in a copy of the _Cosmographiæ -Introductio_, supposed to have been printed at Lugduni, 1514. This is -the claim of the _Catalogue_; but if it belonged to the tract it could -hardly have been earlier than 1518. It is understood that the book has -been added to an American collection. The plate is styled _Universalis -Cosmographie Descriptio tam in solido quem_ [sic] _plano_, and is given -in twelve sections. The delineation of South America is marked “America -noviter reperta.” It is claimed that this gives this copperplate, -“essentiellement française,” the honor of being the earliest to bear -the name of America,—that credit having been claimed for the woodcut -map in Camer’s edition of Solinus, 1520. The manuscript delineation by -Leonardo da Vinci, also giving the name, and preserved at Windsor in -the Queen’s collection, probably antedates it. - -5. Made by Johann Schoner at Bamberg in 1520, preserved in the library -at Nuremberg, and thought, until the discovery of the Lenox globe, -to be the earliest showing the discoveries in America. The northern -section is still broken up into islands large and small; but South -America is delineated with approximate correctness. Dr. Ghillany gave -a representation of the American hemisphere in the _Jahresbericht der -technischen Anstalten in Nürnberg für 1842_; also see his _Erdglobus -von Behaim vom Jahre 1492, und der des Joh. Schoner von 1520_, -Nürnberg, 1842, p. 18, two plates. Humboldt examines this Schoner -globe in his _Examen critique_, and in his Appendix to Ghillany’s -_Ritter Behaim_, where a reproduction is given. There are also -delineations or sections in Lelewel’s _Moyen Age_; in Kohl’s _Discovery -of Maine_; in Santarem’s _Atlas_; and in Maury’s paper in _Harper’s -Monthly_, February, 1871. Schoner published, in 1515, a _Terræ totius -descriptio_, without a map, of which there are copies in Harvard -College Library and the Carter-Brown Collection at Providence. - -6. Preserved at Frankfort-on-the-Main; of unknown origin. It is figured -in Jomard’s _Monuments de la Géographie_. See also the _Journal of -the Royal Geographical Society_, xviii. 45. It resembles Schoner’s, -and Wieser ascribes it to that maker, and dates it 1515. It is 10½ -inches in diameter, and by some the date is fixed at 1520. - -7. Given by Duke Charles V. of Lorraine to the church at Nancy, and -opening in the middle, long used there as a pyx, is now preserved in -the Public Library in that town, and was described (with an engraving) -by M. Blau in the _Mémoires de la Société royale de Nancy_, in 1836, -and again in the _Compte-Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_, 1877, p. -359, and from a photograph by Dr. DeCosta, in the _Magazine of American -History_, March, 1881. It makes North America the eastern part of Asia, -and transforms Norumbega into Anorombega. It is made of silver, gilt, -and is six inches in diameter. - -8. Supposed to be of Spanish origin; preserved in the Bibliothèque -Nationale, at Paris, and formerly belonged to the brothers De Bure. It -bears a close resemblance to the Frankfort globe. - -9. In the custody of the successors of Canon L’Ecuy of Prémontré. It is -without date, and D’Avezac fixed it before 1524; others put it about -1540. It is the first globe to show North America disconnected from -Asia. It is said to be now in the Bibliothèque Nationale, at Paris. Cf. -Raemdonck, _Les Sphères de Mercator_, p. 28. - -10. What was thought to be the only copy known of one of Gerard -Mercator’s engraved globes was bought at the sale of M. Benoni-Verelst, -at Ghent, in May, 1868, by the Royal Library at Brussels. In 1875 it -was reproduced in twelve plane gores at Brussels, in folio, as a part -of _Sphère terrestre et sphère céleste de Gerard Mercator, éditées -à Louvain en 1541 et 1551_, and one of the sections is inscribed, -“EDEBAT GERARDUS MERCATOR RUPELMUNDANUS CUM PRIVILEGIO CES: MAIESTATIS -AD AN SEX LOVANII AN 1541.” Only two hundred copies of the fac-simile -were printed. There are copies in the Library of the State Department -at Washington, of Harvard College, and of the American Geographical -Society, New York. The outline of the eastern coast of America is -shown with tolerable accuracy, though there is no indication of the -discoveries of Cartier in the St. Lawrence Gulf and River, made a few -years earlier. In 1875 a second original was discovered in the Imperial -Court Library at Vienna; and a third is said to exist at Weimar. - -11. Of copper, made apparently in Italy,—at Rome, or Venice,—by -Euphrosynus Ulpius in 1542, is fifteen and one half inches in -diameter, was bought in 1859 out of a collection of a dealer in -Spain by Buckingham Smith, and is now in the Cabinet of the New York -Historical Society. The first meridian runs through the Canaries, and -it shows the demarcation line of Pope Alexander VI. It is described in -the _Historical Magazine_, 1862, p. 302, and the American parts are -engraved in B. Smith’s _Inquiry into the Authenticity of Verrazano’s -Claims_, and Henry C. Murphy’s _Verrazzano_, p. 114. See Harrisse, -_Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, no. 291. The fullest description, -accompanied by engravings of it, is given by B. F. De Costa in the -_Magazine of American History_, January, 1879; and in his _Verrazano -the Explorer_, New York, 1881, p. 64. - -[Illustration: SKETCH FROM THE FRANKFORT GLOBE. - -The Legends of this Globe are these: 1. Parias. 2. C. San til. 3. -Isabelle. 4. Jamaica. 5. Spagnolla. 6. Lit. incognita [The Baccalaos -region]. The passage to the west by the Central America isthmus will be -observed.] - -Mr. C. H. Coote, in his paper on “Globes” in the new edition of the -_Encyclopædia Britannica_, x. 680, mentions two other globes of the -sixteenth century, which may antedate that of Molineaux, both by A. -F. van Langren,—one in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and the -other, discovered in 1855, in the Bibliothèque de Grenoble. - -The globe-makers immediately succeeding Molineaux were W. J. Blaeu -(1571-1638) and his son John Blaeu, and their work is rare at this day. -Mr. P. J. H. Baudet, in his _Leven en werken van W. J. Blaeu_, Utrecht, -1871, reports finding but two pair of his (Blaeu’s) globes (terrestrial -and celestial) in Holland. His first editions bore date 1599, but he -constantly corrected the copper plates, from which he struck the gores. -Muller, of Amsterdam, offered a pair, in 1877, for five hundred Dutch -florins, and in his _Books on America_, iii. 164, another at seven -hundred and fifty florins. (_Catalogue_, 1877, no. 329.) A pair, dated -1606, was in the Stevens sale, 1881. _Hist. Coll._, i., no. 1335. - -I find no trace of the globe of Hondius, 1597, which gives the American -discoveries up to that date. See _Davis’s Voyages_ (Hakluyt Society), -p. 351. Hondius and Langeren were rivals. - - -[Illustration: SKETCH FROM THE MOLINEAUX MAP. - -The Legends are as follows:— - - 1. This land was discovered by John and Sebastian Cabot for Kinge - Henry y^e 7, 1497. - 2. Bacalaos. - 3. C. Bonavista. - 4. C. Raso. - 5. C. Britton. - 6. I. Sables. - 7. I. S. John. - 8. Claudia. - 9. Comokee. - 10. C. Chesepick. - 11. Hotorast. - 12. La Bermudas. - 13. Bahama. - 14. La Florida. - 15. The Gulfe of Mexico. - 16. Virginia. - 17. The lacke of Tadenac, the bounds whereof are unknowne. - 18. Canada. - 19. Hochelague.] - -=F.= MOLINEAUX MAP, 1600.—Emeric Molineaux, the alleged maker of this -map, belonged to Lambeth, “a rare gentleman in his profession, being -therein for divers years greatly supported by the purse and liberality -of the worshipful merchant, Mr. William Sanderson.” Captain Markham -(_Davis’s Voyages_, Hakluyt Society, London, 1880, pp. xxxiii, lxi, -also p. lxxxviii) is of the opinion that the true author is Edward -Wright, the mathematician, who perfected and rendered practicable what -we know to-day as Mercator’s projection,—first demonstrating it in his -Certain Errors in Navigation Detected, 1599, and first introducing its -formulæ accurately in the 1600 map. Hakluyt had spoken of the globe -by Molineaux in his 1589 edition, but it was not got ready in time -for his use. The map followed the globe, but was not issued till about -1600, the discoveries of Barentz in 1596 being the last indicated on -it. It measures 16½ × 25 inches. Quaritch in 1875 advanced the -theory that the globe of Molineaux was referred to in Shakespeare’s -_Twelfth Night_ (act iii. sc. 2), as the “new map.” (Quaritch’s 1879 -_Catalogue_, no. 321, book no. 11919),—a theory made applicable to the -map and sustained by C. H. Coote in 1878, in _Shakespeare’s “new map” -in Twelfth Night_ (also in _Transactions_ of the New Shakspere Society, -1877-79, i. 88-100), and reasserted in the Hakluyt Society’s edition -of _Davis’s Voyages_, p. lxxxv. Henry Stevens (_Hist. Coll._ i. 200), -however, is inclined to refer Shakespeare’s reference (“the new map -with the augmentation of the Indies”) to the “curious little round-face -shaped map” in Wytfliet’s _Ptolemæum Augmentum_, 1597. - -The Molineaux-Wright map has gained reputation from Hallam’s reference -to it in his _Literature of Europe_ as “the best map of the sixteenth -century.” It is now accessible in the autotype reproduction which was -made by Mr. Quaritch from the Grenville copy of Hakluyt’s _Principall -Navigations_ in the British Museum, and which accompanies the Hakluyt -Society’s edition of _Davis’s Voyages_. There are nine copies of the -map known, as follows: 1. King’s Library. 2. Grenville Library. 3. -Cracherode Copy. (These three are in the British Museum.) 4. Admiralty -Office. 5. Lenox Library, New York. 6. University of Cambridge. 7. -Christie Miller’s Collection. 8. Middle Temple. 9. A copy in Quaritch’s -Catalogue, 1881, no. 340, title-number, 6235, which had previously -appeared in the Stevens sale, _Hist. Collections_, i. 199. Quaritch -held the Hakluyt (3 vols.) with this genuine map at £156, and it is -said no other copy had been sold since the Bright sale. - -It may be noted that Blundeville, who in his _Exercises_, pp. 204-42, -describes the Mercator and Molineaux globes, also, pp. 245-78, gives a -long account of a mappamundi by Peter Plancius, dated 1592, of which -Linschoten, in 1594, gives a reduction. - - -=G.= MODERN COLLECTIONS OF EARLY MAPS.—The collections of -reproductions of the older maps, showing portions of the American -coast, and representing what may be termed the beginnings of modern -cartography, are the following:— - -JOMARD, E. F. _Les Monuments de la Géographie._ Paris, 1866. The death -of Jomard in 1862 (see Memoir by M. de la Roquette, in _Bulletin de -la Soc. Géog._ February, 1863, or 5th ser. v. 81, with a portrait; -Cortambert’s _Vie et Œuvres de Jomard_, Paris, 1868, 20 pages; and -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 232, vi. 334) prevented the completion -by him of the text which he intended should accompany the plates. M. -D’Avezac’s intention to supply it was likewise stayed by his death, in -1875. It proved, however, that Jomard had left behind what he had meant -for an introduction to the text; and this was printed in a pamphlet -at Paris in 1879, as _Introduction à l’Atlas des Monuments de la -Géographie_, edited by E. Cortambert. It is a succinct account of the -progress of cartography before the times of Mercator and Ortelius. The -atlas contains five maps, of great interest in connection with American -discovery:— - -The Frankfort Globe, _circa_ 1520. - -Juan de la Cosa’s map, 1500. - -The Cabot map of 1544. - -A French map, made for Henri II. - -Behaim’s Globe, 1492. - -These reproductions are of the size of the original. Good copies are -worth £10 10_s._ - -SANTAREM, VISCONDE DE. _Atlas Composé de Cartes des XIV^e XV^e XVI^e -et XVII^e siècles_, Paris. 1841-53. This was published at the charge -of the Portuguese Government, and is the most extensive of modern -fac-similes. Copies, which are rarely found complete, owing to its -irregular publication over a long period, are worth from $175 to $200. -A list of the maps in it is given in Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_, -1878, no. 529; and of them the following are of interest to students of -American history:— - -51. Mappemonde de Ruysch. This appeared in the Ptolemy of 1508 at Rome, -the earliest engraved map of America. - -52. Globe of Schoner, and the map in Camer’s edition of Solinus, each -of 1520. - -53. Mappemonde par F. Roselli, Florence, 1532, and the maps of -Sebastian Munster, 1544, and Vadianus, 1546. - -The atlas should be accompanied by _Essai sur l’histoire de la -Cosmographie et de la Cartographie pendant le Moyen Age, et sur les -progrès de la Géographie après les grandes découvertes du XV^e siècle_. -3 vols. Paris. 1849-52. - -KUNSTMANN, F. _Entdeckung Amerikas nach den ältesten Quellen -geschichtlich dargestellt._ Munich, 1859. This was published under -the auspices of the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, and is -accompanied by a large atlas, giving fac-similes of the principal -Spanish and Portuguese maps of the sixteenth century, including one of -the California coast, and that of the east coast of North America, by -Thomas Hood, 1592. Copies are worth from $15 to $20. - -LELEWEL, J. _Géographie du Moyen Age étudiée._ Bruxelles. 1852. 3 -vols. 8º. With a small folio atlas, of thirty-five plates, containing -fifty-two maps. The text is useful; but, as a rule, the maps are on too -small a scale for easy study. - -A series of photographic reproductions of early maps is now appearing -at Venice, under the title of _Raccolta di Mappamondi e Carte nautiche -del XIII al XVI secolo_. There are two which have a particular interest -in connection with the earliest explorations in America; namely,— - - 16. _Carta da navigare._ Attributed to ALBERTO CANTINO, supposed to - be A.D. 1501-03, and to illustrate the third voyage of Columbus. The - original is in the Bibl. Estense at Modena. [Not yet published.] - - 17. AGNESE, BATTISTA. _Fac-simile delle Carte nautiche dell’ anno - 1554, illustrate da Teobaldo Fischer._ Venezia. 1881. - -The editor, Fischer, is Professor of Geography at Kiel. The original is -in the Bibliotheca Marciana, at Venice. The sheets which throw light -upon the historical geography of America are these:— - -XVII. 4. North America northward to the Penobscot and the Gulf of -California; and the west coast of South America to 15° south; then -blank, till the region of Magellan’s Straits is reached. - -XVII. 5. North America, east coast from Labrador south; Central -America; South America, all of east coast, and west coast, as in XVII. -4. - -XVII. 33. The World,—the American continent much as in XVII. 4 and 5. - -We note the following other maps of Agnese:— - -_a._ Portolano in the British Museum, bearing date 1536. _Index to MSS. -in British Museum_, 19,927. If this is the one Kohl (_Discovery of -Maine_, p. 293) refers to as no. 5,463, MS. Department British Museum, -it is signed and dated by the author. - -_b._ Portolano, dated 1536, in the royal library at Dresden, of ten -plates,—one being the World, the western half of which, showing -America, is given reduced by Kohl, p. 292. It resembles XVII. 33, -above, but is not so well advanced, and retains a trace of Verrazano’s -Sea, which makes New England an isthmus. It wants the California -peninsula, a knowledge of whose discovery had hardly yet reached Venice. - -_c._ Portolano, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford; thought by Kohl, -who gives a sketch (pl. xv. c), to be the work of Agnese, since it -closely resembles, in its delineations of the American continent, that -Venetian’s notions. This, perhaps, is earlier than the previous map; -for it puts a strait leading to the Western sea, where Cartier had just -before supposed he had found such in the St. Lawrence. - -_d._ Map in the archives of the Duke of Coburg-Gotha, marked “Baptista -Agnes fecit, Venetiis, 1543, die 18 Febr.” Kohl (pl. xvii. 3) gives -from it a draft of the eastern coast of the United States. - -_e._ Map, like _d_, in the Huth Library at London. - -_f._ Portolano in the Royal Library, Dresden. It shows California. -Kohl, p. 294. - -_g._ Portolano in the British Museum, dated 1564. _Index to MSS._ -25,442. - -Kohl says (p. 293) there are other MS. maps of Agnese in London, Paris, -Gotha, and Dresden, not here enumerated. - -A few other books, less extensive and more accessible, deserve -attention in connection with the study of comparative early American -cartography. - -HENRY STEVENS. _History and Geographical Notes of the Early Discoveries -in America, 1453-1530_, New Haven, 1869, with five folding plates of -photographic fac-similes of sixteen of the most important maps. - -DR. J. G. KOHL. _Discovery of Maine_ (_Documentary History of Maine_, -1), with reduced sketches, not in fac-simile, of many early charts of -our eastern seaboard. - -CHARLES P. DALY. _Early History of Cartography, or what we know of -Maps and Map-making before the time of Mercator_,—being his annual -address, 1879, before the American Geographical Society. The maps are -unfortunately on a very much reduced scale. - - * * * * * - -NOTE.—Since this chapter was completed Henry Harrisse’s _Jean et -Sébastien Cabot_, Paris, 1882, has given us the fullest account of -Agnese’s cartographical labors, with much other useful information -about the maps from 1497 to 1550; and George Bancroft (_Magazine of -American History_, 1883, pp. 459, 460), in defence of his latest -revision, has controverted Dr. De Costa’s statement (Ibid., 1883, p. -300), that Gosnold had no permission from Ralegh, and has set forth his -reasons for believing that Waymouth ascended the George’s River. De -Costa replied to Bancroft in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Aug., 1883, p. -143. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - - THE RELIGIOUS ELEMENT IN THE SETTLEMENT OF NEW ENGLAND.—PURITANS AND - SEPARATISTS IN ENGLAND. - -BY GEORGE EDWARD ELLIS, - -_Vice-President of the Massachusetts Historical Society._ - - -THERE is no occasion to offer any elaborate plea for making this theme -the subject of a chapter of American history, however extended into -detail or compressed in its dealing with general themes that history -might be. In the origin and development, the strengthening and the -triumph, of those agencies which transferred from the Old World to the -New the trial of fresh ideas and the experiment with free institutions, -the colonists of New England had the leading part. The influence and -the institutions which have gone forth from them have had a prevailing -sway on the northern half of this continent. Their enterprise—in -its seemingly feeble, but from the first earnest and resolute, -purpose—took its spring from religious dissension following upon the -earlier stages of the Protestant Reformation in England. The grounds, -occasions, and results of that dissension thus become the proper -subject of a chapter in American history. It is certain that in tracing -the early assertion in England of what may be called the principles of -dissent from ecclesiastical authority, we are dealing with forces which -have wrought effectively on this continent. - -The well-established and familiar fact, that the first successful and -effective colonial enterprises of Englishmen in New England found their -motive and purpose in religious variances within the English communion, -is illustrated by an incident anticipatory by several years of the -period which realized that result. A scheme was devised and entered -upon in England in the interest of substantially the same class of -men known as Separatists and Nonconformists, who twenty-three years -afterward established themselves at Plymouth, and ten years later in -Massachusetts Bay. In the year 1597, there were confined in London -prisons a considerable number of men known confusedly as Barrowists or -Brownists, who had been seized in the conventicles of the Separatists, -or had made themselves obnoxious by disaffection with the government, -the forms, or the discipline of the English hierarchy. In that year a -scheme was proposed, apparently by the Government, for planting some -permanent colonists somewhere in the northern parts of North America. -Some of these Separatists petitioned the Council for leave to transport -themselves for this purpose, promising fidelity to the Queen and her -realm. Three merchants at the time were planning a voyage for fishing -and discovery, with a view to a settlement on an island variously -called Rainea, Rainée, and Ramees, in a group of the Magdalen Islands, -in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and they were to furnish two ships for the -enterprise. Reinforcing the petition of the Separatists, they asked -permission to transport with them “divers artificers and other persons -that are noted to be Sectaries, whose minds are continually in an -ecclesiastical ferment.” Permission was granted for the removal of two -such persons in each of the two ships, the merchants giving bonds that -the exiles should not return unless willing to obey the ecclesiastical -laws. The four prisoners who embarked for the voyage, April 8, 1597, -were Francis and George Johnson, brothers, who had been educated at -Cambridge, and Daniel Studley and John Clarke, who shared with them -their Separatist principles. One of the vessels was wrecked when near -its destination, and the company took refuge on the other, which, -proving unseaworthy and scantily provisioned, returned to England, -arriving in the Channel, September 1. The four exiles found their way -stealthily to a hiding-place in London, and by the middle of the month -were in Amsterdam. Their history there connects with the subsequent -fortunes of the Separatists in England, and with those of the Pilgrims -at Plymouth.[443] - -The facts, persons, and incidents with which we have to deal in -treating of this special matter of religious contention within the -English Church, give us simply the opening in series and course of -what under various modifications is known as the history of Dissent. -The strife then engendered has continued essentially the same down to -our own times, turning upon the same points of controversy and upon -contested principles, rights, and methods. The present relations of -the parties to this entailed dissension may throw some light back upon -the working of the elements in it when it was first opened. The result -which has been reached, after the processes engaged in it for nearly -four centuries, shows itself to us in a still existing National Church -establishment in England, with authority and vested rights, privileges, -and prerogatives, yet nevertheless repudiated by nearly, if not quite, -half of the subjects of the realm. The reason or the right, the -grounds or the justification, of the original workings of Dissent have -certainly been suspended long enough for discussion and judgment upon -their merits to help us to reach a fair decision upon them. - -The indifference, even the strong distaste, which writers and readers -alike feel to a rehearsal in our days of the embittered and aggravated -strife,—often concerned too, with what seem to us petty, trivial, -and perverse elements of scruple, temper, and passion,—in the early -Puritan controversy in the Church of England, may be sensibly relieved -by the spirit of fairness and consideration in which the subject is -treated in the most recent dealing with it by able and judicious -writers. There are even now in the utterances of pulpit and platform, -and in the voluminous pages of pamphlet, essay, and so-called history, -survivals and renewals of all the sharpness and acrimoniousness of -the original passions of the controversy. And where this spirit has -license, the lengthening lapse of time will more or less falsify -the truth of the relation of either side of the strife. One whose -sympathies are with either party may rightly claim that it be fairly -presented, its limitations, excesses, and even its perversities being -excused or palliated, where reasons can be shown. Nor is one who for -any fair purpose undertakes a statement or exposition of the views -and course of either of those parties to be regarded as also its -champion and vindicator. But no rehearsal of the controversy will -have much value or interest for readers of our day which does assume -such championship of one party. As the Puritans, Nonconformists, or -Dissenters, from the beginning up to this day, were substantially -defeated, disabled, and made the losers of the object for which they -contended, they may fairly claim the allowance of making the best -possible statement of their cause. - -Those who at this distance of time accede in their lineage and -principles to the heritage of the first Dissenters from the English -Church system, might naturally eulogize them for their noble service -in laying the foundations of religious and civil liberty in the realm. -But there are not lacking in these days Royalists and Churchmen alike -who in the pages of history and in essays equally extol the English -Nonconformists as the foremost champions, the most effective agents, -in bringing to trial and triumph the free institutions of the realm. -Making the fullest allowances for all the perversities and fanaticisms -wrought in with the separating tenets and principles of individuals and -sects, their protests and assertions, their sufferings and constancy -under disabilities, all wrought together at last to insure a grand -result. Boldly is the assertion now maintained, that the Church of -England at several critical periods would have been unable to withstand -the recuperative forces of the Roman Church, had it not been for the -persistent action of the Nonconformists in holding the ground won -by the Reformation, and in demanding advance in the same line. The -partial schemes of toleration and comprehension which were hopefully or -mockingly entertained by parties in the Government down to the period -of the Revolution, were avowedly designed “to strengthen the Protestant -interest.” The strength of Dissent, in all its forms and stages, lay in -its demanding for the laity voice and influence in all ecclesiastical -affairs. It was this that restrained the dominance of priestly power. - -There is a very important consideration to be had in view when we aim -to form a fair and impartial judgment of the spirit and course of those -earnest, if contentious, men, scholars, divines, heads and fellows -of universities, who in their Nonconforming or Separatist principles -originated dissensions in the English Church, and withdrew from it, -bearing various pains and penalties. Even in the calmer dealing with -them in the religious literature of our own times coming from Episcopal -writers, we find traces of the irritation, reproach, and contempt felt -and expressed for these original Dissenters when they first came into -notice, to be dealt with as mischief-makers and culprits. They were -then generally regarded as unreasonable, perverse, and contentious -spirits, exaggerating trifling matters, obtruding morbid scruples, -and keeping the realm in a ferment of petty squabbles on subjects in -themselves utterly indifferent. They withstood the hearty, harmonious -engagement of the rulers and the mass of the people of the realm in the -difficult task of securing the general principles and interests of the -Reformation, when perils and treacheries of a most formidable character -from the Papacy and from internal and external enemies threatened every -form of disaster. To this charge it might be replied, that the Puritans -believed that a thorough and consistent work of reformation within the -realm would be the best security for loyalty, internal harmony, and -protection from the plottings of all outside enemies. - -The most interesting and significant fact underlying the origin and the -principles alike of Nonconformity and of Separatism in England at the -period of the Reformation, is this: the facility and acquiescence with -which changes were made in the English ecclesiastical system up to a -certain point, while further modifications in the same direction were -so stiffly resisted. It would seem as if it had been assumed at once -that there was a well-defined line of division which should sharply -distinguish between what must necessarily or might reasonably be made -a part of the new order of things when the Papacy was renounced, and -what must be conserved against all further innovation. The pivot of -all subsequent controversy, dissension, and alienation turned upon the -question whether this sharply drawn line was not wholly an arbitrary -one, not adjusted by a principle of consistency, but of the nature of -a compromise. This question was followed by another: Why should the -process of reformation in the Church, so resolute and revolutionary in -changing its institution and discipline and ritual, stop at the stage -which it has already reached? Could any other answer be given than that -the majority, or those who in office or prerogative had the power to -enforce a decision, had decided that the right point had been reached, -and that an arrest must be made there? - -We must indicate in a summary way the stage which the Reformation had -reached in England when Puritanism, in its various forms, made itself -intrusive and obnoxious in demanding further changes. We need not open -and deal with the controverted point, about which English Churchmen are -by no means in accord, as to whether their Church had or did not have -an origin and jurisdiction independently of all agency, intrusion, or -intervention of the Bishop of Rome, or the Pope. It is enough to start -with the fact, that up to the reign of Henry VIII. the Pope asserted -and exercised a supremacy both in civil and in ecclesiastical affairs -in the realm. If there was a Church in England, it was allowed that -that Church must have a head. The Pope was acknowledged to be that -head. Henry VIII., with the support of his Parliament, renounced the -Papal supremacy, and himself acceded to that august dignity. The -year 600 is assigned as the date when Pope Gregory I. put Augustin, -or Austin, over the British Church. The headship of the Pope was -acknowledged in the line of monarchs till Henry VIII. became the -substitute of Clement VII. In the twenty-sixth year of Henry’s reign -his Parliament enacted that “whatsoever his Majesty should enjoin in -matters of religion should be obeyed by all his subjects.” Some of the -clergy, being startled at this exaltation of a layman to the highest -ecclesiastical office, demanded the insertion of the qualifying words -“as far as is agreeable to the laws of Christ.” The King for a time -accepted this qualification, but afterward obtained the consent of -Parliament for its omission. Whatever may be granted or denied to the -well-worn plea that the King’s reformatory zeal was inspired by his -feud with the Pope about his matrimonial infelicities, it is evident -that, notwithstanding the unrestrained royal prerogative, the monarch -could not have struck at the very basis of all ecclesiastical rule and -order in his kingdom, had there not been not only in his Council and -Parliament, but also working among all orders of the people, a spirit -and resolve against the Papal rule and discipline, ready to enter upon -the unsounded and perilous ventures of radical reformation. None as -yet knew where the opened way would lead them. The initiatory and each -onward step might yet have to be retraced. Not for many years afterward -did the threat and dread of the full restoration of the Papal power -cease to appal the people of the realm. The final and the impotent blow -which severed the Papacy from the realm came in the Bull of Pope Pius -V. in 1571, which denounced Elizabeth as a heretic, and, under pain of -curse, forbade her subjects to obey her laws. The measures of reform -under Henry were tentative and arbitrary on his part. They made no -recognition of any defined aim and stage to be reached. We must keep -this fact in view as showing that while the realm was ready for change, -it was as yet a process, not a mark. - -It is necessary to start with a definition of terms which are -often confounded in their use. “Puritans,” “Separatists,” and -“Nonconformists” might in fact be terms equally applicable to many -individuals, but none the less they were distinctive, and in many cases -indicated very broad divergencies and characteristics in opinion, -belief, and conduct. Nonconformists and Separatists were alike -Puritans,—the latter intensively such. Puritanism developed alike -into Nonconformity and Separatism. The earliest Puritans came to be -Nonconformists, after trying in vain to retain a ministry and communion -in the English Church as established by royal and civil authority, and -after being driven from it because of their persistent demands for -further reform in it. As heartily as did those who remained in its -communion, they believed in the fitness of an established nationalized -Church. They wished to be members of such a Church themselves; and -not only so, but also to force upon others such membership. It was -not to destroy, but to purify; not to deny to the civil authority -a legislative and disciplinary power in religious matters, but to -limit the exercise of that right within Scriptural rules and methods. -They had sympathized in the processes of reform so far as these had -advanced, but complained that the work had been arbitrarily arrested, -was incomplete, was inconsistently pursued, was insecure in the stage -which it had reached, and so left without the warrant which Scripture -alone could furnish as a substitute for repudiated Rome. - -Who were the Separatists, whose utterances, scruples, and conduct -seemed so whimsical, pertinacious, disloyal, and refractory in Old -England, and whose enterprise has been so successful and honorable in -its development in New England? When the unity of the Roman Church -was sundered at the Reformation, all those once in its communion who -parted from it were Separatists. It is an intricate but interesting -story, which has been often told, wearisomely and indeed exhaustively, -in explanation of the fact that this epithet came to designate a -comparatively small number of individuals in a nation to the mass -of whose population it equally belonged. The term “separatist” or -“sectary” carries with it a changing significance and association, -according to the circumstances of its application. It was first -used to designate the Christians. The Apostle Paul was called “a -ringleader of the _sect_ of the Nazarenes” (Acts xxiv. 5). The Roman -Jews described the Christians as a “_sect_” that was “everywhere -spoken against” (Acts xxviii. 22). The civil power gave a distinctive -limitation to the epithet. It is always to be remembered that every -national-church establishment existing among Protestants is the -creation of the civil authority. Its inclusion and its exclusion, -the privileges and disabilities which it gives or imposes, its -titles of honor or reproach, are the awards of secular magistrates. -All ecclesiastical polity, outside of Scriptural rule and sanction, -receives its authority, for those who accept and for those who reject -it, from the extension of the temporal power into the province of -religion. When King Henry VIII. and the English Parliament assumed the -ecclesiastical headship and prerogative previously exercised by Pope -Clement VII., all the loyal people of the realm became Separatists. All -the Reformed bodies of the Continent substantially regarded themselves -as coming under that designation, which might have been applied and -assumed with equal propriety as the epithet “protestants.” The Curia -of the hierarchy at Rome from the first until now regards English and -all other Protestants as Separatists. An archbishop or bishop of the -English Church is ranked by the Church of Rome in the same category of -unauthorized intruders upon sacred functions with the second-advent -exhorter and the field-preacher. The pages of English history, so -diligently wrought, and the developments of ecclesiastical polity in -the realm must be studied and traced by one who would fully understand -the occasion, the grounds, and the justice of the restriction which -confined the title of “separatists” to the outlawed and persecuted -and exiled class of persons, many of them graduates of English -universities, ordained and serving in the pulpits of the Church, who -were represented in and out of English jails by the four men whose -abortive scheme of planting a colony in North America has just been -referred to. However, justly or unjustly, the epithet “separatists” -came to be applied and accepted as designating those who would not only -not conform to the discipline of the Church, as still members of it, -but who utterly renounced all connection with it, kept away from it, -and organized assemblies, conventicles, or fellowships, subject only to -such discipline as they might agree upon among themselves. - -A suggestion presents itself here, to which a candid view of facts -must attach much weight. Nonconformity, Separatism, Dissent, are not -to be regarded as factiously obtruding themselves upon a peaceful, -orderly, and well-established system, already tried and approved in -its general workings. The Reformation in England was then but in -progress, in its early stages; everything had been shaken, all was -still unsettled, unadjusted, not reduced to permanence and order. There -was an experiment to be tried, an institution to be recreated and -remodelled, a substitute Church to be provided for a repudiated Church. -The early Dissenters regarded themselves as simply taking part in an -unfinished reform. The Church in England, under entanglements of civil -policy and complications of State, gave tokens of stopping at a stage -in reform quite different from that reached, and allowed progressive -advance and unfettered conditions among Protestants on the Continent. -There the course was free. The French, Dutch, and Italian systems, -though not accordant, were all unlike the English ecclesiastical -system. In England it was impeded, leading to a kind of establishment -and institution in hierarchical and ritual administration which had -more regard for the old Church, and looked to more compromise with -it. It was not as if yielding to their own crotchets, self-willed -idiosyncrasies, and petty fancies that those who opened the line of -the Dissenters obtruded their variances, scruples, and contentions in -assailing what was already established and perfected. They meant to -come in at the beginning, at the first stage, the initiation of what -was to be the new order of things in the Church, which was then, as -they viewed it, in a state of formation and organization for time to -come. They took alarm at the simulation of the system and ritual of the -Roman Church, which the English, alone of all the Reformed Churches, -in their view evidently favored. They wished to have hand and voice -in initiating and planning the ecclesiastical institutions under -which they were to live as Christians. Individual conscience, too, -which heretofore had been a nullity, was thenceforward to stand for -something. It remained to be proved how much and what was to be allowed -to it, but it was not to be scornfully slighted. Then, also, with the -first manifestations of a Nonconforming and Separatist spirit, we note -the agitation of the question, which steadily strengthened in its -persistency and emphasis of treatment, as to what were to be the rights -and functions of lay people in the administration of a Christian -Church. Were they to continue, as under the Roman system, simply to -be led, governed, and disciplined, as sheep in a fold, by a clerical -order? Hallam gives it as his conclusion, that the party in the realm -during Elizabeth’s reign “adverse to any species of ecclesiastical -change,” was less numerous than either of the other parties, Catholic -or Puritan. According to this view, if one third of the people of the -realm would have consented to the restoration of the Roman system, -and less than one third were in accord with the Protestant prelatical -establishment, certainly the other third, the Puritanical party, might -assert their right to a hearing. - -While claiming and pleading that the strict rule and example of -Scripture precedent and model should alone be followed in the -institution and discipline of the Christian Church, there was a -second very comprehensive and positive demand made by the Puritans, -which,—as we shall calmly view it in the retrospect, as taking its -impulse and purpose either from substantial and valid reasons of good -sense, discretion, and practical wisdom, or as starting from narrow -conceits, perversity, and eccentric judgments leading it on into -fanaticism,—put the Puritans into antagonism with the Church party. -From the first token of the breach with Rome under Henry VIII. through -the reigns of his three children and the four Stuarts, the Reformation -was neither accomplished in its process, nor secure of abiding in -the stage which it had reached. More than once during that period of -one and a half centuries there were not only reasonable fears, but -actual evidences, that a renewed subjection to the perfectly restored -thraldom of Rome might, in what seemed to be merely the cast of a -die, befall the distracted realm of England. The Court, Council, and -Parliament pulsated in regular or irregular beats between Romanism -and Protestantism. Henry VIII. left the work of reform embittered in -its spirit for both parties, unaccomplished, insecure, and with no -settlement by fixed principles. His three children, coming successively -to the crown, pursued each a policy which had all the elements of -confusion, antagonism, inconsistency, and extreme methods. - -The spirit which vivified Puritanism had been working in England, and -had been defining and certifying its animating and leading principles, -before any formal measures of King and Parliament had opened the breach -with Rome. The elemental ferment began with the circulation and reading -of parts or the whole of the Scriptures in the English tongue. The -surprises and perils which accompanied the enjoyment of this fearful -privilege by private persons of acute intelligence and hearts sensitive -to the deepest religious emotions, were followed by profound effects. -The book was to them a direct, intelligible, and most authoritative -communication from God. To its first readers it did not seem to need -any help from an interpreter or commentator. It is a suggestive fact, -that for English readers the now mountainous heaps of literature -devoted to the exposition, illustration, and extended and comparative -elucidation of Scripture were produced only at a later period. The -first Scripture readers, antedating the actual era of the English -Reformation and the formal national rupture with the Roman Church, were -content with the simple text. They were impatient with any glosses or -criticisms. When afterward, in the interests of psalmody in worship, -the first attempts were made in constructing metrical versions of the -Psalms, the intensest opposition was raised against the introduction of -a single expletive word for which there was no answering original in -the text. - -We must assign to this early engagedness of love and devoted regard -and fond estimate of the Bible the mainspring and the whole guiding -inspiration of all the protests and demands which animated the Puritan -movements. The degree in which afterward any individual within the -communion of the English Church was prompted to pursue what he regarded -as the work of reformation, whether he were prelate, noble, gentleman, -scholar, husbandman, or artisan, and whether it drove him to conformity -or to any phase of Puritanism, or even Separatism, depended mainly upon -the estimate which he assigned to the Scriptures, whether as the sole -or only the co-ordinate authority for the institution and discipline of -the Christian Church. The free and devout reading of the Scriptures, -when engaging the fresh curiosity and zeal of thoroughly earnest -men and women, roused them to an amazed surprise at the enormous -discordance between the matter and spirit of the sacred book and the -ecclesiastical institutions and discipline under which they had been -living,—“the simplicity that was in Christ,” constrasted with the -towering corruptions and the monstrous tyranny and thraldom of the -Papacy! This first surprise developed into all shades and degrees of -protest, resentment, indignation, and almost blinding passion. Those -who are conversant with the writings of either class of the Puritans -know well with what paramount distinctness and emphasis they use the -term, “the Word.” The significance attached to the expression gives -us the key to Puritanism. For its most forcible use was when, in a -representative championship, it was made to stand in bold antagonism -with the term “the Church,” as inclusive of what it carried with -it alike under the Roman or the English prelatical system. “The -Church,” “the Scriptures,” are the word-symbols of the issue between -Conformity and Puritanism. Christ did not leave Scriptures behind him, -said one party, but he did leave a Church. Yes, replied the other -party; he left apostles who both wrote the Scriptures and planted and -administered the Church. The extreme to which the famous “Se-Baptist,” -John Smyth, carried this insistency upon the sole authority of the -Scriptures, led him to repudiate the use of the English Bible in -worship, and to require that the originals in Greek and Hebrew should -be substituted.[444] The fundamental distinguishing principle which is -common to all the phases of Puritanism, Dissent, and Separatism in the -English Church is this,—of giving to the Scriptures sole authority, -especially over matters in which the Church claimed control and -jurisdiction. There was in the earlier stage of the struggle little, -if any, discordance as to doctrine. Discipline and ritual were the -matters in controversy. The rule and text of Scripture were to displace -canon law and the Church courts. The first representatives of the -sect of Baptists resolved, “by the grace of God, not to receive or -practise any piece of positive worship which had not precept or example -in the Word.”[445] Nor were the Baptists in this respect singular or -emphatic beyond any others of the Dissenting company. None of them -had any misgiving as to the resources and sole authority of Scripture -to furnish them with model, guide, and rule. It is remarkable that -in view of the positive and reiterated avowal of this principle by -all the Puritans, there should have been in recent times, as there -was not in the first era of the controversy, any misapprehension of -their frank adoption of it, their resolute standing by it. Archbishop -Whately repeatedly marked it as evidence of the inspired wisdom of the -New Testament writers, that they do not define the form or pattern -of a church institution for government, worship, or discipline. The -Puritans, however, believed that those writers did this very thing, -and had a purpose in doing it. It was to strike at the very roots -of this exclusive Scriptural theory of the Puritans that Hooker -wrought out his famous and noble classical production, _The Laws of -Ecclesiastical Polity_. He admitted in this elegant and elaborate work -that Scripture furnished the sole rule for doctrine, but argued with -consummate ability that it was not such an exclusive and sufficient -guide for government or discipline. The apostles did not, he said, -fix a rule for their successors. The Church was a divinely instituted -society; and, like every society, it had a full prerogative to make -laws for its government, ceremonial, and discipline. He argued that -a true Church polity must be taken not only from what the Scriptures -affirm distinctly, but also “from what the general rules and principles -of Scripture potentially contain.” Starting with his grand basis of -the sanctity and majesty of Law, as founded in natural order, he -insisted that the Church should establish such order in laws, rites, -and ceremonies within its fold, and that all who have been baptized -into it are bound to conform to its ecclesiastical laws. He would not -concede to the Puritans their position of denial, but he insisted that -Episcopacy was of apostolic institution. He was, however, at fault -in affirming that the Puritans admitted that they could not find all -the parts of the discipline which they stood for in the Scriptures. -Dean Stanley comes nearer to the truth, in what is for him a sharp -judgment, when he writes: “The Puritan idea that there was a Biblical -counterpart to every—the most trivial—incident or institution of -modern ecclesiastical life, has met with an unsparing criticism from -the hand of Hooker.”[446] Indeed, it was keenly argued as against these -Puritan sticklers for adhesion to Scripture rule and model, that they -by no means conformed rigidly to the pattern, as they dropped from -observance such matters as a community of goods, the love feast, the -kiss of peace, the Lord’s Supper in upper chambers, and baptism by -immersion. - -It is, in fact, to this attempt of all Nonconformists to make the -Scriptures the sole and rigid guide alike in Church discipline as in -doctrine, that we are to trace their divergencies and dissensions -among themselves, their heated controversies, their discordant -factions, their constant parting up of their small conventicles -into smaller ones, even of only two or three members, and the real -origin of all modern sects. This was the common experience of such -Dissenters from the Church, alike in England before their exile and -then in all the places of their exile,—Holland, Frankfort, Geneva, -and elsewhere. It could not but follow on their keen, acute, and -concentrated searching and scanning of every sentence and word of -Scripture as bearing upon their contest with prelacy, that they should -be led beyond matters of mere discipline into those of doctrine. A -very small point was enough to open a new issue. It is vexing to the -spirit, while winning sometimes our admiration for the intense and -awful sincerity of the self-inflicting victims of their own scruples, -magnified into compunctions of conscience, to trace the quarrels and -leave-takings of those poor exiles on the Continent, struggling in -toil and sacrifice for a bare subsistence, but finding compensation -if not solace in their endless and ever-sharpening altercations. But -while all this saddens and oppresses us, we have to allow that it was -natural and inevitable. The Bible, the Holy Scriptures, will never -henceforward to any generation, in any part of the globe, be, or stand -for, to individuals or groups of men and women, what it was to the -early English Puritans. To it was intrusted all the honor, reverence, -obedience, and transcendent responsibility in the life, the hope, -and the salvation of men, which had but recently been given, in awe -and dread, to a now dishonored and repudiated Church, against which -scorn and contempt and hate could hardly enough embitter reproach and -invective. With that Book in hand, men and women, than whom there -have never lived those more earnest and sincere, sat down in absorbed -soul-devotion, to exercise their own thinking on the highest subjects, -to decide each for himself what he could make of it. Those who have -lived under a democracy, or a full civil, mental, and religious freedom -like our own, well know the crudity, the perversity, the persistency, -the conceits and idiosyncrasies into which individualism will run on -civil, social, and political matters of private and public interest. -How much more then will all exorbitant and eccentric, as well as all -ingenious and rational, manifestations of like sort present themselves, -when, instead of dealing with ballots, fashions, and social issues, men -and women take in hand a book which, so to speak, they have just seized -out of a descending cloud, as from the very hand of God. It was easy to -claim the right of private judgment; but to learn how wisely to use it -was quite a different matter. It was, however, in those earnest, keen -studies, those brooding musings, those searching and subtle processes -of speculation and dialectic argument engaged upon the Bible and upon -institutional religion, that the wit, the wisdom, the logic, and the -vigor of the understanding powers of people of the English race were -sharpened to an edge and a toughness known elsewhere in no other. The -aim of Prelatists, Conformists, and clerical and civil magistrates in -religion, to bring all into a common belief and ritual, was hopeless -from the start. It made no allowance for the rooted varieties and -divergencies in nature, taste, sensibility, judgment, and conscience -in individuals who were anything more than animated clods. How was it -possible for one born and furnished in the inner man to be a Quaker, -to be manufactured into a Churchman? It soon became very evident -that bringing such a people as the English into accord in belief and -observance under a hierarchical and parochial system would be no -work of dictation or persuasion, but would require authority, force, -penalties touching spiritual, mental, and bodily freedom, and resorting -to fines, violence, and prisons. - -The consumptive boy-king, Edward VI., dying when sixteen years of age, -through his advisers, advanced the Reformation in some of its details -beyond the stage at which it was left by his father, and put the work -in the direction of further progress. But “Bloody Mary,” with her -spectral Spanish consort, Philip II., overset what had by no means -become a Protestant realm, and made it over to cardinal and pope. -Nearly three hundred martyrs, including an archbishop and four bishops, -perished at the stake, besides the uncounted victims in the dungeons. -No one had suffered to the death for religion in the preceding reign. -After her accession, Elizabeth stiffly held back from accepting even -that stage of reform reached by Edward. In the Convocation of 1562, -only a single vote, on a division, withstood the proposal to clear the -ritual of nearly every ceremony objectionable to the Puritans. The two -statutes of supremacy and uniformity, passed in the first year of the -reign of Elizabeth, brought the English Church under that subjection to -the temporal or civil jurisdiction which has continued to this day. The -firmness, not to say the obstinacy, with which the Queen stood for her -prerogative in this matter has been entailed upon Parliament; and the -ecclesiastical Convocation has in vain struggled to assert independency -of it. Elizabeth exhibited about an equal measure of zeal against -Catholics and Puritans. She frankly gave out her resolution that if -she should marry a Catholic prince, she should not allow him a private -chapel in her palace. About two hundred Catholics suffered death in her -reign. - -An important episode in the development of Puritanism and Separatism -in the English Church brings to our notice the share which different -parties came to have in both those forms of dissent during a period of -temporary exile on the Continent in the reigns of Henry VIII. and Mary, -and afterward of Elizabeth. The results reached by the two classes -of those exiles were manifested respectively in the colonization, -first by Separatists, at Plymouth, and next by Nonconformists in the -Massachusetts Bay, and by other New England colonists. - -In the thirty-first year of Henry’s reign, 1539, while the monarch was -vacillating between the old religion and the new, was enacted what -was called “The Bloody Statute.” This was of “six articles.” These -articles enforced the dogmas of Transubstantiation, of Communion in -One Element, of the Celibacy of the Clergy, of the Vows of Chastity, -of Private Masses, and of Auricular Confession. An infraction of these -articles in act or speech or writing was to be punished either by -burning, as heresy, or by execution, as felony. The articles were to -be publicly read by all the clergy quarterly. To escape the operation -of this statute, many of the clergy went to Geneva. Returning on the -accession of Edward, they had to exile themselves again when Mary came -to the throne, to venture home once more under Elizabeth, in 1559. As -early as 1528, there had been a small but earnest religious fellowship -of devout scholars in Cambridge, meeting for exercises of prayer and -reading. Three of its members—Bilney, Latimer, and Bradford—were -burned under Mary. Afterward Travers and Cartwright, both of them men -of eminent ability and religious fervor, had found refuge in Geneva; -and to them, on their return, is to be ascribed the strength and -prevalence of the spirit of Puritanism in Cambridge. The fact that so -many men of parts and scholarship and distinguished position were thus -principal agents in the first working of Puritanism, should qualify -the common notion that Nonconformity in England had its rise through -obscure and ordinary men. Some of the most eminent Puritans, and even -Separatists, were noted university men and scholars,—like Cartwright, -Perkins, Ames, Bradshaw, and Jacob, the last being of Oxford. Robinson, -the pastor at Leyden, has been pronounced to have been among the first -men of his time in learning and comprehensiveness of mind.[447] It -was really in the churches of the English exiles in Holland that the -ultimate principles of Independency and Congregationalism were wrought -out, to be asserted and so manfully stood for both in Old and in New -England. Indeed, the essential principles of largest toleration and -of equality, save in civil functions, had been established in Holland -in 1572, before the coming of the English exiles. Almost as real as -ideal was the recognition there of the one all-comprehensive church -represented by a multitude of independent elements. Greenwood and his -fellow-student at Cambridge,—Barrow, a layman,—joined the Separatists -in 1586. The Separatists in England might well, as they did, complain -to King James that he did not allow the same liberty to them, his own -subjects, as was enjoyed by the French and Walloon churches in London -and elsewhere in England. - -On the accession of Queen Mary, who was crowned in 1553, more than -eight hundred of the English Reformers took refuge on the Continent. -Among them were five bishops, five deans, four archdeacons, fifty -doctors of divinity and famous preachers, with nobles, merchants, -traders, mechanics, etc. Among the “sundrie godly men” who went to -Frankfort, the Lutheran system gained much influence. Those who -found a refuge in Zurich and Geneva were more affected towards the -Calvinistic. Soon after a flourishing and harmonious church, with the -favor of the magistrates, had been established at Frankfort, dissension -about matters of discipline and the use of the Prayer-book of King -Edward VI., with or without a revision, was opened by some new-comers. -The advice of Knox, Calvin, and others, which was asked, did not -prevent an acrimonious strife, which ended in division.[448] Carrying -back their differences to England, we find them contributing to deepen -the alienation and the variances between Conformists, Nonconformists, -and Separatists. The intimacy and sympathy with Reformers on the -Continent naturally induced the exiles, even the English bishops -who had been among them, to lay but little stress on the exclusive -prerogatives of Episcopacy, including the theory of Apostolic -Succession. - -The English bishops who were most earnest in the early measures of -reform,—such as Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer,—realizing that in the -minds of the common people the strong ties of association connected -with the emblems, forms, and vestments of the repudiated Church of -Rome would encourage lingering superstitions in their continued use, -would have had them wholly set aside. Especially would they have had -substituted in the chancels of churches tables instead of altars, as -the latter would always be identified with the Mass. The people also -associated the validity of clerical administrations with priestly -garments. The starting point of the Puritan agitation and protest as -to these matters may well be found, therefore, in the refusal of Dr. -Hooper to wear the clerical vestments for his consecration as Bishop of -Gloucester in 1550. Having exiled himself at Zurich during the latter -part of the reign of Henry VIII., Hooper had become more thoroughly -imbued with Reforming principles, and withstood the compromising -compliances which some of the Continental Reformers yielded. Even -Ridley insisted upon his putting on the vestments for his consecration; -and after being imprisoned for his recusancy, he was forced to a -partial concession. This matter of habits, tippets, caps, etc., may -be viewed either as a bugbear, or as representative of a very serious -principle. - -In an early stage of the Puritan movement as working in the progress of -the Reformation in England, it thus appeared that what, as represented -in men and principles, might be called a third party, was to assert -itself. As the event proved, in the struggle for the years following, -and in the accomplished result still triumphant, this third party was -to hold the balance of power. There was a general accord in dispensing -with the Pope, renouncing his sway, and retaining within the realm the -exercise of all ecclesiastical jurisdiction. A Romanizing party was -still in strength, with its hopes temporarily reviving, its agencies, -open and secret, on the alert, and its threats bold, if opportunity -should favor the execution of them. This Romanizing faction may -represent one extreme; the Puritans may represent another. A third, and -for a considerable space of time weaker, as already stated, than either -of them, intervened, to win at last the victory. In ridding themselves -of Rome, the Puritans aimed to rid the Church of everything that had -come into it from that source,—hierarchy, ceremonial, superstition, -discipline, and assumption of ecclesiastical prerogative,—reducing -the whole Church fabric to what they called gospel simplicity in rule -and order; the apostolic model. This, as we have noticed, was to be -sought full, sufficient, and authoritative in the Scriptures. But -neither of the Reforming monarchs, nor the majority of the prelates -successively exercising ecclesiastical jurisdiction, were prepared -for this reversion to so-called first principles. They would not -allow the sufficiency nor the sole authority of the Scriptural model; -nor would they admit that all that was wrought into the hierarchy, -the ceremonial, the institution, and the discipline of the English -Church came into it through Popery, and had the taint or blemish of -Popery. The English Church now represents the principles then argued -out, maintained, and adopted. It followed a principle of selection, -sometimes called compromise, to some seeming arbitrary, to others -reasonable and right. It proceeded upon the recognition of an interval -between the close of the ministry of the apostles and the rise of the -Papacy, with its superstitious innovations and impositions, during -which certain principles and usages in the government and ceremonial -of the Church came into observance. Though these might not have the -express warrant of Scripture, they were in nowise inconsistent with -Scripture. They might claim to have the real warrant and approval of -the apostles, because they were “primitive,” and might even be regarded -as essential, as Hooker so earnestly tried to show, to the good order, -dignity, and efficiency of the Church of Christ. With exceeding ability -did the Puritan and the Church parties deal with this vital issue. The -Puritans brought to it no less of keen acumen, learning, and logic than -did their opponents. They thoroughly comprehended what the controversy -involved. When, fifty years ago, substantially the same issue was under -vigorous discussion in the Oxford or Tractarian agitation, so far were -the “Puseyites,” so-called, from bringing into it any new matter, that -the old arsenal was drawn upon largely for fresh use. - -The Puritans held loyally to the fundamental position asserted by -their sturdy champion. Cartwright, in his _Admonition_, etc.,—“The -discipline of Christ’s Church that is necessary for all time is -delivered by Christ, and set down in the Holy Scripture.” The -objection, fatal in the eyes of the Puritans, to receiving, as -authoritative, customs and vouchers of the so-called “Primitive” Church -and of the Fathers, was that it compelled to the practice of a sort -of eclecticism in choosing or rejecting, by individual preference or -judgment, out of that mass of heterogeneous gathering which Milton -scornfully described as “the drag-net of antiquity.” Though the -pleaders on both sides of the controversy succeeded in showing that -“patristic” authority, and the usages and institutions which might be -traced out and verified in the dim past, were by no means in accord or -harmony as to what was “primitive,” both parties seem to have consented -to hide, gloss over, or palliate very much of the crudity, folly, -superstition, conceit, and discordancy so abounding in the writings of -the Fathers. Nothing could be more positive than the teaching of St. -Augustine,—not drawn from the New Testament, in which the rite was -for adults, but from the then universal practice of the Church,—that -baptism was to be for infants, and by immersion. That Father taught -that an unbaptized infant is forever lost; and that, besides baptism, -the infant’s salvation depends upon its receiving the Eucharist. Yet -this has not hindered but that the vast majority of Christians, Roman -Catholic and Protestant, save a single sect, administer the rite by -sprinkling infants. How, too, could the Prelatists approve a quotation -from Tertullian:[449] “Where there are only three, and they laics, -there is a church”? - -In consistency with this their vital principle of the sole sufficiency -of the Scripture institution and pattern for a church, the work of -purification led its resolute asserters to press their protests and -demands against not only such superstitions and innovations as could -be traced directly to the Roman corruption and innovation, but to a -more thorough expurgation. Incident to the rupture with the Papacy, -and in the purpose to repel what seemed to be its vengeful and -spiteful devices for recovering its sway, there was developed among -the most impassioned of the Reformers an intense and scornful hate, a -bitter heaping of invectives, objurgations, and all-wrathful epithets -against the old Church as simply blasphemous,—the personification of -Antichrist. So they were resolute to rid themselves of all “the marks -of the Beast.” The scrapings, rags, tatters of Popery, and everything -left of such remnants, especially provoked their contempt. Having -adopted the conviction that the “Mass” was an idolatrous performance, -all its paraphernalia, associated in the minds of the common people -with it as a magical rite, the priestly and altar habits, the cap, -the tippet, the rochet, etc., were denounced and condemned. The very -word “priest,” with all the functionary and mediatorial offices going -with it, was repudiated. The New Testament knew only of ministers, -pastors, teachers. While, of course, recognizing that the apostles -exercised special and peculiar prerogatives in planting the Church, -the Puritans maintained that they had no successors in their full -authority. The Christian Church assembly they found to be based upon -and started from the Synagogue, with its free, popular methods, and -not upon the Temple, with its altar, priests, and ritual. It is an -interesting and significant fact, that while the Reformation in its -ferment was working as if all the elements of Church institution -were perfectly free for new combinations, the edition of the English -Bible called Cranmer’s, in 1539, translated the word _ecclesia_ -by “congregation,” not “church,”—thus providing for that Puritan -principle of the province of the laity. Doctrine, discipline, and -ritual, or ceremony, being the natural order in which ecclesiastical -affairs should receive regard, there being at first an accord among -the Reformers as to doctrine, the other essentials engrossed all -minds. The equality of the ministers of religion, all of whom were -brethren, with no longer a master upon earth, struck at the very roots -of all hierarchical order. What would have been simply natural in -the objections of the Puritans when they saw that Rome was to leave -the prelatical element of its system fastened upon the realm, was -intensified by the assumption of dangerous and, as they believed, -unchristian and unscriptural power and sway by a class of the clergy -of lordly rank exercising functions in Church and State, and taking -titles from their baronial tenure of land. These lordly prelates had -recently been filling some of the highest administrative and executive -offices under the Crown, and holding places in diplomacy. In an early -stage of the Reformation, the mitred abbots had been dropped out of -the upper house of Parliament. While they were in it, they, with the -twenty-one “Lord Bishops,” preponderated over the temporal peers. As -their exclusion weakened the ecclesiastical power in the government, -the prelates who remained seemed to believe and to act as if it fell to -them to represent and exercise the full prerogative of sway which had -belonged to the old hierarchy. Very marked is the new phase assumed by -the spirit and course of the Nonconformists under this changed aspect -of the controversy. The Puritans had begun by objecting and protesting -against certain usages; they now set themselves resolutely against -the authority of those who enforced such usages. To a great extent, -the Roman Catholic prelates on those parts of the Continent where the -Reformation established itself, deserted their sees. This left the way -clear in those places for a church polity independent of prelacy. The -retention of their sees and functions by the English bishops, and the -addition to their number by the consecration of others as selected -by the Crown, thus made the struggle which the Puritans maintained -in England quite unlike that of their sympathizers on the Continent. -The issue thus raised on the single question of the Divine right and -the apostolic authority and succession of bishops was continuously in -agitation through the whole contention maintained by Dissenters. In -other elements of it, the controversy exhibited changing phases, as the -process of the reform seemed at intervals to be advanced or impeded, -while the kingdom, as we have noted, was pulsating between the old and -the new _régime_,—as Henry VIII. and his three children, in their -succession to his throne, sought to modify, to arrest, or to limit it. -The distribution among the people of the Scriptures in the English -tongue was favored and brought about by Thomas Cromwell and Cranmer. -The privilege, however, was soon revoked, as the people were thus -helped to take the matter of religion into their own hands. The mother -tongue was first used in worship with the translated litany in 1542, -which was revised in 1549. The new prayer-book, canons, and homilies -were brought into use. It was by royal authority, and not either by -Convocation or Parliament, that the Thirty-Nine Articles of Religion -were imposed. On Elizabeth’s accession there were nine thousand four -hundred priests in England. About two hundred of these abandoned their -posts rather than comply with the conditions exacted by the stage in -innovation already reached. The more pronounced champions of the Church -of England are earnest in pleading that the rupture with Rome was not -the act of the King, but of what might be called the Church itself. The -as yet unreformed bishops, we are told, had in Convocation, in 1531, -denied the Papal supremacy; then Parliament, the universities, the -cathedral bodies, and the monastic societies had confirmed the denial. -But on all these points there are still open and contested questions of -fact and argument not requiring discussion here. - -Another radical question concerned the rights and province of the laity -in all that entered into the institutional part of religion, and the -oversight and administration of discipline in religious assemblies. -There certainly could be no complaint that lay or civil power as -represented by the monarch had not exhibited sufficient potency in -fettering the ecclesiastical or clerical usurpation. An already quoted -Act in the twenty-sixth year of Henry’s reign affirmed that “whatsoever -his Majesty should enjoin in matters of religion should be obeyed by -all his subjects.” The Acts of Supremacy and Uniformity in the first -year of Elizabeth made the Church subordinate to, and dependent upon, -the civil power. Thus ecclesiastical authority was restrained by the -prerogative of the Crown, while ceremonial and discipline, as approved -by the monarch, were left at the dictation of Parliament. - -But this substitution of the lay power as represented by King or Queen -and the Houses of Parliament for the Papal sway, by no means satisfied -the Puritan idea and conviction as to the rightful claims of the laity -in their membership of the reconstructed Church. Barrow described in -the following sharp sentence the summary way of proceeding so far as -the laity were concerned: “All these people, with all their manners, -were in one day, with the blast of Queen Elizabeth’s trumpet, of -ignorant Papists and gross idolaters, made faithful Christians and -true professors.” It was said that the people, divided and classed in -local territorial parishes, were there treated like sheep in folds. -Illiterate, debauched, incompetent, “dumb” ministers or priests assumed -the pastorate in a most promiscuous way over these flocks. Membership -in the Church came through infancy in baptism. The Puritans wished -to sort out the draught of the Gospel net, which gathered of every -kind. They claimed that the laity should themselves be parties in -the administration of religion, in testing and approving discipline. -They believed, too, that ministers should be supported by their -congregations, and that the tithes and the landed privileges of the -clergy were bribes and lures to them, making them independent and -autocratical. Church lands and endowments, they insisted, should be -sequestered, as had been the abbeys, nunneries, and monasteries. As -soon as Separatist assemblies were associated in England or among the -exiles on the Continent, altercations and divisions occurred among them -as to the functions and the powers of the eldership, the responsibility -and the authority of pastor and covenanted members in discipline. - -Our space will admit here of only a brief recognition, conformed -however to its slight intrinsic importance, of an element entering -into the Puritan agitation, which at the time introduced into it a -glow of excitement and a marvellously effective engagement of popular -sympathy. The controversy between the Puritans and the Prelatists -had in the main been pursued, however passionately, yet in a most -grave and serious spirit, with a profound sense of the dignity and -solemnity of its themes and interests. But from the time and occasion -when Aristophanes tossed the grotesque trifling of his _Clouds_ around -the sage and lofty Socrates, down to this day, when Mr. Punch finds -a weekly condiment of mischief and fun for the people of England in -their own doings and in their treatment by their governors, it would -seem as if no subject of human interest, however exalted its moment, -could escape the test of satire, sarcasm, and caricature. Experimental -ventures of this sort are naturally ephemeral, but they concentrate -their venom or their disdain upon their shrinking victims. Some of Ben -Jonson’s plays and Butler’s _Hudibras_ have now alone a currency, and -that a by no means extended one, out of a vast mass of the printed -ridicule which was turned upon the Puritans. But the matter now in hand -is the skill and jollity with which one or more Puritans, with the gift -of the comic in his stern make-up, plied that keen blade in his own -cause. Erasmus, though he never broke from the communion of the Papal -Church, engaged the most stinging power of satire and sarcasm, not -only against mean and humble monks, but against all the ranks of the -hierarchy, not sparing the loftiest. Helped out with Holbein’s cuts, -Erasmus’s _Encomium of Folly_ drew roars of mirth and glee from those -who winced under its mocking exposures. Even the grave Beza, in Geneva, -tried his hand in this trifling. But the venture of this sort which -cunningly and adroitly intruded itself at a peculiarly critical phase -of the Puritan agitation, was of the most daring and rasping character. -Under the happily chosen pseudonym of “Martin Mar-Prelate,” there -appeared in rapid succession, during seven months of the years 1588 and -1589, the same number of little, rudely printed tracts, the products of -ambulatory presses, which engaged the full power of satire, caricature, -and sarcasm, with fun and rollicking, invective and bitter reproach and -exposure against the hierarchy, especially against four of the most -odious of the bishops. The daring spirit of these productions was well -matched by the devices of caution and secrecy under which they were -put in print, and in the sly methods by which they were circulated, to -be caught up, concealed, and revelled over by thousands who would find -keen enjoyment in them, as in the partaking of the sweets of stolen -food and waters. They may be said to have stopped only at the very -edge of ribaldry, indecency, and even blasphemy. But they were free -and trenchant, coarse and virulent. As such, they testify to the smart -under the provocation of which they were written, and to the scorn and -contempt entertained for the men and measures to which were committed -for the time the transcendent interests of religion and piety. The more -dignified and serious of the Puritans, like Greenham and Cartwright, -frowned upon and repudiated these weapons of bitter gibe and contumely. -But there was a constituency from which they received the heartiest -welcome, and, as is usual in such cases, their circulation and -efficiency were vastly multiplied by equally bitter and malignant -replies to them from the pens or from the instigation of bishops. The -whole detective force of the kingdom was put on the search for the -writers and the printers. So adroit and cunning was the secret of their -authorship and production at the time, that up to this day it has not -been positively disclosed. Never has the investigation been so keenly -or intelligently pressed for clearing the mystery investing the Martin -Mar-Prelate tracts as by the indefatigable researches and the sharpened -inquisition of Dr. Dexter. In his _Congregationalism_ he gives his -readers an exhaustive sketch and summary, in detail and analysis, of -all the facts and documents. His conclusion, which cannot be hopefully -contested or invalidated, is that they were written by Barrow, a -prisoner in the Fleet, and carried through the press by the agency of -Penry. There is abundant evidence in the appearance, publication, and -circulation of tracts known to have come from the hands of imprisoned -Puritans, that the bars of jails and dungeons offered no sufficient -barriers to prevent the secret intercourse and interchange of -intelligence between those whom they enclosed and friends outside, who -dared all risks in their zeal and fidelity. - - * * * * * - -We must now close this narration of the issues raised in the Puritan -controversy, whether by Nonconformists in the Church or by Separatists -withdrawing from it, that we may note the concentration of forces -and witnesses which were drawn together in assemblies or fellowships -prepared in Old England to transfer and establish their principles -in New England. Many of the clergy whose views and sympathies were -warmly engaged in the further work of reform and purification within -the Church, and who at the same time were moderate and conciliatory in -their spirit, contrived to remain in their parochial fields, perhaps -in this way accomplishing the most for all that was reasonable and -good in the cause which they had at heart. When occasionally molested -or challenged, they might contrive to make their peace. But the crisis -and its demands called—as has always been the case in such intense -agitations of religious passions—for patient, steadfast, and resolute -witnesses in suffering, for those who should be hounded and tracked by -judicial processes, who should be deprived of subsistence and liberty, -and be ready not only for being hidden away in prisons or exiled -beyond the seas, but for public execution as martyrs. The emergency -of time and occasion found such as these; and it was of such as these -that there were men and women in training for wilderness work on this -soil. And the combination of materials and persons was precisely -such as would meet the exactions of such an enterprise. There were -university men, scholars, doctors in divinity, practised disputants -in their cherished lore, and with gifts of zeal, fervor, and tender -eloquence in discourse and prayer. There were gentry likewise,—men -and women lifted in the social scale, with furnishings of mind and -worldly goods. To these were joined, in a fellowship which equalized -many distinctions, yeomen, small traders, artisans, and some of every -place and grade, save the low or mean or reckless, in the make-up of -the population of the realm. Governor Bradford says that the first -Separatist or Independent Church in England was that of which John -Rough, the minister, and Cuthbert Symson, the deacon, were burned alive -by Bonner, in the reign of Queen Mary. The laborious and faithful -pages of Dr. Dexter, in his _Congregationalism_, must be closely -studied for the results of the marvellous diligence and keen research -by which he has traced every vestige, memorial, and testimony that -can throw light on the little assemblies of those outlawed Puritans. -It is a curious and engaging occupation in our peaceful and lethargic -times of religious ease, to scan the make-up, the spirit, and methods -of those humble assemblies in their lurking-places, private houses, -barns, or the open fields, frequently changing their appointments under -risks from spies and tipstaves, with their secret code of signals -for communicating intelligence. Their religious exercises were of -the intensest earnestness, and above all things stimulating. Their -conferences about order and discipline bristled with individualisms -and scruples. Many of these assemblies might soon resolve themselves -into constituencies of single members. There was scarce one of those -assemblies, either in England or in exile on the Continent, that did -not part into two or three. There was a stern necessity which compelled -variance and dissension among the members. They had in hand the Bible, -and each was trying what he could draw out of it, as an oracle and -a rule. They had to devise, discuss, and if possible agree upon and -enforce ways of church order and discipline, a form of worship, rules -of initiation into church membership, of suspension, expulsion, and -restoration. It was brain work, heart work, and soul work with them. -It would be difficult to reduce to any exact statements the numbers of -persons, or even of what may in a loose sense be called assemblies, of -Nonconformists or Separatists who remained in England, or who were in -refuge on the Continent at the period just preceding the colonization -of New England. What was called the Millenary Petition, which was -presented to James I., as he came in from Scotland, was claimed to -represent at least eight hundred Nonconforming ministers. - -The way is now open for connecting the principles and fortunes of the -earnest and proscribed class of religious men, whose course has been -thus traced in England and Holland, with the enterprise of colonization -in New England. It is but reasonable to suppose that, dating from the -time and the incident referred to in the opening of this chapter, -such an enterprise was latent in conception or desire in the thoughts -of many as a possible alternative for the near future. A resolve or -purpose or effort of such a nature as this involves much brooding over -by individuals, much private communing, balancing of circumstances, -conditions, gains, and losses, and an estimate of means and resources, -with an eye towards allowance by a governmental or noble patronage, -or at least to security in the venture. We have but fragmentary and -scattered information as to all these preliminaries to the emigration. -We must trace them backward from the completion to the initiation of -the enterprise. - -And here is the point at which we should define to ourselves, as -intelligently and fairly as we can from our abounding authentic -sources of information, precisely what was the influence or agency of -religion in the first emigration to New England. We are familiar with -the oft-reiterated and positive statement, that the enterprise would -neither have been undertaken, nor persisted in, nor led on to success, -had not religion furnished its mainspring, its guiding motive, and the -end aimed at, to be in degree realized. - -We may safely commit ourselves to these assertions, that religion was -the master-motive and object of the most earnest and ablest leaders of -the emigration; that they felt this motive more deeply and with more of -singleness of purpose than they always avowed, as their circumstances -compelled them to take into view sublunary objects of trade and -subsistence which would engage to them needful help and resources; and -that some of these secondary objects very soon qualified and impaired -the paramount importance of the primary one. I am led to make this -allowance of exception as to the occasional reserve in the avowal of -an exclusively religious motive, because of a fact which must impress -the careful student of their history and fortunes for the first hundred -years. That fact is, that in multitudes of occasional utterances, -sermons, journals, and historical sketches, many of the descendants of -the first comers laid more exclusive and emphatic stress upon the prime -agency of religion in the enterprise than did the first movers in it. -When ministers and magistrates in after years uttered their frequent -and sombre laments over the degeneracy of the times, the decay of zeal -and godliness, and the falling from the first love, the refrain always -was found in extolling the one, single, supreme aim of the fathers as -that of pure piety. The pages of Cotton Mather’s _Magnalia_ and of his -tracts of memorial, rebuke, and exhortation, and the _Century Sermon_ -of Foxcroft, minister of the First Church, are specimens of masses of -such matter in our old cabinets pitched in that tone. Nor need we -conclude that, as a general rule, the most fervent of those laments or -the most positive of those statements were exaggerated. Only what such -writers and speakers recognized as the degeneracy of their own later -times, must be traced to seeds and agencies which came in with the most -select fellowship of the fathers themselves. We cannot go so far as to -claim that the whole aim, the all-including purpose of every member, or -of even of a majority of the colonists, was religion, after the pattern -of that of the leaders, or of any style of religion. But we have to -conclude that the smaller the number of those among whom we concentrate -the religious fervor in its supreme sway, the more intensified must -have been its power to have enabled them, as it did, to give direction -to the whole enterprise. And this was not only true at the first, but -proportionately so as the original centre of that enterprise for a long -period sent off its radii successively to new settlements in the woods. -There were always found men and women enough to copy the original -pattern and to keep the motive force in action. Sir Henry Maine does -not state the whole of the truth when he writes thus: “The earliest -English emigrants to North America, who belonged principally to the -class of yeomanry, organized themselves in village communities for -purposes of cultivation.”[450] - -The stream of exile to New England in the interest of religion was -first parted into one small and one large rill, which, however, soon -flowed together and assimilated, as it appeared that they started -substantially from the same source, with similar elements, and found -more that was congenial than discordant in their qualities. The company -of exiles whom residence in Holland, with its attendant influences -and results, had confirmed and stiffened in their original principles -of rigid Separatism, had the start by nearly a decade of years in -transferring themselves to Plymouth. Their fortunes are traced in the -next chapter. - -The colonists in Massachusetts Bay, and those who, in substantial -accord with them, struck into several other settlements in the -wilderness of New England, were mainly those who in the land of their -birth had remained steadfast to their principles of Nonconformity, and -who had borne the penalties of them when avowed and put in practice. -They had not turned in disdain and temper from the institution which -they called their “mother church.” Their divided relation to it they -regarded as rather caused by such harsh conditions as excluded them -from its privileges than by any wilfulness or hostility of their own. -They professed that they still clung to its breast, and wished to be -nourished from it. It was not strange, however, that partial alienation -should, under favoring opportunities, widen and stiffen into seeming -antagonism to it. They regarded themselves as having been subjected -to pains and penalties because of their protest against objectionable -and harmful, as well as unscriptural, exactions in its discipline and -ceremonial. So they were content to be known as Nonconformists, but -repelled the charge of being Separatists. They kept alive a lingering -tenderness, in a reminder of their early membership and later disturbed -affiliation with it. Some few of the sterner spirits among them—and -Roger Williams was such, as he appeared here in his youth—demanded a -penitential avowal of sin from Winthrop’s company, on account of their -having once been in fellowship with the English Church. An agitation -also arose upon the question whether the members of the Boston Church, -who on visits to the old home occasionally conformed, should not be put -under discipline on their return here. Happily the dispute was disposed -of by forbearance and charity. - -Still, while there was a slight manifestation at first of an antipathy -or a jealousy on the part of the Nonconformists at the Bay of being -in any way confounded with the Separatists at Plymouth, there never -was a breach or even a controversy, beyond that of a friendly -discussion, between them; and there is something well-nigh amusing, -as well as interesting, in following the quaint narration[451] of the -establishment of immediate harmony and accord between their respective -church ways. Endicott’s little company at Salem, heralding the great -emigration to the Bay, “entered into church estate” in August, 1629, -having sought what we should now call the advice, help, and sympathy of -their Plymouth brethren. This fellowship was extended through Governor -Bradford and other delegates, and the example was afterward followed -in like recognition of other churches. The covenanted members of the -Salem Church _ordained_ their pastor and teacher, notwithstanding that -they had previously been under the hands of a bishop. It soon appeared, -however, that the church was to be emphatically Nonconformist. Two -brothers Brown, at Salem, set up separate worship by the Common -Prayer. On being “convented” before the Governor, his Council and -the ministers, and accusing the church of Separatism, they were told -that the members did not wish to be Separatists, but were simply -Nonconformists with the corruptions of the Church; and that having -suffered much for their principles, and being now in a free place, they -were determined to be rid of Common Prayer and ceremonial.[452] - -The First Boston Church, in 1630, was organized under its covenant, -with its appointed and ordained teacher, ruling elder, and deacons. In -ten years after the landing at Plymouth there were five churches after -this pattern, and in twenty years thirty-five, in New England. - -This instantaneous abandonment, as it may be called, of everything -in the institution of a church, followed by an immediate disuse of -everything in ceremonial and worship in the English usage which the -Nonconformists had scrupled at home, is of itself very suggestive, -even in the first aspect of it. Followed into detail, it presents some -surprises and very rich instruction. In full result, it exhibits to -us principles and institutions in the highest interests of religion, -in civil, social, and domestic life, which had been repudiated and -put under severe penalties in England, crossing the ocean to plant -themselves in a wilderness for the training and guidance of successive -generations of men and women in freedom, virtue, piety, worldly thrift, -and every form of prosperity. There must have been nobleness in those -principles, as well as in the men and women who suffered for them, put -them on trial, and led them to triumph. - -The work of preference, of conviction and conscience, had been wrought -in behalf of those principles, in old English homes and byways, in -humble conventicles, in fireside and wayside musings and conferences. -Enough persons had been brought to be of one mind, purpose, and -resolve, in the spirit of a determined heroism, to make a beginning -of such a sort that it would be more than half of the accomplished -work. There may have been debates, warm variances, hesitations, and -conciliatory methods used among those who entered into covenant as the -First Church of Boston. If there were such, we know nothing of them. -There is no surviving record or intimation of them. The pattern and -model which the exiled colonists followed, needed no study or shaping -on the wilderness soil. It was an old-home product. What might seem to -be extemporized work was prepared work. It was as if they had brought -over timbers cut in their native woods all framed and matched for -setting up in their transferred home. Their initiated teachers had been -ordained by Episcopal hands. But this was neither help nor hindrance. -When they needed more and new ones, they had a method of qualifying -them. Surplice, tippet, cap, rochet, and prayer-book are not missed -or mourned over. Simply not a word is said about them. The fabric -which they set up was of a new and peculiar style. No! They would not -have owned it to be new; they regarded it as the oldest, because the -original,—that which was established by the first generation of the -disciples of Jesus Christ. - -One hundred university men from the grand old nooks and shrines of -consecrated learning in Old England were the medium for the “Gospel -work” in New England, till it could supply its needs from its own -well-provided resources. But there was not a prelate among them. -English magistrates of various grades and authority, governors, -judges, spies, collectors, and commissionaries were here to represent -the mother country, till she became so stingy that we were forced -to wean ourselves from her; but never did an English bishop as a -functionary set foot on the soil of what is now the territory of the -United States. And when after our Revolution the virtue which comes -from episcopal hands was communicated to the possessors of it here, -it had parted with what was most offensive or objectionable in its -claim or efficacy to the Old and the New English Puritans. Town and -rural parishes, colleges and schools, had the faithful services of -that hundred of university men. For a long time, the books that were -imported here were almost exclusively the Puritan literature of the -old home, and had a perceptible influence in stiffening, rather than -relaxing, the stern spirit of Dissent, and throwing new vitality into -the hard work which it had to do in the wilderness. One consideration -of the highest practical weight is presented to us in the fact that -the Puritanism of New England originated and fostered the free and -radically working instrumentalities and forces which neutralized its -own errors, restrained its own bigotry and severity, and compelled it -to develop from its own best elements something better than itself. -There were other plantations on this virgin soil, of which religion was -in no sense the master-impulse, and others still in which the mother -church sought to direct the movement. New England was never affected -for evil or for good by them. But if over the whole land, in radiations -or percolations of influence, the leaven of any one section of the -country has wrought in the whole of it, it is that of the New England -Puritanism. - - * * * * * - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE original authorities and sources of information, in manuscript and -print, relating to the agitations and controversies arising within -the real or assumed membership of the Church of England after the -Reformation, are to be distinguished into two great classes,—those -of a public character, as records of the proceedings of government, -of the courts, and of all bodies or individuals in office charged -with authority; and those of a private nature, coming from voluntary -bodies, or from single members of them, or from writers and authors -whose works were published after the usual method, or sent forth and -circulated surreptitiously. Both these classes of original authorities, -constituting together an enormous mass of an infinitely varied -elementary composition, are alike widely scattered, and, so far as -they have not been gathered into local repositories, could be directly -consulted only by one whose travel, investigation, and research were of -the most extended comprehensiveness. England, Holland, and Switzerland -have in keeping contemporary records and documents relating to minute -and trivial, or to most important and vital, points in one or another -stage, or concerning one or another prime party in the controversy. -Perhaps, even after all the keen investigation and diligent toil -of the most recent inquisitors, such original papers have not been -exhaustively detected and examined. But one who is familiar with the -stores already reported to us, unless his taste and interest in them -run to morbidness, will hardly desire more of them. It is certain -that whatever obscurity may still invest any incidental point in the -controversy, the matter is of such comparatively slight importance, -that the substance and details of any information as to persons or -events which may be lacking to us would hardly qualify the general -narratives of history. - -The expense, diligence, and intelligent illustration which within the -last thirty or forty years have been devoted to the collection and -arrangement and calendaring of such masses of the State and other -public papers of Great Britain, have aided as well as prompted the -researches of those who have been zealous to trace out with fidelity -and accuracy every stage, and the character and course of each one, -lofty or obscure, as an actor in the larger and the lesser bearings -of the struggle of Nonconformity and Dissent. As a general statement, -it may be affirmed that the developments and the more full and minute -information concerning the substance and phases of early Puritanism, -as they have been studied in the mass of accumulated documents, have -set forth the controversy in a dignity of interest and in a disclosure -of its vital relations to all theories of civil government, church -establishments, and the institutional administration of religion, far -more fully and in a much more comprehensive view than was recognized by -contemporary actors. - -There are two extensive and exceedingly rich collections of -tracts, books, and manuscript documents of a most varied character -well-preserved and easily accessible in London, which furnish -well-nigh inexhaustible materials for the study of the Puritan, the -Nonconformist, and the Separatist movements in all their phases. One of -these is in the British Museum, the other in Dr. Williams’s Library. -In the times with which we are now concerned, the motive, perhaps but -vaguely comprehended by himself, which led George Thomason to gather -his marvellous collection, now in the British Museum, would have been -called a _providential_ prompting. He was a modest man in private -life, and, so far as we know, took no part in public agitations. As a -Royalist bookseller, at “The Rose and Crown, in St. Paul’s Churchyard,” -he had opportunities favoring him in the scheme which he undertook. It -was in 1641 that he began a laborious enterprise, and one not without -very serious risks to himself, which he continued to pursue till -just before his death in 1666. This was to gather up, preserve, and -bind in volumes,—though without any system or order of arrangement -except chronological,—a copy of each of the publications in tract, -or pamphlet, or fly-leaf form which appeared from the press, licensed -or surreptitiously printed, during a period teeming with the issue, -like the dropping of forest leaves, of a most extraordinary series of -ephemeral works, quickened with all the vitality of those times. Though -he began his collection in 1641, he anticipated that date by gathering -similar publications previous to it. He copied during Cromwell’s time -nearly a hundred manuscripts, mainly “on the King’s side, which no -man durst venture to publish here without the danger of his ruin.” -He took pains to write upon most of the publications the date of its -appearance, and when anonymous, the name of its author if he could -ascertain it. Besides the risks of fire and the burden of such a mass -of materials filling his house from cellar to garret, this zealous -collector exposed himself to severe penalties from the authorities on -either side of the great civil and religious conflict. He was compelled -once at least to remove his collection to a safe hiding-place. It fills -now 2,220 volumes, and counts to 34,000 separate publications, from -folio downward. It is difficult to say what may not be found there, -and nearly as difficult to find exactly what one wishes. After various -exposures through which the collection passed safely, it now rests in -the British Museum, under the general title of the “King’s Pamphlets,” -having been purchased and presented by King George III. in 1762, at a -cost of £300. A mine of most curious matter is there ready for search -on every subject, serious or comic, sacred or secular, illustrative -of high and low life during the period. Probably the two most zealous -delvers in that mine for its best uses have been Professor Masson, for -the purpose of _The Life of John Milton: narrated in connexion with the -Political, Ecclesiastical, and Literary History of his Time_, in six -volumes; and Dr. H. M. Dexter, in his _Congregationalism of the Last -Three Hundred Years_, etc. Both authors have turned these pamphlets to -the best account in clearing obscurities or filling gaps in the history -or writings of men prominent in the cause of Nonconformity. - -The other comprehensive and extensive collection of pamphlets, volumes, -and original papers for illustrating the whole history of Puritanism -and Dissent, is in what is known as Dr. Williams’s Library, in London. -Dr. Daniel Williams, an eminent Presbyterian divine, possessed of -means, had purchased the library of the famous Dr. William Bates. -Adding to it from his own resources, he founded in 1716 the library -which bears his name, committing it, with a sum of money for a building -(to which additions were made by a subscription), to the hands of -trustees in succession. The library edifice—long standing in Red-Cross -Street, now removed to Grafton Street—has been ever since a favorite -place for the assembling of meetings and committees in the Dissenting -interest (of late years Presbyterians and Unitarians acceding to their -trust), for the transaction of business, for preparing addresses to -successive sovereigns, and managing their cause in Parliament. Those -who in former years have sat in one of the ancient chairs of the -library in Red-Cross Street have hardly escaped feeling profoundly -the influence of the place and of its associations,—the walls hung -with the portraits of venerable divines and scholars learned in all -ancient lore; the cabinets filled with laboriously wrought manuscripts, -histories, diaries, and letters, some of them dating in the first -half of the sixteenth century; the crowded shelves of folios and -smaller tractates composed of brain-work and patient toil, without -the facilities of modern research and study, and the many relics and -memorials connected with the daily ministerial and domestic life of -men of self-denying and honorable service. Harvard College holds and -administers a fund of over sixteen thousand dollars, left by Dr. -Williams in 1711, as a trust for the benefit of the aborigines. - -Here is the fitting place for appropriate and most grateful mention -of the results of a labor of devoted zeal and love given by the Rev. -Henry Martyn Dexter, D.D., to the historic memorial of a cause of which -he inherits the full spirit, and in the service of which he has spent -his mature life. It may safely be said that not a single person, at -least of those born on the soil of New England, of the lineage of the -Fathers has so “magnified” their cause and work as he has done. Holding -with such a rooted conviction, as is his, that the Congregational -polity of the Christian Church has the warrant of Scripture and of -the Primitive Church, and that it best serves the sacred interests of -soul-freedom and of associated religion in its institutions, works, -and influence, the earliest witnesses, confessors, and martyrs in its -behalf have seemed to him worthy of the most lavish labor for their -commemoration. Repeatedly has he crossed the seas and plied his most -diligent scrutiny of tracing and searching, as he got the scent of -some tract or record in its hiding-place of private cabinet or dim old -parchment. With hardly eye or thought for the usual attractions of -foreign travel, his valuable leisure has been spent in following any -clew which promised him even the slightest aid to clearing an obscure -point, or setting right a disputed fact, or completing our information -on any serious matter relating to the early history of what is now -represented by Congregationalism. The Introduction to his volume, _The -Congregationalism of the last Three Hundred Years, as seen in its -Literature, with Special Reference to Certain Recondite, Neglected, or -Disputed Passages_,[453] tells in a vigorous and hearty tone what was -his aim, his course, and its method. - -The principal text of his volume disposes the treatment of his subject -under twelve lectures, delivered by the author in the Theological -Seminary at Andover, in 1876-1879. This text is elaborately illustrated -by notes, with references and extracts, largely drawn from the -recondite sources and the depositories already referred to. The author -is careful to authenticate all his statements from prime authorities; -and where obscurity or conflict of views or of evidence adduced makes -it necessary, his patience and candor give weight to his judgment or -decision. The extraordinary and unique element of his work is presented -in his _Collections towards a Bibliography of Congregationalism_, -which with the Index to its titles covers more than three hundred -royal octavo pages, in close type. This contains an enumeration of -7,250 titles of publications, from folios down to a few leaves, dating -between the years 1546 and 1879, which have even the slightest relation -in contents, authorship, or purpose with the most comprehensive -bearings of his subject in its historical development. - -I have mentioned this elaborate work among the primary, instead of -classing it with the secondary, sources of information on the history -of Nonconformity, because it is something more than a link between the -two. It takes its flavor from the past. Its abounding extracts from the -quaint writings, and its portraitures and relations of the experiences, -of the old-time worthies transfer us to their presence, make us sharers -of their buffeted fortunes and listeners to their living speech. The -work may be regarded as a summary of monumental memorials, more frank -and true than are such generally on stone or brass of those who fought -a good fight and trusted in promises. - -The natural desire of a dispassionate reader of the original documents -dealing with the heats of the Puritan controversy, or pursuing it in -the pages of historians who may relate it either with a partisan or -an impartial spirit, is that he might have before him the words and -impressions of some contemporary or observer of profound wisdom and -of well-balanced judgment, as he viewed this turmoil of affairs. The -nearest approach made to the gratification of this wish is found in -two brief but very comprehensive essays from the pen of the great -Lord Bacon, as with an evident serenity and poise of spirit he -studied the scenes before him, and the characters, aims, excesses, -and shortcomings of the various actors, monarchs, prelates, zealots, -enthusiasts, and earnest, however ill-judging, extremists on either -side. The first of these essays in publication, whenever it may have -been written, is entitled _Certain Considerations touching the better -Pacification and Edification of the Church of England_. The date of -its imprint is 1640. But in this reference is made, in the address to -King James, to an earlier essay, which appeared anonymously with the -imprint of 1641, under the title of _An Advertisement touching the -Controversies of the Church of England_. This was evidently written in -the time of Elizabeth. In it, Bacon sagaciously traces the origin of -the controversy to four main springs,—namely, the offering and the -accepting occasions for variance; the extending and multiplying them; -passionate and unbrotherly proceedings on both parts, and the recourse -on either side to a stiffer union among its members, heightening the -distraction. His most severe stricture is upon the Church, for its -harsh measures, as the strife advanced, in enforcing with penalties -what had previously been allowed to be matters of indifference, thus -driving some discontents into a banded sect. He regards it as a grave -error that some of the English Church zealots had spoken contemptuously -of foreign Protestant Churches. Though Bacon affirms that he is himself -no party to the strife, and aims only for an impartial arbitration in -it, his judgment and sympathy evidently incline him to the Puritan side -as against the bishops. A fair-minded Puritan of the time might well -have contented himself with this wise man’s statement of his side and -cause. Of the second of these essays, it being addressed to King James -on his accession, it may be said that it would be difficult to find any -piece of writing of equal compass, on the themes with which it deals, -more crowded with sound, solid good sense, better balanced in its -allowances and limitations, more moderate, judicious, and practical in -its principles, or more likely to harmonize all reasonable differences, -and to repress and discountenance extreme and perverse individualisms. -Bacon justifies innovations and reconstructions. He tells the King that -the opening of his reign is the opportune time for making them. He -protests against modelling all reformation after one pattern. Then he -utters words of eminent wisdom about the government of bishops, about -the liturgy, ceremonies, and subscription, about a preaching ministry, -the abuse of excommunication, and about non-residence, pluralities, -and the maintenance of the ministry. Here, again, moderate men of both -parties might well have been content with the great philosopher’s -judgment. - - -DOCUMENTS IN FOREIGN REPOSITORIES.—In connection with the exile of so -many prelates, clergy, and other members of the English Church on the -accession of Queen Mary in 1553, the relations established between them -and many eminent Reformers on the Continent resulted in the production -of a large number of documents of the highest historical authenticity -and value, as throwing light upon the aims and methods of the Puritans -in England during the whole period from 1553 to 1602. Several of these -exiles settled at Zurich, and there formed intimate friendships with -many magistrates and ministers of the Reformed religion. On the return -of the exiles, on the accession of Elizabeth, many of them kept up -a constant correspondence with their friends. The letters have been -preserved in the archives of Zurich, and it has been only within the -last forty years that the wealth of information in them has been -revealed in England. There are nearly two hundred folio volumes of -these letters. Strype and Burnet had obtained copies of some of them, -which they put to use in their histories.[454] A descendant of one of -the Swiss correspondents had before 1788 copied eighteen thousand of -the letters with his own hand, arranged chronologically. In 1845 and -1846, “The Parker Society” in England published,[455] in four octavo -volumes, a large number of these “Zurich Letters,” translated and -carefully edited, with annotations. The general titles are _The Zurich -Letters, comprising the Correspondence of Several English Bishops, -and Others, with Some of the Helvetian Reformers_, during the reigns -of Henry VIII., Edward VI., and Queens Mary and Elizabeth. In the -collection are several letters to royal personages. One of these, by -Rodolph Gualter, who in his youth had resided at Oxford, to Queen -Elizabeth, dated Zurich, Jan. 16, 1559, is a long epistle, written in a -dignified, courteous and earnest strain, counselling the Queen to have -two things in her supreme regard: “First, that every reformation of the -Church and of religion be conducted agreeably to the Word of God;” and -second, that she restrain her counsellors from hindering or reversing -the good work. Better than from the best-digested pages of history, -one may learn from these fresh and admirable letters, down to the most -minute detail and incident, the cross-workings, the entanglements, the -progressive advance, the obstructions, the retrograde and opposing -forces and influences connected with the oscillations of the reform -in England. Nowhere else in our abounding literature on the subject -are the Puritans and Nonconformists presented more faithfully and -intelligently in their conscientious, scrupulous, and certainly -well-meant efforts, within the Church itself, to have its institutions, -ceremonial, and discipline disposed after a pattern which should have -regard equally to discountenance the impositions and superstitions of -the Papal system, which had been nominally renounced, and to make the -purified Church a power to advance the best interests of true religion. -The intelligent American visitor to Zurich, if his attention is drawn -to this highly valued and admirably arranged collection in its library, -can hardly fail of the impression that he has before him most sincere -evidences of the depth of thought and the nobleness of spirit of men -who were working out the principles of wisdom and righteousness. - -Considering the influence exerted upon some of the English Puritans -by their residence on the Continent, and their frequent reference -afterward to the different ecclesiastical system and discipline adopted -there, an interesting phase of the controversy is presented in the -two following works. At the opening of the eighteenth century, Dr. -William Nichols,—as he says, at the prompting of others, though, it -was intimated, of his own motion,—wrote a _Defence of the Doctrine -and Discipline of the Church of England_, addressed especially to -foreign divines and churches. This was replied to by James Peirce in -his _Vindication of the Dissenters; or, an Appeal to Foreign Divines, -Professors, and all other Learned Men of the Reformed Religion_. In -this volume, originally written and published in Latin, afterward -translated by the author and published in English, there is in the main -a thorough and candid review of the rise and the conduct of the cause -of Nonconformity, and a searching examination of the principles of the -Church of England. Peirce quotes with care the original authorities, -and puts them to a good use. He follows the history into the fortunes -of those who had taken refuge and established their religion in New -England, and while he says he differs with Mr. Cotton, of Boston, “in -many of his opinions,” defends him and all the “Independents” from the -charge of being “Brownists.” - -The historians Bancroft and Motley and Dr. H. M. Dexter have, after -diligent research in Holland, discovered many little scraps of curious -information relating to the residence, mode of life, social and -domestic experiences, and way of conducting their religious affairs, -of the earliest English exiles there associated in churches and -assemblies. These slight memorials indicate that the Puritans and -Separatists in refuge there, though their circumstances were modest, if -not obscure, were respected for their characters and for the sincerity -of their purposes. They found conveniences from the presses in Holland -for putting into print their own fertile productions in the setting -forth of their principles, while the busy commerce between the ports -of Holland and those of England and Scotland furnished ready means for -conveying these publications, as well as private letters, secretly and -surreptitiously if it were necessary, to the safe hands of friends. -Nor, if the occasion was urgent, would one of these refugees hesitate, -taking in his hands the risk of his liberty or life, to pass the -seas on some secret errand in his own behalf or in the interest of -his fellows. Such scraps of information from Dutch repositories as -the explorers above named have gathered have all been duly valued as -filling gaps in our previous knowledge, or clearing up some obscure -passages. The results have been so gratefully recognized and at once -incorporated in the many modern rehearsals of the old history, that -they need not be referred to more specifically here.[456] - - -ENGLISH AUTHORITIES.—All such periods of intense controversy and -struggle upon themes of the highest concern to man, as that of the -internal commotions in England immediately following and consequent -upon the Reformation, leave behind them some memorial in literature -of so conspicuous and rare an excellence as to insure perpetual -freshness, and to acquire interest and attractions even beyond that -of the particular subject with which it deals. When the Press in -such periods is pouring its outflow of ephemeral tracts and books, -vigorous, intense, effective, as they may be for a temporary end or -for the circle of a sect or party, genius or scholarly culture, or a -philosophical and comprehensive spirit, penetrating below the surface -and rising above the details of a controversy, will engage itself upon -the product of what we call an immortal work. Such a work[457] is -that which came from the pen of “the judicious Hooker,”—Richard by -baptismal name. His eight books constitute one of the richest classics -of the English tongue. It finds delighted readers among those who -care little, if at all, for the mere issues of the questions under -controversy. Its generally rich and stately style, its logic and -rhetoric, its wealth of learning, and its occasional play of satire -or contempt, engage the interest of many a reader who would turn -listlessly from most pages of polemics. There is so much in it of a -manly, free courage and self-asserting spirit, that at times it is -difficult to believe that it was written by one who, according to the -quaint biography of him by Isaack Walton, was so cowed and subjugated -by his domestic partner, the mother of his children. English Churchmen -may well boast themselves on this majestic work, dealing with the -nucleus of the whole Puritan controversy, the question of Church -authority. Of course, its argument in its whole sum and detail, in its -array and estimate of original vouchers, has been traversed and brought -under dispute by champions on the other side. But it will always hold -its supreme place while the cause which it upholds shall need a classic. - -Hallam[458] says that, “though the reasonings of Hooker won for him the -surname of ‘the Judicious,’ they are not always safe or satisfactory, -nor, perhaps, can they be reckoned wholly clear or consistent. His -learning, though beyond that of most English writers in that age, is -necessarily uncritical; and his fundamental theory, the mutability of -ecclesiastical government, has as little pleased those for whom he -wrote, as those whom he repelled by its means.” The same writer, in -another work,[459] passes a high encomium upon Hooker’s _Polity_, as -finding a basis for its argument in natural law. - -The first four of the books of Hooker’s work were published in 1594, -the fifth in 1597. As the other three had been left in manuscript, -and did not appear in print till many years after his death in 1600, -suspicions were raised that they might have been interpolated. As the -Narrative of this chapter has given place to an exposition of Hooker’s -fundamental position against the Nonconformists, it need not be -repeated here. - -For a long period, the well-known work[460] of Daniel Neal, in its -successive editions, was the only one written from an historical point -of view by an author not contemporary with its whole subject, which had -appeared from the press, was widely circulated and generally accredited -for its fidelity, its ability, and its trustworthiness. Mr. Neal, born -in London in 1678, was a Dissenting minister in that city, and died -in 1743. His history was published in portions between 1731 and 1738. -The editions of it now in general circulation are those edited with -valuable notes by Dr. Toulmin, the first of which appeared in London in -1793, and the last in 1837. The editor continued the history after the -English Revolution. Mr. Neal made diligent research, in order to verify -his statements from all the original sources which were open to him. He -relied largely on the laborious _Memorials_ gathered by the painstaking -Strype, while owing much to Fuller and Burnet. Mosheim accepted Neal’s -work as of the highest authority. Dr. Kippis commends it highly in the -_Biographia Britannica_. After the publication of his first volume, -Neal made public his answer to an anonymous work by Dr. Maddox, Bishop -of St. Asaph, vindicating the Church of England “from the injurious -reflections cast upon it in that volume.” Similar animadversions were -cast upon the later volumes by Dr. Zachary Grey. Bishop Warburton, in -some _Notes_ to Mr. Neal’s history which he published in 1788, even -brings in question the author’s veracity. Dr. Toulmin meets and answers -such charges. Mr. Neal sought to give his pages authenticity by full -quotations, citations, and references to his original authorities. -In a few instances in which Burnet or others denied his fairness or -accuracy, Dr. Toulmin has vindicated him against all aspersions, if -not from all charges of error. The author wrote when the Dissenters -were relieved by legislation of the severe impositions, fines, and -inflictions of an earlier period, but were by no means brought into an -equality in social and civil rights and privileges with the favored and -patronized members of the Church Establishment. So Mr. Neal’s pages -are free from the asperity and bitterness provoked into indulgence by -his predecessors under the smart of humiliating wrongs. Still, he is -loyal to the memory and steadfastness of those earlier sufferers. There -was much on which the Dissenters of his time might pride themselves as -won by the constancy of those who had fought for them the battles with -lordly arrogance and hierarchical assumptions and prerogatives. There -was a palmy age for Dissent in England which Lord Macaulay describes -very felicitously, when, as he says, there were Dissenting ministers -whose standing and condition in life compared favorably with those of -all the clergy of the Establishment below those of the bishops. Among -the Dissenting laity were men of wealth and of commercial consequence, -as a high and honored social class, whose munificent endowments were -bestowed on some of the noblest institutions of the realm. - -Mr. Hallam devotes the second, third, and fourth chapters of his -_Constitutional History of England_ to the development of the history -of Nonconformity, both among Roman Catholics and Protestants, during -the reigns of Henry VIII., Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth. Among -the many reviews and critical estimates of this history, that in the -_Edinburgh Review_, vol. xlviii., is especially able and satisfactory. -Mr. Hallam brought to the presentation of this part of his whole -subject, not only his habitually thorough and conscientious fulness of -research among authorities and documents, public and private, but also -that spirit of candor, moderation, and equitable impartiality which, -if not already cherished in the purposes and motives of one intending -the task of an historian, may or may not be acquired and exercised in -dealing with themes engaging so much of temper, strife, and intenseness -of polemical animosity. From his point of view, reading backwards -along the line of historical development, he recognized that the early -Nonconformists were dealing with fundamental principles in religious -affairs which, though not at the time fully apprehended, would -necessarily involve immunities and rights of a political character. -It is because of this, now clearly exposed and certified to us, that -such lofty tributes are rendered to the Puritans as the exponents and -champions of English liberty. - -The _Inner Life_[461] of Robert Barclay, not completely, though -substantially, finished and supervised by its author, is an admirable -example of the more wise, just, and considerate tone and method -adopted in quite recent years for dealing with times and subjects of -once embittered religious agitation and controversy. It is calm and -judicial in its temper, inclusive and well-digested in its materials -and contents. The author’s research was most wide and comprehensive. -He spared no labor in the quest of original documents, in manuscript -or print, all over England and on the Continent, of prime use and -authority for his purpose, whether in public repositories or in private -cabinets. For some very important matters which entered into the full -treatment of his theme he has used for the first time many records that -had been lying in undisturbed repose, and he has enlisted the valuable -aid of many friends. - -The author, after defining the idea and object of a visible church, -makes an elaborate effort to trace to its sources and in its course -the development of religious opinion in England previous to 1640. -He marks the rise of Barrowism, Brownism, of the Johnsonists, the -Separatists, the Presbyterians, the early Independents, the two parties -of Baptists, and the Friends, or Quakers. Some of the views, habits, -and principles adopted by these parties he traces in their connection -with the Mennonites on the Continent. He distinguishes, as far as -possible, the various shades of opinion, the introduction of new points -of controversy or discussion, the individualisms, extravagancies, -eccentricities, and erratic excesses of individuals or parties, -and he keeps distinct the two main currents of the development, as -they favored or rejected the connection of civil and ecclesiastical -authority. He draws the line distinctly between the Episcopalians -and Presbyterians, on the one side, as according in favoring a state -church and a national establishment, and the original ideas gradually -developed into positive principles of individuals and societies -among the Separatists, which involved the complete separation of the -administration of religion from the civil power. - -The central subject of Mr. Barclay’s volume is the early history of the -Friends, or Quakers. Two chief points are specially dealt with: First, -many of the distinctive principles in their teaching and conduct which -have been generally regarded as original with them are traced as in -full recognition by other parties previous to the preaching of George -Fox. Second, the author presents many facts, new, or in a new light, -which disclose how earnest were the efforts of the early Friends for -a very careful and even elaborate inner organization and discipline -of their membership, after the manner of a visible Church,—the -appointment and oversight of a qualified ministry, the sending out of -authorized missionaries, and the inquisition into the private affairs, -the home life, habits, and business of members, carried out into very -minute and annoying details. He reveals to us the embarrassments met -by them in deciding upon the question of “birthright membership.” -Manuscript documents, records, minute-books, etc., preserved in many -places where the early Friends had their meetings, are found very -communicative.[462] - -Mr. Skeats, in his _Free Churches_[463] has in view as his general -purpose, to trace “the part which English Dissent has played in -the history of England.” Following this comprehensive design, he -presents the various phases of Nonconformity and Separatism through -denominational organizations among Presbyterians, Baptists, Quakers, -Independents, and Congregationalists, noting the attitude of opposition -assumed towards them by the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. He -regards the Toleration Act, passed in 1689,—which even then excluded -the Unitarians from its terms,—as drawing the line between the -efforts which had been made up to that time to extinguish Dissent, -and the leaving it simply under a stigma, as lacking social standing -and Government recognition. Only the first chapter, covering a -hundred of the six hundred pages of the volume, is concerned with the -subject directly in our hands. The author is in full sympathy with -the principles and the cause, the attitude and the persistency, of -the resolute and buffeted men whose views he sets forth, as developed -from the earliest stage of the Reformation in England. He cites and -quotes original authorities to authenticate his statements and his -judgments. In some instances, where they bear hard upon the conduct -of the archbishops of Canterbury under Queen Elizabeth, Curteis, in -his _Bampton Lectures_, challenges their fairness. More than four -hundred Dissenting societies, Congregationalist and Baptist, are now -existing in England, which date their origin before the passage of -the Toleration Act under William.[464] To these are to be added many -societies of Presbyterians and Quakers. - -The Congregational Union of England and Wales is an organized body -devoted to the interests of the fellowship to which it succeeds as -representing the original single and associated Nonconformists from the -date of the English Reformation. Its magazines, its annual reports, -and various publications issued under its patronage, keep in living -interest and advocacy the principles first stood for by faithful -witnesses, sufferers, and martyrs. One of these publications, of -especial importance, bears the following title: _Historical Memorials -relating to the Independents, or Congregationalists, from their Rise to -the Restoration of the Monarchy_, 1660, London, 1839. The distinctive -value and authority of this work, which is in four octavo volumes, -attach to its being almost exclusively composed of the original -writings, of various kinds, from the pens of the first Nonconformists, -and the answers or arguments brought against them. These have been -gathered by keen and extended investigation, carefully authenticated, -and, where it is necessary, annotated. The motive which inspired -this undertaking was to remove the obscurity and contumely which had -been threatening to settle over the memory and principles of men -whose own writings prove them to have been equal in learning, acumen, -argumentative power, and heroic constancy of purpose to defend a cause -by them thought worthy of their devotion. Many important papers which -elsewhere are found only in quotations, extracts, or fragments, are -here given in full. - -The Bi-Centennial commemoration of the ejectment of all Nonconforming -ministers from the parish churches of England, on St. Bartholomew’s -Day, 1662, was made the occasion, after modern usage for such -observances, of the delivery of a multitude of addresses, and the -preparation and publication of numerous pamphlets and volumes, of -local or general interest, with historical retrospect and review of -the origin and development of English Nonconformity. Curteis[465] has -a very pregnant note on the “bicentenary rhetoric” connected with this -occasion. He alleges that “incredible exaggerations” were exposed, as -founded upon the lists given in Calamy’s famous Nonconformist Memorial -(edited by Palmer) of the ejected ministers, as being in number two -thousand. Curteis says it was proved that instead of there being 293 -such in London parishes, there were by count only 127, and that from -the whole alleged number of two thousand, there should be struck off no -less than twelve hundred.[466] - -There are three very admirable works[467] covering much of the matter -of this chapter, from the pen of John Tulloch, D.D., Principal of St. -Mary’s College in the University of St. Andrew’s. - -Though these three works are from the pen of a clergyman of the -Church of Scotland, they are written in a spirit of the most broad -and comprehensive catholicity. They set forth with keen discernment -and with generous appreciation the advances made by highly gifted -individual minds in the several stages and phases of the development of -a protracted controversy upon the principles involved in an attempted -adjustment of the rights of conscience and free thought, in asserting -themselves against traditional and ecclesiastical proscriptions. It -required the contributions from many such minds and spirits, with their -fragments of certified truth, to insure the substitution of reason for -authority. - - -CHURCH OF ENGLAND AUTHORITIES.—Among the recently published works, the -authors of which have aimed with moderation and impartiality to treat a -theme of embittered relations and rehearsals so as to present readers -with information of facts and the means of judging fairly between -violent contestants in their once angry issues, is one already referred -to as Curteis’s _Bampton Lectures_.[468] Assuming that the English -Church had an origin and existence independent of the ecclesiastical -authority of the Pope, the author relates the process by which it -reformed itself, by renouncing his interference and impositions, and -establishing its own discipline and ritual. After this he regards and -treats the Romanists as but one class of Dissenters, taking their -place as such with the Independents, the Baptists, the Quakers, the -Unitarians, and the Wesleyans. Of these divided elements of the common -Christian fold, the author traces the rise, the leading principles, and -the distinct institutions and methods which they adopted. His treatment -of his large and tangled subject is as fair, considerate, and judicious -as could be expected from an earnest and heartily loyal minister of the -English Church. He makes many strong statements to commend and urge a -national establishment of religion as far more dignified, consistent, -and desirable than the scattering and fragmentary multiplication, -indefinitely increasing under petty variances, of independent religious -organizations. But he does not work out a practicable method for his -suggested scheme when those concerned in it prefer their own ways. Mr. -Curteis is very severe (p. 62) in his rebuke upon the harshness of -terms in which Mr. Skeats[469] deals with Archbishop Parker, in the -course pursued by him towards the Puritans. But the view presented by -Mr. Skeats is more than justified by Hallam,[470] in his calm dealing -with the original documents. - -In the same connection may be mentioned _The Church and Puritans_,[471] -a small and compact volume, written in the best spirit of moderation -and candor. In but little more than two hundred open pages, the author -traces the whole course of Dissent,—its rise, aims, principles, -and methods, and its struggles, buffetings, and discomfitures, from -its manifestations under Elizabeth to the failure of “a glorious -opportunity of reconciling all moderate Dissenters to the communion -of the Church of England, under William and Mary.” By the judicious -restraint upon what might naturally be his promptings, as a clergyman -of the Church of England, to criticise with some sharpness what has so -generally been represented as the perversity and weak scrupulosity of -the Puritans, he is eminently fair and considerate in presenting their -side of the controversy, and in dealing with their more conspicuous -men. The abounding citation of original authorities on both sides in -his notes authenticates, for nearly every sentence of the work, the -statement made in it. - -Two works of a remarkably liberal and scholarly character which have -quite recently appeared from the pens of eminent divines of the English -Church, would have been gratefully welcomed by the Nonconformists in -the period of their sharpest conflict, on account of their generous -spirit and their contents. They would have been especially noteworthy -in the liberal concessions which they make upon all the points -involved in the controversy, as to the simple authority and pattern of -Scripture in the constitution and discipline of the Christian Church, -as against the hierarchical claims based upon traditions and usages -subsequent to the age of the apostles, and traceable in the so-called -Primitive Church. These books are Mr. Edwin Hatch’s _Organization of -the Early Christian Churches_,[472] and Dean Stanley’s _Christian -Institutions_.[473] - -Mr. Hatch has also published articles of a similar tenor to the -contents of his Bampton Lectures, in the _Dictionary of Christian -Antiquities_. In these lectures, the author aims to trace the facts -of ecclesiastical history in the same way as those of civil history -are usually dealt with. His aim is to investigate the framework of -the earliest Christian societies. He says these societies in their -formation adjusted themselves to previously existing methods of -association. The philanthropic element in them suggested the sort -of officers needed, their provinces and functions. A president of -the society and one or more distributors of alms were the requisite -officers. Then as increasing numbers in a society, and of societies, -made necessary a distribution of functions, with centralization and -subordination of duty and authority, an ecclesiastical system was -developed by like methods to those of a civil or political system. -Convenience and adaptation thus originated the elements of a hierarchy, -the regulation of which was watched over and disposed by a system of -councils. - -Dean Stanley’s volume is a collection of essays, previously published -separately. They are liberal in tone and tenor, and by no means -in harmony with, or even quite respectful toward, any high-church -principles, or any demands of “divine right” for ecclesiastical -authority. He adopts a rational point of view for marking the -accumulation of sentiments and usages around the original substance of -Christianity. He exhibits the entire unlikeness of conditions and needs -between the early days of the religion and our own. He recognizes the -vast superstructure of fable reared upon original simple verities, and, -like Mr. Hatch, identifies the development of ecclesiastical with that -of civil forms and usages. - -An _Essay on the Christian Ministry_, by Bishop Lightfoot, treats after -a like unconventional method, the themes which in the days of early -Nonconformity were dealt with in so different a tone and method. - - -NEW ENGLAND AUTHORITIES.[474]—The authorities concerning every detail -in the institution and disposing of church affairs in New England are -abundant and well-nigh exhaustive. They may be consulted as digested -and set in order in the more recently published works to be here -named by title, or they may be traced fragmentarily in chronological -order in the writings of the Fathers themselves. The organization of -the New England churches came to be best described under the term -“Congregational.” It was in substance a modification of Barrowism. -While there seems to have been but little discordancy here among those -who followed the pattern, they were soon challenged by some of their -brethren in England most nearly in sympathy with them, as to doubtful -or debated principles and methods in their institution and discipline -of churches. There were two chief points which came under discussion: -first, the respective rights of all the brethren composing a church -fellowship in administering discipline, and those of the pastor, -teacher, and elders. Should the whole church, or only its officers, be -primarily and ultimately invested with executive and administrative -power? The second point covered all the considerations which would -come into prominence in deciding upon the relations of churches to -each other,—whether each should maintain an absolute independency, or -qualify it in any way by seeking sympathy, fellowship, and advice, and -heeding remonstrances or interference from “sister churches,” through -their teachers and elders. - -Contemporary references to these matters as they presented themselves -to the attention of those who here first entered into a “church -estate,” are scattered over Governor Winthrop’s journal. John Cotton, -minister of the First Church of Boston, diligently and earnestly, -in successive writings and publications, set himself to answering -all questioning and challenging friends abroad. He evidently had to -work out clear and consistent views of his own on a subject which, -besides being novel in many of its relations, was embarrassed by local -difficulties, and by some conscientious or practical diversities of -judgment among his associates. Richard Mather, of Dorchester, also -contributed his help in the exposition of the Congregational polity, -which was to be defended alike from extreme Barrowism and from -Presbyterianism, which was soon found to have some sympathizers in the -colony. By a sort of general consent, recourse was had to a succession -of “synods,” or councils of the representatives of the churches, first -those of the Bay Colony alone, then with some of the other New England -colonies. These synods resulted in the formation of a “Platform,” which -laid out in form and detail the system of the Congregational polity. - -It is not necessary here to indicate the titles, contents, and authors -of the several publications, preserved in our cabinets of relics, which -contributed either to the dissension or to the pacification of the -sometimes eccentric and heated, and of the always scrupulous, earnest, -and independent parties in this work of ecclesiastical reconstruction. -They have been so faithfully, admirably, and impartially digested by -Dr. Dexter in the eighth of the lectures in his _Congregationalism_, -as to present to the reader a full and intelligent view of the whole -subject in its development and its results, while relieving him of -what save to the fewest possible of historical students would be -a repelling task. If, however, zeal or curiosity should dispose -any one to peer through those dried and withered relics of the old -polemics of a generation that drew its honey from the rocks, he will -find much occasion to respect the acuteness and the persistency of -men who, having taken the interests of their creed and piety into -their own hands, determined to build on what was to them the only -sure foundation. That foundation was “the Word.” If the Scriptures, -as their prelatical foes insisted, were not intended to afford, and -would not afford, a complete pattern of a method of institution and -government of a Christian Church, the reader of those patiently wrought -tractates will often be amazed as he notes how rich and fertile, how -apt and facile, the contents of the sacred books were found to be, in -furnishing the requisite material for argument and authority. - -A controversial discussion was opened in 1861 by Hon. D. A. White, of -Salem, by the publication of his _New England Congregationalism in its -Origin and Purity, illustrated by the Foundation and Early Records -of the First Church in Salem, and Various Discussions pertaining to -the Subject_. To this work Rev. J. B. Felt, in the same year, made -an answer: _Reply to the New England Congregationalism of Hon. D. A. -White_. The principal interest of the matter of these two publications -consists in their arguments upon the question whether Congregationalism -as a system of polity in the constitution and government of churches -carries with it, as an essential organic part, the doctrinal creed -held by those who first adopted it. Dr. Dexter offers some suggestions -on this point, arguing that the creed of the first Congregationalists -belongs continuously to their system of polity. Of course, only -constructive and inferential arguments can be brought to bear on this -point. As we have seen, from the first manifestations of Nonconformity -and Dissent in England, doctrinal themes did not at all enter into the -controversy, it being taken for granted that there was accord upon -them. But there certainly is no absolute, vital connection between a -form of polity and a doctrinal system. There have come to be very many -organizations and fellowships among Protestants which are substantially -Congregational in their order, while widely diverse in their creeds. - -In 1862, Mr. Felt published _The Ecclesiastical History of New England_. - -Very full and curiously interesting information about the principles, -persons, and events connecting the Puritan controversy in the Old -World with the settlement of New England, may be found in the now -well-nigh innumerable volumes containing the history of our oldest -towns and churches. In their earlier pages or chapters these histories -find the town and the church a common theme. Grateful occasions have -been found in commemorations of bi-centennial or longer periods, from -the settlement of municipalities or the foundation of parishes, to -review the past, and to trace in the old land the men who brought -here in their exile, for free and successful enjoyment, principles -for which they had there suffered. The history of the Reformation and -of Nonconformity might indeed be largely written from the pamphlets -and the volumes called out by these local commemorations, so numerous -during the last decade of years. Traces of matter of a similar -character may also be found in the personal and historical references, -in text or note, of the first volume of the _Biographical Sketches -of the Graduates of Harvard University_, by John Langdon Sibley. In -connection with the public and formal observance of the Two Hundred and -Fiftieth Anniversary of the Founding of the First Church of Boston,—in -the fifth in order of the edifices in which it had worshipped,—a son -of the present pastor (the seventeenth in the line of succession) -prepared and published a work with the following title: _History of -the First Church in Boston. 1630-1880. By Arthur B. Ellis. With an -Introduction by George E. Ellis. Illustrated._ Boston, 1881. Pages -lxxxviii + 356. - -[Illustration] - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE PILGRIM CHURCH AND PLYMOUTH COLONY. - -BY FRANKLIN B. DEXTER, - -_Professor of American History in Yale College._ - - -THE preceding chapter has outlined the growth of Separatism in England, -and prepared the way for the story of the fortunes of that remarkable -congregation which has given a new significance to the name “Pilgrim.” - -[Illustration] - -Elizabeth’s policy of Uniformity, so sternly pursued by her last -Archbishop of Canterbury, Whitgift (1583-1604), was ostentatiously -adopted by her successor, James I., at the Hampton Court Conference -held in his presence by learned men of the Puritan and High Church -parties in the first year of his reign; and when this conference -was quickly followed by the elevation of Bancroft, a more arbitrary -Whitgift, to Whitgift’s vacant place, those who were earnest in the -opposite opinions were forced to choose between persecution and exile. - -[Illustration: SITE OF THE MANOR-HOUSE. - -[This cut follows an engraving in Bartlett’s _Pilgrim Fathers_, p. -40, representing the scene about thirty years ago. Raine, _Parish of -Blyth_, p. 129, referring to the time of Edwin Sandys, raised to the -archiepiscopal throne of York in 1576, says: “Under him a family of -the name of Brewster occupied the manor-house, which had gradually and -insensibly dwindled down from a large mansion to a moderately sized -farmhouse;” and Raine gives for a frontispiece a view of the remaining -fragment, which is copied by Dr. Dexter in _Sabbath at Home_, 1867, p. -135. Mr. Deane says of it, “It may have been originally connected with -the manor-house, which has long since passed away.” (_Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._ xi. 404.) Dr. Dexter gives a plan of the neighborhood.—ED.]] - -[Illustration: SCROOBY AND AUSTERFIELD.] - -There were doubtless other neighborhoods where the Separatists -maintained thriving congregations for a longer or shorter time after -the King’s policy became known; but by far the most zealous company of -which accounts remain was one formed by residents “of sundry towns and -villages, some in Nottinghamshire, some of Lincolnshire, and some of -Yorkshire, where they border nearest together.” In 1602, or thereabout, -these people, from places at least eight or ten miles apart, gathered -themselves into a church,—probably at Gainsborough, a market-town in -Lincolnshire, on the Trent; at least we know that when the original -congregation divided, in 1605 or 1606, into two,—perhaps for greater -security, as well as for local convenience,—it was at Gainsborough -that one branch remained, which soon chose John Smyth, a Cambridge -graduate, who had been some time with them, to be its pastor, and that -with him many of this portion of the parent stock migrated in 1606 to -Amsterdam. - -The western division of the original company appears to have been -formed into a distinct church in the summer of 1606, and, according to -the testimony of Governor Bradford, in his notice of Elder Brewster, -“they ordinarily met at his [Brewster’s] house on the Lord’s day -(which was a manor [_i. e._ manor-house] of the Bishop’s), and with -great love he entertained them when they came, making provision for -them, to his great charge.” - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPHS OF JOHN ROBINSON. - -[No wholly authenticated signature of Robinson is known. Dr. Dexter, in -his _Congregationalism as seen in its Literature_, pp. xx, 359, gives -the upper of these two, as from a book in the British Museum, “believed -by the experts of that institution to have belonged to him.” It is -evidently by the same hand as the lower of the two, which, with another -very like it, is upon the title of Sir Edwin Sandys’s _Relation of the -State of Religion_, London, 1605, belonging to Charles Deane, Esq., of -Cambridge. Hunter, _Founders of New Plymouth_, p. 155, has pointed out -how parts of this book show its author to have been “much in advance -of his time,” and that there is “a correspondency in some parts with -the celebrated Farewell Address of Robinson.” It is easy to suppose, -therefore, that Robinson once owned the little treatise. Hunter errs -in assigning 1687 as the date of its first edition. That of 1605 is -called in the 1629 edition a surreptitious one, and there is a copy in -the Boston Athenæum, with MS. annotations said to be by the author. Dr. -Dexter points out 1629 as the year of the first authorized edition, and -there were others in 1632, 1633, 1638, and 1673. (_Congregationalism_, -App. nos. 299, 568; Palfrey, _New England_, i. 191.)—Ed.]] - -William Brewster, the chief layman of this congregation, was -postmaster, or “post,” as the usual term was, at Scrooby, a small -village in the northern part of Nottinghamshire, ten miles west -of Gainsborough. Though Scrooby was a mere hamlet, its station on -the London and Edinburgh post-road gave Brewster full occupation, -especially after the two capitals were united under one king, as it -was his duty to provide food and lodging for all travellers by post on -Government business, as well as relays of horses for them and for the -conveyance of Government despatches. He was a native of the village, -and had matriculated in 1580 at the University of Cambridge, where he -came under Puritan influence; he soon, however, quitted his books to -enter the service of William Davison, Elizabeth’s upright and Puritan -Secretary of State, whose promising career was sacrificed to her -duplicity in the matter of the execution of Mary Stuart. Under Davison, -Brewster had experience both at court and in foreign embassies; he -remained with his master for a year or two after the fall of the -latter in 1587, and then retired to his native village. There he -assisted his father, who was then postmaster, until the latter’s death -in 1590; and after a brief interval the son, then about twenty-three -years of age,[475] succeeded to the father’s place through the -intercession of his old patron, Davison.[476] - -In 1603 his annual stipend from the Government was raised from £30 to -£36, the two sums corresponding in present values to perhaps six and -seven hundred dollars respectively. The manor-house of Scrooby, built -originally as a hunting-seat for the Archbishops of York, though in -Brewster’s time “much decayed,”[477] had been occupied for many years -by his father as bailiff for the archbishops, and as representative of -their vested interests in the surrounding property, which was leased to -Sir Samuel Sandys, of London. - -The clerical leaders of the church, meeting in the great hall or chapel -under Brewster’s roof, were Richard Clyfton and John Robinson. The -former had been instituted in 1586, at the age of thirty-three, rector -of Babworth, a village six or seven miles southeast of Scrooby, and -had continued there until the undisguised Puritanism of his teachings -caused his removal, probably in connection with Archbishop Bancroft’s -summary proceedings against Nonconformist ministers at the end of 1604. -His associate, Robinson, apparently a native of the neighborhood, had -entered Cambridge University in 1592, and after gaining a Fellowship -had spent some years in the ministry in or near Norwich; but about 1604 -he threw up his cure on conscientious grounds, and returning to the -North, allied himself with Separatists in Gainsborough. He was, by the -testimony of an opponent (Robert Baillie), “the most learned, polished, -and modest spirit among the Brownists.” - -[Illustration: AUSTERFIELD CHURCH. - -[This cut follows a photograph owned by Mr. Charles Deane, who also -furnished a photograph, after which the accompanying fac-simile of the -registry of the baptism of Bradford, preserved in this church, is made; -see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ x. 39. The view of the church given in the -title of Bartlett’s _Pilgrim Fathers_ is the one followed by Dexter -in _Sabbath at Home_, 1867, p. 131, and in _Harper’s Magazine_, 1877, -p. 183. Raine, in his _Parish of Blyth_, Westminster, 1860, gives a -larger view; and Bartlett, p. 36, gives the old Norman door within the -porch.—ED.]] - -The other members of the Scrooby congregation were of humble station, -and have left little trace even of their names; most notable to us is -young William Bradford, born in 1590 in Austerfield, a hamlet two and a -half miles to the northward, within the limits of Yorkshire. - -[Illustration] - -After they had covenanted together in church relations, “they could -not long continue in any peaceable condition, but were hunted and -persecuted on every side.... For some were taken and clapped up in -prison; others had their houses beset and watched night and day, and -hardly escaped their hands; and the most were fain to fly and leave -their houses and habitations. ... Seeing themselves thus molested, and -that there was no hope of their continuance there, by a joint consent -they resolved to go into the Low Countries, where they heard was -freedom of religion for all men.” - -[Illustration] - -The remedy of exile was not new to a generation that could remember -the emigration of Robert Browne’s followers from Norwich to Zealand in -1581, and had witnessed the transfer of their Gainsborough neighbors -to Holland shortly after their own organization. “So, after they had -continued together about a year, and kept their meetings every Sabbath -in one place or other, ... seeing they could no longer continue in -that condition, they resolved to get over into Holland as they could.” -A large number attempted, in the latter part of the year 1607, to -embark at Boston in Lincolnshire, the most convenient seaport for them, -though fifty miles distant from Scrooby. But emigration, except with a -license, was in general prohibited by an early statute (A. D. 1389), -and the ship’s captain, who had engaged to take them, found it to his -interest to betray them in the act of embarking; so that the only -result for most of them was a month’s detention in Boston jail, and -the confiscation of their goods, while seven of the leaders, including -Brewster, were kept in prison still longer. In a new attempt the -following spring, an unfrequented strip of sea-coast in northeastern -Lincolnshire, above Great Grimsby, was selected, and a bargain made -with a Dutch captain to convey the party thence to Holland; then, -perhaps, taking advantage of the Idle, a sluggish stream flowing -near their doors, tributary to the Trent, and so to the Humber, the -women and children, with all the household goods, were in that case -despatched by water, while the men marched some forty miles across -country to the rendezvous. But after a part of the men (who arrived -first) had embarked, on the appearance of armed representatives of the -law the captain took alarm and departed; some of those left on shore -fled, and reached their destination by other means; but the women and -children, with a few of the men and all their valuables, were captured. -Another season of suspense followed; but at length the absurdity of -detaining such a helpless group began to be felt, the magistrates were -glad to be rid of them, and by August, 1608, the last of the straggling -unfortunates got safely over to Amsterdam. - -[Illustration] - -They found there the church of English Separatists transplanted under -Francis Johnson upwards of twenty years before, as well as that of -John Smyth and his Gainsborough people; but the church from Scrooby -appears to have kept its separate organization, and their experience -is calmly recounted by their historian, Bradford, as follows: “When -they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, -and some others of best discerning, seeing how Mr. John Smyth and his -company was already fallen into contention with the church that was -there before them, and no means they could use would do any good to -cure the same; and also that the flames of contention were like to -break out in the ancient church itself (as afterwards lamentably came -to pass),—which things they prudently foreseeing, thought it was best -to remove, before they were anyway engaged with the same; though they -well knew it would be much to the prejudice of their outward estates, -both at present and in likelihood in the future,—as, indeed, it proved -to be.” - -For these, with other reasons, in the winter after their arrival -they asked the authorities of Leyden, an inland city, twenty miles -or more southwest from Amsterdam, and the next in size to it in the -province, to allow their congregation, of about one hundred English -men and women, to remove thither by May 1, 1609.[478] The application -was granted, and the removal to that beautiful city was accomplished, -probably in May; but their senior pastor, Clyfton, being oppressed with -premature infirmity, preferred to remain in Amsterdam. - -[Illustration: LEYDEN. - -[This little cut is a fac-simile of one given by Mr. Murphy in the -_Historical Magazine_, iii. 332, following a bird’s-eye map of the -city, dated 1670, when this part of the town was unchanged from its -condition in the Pilgrims’ time. More of the same plan is given by -Dr. Dexter in _Hours at Home_, i. 198. No. 1 is the bell turret, no -longer standing, of the cathedral which stood at 2, and beneath which -Robinson was buried. No. 10 is the house in which Robinson lived, -with a garden on the hither side, the front being at the other end of -the building, on the Klog-steeg, or Clock-alley, marked 5; a building -now on the spot, bearing the date 1683 as that of its erection, has -also borne since 1866 another tablet, placed there by the care of Dr. -Dexter, which reads: “_On this spot lived, taught, and died_ JOHN -ROBINSON, 1611-1625.” See Dexter in _Hours at Home_ i. 201-2, and in -_Congregationalism as seen in its Literature_, p. 387.—ED.]] - -In Leyden they were forced to adapt themselves, as they had begun to -do hitherto, to conditions of life very unlike those to which they had -been trained in their own country; and so far as we can trace them, a -majority of the flock seem to have found employment in the manufacture -of the woollen goods for which the city was famous. Upon the public -records the church appears as an organized body early in 1611, when -Robinson with three others purchased for 8,000 guilders (corresponding -in our currency to perhaps $10,000 or $12,000) a valuable estate in the -centre of the city, including a spacious house for the pastor, used -also for Sunday worship, and at the back of the garden an area large -enough for the subsequent erection of twenty-one small residences for -church members. - -Among additional reasons which had led the studious Robinson to favor -the removal to Leyden, may be counted the fact that it was the site -of a university already famous, and so furnished ample opportunities -of intercourse with learned men and of access to valuable libraries. -The sharp controversy between the occupants of the chair of -theology, Gomarus and Arminius, involving no personal risk to the -English spectators, was an added attraction; and before long Robinson -himself appeared as a disputant on the Calvinist side in the public -discussions, and so successfully that by Bradford’s testimony “the -Arminians stood more in fear of him than [of] any of the University.” -This perhaps opened the way for his admission to membership of the -University, which took place in September, 1615, and secured him -valuable civil as well as literary privileges. Such an honor was -justified also by the activity of his pen while in exile. Between -1610 and 1615 he published four controversial pieces, of nearly seven -hundred quarto pages, the most important being a popularly written -Justification of Separation from the Church of England. In the same -field of argument were the other treatises; while in 1619, when public -attention was absorbed with the Synod of Dort, he brought out in -Latin a brief but telling _Apologia_, or Defence of the views of the -Separatists, in distinction from those of the Dutch churches. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF LEYDEN. - -[This follows a plan given by Bartlett in his _Pilgrim Fathers_, p. -79. No. 1 is Saint Peter’s Church, where Robinson was buried in 1625. -Bartlett also gives, p. 88, a view of the interior. No. 2 is Saint -Pancras church. No. 3 is the Town Hall. Bartlett also gives a view, p. -83. from the tower of this building.—ED.]] - -These outside discussions, in which their pastor took such interest, -left undisturbed the steady growth of the Pilgrim church, in the -government of which Brewster, as ruling elder, was associated with -Robinson, after the removal to Leyden. In these years “many came -unto them from divers parts of England, so as they grew a great -congregation,” numbering at times nearly three hundred communicants. -Among these new-comers were some who ranked thenceforth among their -principal men: John Carver, an early deacon of the church, and leader -of the first migrating colony; Robert Cushman, Carver’s adjutant in -effecting that migration; Miles Standish, the soldier of the company; -and Edward Winslow, a young man probably of higher social position than -the rest, who shared with Bradford, after Carver’s death, the main -burden of sustaining the infant colony. - -But though some recruits were attracted by Robinson’s gifts and by a -prospect of freedom from prelatical oppression, yet the condition of -the Leyden people was in general one of struggling poverty, with little -hope of amendment. It were vain to expect that their language or their -peculiarities of religious order could gain a secure foothold on Dutch -soil, or that a Government on friendly terms with England could show -active good-will to a nest of outcasts which England was anxious to -break up. The increase of numbers had come in spite of the hardships -attending the struggle for a livelihood in a foreign city; but as -the conditions of the struggle were better understood, the numbers -fell off. Time was also bringing a new danger with the approaching -expiration of the twelve years’ truce (April, 1609-April, 1621) between -Spain and the Netherlands. - -As years passed, the older generation among the exiles who clung -loyally to the English name and tongue began to realize that a great -part of their aims would be frustrated if their children should, by -intermarriage with the Dutch and other outside influences, wander -from their fathers’ principles, and be absorbed in the Dutch people. -These dangers being recognized, and the major part of the company -being agreed that it was best to avoid them by a removal, it became -necessary to select a new asylum, where Englishmen might preserve their -nationality undisturbed. To the new continent of America, which best -satisfied the conditions, all thoughts turned as early as the summer of -1617; and the respective claims were weighed of tropical Guiana on the -one hand, which Raleigh had described in 1595 as the true Eldorado, and -Virginia on the other, conspicuous as the seat of the first successful -English colony. A little consideration excluded Guiana, with its -supposed wealth of gold tempting the jealousy of the Spaniard; and -so the choice was limited to the territory somewhat vaguely known as -Virginia, within the bounds assigned to the two companies chartered by -King James in 1606. The objection was duly weighed “that if they lived -among the English which were there planted [_i.e._ on the James River], -or so near them as to be under their government, they should be in as -great danger to be troubled or persecuted for the cause of religion as -if they lived in England; and it might be worse. And if they lived too -far off, they should neither have succor nor defence from them.” - -There were risks either way; but they decided, under the advice of some -persons of rank and quality at home,—friends, perhaps, of Brewster’s -when at court, or of Winslow’s,—to dare the dangers from wild beasts -and savages in the unsettled parts of Virginia, rather than the dangers -from their own bigoted countrymen, and to ask the King boldly for leave -to continue as they were in church matters. - -Their first care was for the regular sanction of the Virginia Company -in London to the settlement of the proposed colony on their territory; -and with this object Carver and Cushman were despatched to England as -agents, apparently in September, 1617. They took with them, for use in -conciliating the sentiments which any petition from a community with -their history would awaken at court, a memorable declaration in seven -articles, signed by the pastor and elder, which professed their full -assent to the doctrines of the Church of England, as well as their -acknowledgment of the King’s supremacy and of the obedience due to him, -“either active, if the thing commanded be not against God’s Word, or -passive [_i.e._ undergoing the appointed penalties], if it be.” The -same articles, in carefully guarded language, recognized as lawful -the existing relations of Church and State in England, and disavowed -the notion of authority inhering in any assembly of ecclesiastical -officers, except as conferred by the civil magistrate. In any estimate -of the Pilgrims, it is necessary to give full weight to this deliberate -record of their readiness to tolerate other opinions. - -The two messengers found the Virginia Company in general well disposed, -and gained an active friend in Sir Edwin Sandys (a prominent member of -the Company and brother of Sir Samuel Sandys, the lessee of Scrooby -Manor), who, though no Puritan, was a firm advocate of toleration; but -as he was also a leader of the Parliamentary Opposition, his friendship -was a doubtful recommendation to royal favor. Their report, on their -return in November, was so encouraging that Carver and another were -sent over the next month for further negotiations with the Virginia -Company and with the King. But the former business still halted, -because of the prejudice in official minds against their independent -practices in church government. Sir Edwin Sandys, Sir Robert Naunton -(one of the Secretaries of State), and other friends labored early in -1618 with the King for a guarantee of liberty of religion; but the -ecclesiastical authorities were strong in their opposition, there -was a suspicion abroad that the design was “to make a free popular -State there,”[479] and the delegates returned to Leyden to propose -that a patent be taken on the indirect assurance of the King “that -he would connive at them and not molest them, provided they carried -themselves peaceably.” It seemed wisest to proceed, and Brewster -(now fifty-two years of age, one of the oldest and most experienced -of the congregation) and Cushman were commissioned in the spring of -1619 to procure a patent from the Virginia Company, and to complete -an arrangement with some London merchants who had partially agreed to -advance funds for the undertaking. The business was delayed by a crisis -in the Virginia Company’s affairs, connected with the excited canvass -attending the election (April 28 [May 8], 1619) of Sir Edwin Sandys as -Governor; but at length the patent was granted (June 9/19, 1619), being -taken by the advice of friends, not in their own names, but in that of -Mr. John Wincob (or Whincop), described by Bradford as “a religious -gentleman then belonging to the Countess of Lincoln, who intended to go -with them.”[480] - -When the patent was secured, Brewster appears to have returned to -Leyden at once, leaving Cushman for a time to negotiate with the -merchants; but so little was done or perhaps hoped for in this -direction, that an entirely new project was started the next winter -under Robinson’s auspices. Certain Amsterdam merchants, already -interested in the rich fur-trade on and near the Hudson River, -presented a memorial to the States-General, Feb. 2/12, 1620, from which -it appears that Robinson had signified his readiness to lead a colony -of over four hundred English families to settle under the Dutch in New -Netherland, if assured of protection. The memorial asked for assurances -on this last head, and for the immediate despatch of two ships of war -to take formal possession of the lands to be reserved for such a colony. - -While this memorial was awaiting its (unfavorable) answer, Thomas -Weston, one of those London merchants with whom there had already -been consultations, came to Leyden as their agent, to propose a new -arrangement for a settlement in North Virginia. For some reason, not -now clear, the Pilgrims showed peculiar deference to his advice; -and accordingly the negotiations with the Dutch were broken off and -articles of agreement with the London merchants drawn up, embodying the -conditions propounded by Weston. By these conditions a common stock was -formed, with shares of ten pounds each, which might be taken up either -by a deposit of money or of goods necessary for the undertaking; and -Carver and Cushman were sent to England to collect subscriptions and -to make purchases and preparations for the voyage. In this service, -while Carver was busy with the ship in Southampton, Cushman took the -responsibility of conceding certain alterations in the agreement, to -please the “merchant adventurers,” as they were styled, whose part in -the scheme was indispensable. The original plan was for a seven years’ -partnership, during which all the colonists’ labor—except for two days -a week—was to be for the common benefit; and at the end of the time, -when the resulting profits were divided, the houses and improved lands -in the colony were to go to the planters: but the changes sanctioned -by Cushman did away with the reservation of two days in the week for -each man’s private use, and arranged for an equal division, after seven -years, of houses, lands, and goods between the “merchant adventurers” -and the planters. Dr. Palfrey has well observed that “the hardship -of the terms to which the Pilgrims were reduced shows at once the -slenderness of their means and the constancy of their purpose.” About -seventy merchants joined in the enterprise, of whom only three—William -Collier, Timothy Hatherly, and William Thomas—became sufficiently -interested to settle in the colony. - -Notwithstanding discouragements, the removal was pressed forward, -but the means at command provided only for sending a portion of the -company; and “those that stayed, being the greater number, required the -pastor to stay with them,” while Elder Brewster accompanied, in the -pastor’s stead, the almost as numerous minority who were to constitute -a church by themselves; and in every church, by Robinson’s theories, -the “governing elder,” next in rank to the pastor and the teacher, must -be “apt to teach.” - -A small ship,—the “Speedwell,”—of some sixty tons burden, was bought -and fitted out in Holland, and early in July those who were ready for -the formidable voyage, being “the youngest and strongest part,” left -Leyden for embarkation at Delft-Haven, nearly twenty miles to the -southward,—sad at the parting, “but,” says Bradford, “they knew that -they were pilgrims.” About the middle of the second week of the month -the vessel sailed for Southampton, England. On the arrival there, -they found the “Mayflower,” a ship of about one hundred and eighty -tons burden, which had been hired in London, awaiting them with their -fellow-passengers,—partly laborers employed by the merchants, partly -Englishmen like-minded with themselves, who were disposed to join the -colony. Mr. Weston, also, was there, to represent the merchants; but -when discussion arose about the terms of the contract, he went off in -anger, leaving the contract unsigned and the arrangements so incomplete -that the Pilgrims were forced to dispose of sixty pounds’ worth of -their not abundant stock of provisions to meet absolutely necessary -charges. - -The ships, with perhaps one hundred and twenty passengers, put to sea -about August 5/15, with hopes of the colony being well settled before -winter; but the “Speedwell” was soon pronounced too leaky to proceed -without being overhauled, and so both ships put in at Dartmouth, after -eight days’ sail. Repairs were made, and before the end of another week -they started again; but when above a hundred leagues beyond Land’s -End, Reynolds, the master of the “Speedwell,” declared her in imminent -danger of sinking, so that both ships again put about. On reaching -Plymouth Harbor it was decided to abandon the smaller vessel, and thus -to send back those of the company whom such a succession of mishaps -had disheartened. Those who withdrew were chiefly such as from their -own weakness or from the weakness of their families were likely to be -least useful in the hard labor of colonization; the most conspicuous -desertion was that of Cushman, smarting under criticism and despairing -of success. The unexpected parting between those who disembarked and -those who crowded into the “Mayflower” was sad enough. It was not -known till later that the alarm over the “Speedwell’s” condition was -owing to deception practised by the master and crew, who repented of -their bargain to remain a year with the colony, and took this means of -dissolving it. - -At length, on Wednesday, September 6/16, the “Mayflower” left Plymouth, -and nine weeks from the following day, on November 9/19, sighted -the eastern coast of the flat, but at that time well-wooded, shores -of Cape Cod. She took from Plymouth one hundred and two passengers, -besides the master and crew; on the voyage one man-servant died and -one child was born making 102 (73 males and 29 females) who reached -their destination. Of these, the colony proper consisted of 34 adult -males, 18 of them accompanied by their wives and 14 by minor children -(20 boys and 8 girls); besides these, there were 3 maid-servants and -19 men-servants, sailors, and craftsmen,—5 of them only half-grown -boys,—who were hired for temporary service. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPHS OF THE “MAYFLOWER” PILGRIMS. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -It is thought that the autographs of all who came in the “Mayflower,” -whose signatures are known, are included in this group, except that of -Dorothy May, who at this time was the wife of William Bradford, and -whose maiden signature Dr. Dexter found in Holland, as well as the -earliest one known of Bradford, attached to his marriage application at -Amsterdam, in 1613, when he was twenty-four years old. - -(See Dexter’s _Congregationalism_, p. 381.) Resolved White was then -but a child, and his brother Peregrine was not born till the ship had -reached Cape Cod Harbor. - -John Cooke, son of Francis Cooke, was the last male survivor of the -“Mayflower” passengers.—ED.] - -Of the thirty-four men who were the nucleus of the colony, more than -half are known to have come from Leyden; in fact, but four of the -thirty-four are certainly known to be of the Southampton accessions. -The ruling motive of the majority was, therefore, that which had -impelled the church in Leyden to this step, modified, perhaps, to -some small extent by their knowledge of the chief reason, as Bradford -alleges, in the minds of Weston and the others who had advanced them -money, “for the hope of present profit to be made by the fishing that -was found in that country” whither they were bound. - -And whither were they bound? As we have seen, a patent was secured -in 1619 in Mr. Wincob’s name; but “God so disposed as he never went -nor they ever made use of this patent,” says Bradford,—not however -making it clear when the intention of colonizing under this instrument -was abandoned. The “merchant adventurers” while negotiating at Leyden -seem to have taken out another patent from the Virginia Company, in -February, 1620, in the names of John Peirce and of his associates; -and this was more probably the authority under which the “Mayflower” -voyage was undertaken. As the Pilgrims had known before leaving -Holland of an intended grant of the northern parts of Virginia to a -new company,—the Council for New England,—when they found themselves -off Cape Cod, “the patent they had being for Virginia and not for -New England, which belonged to another Government, with which the -Virginia Company had nothing to do,” they changed the ship’s course, -with intent, says Bradford, “to find some place about Hudson’s River -for their habitation,” and so fulfil the conditions of their patent; -but difficulties of navigation and opposition from the master and crew -caused the exiles, after half a day’s voyage, to retrace their course -and seek a resting-place on the nearest shore. Near half a century -after, a charge of treachery was brought against Mr. Jones, the master -of the “Mayflower,” for bringing the vessel so far out of her course; -but the alleged cause, collusion with the Dutch, who desired to keep -the English away from the neighborhood of New Netherland, is incredible. - -But their radical change of destination exposed the colonists to a new -danger. As soon as it was known, some of the hired laborers threatened -to break loose (upon landing) from their engagements, and to enjoy full -license, as a result of the loss of the authority delegated in the -Virginia Company’s patent. - -The necessity of some mode of civil government had been enjoined on the -Pilgrims in the farewell letter from their pastor, and was now availed -of to restrain these insurgents and to unite visibly the well-affected. -A compact, which has often been eulogized as the first written -constitution in the world, was drawn up, as follows:— - - “In the name of God, amen. We whose names are underwritten, the loyal - subjects of our dread sovereign lord King James, by the grace of God - of Great Britain, France, and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, - etc., having undertaken, for the glory of God and advancement of - the Christian faith, and honor of our King and country, a voyage to - plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these - presents solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and one of - another, covenant and combine ourselves together into a civil body - politic, for our better ordering and preservation and furtherance - of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute, - and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, - and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and - convenient for the general good of the Colony, unto which we promise - all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have - hereunder subscribed our names at Cape Cod the 11th of November, in - the year of the reign of our sovereign lord King James, of England, - France, and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. - Anno Dom. 1620.” - -[Illustration: CAPE COD HARBOR. - -[This is a reduction of part of a map, which is given by Dr. H. -M. Dexter in his edition of _Mourt’s Relation_. He has carefully -studied the topography of the region in connection with the record, -and he possessed certain advantages in such study over Dr. Young, -who has similarly investigated the matter in his _Chronicles of the -Pilgrims_. There were three expeditions from the ship, and Dr. Dexter’s -interpretation is followed. The women were set ashore to wash at -_a_, and while the carpenter was repairing their shallop, Standish -and sixteen men started on the 15th November (O. S.) on the first -expedition. At _b_ they saw some Indians and a dog, who disappeared -in the woods at _c_, and later ran up the hill at _d_. The explorers -encamped for the night at _e_, and the next day, where they turned the -head of the creek, they drank their first New England water. Then at -_g_ they built a fire as a signal to those on the ship. At _h_ they -spent their second night; at _j_ they found plain ground fit to plough; -at _k_ they opened a grave; at _l_ dug up some corn; at Pamet River -they found an old palisade and saw two canoes. They then retraced their -steps, and at _i_ Bradford was caught in a deer-trap. They reached -the ship on the 17th. When the shallop was ready, ten days later, a -party of thirty-four started in her with Jones, the captain of the -“Mayflower,” as leader, and the expedition, called the second on the -map, lasted from the 27th to the 30th November. The third expedition, -likewise in the shallop, started on the 6th of December. Farther -south than the map carries the dotted line, they landed at the modern -Eastham, and had their first encounter with the natives on the 8th, and -the same day reached Plymouth Harbor in the evening, as narrated in the -text. On the 12th the shallop, sailing directly east across the bay, -returned to the “Mayflower,” which on Saturday, the 16th, reached the -anchorage depicted on the map on the following page.—ED.]] - -Of the forty-one signers to this compact, thirty-four were the adults -called above the nucleus of the colony, and seven were servants or -hired workmen; the seven remaining adult males of the latter sort were -perhaps too ill to sign with the rest (all of them soon died), or the -list of signers may be imperfect.[481] - -This needful preliminary step was taken on Saturday, November 11/21, -by which time the “Mayflower” had rounded the Cape and found shelter -in the quiet harbor on which now lies the village of Provincetown; -and probably on the same day they “chose, or rather confirmed,” as -Bradford has it (as though the choice were the foregone conclusion of -long previous deliberation), Mr. John Carver governor for the ensuing -year. On the same day an armed delegation visited the neighboring -shore, finding no inhabitants. There were no attractions, however, -for a permanent settlement, nor even accommodations for a comfortable -encampment while such a place was being sought. After briefer -explorations, an expedition started on Wednesday, December 6/16, to -circumnavigate Cape Cod Bay in search of a good harbor, and by Friday -night was safely landed on Clark’s Island (so called from the ship’s -mate, who was of the party), just within what is since known as -Plymouth Bay. On Saturday they explored the island, on the Sabbath day -they rested, and on Monday, the 11th,[482] they sounded the harbor and -“marched also into the land, and found divers cornfields and little -running brooks, a place very good for situation.”[483] - -[Illustration: PLYMOUTH HARBOR. - -[This is reduced from a map given in Dr. Dexter’s edition of _Mourt’s -Relation_. The Common House of the first comers was situated on -Leyden Street, which left the shore just south of the rock and ran -to the top of Burial Hill, and it is the lots on the south side of -this street that Bradford marked out in the fac-simile of the first -page of the record given on another page. The “highway” as marked on -that plan led to the south to the Town Brook. The Common House, if it -had been designated on that draft, would have been put next “Peter -Brown;” on the plan here given it would be on the north side of the -brook, about where the meridian crosses it, though the engraver has -put the designation on the opposite side of the water. It was not -till about 1630, or ten years after their landing, that the Plymouth -settlers began to spread around the bay, beyond the circuit of mutual -protection. Still for a year or two they scattered merely for summer -sojourns, to work lands which had been granted them. About 1632 Duxbury -began to receive as permanent residents several of the “Mayflower” -people. Standish settled on the shore southeast of Captain’s Hill, thus -attaching his military title to the neighboring eminence, and though -his grave is not known, it is probable that he was buried, in 1656, on -his farm. His house stood, it is supposed, nearly ten years longer, and -was probably enlarged by his son, Alexander Standish, who was, there -is some reason to believe, a trader, and he may have been the town -clerk of Duxbury. Its records begin in 1666, and the tradition that -connects the destruction of the earlier records with that of this house -derives some color from the traces of fire which have been discovered -about its site. (_Sabbath at Home_, May, 1867.) The house now known as -the Standish house was built afterwards by Alexander, the son. Elder -Brewster became Standish’s neighbor a little later, and lived east of -the hill. - -[Illustration] - -Alden settled near the arm of the sea just west of Powder Point, and -George Soule on the Point itself; Peter Brown also settled in Duxbury. -Still farther to the north, beyond the scope of the map, Edward Winslow -established his estate of Careswell, where in our day Daniel Webster -lived and died, in Marshfield. John Howland found a home at Rocky Nook. -Isaac Allerton removed to New Haven, and Governor Bradford during his -last years was almost the only one of those who came in the first ship -who still lived in the village about the rock. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._ xi. 478.)—ED.]] - -Prepared to report favorably, the explorers returned to the ship, which -by the end of the week was safely anchored in the chosen haven. The -selection of a site and the preparation of materials, in uncertain -weather, delayed till Monday, the 25th, the beginning of “the first -house, for common use, to receive them and their goods.” Before the -new year, house-lots were assigned to families, and by the middle of -January most of the company had left the ship for a home on land. -But the exposures incident to founding a colony in the dead of a -New England winter (though later experience showed that this was a -comparatively mild one) told severely on all; and before summer came -one half of the number, most of them adult males, had fallen by the -way.[484] Yet when the “Mayflower” sailed homewards in April, not one -of the colonists went in her, so sweet was the taste of freedom, even -under the shadow of death. - -An avowed motive of the emigration was the hope of converting the -natives; but more than three months elapsed before any intercourse with -the Indians began. Traces of their propinquity had been numerous, and -at length, on March 16/26, a savage visited the settlement, announcing -himself in broken English as Samoset, a native of “the eastern parts,” -or the coast of Maine, where contact with English fishermen had led -to some knowledge of their language. From Samoset the colonists -learned that the Indian name of their settlement was Patuxet, and -that about four years before a kind of plague had destroyed most of -the inhabitants of that region, so that there were now none to hinder -their taking possession or to assert a claim to the territory. They -learned also that their nearest neighbors were the Wampanoags, the -headquarters of whose chief sachem, Massasoit, were some thirty miles -to the southwestward, near the eastern shore of Narragansett Bay. The -next week Samoset brought in Squanto, formerly of Patuxet, who had -been taken to England in 1614 by Hunt, and who was now willing to act -as interpreter in a visit from Massasoit; the latter followed an hour -later and contracted unhesitatingly a treaty of peace and alliance, -which was observed for fifty-four years. - -[Illustration: THE SWORDS. - -[This group is preserved in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical -Society, and all but two of the swords are associated with Plymouth -history. The middle sword is that of Governor Carver. On the left, -descending, are those of General John Winslow, Captain Miles Standish, -and Governor Brooks of Massachusetts. On the right are those, in a -like descending order, of Sir William Pepperrell, Elder Brewster, -and Colonel Benjamin Church, the Plymouth hero of Philip’s War. -Another Standish sword is preserved in Pilgrim Hall in Plymouth, and -is figured in the group of Pilgrim relics on another page, as well -as in Bartlett’s _Pilgrim Fathers_, p. 177. Concerning those above -represented, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 88, 114.—ED.]] - -With the beginning of a new civil year (March 25) Carver was re-elected -governor, and some simple necessary laws were established; on Carver’s -sudden death the following month, Bradford was chosen his successor, -under whose mild and wise direction the colony went on as before. As -Bradford was then enfeebled by illness, Isaac Allerton was at the same -time appointed Assistant to the Governor. - -After a summer and autumn of prosperous labor and harvest, they were -cheered, November 11/21, by the arrival of the “Fortune” from London, -bringing as a visitor Robert Cushman, their former associate, and -thirty-five additions to their feeble number, twenty-five of them adult -males,—the majority, however, not from Leyden. The ship brought also -a patent, granted June 1/11,[485] by the President and Council of New -England—within whose territory the new settlement lay—to the same -John Peirce and his associates in whose names the merchants fathering -this venture had secured a patent the year before from the Virginia -Company for the use of the “Mayflower” colonists. Without fixing -territorial limits, the new grant allowed a hundred acres to be taken -up for every emigrant, with fifteen hundred acres for public buildings, -and empowered the grantees to make laws and set up a government. - -[Illustration: SIGNERS OF THE PATENT, 1621.] - -By the delivery of this patent a sufficient show of authority was -conferred for immediate need and for eight and a half years to come. -It is true that in April, 1622, Peirce obtained surreptitiously for -his private use a new grant with additional privileges, to be valid in -place of the grant just described; but the trick was soon discovered, -and the associates were reinstated by the Plymouth Company in their -rights. - -Taking these eight and a half years under the first patent as a -separate period, the progress made in them may be briefly stated. - -The settlement is first called “New Plymouth” in a letter sent back to -England by the “Fortune” in December, 1621, and printed in the second -edition of Captain John Smith’s _New England’s Trials_, in 1622. That -it was so called may have been suggested as much by the name Plymouth -on Smith’s map of this region (1614) as by the departure of the -“Mayflower” from Plymouth, England, or by the knowledge that the colony -was the first within the limits of the newly incorporated Plymouth -Company. Later, the town was called simply Plymouth, while the colony -retained the name New Plymouth. - -In numbers they increased from less than fifty at the arrival of the -“Fortune,” to near three hundred on the reception of the second charter -in May, 1630. The most important accessions were in July, 1623,—about -sixty persons, a few of them from Leyden; and about as many more—all -from Leyden—in 1629-30. - -In the second year at New Plymouth, because of threats from the -Narragansett tribe of Indians about Narragansett Bay, the town was -enclosed with a strong palisade, and a substantial fort (used also -on Sundays as a meeting-house) was erected on the hill which formed -so conspicuous a feature of the enclosure. The mode of life which -John Smith described in his _Generall Historie_ in 1624,—that “the -most of them live together as one family or household, yet every man -followeth his trade and profession both by sea and land, and all for -a general stock, out of which they have all their maintenance,”—was -modified the same year, to the great advantage of all, by the -assignment to each head of a family of an acre of ground for planting, -to be held as his own till the division of profits with the London -merchants. While this taste of proprietorship tended to increase the -restlessness of the planters, the vanishing prospect of large returns -was simultaneously disheartening the “merchant adventurers,” so that -many withdrew, and the remainder agreed to a termination of the -partnership, in consideration of the payment of £1,800, in nine equal -annual instalments, beginning in 1628. This arrangement was effected in -London in November, 1626, through Isaac Allerton, one of the younger -of the original Leyden emigrants, who had been commissioned for the -purpose; and to meet the new financial situation, the resident adult -males (except a few thought unworthy of confidence) were constituted -stockholders, each one being allowed shares up to the number of his -family. Then followed an allotment of land to each shareholder, the -settlement of the title of each to the house he occupied, and a -distribution of the few cattle on hand among groups of families,—all -these possessions having hitherto been the joint, undivided stock of -the “merchant adventurers” and the planters. At the same time eight -leading planters (Bradford, Standish, Allerton, Winslow, Brewster, -Howland, Alden, and Prince), with the help of four London friends, -undertook to meet the outstanding obligations of the colony and the -first six annual payments on the new basis, obtaining in return a -monopoly of the foreign trade. - -[Illustration: GOVERNOR EDWARD WINSLOW. - -[This is the only authentic likeness of any of the “Mayflower” -Pilgrims. It was painted in England in 1651, when Winslow was -fifty-six. It has been several times engraved before, as may be seen in -the _Winslow Memorial_, in Young’s _Chronicles_, in Bartlett’s _Pilgrim -Fathers_, and in Morton’s _Memorial_, Boston edition, 1855. The -original, once the property of Isaac Winslow, Esq., is now deposited -in the gallery of the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth. (Cf. 3 _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, vii. 286, and _Proc._, x. 36.) Various relics of the Governor -are also preserved in Pilgrim Hall at Plymouth. There are biographies -of him in Belknap’s _American Biography_, and in J. B. Moore’s -_American Governors_. A record of Governor Winslow’s descendants will -be found in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1850, 297 (by Lemuel -Shattuck); 1863, p. 159 (by J. H. Sheppard). Of the descendants of his -brother Kenelm, see L. R. Paige’s account in the _Register_, 1871, p. -355, and 1872, p. 69. An extensive _Winslow Memorial_ has been begun -by David P. Holton, 1877, the first volume of which is given to all -descendants (of all names) of Kenelm. See _Register_, 1877, p. 454; -1878, p. 94, by W. S. Appleton, who in the _Register_, 1867, p. 209, -has a note on the English ancestry; and Colonel Chester has a similar -note in 1870, p. 329. There is in Harvard College Library a manuscript -on Careswell and the Winslows by the late Dr. James Thacher.—ED.]] - -In these arrangements, which proved eminently wise for the public -interests, one object was to facilitate further emigration from Leyden. -The management of the London merchants had been unfavorable to this -end, and it was a special grief that during this period of delay the -beloved pastor, Robinson, had ended his life in Leyden,—Feb. 19 (March -1), 1625. The heavy expenses of transporting and providing for such as -came over in 1629-30 were cheerfully borne by the new management. - -The same temper in the London merchants which had hindered Robinson’s -coming,—a conviction that the religious peculiarities of the Pilgrims -interfered with the attractiveness and financial success of the -colony,—led them to send over in 1624 a minister of their own choosing -(John Lyford), who was not merely not in sympathy with the wants of the -Plymouth men, but even tried to serve his patrons by false accusations -and by attempting to set up the Church of England form of worship. He -was expelled from the colony within a year from his arrival, and the -church continued under Elder Brewster’s teaching. In 1628 Mr. Allerton -on a voyage from England, without direction from the church, brought -over another minister, but mental derangement quickly ended his career. - -The colony began within these first years to enlarge its outlook. In -1627, to further their maritime interests, an outpost was established -on Buzzard’s Bay, twenty miles to the southward; in the same year -relations of friendly commerce were entered into with the Dutch of New -Amsterdam, and as soon as the nearer plantations of the Massachusetts -Company were begun, Plymouth was prompt to aid and counsel as occasion -offered. In 1628 the attempt was made to establish more firmly the -existing trade with the Eastern Indians, by obtaining a patent for a -parcel of land on the River Kennebec. - -[Illustration: GOVERNORS OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. - -[Of John Carver, the first governor, no signature is known. This group -shows the autographs of all his successors, who held the office for the -years annexed to their names:— - -William Bradford, 1621-32, 1635, 1637, 1639-43, 1645-56. - -Edward Winslow, 1633, 1636, 1644. - -Thomas Prince, 1634, 1638, 1657-72. - -Josiah Winslow, 1673-80. - -Thomas Hinckley, 1681 to the union, except during the Andros -interregnum.—ED.]] - -These outside experiences were all in the way of encouragements: -the most serious annoyances came, not directly from the savages, -but from neighbors of their own blood. Thus in 1623 the wretched -colonists sent out the year before by Thomas Weston to Weymouth, twenty -miles northwest from Plymouth, had to be protected from their own -mismanagement and the hostility of the natives, by which means came -about the first shedding of Indian blood by the Pilgrims; and thus -again, five years later, the unruly nest of Morton’s followers at Merry -Mount, just beyond Weymouth, had to be broken up by force. - -Of the progress of civil government in this first period we have scanty -memorials. Few laws and few officials answered the simple needs of -the colony. Bradford was annually elected governor, and in 1624, at -his desire, a board of five Assistants was substituted for the single -Assistant who had hitherto shared the executive responsibility. The -people met from time to time in General Court for the transaction -of public business, and in 1623 a book of laws was begun; but three -pages sufficed to contain the half-dozen simple enactments of the next -half-dozen years. - -The next period of the colony history extends from Jan. 13/23, -1629-30, when the Council for New England granted to Bradford, his -heirs, associates, and assigns, a useful enlargement of the patent for -Plymouth and Kennebec, to March 2/12, 1640-41, when Bradford in the -name of the grantees conveyed the rights thus bestowed to the freemen -of New Plymouth in their corporate capacity. - -[Illustration: PILGRIM RELICS. - -[The chest of drawers is an ancient one, which there is some reason -to believe belonged to Peregrine White. (_N. E. Hist._ and _Geneal. -Reg._ 1873, p. 398.) The sword and vessels belonged to Standish. The -cradle belonged to Dr. Samuel Fuller, the physician of the Pilgrims. -(Russell’s _Pilgrim Memorials_, p. 55; Bartlett’s _Pilgrim Fathers_, -p. 201.) Chair No. 1 belonged to Governor Carver; No. 2 was Elder -Brewster’s; No. 3 is said to have been Governor Edward Winslow’s; -and this with a table, which was until recently in the hall of the -Massachusetts Historical Society, has lately been reclaimed by -its owner, Mr. Isaac Winslow. (See 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._ v. 293.; -_Proceedings_, ii. 1, 284; iv. 142; xix. 124; Young’s _Chronicles_, p. -238; Bartlett’s _Pilgrim Fathers_, p. 197.) There are other groupings -of Pilgrim relics in Dr. Dexter’s papers; C. W. Elliott’s “Good Old -Times at Plymouth” in _Harper’s Monthly_, 1877, p. 180; Bartlett’s -_Pilgrim Fathers_.—ED.]] - -The most striking feature of this period was the growth from a single -plantation to a province of eight towns, seven of them stretching -for fifty miles along the shore of Cape Cod Bay, from Scituate -to Yarmouth, and Taunton lying twenty-five miles inland,—in all -containing about twenty-five hundred souls. With this growth there -was also some extension of trade on the Kennebec and Penobscot, and -in 1632 a beginning of exploration, and in 1633 of settlement, in -the Connecticut Valley; but the appearance of numerous emigrants from -Massachusetts Bay defeated the contemplated removal of the entire -colony to the last-named location. - -The establishment of towns led necessarily to a more elaborate -system of civil government, and in 1636 it was found expedient to -revise and codify the previous enactments of the General Court, and -to prescribe the duties of the various public officers. In 1638 the -inconveniences of governing by mass-meeting led to the introduction of -the representative system already familiar to Massachusetts Bay. The -number of Assistants had been increased in 1633 from five to seven. - -In 1629 an acceptable minister of the gospel—Ralph Smith, a Cambridge -graduate—for the first time took charge of the church in Plymouth; -and by 1641 the eight towns of the colony were all (except Marshfield, -which was but just settled) supplied with educated clergy, of whom -perhaps the most influential was Ralph Partridge, of Duxbury. - -The half-century (1641-91) which completed the separate existence of -Plymouth Colony, witnessed no radical changes, but a steady development -under the existing patent, though repeated but unsuccessful attempts -were made to obtain a charter direct from the English Government. At -the outset (in 1641), by a purchase of the remaining interests of the -English partners of 1627, the last trace of dependence on foreign -capital was wiped out. - -Notwithstanding the discontinuance of English emigration after 1640, -and the enormous devastation of Philip’s war in 1675-76, the population -of the colony increased to about eight thousand in these fifty years, -being distributed through twenty towns, of which Scituate had probably -the largest numbers and certainly the most wealth, the town of Plymouth -having lost, even as early as 1643, its former prominence. That this -growth was no greater, and that expansion beyond the strict colony -limits was completely checked, resulted inevitably from the more -favorable situation of the neighboring colony of the Bay. - -The civil administration continued as before, the Governor’s Assistants -and the Deputies sitting in General Court as one body. Deputies were -elected in each town by the resident freemen, the freemen being -the original signers of the compact on board the “Mayflower,” with -such persons as had been added to their number by a majority vote -of the general court. Public sentiment was so trustworthy that no -qualifications were named for the estate of freemen until 1656, when -it was merely provided that a candidate must have been approved by -the freemen of his own town. Two years later, when the colony was -overrun by Quaker propagandists, persons of that faith, as well as all -others who similarly opposed the laws and the established worship, -were distinctly excluded from the privileges of freemen, and in the -new revision of the laws in 1671 freemen were obliged to be at least -twenty-one years of age, “of sober and peaceable conversation, -orthodox in the fundamentals of religion,” and possessed of at least -£20 worth of ratable estate in the colony. By the Code of 1671 a Court -of Assistants was created to exercise the judicial functions hitherto -retained by the General Court; but in 1685, with the constitution of -three counties, most of these duties were transferred to county courts. - -Two interdependent circumstances conspired with the poverty of the -settlers and the unattractiveness of the soil,—even as compared with -Massachusetts Bay,—to retard seriously the progress of the colony; -and these were, their inability to keep up a learned ministry, and the -enforced delay in providing for public education. The first of these -facts was so patent as to call forth public rebukes from Massachusetts, -and it may be enough to recall that in 1641 seven of the eight -townships constituting the colony were served by ministers of English -education; but in the next half-century these same pulpits stood vacant -on the average upwards of ten years each, and the new towns which were -formed in the colony had no larger amount of ministerial service. As to -the other point, it is sufficient to note that neither from tradition -nor from public records is there evidence of any opportunity or -provision for education before 1670,—except, of course, in the private -family. Their poverty no doubt chiefly occasioned this. - -Yet while the resources of Plymouth and the education of her public -men were distinctly inferior to those of the Bay, she bore herself in -her relations with the other colonies with a certain simple dignity -and straightforward reasonableness which won respect; and in matters -of general interest she was content to share the sentiments of her -comrades without controlling them. She joined in the New England -Confederation of 1643; and though the idea sprang from another quarter, -it is probable that the form was influenced by suggestions from the -Plymouth men, derived from their experience in the United Netherlands. - -Plymouth’s treatment of the Quakers, in 1656 and the following years, -illustrated in part the contrast with Massachusetts Bay. At the outset -public sentiment was much the same in the two colonies, in view of -the extravagances and indecencies of these intruders; but the greater -mildness of administration in Plymouth bore its appropriate fruit in -lessening the evil characteristics which developed by opposition, and -gradually the dreaded sectaries gained a foothold, until finally their -principles were widely adopted in certain localities with only good -results. - -Plymouth’s treatment of the Royal Commissioners in 1665 indicated -fairly her consistent attitude towards the mother country; in receiving -the King’s mandates with respect, and in promising conformity, she held -the course which had produced the seven articles at Leyden in 1617. - -The most serious misfortune to visit the colony was the Indian war -which broke out early in 1675. Up to that time the Plymouth men had -been careful to acquire by _bonâ fide_ purchase a title to all new -lands as they were occupied; they had endeavored also (with fair -success, as compared with like efforts in Massachusetts Bay) to spread -the knowledge of Christianity; and in 1675 there were perhaps six or -seven hundred “praying Indians” within the colony bounds. - -[Illustration: GOVERNOR JOSIAH WINSLOW. - -[This canvas is likewise the property of Isaac Winslow, Esq., and is -now in the Pilgrim Hall, at Plymouth. This portrait, and that of the -father, the elder Governor Winslow, are the only likenesses of the -Plymouth governors extant; and Josiah Winslow was the first governor of -native birth, having been born in Marshfield in 1629; dying there in -1680.—ED.]] - -But Wamsutta and Metacomet (otherwise Alexander and Philip), the sons -and successors of the sachem Massasoit, were hostile to the whites -and unaffected by Christian influences; and after Alexander’s death, -in 1662, the colonists found that only by constant watchfulness could -they prevent a breach with the savages. Finally under Philip’s lead -they rose and began a war of extermination. The exciting cause and the -earliest operations were within the territory claimed by Plymouth; -on her fell successively the heaviest blows (in proportion to her -population) and the most pressing responsibilities for defence. When -the war ended with Philip’s death, in August, 1676, more than half -her towns had been partially or wholly destroyed, and the colony’s -share (about £15,000) of the expense incurred by the New England -Confederacy in suppressing the Indians was a very serious burden on -a feeble agricultural community. Before the slow process of recovery -from these desolations could be accomplished, the ancient customs of -self-government were invaded by James II.; and when the arbitrary -exactions under Andros, as Governor of all New England, were ended -in the Revolution of 1689, the return to the old conditions of -freedom was but temporary; the new monarchs followed James’s policy -of consolidation, and Plymouth found herself fated to be included -either in the charter of New York or in that of Massachusetts. Better -a known than an unknown evil; and accordingly the London agent of -Plymouth was authorized to express a preference for union with Boston, -and the provincial charter of Massachusetts in October, 1691, put an -end to the separate existence of the colony of New Plymouth. Of the -original “Mayflower” company but two members survived,—John Cooke, of -Dartmouth, who died in 1695, and Mary (Allerton) Cushman, of Plymouth, -who died in 1699. The younger generation were accustomed to the -leadership of Massachusetts Bay, and accepted the union as a natural -and fitting step. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE earliest printed volume treating of the origin of Plymouth Colony -was _New England’s Memorial; ... with special Reference to the first -Colony thereof_, published by Nathaniel Morton in 1669. As he states -in his “Epistle Dedicatory,” the most of his intelligence concerning -the beginnings of the settlement came from manuscripts left by his -“much-honored uncle, Mr. William Bradford.” Morton’s parents had -emigrated in 1623, when he was a boy of ten, from Leyden to Plymouth, -with a younger sister of Mrs. Morton, who had been sent for to become -the wife of Governor Bradford. This connection and his own position as -secretary of the General Court of the Colony from 1645, gave peculiar -opportunities for gathering information; but his book preserves nothing -on the earliest portion of the Pilgrim history, beyond the date (1602) -and the place (“the North of England”) of their entering into a church -covenant together. - -The manuscripts of Governor Bradford passed at his death (1657) to -his eldest son, Major William Bradford, of Plymouth, and while in his -possession a few particulars were extracted for Cotton Mather’s use in -his _Magnalia_ (1702), especially in the “Life of Bradford” (book ii. -chap. i.). A minute, but very efficient typographical error, however -(A_n_sterfield for A_u_sterfield), kept students for the next century -and a half out of the knowledge of Governor Bradford’s birthplace, -and of the exact neighborhood whence came the Leyden migration. From -Major William Bradford, who died in 1704, the manuscripts descended to -his son, Major John, of Kingston (originally a part of Plymouth), by -whom the most precious were lent or given, in 1728, to the Rev. Thomas -Prince, of Boston.[486] Prince made a careful use of this material in -the first volume of his _Annals_ (1736), fixing the locality whence -the Pilgrims came as “near the joining borders of Nottinghamshire, -Linconshire, and Yorkshire,” and lodged the originals in the library -which he bequeathed, in 1758, to the Old South Church in Boston. -Governor Thomas Hutchinson, while writing his _History of Massachusetts -Bay_, found these manuscripts in the Prince Library, and printed in the -Appendix to his second volume (1767) a valuable extract describing the -exodus to Holland. In the troublous times which followed, the Bradford -papers disappeared. - -Another extract from Bradford, however, soon after came to light in the -records of the First Church in Plymouth, where Secretary Morton had -transcribed, in 1680, most of his uncle’s account of the transatlantic -history of the Pilgrims. This was printed, in part and somewhat -inaccurately, by Ebenezer Hazard, in vol. i. of his _Historical -Collections_ (1792), and in full by the Rev. Alexander Young, in his -_Chronicles of the Pilgrims_ (1841). - -The clews furnished by Mather and Prince to the Pilgrim cradle-land -attracted no special attention until 1842, when the Hon. James Savage, -during a visit to England,[487] submitted the problem to the Rev. -Joseph Hunter, author of a history of South Yorkshire, of which region -he was also a native. Mr. Hunter, though the evidence was incomplete, -suggested that Austerfield was the place wanted; and the attention of -this accomplished antiquary being thus enlisted, the result appeared -in a tract, published by him in 1849, entitled _Collections concerning -the Founders of New Plymouth_, which identified the meeting-place of -the Separatist Church before their removal to Holland. This tract -was reissued, in 1852, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. xxxi., -and again in London, in an enlarged form, in 1854.[488] The author’s -careful examination of local records made plain the position of the -Brewsters in Scrooby, and of the Bradfords in Austerfield (with the -entry of Governor Bradford’s baptism), and traced their families, as -well as the families of other early members of the Scrooby flock, in -the neighboring parishes. The importance of Mr. Hunter’s labors may -be seen in the fact, that, besides Brewster and Bradford, none of the -“Mayflower” passengers (except the two Winslows) have even yet been -surely traced to an English birthplace.[489] - -Mr. Hunter’s success soon attracted the attention of other -investigators. The earliest visit to Scrooby which has received notice -in print was one made in July, 1851, by the Rev. Henry M. Dexter, of -Boston, described by him in _The Congregationalist_ of Aug. 8, 1851. -Mr. W. H. Bartlett’s _Pilgrim Fathers_, p. 35, published in 1853, added -nothing to Hunter’s researches, except some interesting engravings of -the church in which Bradford was baptized, and of Scrooby village. -In his enlarged edition of 1854, Hunter gave a better view of the -remains of the palace inhabited by Brewster. Mr. Palfrey visited the -neighborhood in 1856, and records his impressions in a note on p. 134 -of vol. i. (1858) of his _History of New England_. In 1860 the Rev. -John Raine, vicar of the parish of Blyth, in which these hamlets were -formerly included, printed a valuable account of that parish’s history -and antiquities.[490] - -In January, 1862, the Rev. H. M. Dexter published, in the -_Congregational Quarterly_, an article on “Recent Discoveries -concerning the Plymouth Pilgrims,” summarizing conveniently what had -been learned regarding the place where, and the time when, the church -was gathered. In March, 1867, he contributed to the _Sabbath at Home_ -magazine an illustrated article on the “Footprints of the Pilgrims in -England,” which is still the most vivid and the fullest description -extant of the Scrooby neighborhood. With this should be compared, -for additional facts, a letter from Dr. Dexter in the _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._ (xii. 129) for July, 1871; the early pages of the chapter -on Robinson, in the same author’s _Congregationalism as seen in its -Literature_ (1880); and the record of a visit in 1860, in Professor -James M. Hoppin’s _Old England_. The Scrooby episode is also told, more -or less fully, in the Rev. Ashbel Steele’s _Life of Elder Brewster_ -(1857), in Dr. John Waddington’s _Track of the Hidden Church_ (1863), -and in chap. vi. of the second volume of his _Congregational History_ -(1874), in the Rev. George Punchard’s _History of Congregationalism_, -vol. iii. chap. xi. (1867), in chap. vii. of vol. ii. of S. R. -Gardiner’s _Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage_ (1869), and in -chap. x. of Dr. Leonard Bacon’s _Genesis of the New England Churches_ -(1874).[491] - -Scrooby village is about one hundred and forty miles N.N.W. from -London, and eighty miles due east from Liverpool. It lies on the Great -Northern Railway; but as its population numbers only some two hundred, -it is practically a mere suburb of Bawtry, a small market-town a -mile and a quarter to the north, of perhaps a thousand inhabitants. -Austerfield, a little larger than Scrooby, and at about the same -distance from Bawtry in a northeasterly direction, is included, as well -as much of the other two localities, in the patrimony of Lord Houghton -(Richard Monckton Milnes), whose family have held it since 1779. - - * * * * * - -Of the life in Holland and the preparations for removal to America, -the first connected account in print was that appended by Edward -Winslow (who had joined the company at Leyden in 1617, at the age of -twenty-two) to his _Hypocrisy Unmasked_, in 1646, which was reprinted -in 1841, in Dr. Young’s _Chronicles of the Pilgrims_. Winslow’s object -in this brief appendix was to refute an unjust charge of schism in -the Leyden church, and to explain the reasons for the removal and the -course of the accompanying negotiations; he also reviewed Robinson’s -doctrinal position, and incidentally preserved the substance of the -pastor’s farewell address to the departing portion of his flock.[492] -Morton’s _Memorial_, in 1669, gave from Bradford’s manuscripts a fuller -account of the events in question; and Mather’s _Magnalia_ (1702), and -Prince’s _Annals_ (1736), added a few touches to the picture. Prince -has also the distinction of being the first of those who have retraced -the steps of the Pilgrims on Dutch soil, his _Annals_ (vol. i. p. 160) -recording his visit to Leyden in 1714, and his supposed identification -of the church which Robinson’s congregation used, and in which he was -buried.[493] - -The extracts from Bradford published by Hazard in 1792, with those -included in the notes to Judge John Davis’s edition of Morton’s -_Memorial_ in 1826, all of which were reprinted by Dr. Young in 1841, -set forth in a more orderly way the story of the removal. But there was -no inquiry in Holland until Leyden was visited by Mr. George Sumner, -a younger brother of Senator Sumner, who communicated the results -of his researches to the Massachusetts Historical Society, in 1843, -in a paper which was published separately at Cambridge in 1845, and -in the Society’s _Collections_, vol. xxix. (1846). Mr. Sumner threw -much light on the actual condition of the Pilgrims in Holland, while -investigating Prince’s report of a church lent them by the city, and -Winslow’s account of the respect paid Robinson at his funeral. He -showed that Prince had confused this congregation with one founded -contemporaneously by English Presbyterians in Leyden, for whose use a -chapel was granted, while Robinson’s company received no such favor. He -also printed the record of Robinson’s admission to the University,—a -fact not before recovered,—and the entry of his burial in St. Peter’s -cathedral, just across the way from his house.[494] - -In 1848 another item of interest,—the application of Robinson and his -people for leave to come to Leyden,—was printed for the first time -in a _Memoir of Robinson_, by Professor Kist, in vol. viii. of the -_Nederlandsch Archief voor Kerkelijke Geschiedenis_.[495] A fuller -memoir, prefixed to a collected edition of his writings, was published -in London three years later (1851), by the Rev. Robert Ashton, and -reprinted in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. xli. (1852). - -Next in chronological order comes the publication of the most important -of all known sources of information respecting the Pilgrims from 1608 -to 1646,—the _History of Plymouth Plantation_, by William Bradford, -second governor of the colony. We have seen that this history was -used, in manuscript, by various writers, but disappeared after 1767. -In 1844 a _History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America_, -by the Bishop of Oxford (Dr. Samuel Wilberforce), was published in -London, in which quotations embodying new information were made from an -otherwise unknown “Manuscript History of the Plantation of Plymouth, -etc., in the Fulham Library.” The Bishop’s volume passed to a second -edition in 1846, and was reprinted in New York in 1849; while in -1848 there appeared in London the Rev. J. S. M. Anderson’s _History -of the Colonial Church_, in which reference was distinctly made to -“Bradford’s MS. History of Plymouth Colony ... now in the possession -of the Bishop of London.” But the significance of these allusions was -ignored by American students, until February, 1855, when Mr. John -Wingate Thornton, of Boston, called the attention of the Rev. John S. -Barry, who was then engaged on the first volume of his _History of -Massachusetts_, to the Bishop of Oxford’s book. Taking up the clew thus -given, Mr. Barry conferred with Mr. Charles Deane, who sent at once -to London for information, and by the replies received, was enabled -to announce at the meeting of the Massachusetts Historical Society, -April 12, 1855, that the complete manuscript of Governor Bradford’s -history had been found in the Library of the Bishop of London’s Palace -at Fulham, and that an accurate copy had been ordered for the Society’s -use. This transcript reached Boston in August, and was issued, under -Mr. Deane’s able editorship, in the spring of 1856, both as a separate -publication and as volume xxxiii. of the Society’s _Collections_.[496] - -How the manuscript came to be in the Fulham Library is uncertain; most -probably it was taken from the Prince Library, upon the evacuation of -Boston by the British in March, 1776, and was preserved and finally -deposited in a public collection by those who perceived it to be of -value. The desirability of its return to America has been repeatedly -suggested; but as an individual bishop has no power to alienate the -property of his See, nothing has yet been accomplished. - -The next special contribution to the history of the Pilgrims in Holland -was the publication of the “Seven Articles which the church of Leyden -sent [in September, 1617] to the Council of England, to be considered -of in respect of their judgments occasioned about their going to -Virginia, anno 1618.” A contemporary transcript of this paper was -found in the British State-Paper Office by the Hon. George Bancroft, -and communicated by him, with an introductory letter, to the New York -Historical Society, in October, 1856. It was included, in 1857, in vol. -iii. of the second series of their _Collections_.[497] - -In 1859-60 the Hon. Henry C. Murphy, of Brooklyn, N. Y., United States -Minister at the Hague from 1857 to 1861, published in the _Hist. Mag._ -(iii. 261, 335, 357; iv. 4) a series of four “Contributions to the -History of the Pilgrim Fathers, from the Records at Leyden.” These -valuable papers presented much new information (derived especially -from the marriage records) as to the full names, ages, occupations, -and English homes of Robinson’s congregation; they determined also the -site and dimensions of his house, and the details of its purchase. -Another fact, which was already known, that Elder Brewster during the -last three years of his stay in Leyden was a printer and publisher, -especially of books on ecclesiastical matters, both in Latin and -English,[498] which it would not have been safe to print at home, -received new illustration from Mr. Murphy. - -The labors of Sumner and Murphy in Holland have been supplemented by -the diligent researches of Dr. H. M. Dexter, whose work at Scrooby -was mentioned above. In the _Congregational Quarterly_ for January, -1862 (vol. iv.), he gave an account of the recent additions to our -knowledge; and in the notes to his invaluable addition of _Mourt’s -Relation_, in 1865, he traced the personal history of the Pilgrims, -so far as an exhaustive examination of the Leyden records made that -possible. In 1866, in company with Professor George E. Day, of Yale -College, who had shared in the previous investigations, Dr. Dexter -superintended the erection of a marble tablet, with appropriate -inscription, on the front of the Home for Aged Walloons, which now -occupies the site of Robinson’s house. In the _Sabbath at Home_ for -April, 1867, he published a graphic account of the “Footprints of the -Pilgrims in Holland,” and in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ for January, -1872 (xii. 184), suggested some valuable corrections of Mr. Sumner’s -Memoirs, respecting Robinson’s death and burial. The Leyden pastor’s -influence and doctrinal position may be best studied in Dr. Dexter’s -_Congregationalism as seen in its Literature_ (1880), and in vol. iii. -of the Rev. George Punchard’s _History of Congregationalism_ (2d ed. -1867).[499] - -For various contributions to fuller knowledge than Bradford affords of -the negotiations in London, after removal to America had been decided -on, great credit is due to the researches of the Rev. Edward D. Neill, -especially in his _History of the Virginia Company_ (1869) and his -_English Colonization of America_ (1871). Cf. _Hist. Mag._, xiii. -278. The same writer has investigated the personal history of Captain -Thomas Jones, master of the “Mayflower,” in the _Historical Magazine_ -(January, 1869), xv. 31-33, and in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ -(1874), xxviii. 314-17. The charge that Jones was bribed by the Dutch -in 1620, is considered by Mr. William Brigham in the volume of lectures -published by the Massachusetts Historical Society on the _Early History -of Massachusetts_, and in the Society’s _Proceedings_ for December, -1868.[500] - -For the colony’s affairs from the sailing of the “Mayflower” to 1646, -the prime source of knowledge is Bradford’s _History_. At the time -of emigrating, the author was in his thirty-first year, and his book -was written at various dates, from 1630 to 1650, when he was from -forty to sixty years of age. Less than four months after landing he -became Governor, and for the remaining quarter-century covered by his -_History_ he held the same office, except during five years, when -excused at his own urgent request. The foremost man in the colony for -this long period, nature and opportunity equally fitted him to be its -chronicler from the beginning. No one could speak with more authority -than he of the inner motives and guiding policy of the original -colonists,—fortunately, also, no one could exemplify more clearly in -written words the ideal Pilgrim than does Bradford, with his grave, -homely, earnest style, not unsuggestive of the English of the Bible. -Between his style and that of Winthrop, the contemporary historian -of the Bay, there is something of the same difference that existed -between the two emigrations; and yet Bradford’s simple story, standing -as it does as the earliest piece of American historical composition, -possesses a peculiar charm which the broader, more philosophic page of -Winthrop cannot rival.[501] - -[Illustration: BRADFORD’S WRITING,—FROM HIS “HISTORY.”] - - * * * * * - -The special contributions by others to the history of Bradford’s period -began in 1622 with the publication of _Mourt’s Relation_, a daily -journal of the first twelve months (Sept. 1620, to Dec. 11, 1621), -so called from the name, “G. Mourt,” subscribed to the preface, but -doubtless written by Bradford and Winslow. The standard edition is that -of 1865, with notes by Dr. H. M. Dexter.[502] A few facts may also be -gleaned from a _Sermon_ (by Robert Cushman) preached at Plymouth, Dec. -9, 1621,[503] and from the second edition of Captain John Smith’s _New -England’s Trials_,—both published in London in 1622. Winslow’s _Good -News from New England_ appeared in 1624, continuing the narrative of -events from November, 1621, to September 10, 1623.[504] Next came, -after a long interval, _New England’s Memorial_, by Nathaniel Morton, -printed at Cambridge in 1669, which professed to give the annals of New -England to 1668; beyond the part supplied from Bradford and Winslow, -however, there was little of value. Judge John Davis’s[505] edition of -1826 is still the best.[506] - -[Illustration] - -To these materials the next sensible addition was in the “Summary of -the Affairs of the Colony of New-Plimouth,” appended, in 1767, to -vol. ii. of Governor Hutchinson’s _History of Massachusetts Bay_, and -containing some personal items not before collected. In 1794 a fragment -of a letter-book, preserving copies of important letters written and -received by Governor Bradford from 1624 to 1630, having lately been -found in Nova Scotia, was printed in the _Massachusetts Historical -Collections_, vol. iii.[507] In 1798 Dr. Jeremy Belknap included in -vol. ii. of his _American Biography_ sketches of the leading Pilgrims -(Robinson, Carver, Bradford, Brewster, Cushman, Winslow, and Standish), -which put in admirable form all then known of early Plymouth history. - -The next quarter of a century added nothing to the existing stock of -knowledge, unless by the publication in 1815 of the _General History -of New England_ to 1680, by the Rev. William Hubbard (born 1621, died -1704), which, so far as Plymouth was concerned, was little more than a -compilation from sources already named. But with the issue, in 1826, -of a new edition of _Morton_, and in 1830 of _An Historical Memoir of -the Colony of New Plymouth_, by the Hon. Francis Baylies,[508] and in -1832 of a _History of the Town of Plymouth_, by Dr. James Thacher, was -introduced the new era of modern research.[509] - -[Illustration: FIRST PAGE, PLYMOUTH RECORDS. - -[This is in the handwriting of Governor Bradford; it is also in Hazard, -i. 100, and in the State edition, xii. 2. It is not clear when the -entry was made. Pulsifer, _Records_, xii. p. iv., holds it was written -in 1620; Shurtleff, _Ibid._, i. Introd., says that all entries dated -before 1627 were made in this last year. Beside the account of the -records in this introduction, there is another in 3 _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, ii. Also see _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1858, p. 358. -The State edition is in twelve volumes, usually bound in ten; and was -originally sold for $75, but is now obtainable at a much less price. - -The patents under which the colony governed itself have been defined -in the preceding narrative, and in a note the first one is traced. -(Cf. also Neill’s notes on it in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1876, -p. 413, and Poor’s _Vindication of Gorges_.) The second patent, of -April 20, 1622, is not extant. The third, of Jan. 13, 1629-30, is at -Plymouth in the Registry of Deeds, and is printed in Brigham’s edition -of the _Laws_, Hazard’s _Collections_, etc. Cf. _Mass. Archives, -Miscellanies_, i. 123.—ED.]] - -The Legislature of Massachusetts gave fresh impulse to this spirit -of investigation by publishing in 1836, under the editorship of Mr. -William Brigham, the _Laws passed in Plymouth Colony from 1623 to -1691_, with a selection of other permanent documents. In 1841 the -Rev. Alexander Young[510] collected, under the title of _Chronicles -of the Pilgrim Fathers from 1602 to 1625_, the principal writings of -that period, and, enriching them with a body of useful notes, made -a volume which still retains a distinct value. In 1846 and 1851 a -local antiquary, Mr. William S. Russell,[511] brought out two small -volumes,—_A Guide to Plymouth_ and _Pilgrim Memorials_,—which are -not yet superseded; Mr. William H. Bartlett’s _Pilgrim Fathers_[512] -(1853) added something to these local touches. Between 1855 and 1861 -the _Records of the Colony of New Plymouth_ were printed _in extenso_, -by order of the State Legislature, under the editorship of Dr. N. B. -Shurtleff[513] and Mr. David Pulsifer. - -The year 1856 was made memorable by the printing of Bradford’s -manuscript, and two years later appeared the initial volume of Dr. -John G. Palfrey’s _History of New England_, which comprehends by far -the best of modern narratives of the complete career of Plymouth -Colony. Only in subsidiary literature have the more recent years added -anything. Valuable bibliographical notes on Pilgrim history, by the -editor of the present volume, were printed in the _Harvard College -Library Bulletin_ for 1878, nos. 7 and 8; and the “Collections toward -a Bibliography of Congregationalism,” appended to Dr. H. M. Dexter’s -_Congregationalism as seen in its Literature_ (1880), are indispensable -to future students. In 1881 General E. W. Peirce published a useful -volume of _Civil, Military, and Professional Lists of Plymouth and -Rhode Island Colonies_ to 1700. - -Apart from strictly historical composition, the theme has inspired -some of the greatest oratorical efforts of the sons of New England in -the present century,—especially in connection with the stated annual -celebrations of the Pilgrim Society,[514] formed at Plymouth in 1820 -(a successor of the earlier Old Colony Club,[515] founded in 1769). -Most deservedly conspicuous in this series are the orations delivered -in 1820 by Daniel Webster, in 1824 by Edward Everett, and in 1870 by -Robert C. Winthrop; of similar note are several of the orations before -the New England Society of New York, founded in 1805. The Pilgrim -Society has also fostered local sentiment by erecting (in 1824) Pilgrim -Hall in the town of Plymouth, and by gathering within it a valuable -collection of memorials of the early settlers and of portraits of -historical interest.[516] - -A portrait of Edward Winslow (engraved on a previous page) is in -Pilgrim Hall at Plymouth, and is the only undoubted portrait of any -of the Pilgrims now existing.[517] Of the many attempts to depict -on canvas signal events of Pilgrim history, the most important is a -painting by Robert W. Weir of the embarkation at Delft Haven, executed -in 1846, and occupying one of the panels in the Rotunda of the Capitol -at Washington.[518] The most imposing works of architecture and -sculpture in commemoration of the same events are the canopy recently -erected over the rock in Plymouth on which the Pilgrims are believed to -have landed, and the monument on a neighboring hill-top.[519] - -In poetical literature the most serious and sustained effort to -represent the Pilgrim spirit is in Longfellow’s “Courtship of Miles -Standish” (1859);[520] while in briefer compass Old England, through -Lord Houghton (Prefatory Stanzas to Hunter’s _Founders of New -Plymouth_) and Mrs. Hemans (“Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers”), and New -England through Pierpont (“The Pilgrim Fathers”) and Lowell (“Interview -with Miles Standish”), have vied in celebrating the character and deeds -of the exiles of 1620.[521] - -[Illustration] - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -NEW ENGLAND. - -BY CHARLES DEANE, LL.D., - -_Vice-President of the Massachusetts Historical Society._ - - -THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND.—This body was incorporated in the -eighteenth year of the reign of James I., on the 3d of November, 1620, -under the name of the “Council established at Plymouth, in the County -of Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing of New -England, in America.” The corporation consisted of forty patentees, the -most of whom were persons of distinction: thirteen were peers, some -of the highest rank. The patentees were empowered to hold territory -in America extending from the fortieth to the forty-eighth degree of -north latitude, and westward from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and -they were authorized to settle and govern the same. This charter is -the foundation of most of the grants which were afterward made of the -territory of New England. - -This Company was substantially a reincorporation of the adventurers -or associates of the Northern Colony of Virginia, with additional -privileges, placing them on a footing with their rivals of the Southern -Colony, whose franchise had been twice enlarged since the issuing -of the original charter of April 10, 1606, which incorporated both -companies. A notice of this earlier enterprise will but briefly detain -us. - -While the Southern Colony had attracted the wealth and influence of -leading adventurers who represented the more liberal party in the -government, and were enabled to prosecute their plans of colonization -with vigor to a good degree of success, the Northern Colony had -signally failed from the beginning. The former had established at -Jamestown, in 1607, the first permanent English Colony in America. -The latter produced no greater results than the abortive settlement -at Sabino, known as the Popham Colony.[522] The discouragement -following upon its abandonment prompted the withdrawal of many of the -adventurers, though the organization of the patentees still survived; -but of their meetings and records we have no trace. Sir Ferdinando -Gorges himself would not despair, but engaged his private fortune in -fishing, trading, and exploring expeditions, and in making attempts at -settlement. Many of these enterprises he speaks of as private ventures, -while the Council for New England, in their _Briefe Relation_, of 1622, -which I have sometimes thought was written by Gorges himself, speaks of -them in the name of the Company. The probability is that Gorges was the -principal person who kept alive the cherished scheme of settling the -country, and by his influence a few other persons were engaged, and the -name of the Council covered many of these enterprises. - - * * * * * - -Gorges now conceived the scheme of a great monopoly. King James had -reigned since 1614 without a parliament, and during the following -years down to the meeting of the next parliament, in January, 1620/21, -a large part of the business of the country had been monopolized by -individuals or by associations that had secured special privileges from -the Crown. Gorges was a friend of the King and of the “prerogative.” -Under the plea of desiring a new incorporation of the adventurers -of the Northern Colony, in order to place them on an equality of -privileges with the Southern Colony, Gorges had devised the plan of -securing a monoply of the fishing in the waters of New England for the -patentees of the new corporation, and for those who held or purchased -license from them. He had the adroitness to enlist in his favor a -large number of the principal noblemen and gentlemen. Relative to -his proceedings, Gorges himself says: “Of this, my resolution, I was -bold to offer the sounder considerations to divers of his Majesty’s -honorable Privy Council, who had so good liking thereunto as they -willingly became interested themselves therein as patentees and -councillors for the managing of the business, by whose favors I had -the easier passage in the obtaining his Majesty’s royal charter to be -granted us according to his warrant to the then solicitor-general,” -etc. The petition for the new charter was dated March 3, 1619/20; the -warrant for its preparation, July 23; and it passed the seals Nov. 3, -1620. - -An inspection of the several patents granted by King James will show -that, in those of 1606 and 1609, among the privileges conferred is that -of “fishings.” But the word is there used in connection with other -privileges appertaining to and within the precincts conveyed, such as -“mines, minerals, marshes,” etc., and probably meant “fishings” in -rivers and ponds, and not in the seas. In the patent of Nov. 3, 1620, -a similar clause ends, “and seas adjoining,” which may be intended to -cover the alleged privilege. In this patent, as in the others, there is -no clause forbidding free fishing within the seas of New England; but -all persons without license first obtained from the Council are, in the -patent of Nov. 3, 1620, forbidden to visit the coast, and the clause of -forfeiture of vessel and cargo is inserted. This prevented fishermen -from landing and procuring wood for constructing stages to dry their -fish. - -A few days after the petition of Gorges and his associates had been -presented to the King for a new charter, with minutes indicating the -nature of the privileges asked for, the Southern Colony took the -alarm, and the subject was brought before its members by the treasurer, -Sir Edwin Sandys, at a meeting on the 15th of March, 1619/20, at which -a committee was appointed to appear before the Privy Council the next -day, to protest against the fishing monopoly asked for by the Northern -Colony. The result of the conference, at which Gorges was present, was -a reference to two members of the Council,—the Duke of Lenox and the -Earl of Arundell, both patentees in the new patent; and they decided -or recommended that each colony should fish within the bounds of the -other, with this limitation,—“that it be only for the sustentation of -the people of the colonies there, and for the transportation of people -into either colony.” This order gave satisfaction to neither party. -The Southern Colony protested against being deprived of privileges -which they had always enjoyed. Gorges contended that the Northern -Colony had been excluded from the limits of the rival company, and he -only desired the same privilege of excluding them in turn. The matter -came again before the Privy Council on the 21st of July following, and -that board confirmed the recommendation of the 16th of March. Two days -later, on the 23d of July, the warrant to the solicitor-general for -the preparation of the patent was issued, and it passed the seals, as -already stated, on the 3d of November. - -On the following day, November 4, Sir Edwin Sandys announced at a -meeting of the Southern Colony, or what was now known as the Virginia -Company, that the patent of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, containing certain -words which contradicted a former order of the Lords of the Council, -had passed the seals, and that the adventurers of the Northern Colony -by this grant had utterly excluded the Southern Colony from fishing on -that coast without their leave and license first sought and obtained. -By a general consent it was resolved to supplicate his Majesty for -redress, and Sir Thomas Roe was desired to present the petition which -had been drawn. - -On the 13th Sir Thomas Roe reported that he had attended to that -duty, and that the King had said that if anything was passed in -the New England patent prejudicial to the Southern Colony, it was -surreptitiously done, and without his knowledge, and that he had been -abused thereby by those who pretended otherwise unto him. This was -confirmed by the Earl of Southampton, who further said that the King -gave command to the Lord Chamberlain, then present, that if this new -patent were not sealed, to forbear the seal; and if it were sealed and -not delivered, to keep it in hand till they were better informed. His -Lordship further signified that on Saturday last they had been with -the Lord Chancellor about it, when were present the Duke of Lenox, the -Earl of Arundell, and others, who, after hearing the allegations on -both sides, ordered that the patent should be delivered to be perused -by some of the Southern Colony, who were to report what exceptions -they found thereunto against the next meeting. Two days later it was -announced through the Earl of Southampton that, at a recent conference -with Gorges, it was agreed that for the present “the patent of Sir -Ferdinando Gorges should be sequestered and deposited in my Lord -Chancellor’s hands according to his Majesty’s express command.” - -The Council for New England, in their _Briefe Relation_ (1622) of these -proceedings, recounting the opposition of the Virginia Company, say -that “lastly, the patent being passed the seal, it was stopped, upon -new suggestions to the King, and by his Majesty referred to the Council -to be settled, by whom the former orders were confirmed, the difference -cleared, and we ordered to have our patent delivered us.” - -The modifications suggested or directed by the Privy Council appear -not to have been embodied in the instrument itself as it passed the -seals. Gorges’ friends were very strong in the council board, some of -the members being patentees in the grant, and they carried matters -with a high hand. But before the order came for the final delivery of -the patent, Gorges and his patentees were called to encounter a still -more formidable opposition. Gorges himself tells us that his rivals had -plainly told him that “howsoever I had sped before the Lords, I should -hear more of it the next Parliament;” and that this body was no sooner -assembled than he found it too true wherewith he had been formerly -threatened. - -The Parliament met Jan. 16, 1620/21, it being the first time for more -than seven years, and at once adjourned to the 30th of that month. On -its assembling, the House of Commons immediately proceeded to present -the public grievances of the kingdom, prominent among which were the -monopolies that had sprung up like hydras during the last few years -under the royal prerogative. On the 17th of April “An Act for the freer -liberty of fishing voyages, to be made and performed on the sea-coast -and places of Newfoundland, Virginia, New England, and other the -sea-coasts and parts of America,” was introduced. On the 25th this was -repeated, and a debate followed, opened by Sir Edwin Sandys, who called -attention to the new grant obtained for what had now come to be called -New England, with a sole privilege of fishing; also to the fact that -the King, who had been made acquainted with it, had stayed the patent; -that the Virginia Company desired no appropriation of this fishing to -them; that it was worth one hundred thousand pounds per annum in coin; -that the English “little frequent this, in respect of this prohibition, -but the Dutch and French.” He therefore moved for “a free liberty for -all the King’s subjects for fishing there,” saying it was pitiful that -any of the King’s subjects should be prohibited, since the French and -Dutch were at liberty to come and fish there notwithstanding the colony. - -The debate was continued. Secretary Calvert “doubteth the fishermen the -hinderers of the plantation; that they burn great store of woods, and -choke the havens;” that he “never will strain the King’s prerogative -against the good of the commonwealth;” and that it was “not fit to -make any laws here for those countries which not as yet annexed to the -Crown.” - -The bill was committed to Sir Edwin Sandys, and a full hearing -advertized to all burgesses of London, York, and the port towns, who -might wish to testify, that day seven-night, in the Exchequer Chamber. - -On the 4th of June Parliament adjourned to the 14th of November, and in -the intermission Sir Edwin Sandys was arrested and thrown into prison. -It is significant that, notwithstanding this opposition in the House of -Commons, the Privy Council, on the 18th, ordered that the sequestered -patent be delivered to Gorges, in terms which provided that each colony -(the Northern and the Southern) should have the additional freedom -of the shore for the drying of their nets and the taking and saving -of their fish, and to have wood for their necessary uses, etc.; also -that the patent of the Northern plantation be renewed according to the -premises, while those of the Southern plantation were to have a sight -thereof before it be engrossed, and that the former patent be delivered -to the patentees. - -I have already remarked that the orders of the Privy Council early -directed certain modifications to be made in the proposed patent which -were not embodied in it when first drawn; nor were they ultimately -included, although Gorges himself admitted, when afterward summoned -before the Committee of the House of Commons, that the patent yet -remained in the Crown office, “where it was left since the last -Parliament” (he meant, since the last session of Parliament), “for -that it was resolved to be renewed for the amendment of some faults -contained therein.” - -No doubt the intention was that a new patent should be drawn, and that -the delivery of the existing parchment was provisional only.[523] The -patent, however, never was renewed, though a scheme for a renewal of -a most radical character was seriously contemplated all through the -year following the dissolution of the Parliament in 1622; and Sir Henry -Spelman and John Selden were consulted in regard to land tenures, the -rights of the Crown, and the like, in reference thereto. - -On the reassembling of Parliament in November, the subject was once -again approached in the Commons. It was charged that since the recess -Gorges had executed a patent. One had been issued, dated June 1, 1621, -to John Peirce for the Plymouth people. He had also, by patent or -by verbal agreement, by the King’s request, released to Sir William -Alexander all the land east of St. Croix, known as Nova Scotia, -confirmed to him by a royal charter September 10 of this year.[524] -It was also charged that Gorges was threatening to use force in -restricting the right to fish; and accordingly on the 20th an order -was passed directing his patent to be brought in to the Committee on -Grievances.[525] - -The result was that on the 21st of December an Act for freer liberty -of fishing passed the Commons, while previously, on the 18th, “Sir -Ferdinando Gorges and Sir Jo. Bowcer, the patentees for fishing in and -about New England, to be warned to appear here the first day of next -Access, and to bring their patent, or a copy thereof.” Parliament then -adjourned to the 8th of February; but it was subsequently prorogued -and dissolved. Before the adjournment, in the afternoon, the Commons, -foreseeing their dissolution, entered on their records a protestation -in vindication of their rights and privileges; but the record is -here mutilated by having the obnoxious passage torn out by the hands -of the King, who sent for the Journal of the House and placed this -mark of his tyranny upon it. Gorges himself, at this session of the -Parliament, twice appeared before the Committee of the House, and had -a preliminary examination without his counsel. He was questioned by -Sir Edward Coke about his patent, which Coke called a grievance of -the commonwealth, and complained of as “a monopoly, and the color of -planting a colony put upon it for particular ends and private gain.” -Gorges says he was treated with great courtesy, but was told that “the -Public was to be respected before all particulars,” and that the patent -must be brought into the House. Gorges replied by defending the plan -of the adventurers, which he said was undertaken for the advancement -of religion, the enlargement of the bounds of the nation, the increase -of trade, and the employment of many thousands of people. He rehearsed -what had already been done in the discovery and seizure of the coast, -told of the failures and discouragements encountered, and explained the -present scheme of regulating the affairs of the intended plantation -for the public good. As for the delivery of the patent, he had not the -power to do it himself, as he was but a particular person, and inferior -to many. Besides, the patent still remained, for aught he knew, in the -Crown Office, where it was left for amendment. He was then told to be -prepared to attend further at a future day, and with counsel. In the -end, also, the breaking up of Parliament prevented the bill for free -fishing, which had passed the Commons, from becoming a law. - -Of course, the opposition encountered—first from the Virginia Company -and then from the House of Commons, the latter representing largely the -popular sentiment—was a serious hindrance to the operations of the -Council for New England. The disputes with the former, the Council -themselves say, “held them almost two years, so as all men were afraid -to join with them.” - -The records of the Council, so far as they are extant, begin on -“Saturday, the last of May, 1622,” at “Whitehall,” at which there were -seven persons present, “the Lord Duke of Lenox” heading the list. Some -business was transacted before this date, as the first day’s record -here refers to it. The record of the organization of the Council is -wanting; and two persons named as present at this meeting—Captain -Samuel Argall and Dr. Barnabe Goche—were not included in the list of -the forty patentees. They must have been elected since, in the place -of others who had resigned. Goche was now elected treasurer in the -place of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. I think that the Duke of Lenox was the -first president of the Council. In the patent granted to John Peirce, -mentioned above as taken out on behalf of the Pilgrims, dated June -1, 1621,—which, I may add, was nearly a year before the date of any -known record of the Council,—purporting to be signed by “the President -and Counsell,” who have “set their seals” to the same, were the names -of Lenox, Hamilton, Ro. Warwick, Sheffield, Ferd. Gorges, in the -order here given, and one other name indistinct, with their separate -seals.[526] - -It is not improbable, therefore, that the business transactions of the -Council, in this inchoate and uncertain period of its existence, were -so few that they were preserved only in loose minutes, or files of -papers, which were never recorded, and are now lost. - -After they had freed their patent, they first considered how they -should raise the means to advance the plantation, and two methods were -suggested. One contemplated a voluntary contribution by the patentees; -and the other, the ransoming the freedoms of those who were willing -to partake of present profits arising by the trade or fishing on the -coast. The patentees, in the one case, agreed to pay one hundred pounds -apiece (the records say £110); in the other, inducements were offered -to the western cities and towns to form joint-stock associations -for trade and fishing, from which a revenue in the shape of royalty -might be derived to the Council: and, in order to further this latter -project, letters were to be issued to those cities, by the Privy -Council, prohibiting any not free of that business from visiting the -coast, upon pain of confiscation of ship and goods. This last scheme -was not favorably received. The letters produced an effect contrary to -what was expected, since the restraining of the liberty of free fishing -gave alarm; and, as the Parliament of 1621 was about to meet, every -possible influence was brought to bear against this great monopoly, -with what effect we have already seen. - -While the plan of voluntary associations failed, the business of -exacting a tax from individual fishermen was prosecuted with vigor, -and probably; in some instances with success. A proclamation against -disorderly trading, or visiting the coasts of New England without a -license from the Council, was issued. A grand scheme for settling the -coast of New England by a local government was marked out, and the -_Platform of the Government_ was put into print.[527] - -The project of laying out a county on the Kennebec River; forty -miles square, for general purposes, and building a great city at the -junction of the Kennebec and Androscoggin Rivers, was part of the -great plan. A ship and pinnace had been built at Whitby, a seaport in -Yorkshire, at large expense, for use in the colony; and others were -contemplated. They were to lie on the coast for the defence of the -merchants and fishermen, and to convoy the fleets as they went to and -from their markets. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who had been treasurer of -the Council, was now chosen governor, and was destined for New England; -but the Company were seriously embarrassed for funds, and finally were -obliged to mortgage the ship to some of their individual members. The -assessments of £110 each were not all paid in, and patentees who did -not intend to pay were asked to resign, so that others might take their -places. Constant complaints were made of merchants who were violating -the privileges of the Company by sending out vessels for fishing and -trading on the coast; and orders were passed for applying remedies. The -plan for the new patent is constantly referred to in the records, and -the present patentees are to be warned that they will have no place -in it, unless they pay up their past dues. The inducement to be held -out is, that all who actually pay £110 may have a place in the new -grant, provided they “be persons of honor or gentlemen of blood, except -only six merchants to be admitted by us for the service, and especial -employments of the said Council in the course of trade and commerce,” -etc. But their schemes were not realized. - -In the Council’s prospectus already cited, issued in the summer of -1622, they say, “We have settled, at this present, several plantations -along the coast, and have granted patents to many more that are in -preparation to be gone with all conveniency.” The bare fact, however, -is that the Pilgrims at Plymouth were the only actual settlers, and -they had landed within the patent limits by the merest chance. There -may have been some other bodies of men, in small numbers, living on -the coast, such as Gorges used to hire, at large expense, to spend the -winter there. His servant, Richard Vines, a highly respectable man, -was sent out to the coast for trade and discovery, and spent some time -in the country; and he is supposed to have passed one winter during a -great plague among the Indians,—perhaps that of 1616-17,—at the mouth -of the Saco River.[528] Vines and John Oldham afterward had a patent of -Biddeford, on that river. Several scattering plantations were begun in -the following year. - -[Illustration: FROM DUDLEY’S ARCANO DEL MARE.] - -The complaints to the Council of abuses committed by fishermen and -other interlopers, who without license visited the coast, and by their -conduct caused the overthrow of the trade and the dishonor of the -government, led to the selection of Robert Gorges, the younger son of -Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and who was recently returned from the Venetian -wars, to be sent to New England for the correction of these abuses. He -was commissioned as lieutenant-general, and there were appointed for -his council and assistants Captain Francis West as admiral, Christopher -Levett, and the governor of Plymouth for the time being. Robert Gorges -had but recently become a shareholder in the grand patent, and he -had also a personal grant of a tract of land on the northeast side of -Massachusetts Bay, ten miles along the coast, and extending thirty -miles into the interior. This was made to him partly in consideration -of his father’s services to the Company. - -West was commissioned in November, 1622; and his arrival at Plymouth, -in New England, is noticed by Bradford “as about the latter end of -June.” He had probably been for some time on the Eastern coast as he -related his experiences to Bradford, who says he “had a commission to -be admiral of New England, to restrain interlopers and such fishing -ships as came to fish and trade without a license from the Council -of New England, for which they should pay a round sum of money. -But he could do no good of them, for they were too strong for him, -and he found the fishermen to be stubborn fellows.... So they went -from hence to Virginia.” West returned from Virginia in August, and -probably joined Captain Gorges, who made his appearance in the Bay -of Massachusetts in August or September of this year, having “sundry -passengers and families, intending there to begin a plantation, -and pitched upon the place Mr. Weston’s people had forsaken,” at -Wessagusset. By his commission he and his council had full power “to -do and execute what to them should seem good, in all cases, capital, -criminal, and civil.” - -This sending out of young Gorges with authority was probably a -temporary expedient for the present emergency, preparatory to the great -scheme of government set forth, a few months before he sailed, in the -Council’s _Briefe Relation_. Captain Gorges had a private enterprise to -look after while charged with these public duties. The patent which he -brought over, issued to himself personally, provided for a government -to be administered “acording to the great charter of England, and such -Lawes as shall be hereafter established by public authority of the -State assembled in Parliament in New England,” all decisions being -subject to appeal to the Council for New England, “and to the court of -Parliament hereafter to be in New England aforesaid.” - -Gorges remained here but a short time,—probably not quite a -year,—having during his stay a sharp conflict with the notorious -Thomas Weston, whom Governor Bradford, in pity to the man, attempted -to shield from punishment. In speaking of Gorges’ return to England, -Bradford says that he “scarcely saluted the country in his government, -not finding the state of things here to answer his quality and -condition.” His people dispersed: some went to England, and some to -Virginia. Sir Ferdinando Gorges himself assigns another reason for -his son’s speedy abandoning the country. He says that Robert was sent -out by Lord Gorges and himself,—meaning, I suppose, that he came at -their personal charge,—and that he was disappointed in not receiving -supplies from “divers his familiar friends who had promised as much; -but they, hearing how I sped in the House of Parliament, withdrew -themselves, and myself and friends were wholly disabled to do anything -to purpose.” The report of these proceedings coming to his son’s ears, -he was advised to return home till better occasion should serve. - -The records of the Council show that for the space of one year their -business was pursued with considerable vigor by the few members who -were interested.[529] Sir Ferdinando Gorges, of course, was the -mainstay of the enterprise. The principal business was to prepare to -put their plans into operation. The money did not come in, and a large -number of the patentees fell off. Much time was spent in inducing new -members to engage, and pay in their money; and the efforts to bring the -merchant fishermen to acknowledge the claims of the Council, and to -take out licenses for traffic and fishing, were untiring. - -Finally, in the summer of 1623, the Council resolved to divide the -whole territory of New England among the patentees, “in the plot -remaining with Dr. Goche,” the treasurer. The reasons given for this -step are, “For that some of the adventurers excuse their non-payment -in of their adventures because they know not their shares for which -they are to pay, which much prejudiceth the proceedings, it is thought -fit that the land of New England be divided in this manner; viz., by -20 lots, and each lot to contain 2 shares. And for that there are not -full 40 and above 20 adventurers, that only 20 shall draw those lots.” -Provision was accordingly made that each person drawing two shares -should part with one share to some member who might not have drawn, or -some one else who shall thereafter become an adventurer, to the end -that the full “number of forty may be complete.” The meeting for the -drawing was held on Sunday, June 29, 1623, at Greenwich, at which the -King was present.[530] - -The “plot” of New England, on which this division is shown, with the -names set down according as the lots were drawn, was published the -next year in Sir William Alexander’s _Encouragement to Colonies_; and -on page 31 of his book the writer speaks of hearing that “out of a -generous desire by his example to encourage others for the advancement -of so brave an enterprise he [Sir Ferdinando Gorges] is resolved -shortly to go himself in person, and to carry with him a great number -well fitted for such a purpose; and many noblemen in England (whose -names and proportions as they were marshalled by lot may appear upon -the map), having interested themselves in that bounds, are to send -several colonies, who may quickly make this to exceed all other -plantations.” - -Alexander must have been well informed of the intentions of the -Company, certainly familiar with those of Gorges himself; and it must -have been with their knowledge and approbation that the act above -recorded was thus published. - -[Illustration: ALEXANDER’S MAP, 1624. - -[This is a fac-simile of a part of the map, as reproduced in Purchas’s -_Pilgrims_.—ED.]] - -The meeting at which the division was made is the last of which we -have any record for a number of years, and the history of the Company -during these years must be gathered from other sources. The grand -colonial scheme intended to be put in operation never went into effect; -and at a late period the Council say, concerning this division, that -hitherto they have never been confirmed in the lands so allotted. - -A new Parliament was summoned to meet February 12, 1623/24, and on -the 24th we find this minute: “Mr. Neale delivereth in the bill for -free liberty of fishing upon the coasts of America.” “Five ships of -Plymouth under arrest, and two of Dartmouth, because they went to -fish in New England. This done by warrant from the Admiralty. To have -these suits staid till this bill have had its passage. This done by -Sir Ferdinando Gorges his Patent. Ordered, that this patent be brought -into the Committee of Grievances upon Friday next.” March 15, 1623/24, -an Act for freer liberty of fishing, as previously introduced, was -committed to a large committee, of which Sir Edward Coke was chairman. -On the 17th, Sir Edward reported from this committee that they had -condemned one grievance, namely, “Sir Ferdinand Gorges his patent for -a plantation in New England. Their council heard, the exceptions being -first delivered them. Resolved by consent, that, notwithstanding the -clause in the patent dated 3d November, 18th Jac., that no subject -of England shall visit the coast upon pain of forfeiture of ship and -goods, the patentees have yielded that the Englishmen shall visit, and -that they will not interrupt any fisherman to fish there.” Finally it -was enacted by the House that the clause of forfeiture, being only by -patent and not by act of Parliament, was void. - -Gorges himself gives a graphic picture of the scene when he, with -his counsel, was before the Committee of the House, and he spoke so -unavailingly in defence of his patent. This patent was the first -presented from the Committee of Grievances. “This their public -declaration of the Houses ... shook off all my adventurers for -plantation, and made many of the patentees to quit their interest;” -so that in all likelihood he would have fallen under the weight of -so heavy a burden, had he not been supported by the King, who would -not be drawn to overthrow the corporation he so much approved of, and -Gorges was advised to persevere. Still he thought it better to forbear -for the present, though the bill did not become a law of the realm. -Soon afterward the French ambassador made a challenge of all those -territories as belonging of right to the King of France, and Gorges was -called to make answer to him; and his reply was so full that “no more -was heard of that their claim.” - -Being unable to enforce the claim whence was to come the principal -source of its income, and the larger part of the patentees having -abandoned the enterprise, the Great Council for New England, whose -patent had been denounced by the House of Commons as a monopoly and -opposed to the public policy and the general good, became a dead body. -In the following year, 1625, we hear of Gorges as commander of one of -the vessels in the squadron ordered by Buckingham to Dieppe for the -service of the King of France. Finding on his arrival that the vessels -were destined to serve against Rochelle, which was then sustaining a -siege, Gorges broke through the squadron, and returned to England with -his ship. - -In the summer of 1625 the Plymouth people were in great trouble by -reason of their unhappy relations to the Adventurers in London, and -Captain Standish was sent over to seek some accommodation with them. At -the same time he bore a letter from Governor Bradford to the Council of -New England, urging their intervention in behalf of the colony “under -your government.” But Bradford says that, by reason of the plague which -that year raged in London, Standish could do nothing with the Council -for New England, for there were no courts kept or scarce any commerce -held. - -Two years later, in the summer of 1627, Governor Bradford again wrote -to the Council for New England, under whose government he acknowledged -themselves to be, and also to Sir Ferdinando Gorges himself, advising -them of the encroachments of the Dutch, and also making complaints of -the disorderly fishermen and interlopers, who, with no intent to plant, -and with no license, foraged the country and were off again, to the -great annoyance of the Plymouth settlers. - -After a patent to Christopher Levett, of May 5, 1623, the Council -appear to have made no grants of land till, in 1628, two patents -were issued,—one to the Plymouth people of land on the Kennebec -River, and one to Rosewell, Young, Endicott, and others, patentees of -Massachusetts. These were followed by a grant to John Mason, of Nov. 7, -1629, the Laconia grant of Nov. 17, 1629, that to Plymouth Colony of -Jan. 13, 1629/30, and sundry grants of territory in the present States -of Maine and New Hampshire. - -The records of the Council, of which there is a hiatus of over eight -years in the parts now extant (and the latter portion is a transcript -with probably many omissions), begin on the 4th of November, 1631, -with the Earl of Warwick as president, and contain entries of sundry -patents granted, and of the final transactions of the Company during -its existence. Precisely when the Earl of Warwick was chosen president -we do not know. His name appears in the Plymouth patent of Jan. 13, -1629/30, as holding that office, and it is quite likely that he was -president when the Massachusetts patent was issued, he being chiefly -instrumental in passing that grant. The Council seem now to have -revived their hopes as they did their activity. As late as Nov. 6, -1634, divers matters of moment were propounded: “First, that the number -of the Council be with all convenient speed filled. [It appears by a -previous meeting that there were now but twenty-one members in all, -whereas the patent called for no less than forty.] Second, that a new -patent from his Majesty be obtained.” Also, that no ships, passengers, -nor goods be permitted to go to New England without license from the -President and Council; and that fishermen should not be allowed to -trade with savages, nor with the servants of planters, nor to cut -timber for stages, without license. This, surely, is a revival of the -old odious policy. We do not know if any of these orders were adopted. - -There seems at this time to have arisen a serious misunderstanding or -quarrel between the Council and their President, the Earl of Warwick. -It first appears at a meeting held June 29, 1632. The President was -not present at this meeting, though it was held, as the meetings had -been held for some years past, at “Warwick House.” An order was adopted -“that the Earl of Warwick should be entreated to direct a course for -finding out what patents have been granted for New England.” At the -same meeting the clerk was sent to the Earl for the Council’s great -seal, which was in his lordship’s keeping; and word came back that -he would send it when his man came in. It was also ordered that the -future meetings of the Council be held at the house of Captain Mason, -in Fenchurch Street. But the seal was not sent, and two more formal -requests were made for it during the next six months. Captain John -Mason was chosen vice-president Nov. 26, 1632. The records for 1633 -and 1634 are wanting. Early in 1635 the Council resolved to resign -their patent into the hands of the King; preparatory to which they -made a new partition of the territory of New England, dividing it -among themselves, or, according to the records, among eight of their -number. Of what precise number the Council consisted at this time we -have no means of knowing. The division was made at a meeting held -Feb. 3, 1634/35, and to the description of each particular grant the -members on the 14th of April affixed their signatures, each person -withholding his signature to his own share. In making this division it -was ordered that every one who had lawful grants of land, or lawfully -settled plantations, should enjoy the same, laying down his _jura -regalia_ to the proprietor of this division, and paying him some small -acknowledgment. A memorandum is also made that “the 22d day of April -several deeds of feoffment were made unto the several proprietors.” - -The act of surrender passed June 7, 1635. Lord Gorges had been chosen -president April 18. The Company seem to have been kept alive till some -years later, as there is an entry as late as Nov. 1, 1638, at which -it was agreed to augment the grants of the Earl of Sterling and Lord -Gorges and Sir F. Gorges, the two latter to have “sixty miles more -added to their proportions further up into the main land.” Of course, -in making this division the whole patent of Nov. 3, 1620, was not -divided, for that ran from sea to sea. It was a division on the New -England coast, running back generally sixty miles inland. It was part -of the plan to procure from the King, under the great seal of England, -a confirmation of these several grants. Lord Sterling’s grant included -also Long Island, near Hudson’s River. - -The intention in this division was to ride over the Massachusetts -patent of 1628, which had been confirmed the following year by a -charter of incorporation from the King, and legal proceedings were soon -afterward instituted by a writ of _quo warranto_ for vacating their -franchises. The notorious Thomas Morton was retained as a solicitor -to prosecute this suit. The grants issued in this division to Sir -Ferdinando Gorges and to John Mason are the only ones with which -subsequent history largely deals.[531] - -The King, in accepting the resignation of the Grand Patent, resolved -to take the management of the affairs of New England into his own -hands, and to appoint as his general governor Sir Ferdinando Gorges, -who himself, or by deputy, was to reside in the country. But “the best -laid schemes o’ mice and men gang aft a-gley.” The attempt to vacate -the charter of Massachusetts Bay, a fundamental thing to be done, was -not accomplished. The patentees to whom several of the divisions of the -territory of New England were assigned appear to have wholly neglected -their interest, and, except in the case of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, -before referred to, royal charters were granted to none. - -Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire, and Connecticut were settled under -grants, or alleged grants, from the Council for New England. The grant -of the territory of Massachusetts Bay of March 19, 1627/28, was in the -following year confirmed by the Crown, with powers of government. The -grant to Sir Ferdinando Gorges in the general division of February, -1634/35, with an additional sixty miles into the interior subsequently -added, was confirmed by the Crown April 3, 1639, with a charter -constituting him Lord Proprietor of the Province of Maine, and giving -him extraordinary powers of government. The territory issued to John -Mason at the general division, which was to be called New Hampshire, -the parchment bearing date April 22, 1635, was never confirmed by the -King, nor were any powers of government granted. The first settlements -in Connecticut,—namely, those of the three towns on the river of -that name, in 1635 and 1636,—were made under the protection of -Massachusetts, as though the territory had been part of that colony. -But the inhabitants subsequently acquired a _quasi_ claim to this -territory, under what is known as the “old patent of Connecticut,” -impliedly proceeding from the Council for New England, through the -Earl of Warwick, to Lord Say and Sele and his associates. The settlers -of Quinnipiack, afterward called New Haven, in 1638 and 1639, had no -patent for lands, but made a number of purchases from the Indians. -Plymouth Colony, of which an account is given here by another hand, -received a roving patent from the Council, dated June 1, 1621, with no -boundaries; and another patent, dated Jan. 13, 1629/30, defining their -limits, but with no powers of government. The territory of Rhode Island -was not a grant from the Council to the settlers. - - -MASSACHUSETTS.—There were scattered settlements in Massachusetts Bay -prior to the emigration under the patent of 1627/28. Thomas Weston -began a settlement at what is now Weymouth Fore-River, in the summer -of 1622, which lasted scarcely one year. Robert Gorges, as we have -seen, took possession of the same place, in September, 1623, for his -experimental government, but the colony broke up the next spring, -leaving, it is thought, a few remnants behind, which proved a seed for -a continuous settlement. Persons are found temporarily at Nantasket -in 1625, and perhaps earlier; at Mount Wollaston the same year, and -at Thompson’s Island in 1626. The solitary William Blaxton, clerk, is -traced to Shawmut, (Boston) in 1625 or 1626, and the equally solitary -Samuel Maverick, at Noddles’ Island, about the same time; while -Walford, the blacksmith, is found at Charlestown in 1629. The last -three named are reasonably conjectured to have formed part of Robert -Gorges’ company at Weymouth, in 1623/24. - -[Illustration] - -The Dorchester Fishing Company, in England, of which the Rev. John -White, a zealous Puritan minister of that town, was a member, resolved -to make the experiment of planting a small colony somewhere upon the -coast, so that the fishing vessels might leave behind in the country -all the spare men not required to navigate their vessels home, who -might in the mean time employ themselves in planting, building, etc., -and be ready to join the ships again on their return to the coast at -the next fishing season. Cape Ann was selected as the site of this -experiment, and in the autumn of 1623 fourteen men were left there to -pass the winter. In the latter part of the year 1625 Roger Conant, -who had been living at Plymouth and at Nantasket, was invited to join -this community as its superintendent, and he remained there one year. -The scheme proving a financial failure, the settlement broke up in the -autumn of 1626, most of the men returning home; but Conant and a few -others removed to Naumkeag (Salem), where they were found by Endicott, -who, under the authority of the Massachusetts patentees, arrived there -Sept. 6, 1628. These old settlers joined the new community. - -Endicott was sent out as agent or superintendent of a large land -company, of which he was one of the proprietors, colonization being, -of course, a prominent feature in their plans. In the following year, -March 4, 1628-29, the patentees and their associates received a charter -of incorporation, with powers of government, and with authority to -establish a subordinate government on the soil, and appoint officers -of the same. This local government, entitled “London’s Plantation -in Massachusetts Bay in New England,” was accordingly established, -and Endicott was appointed the first resident governor. The charter -evidently contemplated that the government of the Company should -be administered in England. In a few months, however, the Company -resolved to transfer the charter and government from London to -Massachusetts Bay; and Matthew Cradock, who had been the first charter -governor, resigned his place, and John Winthrop, who had resolved to -emigrate to the colony, was chosen governor of the Company in his -stead. On the transfer of the Company to Massachusetts by the arrival -of Winthrop, the subordinate government, of which Endicott was the -head, was silently abolished, and its duties were assumed by its -principal, the corporation itself, which took immediate direction of -affairs. As the successor of Cradock, Winthrop was the second governor -of the Massachusetts Company, yet he was the first who exercised his -functions in New England. - -[Illustration] - -The Massachusetts charter was not adapted for the constitution of -a commonwealth; therefore, as the colony grew in numbers it became -necessary for it to assume powers not granted in that instrument. -Between the years 1630 and 1640 about twenty thousand persons arrived -in the colony, after which, for many years, it is supposed that more -went back to England than came thence hither. Previous to the year last -named the colony had furnished emigrants to settle the colonies of -Connecticut, New Haven, and Rhode Island. - -The charter gave power to the freemen to elect annually a governor, -deputy-governor, and eighteen assistants, who should make laws for -their own benefit and for the government of the colony; and provision -was made for general courts and courts of assistants, which exercised -judicial as well as legislative powers. But at the first meeting of -the general court in Boston, in October, 1630, it was ordered that the -governor and deputy-governor should be chosen by the assistants out of -their own number. This rule was of short duration, as in May, 1632, the -freemen resumed the right of election, and the basis of a second house -of legislature was laid. - -The colonists, though Puritans, were Church of England men, and were -fearful of rigid separation; but Winthrop and his party,—among whom -was John Wilson, a graduate of King’s College, Cambridge, and destined -to become their first minister,—found on their arrival a church -already established at Salem on the basis of separation. Thenceforward, -following that example, the Massachusetts colony became a colony of -congregational churches. It has been a favorite saying with eulogists -of Massachusetts, that the pious founders of the colony came over -to this wilderness to establish here the principle of civil and -religious liberty, and to transmit the same inviolate to their remotest -posterity. Probably nothing was further from their purpose, which was -simply to find a place where they themselves, and all who agreed with -them, could enjoy such liberty. This was a desirable object to attain, -and they made many sacrifices for it, and felt that they had a right to -enjoy it. - -The banishment of Roger Williams, and of Mrs. Hutchinson and her -sympathizers, was no doubt largely due to the feeling that the peace -of the community was endangered by their presence. In the unhappy -episode of the Quakers, at a later period, the colonial authorities -were wrought into a frenzy by these “persistent intruders.” It seemed -to be a struggle on both sides for victory; but though four Quakers -were hanged on Boston Common, the Quakers finally conquered. In the -second year of the settlement, in order to keep the government in -their own hands, or, in the language of the Act, “to the end the body -of the commons may be preserved of honest and good men,” the Court -ordered that thenceforward no one should be elected a freeman unless -he was a member of one of the churches of the colony. Probably there -were as good men outside the churches as there were inside, and by and -by a clamor was raised by those who felt aggrieved at being denied -the rights of freemen; but the rule was not modified till after the -Restoration. - -[Illustration: - -[This portrait of the first minister of Boston hangs in the gallery -of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Its authenticity has been in -turn questioned and maintained. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ September, -1867, and December, 1880.—ED.]] - -A few unsavory persons whom Winthrop and his company found here -and speedily sent away, on their arrival home failed not to make -representations injurious to the Puritan settlement, and they were -seconded by the influence of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and John Mason. -Attempts were made in 1632 to vacate the colony’s charter; but these -attempts proved unsuccessful. A more serious effort was made a few -years later, when the Council for New England resigned its franchises -into the hands of the King; but owing to the trouble which environed -the government in England, and to other causes not fully explained, the -colony then escaped, as it also escaped at the same time the impending -infliction of a general governor for New England. - -In 1640 some of the colony’s friends in England wrote to the -authorities here advising them to send some one to England to solicit -favors of the Parliament. “But, consulting about it,” says Winthrop, -“we declined the motion, for this consideration,—that if we should put -ourselves under the protection of Parliament, we must then be subject -to all such laws as they should make, or at least such as they might -impose upon us; in which course, though they should intend our good, -yet it might prove very prejudicial to us.” From 1640 to 1660 the -colony was substantially an independent commonwealth, and during this -period they completed a system of laws and government which, taken as -a whole, was well adapted to their wants. Their “Body of Liberties” -was established in 1641, and three editions of Laws were published by -authority, and put in print in 1649, in 1660, and in 1672. The first -law establishing public schools was passed in October, 1647. Harvard -College had already, in 1637, been established at Cambridge. - -[Illustration: QUAKER AUTOGRAPHS. - -[This group gives the names of some of the victims of the judicial -extremities practised in Boston. See Bowden’s _Friends in America_, and -the _Memorial History of Boston_. Cf. the note on the treatment of the -early Quakers in New England, in chapter xii.—ED.]] - -The ecclesiastical polity of the churches, embodied in the “Cambridge -Platform,” was drawn up in 1648, and printed in the following year, and -was finally approved by the General Court in 1651. - -The community was obliged to feel its way, and adapt its legislation -rather to its exigencies than to its charter. The aristocratical -element in the society early cropped out in the institution of a -Council for life, which may have had its origin in suggestions from -England; but it met with little favor. - -The confederation of the United Colonies, first proposed by -Connecticut, was an act of great wisdom, foreshadowing the more -celebrated political unions of the English race on this continent, for -they all have recognized the common maxim, that “Union is strength.” -The colonists were surrounded by “people of several nations and -strange language,” and the existence of the Indian tribes within the -boundaries of the New England settlements was the source of ceaseless -anxiety and alarm. The Pequot War had but recently ended, and it had -left its warning. It would have been an act of grace to admit the -Maine and Narragansett settlements to this union, but it was probably -impracticable. - -[Illustration: DR. JOHN CLARK. - -[This portrait of a leading physician of the colony hangs in the -gallery of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and is inscribed -“Ætatis suæ 66 ann. suo,” and purports to be a Dr. John Clark, and is -probably the physician of that name of Newbury and Boston, who died in -1664. His son John, likewise a physician, was also a prominent public -man in Boston, and died in 1690. That it is the former is believed by -Dr. Thacher in his _American Medical Biography_, and by Coffin in his -_History of Newbury_, both of whom give lithographs of the picture. -Dr. Appleton, who printed an account of the Society’s portrait in -its _Proceedings_, September, 1867, also took this view; while the -Rev. Dr. Harris, in the Society’s _Collections_, third series, vii. -287, finds the year 1675 in the inscription, which is not there, and -identifies the subject of the picture with another Dr. John Clark, who -was prominent in Rhode Island history. There was still a third Dr. John -Clark, son of John, and of Boston, who died in 1728. It is not probably -determinable beyond doubt which of the earlier two this is; and Savage, -in his _Genealogical Dictionary_, gives twenty-five John Clarks as -belonging to New England before the end of the first century; but of -these only four are physicians, as above named. Cf. _Massachusetts -Historical Society’s Proceedings_, July, 1844, p. 287.—ED.]] - -The conversion of the Indian tribes to Christianity was a subject which -the colony had much at heart, and a number of its ministers had fitted -themselves for the work: the special labors of the Apostle Eliot need -only be mentioned. Through the instrumentality of Edward Winslow, a -society for propagating the gospel among the Indians was incorporated -in England in 1649, and the Commissioners of the United Colonies were -made the agents of its corporation as long as the union of the colonies -lasted. - -The Massachusetts colonists were at first seriously tasked for the -means of subsistence; but these anxieties soon passed away. Industry -took the most natural forms. Agriculture gave back good returns. To -the invaluable Indian maize were added all kinds of English grain, -as well as vegetables and fruits. Some were indigenous to the soil. -English seeds of hay and of grain returned bountiful crops. All animals -with which New England farms are now stocked then well repaid in -increase the care bestowed upon them. The manufacture of clothing was -of slower growth. Thread and yarn were spun and knit by the women at -home; but in a few years weaving and fulling mills were set up, and -became remunerative. The manufacture of salt, saltpetre, gunpowder, and -glassware gave employment to many, while the brickmaker, the mason, the -carpenter, and indeed all kindred trades found occupation. The forests -were a source of income. Boards, clapboards, shingles, staves, and, -at a later period, masts had a ready sale. Furs and peltry, received -in barter from the Indians, became features of an export trade. The -fisheries should be specially enumerated as a source of wealth, and -this industry led to the building of ships, which were the medium of -commerce with the neighboring colonies, the West Indies, and even with -Spain.[532] - -After the coin brought over by the settlers had gone back to England to -pay for supplies, the colony was greatly embarrassed for a circulating -medium, and Indian corn and beaver-skins were early used as currency, -while wampum was employed in trade with the Indians. The colony, -however, in 1652 established a mint, where was coined, from the Spanish -silver which had been introduced from the West Indies, and from -whatever bullion and plate might be sent in from any quarter, the New -England money so well known in our histories of American coinage.[533] -The relation of the colony to the surrounding New England plantations -is noticed further on in the brief accounts given of those settlements. - -Events in England moved rapidly onward. The execution of King Charles -occurred about two months before the death of Winthrop, which happened -on the 26th of March, 1648/49, and it is certain that the latter never -heard of the tragic end of his old master. The colonists prudently -acknowledged their subjection to the Parliament, and afterward to -Cromwell, so far as was necessary to keep upon terms with both. -Hutchinson says that he had nowhere met with any marks of disrespect -to the memory of the late king, and that there was no room to suppose -they bore any disaffection to his son; and if they feared his -restoration, it was because they expected a change in religion, and -that a persecution of all Nonconformists would follow. Charles II. was -tardily proclaimed in the colony, owing, perhaps, to a lack of definite -information as to the state of politics in England, and to rumors that -the people there were in an unsettled condition. - -[Illustration - -[See note on this portrait in the _Memorial History of Boston_, i. -309.—ED.]] - -A loyal address was finally agreed upon and sent; but he was not -proclaimed till August of the following year, 1661. The Restoration -brought trouble to the colony. Among those who laid their grievances -before the King in Council were Mason and Gorges, each a grandson -and heir of a more distinguished proprietor of lands in New England. -They alleged that the colony had, in violation of the rights of the -petitioners, extended its jurisdiction over the provinces of New -Hampshire and Maine. The Quakers and some of the Eastern people also -had their complaints to make against the colony. - -To the humble address made to the King a benignant answer was received; -but an order soon afterward came that persons be sent over authorized -to make answer for the colony to all complaints alleged against it. -These agents on their return brought a letter from the King to the -colony, in which he promised to preserve its patent and privileges; -but he also required of the colony that its laws should be reviewed, -and such as were against the King’s authority repealed; that the oath -of allegiance and the forms of justice be administered in the King’s -name; that no one who desired to use the book of Common Prayer should -be prejudiced thereby as to the baptism of his children or admission to -the sacrament or to civil privilege. - -These requirements were grievous to the people of Massachusetts; but -worse was to come. In the spring of 1664 intelligence was brought -that several men-of-war were coming from England with some gentlemen -of distinction on board, and preparations were made to receive them. -At the next meeting of the General Court a day of fasting and prayer -was appointed, and their patent and its duplicate were brought into -Court and committed to the charge of four trusty men for safe-keeping. -The ships arrived in July, with four commissioners having authority -for reducing the Dutch at Manhados, and for visiting the several New -England colonies, and hearing and determining all matters of complaint, -and settling the peace and security of the country. Proceeding on their -errand to the Manhados, the Dutch surrendered on articles.[534] In the -mean time an address was agreed upon by the Court to be sent to the -King, in which was recounted the sacrifices and early struggles of the -colonists, while they prayed for the preservation of their liberties. -Colonel Nichols remaining in New York, the other commissioners returned -to New England, and, having despatched their business elswhere, came -to Boston in May, 1665, after they had been joined by Colonel Nichols. -Governor Endicott had died the preceding March, and Mr. Bellingham, -the deputy-governor, stood in his place. The commissioners laid their -claim before the Court, and demanded an answer. There was skirmishing -on both sides. It is a long story, filling many pages of the colony -records. The envoys asked to have their commission acknowledged by -the government; but this would have overridden the charter of the -colony, and placed the inhabitants at the mercy of their enemies. In -short, the authorities refused to yield, and the commissioners, after -being defeated in other attempts to effect their purpose, were called -home. Several letters and addresses followed. Thus ended for a time -the contest with the Crown. For nearly ten years there was an almost -entire suspension of political relations between New England and the -mother country. But the projects of the Home Government were not given -over. Gorges and Mason persisted in their claims. In the mean time -New England was ravaged by an Indian war, known as Philip’s War. The -distress was great, and the loss of life fearful. During its progress -Edward Randolph, the evil genius of New England, appeared on the scene, -prepared for mischief. - -[Illustration: MEETING-HOUSE AT HINGHAM. - -[This is considered the oldest meeting-house in present use in New -England. It was erected in 1681. Cf. _The Commemorative Services of -the First Parish in Hingham on the Two Hundredth Anniversary of the -Building of its Meeting-House, Aug. 8, 1881_ (Hingham, 1882), with -another view of the building,—a photograph; also E. A. Horton’s -_Discourse_, Jan. 8, 1882. A meeting-house of similar type, erected -in Lynn in 1682, is represented in _Lynn, Her First Two Hundred and -Fifty Years_, p. 117. - -[Illustration] - -The annexed autographs, taken from a document in the _Trumbull -Manuscripts_, in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Cabinet, and -dated 1690, represent some of the leading ministers of the colony -at the close of the colonial period. Morton was of Charlestown; -Allen of Boston; Wigglesworth, the author of the _Day of Doom_, a -sulphurous poem greatly famous in its day, was of Malden; Moodey was of -Portsmouth; Willard and Mather of Boston; and Walter of Roxbury.—ED.]] - -He arrived in July, 1676, with a letter from the King and with -complaints from Mason and Gorges, and armed with a royal order for -agents to be sent to England to make answer. This was but the -beginning of the end. The legal authorities in England, before whom -the case was brought, decided that neither Maine nor New Hampshire was -within the chartered limits of Massachusetts, and that the title of the -former was in the grandson of the original proprietor. Whereupon the -agent of Massachusetts bought the patent of Maine from its proprietor -for £1,250, and stood in his shoes as lord paramount. - -[Illustration] - -This greatly displeased the King, and the hostility to the colony -continued. Additional charges, such as illegal coining of money, -violations of the laws of trade and navigation, and legislative -provisions repugnant to the laws of England and contrary to the power -of the charter, were now alleged against the colony. The agents of -the colony and the emissaries of the Crown crossed and recrossed the -ocean with apologies on the one hand and requisitions on the other; -but nothing would satisfy the Crown but the subjugation of the colony. -A _quo warranto_ against the Governor and Company was issued in 1683; -and finally, by a new suit of _scire facias_ brought in the Court of -Chancery, judgment against the Company was entered up Oct. 23, 1684. -Intelligence of this was not officially received till the following -summer. Meantime the new king, James II., was proclaimed, April 20, -1685. The government of the colony was expiring. The “Rose” frigate -arrived in Boston May 14, 1686, bringing a commission for Joseph Dudley -as President of the Council for Massachusetts Bay, New Hampshire, -and Maine, and the Narraganset country, or King’s Province. There -was no House of Deputies to oppose him. Dudley was succeeded by Sir -Edmund Andros on the 19th of December, who had arrived in the frigate -“Kingfisher,” with a commission for the government of New England. He -was detested by the colony, and the people only needed a rumor of the -revolution in England, which reached Boston in the spring of 1689, to -provoke a rising, and he was thrown into prison.[535] A provisional -government, with the old charter-officers, was instituted, and -continued till the new charter of 1691 was inaugurated. - - -MAINE.—There were many settlements on the coast of Maine prior to -the grant to Gorges from the Council in 1635, and consequently before -his subsequent charter from the King. Indeed, very little was done -by Gorges as Lord Proprietor of Maine. The patents from the Council -to the year 1633 had embraced the whole territory from Piscataqua to -Penobscot, thus including the territory on both sides the Kennebec, -which was claimed by the Pilgrims of Plymouth under their patent of -Jan. 13, 1629/30. In various places settlements had already been begun. -In the royal charter to Gorges, whose grant extended from Piscataqua to -Sagadahoc, the rights of previous grantees were reserved to them, they -relinquishing or laying down their _jura regalia_. - -[Illustration] - -The earliest permanent settlement in this State, on the mainland, -would seem to have been made at Pemaquid. One John Brown, of New -Harbor, bought land in that quarter of the Indians as early as July -15, 1625, the acknowledgment of the deed being taken by Abraham Shurt, -of Pemaquid, in the same month in the following year, if there is no -error in Shurt’s deposition. Shurt says that he came over as the agent -of the subsequent proprietors, Aldsworth and Elbridge, who had a grant -of Pemaquid from the Council, issued Feb. 29, 1631/32, and that he -bought for them the Island of Monhegan, on which a fishing settlement, -temporarily broken up in 1626, was made three years before. - -The settlement at the mouth of the Saco River must have begun soon -after Richard Vines took possession of his grant there in 1630. -During the same year Cleeves and Tucker settled near the mouth of -the Spurwink; but in two years they removed to the neck of land on -which Portland now stands, and laid the foundation of that city. In -applications to the Council for grants of land made respectively to -Walter Bagnall and John Stratton, Dec. 2, 1631, the former represents -himself to have lived in New England “for the space of seven years,” -and the latter “three years last past.” Bagnall’s patent included -Richmond Island, where he had lived some three years at least. He was -killed by the Indians two months before the Council acted upon his -application. Stratton’s grant was located at Cape Porpoise. Bagnall -probably had been one of Thomas Morton’s unruly crew at Mt. Wollaston, -in Boston Harbor. - -In 1630 what is known as the “Plough Patent” was issued by the Council. -The original parchment is lost, and it is nowhere recorded. The grant -was bounded on the east by Cape Elizabeth, and on the west by Cape -Porpoise, a distance of some thirty miles on the sea-coast. This -included the patents on the Saco River previously granted, against -which Vines protested. There was early a dispute as to its extent. The -holders of it came over in the ship “Plough,” in 1631. They went to the -eastward; but not liking the place, came to Boston. They subsequently -fell out among themselves, and, as Winthrop says, “vanished away.” -Afterward the patent fell into the hands of others, and played an -important part for a number of years in the history of Maine, of which -notice will be taken further on. - -On Dec. 2, 1631, a grant of land of twenty-four thousand acres in -extent was made to a number of persons, including Ferdinando Gorges, -a grandson of Sir Ferdinando, then some three years of age. This -territory was on both sides of the Acomenticus River. Some settlements -were made here about this time, and April 10, 1641, after the -Gorges government was established, the borough of Acomenticus was -incorporated, and in the following March the place was chartered as the -city of “Gorgeana.” - -There were other early settlements on the coast of Maine, but we have -no space for their enumeration. The inhabitants, really or nominally, -for the most part sympathized with the Loyalist party as well in -politics as in religion, and it was the policy of the proprietor of -Maine to foster no opposing views. They were subjected to no external -government until the arrival of Captain William Gorges, in 1636, as -deputy-governor, with commissions to Richard Vines and others as -councillors of the province, to which the name of “New Somersetshire” -was given. The first meeting of the commissioners was held at Saco, -March 25, 1636, where the first provincial jurisdiction in this section -of New England was exercised. The records of this province do not -extend beyond 1637, and it is uncertain whether the courts continued -to be held until the new organization of the government of Maine in -1640. In 1636 George Cleeves, a disaffected person who lived at Casco, -went to England, and next year returned with a commission from Sir -Ferdinando Gorges, authorizing several persons in Massachusetts Bay to -govern his province of New Somersetshire, and to oversee his servants, -etc. The authorities of the Bay declined the service, and the matter -“passed in silence.” Winthrop says they did not see what authority -Gorges had to grant such commissions. - -The charter of Maine, which covered the same territory as New -Somersetshire, having been granted to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, he issued -a commission for its government. This included a number of his kinsmen, -with Thomas Gorges as deputy-governor. The first General Court under -this government was held at Saco, June 25, 1640, under an earlier -commission and before the arrival of the deputy-governor. This Court -exercised the powers of an executive and legislative, as well as of a -judicial, body, in the name of “Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, Lord -Proprietor of the Province of Maine.” The second term of the Court was -held in September, when the Deputy-Governor was present. He made his -headquarters at Gorgeana. The records of the courts between 1641 and -1644, inclusive, are not preserved. Deputy-Governor Gorges sailed for -England in 1643, leaving Richard Vines at the head of the government. -At a meeting held at Saco in 1645, the Court, not having heard from -the proprietor, appointed Richard Vines deputy-governor for one year, -and if he departed within the year, Henry Josselyn was to take his -place. The civil war was raging in England at this time, and Sir -Ferdinando Gorges was active for the King, and was in Prince Rupert’s -army at the siege of Bristol. When that city was retaken by the -Parliamentary forces, in 1645, he was plundered and imprisoned. Under -these circumstances he had no time to give to his distant province. -In 1645 the Court ordered that Richard Vines shall have power to take -possession of all goods and chattels of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and to -pay such debts as Gorges may owe. - -But Gorges’ authority was not, meanwhile, without its rival. Not long -after the government under the charter of 1639 had been organized, -George Cleeves, of Casco, again went to England, and induced Alexander -Rigby, “a lawyer and Parliament-man,” from Wigan, Lancashire, to -purchase the abandoned Plough patent before mentioned, which he -did, April 7, 1643; and Cleeves received a commission from him, -as deputy, to administer its affairs. By the following January he -had returned, and, landing at Boston, he solicited the aid of the -Massachusetts Government against the authority of Gorges; but that -Government declined to interfere. Cleeves claimed that Casco was within -the bounds of his patent, and he immediately set up his authority -as “Deputy-President of the Province of Lygonia,” extending his -jurisdiction over a large part of the Province of Maine, which was -then under the administration of Richard Vines, as deputy for Gorges. -This produced a collision, and both parties appealed to Massachusetts, -which declined, as before, to act; but finally, in 1646, after Vines -had left the country, the Bay Government consented to serve as umpire; -but no conclusion was reached. Winthrop says that both parties failed -of proof; and as a joint appeal had been made to the Commissioners for -Foreign Plantations in England, they were advised in the mean time to -live peaceably together. Rigby’s position and influence in Parliament -secured a decision in his favor, while Gorges at that time was in no -position to protect his interests. The decision of the Commissioners, -which was given in 1646, terminated Gorges’ jurisdiction over that part -of Maine included in the Province of Lygonia, embracing the settlements -from Casco to Cape Porpoise, and including both. The last General Court -under the authority of Gorges, of which any record exists, was held at -Wells, in July of this year. - -At length, in 1649, the inhabitants of the western part of this -province, between Cape Porpoise and Piscataqua River,—including -Wells, Gorgeana, and Piscataqua,—having had intelligence in 1647 of -the death of the proprietor (Gorges died in May of that year, and was -buried on the fourteenth of the month), and finding no one in authority -there, and having in vain written to his heirs to ascertain their -wishes, formed a combination among themselves. Mr. Edward Godfrey was -chosen governor, the style of the “Province of Maine” being still -retained. This state of things continued till 1652/53, when the towns -were annexed to Massachusetts. The inhabitants then living between -Casco and the Kennebec were few in number. Thomas Purchase, one of the -proprietors of the Pejepscot patent, had, in 1639, conveyed a large -tract to Massachusetts with alleged powers of government over it. The -people living within the Kennebec patent were regarded as belonging to -the jurisdiction of New Plymouth. - -In the mean time the inhabitants under the Lygonia government quietly -submitted to its authority. Alexander Rigby died in August, 1650, and -the proprietorship of Lygonia fell to his son Edward. In brief, the -government was soon at an end. The inhabitants of Cape Porpoise and -Saco submitted to Massachusetts in 1652, and the remaining settlements -in 1658. Thus was accomplished what the Bay Colony had for some time -been aiming to effect,—the bringing of these eastern settlements under -her jurisdiction. Having decided that the northern boundary of her -patent extended three miles above the northernmost head of the Merrimac -River, the commissioners appointed on a recent survey showed that the -northern line, as run by them, terminated at Clapboard Island (about -three miles eastward of Casco peninsula); and this brought the Maine -settlements within the bounds of the Massachusetts charter. This state -of things continued till after the restoration of Charles II., when -the hopes of those favorable to the Gorges interest began to revive. -Young Ferdinando Gorges, the grandson and heir of the old proprietor, -petitioned the Crown to be restored to his inheritance. His agent, -Mr. Archdale, came into the province, and appointed magistrates to -act under his authority, but the Government of Massachusetts speedily -repressed all such movements. Charles II., however, soon directed his -attention to New England. He appointed four commissioners to proceed -thither, charged with important duties and clothed with large powers. -They, or three of them, visited the province in the summer of 1665, and -at York issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of Maine, requiring -them to submit to the immediate protection and government of the -King; and in his Majesty’s name forbidding the magistrates either -of Massachusetts or of the claimant to exercise jurisdiction there, -until his Majesty’s pleasure should be further known. A provisional -government was therefore established, and the revival of the Church of -England was encouraged. - -In the previous year the Duke of York received a charter of the -Province of New York, and, embraced within the same document, was a -grant of the territories between the St. Croix and Pemaquid, which was -interpreted to include Pemaquid and its dependencies; and a government -was subsequently erected there under the name of Cornwall County. -After the Duke became King it was a royal province. This was beyond -the eastern bounds of the Province of Maine. There had scarcely been -even a pretence of a civil government here under the old patents. The -Royal Commissioners speak of the low moral condition of the people of -this region. “For the most part,” they say, “they are fishermen, and -share in their wives as they do in their boats.” The government under -the Duke of York was of an uncertain character, and was subject to -the contingencies of political changes; and in 1674 the Government of -Massachusetts, on the petition of the inhabitants, took them for a time -under its protection. During the Indian wars which scourged the eastern -settlements, in the latter part of that century, the Pemaquid country -was wholly depopulated. - -[Illustration] - -The Government established by the Royal Commissioners in the Province -of Maine never possessed any permanent principle or power to give -sanction to its authority, and in 1668 it had nearly died out; at this -time the inhabitants there looked to the wise and stable Government of -Massachusetts for relief, and so petitioned to be again taken under its -jurisdiction. Four commissioners, therefore, accompanied by a military -escort were sent from the Bay, and reaching York in July, 1668, assumed -jurisdiction “by virtue of their charter.” There were a few prominent -individuals who did not quietly submit, but they were summarily dealt -with. Renewed exertions were now made by the proprietor and his friends -for a recognition of his title, and at length they so far prevailed as -to obtain letters from the King, dated March 10, 1675/76, requiring -the Massachusetts Colony to send over agents with full instructions to -answer all complaints. The agents appeared within the time specified, -and after a full hearing the authorities decided that neither Maine nor -New Hampshire was within the chartered limits of Massachusetts, and -that the government of Maine belonged to the heir of Sir Ferdinando -Gorges. Soon after this decision an agent of Massachusetts made a -proposition for the purchase of the province, which was accepted; and -in March, 1677/78, Ferdinando Gorges transferred his title for £1,250, -and Massachusetts became lord-paramount of Maine. This proceeding was -a surprise to the inhabitants of the province, and, as might have been -expected, gave offence to the King, who ineffectually demanded that the -bargain should be cancelled. Massachusetts, as the lawful assign of -Ferdinando Gorges, now took possession of the province. A proclamation -to that effect was issued March 17, 1679/80; and a government was set -up at York, of which Thomas Danforth was deputed to be president for -one year. This state of things continued till the accession of James -II., when the events in Maine were shaped by the revolution which took -place in Massachusetts, and Danforth was in the end provisionally -restored, as Bradstreet had been in the Bay. - - -NEW HAMPSHIRE.—The first settlement in New Hampshire was made by David -Thomson, a Scotchman, in the spring of 1623, at Little Harbor, on the -south side of the mouth of Piscataqua River. He had received a patent -from the Council of New England the year before, and came over in the -ship “Jonathan,” of Plymouth, under an indentured agreement with three -merchants of Plymouth in England. He lived at Little Harbor till 1626, -when he removed to an island in Boston Harbor, which now bears his -name. By 1628 he had died, leaving a wife and child. There is reason -to believe that the settlement at Little Harbor was continued after -Thomson left the place. - -Following Thomson,—perhaps about 1627,—came Edward Hilton, a -fishmonger of London, who settled six miles up the river, on a place -afterward called Hilton’s Point, or Dover Neck. Here he was joined by a -few others, including his brother William and his family, who had been -at New Plymouth. In 1630 Hilton and his associates received from the -Council a patent of the place on which he was settled. This was dated -March 12, 1629 (O. S.), and the whole or part of it they soon sold to -some merchants of Bristol in England. Two years later the patent, or a -large interest in it, was purchased by Lord Say, Lord Brook, and other -gentlemen friendly to Massachusetts. This latter agreement was effected -through the agency of Thomas Wiggin, who had gone over to England in -1632, and who in the following year returned, bringing with him a large -accession to the settlement, which included a “worthy Puritan divine,” -who soon left for want of adequate support. Other ministers came, and -some laymen, all of whom had been in bad repute in Massachusetts. -Although the inhabitants went through the form of electing magistrates, -there was no authorized government. The original proprietor of the -patent had left the place, and scenes of confusion, both civil and -ecclesiastical, sometimes highly amusing, characterized the settlement -for a number of years. In 1637 the people combined into a body politic, -which seems not to have received general sanction, and the notorious -George Burdett supplanted Wiggin, the former governor; but the troubles -which subsequently ensued led to a new combination, Oct. 22, 1640, -signed by forty-two persons, or nearly every resident. Massachusetts -had for some years desired to bring the several governments on the -Piscataqua and its branches under her jurisdiction, and had, by an -early revision of the northern boundary of her patent, decided that -it included them. The inhabitants here desired to be under a stable -government, and on June 14, 1641, they submitted to the Massachusetts -authorities, and the Act of Union was passed by that Government, Oct. 9 -following.[536] - -The next independent settlement was made by the Laconia Company in -1630. This company was formed soon after the Laconia patent of Nov. -17, 1629, was granted to Sir Ferdinando Gorges and John Mason. It was -an unincorporated association of nine persons, most of whose names -appear in a subsequent grant of land, to be presently mentioned. Some -of these associates had been members of the Canada Company, of which -Sir William Alexander was the head, who had undertaken the conquest of -Canada as a private enterprise, under the command of Sir David Kirke. -The fur-trade of that province was the tempting prize. The sudden peace -which followed the conquest, with the stipulation that all articles -captured should be restored, brought the Canada Company to grief. Ten -days after the return of the expedition, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and John -Mason took out the patent above mentioned. The purpose of the Company -was to engage in the fur-trade; to send cargoes of Indian truck-goods -to the Piscataqua and unlade them at their factories near the mouth of -the river, and thence to transport them in boats or canoes up the river -to Lake Champlain, to be bartered there for peltries for the European -market. Their patent was a grant of a vaguely bounded territory on -the lakes of the Iroquois, which they named Laconia. The first vessel -despatched to Piscataqua was the barque “Warwick,” which sailed from -London the last of March, 1630, and which by the first of June had -arrived, with Walter Neal, governor, and Ambrose Gibbons, factor, and -some others. They took possession of the house and land at Odiorne’s -Point, Little Harbor, which Thomson had left in 1626,—perhaps by -an agreement with his associates. In the following year others were -sent. Stations for the Company’s operations were also established at -Strawberry Bank (Portsmouth), and at Newichwaneck (South Berwick), on -the eastern side of the river. Captain Neal was charged with the duty -of penetrating into the interior of the country in search of the lakes -of Laconia. This he finally attempted, but without success. Hubbard -says that “after three years spent in labor and travel for that end, -or other fruitless endeavors, and expense of too much estate, they -returned back to England with a _non est inventa Provincia_.” The -Company also attempted to carry on, in connection with the peltry -business, the manufacture of clapboards and pipe-staves, and the making -of salt from sea-water. A fishing station was also set up at the Isles -of Shoals. Large quantities of truck-goods were sent over, which were -put off to advantage for furs brought to the factories by the Indians. -In order to afford the Company greater facilities, and to secure to -themselves what they had already gained, they had, on Nov. 3, 1631, -procured a grant from the Council of a tract of land on each side of -the Piscataqua River, in which the Isles of Shoals were included. - -But success did not attend their operations. The returns were -inadequate to the outlay, and there was bad management and alleged bad -faith on the part of the employés; the larger part of the associates -became discouraged, and at the end of the third year they decided to -proceed no further till Captain Neal should return and report upon the -condition of affairs. Neal left Piscataqua July 15, 1633, and sailed -from Boston in August. His report was probably not encouraging, for -the Company proceeded later to wind up its affairs, and in December -following they divided their lands on the east side of the river. In -May, 1634, a further division was made, by which it appears that Gorges -and Mason, by purchase from their partners, had acquired one half -of the shares; and of this part Mason owned three fourths. Gibbons, -their factor, was now directed to discharge all the servants and pay -them off in beaver. Mason next sent over a new supply of men, and set -up two saw-mills on his own portion of the lands; but after this we -have no account of anything being done by him or by any other of the -adventurers on the west side. Neither have we seen evidence of any -division of lands having been made on the west side. Hubbard says that -in some “after division” Little Harbor fell to Mason, who mentions it -in his will. But Mason in that instrument claims and bequeaths his -whole grant of New Hampshire of April 22, 1635, which included the -part mentioned by Hubbard. Mason died before the close of the year -1635. What course was taken by his late partners or by the heirs of -Mason during the two following years, there are but few contemporary -documents to tell us. In 1638 Mrs. Mason, the executrix of John Mason’s -estate, appointed Francis Norton her general attorney to look after her -interests in those parts. But the expenses were found to be so great -and the income so small, and the servants were so clamorous for their -arrears of pay, that she was obliged to relinquish the care of the -plantation, and tell the servants to shift for themselves. Upon this -they shared the goods and cattle, while some kept possession of the -buildings and improvements, claiming them as their own. Charges were -afterward brought against her agents and servants for embezzling the -estate. Some years later suits were brought in her name and in that -of the other proprietors in the courts of Massachusetts against the -inhabitants of Strawberry Bank and of Newichwaneck, for encroaching -upon the lands in the Laconia patent. As a conclusion of this summary -sketch of the Laconia Company, it may be added that the records of the -old Court of Requests of London show that, on the dissolution of the -Company, suits sprang up among the adventurers themselves, which were -for a long time in litigation. - -After Captain Neal went to England the Company appointed Francis -Williams to be governor in his place. As Strawberry Bank (the place was -not called Portsmouth till 1653) had no efficient government during -all this time, the inhabitants now by a written instrument, signed by -forty-one persons, formed a combination among themselves, as Dover had -done, and Francis Williams was continued governor. The people belonged -principally to the Church of England, and during this combination they -set apart fifty acres of land for a glebe, committing it in trust -to two church wardens.[537] Reference has already been made to the -successful attempts of the Massachusetts Government to bring all the -Piscataqua settlements under her jurisdiction. The people of Strawberry -Bank were as successfully wrought upon as those of Dover were, and the -same agreement of June 14, 1641, included the submission of both, and -certain proprietors named, in behalf of themselves and of the other -partners of the two patents, subscribed to the paper. - -Of no one of the grants issued to John Mason, or in which he had a -joint interest, covering the territory of New Hampshire (except those -connected with the Laconia Company) did he make any improvement,—and -these grants were that of Aug. 10, 1622, with Gorges, between the -Merrimac and Sagadahoc; that of Nov. 7, 1629, between the Merrimac -and the Piscataqua; and that of April 22, 1635, between Naumkeag and -the Piscataqua. The territory now known as New Hampshire was never -called by that name, except by Mason in his last will, till 1661, when, -through the discussions consequent upon the claims of the heir of -Mason, this designation was introduced for the first time. - -The independent settlement at Exeter was made in 1638 by John -Wheelwright and others; and of these pioneers Wheelwright himself with -some companions had been banished from Massachusetts in the previous -year. They bought their lands in April of that year from the Indians. -On the 5th of June, 1639, they formed a combination as a church and -as subjects of King Charles, promising to submit to all laws to be -made. It was signed by thirty-one persons, of whom fourteen made -their marks. In 1643 they came under Massachusetts. The order of the -General Court of that colony recites, under date of September 7, that, -finding themselves within the bounds of Massachusetts, the inhabitants -petitioned to be taken under her jurisdiction. Wheelwright then removed -to Wells, in the Province of Maine. - -Hampton, where the “bound-house” was built by Massachusetts in 1636, -was considered from the first as belonging to the jurisdiction -of Massachusetts. A union having been thus formed between the -settlements on the Piscataqua River and its branches and the colony of -Massachusetts, their history for the next forty years is substantially -the same. These plantations were governed by the general laws of -Massachusetts, and the terms of union were strictly observed.[538] - -But Massachusetts was destined to be arraigned by the heir of the old -patentee of New Hampshire, Robert Tufton Mason, who at the Restoration -pressed his claim on the attention of the Crown. Finally, after a long -struggle, the judges in 1677 advised that Mason had no right to the -government of New Hampshire, but that the four towns of Portsmouth, -Dover, Exeter, and Hampton were beyond the bounds of Massachusetts, -whose northern boundary was thereby driven back to its old limits, -while its charter of 1629 was held to be valid. In 1679 a revised -opinion was given by the attorney, Jones, to the effect that Mason’s -title to the soil must be tried on the spot, where the ter-tenants -could be summoned. A new government was now instituted by the Crown for -New Hampshire, and a commission was issued to John Cutt as president -for one year. - -This form of government, the administration of which was arbitrary and -very unpopular throughout the province, continued till the time of -Dudley and Andros, whose commissions rode over all others preceding. On -the downfall of Andros New Hampshire was for a short time again united -to Massachusetts. - - -CONNECTICUT.—Connecticut was settled in 1635 and 1636 by emigrants -from three towns in Massachusetts,—namely, Dorchester, Watertown, -and Newtown (Cambridge); those from Newtown arriving in 1636. Their -places of settlement on the Connecticut River bore for a while the -names of the towns in Massachusetts whence the emigrants came; but -in February, 1637, the names of Windsor, Wethersfield, and Hartford -were substituted. - -[Illustration] - -The Rev. Thomas Hooker and the Rev. Samuel Stone accompanied the -people from Newtown. The Rev. John Warham joined his people at -Windsor, and the Rev. Henry Smith was chosen pastor of the church at -Wethersfield. These several communities, though beyond the borders -of Massachusetts, were instituted under her protection, and for one -year they were governed by a commission issuing from the General Court -of that colony. Springfield, settled in 1636, was in this commission -united with the lower plantations. This provisional arrangement was -found to be inconvenient, and at the end of the year the several -towns took the government into their own hands, and a General Court -was held at Hartford, May 1, 1637. Preparations were now made for the -impending Pequot war, which called out all the strength of the feeble -settlements. On its conclusion, after arrangements had been made for -future security from savage foes, and for the purchase of food till -the new fields should become productive, the inhabitants of these -towns—Springfield, now suspected, and soon afterward declared, to be -within the bounds of Massachusetts, excepted—formed a constitution -among themselves, bearing date Jan. 14, 1638/39. This instrument has -been called “the first example in history of a written constitution,—a -distinct organic law constituting a government and defining its -powers.”[539] It contained no recognition of any external authority, -and provided that all persons should be freemen, who should be admitted -as such by the freemen of the towns, and should take the oath of -allegiance. It continued in force, with little alteration, for one -hundred and eighty years. - -[Illustration] - -John Haynes[540] was the first governor; and he and Edward Hopkins -held the office during most of the time for the next fifteen years. In -1657 John Winthrop, son of the Massachusetts governor, was chosen, and -continued to serve till the acceptance of the new charter by New Haven, -when he was continued in that office. - -[Illustration: J Winthrop - -[This portrait hangs in the gallery of the Massachusetts Historical -Society. A heliotype of it will be found in the _Winthrop Papers_, Part -iv., and in Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_.—ED.]] - -Meanwhile, in October, 1635, this same John Winthrop, Jr., had returned -from England with a commission from Lord Say and Sele, Lord Brook, and -others, their associates, patentees of Connecticut, constituting him -“governor of the River Connecticut, with the places adjoining,” for -the space of one whole year. He was instructed to build a fort near -the mouth of the river, and to erect habitations; and he was supplied -with means to carry out this purpose. He brought over with him one -Lion Gardiner, an expert engineer, who planned the fortifications, -and was appointed lieutenant-governor of the fort. It was expected -that a number of “gentlemen of quality” would come over to the colony, -and some disposition was at first shown to remove the settlers of the -towns on the river who had “squatted” on the lands of the Connecticut -patentees. - -In the summer of 1639 George Fenwick, who was interested in the -patent, and his family came over in behalf of the patentees, and took -possession of the place, intending to build a town near the mouth of -the river. A settlement was made, and named Saybrook, in honor of -the two principal patentees. The government of the town was entirely -independent of Connecticut till 1644/45, when Fenwick, as agent of the -proprietors, transferred by contract to that government the fort at -Saybrook and its appurtenances, and the land upon the river, with a -pledge to convey all the land thence to Narragansett River, if it came -into his power to convey it. - -[illustration: John Davenport - -[The editor is indebted to Professor F. B. Dexter, of Yale College, for -a photograph of the original picture, which is in New Haven, painted on -panel, and bears the inscription, “J. D. obiit, 1670.” Davenport left -Connecticut in 1668 to become the successor of John Wilson in Boston, -and died as the pastor of the First Church in Boston, March 11, 1670. -Cf. _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 193, and the important paper on -Davenport by Professor Dexter, printed in the _New Haven Historical -Society’s Papers_, vol. ii.—ED.]] - -In 1638 a settlement was made at Quinnipiack, afterward called New -Haven, under the lead of John Davenport. The emigrants, principally -from Massachusetts,—like those of the river towns,—had no patent or -title to the land on which they planted, but made a number of purchases -from the Indians. Here, in April, under the shelter of an oak, they -listened to a sermon by Davenport, and a few days afterward formed a -“plantation covenant,” as preliminary to a more formal engagement,—all -agreeing to be ordered by the rule of Scripture. This colony, as well -as that just described, sympathized substantially in religious views -with Massachusetts. - -On the 4th of June, 1639, all the free planters met in a barn “to -consult about settling civil government according to God.” Mr. -Davenport prayed and preached, and they then proceeded, by his advice, -to form a government. They first decided that none but church members -should be free burgesses. Twelve men were then chosen, who out of -their own number chose seven to constitute a church and on the “seven -pillars” thus chosen rested also the responsibility of forming the -civil government. On October 29 these seven persons met, and, after -a solemn address to the Supreme Being, proceeded to form the body of -freemen, and to elect their civil officers. Theophilus Eaton was chosen -to be governor for that year; indeed, he continued to be rechosen -to the office for nearly twenty years, till his death. This was the -original, fundamental constitution of New Haven. A few general rules -were adopted, but no code of laws established. The Word of God was to -be taken as the rule in all things. - -[Illustration: CONNECTICUT RIVER, 1661. - -[This is taken from a Dutch map which appeared at Middleburgh and the -Hague in 1666, in a tract belonging to the controversy between Sir -George Downing and the States General. It follows the fac-simile given -in the Lenox edition of Mr. H. C. Murphy’s translation of the _Vertoogh -van Nieu Nederland_. It also is found as a marginal map in the _Pas -Kaart van de Zee Kusten van Nieu Nederland_, published at Amsterdam -by Van Keulen, which shows the coast from Narragansett Bay to Sandy -Hook, where is also a portion of the map of the Hudson given in the -notes following Mr. Fernow’s chapter in Vol. IV. The _Pas Kaart_ is in -Harvard College Library (Atlas 700, No. 9). No. 10 of the same atlas is -_Pas Kaart van de Zee Kusten inde Boght van Nieu Engeland_, which shows -the coast from Nantucket to Nova Scotia.—ED.]] - -This year settlements were made at Milford and at Guilford, each for a -time being independent of any other plantation. Connecticut had also -interposed two new settlements between New Haven and the Dutch, at -Fairfield and at Stratford. - -In 1642 the capital laws of Connecticut were completed and put upon -record; and in May, 1650, a code of laws known as “Mr. Ludlow’s Code” -was adopted. In 1643 Connecticut and New Haven were both included in -the New England Confederation, as mentioned on an earlier page, and the -articles of union were printed in 1656, with the code of laws which was -adopted by New Haven, as drawn up by Governor Eaton, the manuscript -having been sent to England to be printed. - -The old patent of Connecticut mentioned in the agreement with Fenwick -seems never to have been made over to the colony; and they were very -anxious, on the restoration of Charles II. in 1660, for a royal -charter, which would secure to them a continuance and confirmation -of their rights and privileges. Governor John Winthrop was appointed -as agent to represent the colony in England, for this purpose; and -in April, 1662, he succeeded in procuring a charter, which included -the colony of New Haven. The charter conveyed most ample powers and -privileges for colonial government, and confirmed or conveyed the -whole tract of country which had been granted to Lord Say and Sele -and others. Mr. Davenport and other leading men of that colony were -entirely opposed to a union with Connecticut; and the acceptance of the -new charter was resisted till 1665, when the opposition was overcome, -and the colonies became united, and at the general election in May of -that year John Winthrop was elected to be governor. - -It is needless to say that the church polity of Connecticut and New -Haven, from the beginning, was substantially that of Massachusetts. -Their clergymen assisted in framing the Cambridge Platform in 1648, -which was the guide of the churches for many years. Hooker’s _Survey_ -and Cotton’s _Way of the Churches Cleared_ (London, 1648) were -published under one general titlepage covering both works. After a few -years the harmony of the churches was seriously disturbed by a set -of new opinions which sprang up in the church at Hartford, and which -finally culminated in the adoption by a general council of Connecticut -and Massachusetts churches, held in Boston in 1657, of the “Half-Way -Covenant.” New Haven held aloof. Political motives lent their influence -in the spread of the new views; and while the government of Connecticut -attempted to enforce the resolutions of the synod, the churches long -refused to comply.[541] - -The union of the two communities under one charter gave strength to -both, and the colony prospered, while Winthrop felt the strong control -of a robust spirit in John Allyn, the secretary of the colony.[542] -There were of course constant occasions of annoyance and dissension, -both civil and religious. Their wily foe, the Indian, did not cease -wholly to disturb their repose. But during Philip’s War, which was so -disastrous to Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode Island, there was -less suffering in Connecticut. Conflicts of jurisdiction, both east -and west, growing out of the uncertain boundaries of its grant, though -it ran west to the South Sea, were of long duration. No sooner had the -commissioners, appointed by the King in 1683, made a favorable decision -for Connecticut in her controversy with Rhode Island in regard to the -Narragansett country, than a new claimant arose. At the division of -the grand patent in 1635, James, Marquis of Hamilton, had assigned -to him the country between the Connecticut and the Narragansett -rivers; but his claim slumbered only to be revived by his heirs at -the Restoration,—and now a second time, through Edward Randolph, the -watchful and untiring enemy of New England. The prior grant to Lord -Say and Sele, confirmed by the charter of April 23, 1662, and the -settlement of the country under it, was cited by Connecticut in their -answer; and, in an opinion on the case a few years later, Sir Francis -Pemberton said that the answer was a good one. - -[Illustration] - -When James II. continued the attacks on the New England charters begun -by the late king, with a view to bring all the colonies under the -crown, Connecticut did not escape. A _quo warranto_ was issued against -the Governor and Company in July, 1685, and this was followed by -notices to appear and defend; but the colony resisted, and petitioned, -and final judgment was never entered. The colony’s language to the King -in one of its addresses to him was, however, construed as a surrender. -Andros went from Boston to Hartford in October, 1687, and at a meeting -of the Assembly, which was prolonged till midnight, demanded its -charter. The story goes, that, by a bold legerdemain, the parchment, -after the lights were blown out, was spirited away and hidden in the -hollow of an oak-tree; nevertheless Andros assumed the government of -the colony, under his commission. Thus matters continued till the -Revolution of 1689, when the colony resumed its charter. - - -RHODE ISLAND.—Rhode Island was settled by Roger Williams in 1636, he -having been banished from Massachusetts the year before. Professor -George Washington Greene, in his _Short History of Rhode Island_, -remarks, that in the settlement of the New England colonies the -religious idea lay at the root of their foundation and development; -that in Plymouth it took the form of separation, or a simple severance -from the Church of England; in Massachusetts Bay it aimed at the -establishment of a theocracy and the enforcement of a vigorous -uniformity of creed and discipline; and that from the resistance to -this uniformity came Rhode Island and the doctrine of soul-liberty. - -Williams was banished from Massachusetts principally for political -reasons. His peculiar opinions relating to soul-liberty were not fully -developed until after he had taken up his residence in Rhode Island. -Five persons accompanied him to the banks of the Mooshausic, and -there they planted the town of Providence. Williams here purchased, -or received by gift, a tract of land from the Indians, and he had -no patent or other title to the soil. Additions were soon made to -the little settlement, and he divided the land with twelve of his -companions, reserving for them and himself the right of extending the -grant to others who might be admitted to fellowship. An association -of civil government was formed among the householders or masters of -families, who agreed to be governed by the orders of the greater -number. This was followed by another agreement of non-householders or -single persons, who agreed to subject themselves to such orders as -should be made by the householders, but “only in civil things.” This -latter is the earliest agreement on the records of the colony. In -1639, to meet the wants of an increasing community, five disposers or -selectmen were chosen, charged with political duties,—their actions -being subject to revision by the superior authority of the town -meetings. - -[Illustration] - -Meanwhile two other colonies had been planted on the shores of -Narragansett Bay. The first, partly from the ranks of the Antinomians -of Massachusetts, led by William Coddington and John Clarke, who -settled at Pocasset (Portsmouth), in the northern part of the Island -of Aquedneck in March, 1637/38; and their number so increased that in -the following year, 1639, a portion of them moved to the south part -of the island, and settled the town of Newport. Like Roger Williams, -the settlers had no other title to the land than what was obtained -from the natives. Another colony was planted at Shawomet (Warwick), -in January, 1642/43, by Samuel Gorton,—a notorious disturber of the -peace,—with about a dozen followers, who also secured an Indian title -to their lands. Gorton had been in Boston, Plymouth, Portsmouth, and in -Providence, and was an unwelcome resident in all, and at Portsmouth he -had been whipped. - -[Illustration] - -About 1640, with some followers, he came to Pawtuxet, in the south -part of Providence, and, taking sides in some previous land quarrel -there, prevailed. The weaker party appealed to Massachusetts for -protection, and finally subjected themselves and their lands to that -government; upon which Gorton and his followers fled south to Shawomet. -Soon afterward, by the surrender to Massachusetts of a subordinate -Indian chief, who claimed the territory there, purchased by Gorton of -Miantonomi, that Government made a demand of jurisdiction there also; -and as Gorton refused their summons to appear at Boston, Massachusetts -sent soldiers, and captured the inhabitants in their homes, took them -to Boston, tried them, and sentenced the greater part of them to -imprisonment for blasphemous language to the Massachusetts authorities. -They were finally liberated, and banished; and as Warwick was included -in the forbidden territory, they went to Rhode Island. Gorton and two -of his friends soon afterward went to England. - -The inhabitants on the island formed themselves into a voluntary -association of government, as they had done at Providence. The -community at Warwick was at first without any form of government. - -Feeling a sense of a common danger, the little settlements of -Providence and Rhode Island sent Roger Williams to England, in 1643, to -apply for a charter. He found the King at open war with the Parliament; -but from the Parliamentary commissioners, with the Earl of Warwick -at their head, he procured a charter of “Incorporation of Providence -Plantations in the Narragansett Bay in New England,” dated March 14, -1643; that is, 1644 (N. S.). Three years were allowed to pass before -the charter was formally accepted by the plantations; but in May, -1647, the corporators met at Portsmouth, and organized a government; -and Warwick, whither Gorton and his followers had now returned, -though not named in the charter, was admitted to its privileges. This -franchise was a charter of incorporation, as its title indicates; but -it contained no grant of land. It recites the purchase of lands from -the natives; and the Government under it claimed the exclusive right to -extinguish the Indian title to lands still owned by the tribes within -its boundaries. The code of laws adopted when the charter was accepted -is an attempt to codify the common and statute laws of England, or such -parts as were thought binding or would suit their condition. - -Williams’s principle of liberty of conscience was sometimes interpreted -in the community to mean freedom from civil restraint, and harmony did -not always prevail. This gave cause to his enemies to exult, while his -friends feared lest their hope of reconciling liberty and law should -fail. - -The attempt of Massachusetts to bring the territory of the colony under -her jurisdiction was a source of great annoyance. During this contest -an appeal to the authorities in England resulted in the triumph of the -weaker colony. Then came the “Coddington usurpation,”—an unexplained -episode in the history of Rhode Island, by which the island towns in -1651 were severed from the government of the colony; and Coddington, by -a commission from the Council of State in England, was made governor -for life. This revolution seemed for a time successful; but the friends -of the colony did not despair. Williams and John Clarke were sent to -England as agents,—the one in behalf of the former charter, and the -other to ask for a revocation of Coddington’s commission. They were -both successful; and in the following year the old civil _status_ was -fully restored. - -As civil dissensions ceased, there was danger of another Indian -war, which for the time was arrested by the sagacity of Williams. -The refusal of the United Colonies to admit Rhode Island to their -confederacy placed her at great disadvantage. Yet though causes of -dissension remained, the colony grew in industry and strength. Newport -especially increased in population and in wealth. Not every inhabitant, -however, was a freeman. The suffrage was restricted to ownership in -land, and there was a long process of initiation to be passed through -before a candidate could be admitted to full citizenship. - -Changes were taking place in England. Cromwell died, and his son -Richard soon afterward resigned the Protectorship. The restoration of -Charles II. followed by acclamation. The colony hastened to acknowledge -the new King; the acts of the Long Parliament were abrogated, and a -new charter was applied for through John Clarke, who still remained in -England. This instrument, dated Nov. 24, 1663, was evidently drawn up -by Clarke, or was prepared under his supervision. It confirmed to the -inhabitants freedom of conscience in matters of religion. It recounted -the purchase of the land from the natives, but it equally asserted -the royal prerogative and the ultimate dominion of the lands in the -Crown,—a provision which Williams had strenuously objected to and -preached against in the Massachusetts charter. The holding was from -the King, as of the manner of East Greenwich. This gave the colony, in -English law, an absolute title to the soil as against any foreign State -or its subjects. It operated practically as a pre-emptive right to -extinguish the Indian title. The charter created a corporation by the -name of “The Governor and Company of the English Colony of Rhode Island -and Providence Plantations in New England in America.” - -[Illustration: THE MASSACHUSETTS PROPRIETORS OF THE NARRAGANSETT -COUNTRY.] - -This charter gave the whole of the Narragansett country to the colony, -which the year before had been given to Connecticut; but it did not -bring peace. That colony still clamored for her charter boundary; -while a body of land speculators from Massachusetts, known as the -Atherton Company, who had, in violation of Rhode Island law, bought -lands at Quidnesett and Namcook, now insisted upon being placed under -Connecticut jurisdiction. The King’s commissioners, who arrived in the -country in 1664, charged with the duty of settling all disputes, came -into Rhode Island. They received the submission of the Narragansett -chiefs to the King, confirmatory of the same act performed in 1644, and -they set apart the Narragansett country, extending from the bay to the -Pawcatuck River, and named it King’s Province, and established a royal -government over it. Some other matters in dispute were happily settled. -The royal commissioners were well satisfied with the conduct of Rhode -Island. - -The colony still grew, but it continued poor. About the year 1663 -schools were established in Providence,—a tardy following of Newport, -which had employed a teacher in 1640. The colony was kept poor by the -great expense incurred in employing agents to defend itself from the -surrounding colonies, that wished to crush it. But another trouble -arose. A fearful war was impending, the bloodiest which the colony -had yet waged with the Indians. We have no space for the story; but -Philip’s War fell most heavily on Rhode Island, which furnished troops, -but was not consulted as to its management. Peace was at length -restored, and the Indians subdued; though they were still turbulent. - -Connecticut had not yet renounced her claims on the Narragansett -country. Rhode Island set up her authority in the province, and -appointed officers for its government. Both colonies appealed to the -King. Within the colony itself now arose a most bitter controversy -respecting the limits and extent of the original Providence and -Pawtuxet purchase, which was not finally settled till the next century. -It grew out of the careless manner in which Roger Williams worded the -deeds to himself from the Indians, and also those which he himself gave -to the colony. - -[Illustration] - -The appeal of Connecticut and Rhode Island to the King resulted in a -commission, in 1683, headed by the notorious Cranfield, Governor of New -Hampshire, and including the no less notorious Edward Randolph. They -quarrelled with the authorities of Rhode Island, and decided in favor -of Connecticut. - -In due time Rhode Island was a common sufferer with the rest of New -England, under the imposition of Andros and his commission. He came -into Rhode Island, and was kindly received. He broke the colony -seal, but the parchment charter was put beyond his reach. The colony -surrendered, and petitioned the King to preserve her charter, and then -fell back upon a provisional government of the towns. At the revolution -she resumed her charter, and later it was decided in England that it -had never been revoked and remained in full force. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND.—Chalmers, _Annals_, 1780, p. 99, says -concerning the great patent of Nov. 3, 1620, “This patent which has -never been printed because so early surrendered, is in the old entries -of New England in the Plant. off.” I saw the parchment enrolment of -this charter in her Majesty’s Public Record Office, in Fetter Lane, -London, and described it in full in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, for -April, 1867, p. 54. It was first printed by Hazard, _Historical -Collections_, vol. i. 1792, pp. 103-118, probably from a manuscript -copy in the Superior Court files, N. H.[543] - -The petition of the Northern Colony for a new charter, dated March -3, 1619/20, and the warrant to his Majesty’s Solicitor-General to -prepare such a patent, dated July 23, 1620, may be seen in Brodhead’s -_Documents_, etc., iii. 2-4. The warrant is also in Gorges’ _Briefe -Narration_, p. 21. - -The opposition of the Virginia Company to the granting of this patent -may be seen in their records as published by Neill., _History of the -Virginia Company of London_, 1869, _passim_; also in Gorges’ _Briefe -Narration_, pp. 22-31; in the Council’s Briefe Relation,[544] pp. -18-22; and in Brodhead’s _Documents_, iii. 4. The opposition of the -House of Commons to the patent, after it had passed the seals, may be -best seen in the printed _Journals of the House_ for the sessions of -1621 and 1624. Chalmers’ extracts are to the point, but are not full. -See also Gorges, and the _Briefe Relation_, as above. For the answer -to the French ambassador, see also Sainsbury’s _Calendar, Colonial_, -p. 61. The history of the transactions of the Council may be largely -gathered from their extant records as published in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, for April, 1867, and for October, 1875; from Gorges, and from -the _Briefe Relation_. Cf. Palfrey, i. 193. - -Probably no complete record exists of all the patents issued by the -Council; and of those known to have been granted, the originals, or -even copies of all of them, are not known to be extant. As full a list -of these as has been collected may be seen in a Lecture read before the -Massachusetts Historical Society, Jan. 15, 1869, by Samuel F. Haven, -LL. D., entitled _History of Grants under the Great Council for New -England_, etc.,—a valuable paper with comments and explanations, with -which compare Dr. Palfrey’s list in his _History of New England_, i. -397-99.[545] Since Dr. Palfrey wrote, new material has come to light -respecting some of these grants. The patent of Aug. 10, 1622, which -Dr. Belknap supposed was the Laconia patent, and which he erroneously -made the basis of the settlements of Thomson and of the Hiltons, and -of later operations on the Piscataqua, is found not to be the Laconia -patent, which was issued seven years later, namely, Nov. 17, 1629.[546] -Later writers have copied him. Again, Dr. Palfrey refers the early -division of the territory by the Council, from the Bay of Fundy to -Cape Cod, among twenty associates, to May 31, 1622. By the recovery of -another fragment of the records of the Council in 1875, we are able to -correct all previous errors respecting that division, which really took -place on Sunday, July 29, 1623. This fact has appeared since Dr. Haven -wrote.[547] - -An object of interest would be the map of the country on which the -different patents granted were marked off. Some idea from it might -be formed of the geographical mistakes by which one grant overlapped -another, or swallowed it up entirely. I know of no published map -existing at that time that would have served the purpose. The names -of the places on the coast from Penobscot to Cape Cod, mentioned by -Captain Smith in his tract issued in 1616, were rarely indicated on -his map which accompanied the tract. They had been laid down on the -manuscript draft of the map, but were changed for English names by -Prince Charles.[548] Quite likely the Council had manuscript maps of -the coast. Of the division of 1623, the records say it was resolved -that the land “be divided according as the division is made in the plot -remaining with Dr. Goche.” Smith, speaking of this division, says that -the country was at last “engrossed by twenty patentees, that divided my -map into twenty parts, and cast lots for their shares,” etc. Smith’s -map was probably the best published map of the coast which existed at -that time; but the map on which the names were subsequently engrossed -and published was Alexander’s map of New England, New France, and New -Scotland, published in 1624, in his _Encouragement to Colonies_, and -also issued in the following year in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1872. This -record, as the fac-simile shows,[549] is a mere huddling together of -names, with no indication as to a division of the country, as it was -not possible there should be on such a map as this, where the whole New -England coast, as laid down, is limited to three inches in extent, with -few natural features delineated upon it. - -The greatest trouble existed among the smaller patents. A large -patent, like that to Gorges, for instance, at the grand division, with -well-defined natural boundaries on the coast, between the Piscataqua -and the Sagadahoc, or the Penobscot, would not be likely to be -contested for lack of description; but there had been many smaller -patents issued within these limits, which ran into and overlapped -each other, and some were so completely annihilated as to cause great -confusion. - -Some of these smaller patents had alleged powers of government granted -to the settlers,—powers probably rarely exercised by virtue of -such a grant, and which the Council undoubtedly had no authority to -confer.[550] The people of Plymouth, for instance, in their patent of -1630, were authorized, in the language of the grant, to incorporate -themselves by some usual or fit name and title, with liberty to make -laws and ordinances for their government. They never had a royal -charter of incorporation during their separate existence, though they -strove hard to obtain one. The Council for New England might from -the first have taken the Pilgrims under their own government and -protection; and Governor Bradford, in letters to the Council and to -Sir Ferdinando Gorges, written in 1627 and 1628, acknowledges that -relation, and asks for their aid.[551] - -[Illustration: SEAL OF THE COUNCIL FOR NEW ENGLAND.] - -The records of the Council, so far as they are extant, contain no -notice of the adoption of a common seal, and we are ignorant as to the -time of its adoption. In the earliest patent known to have been issued -by the Council, which was an indenture between them and John Peirce -and his associates, dated June 1, 1621, the language is, “In witness -whereof the said President and Council have to the one part of this -present Indenture set their seals.” This is signed first by the Duke of -Lenox, who I think was the first President of the Council, and by five -other members of the Council, with the private seal of each appended to -his signature. But in a grant to Gorges and Mason, of Aug. 10, 1622, -which is also an indenture, the language is, that to one part “the said -President and Council have caused their _common seal_ to be affixed.” -Here we have a “common seal” used by the Council in issuing their -subsequent grants. But it is very singular, that of the many original -grants of the Council extant no one of them has the wax impression -of the seal intact or unbroken; usually it is wholly wanting. It is -believed, however, that the design of the seal has been discovered in -the engraving on the titlepage of Smith’s _Generall Historie_; and -the reasons for this opinion may be seen in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -March, 1867, pp. 469-472.[552] A delineation of it is given herewith. - -In the absence of any record of the organization of the Council, or of -any rules or by-laws for the transaction of its business, we do not -know what officers, or what number of the Council, were required for -the issuing of patents, or for authorizing the use of the Company’s -seal. The only name signed to the Plymouth Patent of Jan. 13, 1629/30 -is that of the Earl of Warwick, who was then the President of the -Council. - - -MASSACHUSETTS.[553]—The Massachusetts Colony had its origin in a grant -of land from the Council of New England, dated March 19, 1627, in old -style reckoning.[554] So far as is known, it is the first grant of -any moment made after the general division in 1623, but probably it -was preceded by the license to the Plymouth people of privileges on -the Kennebec. This patent to the Massachusetts Colony is not extant, -but it is recited in the subsequent charter. There is some mystery -attending the manner of its procurement, as well as about its extent. -The business was managed, in the absence of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, -by the Earl of Warwick, who was friendly to the patentees.[555] The -royal charter of Massachusetts was dated March 4, 1628 (O.S.). For -the forms used in issuing it, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, December, -1869, pp. 167-196. A discussion of the charter itself as a frame -of government for a commonwealth is found in Hutchinson’s _History -of Massachusetts_, i. 414, 415; Judge Parker’s Lecture before the -Massachusetts Historical Society, Feb. 9, 1869, entitled _The First -Charter_, etc.; and _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 329-382, and the -authorities there cited. As to the right of the Company to transfer the -government and charter to the soil, see Judge Parker, as above; Dr. -Palfrey, _New England_, i. 301-308; Barry, _History of Massachusetts_, -i. 174-186, and the authorities cited by them. The original charter, on -parchment, is in the State House in Boston. A heliotype of a section -of it is given in the _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 329.[556] The -duplicate or exemplification of the charter, which was originally -sent over to Endicott in 1629, is now in the Library of the Salem -Athenæeum. The charter was first printed, and from the “_dupl._” -parchment, “by S. Green, for Benj. Harris, at the London Coffee-House, -near the Town-House, in Boston, 1689.” It is entitled _A Copy of the -Massachusetts Charter_.[557] - -The archives of the State are rich in the materials of its history. The -records of the government from its first institution in England down -to the overthrow of the charter are almost a history in themselves. -The student is no longer required to decipher the ancient writing, for -in 1853-54 the Records were copied and printed under the editorial -care of Dr. N. B. Shurtleff.[558] A large mass of manuscripts remains -at the State House, and is known as the _Massachusetts Archives_. -The papers were classified by the late Joseph B. Felt.[559] They are -the constant resource of antiquaries and historians, few of whom, -however, but regret the too arbitrary arrangement given to them by that -painstaking scholar.[560] The City of Boston, by its Record Commission, -is making accessible in print most valuable material which has long -slumbered in manuscript. The Archives of the Massachusetts Historical -Society are specially rich in early manuscripts, a catalogue of which -is now preparing, and its publishing committees are constantly at work -converting their manuscripts into print, while the sixty-seven volumes -of its publications, as materials of history, are without a rival.[561] - -The first general _History of Massachusetts Bay_ was written by Thomas -Hutchinson, afterward governor of the province, in two volumes, the -first of which, covering the period ending with the downfall of Andros, -was published in Boston in 1764. The second volume, bringing the -history down to 1750, was published in 1767. Each volume was issued in -London in the year following its publication here. The author had rich -materials for his work, and was judicious in the use of them. He had a -genius for history, and his book will always stand as of the highest -authority. A volume of _Original Papers_, which illustrate the first -volume of the history, was published in 1769.[562] Hutchinson died in -England in 1780. Among his manuscripts was found a continuation of his -history, vol. iii., bringing the events down to 1774, in which year he -left the country. This was printed in London in 1828.[563] Some copies -of vol. i., London ed., were wrongly dated MDCCLX. - -In 1798 was published, in two volumes, a continuation of Hutchinson’s -second volume, by George Richards Minot,[564] bringing the history -down to 1764. The work was left unfinished, and Alden Bradford, in -1822-1829, published, in three volumes, a continuation of that to the -year 1820. - -The next most considerable attempt at a general _History of -Massachusetts_ was by John Stetson Barry, who published three volumes -in 1855-1857. It is a valuable work, written from the best authorities, -and comes down to 1820. - -Palfrey’s _History of New England_, the first three volumes of which -were published in 1858-1864, and cover the period ending with the -downfall of Andros, must be regarded altogether as the best history of -this section of our country yet written, as well for its luminous text -as for the authorities in its notes.[565] - -[Illustration: The Rev’d Dr. Cotton Mather. p Sarah Moorhead] - -I will now go back and mention a few other general histories of New -England, including those works in which the history of Massachusetts is -a prominent feature. - -Cotton Mather’s _Ecclesiastical History of New England_, better known -as his _Magnalia_, from the head-line of the titlepage, _Magnalia -Christi Americana_, was published in London in 1702, in folio. -Although relating generally to New England, it principally concerns -Massachusetts. While the book is filled with the author’s conceits and -puns, and gives abundant evidence of his credulity, it contains a vast -amount of valuable historical material, and is indispensable in any -New England library. It is badly arranged for consultation, for it is -largely a compilation from the author’s previous publications, and it -lacks an index. It has been twice reprinted,—in 1820 and 1853.[566] - -John Oldmixon, Collector of Customs at Bridgewater, England, compiled -and published at London, in 1708, his _British Empire in America_, in -two volumes. About one hundred pages of the first volume relate to New -England, and while admitting that he drew on Cotton Mather’s _Magnalia_ -for most of his material, omitting the puns, anagrams, etc., the author -nevertheless vents his spleen on this book of the Boston divine. Mather -was deeply hurt by this indignity, and he devoted the principal part of -the Introduction to his _Parentator_, 1724, to this ill-natured writer. -He says he found in eighty-six pages of Oldmixon’s book eighty-seven -falsehoods. A second edition of _The British Empire in America_ was -published in 1741, with considerable additions and alterations. In the -mean time the Rev. Daniel Neal had published in London his _History of -New England_, which led Oldmixon to rewrite, for this new edition, his -chapters relating to New England. Oldmixon’s work is of little value. -He was careless and unscrupulous.[567] - -Mr. Neal’s _History of New England_, already mentioned, first appeared -in 1720, in two volumes, but was republished with additions in -1747.[568] It contains a map “according to the latest observations,” -or, as he elsewhere observes, “done from the latest surveys,” in one -corner of which is an interesting miniature map of “The Harbour of -Boston.” This book must have supplied a great want at the time of -its appearance, and though Hutchinson says it is little more than an -abridgment of Dr. Mather’s history,—which is not quite true, as see -his authorities in the Preface,—it gave in an accessible form many -of the principal facts concerning the beginning of New England. It of -course relates principally to Plymouth and Massachusetts. Neal was an -independent thinker, and differed essentially from Cotton Mather on -many subjects. - -The Rev. Thomas Prince published in Boston in 1736 A _Chronological -History of New England in the Form of Annals_, in one volume, 12º, of -about four hundred pages. The author begins with the creation of the -world, and devotes the last two hundred and fifty pages to New England, -coming down only to September, 1630, or to the settlement of Boston. -After an interval of about twenty years the work was resumed, and -three numbers, of thirty-two pages each, of vol. ii. were issued in -1755, bringing the chronology down to August, 1633, when for want of -sufficient encouragement the work ceased. Prince was very particular in -giving his authorities for every statement, and he professed to quote -the very language of his author.[569] - -In 1749 was published the first volume of a _Summary, Historical -and Political, ... of the British Settlements in North America_, by -William Douglass, M.D. The book had been issued in numbers, beginning -in January, 1747. The titlepage of the second volume bears date 1751. -The author died suddenly Oct. 21, 1752, before his work was finished. -A large part of the book relates to New England. It contains a good -deal of valuable information from original sources, but it is put -together without system or order, and the whole work appears more like -a mass of notes hastily written than like a history. Dr. Douglass was a -Scotchman by birth, and coming to Boston while a young man, he attained -a reputable standing as a physician. In the small-pox episode in 1721 -he took an active part as an opposer of inoculation. He was fond of -controversy, was thoroughly honest and fearless, and gave offence in -his _Summary_ by his freedom of speech. The _Summary_ was republished -in London in 1755 and in 1760, each edition with a large map.[570] The -Boston edition was reissued with a new title, dated 1753. - - * * * * * - -For the origin of the brief settlement at Cape Ann, which drew after it -the planting at Salem and the final organization of the Massachusetts -Company, and for the narrative of those several events,—namely, the -formation in London of the subordinate government for the colony, -“London’s Plantation in Massachusetts Bay,” with Endicott as its first -governor, and his instructions; the emigration under Higginson in 1629; -the establishment of the church in Salem, and the difficulty with the -Browns; and the emigration under Winthrop in 1630,—see John White’s -_Planter’s Plea_,[571] Hubbard’s _New England_, chap. xviii.; the -_Colony Records_; Morton’s _Memorial_, under the year 1629; Higginson’s -_Journal_, and his _New England Plantation_;[572] Dudley’s _Letter -to the Countess of Lincoln_;[573] and Winthrop’s own Journal. For -the principal part of these documents and others of great value the -reader is referred to Dr. Alexander Young’s _Chronicles of the First -Planters of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay_,—a convenient manual for -reference, of the highest authority, containing ample bibliographical -notes and illustrations, which need not be repeated here. This book, -which was published in 1846, was unfortunately thrown into chapters as -of one narrative, as had been that relating to the Plymouth Colony, -published in 1841, whereby the original authorities, which should be -the prominent feature of the book, are subordinated to an editorial -plan. - -For the original authorities of the history of the scattered -settlements in Massachusetts Bay, prior to the Winthrop emigration, -I cannot do better than refer to a paper on the “Old Planters,” so -called, about Boston Harbor, by Charles Francis Adams, Jr., in _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, June, 1878, p. 194; and to Mr. Adams’s chapter in -_Memorial History of Boston_, i. 63. - -[Illustration: SHIP OF XVII^{TH} CENTURY. - -[This fac-simile is from a map in Dudley’s _Arcano del Mare_, -1647.—ED.]] - -In Captain John Smith’s _Advertisements for the unexperienced Planters -of New England, or anywhere_, London, 1631, he has two chapters (xi. -and xii.) on the settlement of Salem and Charlton (Charlestown), and -an account of the sad condition of the colony for months after the -Winthrop emigration. This is Smith’s last book, and his best in a -literary point of view, and was published the year of his death.[574] - -The _New England’s Prospect_, by William Wood, London, 1634, is the -earliest topographical account of the Massachusetts Colony, so far -as the settlements then extended. It also has a full description of -its fauna and flora, and of the natives. It is a valuable book, and -is written in vigorous and idiomatic English. The writer lived here -four years, returning to England Aug. 15, 1633. His book is entered -in the Stationers’ Register, “7 Julii, 1634.” Alonzo Lewis, author -of the _History of Lynn_, thinks that he came over again to the -colony in 1635, as a person of that name arrived that year in the -“Hopewell.”[575] - -The _New English Canaan_, by Thomas Morton, Amsterdam, 1637, “written -upon ten years’ knowledge and experiment of the country,” is a sort -of satire upon the Plymouth and Massachusetts people, who looked upon -the author as a reprobate and an outlaw. He came over, probably, with -Weston’s company in 1622, and on the breaking up of that settlement -may have gone back to England. In 1625 he is found here again with -Captain Wollaston’s company on a plantation at “Mount Wollaston,” where -he had his revels. He was twice banished the country, and before his -final return hither wrote this book. His description of the natural -features of the country, and his account of the native inhabitants are -of considerable interest and value, and the side-light which he throws -upon the Pilgrim and Puritan colonies will serve at least to amuse the -reader.[576] Morton’s book, though printed in Holland “in the yeare -1637,” was entered in the Stationers’ Register in London, “Nov. 18, -1633,” in the name of Charles Greene as publisher; and a copy of the -book is now (1882) in the library of the Society for the Propagation of -the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 19 Delahay Street, Westminster, London, -bearing this imprint: “Printed for Charles Greene, and are sold in -Paul’s Church-Yard;” no date, but “1632” written in with a pen. See -White Kennett’s _Bibliothecæ Americanæ Primordia_, p. 77, where this -copy is entered, and where the manuscript date is printed in the -margin. This date is, of course, an error.[577] Morton’s book was not -written till after the publication of Wood’s _New England’s Prospect_, -to which reference is frequently made in the _New English Canaan_. The -_New England’s Prospect_ was entered at the Stationers’, “7 Julii, -1634,” and was published the same year. Morton’s book is dedicated to -the Commissioners for Foreign Plantations,—a body not created till -April 28, 1634. The book must have been entered at the Stationers’ some -time in anticipation of its printing; and when printed, some copies -were struck off bearing the imprint of Charles Greene, though only one -copy is now known with his name on the titlepage. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPHS OF LEADERS IN THE WAR.] - -The first serious trouble with the Indians, which had been brewing for -some years, culminated in 1637, when the Pequots were annihilated. -This produced a number of narrations, two of which were published at -the time, and in London,—one by Philip Vincent,[578] in 1637, and -one by Captain John Underhill, in 1638.[579] The former is not known -to have been in New England at the time, but the minute particulars -of his narrative would lead one to suppose that he had been in close -communication with some persons who had been in the conflict. He could -hardly have been present himself. Captain John Underhill, the writer -of the second tract, was commander of the Massachusetts forces at the -storming of the fort, so that he narrates much of what he saw. He -prefaces his account with a description of the country, and of the -origin of the troubles with the Pequots. Both these narratives are -reprinted in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vi. - -I may add here that there were other narratives of the Pequot War -written by actors in it. A narrative by Major John Mason, the commander -of the Connecticut forces, was left by him on his death, in manuscript, -and was communicated by his grandson to the Rev. Thomas Prince, who -published it in 1736. It is the best account of the affair written. -Some two or three years after the death of Mason, Mr. Allyn, the -Secretary of the colony of Connecticut, sent a narrative of the Pequot -War to Increase Mather, who published it in his _Relation of the -Troubles_, etc., 1677, as of Allyn’s composition. Having no preface or -titlepage, Mather did not know that it was written by Major Mason, as -was afterward fully explained by Prince, who had the entire manuscript -from Mason’s grandson.[580] - -Lyon Gardiner, commander of the Saybrook fort during the Pequot War, -also wrote an account of the action, prefacing it with a narrative of -recollections of earlier events. It was written in his old age. It was -first printed in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. 136-160.[581] - -For the history of the Antinomian controversy which broke out about -this time and convulsed the whole of New England, see the examination -of Mrs. Hutchinson in Hutchinson’s _Massachusetts Bay_, ii. 482; -Welde’s _Short Story_, etc., London, 1644; Chandler’s _Criminal -Trials_, Boston, 1841, vol. i.[582] - -A small quarto volume published in London in 1641, entitled _An -Abstract of the Lawes of New England as they are now Established_, was -one of the results of an attempt to form a body of standing laws for -the colony. I may premise, that, at the first meeting of the Court of -Assistants at Charlestown, certain rules of proceeding in civil actions -were established, and powers for punishing offenders instituted. In -the former case equity according to circumstances was the rule; and -in punishing offences they professed to be governed by the judicial -laws of Moses where such laws were of a moral nature.[583] But such -proceedings were arbitrary and uncertain, and the body of the people -were clamorous for a code of standing laws. John Cotton had been -requested to assist in framing such a code, and in October, 1636, he -handed in to the General Court a copy of a body of laws that he had -compiled “in an exact method,” called “Moses his Judicials,” which -the Court took into consideration till the next meeting. The subject -occupied attention from year to year, till in December, 1641, the -General Court established a body of one hundred laws, called the Body -of Liberties, which had been composed by the Rev. Nathaniel Ward,[584] -of Ipswich. No copy of these laws was known to have been preserved on -the records of the colony; and of the earliest printed digest of the -laws, in 1648, which no doubt substantially conformed to the Body of -Liberties, no copy is extant. - -[Illustration] - -The _Abstract_ above recited, published in 1641, was therefore for many -years regarded as the Body of Liberties, or an abstract of them, passed -in that year. About forty years ago Francis C. Gray, Esq., noticed in -the library of the Boston Athenæum a manuscript code of laws entitled -“A Copy of the Liberties of the Massachusetts Colonie in New England,” -which he caused to be printed in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 216-237, -with a learned introduction, in which he showed conclusively that this -body of laws was the code of 1641, and that the _Abstract_ printed -that year in London was John Cotton’s code, _Moses his Judicials_, -which the General Court never adopted. A copy having found its way -to England, it was sent to the press under a misapprehension, and an -erroneous titlepage prefixed to it. Indeed, that John Cotton was the -author of the code published in London in 1641 had been evident from an -early period, by means of a second and enlarged edition published in -London by William Aspinwall in 1655, from a manuscript copy left by the -author. Aspinwall, then in England, in a long address to the reader, -says that Cotton collected out of the Scriptures, and digested this -_Abstract_, and commended it to the Court of Massachusetts, “which had -they then had the heart to have received, it might have been better -both with them there and us here than now it is.” The _Abstract_ of -1641, with Aspinwall’s preface to the edition of 1655, was reprinted -in 1 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, v. 173-192. Hutchinson, _Papers_, 1769, pp. -161-179, had already printed the former.[585] - -The religious character of the colony was exemplified by the -publication, in 1640, of the first book issued from the Cambridge -press, set up by Stephen Daye the year before; namely, _The Whole -Booke of Psalmes Faithfully Translated into English Metre_, by Richard -Mather, Thomas Welde, and John Eliot. Prince, in the preface to his -revised edition of this book, 1758, says that it “had the honor of -being the _First Book_ printed in North America, and, as far as I can -find, in this _whole_ NEW WORLD.” Prince was not aware that a printing -press had existed in the City of Mexico one hundred years before.[586] -He was right, however, in the first part of his sentence. Eight copies -of the book are known to be extant, of which two are in Cambridge, -where it was printed. Within a year or two a copy has been sold for -fifteen hundred dollars.[587] The first thing printed by Daye was the -freeman’s oath, the next was an almanac made for New England by Mr. -William Peirce, mariner,—so says Winthrop. What enterprising explorer -of garrets and cellars will add copies of these to our collections of -Americana? Probably one of the last books printed by Daye was the first -digest of the laws of the colony, which was passing through the press -in 1648. Johnson says it was printed that year. Probably 1649 was the -date on the titlepage. Not a single copy is known to be in existence. -Daye was succeeded in 1649 by Samuel Green, who issued books from the -Cambridge press for nearly fifty years.[588] - -One of the most interesting and authentic of the early narratives -relating to the colony is Thomas Lechford’s _Plain Dealing_, London, -1642. Lechford came over here in 1638, arriving June 27, and he -embarked for home Aug. 3, 1641. He was a lawyer by profession, and -he came here with friendly feelings toward the Puritan settlement. -But lawyers were not wanted in the colony. He was looked upon with -suspicion, and could barely earn a living for his family. He did some -writing for the magistrates, and transcribed some papers for Nathaniel -Ward, the supposed author of the Body of Liberties, to whom he may have -rendered professional aid in that work. He prepared his book for the -press soon after his return home. It is full of valuable information -relating to the manners and customs of the colony, written by an able -and impartial hand.[589] - -To the leading men in the colony, religion, or their own notion -concerning religion, was the one absorbing theme; and they sought -to embody it in a union of Church and State. In this regard John -Cotton[590] seems to have been the mouthpiece of the community. He came -near losing his influence at the time of the Antinomian controversy -but by judicious management he recovered himself. He was not averse to -discussion, had a passion for writing, and his pen was ever active. The -present writer has nearly thirty of Cotton’s books,—the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_ shows over forty,—written in New England, and sent to -London to be printed. Some of these were in answer to inquiries from -London concerning their church estate, etc., here, and were intended -to satisfy the curiosity of friends, as well as to influence public -opinion there. Cotton had a long controversy with Roger Williams -relating to the subject of Williams’s banishment from this colony. -Another discussion with him, which took a little different form, was -the “Bloudy Tenet” controversy, which had another origin, and in -which the question of persecution for conscience’ sake was discussed. -Williams, of course, here had the argument on the general principle. -Cotton was like a strong man struggling in the mire.[591] Cotton’s book -on the _Keyes of the Kingdom of Heaven_ shows his idea of the true -church polity. His answer to Baylie’s _Dissuasive_ in _The Way of the -Congregational Churches Cleared_ is really a valuable historical book, -in which, incidentally, he introduces information concerning persons -and events which relate to Plymouth as well as to Massachusetts. This -book furnished to the present writer the clew to the fact that John -Winthrop was the author of the principal part of the contents of -Welde’s _Short Story_, published in London in 1644, relating to -the Antinomian troubles and Mrs. Hutchinson. The Rev. Thomas -Hooker, of Hartford, entered with Cotton into the church controversy. -His _Survey of the Summe of Church Discipline_, etc., written -in answer to Rutherford, Hudson, and Baylie, Presbyterian -controversialists, was published within the same cover with Cotton’s -book last cited, and one general titlepage covered both, with the -imprint of London, 1648. - -[Illustration] - -Well known among Cotton’s other productions is his _Milk for Babes, -drawn out of the Breasts of both Testaments, chiefly for the Spiritual -Nourishment of Boston Babes in either England, but may be of like Use -for any Children_, London, 1646.[592] - -[Illustration] - -The discussion of Cotton and others having confirmed the colony in its -church polity,—“From New England,” says Baylie, writing in London -in 1645, “came Independency of Churches hither, which hath spread -over all parts here,”—it was thought best to embody the system in a -platform. So a synod was called for May, 1646, which by sundry meetings -and adjournments completed the work in August, 1648. The result was -the famous “Cambridge Platform,” which continued the rule of our -ecclesiastical polity, with slight variations, till the adoption of the -constitution of 1780. It was printed at Cambridge, in 1649, by Samuel -Green,—probably his first book,—and was entitled _A Platform of -Church Discipline_, etc. A copy of the printed volume was sent over to -London by John Cotton (who probably had the largest agency in preparing -the work)[593] to Edward Winslow, then in England, who procured it to -be printed in 1653, with an explanatory preface by himself.[594] - -The important political union of the New England colonies, or a -portion of them, in 1643, has been already referred to. The Articles -of Confederation were first printed in 1656 in London, prefixed to -Governor Eaton’s code of laws entitled _New Haven’s Settling in New -England_,[595] to be mentioned further on. - -The trouble of Massachusetts with Samuel Gorton was brought about by -the unwarrantable conduct of the colony towards that eccentric person. -Gorton appealed to England, and Edward Winslow, the diplomatist of -Plymouth and Massachusetts, was sent over to defend the Bay colony. -Gorton’s _Simplicitie’s Defence_, published in London in 1646, was -answered by Winslow’s _Hypocrasie Unmasked_, issued the same year. -This was reissued in 1649, with a new titlepage, called _The Danger of -tolerating Levellers in a Civill State_, the Dedication to the Earl of -Warwick, in the former issue, being omitted.[596] - -Winslow had his hands full, about this time, in defending -Massachusetts. The colony was never without a disturbing element in -its own population, and about the time of the trouble with Gorton a -number of influential persons who held Presbyterian views of church -government were clamorous for the right of suffrage, which was denied -them. The controversy of the Government with Dr. Robert Child, Samuel -Maverick, and others, in 1646, need not be repeated here. An appeal -was made to England. Child and some of his associates went thither, -and published a book in 1647, in London, called _New England’s Jonas -cast up at London_, edited by Child’s brother, Major John Child, whose -name appears upon the titlepage. A postscript comments unfavorably on -Winslow’s _Hypocrasie Unmasked_. This book was replied to by Winslow -in a tract called _New England’s Salamander Discovered_, etc., London, -1647. These books are important as illustrating Massachusetts history -at this period.[597] - -[Illustration: SHEPARD’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY. - -[A fac-simile of the opening of the little book, which contains Thomas -Shepard’s autobiography, now the property of the Shepard Memorial -Church in Cambridge.—ED.]] - -During this visit of Winslow to England, from which he never returned -to New England, he performed a grateful service in behalf of the -natives. By his influence a corporation was created by Parliament, -in 1649, for propagating the gospel among the Indian tribes in New -England, and some of the accounts of the progress of the missions, sent -over from the colony, were published in London by the corporation. -The conversion of the natives was one object set forth in the -Massachusetts charter; and Roger Williams had, while a resident of -Massachusetts and Plymouth, taken a deep interest in them, and in 1643, -while on a voyage to England, he drew up _A Key unto the Language of -America_,[598] published that year in London. In that same year there -was also published in London a small tract called _New England’s -First-Fruits_, first in respect to the college, and second in respect -to the Indians.[599] Some hopeful instances of conversion among the -natives were briefly given in this tract. In 1647 a more full relation -of Eliot’s labors was sent over to Winslow, who the year before had -arrived in England as agent of Massachusetts, and printed under the -title, _The Day breaking, if not the Sun rising, of the Gospel with -the Indians in New England_. In the following year, 1648, a narrative -was published in London, written by Thomas Shepard, called _The Clear -Sunshine of the Gospel breaking forth upon the Indians_, etc., and this -in 1649 was followed by _The Glorious Progress of the Gospel amongst -the Indians in New England_, setting forth the labors of Eliot and -Mayhew. The Rev. Henry Whitfield, who had been pastor of a church in -Guilford, Conn., returned to England in 1650; and in the following year -he published in London _The Light appearing more and more towards the -Perfect Day_, and in 1652, _Strength out of Weakness_, both containing -accounts, written chiefly by Eliot, of the progress of his labors. This -last tract was the first of those published by the Corporation, which -continued thenceforth, for several years, to publish the record of -the missions as they were sent over from the colony. In 1653 a tract -appeared under the title of _Tears of Repentance_, etc.; in 1655, _A -late and further Manifestation of the Progress of the Gospel_, etc.; -in 1659, _A further Accompt_, etc.; and in 1660, _A further Account_ -still.[600] Eliot’s literary labors in behalf of the Massachusetts -Indians culminated in the translation of the Bible into their dialect, -and its publication through the Cambridge press. The Testament was -printed in 1661, and the whole Bible in 1663; and second editions of -each appeared,—the former in 1680, and the latter in 1685.[601] - -Eliot was imbued with the enthusiasm of the time. As John Cotton had -deduced a body of laws from the Scriptures, which he offered to the -General Court for the colony, so in like manner Eliot drew from the -Scriptures a frame of government for a commonwealth. It was entitled -_The Christian Commonwealth; or, the Civil Polity of the Rising Kingdom -of Jesus Christ_, which he sent to England during the interregnum, and -commended to the people there. He had drawn up a similar form for his -Indian community, and had put it in practice. His manuscript, after -slumbering for some years, was printed in London in 1659, and some -copies came over to the colony. The Restoration soon followed. Eliot -had in his treatise reflected on kingly government, and in May, 1661, -the General Court ordered the book to be totally suppressed; and all -persons having copies of it were commanded either to cancel or deface -the same, or deliver them to the next magistrate. Eliot acknowledged -his fault under his own hand, saying he sent the manuscript to England -some nine or ten years before. Hutchinson, commenting on this whole -proceeding, says, “When the times change, men generally suffer their -opinions to change with them, so far at least as is necessary to avoid -danger.” How many copies of the book were destroyed by this order of -the court, we cannot tell. A few years ago the only copy known was -owned by Colonel Thomas Aspinwall, then residing in London; and from -this copy a transcript was made, and it was printed in 1846 in 3 _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, ix. 129.[602] - -Eliot was not the only distinguished citizen whose book came under the -ban of the Massachusetts authorities. William Pynchon, of Springfield, -wrote a book which was published in London in 1650, entitled _The -Meritorious price of our Redemption_, etc., copies of which arrived -in Boston during the session of the General Court in October of that -year. The Court immediately condemned it, and ordered it to be burned -the next day in the market-place, which was done; and Mr. Norton was -asked to answer it. Norton obeyed, and the book he wrote was ordered to -be sent to London to be published. It was _A Discussion of that Great -Point in Divinity, the Sufferings of Christ_, etc., 1653. Pynchon in -the mean time was brought before the Court, and was plied by several -orthodox divines. He admitted that some points in his book were -overstated, and his sentence was postponed. Not liking his treatment -here he went back to England in 1652, and published a reply to Norton -in a work with a title similar to that which gave the original offence, -London, 1655. Pynchon held that Christ did not suffer the torments of -hell for mankind, and that he bore not our sins by imputation. A more -full answer to Norton’s book was published by him in 1662, called the -_Covenant of Nature_.[603] - -John Winthrop died March 26, 1649. No man in the colony was so well -qualified as he, either from opportunity or character, to write its -history. Yet he left no history. But he left what was more precious,—a -journal of events, recorded in chronological order, from the time of -his departure from England in the “Arbella,” to within two months of -his death. This Journal may be called the materials of history of -the most valuable character. The author himself calls it a “History -of New England.” From this, for the period which it covers, and from -the records of the General Court for the same period, a history of -the colony for the first twenty years could be written. For over -one hundred years from Winthrop’s death no mention is made of his -Journal. Although it was largely drawn upon by Hubbard in his _History_ -(1680), and was used by Cotton Mather in his _Magnalia_, it was cited -by neither, and was first mentioned by Thomas Prince on the cover -of the first number of the second volume of his _Annals_, in 1755. -Among his list of authorities there given, he mentions “having lately -received” this Journal of Governor Winthrop. Prince made but little -use of this manuscript, as the three numbers only which he issued of -his second volume ended with Aug. 5, 1633. Prince probably procured -the Journal from the Winthrop family in Connecticut. It was in three -volumes. The first and second volumes were restored to the family, -and were published in Hartford in 1790, in one volume, edited by -Noah Webster.[604] The third volume was found in the Prince Library, -in the tower of the Old South Church, in 1816, and was given to the -Massachusetts Historical Society. It was published, together with -volumes one and two, in 1825 and 1826, in two volumes, edited by James -Savage.[605] Volume two of the manuscript was destroyed by a fire -which, Nov. 10, 1825, consumed the building in Court Street, Boston, in -which Mr. Savage had his office.[606] - -[Illustration] - -The earliest published narrative—we can hardly call it a -history—relating generally to Massachusetts, is Edward Johnson’s -“Wonder-Working Providence of Sion’s Saviour in New England,”—the -running title to the book, which on the titlepage is called a _History -of New England_, etc., London, 1654. The book does not profess to -give an orderly account of the settlement of New England, or even of -Massachusetts, to which it wholly relates, but describes what took -place in the colony under his own observation largely, and what would -illustrate “the goodness of God in the settlement of these colonies.” -The book is supposed to have been written two or three years only -before it was sent to England to be published. It is conjectured that -the titlepage was added by the publisher.[607] The book has a value, -for it contains many facts, but its composition and arrangement are -bad.[608] - -The Quaker episode produced an abundant literature. Several Rhode -Island Baptists had previously received rough usage here; and Dr. -John Clarke, one of the founders of Rhode Island, who had a personal -experience to relate, published in London, in 1652,—whither he had -gone with Roger Williams the year before,—a book against the colony, -called _Ill-Newes from New-England, or a Narrative of New-England’s -Persecution_, etc.[609] - -[Illustration] - -In 1654, two years before the Quakers made their appearance, the -colony passed a law against any one having in his possession the books -of Reeve and Muggleton, “the two Last Witnesses and True Prophets of -Jesus Christ,” as they called themselves. Some of the books of these -fanatics had been printed in London in 1653, and had made their way -to the colony, and the executioner was ordered to burn all such books -in the market-place on the next Lecture day. In 1656 the Quakers -came and brought their books, which were at once seized and reserved -for the fire; while sentence of banishment was passed against those -who brought them. The Quakers continued to flock to the colony in -violation of the law now passed against them. They were imprisoned, -whipped, and two were hanged in Boston in October, 1659, one in June, -1660, and one in March, 1661. Some of the more important books which -the Quaker controversy brought forth must now be named. An account of -the reception which the Quakers met with here soon found its way to -London, and to the hands of Francis Howgill, who published it with -the title, _The Popish Inquisition Newly Erected in New England_, -etc., London, 1659. Another tract appeared there the same year as _The -Secret Works of a Cruel People Made Manifest_. In the following year -appeared _A Call from Death to Life_, letters written “from the common -goal of Boston” by Stephenson and Robinson (who were shortly after -executed); and one “written in Plymouth Prison” by Peter Pearson, a -few weeks later, giving an account of the execution of the two former. -In October, 1658, John Norton had been appointed by the Court to write -a treatise on the doctrines of the Quakers, which he did, and the -tract was printed in Cambridge in 1659, and in London in 1660, with -the title, _The Heart of New England Rent at the Blasphemies of the -Present Generation_. After three Quakers had been hanged, the colony, -under date of Dec. 19, 1660, sent an “Humble Petition and Address of -the General Court ... unto the High and Mighty Prince Charles the -Second,” defending their conduct. This was presented February 11, and -printed, and was replied to by Edward Burroughs in an elaborate volume, -which contains a full account of the first three martyrs. This was -followed this year, 1661, by a yet more important volume, by George -Bishope, called _New England Judged_, in which the story of the Quaker -persecution from the beginning is told. Bishope lived in England, and -published in a first volume the accounts and letters of the sufferers -sent over to him. A second volume was published in 1667, continuing the -narrative of the sufferings and of the hanging of William Leddra, in -March, 1661. A general _History of the Quakers_ was written by William -Sewel, a Dutch Quaker of Amsterdam, published there in his native -tongue, in 1717, folio. Sewel’s grandfather was an English Brownist, -who emigrated to Holland. The book was translated by the author himself -into English, and published in London in 1722.[610] Joseph Besse’s -book,—_A Collection of the Sufferings of the People called Quakers, -for the Testimony of a Good Conscience_, 1753,—contains a mass of -most valuable statistics about the Quakers. Hutchinson’s _History of -Massachusetts Bay_ has an excellent summarized account, as do the -histories of Dr. Palfrey and Mr. Barry.[611] - -[Illustration] - -The records of the colony, as I have frequently had occasion to -observe, afford the richest materials for the colony’s history, and -never more so than in regard to the trials which the colony experienced -from the period following the Restoration to the time of Dudley and -Andros. The story of the visit of the royal commissioners here in 1665 -is no where so fully told as there. Indeed, the principal source of the -history of Maine and of New Hampshire while they were for many years a -component part of the colony of Massachusetts is told in the records of -the old Bay State. - -During the trouble with the Quakers Massachusetts was afflicted by a -wordy controversy, imported from Connecticut, but which did not reach -its culminating point till 1662. I refer to the “Half-way Covenant,” -for the discussion of which a council of ministers from both colonies -was called in 1657, in Boston, which pronounced in favor of the system -in question. A synod of Massachusetts churches in 1662 confirmed -the judgment here given, and the Half-way Covenant system prevailed -extensively in New England for more than a century. After the synod -was dissolved, and the result was published by order of the General -Court, the discussion continued, and several tracts were issued from -the Cambridge press, _pro_ and _con_, in 1662, 1663, and 1664.[612] -Of Morton’s _New England’s Memorial_ mention has already been made in -the preceding chapter, as it concerns chiefly the Plymouth Colony. -It contains, however, many things of interest about Massachusetts; -recording the death of many of her worthies, and embalming their -memories in verse. It ends with the year 1668, with a notice of the -death of Jonathan Mitchel, the minister of Cambridge, and of that of -John Eliot, Jr., the son of the apostle, at the age of thirty-two -years. There are five unpaged leaves after “finis,” containing “A Brief -Chronological Table.” - -There was printed in London in 1674 _An Account of Two Voyages to New -England_, by John Josselyn, Gent., a duodecimo volume of 279 pages. -This author and traveller was a brother of Henry Josselyn, of Black -Point, or Scarborough, in Maine, and they are said to have been sons of -Sir Thomas Josselyn, of Kent, knight. John came to New England in 1638, -and landed at Noddle’s Island, and was a guest of Samuel Maverick; -thence he went to Scarborough, stayed with his brother till the end of -1639, and then returned home. In 1663 he came over again, and stayed -till 1671; and then went home and wrote this book. His own observations -are valuable, but his history is often erroneous. He frequently cites -Johnson. At the end of his book is a chronological table running back -before the Christian era. His _New England’s Rarities_, published -in 1672, giving an account of the fauna and flora of the country, -has been reprinted with notes in the American Antiquarian Society’s -_Transactions_, vol. iv., edited by Edward Tuckerman.[613] - -The interest of John Ogilby’s large folio on _America_ is almost solely -a borrowed one, so far as concerns New England history, arising from -the use he made of Wood, Johnson, and Gorges.[614] - -The modern student will find a very interesting series of successive -bulletins, as it were, of the sensations engendered by the progress of -the Indian outbreak of 1675-76, known as “Philip’s War,” and of the -events as they occurred, in a number of tracts, mostly of few pages, -which one or more persons in Boston sent to London to be printed. They -are now among the choicest rarities of a New England library.[615] It -was to make an answer to one of these tracts that Increase Mather -hastily put together and printed in Boston,[616] in 1676, his _Brief -History of the War_, which was reprinted in London in the same -year.[617] The year after (1677) the war closed,[618] Foster, the -new Boston printer, also printed William Hubbard’s _Narrative of the -Troubles with the Indians_, which likewise came from the London press -the same year with a changed title, _The Present State of New England, -being a Narrative_, etc.,—a book not, however, confined to Philip’s -War, but going back, as the Boston title better showed, over the whole -series of the conflicts with the natives.[619] - -In the year 1679 it became known to the members of the General Court -that the Rev. William Hubbard, of Ipswich, had compiled a _History of -New England_, and in June of that year they ordered that the Governor -and four other persons be a committee “to peruse the same,” and make -return of their opinion thereof by the next session, in order “that -the Court may then, as they shall then judge meet, take order for -the impression thereof.” Two years afterward, in October, the Court -thankfully acknowledged the services of Mr. Hubbard in compiling his -_History_, and voted him fifty pounds in money, “he transcribing it -fairly into a book that it may be the more easily perused.” There was -no further movement made for the printing of the volume. The transcript -made agreeably to this order is now in the Library of the Massachusetts -Historical Society. The preface and some leaves of the text are -wanting. This was by far the most important history of New England -which had then been written. The compiler had the benefit of Bradford’s -_History_ and Winthrop’s Journal, though, after the fashion of the -time, he makes no mention of them, only acknowledging in a general -way his indebtedness to “the original manuscripts of such as had the -managing of those affairs under their hands.” The manuscript was first -printed in 1815 by the Massachusetts Historical Society; and a second -edition, “collated with the original MS.,” was printed in 1848.[620] - -[Illustration] - -The history of the struggles of the colony to maintain its charter -during the period immediately preceding the loss of it is largely told -in the pages of its records, and in a large mass of documents published -in Hutchinson’s volume of Papers, and cited in Chalmers’ _Annals_ and -in Palfrey’s _New England_. Reference may also be made to a paper by -the present writer in vol. i. of _Memorial History of Boston_, on this -struggle to maintain the charter. - -The history of the Dudley and Andros administrations may be gathered -from numerous publications which came from the press just after -the Revolution; and, without mentioning their titles, I cannot do -better than refer to them as published in three volumes by the Prince -Society of Boston, called the _Andros Tracts_, edited with abundant -notes by William H. Whitmore.[621] Palfrey’s _History_ should be -read in connection with these memorials. The original papers of the -“Inter-charter Period” are largely wanting, though some volumes of the -Massachusetts Archives are so entitled.[622] - -As materials for the history of the State it should be remembered that -there are many town histories which contain matter of more than mere -local interest. The history of the town of Boston is in a great degree -the history of the colony and State, and the several histories of that -town, notably those by Caleb H. Snow (to 1825) and Samuel G. Drake (to -1770), and the _Description_ of N. B. Shurtleff,[623] may be specially -mentioned; while the recently published _Memorial History of Boston_, -edited by Mr. Justin Winsor, is indispensable to any student who wishes -to know a large part of the story of Massachusetts.[624] The _History -of Salem_, by Dr. J. B. Felt, gives many documents of the first -importance relating to the settlement of that ancient town, where the -colony had its birth; and the same writer’s _Customs of New England_, -Boston, 1853, has a distinctive value. - -The _Bibliography of the Local History of Massachusetts_, by Jeremiah -Colburn, Boston, 1871, a volume of 119 pages, deserves a place in -every New England library,[625] and it may be supplemented by the -brief titles included in Mr. F. B. Perkins’s _Check List of American -History_.[626] There is a good list of local histories in the _Brinley -Catalogue_, no. 1,558, etc. The _Sketches of the Judicial History of -Massachusetts_, by the late Emory Washburn, is a most important book -for that phase of the subject. - -MAINE.[627]—The documentary history of Maine properly begins with -the grant to Sir Ferdinando Gorges. The previous operations under the -Laconia Company were partly, as we have seen, on the territory of -Maine, while in part also their history is preserved in the archives of -New Hampshire.[628] - -The patent issued to Gorges at the general division, in 1635, of -the territory which he named “New Somersetshire,” is not extant. An -organization, as we have already said, took place under this grant, and -a few records are extant in manuscript.[629] - -The royal charter of Maine, dated April 3, 1639, was transcribed into -a book of records of the Court of Common Pleas and Sessions for the -county of York, and, with the commissions to the officers, has been -printed by Sullivan in his _History of Maine_, Boston, 1795, Appendix -No. 1. - -The first government organized under the charter[630] was in 1640, and -the manuscript records are also at Alfred with the commissions to the -officers. Extracts from the records were made by Folsom, as above, -pp. 53-57. After the submission of Maine to Massachusetts in 1653, -courts were held at York under the authority of the latter. Afterward, -when the royal commissioners came over and went into Maine, a portion -of the inhabitants were encouraged to rebel against the authority of -Massachusetts, and courts were temporarily set up under a commission -from Sir Robert Carr. Some records of their doings exist.[631] - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPHS. - -[Mason was the proprietor of New Hampshire. Mr. C. W. Tuttle was -engaged at his death on a memoir of Mason, upon whom he delivered -addresses, reported in the _Boston Advertiser_, June 22, 1871, and -_Boston Globe_, April 4, 1872. Garde was the mayor of Gorgeana. Thomas -Gorges was the deputy-governor of Maine.—ED.]] - -The Records of Massachusetts for the years 1652-53 show the official -relations which existed between the two colonies. The State-paper -offices of England contain a large quantity of manuscripts illustrating -the claims of Ferdinando Gorges, the grandson of the original -proprietor; and the principal part of these may be seen either in -abstracts, or at full length in Folsom’s _Catalogue of Original -Documents_[632] relating to Maine (New York, 1858), prepared by the -late H. G. Somerby.[633] Many of these papers may also be found in -Chalmers’ _Annals_, 1780, who had great facilities for consulting the -public offices in England.[634] - - * * * * * - -Of general histories of Maine, the earliest was that of James Sullivan, -entitled _The History of the District of Maine_, Boston, 1795, the -territory having been made a Federal district in 1779. Judge Sullivan -was too busy a man to write so complicated a history as that of -Maine; and he fell into some errors, and came short of what would be -expected of a writer at the present day. He was one of the founders -and at that time president of the Massachusetts Historical Society, -and doubtless felt the obligation to do some such work. The next -important _History of Maine_ is that of Judge William D. Williamson, -published at Hallowell, 1832, in two volumes. This contains a vast -amount of material indispensable to the student; but there are -serious errors in the work, made known by the discovery of new matter -since its publication. In 1830 there was published at Saco, Maine, a -small 12º volume, by George Folsom,[635] called _History of Saco and -Biddeford, with Notices of other Early Settlements_, etc. Although a -history of two comparatively small towns, now cities, yet they were -early settlements; and the author, who had a faculty for history, -made his work the occasion of writing a brief but authentic sketch of -the history of Maine under all her multiform governments and varying -fortunes. It was the best town history then written in New England, as -it was also the best history of the Province of Maine.. - -I might mention a volume of _Sketches of the Ecclesiastical History -of Maine from the Earliest Period_, by the Rev. Jonathan Greenleaf of -Wells, published at Portsmouth, 1821. - -In 1831-33 William Willis published his _History of Portland_, in two -parts. The work embraced also sketches of several other towns, and it -was prefaced by an account of the early patents and settlements in -Maine; while the second edition, issued in 1865, is yet more full on -the general history of the province. - -There are other valuable town histories, and I cannot do better than -refer the reader to Mr. William Willis’s “Descriptive Catalogue of -Books relating to Maine,” in _Norton’s Literary Letter_, No. 4, for -1859, and as enlarged in _Historical Magazine_, March, 1870.[636] - -The _Collections_ of the Maine Historical Society,[637] in eight -volumes, contain a large amount of material which illustrates this -early period. The first volume was issued in 1831, and in fact forms -the first part of Willis’s _History of Portland_. The _Collections_ of -the Massachusetts Historical Society, and especially vol. vii. of the -fourth series, should be cited as of special interest here. - -The _Relation_ of the Council for New England, the narratives in -Purchas, Winthrop’s Journal, Hubbard’s _Indian Wars_, and that -author’s _History of New England_ and the _Two Voyages_ of Josselyn, -have already been referred to, and they should be again noted in this -place, as should Dr. Palfrey’s _History of New England_ especially. -Gorges’ _Briefe Narration_, 1658, is most valuable as coming from the -original proprietor himself. Its value is seriously impaired by its -want of chronological order and of dates, and by its errors in date. -In what condition the manuscript was left by its author, and to what -extent the blemishes of the work are attributable to the editor or the -printer, can never be known. Sir Ferdinando died in May, 1647. The -work was written not long before his death, and was published some -twelve years afterward, with two compilations by his grandson and the -sheets of Johnson’s _Wonder-Working Providence_.[638] Notwithstanding -its blemishes, the tract has great value; but it should be read in -connection with other works which furnish unquestionable historical -data. - -The _Memorial Volume of the Popham Celebration_, Aug. 20, 1862 -(Portland, 1862), contains a good deal of historical material; but -a large part of it was, unfortunately, prepared under a strong -theological and partisan bias. In its connection with the settlement at -Sabino, it has been mentioned in an earlier chapter. - -A valuable historical address was delivered at the Centennial -Exhibition at Philadelphia, Nov. 4, 1876, by Joshua L. Chamberlain, -President of Bowdoin College, entitled _Maine, Her Place in History_, -and was published in Augusta in 1877. - - -NEW HAMPSHIRE.—New Hampshire was probably first settled by David -Thomson, in the spring of 1623. The original sources of information -concerning him are the _Records_ of the Council for New England; a -contemporaneous indenture, 1622, recently found among the Winthrop -Papers, and since published; Winslow’s _Good News_, London, 1624, p. -50; Bradford’s _Plymouth Plantation_, p. 154; Hubbard’s _New England_, -pp. 89, 105, 214, 215; Levett’s Voyage[639] to New England in 1623/24; -Pratt’s Narrative, in 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iv. 486, and Gorges’ -_Briefe Narration_, p. 37. All these authorities are summarized by the -present writer in a note, on page 362 of _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, May, -1876, to a paper on “David Thomson and the Settlement of New Hampshire.” - -For the settlement of the Hiltons on Dover Neck, and for the later -history of the town, see _Records_ of the Council; Hubbard; a Paper -on David Thomson in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, as above; 1 _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, iii. 63; _Provincial Papers of New Hampshire_, i. 118, -and the authorities (A. H. Quint and others) there cited; cf. Mr. -Hassam’s paper in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, January, 1882, p. 40; -Winthrop’s Journal, i. 276. - -For the doings of the Laconia Company, and the settlement of -Portsmouth, see Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, who errs respecting the -Laconia patent and the date of the operations of the Company; Hubbard -as above; _Provincial Papers_, where the extant Laconia documents are -printed at length; Jenness’s _Isles of Shoals_, 2d ed., New York, 1875, -and his privately printed (1878) _Notes on the First Planting of New -Hampshire_; the paper on David Thomson, as above; Adams’s _Annals of -Portsmouth; N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, ii. 37. - -For the history of the settlements of Exeter and Hampton see Belknap, -as above; and cf. Farmer’s edition, who holds to the forgery of the -Wheelwright deed of 1629; _Provincial Papers_ as above, pp. 128-153. -For a discussion of the genuineness of the Wheelwright deed, it will -be sufficient, perhaps, to refer to Mr. Savage’s argument against it -in Winthrop’s Journal, i. Appendix, which the present writer thinks -unanswerable, and Governor C. H. Bell’s able defence of it in the -volume of the Prince Society on John Wheelwright.[640] - -Concerning the several patents issued by the Council to cover the -territory of New Hampshire, or parts of it, which afterward appeared -in history, one was made to John Mason, of Nov. 7, 1629, of territory -between the Merrimac and Piscataqua, which, “with consent of the -Council, he intends to name New Hampshire” (Mason was governor of -Portsmouth co. Hants). This grant[641] was printed in Hazard, vol. i., -from “New Hampshire files,” and is in _Provincial Papers_, i. 21. The -Laconia grant of Nov. 17, 1629, to Gorges and Mason, was the basis of a -trading company, as we have already seen, and those associates took out -a new patent, Nov. 3, 1631, of land near the mouth of the Piscataqua. -The Laconia patent is in Massachusetts Archives, and is printed in -_Provincial Papers_, i. 38. The second grant is printed in Jenness’s -_Notes_, above cited, Appendix ii. Hilton’s patent of Dover Neck, or -wherever it may have extended, of March 12, 1629/30, is cited in the -Council _Records_, and is printed _in extenso_ in Jenness’s _Notes_, -Appendix i., which also should be read for a discussion relative to -its boundaries.[642] At the grand division in 1635 Mason had assigned -to him the territory between Naumkeag and Piscataqua, dated April -22, “all which lands, with the consent of the Counsell, shall from -henceforth be called New Hampshire.” Hazard (i. 384) printed the grant -from the “records of the Province of Maine,” and it is also printed in -_Provincial Papers_, i. 33. Mason never improved this grant. All his -operations in New Hampshire, or Piscataqua, as the place was called, -was as a member of the unfortunate Laconia Company. He died soon after -this last grant was issued, and bequeathed the property ultimately -to his grandchildren John and Robert Tufton, whose claims were used -to annoy the settlers on the soil who had acquired a right to their -homesteads by long undisputed possession.[643] - -After the union of the New Hampshire towns with Massachusetts, their -history forms part of the history of that colony, and the _General -Court Records_ may be consulted for information. John S. Jenness’s -_Transcripts of Original Documents in the English Archives relating -to New Hampshire_, privately printed, New York, 1876, is a volume of -great value. An early map of Maine and New Hampshire, of about the -period of 1655, is prefixed to the book. The Appendix to Belknap’s _New -Hampshire_ also contains documents of great value. The _Collections_ -of the New Hampshire Historical Society, consisting of eight volumes, -1824-1866, are rich in material relating to the State; and the three -volumes of _Collections_ published by Farmer and Moore,[644] 1822-1824, -in semi-monthly and then in monthly numbers, should not be overlooked; -nor should the _Collections_ of the Massachusetts Historical Society. - -Of the general histories, that of Dr. Belknap is the first and the -only considerable _History of New Hampshire_, Philadelphia and Boston, -1784-92, 3 vols. The work early acquired the name of “the elegant -History of New Hampshire,” which it deserved. As a writer, Dr. -Belknap’s style was simple and “elegant.” Perhaps after Franklin he -was the best writer of English prose which New England had produced; -and there has been since little improvement upon him. He had the true -historical spirit, and was a good investigator.[645] He fell into an -error respecting some of the early grants of New Hampshire, and the -early part of his History needs revision. He probably never doubted the -genuineness of the Wheelwright deed; but John Farmer, the editor of a -new edition (1831) of his work, believed that document to be a forgery, -and made his book to conform to this idea, though other errors were not -corrected. Palfrey’s _New England_ is of the first authority here after -Belknap.[646] - - -CONNECTICUT.—“_Quinni-tuk-ut_, ‘on long river,’—now -_Connecticut_,—was the name of the valley, or lands on both sides -of the river. In one early deed (1636) I find the name written -_Quinetucquet_; in another of the same year, _Quenticutt_.”[647] - -The name “Connecticut,” as designating the country or colony on the -river of that name, was used by Massachusetts in their commission of -March 3, 1635/36,[648] and it was early adopted by the colonists.[649] - -_Quinnipiac_,—the Indian name of New Haven, written variously, and -by President Stiles, on the authority of an Indian of East Haven, -_Quinnepyooghq_,—is probably “longwater place.”[650] The name New -Haven was substituted by the Court Sept. 5, 1640.[651] - -The first English settlement was made by the Plymouth people at Windsor -in October, 1633, when they sent out a barque with materials for a -trading-house, and set it up there against the remonstrances of the -Dutch, who had themselves established a trading-house at Hartford -some time before.[652] The history of this business is well told by -Bradford (pp. 311-314), with whose narrative compare Winthrop (pp. -105, 181) and Hubbard (pp. 170, 305 _et seq._). - -The story of the settlement of the three towns on the Connecticut -River by emigrants from Massachusetts is told by Winthrop, _passim_, -and by Trumbull; and the _Records_ of Massachusetts show the orders -passed in relation to their removal, and define their political status -during the first year of the settlement, and indeed to a later period. -The Connecticut _Colonial Records_ give abundant information as to -their political relations until the arrival of the Winthrop charter -of 1662, when, after some demurring on the part of New Haven, the two -small jurisdictions were merged into one.[653] A spirited letter from -Mr. Hooker to Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts, written in 1638, -disclosing his suppressed feelings towards some in the Bay Colony for -alleged factious opposition to the emigration to Connecticut, may be -seen in _Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, i. 3-18. What is called the original -Constitution of Connecticut, adopted by the three towns Jan. 14, -1638/39, may be seen in the printed _Colonial Records_, i. 20-25.[654] - -The story of John Winthrop’s second arrival from England, in October, -1635, with a commission from Lord Say and Sele, and Lord Brook and -others, and with £2,000 in money, to begin an independent settlement -and erect a fortification near the mouth of the Connecticut River, and -to be governor there for one year, is told in Winthrop’s Journal (i. -170, 173); and is repeated in full by Trumbull, vol. i. Possession -was taken in the following month. The patent to Lord Say and others, -which was the basis of this movement, is known as the “old patent -of Connecticut,” and may be seen, with Winthrop’s commission, in -Trumbull’s _History_, vol. i., both editions. It purports to be a -personal grant from the Earl of Warwick, then the President of the -Council for New England, bearing date March 19, 1631 (1632 N.S.). -Although the authority by which the grant is made is not given in -the document itself, as is usually the case, it has been confidently -asserted that the Earl of Warwick had received the previous year a -patent for the same territory from the Council for New England, which -was subsequently confirmed by the King.[655] The grant was interpreted -to convey all the territory lying west of the Narragansett River, one -hundred and twenty miles on the Sound, thence onward to the South -Sea.[656] - -The first and second agreements with Fenwick, the agent of the -proprietors, dated Dec. 5, 1644, and Feb. 17, 1646, were first printed -by Trumbull.[657] The account of Fenwick’s arrival in the colony, in -1639, with his family, and his settlement, and the naming of Saybrook, -may be seen in Winthrop.[658] - -The “Capital Laws,” established by Connecticut, Dec. 1, 1642, the first -“Code of Laws,” and the court orders, judgments, and sentences of -the General and Particular Courts, from 1636 to 1662, are printed in -_Connecticut Colonial Records_.[659] - -The contemporaneous accounts of the Pequot War have already been -mentioned under “Massachusetts.” What relates specially to Connecticut -is largely told in the _Colonial Records_. Mason’s narrative is by -far the best of the original accounts which have been published. The -dispute with Massachusetts respecting the division of the conquered -territory; the allotments of the same to the soldiers; the account of -the younger Winthrop’s settlement in the Pequot country, and his claim -to the Nehantick country by an early gift of Sashions, not allowed by -the United Colonies,—may be seen in the records of Massachusetts and -Connecticut, and in the records of the United Colonies.[660] - -The account of the settlement of New Haven by emigrants from -Massachusetts—indirectly from the city of London,—in 1638; of their -purchases of lands from the natives, and of the formation of their -government,—church and civil,—may be seen in Winthrop,[661] and in -_New Haven Colonial Records_.[662] - -The Fundamental Articles, or Original Constitution, of the Colony -of New Haven, June 4, 1639, which continued in force till 1665, was -printed in Trumbull’s _History_, vol. i., in 1797, in Appendix, no. -iv., as also in the later edition, and in the _Colonial Records_, i. -11-17, in which volume the legislative and judicial history of the -colony is recorded for many years. The orders of the General Court, -the civil and criminal trials before the Court of Magistrates, with -the evidence spread out on the pages of the record, and the sentences -following, being, in criminal cases, based on the Laws of Moses, -furnish an unpleasant exhibition; perhaps not more so, however, than -other primitive colonies would have shown if their record of crimes had -been as well preserved. From April, 1644, to May, 1653, the _Records_ -of New Haven jurisdiction are lost. - -What is known as Governor Eaton’s[663] Code of Laws was sent to London -to be printed under the supervision of Governor Hopkins, who had -returned to England a few years before; and an edition of five hundred -copies appeared in 1656, under the title of _New Haven’s Settling -in New England_, etc. The code was first reprinted by Mr. Royal R. -Hinman, at Hartford, in 1838, in a volume entitled _The Blue Laws of -New Haven Colony, usually called Blue Laws of Connecticut, Quaker -Laws of Plymouth and Massachusetts_, etc.; and again, in 1858, at the -end of the second volume of _New Haven Records_, from a rare copy in -the Library of the American Antiquarian Society.[664] The “Articles -of Confederation” of the United Colonies of 1643, whose records are -a mine of history in themselves, were prefixed to this code, and were -here printed for the first time. The _Records_ were first printed by -Hazard in 1794, from the Plymouth copy, and they have more recently -been reprinted by the State of Massachusetts in a volume of the -_Plymouth Records_. Each colony had a copy of those records, but the -only ones preserved are those of Plymouth and of Connecticut. The -latter, containing some entries wanting in the former, are printed at -the end of vol. iii. of the _Connecticut Colonial Records_. - -The Quakers gave little disturbance to either of these colonies. While -the people in Connecticut were divided with the “Half-Way Covenant” -controversy, the Quakers, in July, 1656, made their appearance in -Boston. The United Colonies recommended the several jurisdictions to -pass laws prohibiting their coming, and banishing those who should -come. Connecticut and New Haven took the alarm, and acted upon the -advice given. New Haven subsequently increased the penalties at first -prescribed, yet falling short in severity of the legislation of -Massachusetts.[665] - -The territorial disputes of Connecticut and New Haven with the Dutch at -Manhados, which began early and were of long continuance, find abundant -illustration in Trumbull’s _History of Connecticut_, and in Brodhead’s -_History of New York_, and in the documentary history, of which the -materials were procured by Brodhead, but arranged by O’Callaghan.[666] - -The records of the two colonies show the ample provision made for -public schools, and indicate a project entertained by New Haven as -early as 1648 to found a college,—a scheme not consummated, however, -till a later period. - -The Winthrop charter of 1662, which united the two colonies, is in -Hazard, ii. 597, taken from a printed volume of _Charters_, London, -1766. It had been printed at New London in 1750, in a volume of _Acts -and Laws_, and is in a volume by Samuel Lucas, London, 1850. The -charter bears date April 23, 1662. In an almanac of John Winthrop, -the younger, for the year 1662, once temporarily in my possession, -and now belonging to the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, I noticed this -manuscript note of the former owner, which I copied: “This day, May 10, -in the afternoon, the Patent for Connecticut was sealed.” The orders, -instructions, and correspondence relating to the procuring of this -charter are printed in the _Colonial Records_, text and Appendix, and -in Trumbull, vol. i., text and Appendix.[667] - -The Restoration brought its anxieties as well as its blessings. The -story of the shelter afforded to the regicides Whalley and Goffe, by -New Haven, is an interesting episode. Dr. Stiles’s volume, _A History -of the Three Judges_ [including Colonel Dixwell] _of King Charles I._, -etc. (Hartford, 1794), is a minute collection of facts, though not -always carefully weighed and analyzed.[668] - -The granting of the royal charter of 1662, which was followed next year -by that to Rhode Island, brought on the long controversy with that -colony as to the eastern boundary of Connecticut; and the revival of -the claim of the heirs of the Duke of Hamilton—a claim more easily -disposed of—added to the annoyances. The papers relating to these -controversies may be seen in the _Colonial Records_ of Connecticut, ii. -526-554, and of Rhode Island, ii. 70-75, 128.[669] - -After the union, the earliest printed _Book of General Laws for the -People within the Jurisdiction of Connecticut_ was in 1673,—the code -established the year before. It was printed at Cambridge.[670] - -[Illustration: COLONIAL SECRETARIES. - -[These secretaries held office consecutively: Steele, 1636-39; Hopkins, -1639-40; Wells, 1640-48; Cullick, 1648-58; Clark, 1658-63; Allyn, -1663-65.—ED.]] - -The authorities for the history of Philip’s War—so disastrous -to Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode Island, but from which -“Connecticut,” says Trumbull, “had suffered nothing in comparison -with her sister colonies”—have already been given under the head of -“Massachusetts.” Without citing special documents, it may be said -that Trumbull’s _History of Connecticut_ and Palfrey’s _New England_ -furnish abundant authority from this time down to the conclusion of -the government of New England under Andros, and the narrative of each -may be referred to as fitting, ample, and trustworthy. Trumbull’s -_History_, as an original authority, may well compare for Connecticut -with Hutchinson’s _History_ for Massachusetts. The first volume -(1630-1713) was published in 1797; and, although the titlepage to it -reads “Vol. I.,” the author says in the Preface to vol. ii., first -printed in 1818 (1713-1764), that he never had any design of publishing -another volume. The first volume was reprinted in 1818 as a companion -to vol. ii.[671] - -The _Records_ of Connecticut for the period embraced in this chapter -are abundant, and are admirably edited, with explanatory notes, by Dr. -J. Hammond Trumbull, of Hartford, who has done so much to illustrate -the history of his State, and indeed of New England.[672] I might add -that Dr. Palfrey, in writing the _History of New England_, often had -the benefit of Dr. Trumbull’s learning in illustrating many obscure -points in Connecticut history.[673] - -The _New Haven Colony Records_ end, of course, with the absorption -of that colony by Connecticut. These are well edited, in two volumes -(1638 to 1649, and 1653 to 1665), with abundant illustrations in the -Appendix, by Charles J. Hoadly, M.A., and were published at Hartford in -1857-58. - -The _Collections_ of the Connecticut Historical Society have already -been referred to.[674] - -The New Haven Colony Historical Society is a separate body, devoted to -preserving the memorials of that colony. It has issued three volumes of -_Papers_.[675] - -Among the general histories of Connecticut was one by Theodore Dwight, -Jr., in Harper’s Family Library, 1840; also another by G. H. Hollister, -2 vols., 1855, and enlarged in 1857. A condensed _History of the -Colony of New Haven, before and after the Union_, by E. R. Lambert, -was published at New Haven in 1838; and a more extensive _History of -the Colony of New Haven to its Absorption into Connecticut_, by E. E. -Atwater, was published in New Haven in 1881.[676] There are some town -histories which, for the early period, have almost the character of -histories of the State,—like Caulkins’s _Norwich_ (originally 1845; -enlarged 1866, and again in 1874) and _New London_ (1852); Orcutt and -Beadsley’s _Derby_ (1642-1880); William Cothren’s _Ancient Woodbury_, 3 -vols., published in 1854-79; H. R. Stiles’s _Ancient Windsor_, 2 vols., -1859-63. Barber’s _Connecticut Historical Collections_ is a convenient -manual for ready reference.[677] - - -RHODE ISLAND.[678]—The first published history of the colony of Rhode -Island and Providence Plantations was an _Historical Discourse_, -delivered at Newport in 1738, on the centennial of the settlement of -Aquedneck, by John Callender, minister of that place, and printed at -Boston the next year.[679] - -Twenty-seven years afterward,—that is, in 1765,—there appeared in -seven numbers of a newspaper (the _Providence Gazette_), from January -12 to March 30, “An Historical Account of the Planting and Growth of -Providence.” This sketch, written by the venerable Stephen Hopkins, -then governor of the State, interrupted by the disastrous occurrences -of the times, comes down only to 1645, and remains a fragment.[680] - -_A Gazeteer of the States of Connecticut and Rhode Island_, with maps -of each State, was published at Hartford in 1819, in 8º, compiled -by John C. Pease and John M. Niles. It furnished for the time a -large amount of statistical and historical material. The work gives -a geographical sketch of each county, with details of each town, -and “embraces notices of population, business, etc., together with -biographical sketches of eminent men.” - -“Memoirs of Rhode Island” were written by the late Henry Bull, of -Newport, in 1832, and published in the _Rhode Island Republican_ -(newspaper) of that year.[681] _A Discourse embracing the Civil and -Religious History of Rhode Island, delivered at Newport_, April 4, -1838, by Arthur A. Ross, pastor of a Baptist church at Newport, was -published at Providence in the same year, and is full on the history of -Newport. - -In 1853 there was published in New York an octavo volume of 370 pages, -entitled _History of Rhode Island_, by the Rev. Edward Peterson. “This -book abounds in errors, and is of no historical value. It is not a -continuous history, but is made up of scraps, without chronological -arrangement.”[682] - -In 1859 and 1860 was published the _History of the State of Rhode -Island and Providence Plantations_, by Samuel Greene Arnold, in two -volumes,[683]—a work honorable alike to its author and to the State. -While Mr. Arnold was writing this history, Dr. Palfrey was engaged upon -his masterly _History of New England_. These writers differed somewhat -in their interpretation of historical events and in their estimate of -historical personages, and the student of New England history should -read them both. The value of these works consists not only in the text -or narrative parts, but also in the notes, which for the student, -particularly in Dr. Palfrey’s book, contain valuable information, in a -small compass, upon the authorities on which the narrative rests. - -The late George Washington Greene prepared _A Short History of Rhode -Island_, published in 1877, in 348 pages, which formed an excellent -compendium, much needed. It is compiled largely from Mr. Arnold’s work. - -“The Early History of Narragansett,” by Elisha R. Potter, was published -as vol. iii. of the _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._, in 1835. It is a valuable -collection of events, arranged in chronological order, and illustrated -by original documents in an appendix. - -“The Annals of the Town of Providence from its First Settlement,” etc., -to the year 1832, by William R. Staples, was published, in 1834, as -vol. v. of the _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._ The author says that the work -does not assume to be a “history;” but it is a valuable and authentic -record of events from the time of Roger Williams’s settlement on the -banks of the Mooshausic, in 1636, to the year 1832, illustrated by -original documents, the whole making 670 pages. - -I ought not to omit the mention of several addresses and discourses -delivered before the Rhode Island Historical Society, some of which -have considerable historical interest, as illustrating the principles -on which it is claimed that Rhode Island was founded. Special mention -may be made of the Discourse of Judge Pitman, that of Chief Justice -Durfee, and that of the late Zachariah Allen.[684] - -As Roger Williams is properly held to be the founder of the State of -Rhode Island; and as many of his writings had become quite rare, a -society was formed in 1865, called the “Narragansett Club,” for the -purpose of republishing all his known writings. Vol. i., containing -Williams’s _Key to the Indian Languages of America_, edited by Dr. J. -Hammond Trumbull,[685] was issued in 1866; and vol. vi., the concluding -volume, in which are collected all the known letters of Williams, in -1874. The volumes were published in quarto form, in antique style, -and edited by well-known historical scholars, and are a valuable -contribution to the personal history of Roger Williams and to the -history of the controversy on religious liberty, of which he was the -great advocate.[686] - -The earliest publication of any of Williams’s letters was by Isaac -Backus, in his _History of New England_, etc., 1777, 1784, 1796, in -three volumes, written with particular reference to the Baptists. -It treats largely of Rhode Island history, and is a most authentic -work.[687] - -A series of _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_, beginning in 1878, has -been issued by Sidney S. Rider, of Providence, each being a monograph -on some subject of Rhode Island history. No. 4, on _William Coddington -in Rhode Island Colonial Affairs_, is an unfavorable criticism on the -conduct of Coddington in the episode known as “the Usurpation,” by Dr. -Henry E. Turner.[688] No. 15, issued in 1882, is a tract of 267 pages, -on _The Planting and Growth of Providence_, by Henry C. Dorr. It is a -valuable monograph, and would have been more valuable if authorities -had been more freely cited. - -One valuable source of the history of Rhode Island is the _Records_ of -the colony, and these have been made available for use by publication, -under the efficient editorship of the Hon. John Russell Bartlett, for -a number of years Secretary of State. To make up for the meagreness of -the records in some places, the editor has introduced from exterior -sources many official papers, which make good the deficiencies and -abundantly illustrate the history of the times. The first volume was -issued in 1856, and begins with the “Records of the Settlements at -Providence, Portsmouth, Newport, and Warwick, from their commencement -to their union under the Colony Charter, 1636 to 1647.” - -The early history of Providence is so intimately interwoven with the -life of its founder, that some of the excellent memoirs of Roger -Williams may be read with profit as historical works. A _Memoir of -Williams_, by Professor James D. Knowles, was published in 1834, and is -a minute and conscientious biography of the man; but it is written with -a strong bias in favor of Williams where he comes in collision with the -authorities of Massachusetts. - -A very pleasant memoir of Williams, by Professor William Gammell, -based on that of Knowles, was published in 1845, in Sparks’s _American -Biography_, reissued the next year in a volume by itself. This memoir -was followed in 1852 by _A Life of Roger Williams_, by Professor Romeo -Elton, published in England, where the author then lived, and in -Providence the next year. This is largely based on Knowles’s memoir, -but contains some new matter, notably the Sadlier Correspondence. - -The original authorities for Williams’s career in Massachusetts and -Plymouth are Winthrop and Bradford and the controversial tracts of -Cotton and Williams, from which bits of history may be culled. For a -full presentation and discussion of the facts and principles involved -in Williams’s banishment from Massachusetts, and his alleged offence -to the authorities there, see the late Professor Diman’s Editorial -Preface to Cotton’s _Reply to Williams_, in the second volume of -the Narragansett Club, above cited; Dr. George E. Ellis’s Lecture -on “The Treatment of Intruders and Dissentients by the Founders of -Massachusetts,” in _Lowell Lectures_, Boston, Jan. 12, 1869; Dr. Henry -Martyn Dexter’s _As to Roger Williams_, etc., Boston, 1876;[689] _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, for February, 1873, pp. 341-358; _North American -Review_ for January, 1858, art. xiii. p. 673. - -In Dr. John Clarke’s _Ill News from New England_, London, 1653,[690] -being a personal narrative of the treatment, the year before, by the -authorities of the Bay Colony, of Obadiah Holmes, John Crandall, and -John Clarke, and an account of the laws and ecclesiastical polity of -that colony, is a brief account of the settlement of Providence and of -the island of Rhode Island. - -An important episode in the early history of Rhode Island was the -career of Samuel Gorton, who settled the town of Warwick. I have -already mentioned, under the head of Massachusetts, the original -books in which the story for and against him is told,—_Simplicitie’s -Defence_, written by Gorton, and _Hypocracie Unmasked_, by Edward -Winslow. The former was republished in the _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -vol. ii., in 1835, edited by W. R. Staples, with a preface, notes, and -appendix of original papers. Winslow’s book, now very rare, has never -been reprinted. A “Life of Samuel Gorton,” by John M. Mackie, was -published in 1845 in Sparks’s _American Biography_. After Nathaniel -Morton published his _New England’s Memorial_, in 1669, containing -some reflections on Gorton, the latter wrote a letter to Morton, dated -“Warwick, June 30, 1669,” in his own defence. Hutchinson had the -letter, and printed an abridgment of it in the Appendix to his first -volume. Some forty years ago or less, the original letter came into -the possession of the late Edward A. Crowninshield, of Boston, and he -allowed Peter Force to print it, and it appears entire in vol. iv. of -Force’s _Historical Tracts_, 1846. - -The early settlers of Rhode Island had no patent-claim to lands on -which they planted. The consent of the natives only was obtained. -Williams’s deed, so called, from the Indians, may be seen in vols. -iv. and v. _R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll._; and that to Coddington and -his friends, of Aquedneck, is also in the Appendix to vol. iv. The -parchment charter which Williams obtained from the Parliamentary -Commissioners, dated March 14, 1643, is lost, but it had been copied -several times, and is printed in vols. ii., iii., and iv., _R. I. Hist. -Soc. Coll._ Some copies are dated erroneously March 17. See Arnold’s -_Rhode Island_, i. 114, note. - -For a discussion of the “Narragansett Patent,” so called, issued to -Massachusetts, dated Dec. 10, 1643, see Arnold, i. 118-120; _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._ for February, 1862, pp. 401-406; and June, 1862; pp. -41-77.[691] - -The original charter of Charles II., dated July 8, 1663, is extant. It -was first printed as prefixed to the earliest digest of laws (Boston, -1719), and has been often reprinted. - -The incorporation of Providence plantations under the charter of -1643/44 was delayed for several years, and took place in 1647, when a -code of laws was adopted. This code was first printed in 1847, edited -by Judge William R. Staples, in a volume entitled _The Proceedings -of the First General Assembly of “the Incorporation of Providence -Plantations,” and the Code of Laws adopted by that Assembly in 1647, -with Notes, Historical and Explanatory_ (64 pages). The original -manuscript of these laws is in a volume of the early records in the -Secretary of State’s office. - -The earliest printed digest of laws, entitled _Acts and Laws_, was in -1719,—printed at Boston “for John Allen and Nicholas Boone.”[692] -In this, the following clause appears as part of a law purporting to -have been enacted in March, 1663-64: “And that all men professing -Christianity, and of competent estates and of civil conversation, -who acknowledge and are obedient to the civil magistrate, though -of different judgments in religious affairs (_Roman Catholics only -excepted_), shall be admitted freemen, and shall have liberty to choose -and be chosen officers in the colony, both military and civil.” This -same clause appears in the four following printed digests named above, -and it remained a law of the colony till February, 1783, when the -General Assembly formally repealed so much of it as related to Roman -Catholics. Rhode Island writers consider it a serious reflection upon -the character of the founders of the colony to assert that this clause -was enacted at the time indicated; and one writer (Judge Eddy, in -_Walsh’s Appeal_, 2d ed., p. 433) thinks it possible that the clause -was inserted in a manuscript copy of the laws sent over to England in -1699, without, of course, being enacted into a law. The clause, it is -said, does not exist in manuscript in the archives of the colony, and -is not in the manuscript digest of 1708, though Mr. Arnold, _History_, -ii. 492, inadvertently says it is there. If the clause was originally -smuggled in among the statutes of Rhode Island at a later period than -the date assigned to it (see _R. I. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1872-73, p. -64), it was five times formally re-enacted when the several digests -named above were submitted by their revising committees, and passed the -General Assembly; and it remained a law till 1783. - -In 1762, two persons professing the Jewish religion petitioned the -Superior Court of the colony to be made citizens. Their prayer was -rejected. The concluding part of the opinion of the court is as -follows: “Further, by the charter granted to this colony it appears -that the free and quiet enjoyment of the Christian religion and a -desire of propagating the same were the principal views with which this -colony was settled, and by a law made and passed in the year 1663, -no person who does not profess the Christian religion can be admitted -free of this colony. This Court, therefore, unanimously dismiss this -petition, as wholly inconsistent with the first principles upon which -the colony was founded and a law of the same now in force” (Arnold, -_History_, ii. 492-495). Arnold says that previous to this decision -several Jews and Roman Catholics had been naturalized as citizens by -special acts of the General Assembly. - -Has there not been a misapprehension as to the bearing of this law -or clause disfranchising or refusing to admit to the franchise Roman -Catholics and persons not Christians, and as to Roger Williams’s -doctrine of religious liberty? The charter of Rhode Island declared -that no one should be “molested ... or called in question for any -differences of opinion in matters of religion.” The law in question -does not relate to religious liberty, but to the franchise. Rhode -Island has always granted liberty to persons of every religious -opinion, but has placed a hedge about the franchise; and this clause -does it. Was it not natural for the founders of Rhode Island to keep -the government in the hands of its friends while working out their -experiment, rather than to put it into the hands of the enemies of -religious liberty? How many shiploads of Roman Catholics would it have -taken to swamp the little colony in the days of its weakness? Chalmers -(_Annals_, p. 276) copied his extract of the law in question from -the digest of 1730, as per minutes formerly belonging to him in my -possession. As an historian where could he seek for higher authority? -Indeed, the clause had already been cited by Douglass in his _Summary_, -ii. 83, Boston, 1751; and by the authors of the _History of the British -Dominions in North America_, part i. p. 232, London, 1773. The latter -as well as Chalmers omitted the phrase “professing Christianity.” But -Chalmers was entirely wrong in his comments upon the clause where he -says that “a persecution was immediately commenced against the Roman -Catholics.”[693] - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -THE WINTHROP MAP (_Circa 1633_). - -AMONG the Sloane manuscripts in the British Museum is one numbered -“Add: 5,415, G. 3,” whose peculiar interest to the American antiquary -escaped notice till Mr. Henry F. Waters sent photographs of it to the -Public Library in Boston in 1884, when one of them was laid before the -Massachusetts Historical Society by Judge Chamberlain, of that Library -(_Proceedings_, 1884, p. 211). It was of the size of the original, -somewhat obscure, and a little deficient on the line where its two -parts joined. At the Editor’s request, Mr. Richard Garnett, of the -British Museum, procured a negative on a single glass; and though -somewhat reduced, the result, as shown in the accompanying fac-simile, -is more distinct, and no part is lost. - -The map is without date. The topography corresponds in the main -with that of the map which William Wood added to his _New England’s -Prospect_ (London, 1634), so far as its smaller field corresponds, -and suggests the common use of an earlier survey by the two -map-makers,—if, indeed, Wood did not depend in part on this present -survey. That its observations were the best then made would seem clear -from the fact that Governor Winthrop explained it by a marginal key, -and added in some places a further description to that given by the -draughtsman (as a change in the handwriting would seem to show,—for -instance, in the legend on the Merrimac River), if indeed all is not -Winthrop’s. Who the draughtsman was is not known. There had been in -the colony a man experienced in surveying,—Thomas Graves,—who laid -out Charlestown, before Winthrop’s arrival; but he is not known to -have remained till the period of the present survey, which, if there -has been nothing added to the original draught, was seemingly made as -early as that given by Wood. This last traveller left New England, Aug. -15, 1633; and his description of the plantations about Boston at that -time, which he professes to make complete, is almost identical with the -enumeration on this map, though he gives a few more local names. Wood’s -map is dated 1634; but it seems certain that he carried it with him -in August, 1633,—a date as late apparently as can be attached to the -present draught. - -The key added by Winthrop to the north corner of the map reads as -follows:— - - A: _an Iland cont[aining] 100 acres, - where the Gouven^r. hathe an orchard & a - vineyarde._ - - B: _M^r. Humfryes ferme [farm] house - at Sagus [Saugus]._ - - _Tenhills: the Gouern^{rs}. ferme [farm] - house._ - - _Meadford: M^r. Cradock ferme [farm] - house._ - - C: the Wyndmill} - - D: the fforte } at Boston. - - E: the Weere - -_So far as the rivers are laid thus [shaded], they are navigable w^{th} -the Tide._ - - [SCALE.] - - _Scale of 10: Italian miles - 320 pches [perches] to the mile, - not taken by Instrument, but by estimate._ - -In the north the Merrimac is shown to be navigable to _a fall_. The -stream itself is marked _Merimack river; it runnes 100 miles up into -the Country, and falles out of a ponde 10 miles broad_. It receives -the _Musketaquit riuer_ [Concord] just south of the scale. The long -island near its mouth is Plum Island, but it is not named. The village -of _Agawam_ [Ipswich] is connected by roads [dotted lines] with -_Sagus_ [Saugus], _Salem_, _Winesemett_, and _Meadford_, which is -called “Misticke” in Wood’s text, but “Meadford” in his map. On _Cape -Anne_ peninsula _Anasquom_ is marked. The bay between Marblehead and -Marblehead Neck is called _Marble Harbour_, as by Wood in his map. -_Nahant_ is marked, as are also _Pulln Point_, _Deere I._, _Hogg I._, -_Nottles I._ Governor’s Island is marked _A._, referring to the key. -Charlestown is called _Char:towne_. _Spott Ponde_ flows properly -through Malden River, not named, into the Mystic; and _Mistick river_ -takes the water of a number of ponds. The modern Horn Pond in Woburn is -not shown. The three small ponds near a hill appear to be Wedge Pond -and others in Winchester; the main water is _Mistick pond, 60 fathoms -deepe; horn ponde_ is the modern Spy Pond; Fresh Pond is called 40 -_fathom deepe_. Their watershed is separated by the Belmont hills, -not named, from the valley of the Concord. The villages of _Waterton_ -and _Newtowne_ [Cambridge] are marked on the _Charls River_. The -peninsula of _Boston_ shows Beacon Hill, not named, while _C_ and _D_ -are explained in the key. _Muddy river_ [Muddy Brook in Brookline] -and _Stony river_ [Stony Brook in Roxbury] are correctly placed. -_Rocksbury_ and _Dorchester_ appear as villages. Hills are shown on -Dorchester Neck, or South Boston. _Naponsett river_ is placed with -tolerable correctness. The islands in Boston Harbor are all represented -as wooded. The _waye to Plimouth_, beginning at Dorchester, crosses -the Weymouth rivers above _Wessaguscus_ [Wessagussett]. Trees and -eminences are marked on _Nataskette_ [Hull], and Cohasset is called -_Conyhassett_. The same sign stands for rocks in the Bay and for Indian -villages on the land. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -It may be well further to notice that since the printing of this volume -_A Briefe Discription of New England_, 1660, by Samuel Maverick, has -likewise been discovered in the British Museum by Mr. Waters, and is -printed in the _Proceedings_ of the Massachusetts Historical Society, -October, 1884, and in the _New England Historical and Genealogical -Register_, January, 1885.—ED. - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -=A.= BIBLIOGRAPHICAL.—Rhode Island has been fortunate in its -bibliographer. Mr. John Russell Bartlett, the editor of the State’s -early _Records_, issued at Providence, in 1864, his _Bibliography of -Rhode Island, with Notes, Historical, Biographical, and Critical_ -(150 copies printed). Mr. Bartlett began a “Naval History of Rhode -Island” in the _Historical Magazine_, January, 1870. As the adviser -of the late Mr. John Carter Brown in the forming of what is now so -widely known as the Carter-Brown Library, and as the cataloguer of -its almost unexampled treasures, not only of Rhode Island, but of all -American history, Mr. Bartlett has also conferred upon the student of -American history benefits equalled in the labors of few other scholars -in this department. Mr. Brown erected for himself in his Library a -splendid monument. There may exist in the Lenox Library a rival in -some departments of Americana, but Mr. Bartlett’s Catalogue of the -Providence Collection makes its richness better known. Mr. Brown began -his collections early, and was enabled to buy from the catalogues of -Rich and Ternaux. The Library is now so complete, and its _desiderata_ -are so few and so scarce, that it grows at present but slowly. -Mr. Brown, a son of Nicholas Brown, from whom the university in -Providence received its name, was born in 1797, and died June 10, -1874. But fifty copies of the two sumptuous volumes (1482-1700) -constituting the revised edition of the catalogue (there is a third -volume, 1700-1800, in a first edition) have been distributed, -and they are the Library’s best history; but those not fortunate -enough to have access to them will find accounts of it in the - _Bibliotheca Sacra_, April, 1876; Rogers’s _Libraries of -Providence; N.E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1876; _American -Journal of Education_, xxvii. 237; _American Bibliopolist_, vi. 77, -vii. 91, 228. - -The several volumes of the Rhode Island Historical Society, so far as -they relate to the period under examination, are noted in the preceding -text; but the Society has also issued a volume of _Proceedings_ for -the years 1872-1879. Two supplemental publications of the Rhode Island -antiquaries have been begun lately,—the _Newport Historical Magazine_, -July, 1880, and the _Narragansett Historical Register_, July, 1882, -James N. Arnold, editor, both devoted to southern Rhode Island. - - -=B.= EARLY MAPS OF NEW ENGLAND.—The cartography of New England in -the seventeenth century began with the map of Captain John Smith in -1614 (given in chap. vi.), for we must discard as of little value -the earlier maps of Lescarbot and Champlain. The Dutch were on the -coast at about the same time, and the best development of their work -is what is known as the “Figurative Map” of 1614, which was first -made known in the _Documents relating to the Colonial History of New -York_, i. 13, and in O’Callaghan’s _New Netherland_. The part showing -New England is figured in the _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 57. It -had certain features which long remained on the maps, and its names -became in later maps curiously mixed with those derived from Smith’s -map. It gave the Cape Cod peninsula (here, however, made an island) a -peculiar triangular shape; it exaggerated Plymouth’s harbor; it ran -Martha’s Vineyard and Nantucket into one, and divided Long Island into -several parts. The marked feature of the interior was the bringing -of the Iroquois (Champlain) Lake close down to the salt water, as -Champlain had done in his map of 1612, and as he continued to do in -his larger map of 1632. Blaeu, in his _Atlas_ of 1635, while he copied -the Figurative Map pretty closely, closed the channel which made Cape -Cod an island, and gave the “Lacus Irocociensis” a prolongation in -the direction of Narragansett Bay. De Laet, in 1630, had worked on -much better information in several respects. Cape Cod is much more -nearly its proper shape; and he had got such information from the -Dutch settlements up the Hudson as enabled him to place Lake Champlain -with fair accuracy. A fac-simile of De Laet’s map is given in Vol. IV. -chap. ix. Meanwhile the English had enlarged Smith’s plot, as the map -given on an earlier page from Alexander and Purchas (_Pilgrimes_, iii. -853) shows. Champlain’s plotting in 1632 of the great river of Canada -could not, of course, have been known to this map-maker of 1624, while -Lescarbot’s was. - -[Illustration] - -Pure local work came in with the map which accompanied Wood’s _New -England’s Prospect_, which is called “The south part of New England -as it is planted this yeare, 1634.” It only shows the coast from -Narragansett Bay to “Acomenticus,” on the Maine shore, with a -corresponding inland delineation. Buzzard’s Bay is greatly misshapen; -Cape Cod has something of the contemporary Dutch drawing; and, in a -rude way, the watercourses lie like huge snakes in contortions upon -the land. There are fac-similes of the map in Palfrey, i. 360; Young’s -_Chronicles of Massachusetts_, p. 389, and in other places noted in -the _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 524. Two years later (1636), in -Saltonstall’s English version of the atlas of Mercator and Hondius, the -English public practically got De Laet’s map; and indeed so late as -1670, the map “Novi Belgii et Novæ Angliæ Delineatio,” which is given -alike in Montanus’s _De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld_ and in Ogilby’s -_America_, hardly embodied more exact information. The Hexham English -version of the Mercator-Hondius Atlas, intended for the English market, -but published in Amsterdam by Hondius and Jannson in 1636 (of which -there is a fine copy in the library of the Massachusetts Historical -Society), in its map of “Nova Anglia,” etc., kept up the commingling -of Smith’s plot and names with the present Dutch ones. Blaeu’s of 1635 -was the prototype of the chart in Dudley’s _Arcano del Mare_ (1646), of -which a fac-simile is given in the preceding chapter. - -[Illustration: NEW ENGLAND, 1650. - -This is a reduction of a sketch of a part of a manuscript Map of North -America, dated 1650, of which a drawing is given in the _Massachusetts -Archives; Documents Collected in France_, ii. 61. The key is as -follows:— - - 1. Sauvages Hurons. - 2. Lac des Iroquois [Lake Champlain]. - 3. Sauvages Iroquois. - 4. Sauvages Malectites. - 5. Sauvages Etechemins. - 6. Pemicuit [Pemaquid]. - 7. Pentagouet. - 8. Isle des Monts Deserts. - 9. Baye de Kinibequi. - 10. Sauvages Kanibas. - 11. Caskobé [Casco Bay]. - 12. Pescadoué [Piscataqua]. - 13. Selem [Salem]. - 14. Baston [Boston]. - 15. NOVA ANGLIA. - 16. Sauvages Pequatis [Pequods]. - 17. Plymuth. - 18. Cap Malabar. - 19. Sauvages Narhicans [Narragansetts]. - 20. Isle de Bloque [Block Island]. - 21. Isle de Nantochyte [Nantucket].] - -For the next twenty years the Dutch plotting was the one in vogue. -Visscher, in 1652, disjoined the two principal islands south of -Cape Cod, and gave a better shape to that peninsula; but Crane Bay -(Plymouth) continued to be more prominent than Boston. The French -map of Sanson (1656) so far followed the Dutch as to recognize the -claims of “Nouveau Pays Bas” to stretch through Connecticut, Rhode -Island, and Plymouth Colony, as shown in the sketch in chap. xi. The -old Dutch mistakes and the Dutch names characterize Hendrick Doncker’s -_Paskaert_, in 1659, and other of the Hollanders’ sea-charts of this -time. In 1660, François du Creux’s (Creuxius) _Historia Canadensis_ -converts into a Latin nomenclature, in a curious jumble, the names of -the English, Dutch, and French. This map is given in fac-simile in -Shea’s _Mississippi_, p. 50, and also in Vol. IV. of the present work. -The next year (1661) Van Loon’s _Pascaerte_ was based on Blaeu and De -Laet, and his _Zee-Atlas_, though not recognized by Asher, represents -the best knowledge of the time. There is a copy in Harvard College -Library. There are other maps of Visscher of about this same time, in -which Cape Cod becomes as excessively attenuated as it had been too -large before. - -[Illustration: NEW ENGLAND, 1680. - -This follows a manuscript French map preserved in the Depot des -Cartes et Plans at Paris, as shown in a sketch by Mr. Poore in the -_Massachusetts Archives; Documents Collected in France_, iii. 11.] - -Of the later Dutch charts or maps, the chief place must be given to -that in Roggeveen’s Sea-Atlas, which is called in the English version -_The Burning Fen_, and which still insists in calling the Cape Cod -peninsula in 1675 a part of “Nieuw Holland,” as does one of Jannson’s -of about the same date, in which Smith’s names survive marvellously -when those of other towns had long taken their places. A map, _La -Nouvelle Belgique_, covering also New England, and fashioned on one -of Jannson’s, is annexed to an article, “Une Colonie Néerlandaise,” -by Colonel H. Wauwermans, in the _Bulletin de la Société Géographique -d’Anvers_, iv. 173. The Blaeu map, “Nova Belgica et Anglia Nova,” -found in the Atlas of 1685, still preserves most of the older -Dutch falsities; and that geographer made no one of these errors -so conspicuous as he did in making still nearer than before the -approach of “Lacus Irocociensis” to Narragansett Bay. A short dotted -boundary-line is made to connect them, and he dispelled the old Dutch -claim to southeastern New England, by putting “Nieu Engelland” east of -this line, and “Nieu Nederlandt” west of it. This map was substantially -followed in Allard’s _Minor Atlas_, of a few years later. A new English -cartography sprang up when there came a demand for geographical -knowledge, as the events of Philip’s War engaged general attention. -The royal geographer Speed issued in 1676 a map of New England and New -York in his _Prospect_; but he seems to have followed Visscher and the -other Dutch authorities implicitly, as did Coronelli and Tillemon in -the New England parts of their map of Canada issued in 1688. Stevens, -in his _Bibliotheca Geographica_, p. 229, notes an English map of New -England and New York, which he supposes to belong to 1690, “sold by T. -Bassett, in Fleet Street,” which is seemingly enlarged from so early a -Dutch map as De Laet’s of 1625. The text of Josselyn’s _Voyages_ was -used as the basis of _A Description of New England_, which accompanied -in folio a folded plate, entitled “Mapp of New England, by John Seller, -Hydrographer to the King.” It is without date, but is mentioned in the -_London Gazette_ in 1676, and could not have appeared earlier than -1674, when Josselyn’s book was printed. There is a copy in Harvard -College Library; and it shows the coast from Casco Bay to New York, -with a corresponding interior. These are precisely the bounds in the -map which is given in Mather’s _Magnalia_ in 1702, and which seems, in -parts at least, to have been drawn from Seller’s. Sabin (_Dictionary_, -vol. xiii. no. 52,629) gives _A Description of New England in -general, with a Description of the Town of Boston in particular_, -London, John Seller, 1682, 4º. Seller is also known to have issued a -small sketch map in his _New England Almanac_, 1685 (copy in Harvard -College Library); and still another, of which a fac-simile is given in -Palfrey’s _New England_, iii. 489. There is a map (5 x 4½ inches) -of New England by Robert Morden in R. Blome’s _Present State of his -Majesty’s Isles and Territories in America_, 1687, p. 210, which is -based on Seller’s, and which has been reproduced by the Bradford Club -in their _Papers concerning the Attack on Hatfield and Deerfield_, New -York, 1859. A different map, extending to New France and Greenland, is -given in the Amsterdam editions of Blome, 1688 and 1715. Hubbard’s map, -accompanying his _Narrative of the Troubles in New England_, 1677, a -rude woodcut,—the first attempt at such work in the colony,—extends -only to the Connecticut westerly; but northerly it goes far enough to -take in the White Hills, which in the London reissue of the map are -called “Wine Hills.” This is also given by Palfrey, iii. 155, after the -London plate, and further notes upon it will be found in the _Memorial -History of Boston_, i. 328. There is also a detailed delineation of the -New England coast in John Thornton’s _Atlas Maritimus_, 1701-21. - -In this enumeration of the maps or charts which give New England, or -any considerable part of it, on a scale sufficient for detail, it -is thought that every significant draft is mentioned, though some -repetitions, particularly by the Dutch, have been purposely omitted. - -Modern maps of New England, which indicate the condition of this -period, will be found in Palfrey’s _New England_, vol. i., showing -the geography of 1644, and in vol. iii. that of 1689; and in Uhden’s -_Geschichte der Congregationalisten, Leipsic_, 1840. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE ENGLISH IN NEW YORK, 1664-1689. - -BY JOHN AUSTIN STEVENS. - - -THE trading spirit is not of itself sufficient to establish successful -settlement, and monopolies cannot safely be intrusted with the -government of colonies. The experience of the Dutch in the New -Netherland established this truth, which later experience has fully -confirmed. - -Toward the middle of the seventeenth century Holland controlled the -carrying trade of the world. Nearly one half of the tonnage of Europe -was under her flag. Java was the centre of her East Indian enterprise, -Brazil the seat of her West Indian possessions; and the seas between, -over which were wafted her fleets, freighted with the rich products of -these tropical lands, were patrolled by a navy hardy and brave. Yet it -was at the very zenith of her power that her North American colony, -which proudly bore the name of the Fatherland, was stripped from the -home government at one trenchant blow. - -The cause of this misfortune may be found in the weakness of the Dutch -settlement compared with the more populous New England communities, -which pressed, threatening and aggressive, on its eastern borders. -Under the Dutch rule, New Netherland was never in a true sense a -colony. Begun as a trading-post in 1621, and managed by the Dutch -West India Company, it cannot be said ever to have got beyond -leading-strings, and at the time when it fell into the hands of the -English its entire population did not exceed seven thousand souls, -while the English on its borders numbered not less than fifteen times -as many. - -Nor did the West India Company seem ever to comprehend that their hold -upon the new continent could be maintained only by well-ordered and -continuous colonization. Rapidly enriched by their intercourse with -the natives of the sunny climes in which they established their strong -posts for trade, they seem to have looked for no more from their posts -on the North American coast, or to have had further ambition than to -secure their share of the trade in furs, in which they were met by the -active rivalry and greater enterprise of the French settlers on the -Canadian frontier. - -Yet the territory of New Netherland was by natural configuration the -key of the northern frontier of the American colonies, and indeed, -it may be said, of the continent. The courses of the Hudson and -Mohawk form the sides of a natural strategic triangle, and with the -system of northern lakes and streams connect the several parts of -the broad surface which stretches from the mouth of the St. Lawrence -on the Atlantic to the headwaters of the Columbia at the continental -divide. This vantage-ground at the head of the great valleys through -which water-ways give access to the regions on the slope below, was -the chosen site of the formidable confederacy of the Iroquois, the -acknowledged masters of the native tribes. - -The English jealousy of the Dutch did not spring from national -antipathy, but from the rivalry of trade. The insular position of -England forced her to protect herself abroad, and when Protestant -Holland, by enterprise and skill, drew to herself the commerce of -both the Indies, her success aroused in England the same spirit of -opposition, the same animosity, which had, the century before, been -awakened by the aggrandizement of Catholic Spain. It was the Protestant -Commonwealth of England which passed the Navigation Act of 1660, -especially directed against the foreign trade of her growing rival of -the same religious faith. In this act may be found the germ of the -policy of England not only toward her neighbors, but also toward her -colonies. This act was maintained in active force after the restoration -of Charles II. to the throne. Strictly enforced at home, it was -openly or secretly evaded only in the British American colonies and -plantations. The arm of England was long, but her hand lay lightly -on the American continent. The extent of coast and frontier was too -great to be successfully watched, and the necessities of the colonies -too many and imperious for them to resist the temptation to a trade -which, though illicit, was hardly held immoral except by the strictest -constructionists of statute law; and it was with the Dutch that this -trade was actively continued by their English neighbors of Maryland -and Virginia, as well as by those of New England. In 1663 the losses -to the revenue were so extensive that the farmers of the customs, who, -after the fashion of the period, enjoyed a monopoly from the King at -a large annual personal cost, complained of the great abuses which, -they claimed, defrauded the revenue of ten thousand pounds a year. -The interest of the kingdom was at stake, and the conquest of the New -Netherland was resolved upon. - -This was no new policy. It had been that of Cromwell, the most -sagacious of English rulers, and was only abandoned by him because of -the more immediate advantages secured by his treaty with the Grand -Pensionary, a statesman only second to Oliver himself. The expedition -which Cromwell had ordered was countermanded, and the Dutch title to -the New Netherland was formally recognized by the treaty of 1654. -It seems rational to suppose that the English Protector foresaw the -inevitable future fall of the Dutch-American settlement, hemmed in by -growing English colonies fostered by religious zeal, and that he was -willing to wait till the fruit was ripe and of easy grasp to England. - -It is the fashion of historians to ascribe the seizure of the New -Netherland to the perfidy of Charles; but the policy of kingdoms -through successive administrations is more homogeneous than appears -on the surface. The diplomacy of ministers is usually traditional; -the opportunity which seems to mark a change is often but an incident -in the chain. That which presented itself to Clarendon, Charles’s -Lord Chancellor, was the demand made by the States-General that the -boundary line should be established between the Dutch and English -possessions in America. Consent on the part of Charles would have been -a ratification of Cromwell’s recognition of 1654. This demand of the -Dutch Government, made in January, 1664, close upon the petition of -the farmers of the customs of December, 1663, precipitated the crisis. -The seizure of New Amsterdam and the reduction of New Netherland was -resolved upon. Three Americans who happened to be in London,—Scott, -Baker, and Maverick,—were summoned before the Council Board, when -they presented a statement of the title of the King, the intrusion -of the Dutch, and of the condition of the settlement. The Chancellor -held their arguments to be well grounded, and on the 29th of February -an expedition was ordered “against the Dutch in America.” The demand -of the Holland Government was no doubt stimulated by the intrigues of -Sir George Downing, who had been Cromwell’s ambassador at the Hague, -and was retained by Charles as an adroit servant. A nephew of the -elder Winthrop and a graduate from Harvard, Downing appears to have -determined upon the acquisition by England of the Dutch provinces, -which were held by the New England party to be a thorn in the side of -English American colonization. The expedition determined upon, Scott -was sent back to New England with a royal commission to enforce the -Navigation Laws. The next concern of the Chancellor was to secure to -the Crown the full benefit of the proposed conquest. He was as little -satisfied with the self-rule of the New England colonies as with the -presence of Dutch sovereignty on American soil; and in the conquest -of the foreigner he found the means to bring the English subject into -closer dependence on the King. - -James Duke of York, Lord High Admiral, was the heir to the crown. He -had married the daughter of Edward Hyde, the Chancellor of the kingdom, -who now controlled its foreign policy. A patent to James as presumptive -heir to the crown, from the King his brother, would merge in the -crown; and a central authority strongly established over the territory -covered by it might well, under favorable circumstances, be extended -over the colonies on either side which were governed under limitations -and with privileges directly secured by charter from the King. In this -adroit scheme may be found the beginning in America of that policy of -personal rule, which, begun under the Catholic Stuart, culminated under -the Protestant Hanoverian, a century later, in the oppression which -aroused the American Revolution. The first step taken by Clarendon -was the purchase of the title conveyed to the Earl of Stirling in 1635 -by the grantees of the New England patent. This covered the territory -of Pemaquid, between the Saint Croix and the Kennebec, in Maine, and -the Island of Matowack, or Long Island. The Stirling claim had been -opposed and resisted by the Dutch; but Stuyvesant, the Director of New -Netherland, had in 1650 formally surrendered to the English all the -territory south of Oyster Bay on Long Island and east of Greenwich -on the continent. A title being thus acquired by the adroitness of -Clarendon, a patent was, on the 12th of March, 1664, issued by Charles -II. to the Duke of York, granting him the Maine territory of Pemaquid, -all the islands between Cape Cod and the Narrows, the Hudson River, and -all the lands from the west side of the Connecticut to the east side -of Delaware Bay, together with the islands of Martha’s Vineyard and -Nantucket. The inland boundary was “a line from the head of Connecticut -River to the source of Hudson River, thence to the head of the Mohawk -branch of Hudson River, and thence to the east side of Delaware Bay.” -The patent gave to the Duke of York, his heirs, deputies, and assigns, -“absolute power to govern within this domain according to his own rules -and discretions consistent with the statutes of England.” In this -patent the charter granted by the King to the younger John Winthrop in -1662 for Connecticut, in which it was stipulated that commissioners -should be sent to New England to settle the boundaries of each colony, -was entirely disregarded. The idea of commissioners for boundaries -now developed with larger scope, and the King established a royal -commission, consisting of four persons recommended by the Duke of York, -whose private instructions were to reduce the Dutch to submission and -to increase the prerogatives of the Crown in the New England colonies, -which Clarendon considered to be “already well-nigh ripened to a -commonwealth.” - -[Illustration] - -Three of these commissioners were officers in the Royal army,—Colonel -Richard Nicolls, Sir Robert Carr, Colonel George Cartwright. The fourth -was Samuel Maverick, an earnest adherent of the Church of England and -bitter enemy of Massachusetts, in which colony he had passed his early -manhood. These commissioners, or any three or two of them,—Nicolls -always included,—were invested with full power in all matters, -military and civil, in the New England colonies. To Colonel Nicolls the -Duke of York entrusted the charge of taking possession of and governing -the vast territory covered by the King’s patent. To one more capable -and worthy the delicate trust could not have been confided. He was in -the fortieth year of a life full of experience, of a good Bedfordshire -family, his father a barrister of the Middle Temple. He had received an -excellent education. When, at the age of nineteen, the Civil War broke -out, he at once joined the King’s forces, and, obtaining command of a -troop of horse, clung persistently to the Royal cause. Later, he served -on the Continent with the Duke of York in the army of Turenne. At the -Restoration he was rewarded for his fidelity with the post of Groom -of the Bedchamber to the Duke, to whose interests he devoted himself -with loyalty, prudence, and untiring energy. His title under the new -commission was that of Deputy-Governor; the tenure of his office, the -Duke’s pleasure.[694] - -The English Government has never been scrupulous as to method in the -attainment of its purposes, justification being a secondary matter. -When the news of the gathering of the fleet reached the Hague, and -explanation was demanded of Downing as to the truth of the reports that -it was intended for the reduction of the New Netherland, he boldly -insisted on the English right to the territory by first possession. -To a claim so flimsy and impudent only one response was possible,—a -declaration of war. But the Dutch people at large had little interest -in the remote settlement, which was held to be a trading-post rather -than a colony, and not a profitable post at best. The West India -Company saw the danger of the situation, but its appeals for assistance -were disregarded. Its own resources and credit were unequal to the -task of defence. Meanwhile the English fleet, composed of one ship -of thirty-six, one of thirty, a third of sixteen, and a transport of -ten guns, with three full companies of the King’s veterans,—in all -four hundred and fifty men, commanded by Colonels Nicolls, Carr, and -Cartwright,—sailed from Portsmouth for Gardiner’s Bay on the 15th -of May. On the 23d of July Nicolls and Cartwright reached Boston, -where they demanded military aid from the Governor and Council of the -Colony. Calling upon Winthrop for the assistance of Connecticut, and -appointing a rendezvous at the west end of Long Island, Nicolls set -sail with his ships and anchored in New Utrecht Bay, just outside of -Coney Island, a spot since historical as the landing-place of Lord -Howe’s troops in 1776. Here Nicolls was joined by militia from New -Haven and Long Island. The city of New Amsterdam was at once cut off -from all communication with the shores opposite, and a proclamation -was issued by the commissioners guaranteeing the inhabitants in their -possessions on condition of submission. The Hudson being in the -control of the English vessels, the little city was defenceless. The -Director, Stuyvesant, heard of the approach of the English at Fort -Orange (Albany), whither he had gone to quell disturbances with the -Indians. Returning in haste, he summoned his council together. The -folly of resistance was apparent to all, and after delays, by which the -Director-General sought to save something of his dignity, a commission -for a surrender was agreed upon between the Dutch authorities and -Colonel Nicolls. The capitulation confirmed the inhabitants in the -possession of their property, the exercise of their religion, and -their freedom as citizens. The municipal officers were continued in -their rule. On the 29th of August, 1664, the articles were ratified, -and Stuyvesant marched out from Fort Amsterdam, at the head of his -little band with the honors of war, and embarked the troops on one -of the West India Company’s ships for Holland. Stuyvesant himself -remained for a time in the city. The English entered the fort, the -Dutch flag was hauled down, the English colors hoisted in its place, -and the city passed under English rule. The first act of Nicolls on -taking possession of the fort, in which he was welcomed by the civic -authorities, was to order that the city of New Amsterdam be thereafter -known as New York, and the fort as Fort James, in honor of the title -and name of his lord and patron. - -At the time of the surrender the city gave small promise of its -magnificent future. Its entire population, which did not exceed 1,500 -souls, was housed within the triangle at the point of the island, the -easterly and westerly sides of which were the East and North Rivers, -and the northern boundary a wall stretching across the entire island -from river to river. Beyond this limit was an occasional plantation -and a small hamlet known as New Haarlem. The seat of government -was in the fort. Nicolls now established a new government for the -province. A force was sent up the Hudson under Captain Cartwright, -which took possession of Fort Orange, the name of which was changed -to Albany, in honor of a title of the Duke of York. On his return, -Cartwright took possession of Esopus in the same manner (the name of -this settlement was later changed to Kingston). The privileges granted -to the inhabitants of New Amsterdam were extended to these towns. The -volunteers from Long Island and New England were now discharged to -their homes. - -The effect of the prudent and conciliatory measures of Nicolls, which -in the beginning had averted the shedding of a single drop of blood, -and now appealed directly to the good sense of the inhabitants, was -soon apparent. The fears of the Dutch were entirely allayed, and as -no inequality was imposed upon them, they had no reason to regret the -change of rule. Their pride was conciliated by the continuance of -their municipal authorities, and by the cordial manner in which the -new-comers arranged that the Dutch and English religious service should -be held consecutively under the same roof,—that of the Dutch church -in the fort. Hence when Nicolls, alive to the interests of his master, -which could be served only by maintaining the prosperity of the colony, -proposed to the chief citizens that instead of returning to Holland, -as had been arranged for in the capitulation, they should take the -oath of allegiance to the King of Great Britain and of obedience to -the Duke of York, they almost without exception, Stuyvesant himself -included, accepted the conditions. The King’s authority was thus -peaceably and firmly established in the metropolis and in the outlying -posts of the province of New York proper, which, by the King’s patent -to the Duke, included all the territory east of the Delaware. The -commissioners next proceeded to reduce the Dutch settlements on the -Delaware, and established their colleague, Carr, in command, always -however in subordination to the government of New York. The necessities -of their condition, dependent upon trade, brought the Dutch inhabitants -into easy subjection. Indeed it seems that though their attachment -to the mother country, its laws and its customs, was unabated, the -long neglect of their interests by the Holland Government had greatly -weakened if not destroyed any active sentiment of loyalty. - -The southern boundary established, the commissioners turned to the -more difficult task of establishing that to the eastward. The Duke of -York’s patent covered all the territory claimed alike by the Dutch and -by the Connecticut colony under its charter of 1662,—involving an -unsettled controversy. A joint commission finally determined the matter -by assigning Long Island to New York, and establishing a dividing -line between New York and Connecticut, to run about twenty miles -distant eastwardly from the Hudson River. The superior topographical -information of the Connecticut commissioners secured the establishment -of this line in a manner not intended by the Board at large. The -boundary was not ratified by the royal authorities, and was later the -source of continual dispute and of endless bad feeling between the two -colonies. - -Nicolls next settled the rules of the customs, which were to be paid -in beaver skins at fixed valuations. Courts were now established,—an -English modification of those already existing among the Dutch. These -new organizations consisted of a court of assizes, or high court of -law and equity. Long Island was divided, after the English manner, -into three districts or ridings, in which courts of sessions were held -at stated intervals. The justices, sitting with the Governor and his -Council once in each year in the Court of Assizes, formed the supreme -law-making power, wholly subordinate to the will of the Governor, and, -after him, to the approval of the Duke. To this body fell the duty of -establishing a code of laws for such parts of the province as still -remained under the Dutch forms of government. Carefully examining -the statutes of the New England colonies, Nicolls prepared from them -a code of laws, and summoning a convention of delegates of towns to -meet at Hempstead on Long Island, he submitted it for their approval. -These laws, though liberal in matters of conscience and religion, -did not permit of the election of magistrates. To this restriction -many of the delegates demurred; but Nicolls fell back upon the terms -of his commission, and the delegates submitted with good grace. The -code thus established is known in jurisprudence as the “Duke’s Laws.” -Its significant features were trial by jury; equal taxation; tenure -of lands from the Duke of York; no religious establishment, but -requirement of some church form; freedom of religion to all professing -Christianity; obligatory service in each parish every Sunday; -recognition of negro slavery under certain restrictions; and general -liability to military duty. - -Next in order came the conforming of the style and manner of the city -governments to the custom of England. The Dutch form was abolished, -and a mayor, aldermen, and sheriff appointed. The Dutch citizens -objected to this change from the habit of their forefathers, but -as the preponderance of numbers was given to citizens of their -nationality, the objection was not pressed, and the new authorities -were quietly inaugurated, if not with acquiescence, at least without -opposition or protest. These changes occurred in June, 1665. Thus in -less than a single year, in a population the Dutch element of which -outnumbered the English as three to one, by the moderation, tact, -energy, and remarkable administrative ability of Nicolls, was the -conquered settlement assimilated to the English body politic to which -it was henceforth to belong, and from the hour of transmutation it -was accustomed to look to Great Britain itself for government and -protection. Such was the first step in the transition of the seat of -the “armed commercial monopoly” of New Amsterdam, through various -modifications and changes, to the cosmopolitan city of the present day. - - * * * * * - -The war which the violent seizure of New Netherland precipitated upon -Europe was little felt on the western shores of the Atlantic. There was -nothing in New York itself, independently of its territorial situation, -to tempt a _coup de main_. There were “no ships to lose, no goods to -plunder.” For nearly a year after the capture no vessel arrived from -England with supplies. In the interval the King’s troops slept upon -canvas and straw. The entire cost of maintaining the garrison fell -upon the faithful Nicolls, who nevertheless continued to build up -and strengthen his government, personally disposing of the disputes -between the soldiers and settlers at the posts, encouraging settlement -by liberal offers to planters, and cultivating friendly relations with -the powerful Indian confederacy on the western frontier. While thus -engaged in the great work of organizing into a harmonious whole the -imperial domain to his charge, which, extending from the Delaware to -the Connecticut, with the Hudson as its central artery, was of itself -a well rounded and perfect kingdom, he received the disagreeable -intelligence that his work of consolidation had been broken by the Duke -of York himself. James, deceived as to gravity of the transaction, -influenced by friendship, or because of more immediate personal -considerations, granted to Carteret and Berkeley the entire territory -between the Hudson River on the east, Cape May on the southward, and -the northern branch of the Delaware on the west, to which was given the -name of Nova Cæsarea or New Jersey. In this grant, however, the Duke -of York did not convey the right of jurisdiction; but the reservation -not being expressed in the document, the grantees claimed that it -also passed to them, an interpretation which received no definitive -settlement for a long period.[695] - -While the Dutch Government showed no disposition to attempt the -recovery of their late American territory by immediate attack, they -did not tamely submit to the humiliation put upon them, but strained -every nerve to maintain the honor of their flag by sea and land. For -them as for the English race, the sea was the natural scene of strife. -The first successes were to the English fleet, which, under the command -of the Duke of York in person, defeated the Dutch at Lowestoffe, and -compelled them to withdraw to the cover of their forts. Alarmed at -the triumph of England and at the prospect of a general war, Louis -XIV. urged peace upon the States-General, and proposed to the English -King an exchange of the territory of New Netherland for the island of -Poleron, one of the Banda or Nutmeg Islands, recently taken from the -English,—a kingdom for a mess of pottage. But Clarendon rejected the -mediation, declining either exchange or restitution in a manner that -forced upon the French King a declaration of war. This declaration, -issued Jan. 29, 1666, was immediately replied to by England, and the -American colonies were directed to reduce the French possessions to the -English crown. Here was the beginning of the strife on the American -continent which culminated a century later in the conquest of Canada -and the final supremacy of the English race on the Western continent. - -While the settlers of New England, cut off from the Western country by -the Hudson River and the Dutch settlements along its course, and alike -from Canada by pathless forests, and in a manner enclosed by races -whose foreign tongues rendered intercourse difficult, were rapidly -multiplying in number, redeeming and cultivating the soil and laying -the foundations of a compact and powerful commonwealth, divided perhaps -in form, but one in spirit and purpose, their northern neighbors were -no less active under totally different forms of polity. The primary -idea of French as of Spanish colonization was the conversion of the -heathen tribes. The first empire sought was that of the soul; the -priests were the pioneers of exploration. The natives of the soil -were to be first converted, then brought, if possible, through this -subtile influence into alliance with the home government. This peaceful -scheme failing, military posts were to be established at strategic -points to control the lakes and streams and places of portage, the -highways of Indian travel, and to hold the country subject to the King -of France. Unfortunately for the success of this comprehensive plan, -there was discord among the French themselves. The French military -authorities and the priests were not harmonious either in purpose -or in conduct. The Society of Jesus would not subordinate itself to -the royal authority. Moreover the Iroquois confederacy of the Five -Nations, which held the valley of the Mohawk and the lakes south of -Ontario, were not friendly at heart to the Europeans. They had not -forgotten nor forgiven the invasion by Champlain; yet, recognizing -the value of friendly relations with a power which could supply them -with firearms for their contests with the fierce tribes with whom -they were at perpetual war, they welcomed the French to dwell among -them. French policy had declared itself, even before England made -her first move for a consolidation of her power in America. In 1663 -the Old Canada Company surrendered its rights to Louis XIV., who at -once sent over a Royal Commissary to organize a colonial government. -The new administration established by him was not content with the -uncertain relations existing with the Iroquois, which the fierce -hostility of the Mohawks, the most important and powerful of the -confederate tribes, constantly threatened to turn into direct enmity. -A policy of conquest was determined upon. An embassy sent by the -Iroquois to Montreal to treat for peace in 1664 was coldly received, -and the next year the instructions of the French King declared the Five -Nations to be “perpetual and irreconcilable enemies of the colony.” -Strong military assistance arrived to enforce the new policy, and -before the year closed, the Marquis de Tracy, the new viceroy, had -erected fortified posts which controlled the entire course of the St. -Lawrence. In December four of the confederate tribes,—the Onondagas, -Oneidas, Cayugas, and Senecas,—alarmed at this well-ordered progress -toward their territory, made submission, and entered into a treaty by -which Louis was acknowledged as their protector and sovereign. The -Mohawks alone were not a party to this arrangement. They refused to -acknowledge subjection. To punish their obstinacy the viceroy at once -despatched an expedition against their villages. Missing its way, it -was attacked near Schenectady by a party of Mohawks. The news of the -skirmish alarmed the English at Albany. From their pickets Courcelles, -the commander of the French expedition, first learned of the reduction -of the Dutch province to English rule, and, it is reported, said in -disturbed mind, “that the King of England did grasp at all America.” - -Thus for the first time within the limits of the New York province the -English and French were confronted with each other on the territory -which was destined to become the scene of a century of strife; and thus -also were the Mohawks naturally inclined to the only power which could -protect them against the aggressions of the French. Nicolls induced -the Mohawks to treat for peace with the French. He also urged the -Connecticut authorities to arrange a peace between the Mohicans and -the Mohawks; and negotiations were opened in time to counteract the -French emissaries, who were already tampering with the former tribe. -Shortly after these successful mediations, instructions arrived from -King Charles to undertake hostilities against Canada; but Connecticut -refusing to join in an expedition, and Massachusetts, considering the -reduction of Canada as not at the time feasible, Nicolls changed his -tactics, and declared to the Canadian viceroy his purpose to maintain -peace, provided the bounds and limits of his Majesty’s dominions were -not invaded. Meanwhile, the Oneidas having ratified the treaty made by -their colleague tribes with the French, the Mohawks were left alone -in resistance, and committed outrages which the viceroy determined to -punish. Leading an expedition in person, he marched upon the Mohawks, -captured and destroyed their four villages, burned vast quantities -of stored provisions, devastated their territory, and took formal -possession of the country in the name of the King of France. Yet such -was the independent spirit of this proud tribe, that it required the -threat of another expedition to bring them to submission. A treaty was -made by which they consented to receive missionaries. This completed -the title of possession of the Western territory which the French -Government was preparing against a day of need. - -The war in Europe was closed by the treaty of Breda, which allowed -the retention by each of the conflicting parties of the places it -occupied. This provision confirmed the English in peaceful and rightful -possession of their conquest of New Netherland. The intelligence was -proclaimed New Year’s Day, 1668. It enabled the Duke of York to accede -at last to the repeated requests of his faithful and able deputy, and -permission was granted to Nicolls to return to England. His successor, -Colonel Francis Lovelace, relieved him in his charge in August -following. - -[Illustration] - -Francis Lovelace, the successor of Nicolls, continued his policy with -prudence and moderation. To him the merchants of the city owed the -establishment of the first exchange or meeting-place for transaction -of business at fixed hours. He encouraged the fisheries and whaling, -promoted domestic trade with Virginia, Massachusetts, and the West -India Islands, and took personal interest in ship-building. By his -encouragement the first attempt toward a post-road or king’s highway -was made. During his administration the first seal was secured for -the province, and one also for the city. He appears to have concerned -himself also in the conversion to Christianity of the Indian tribes,—a -policy which Nicolls initiated; but as yet there was no printing press -in the province to second his efforts. Of more practical benefit was -his interference to arrest the sale of intoxicating liquors to the -savage tribes from the trading-post at Albany. - -In 1668 the policy of the English Government again veered. A treaty, -known as the Triple Alliance, was signed between Great Britain, the -United Provinces, and Sweden, to arrest the growing power and ambitious -designs of France. Popular in the mother country, the alliance gave -peculiar satisfaction to the New York province, and somewhat allayed -the disappointment with which the cancellation of the order permitting -the Dutch freely to trade with New York was received by its citizens -of Holland descent. Throughout the Duke’s province there was entire -religious toleration. None were disturbed in the exercise of their -worship. At Albany the parochial Dutch church was maintained under his -authority, and in New York, he authorized the establishment of a branch -of the Dutch Reformed Church, and directed the payment of a sufficient -salary to the minister invited from Holland to undertake its charge. - -The efforts begun by Nicolls and continued by Lovelace, to bring into -harmonious subjection the diverse elements of the Duke’s government -were not wholly successful. The inhabitants of eastern Long Island -clung tenaciously to the traditions of the Connecticut colony, and -petitioned the King directly for representation in the Government; -but the Council for Plantations denied the claim, on the ground that -the territory was in the limits of the Duke of York’s patent and -government. The unsettled boundaries again gave trouble, Massachusetts -renewing her claim to the navigation of the Hudson, which the Dutch -had, during their rule, successfully resisted. Massachusetts further -claimed the territory to the Pacific westward of the line of the Duke -of York’s patent. The contiguous territory was however held by the -Mohawks, who had never acknowledged other sovereignty than their own. -In 1672 this tribe made a considerable sale of lands on the Mohawk -River to the inhabitants of Schenectady, by which New York practically -acquired title to the soil as well as sovereignty. - -In 1672 English politics again underwent a change. The Triple Alliance -was dissolved, and a secret treaty entered into with France. War was -declared against the Dutch. In a severe action at Solebay, the Dutch -won an advantage over the allied fleets of England and France. In -the engagement Nicolls, the late governor of the New York province, -fell, killed by a cannon ball, at the feet of his master, the Duke of -York, Lord High Admiral of England, who commanded the British fleet. -But while the Dutch maintained an equality at sea with the combined -fleets of the powers, their fortune on land was not as favorable. -Turenne and Condé led the armies of France to the soil of the Dutch -Republic, and to mark his advantage, Louis XIV. brought his court to -Utrecht. A revolution in Holland was the immediate consequence. The -Grand Pensionary, who in his alarm sought peace, lost the favor of the -people, resigned his office, and was quickly murdered by the excited -followers of William of Orange. William, having demanded and obtained -appointment as Stadtholder, at once placed himself at the head of the -war party, and active hostilities were prosecuted by sea and land, -both far and near. Among the rumors which reached the inhabitants -of the New York province, whose kinsmen were again at war with each -other, was one to the effect that a Dutch squadron which had been -despatched against the West India colonies was on its way along the -Atlantic coast. Lovelace discredited the information, and seems to -have made no immediate efforts to strengthen the forts. Troops were -called in, however, from the river garrisons and the posts on the -Delaware; but their number, with the volunteers, reached only three -hundred and thirty men. The alarm soon subsiding, the new-comers were -dismissed, and the garrison left in Fort James did not exceed eighty -men. Lovelace himself, in entire serenity of mind, left the city on a -visit to Governor Winthrop in Connecticut. The rumor, however, proved -true. The Dutch squadron, after capturing or destroying the Virginia -fleet of tobacco ships in the Chesapeake, sailed northward, and on -Aug. 7, 1673, anchored off Staten Island. Informed of the precise -state of the New York defences by the captain of a prize captured -at the mouth of James River, the Dutch commander made an immediate -demand for the surrender of the city. The Dutch fleet, commanded by -Evertsen, originally consisting of fifteen ships, had been reinforced -in its course by seven men-of-war, and with its prizes now numbered -twenty-seven sail, which carried sixteen hundred men. Against this -force no resistance was possible. On the morning of the 8th the fleet -moved up the bay, exchanged shots with the fort, and landed six hundred -men on the shore of the Hudson just above the city, where they were -joined by a body of the Dutch burghers. A storming party was advanced, -under command of Captain Anthony Colve, to whom Captain Manning, who -commanded in the Governor’s absence, surrendered the fort, the garrison -being permitted to march out with the honors of war. Thus New York was -again surrendered without the shedding of a drop of blood. - -A few days later Lovelace, entrapped into a visit to the city, was -first courteously entertained, then arrested on a civil suit for debt -and detained. The river settlements of Esopus and Albany surrendered -without opposition; and those in the immediate neighborhood of the -city, where the Dutch population was in ascendency, made submission. -The eastern towns of Long Island, of English descent, came in with -reluctance. The commodores Evertsen and Binckes, who acted as council -of war of New Netherland, after confiscating the property of the -Duke of York and of his agent, by proclamation commissioned Captain -Anthony Colve Governor-General of the country, and set sail for -Holland,—Binckes taking Lovelace with him on his ship at his request. - -New York had greatly changed in nine years of English rule. From a -sleepy Dutch settlement it had become the capital of a well-ordered -province. Colve, the new Dutch governor, went through the form of a -return to the old order of city government of the home pattern, and -prepared a provincial Instruction to which the outlying towns were to -conform. Massachusetts again asserted her old claim to run her southern -line to the Hudson, and Connecticut hankered once more after the -fertile towns of Long Island, settled by her sons. But Massachusetts -had no disposition to take up arms to restore the Duke of York to -his possessions. The refusal of the Duke to take the test oath of -conformity to the Protestant religion of the Established Church, and -the leaning of Charles to the French alliance, alarmed the Puritans, -and Connecticut was content, by volunteer reinforcements, to strengthen -the eastern towns in their resistance to Colve’s authority. - -The news of the recapture of New York reached Holland in October, -when Joris Andringa was by the States-General appointed governor of -New Netherland under the instructions of the Board of Admiralty. -Notwithstanding the earnest request of the Dutch inhabitants of -the reconquered province and the petition of persons interested in -its trade in the mother country, the States-General recognized the -impossibility of holding their American possessions on the mainland, -surrounded as they were by a growing and aggressive English population. -The Prince of Orange, with true statesmanship, saw that the only -safety of the Republic was in a concentration of resources in order -to oppose the power of France. The offer of a restitution of New -Netherland was directly made to Charles II. as an evidence of the -desire for peace and a good understanding. Charles referred the subject -to Parliament, which instantly recommended acceptance, and within three -days a treaty was drawn up and signed at Westminster, which once more -and finally transferred the province of New York to the King of Great -Britain. Proclamation of the treaty was made at Guild Hall early in -July, 1674. The news came by way of Massachusetts and Connecticut. -Connecticut determined to make one more push for the control on Long -Island of Southampton, Easthampton, and Southold, and petitions were -addressed to the King. At the same time she sought again to include the -territory between the boundary line established in 1664 and the Hudson. -And it may be stated as a curious instance of the politics of the -time, that some friend of Massachusetts, urged by her agent in London, -actually contemplated the purchase of the entire province of New York -in her interest. - -The new governor appointed by the King to receive the surrender of the -New Netherland was one Edmund Andros, major in a dragoon regiment. In -continuance of the liberal policy of 1664, all the inhabitants were by -his instructions confirmed in their rights and privileges, and in the -undisturbed possession of their property. By the treaty of Westminster, -the New Netherland, the rightful possession of which by the Dutch -was implied by its tenor, was ceded to the King. Although termed a -restitution, it was held that the rights of the Duke of York had been -extinguished by the conquest, and that restitution to the sovereign did -not convey restoration to the subject. The Duke of York, now better -informed as to the nature and value of the territory, on June 29, 1674, -obtained from his royal brother a new patent with enlarged authority. -To Andros, who bore the King’s authority to receive submission, the -Duke now conferred his commission to govern the province in his -name. Lieutenant Anthony Brockholls was named his successor in case -of death. Andros was a man of high character, well suited by nature -and experience to carry out the policy of his master,—the policy -skilfully inaugurated by Nicolls and loyally pursued by Lovelace,—the -institution of an autocratic government of the most arbitrary nature in -form, but of extreme mildness in practice; one which, insuring peace -and happiness to the subject, would best contribute to the authority -and revenue of the master. Colonization was encouraged, the customs -burdens lightened, the laws equally administered, and freedom of -conscience secured. Although the Duke of York, in his refusal to take -the test oath prescribed by the Act of 1673, had proclaimed himself an -adherent of the Church of Rome, and Brockholls was a professed Papist, -and neither master nor servant could hold office in England under that -Act, and although the British American colonies were not within its -provisions, yet it does not appear that any effort was made by the -Church of Rome to exercise its religion under the guarantee of the -King and of the Duke. There were doubtless few of that faith in the -Protestant colony of New York to claim the privilege. It was left to -the wise men who laid the foundations of the Empire State in 1777 to -put in practice the freedom of religion _to all_, which, strangely -enough, was first guaranteed in word by the Catholic prince. - -The new patent of 1674 restored to the Duke his full authority over -the entire domain covered by the original grant, and brought New -Jersey again within his rule; yet he was persuaded to divest himself -of this proprietorship by a new release to Carteret. No grant of power -to govern being named in either the first or the second instrument, -this authority was held as reserved by the Duke. The cession was -nevertheless of extreme and lasting injury to the New York province, -as it impaired its control over the west bank of the mouth of the -Hudson and the waters of the bay. On the other hand, the Duke’s title -to Long Island and Pemaquid was strengthened by a release obtained -from Lord Stirling; and the assumption of Connecticut to govern the -eastern towns in the former territory was summarily disposed of. The -Duke’s authority in Pemaquid, Martha’s Vineyard, and Nantucket, though -disturbed by some of the inhabitants who sought to bring them under the -government of Massachusetts, had been maintained during the period of -Colve’s administration. They had not been named in the commission of -the Dutch commanders to Colve. The claim of Connecticut to the strip of -land between the Mamaroneck line and the Hudson River was disallowed -by the Duke, and possession of the territory entered by Connecticut -was demanded by Andros. Connecticut held to the letter of her -charter; Andros to the letters-patent of the King. The rising of the -Narragansett tribes under King Philip afforded Andros an opportunity to -assert the Duke’s authority. Sailing with three sloops and a body of -soldiers, he landed at Saybrook, and read the Duke’s patent and his own -commission. The Connecticut officers replied by reading the protest of -the Hartford authorities. It is reasonable to suppose that had Andros -found the Saybrook fort unoccupied, he would have put in a garrison to -protect from the Indians the territory which he claimed to be within -his commission. Had he intended a surprise, he would not have given -notice to Winthrop that the object of his journey was “the Connecticut -River, his Royal Highness’s bounds there.” Neither Andros nor the -Connecticut authorities desired an armed collision. Andros, content -with the assertion of his claim, crossed the Sound, despatched aid to -his dependencies of Martha’s Vineyard and Nantucket, and returned, -after reviewing the militia and disarming the Indians. The course of -Andros was approved by the Duke, who, while insisting on his claim -to all the territory west of the Connecticut River, ordered that the -distance of twenty miles from the Hudson be observed for the dividing -line. - -The northern frontier was also watched with jealous solicitude. The -increase of French influence through their missionaries now became the -occasion of an English policy of far-reaching significance,—a policy -felt throughout the American Revolution and in the later contest of -the States of the Union for Western territory. The friendship of the -Mohawks, the only tribe which did not acknowledge French supremacy, was -encouraged. Andros personally visited the stronghold of the Mohawks, -and on his return to Albany confirmed a close alliance with the -Iroquois and organized a board of Indian Commissioners. This sagacious -plan served in the future as an effectual check to the encroachments of -the French. The ministers of Louis XIV. were quick to feel the blow, -and in 1677 the counter claim was set up that the reception of the -Jesuit missionaries had given sovereignty to France over the Iroquois. -The future contest which was to shake the two continents was already -foreshadowed. The same year the supremacy of New York over the Iroquois -was tacitly admitted by Massachusetts in the treaty made with them -“under the advice” of Andros. - -In the details of his administration Andros showed the same firmness. -The old contraband trade with the Dutch was arrested; no European goods -were admitted from any port that had not paid duties in England. This -strict enforcement of the Navigation Laws diminished the coastwise -trade with Massachusetts and promoted a direct intercourse with -England, which gradually brought the province into close relation with -the English commercial towns. Social and political alliance was the -natural result, and New York grew gradually to be the most English in -sentiment of the American colonies, notwithstanding the cosmopolitan -character of her population. - -Increasing commerce requiring greater accommodation, a great mole or -dock was built on the East River, which afforded protection to vessels -in the rapid tide, and for a long period was the centre of the traffic -of the city of New York. The answer of Governor Andros to the inquiries -of the Council of Plantations as to the condition of the province -gives the best existing account of it in 1678. The following are the -principal points:— - - “Boundaries,—South, the Sea; West, Delaware; North, to ye Lakes or - ffrench; East, Connecticut river, but most usurped and yett posse’d by - s’d Connecticut. Some Islands Eastward and a Tract beyond Kennebeck - River called Pemaquid.... Principall places of Trade are New Yorke - and South’ton except Albany for the Indyans; our buildings most wood, - some lately stone and brick; good country houses, and strong of their - severall kindes. About twenty-four towns, villages, or parishes in - six precincts, divisions, Rydeings, or Courts of Sessions. Produce is - land provisions of all sorts, as of wheate exported yearly about sixty - thousand bushells, pease, beefe, pork, and some Refuse fish, Tobacco, - beavers’ peltry or furs from the Indians, Deale and oake timber, - plankes, pipestavves, lumber, horses, and pitch and tarr lately begunn - to be made. Comodityes imported are all sorts of English manufacture - for Christians, and blanketts, Duffells, etc., for Indians, about - 50,000 pounds yearly. Pemaquid affords merchantable fish and masts. - Our merchants are not many, but most inhabitants and planters, about - two thousand able to beare armes, old inhabitants of the place or of - England, Except in and neere New Yorke of Dutch Extraction, and some - few of all nations, but few serv’ts much wanted, and but very few - slaves. A merchant worth one thousand pounds or five hundred pounds - is accompted a good substantiall merchant, and a planter worthe half - that in moveables accompted [rich?]. With all the Estates may be - valued at about £150,000. There may lately have trade to ye Colony - in a yeare from ten to fifteen ships or vessels, of which togeather - 100 tunns each, English, New England, and our own built, of which - 5 small ships and a Ketch now belonging to New York, four of them - built there. No privateers on the coast. Religions of all sorts,—one - Church of England, several Presbyterians and Independents, Quakers - and Anabaptists of severall sects, some Jews, but Presbyterians - and Independents most numerous and substantial. There are about 20 - churches or meeting-places, of which about half vacant. Noe beggars, - but all poor cared for.” - -In 1678, the affairs of the province being everywhere in order, Andros -availed himself of the permission given him by the Duke to pay a -visit to England. He sailed from New York on the 12th of November, -leaving Brockholls to administer the government in his absence, with -the commission of commander-in-chief. On reaching London Andros was -knighted by the King. His administration was examined into by the -Privy Council and approved. In May he sailed for New York with the new -commission of vice-admiral throughout the government of the Duke of -York. He found the province in the same quiet as when he left it. - -The marriage of William of Orange with Mary, daughter of the Duke of -York and heiress to the throne of England, in the autumn of 1677, -was of happy augury to the New York colony. It gave earnest of a -restoration of the natural alliance of the Protestant powers against -France, the common enemy. To the Dutch of New York it was peculiarly -grateful, allaying the last remains of the bitterness of submission to -alien rule. Andros wisely promoted this good feeling by interesting -himself in the formal establishment of their religion. Under his -direction a classis of the Reformed Church of Holland met in New York -for purposes of ordination, and its proceedings were approved by the -supreme ecclesiastical authority at Amsterdam. New points in law were -now decided and settled; strikes or combinations to raise the price of -labor were declared illegal; all Indians were declared to be free. - -But Andros was on occasion as energetic and determined as he was -prudent and moderate. He dallied with no invasion of his master’s -rights or privileges, as he evinced when, in 1680, he arrested Carteret -in New Jersey and dragged him to trial[696] for having presumed to -exercise jurisdiction and collect duties within the limits of the -Duke’s patent. - -The position of the Duke of York now became daily more difficult, -indeed almost untenable in his increasing divergence from the policy of -the kingdom. The elements of that personal opposition which was later -to drive him from the throne were rapidly concentrating. His adherents -and those who favored a Protestant succession were forming the historic -parties of Tories and of Whigs. To avoid angry controversy the Duke -ordered the question of his right to collect customs dues in New Jersey -to be submitted to Sir William Jones. Upon his adverse decision so far -as related to West Jersey, the Duke directed the necessary transfer -to be made; and when the widow of Carteret made complaint of his -dispossession from authority, the action of Andros was wholly disavowed -by the Duke, and his authority over East Jersey was relinquished in -the same form. Andros himself, against whom complaints of favoring the -Dutch trade had been made by his enemies, was ordered to return to -England, leaving Brockholls in charge of the government; at the same -time a special agent was sent over to examine into the administration. - -[Illustration: SIR EDMUND ANDROS. - -[Regarding this portrait, see _Memorial History of Boston_, ii. -5.—ED.]] - -Conscious of the integrity of his service, Andros obeyed the summons -with alacrity, proclaimed the agent’s commission, called Brockholls -down from Albany to take charge of the government, and took ship for -England. The absence of his firm hand was soon felt. The term for the -levy of the customs rates under the Duke’s authority had expired just -before his sailing, and had not been renewed. Immediately after his -departure the merchants refused to pay duties, and the collector who -attempted the levy was held for high treason in the exercise of regal -authority without warrant. He pleaded his commission from the Duke, -and the case was referred to England. The resistance of the merchants -was stimulated by the free condition of the charter just granted to -Pennsylvania, which required that all laws should be assented to by -the freemen of the province, and that no taxes should be laid or -revenue raised except by provincial assembly. The Grand Jury of New -York presented the want of a provincial assembly as a grievance; a -petition was drafted to the Duke praying for a change in the form of -government, and calling for a governor, council, and assembly, the last -to be elected by the freeholders of the colony. On the arrival of the -Duke’s agent in London with his report upon the late administration, -Andros was examined by the Duke’s commissioners, whereupon he was -fully exonerated, his administration was complimented, and he was made -a gentleman of the King’s Privy Chamber. The Duke’s collector, after -waiting in vain for his prosecutors to appear, was discharged from -his bond, and soon after appointed surveyor-general of customs in the -American Plantations. - -Notwithstanding his dislike to popular assemblies, the Duke of York -saw the need of some concession, and gave notice of his intention to -Brockholls. Thus by the accident of the non-renewal of the customs’ -term, the people of New York were enabled, in the absence of the -governor, to assert the doctrine of no taxation without representation, -to which the Duke in his necessity was compelled to submit. - -Great changes had taken place in the neighboring territory of New -Jersey, which the Duke had alienated from his original magnificent -domain, to its mutilation and lasting injury. Pennsylvania was formally -organized as a province, and Philadelphia was planned. East New Jersey -passed into the hands of twelve proprietors, who increased their number -by sale to twenty-four, selected a governor, summoned a legislature, -and organized the State. - -While the English race, true to its instincts and traditions, was thus -organizing its settlements, bringing its population into homogeneity, -and preparing for a gradual but sure extension of its colonization from -a firm, well-ordered base, the more adventurous French were pushing -their voyages and posts along the lakes and down the Western streams, -until the discovery of the mouth of the Mississippi by La Salle -completed the chain and added to the nominal domain of the sovereign of -France the vast territory from the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico, to -which he gave the name of Louisiana. - - * * * * * - -The governor selected by the Duke of York to succeed Andros and to -inaugurate the new order of government in his province was Colonel -Thomas Dongan, an Irish officer who had commanded a regiment in the -French service. Though a Roman Catholic, an Irishman, and a soldier, he -proved himself an excellent and prudent magistrate. The instructions -of the Duke required the appointment of a council of ten eminent -citizens and the issue of writs for a general assembly, not to exceed -eighteen, to consult with the Governor and Council with regard to the -laws to be established, such laws to be subject to his approval,—the -general tenor of laws as to life and property to be in conformity with -the common law of England. No duties were to be levied except by the -Assembly. No allusion was made to religion. No more democratic form of -government existed in America, or was possible under kingly authority. - -[Illustration] - -Dongan reached the city of New York, Aug. 28, 1683, and assumed the -government. Installing his secretary and providing occupation for -Brockholls, he summoned an assembly, and then hastened to Albany to -check the attempt of Penn to extend the bounds of the territory of -Pennsylvania by a purchase of the valley of the Upper Susquehanna -from the Iroquois, who claimed the country by right of conquest from -the Andastes. In this Dongan was successful; the Cayugas settling the -question by a formal conveyance of the coveted territory to the New -York Government, a cession which was later confirmed by the Mohawks. -At the same time this tribe was instructed as to their behavior toward -the French. The claim of New York to all the land on the south side of -the lake was again renewed and assented to by the Mohawks. The astute -Iroquois already recognized that only through the friendship of the -English could their independence be maintained. - -The New York Assembly met in October. Its first act bore the title of -“The Charter of Liberties and Privileges granted by his Royal Highness -to the Inhabitants of New York and its dependencies.” The supreme -legislative authority, under the King and the Duke, was vested in -a governor, council, and “the people met in general assembly;” the -sessions, triennial as in England; franchise, free to every freeholder; -the law, that of England in its most liberal provisions; freedom of -conscience and religion to all peaceable persons “which profess faith -in God by Jesus Christ.” In the words of the petition of right of 1628, -no tax or imposition was to be laid except by act of Assembly,—in -consideration of which privileges the Assembly was to grant the Duke -or his heirs certain specified impost duties. The province was divided -into twelve counties. Four tribunals of justice were established; -namely, town courts with monthly sessions for the trial of petty cases; -county or courts of sessions; a general court of oyer and terminer, -to meet twice in each year; and a court of chancery or supreme court -of the province, composed of the Governor and Council. An appeal to -the King was reserved in every case. In addition to these there was -a clause unusual in American statutes, naturalizing the foreign born -residents and those who should come to reside within the limits of -the province, which had already assumed the cosmopolitan character -which has never since ceased to mark the city of New York. The liberal -provisions of the statute gave security to all, and invited immigration -from Europe, where religious intoleration was again unsettling the -bases of society. It was not until the 4th of October, 1684, that -the Duke signed and sealed the amended instrument, “The Charter of -Franchises and Privileges to New Yorke in America,” and ordered it to -be registered and sent across sea. - -Connecticut making complaint of the extension of New York law over the -territory within the contested boundary lines, Dongan brought the long -dispute to a summary close by giving notice to the Hartford authorities -that unless they withdrew their claims to territory within twenty miles -of the Hudson he should renew the old New York claim to the Connecticut -River as the eastern limit of the Duke’s patent, and refer the subject -directly to his Highness. In reply to an invitation from Dongan, -commissioners proceeded from Hartford to New York, who abandoned the -pretensions set up, and accepted the line proposed by Dongan, thus -finally closing the controversy. - -The city of New York was now divided into six wards, certain -jurisdiction conferred upon its officers, and a recorder was appointed. - -Dongan with the vision of a statesman recognized the value of the -friendship of the Indians. The Iroquois tribes he described as the -bulwark of New York against Canada. The policy of the Duke’s governors -from the time of Nicolls was unchanged. It consisted in a claim to all -the territory south and southwest of the Lake of Canada (Ontario), and -the confining of the French to the territory to the northward by the -help of Indian allies. The French officers by negotiation and threat -endeavored first to impose their authority on the several tribes of the -Iroquois confederacy, and failing in this to divide them. But Dongan, -carefully observing their manœuvres, obtained from a council of chiefs -a written submission to the King of England, which was recorded on -two white dressed deer-skins. The presence on the occasion at Albany -of Lord Howard of Effingham, the Governor of Virginia, added greatly -in the eyes of the Indians to this solemn engagement. Four nations -bound themselves to the covenant, and asked that the arms of the Duke -of York should be put upon their castles; and Dongan gave notice of -the same to the Canadian Government, in witness that they were within -his jurisdiction and under his protection. But in this submission -the Indians recognized no subjection. The Iroquois still claimed his -perfect freedom. - -The claim of Massachusetts to territory westward of the Hudson was -another perplexing element in the Indian question. In answer to a -renewal of this demand, Dongan set up his claim as the Duke’s governor -to jurisdiction over the towns which Massachusetts had organized on -land covered by the Duke’s patent on the west side of the Connecticut -River; but the matter being soon disposed of by the cancelling, for -various offences, of the Massachusetts patent by the King, through -the operation of a writ of _quo warranto_, the Duke had no further -contestant to his claims. The New Jersey boundary was also matter of -dispute, but Dongan, at first of his own motion, and later by specific -instruction from the Duke, took care to prevent Penn from acquiring any -part of New Jersey or from interfering with the Indian trade. - -The controversy with Canada as to the country south of the St. Lawrence -and Lake Ontario now drew to a head. Dongan clung persistently to -the claim asserted by Andros in 1677. Against this the Canadians set -up the sovereignty of France, acquired by war and treaties and the -planting of missionaries among the tribes. The question turned upon -the independence of the Iroquois, parts of which tribes had never -made submission, or had repudiated the interpretation set upon their -engagements. The new French governor, De la Barre, made ineffectual -menace, but not supporting his threat with arms, lost the respect -of the savages. The prestige of the English was increased, and the -coveted trade passed into their hands to such an extent that in 1684 -the Senecas alone brought into Albany more than ten thousand beaver -skins. Nor was Denonville, who succeeded De la Barre in the government -of Canada, more fortunate in enforcing his policy. His wily effort to -engage the sympathies of his co-religionist Dongan in a support of -the French missionaries among the tribes, was foiled by the New York -governor, who at the same time secured the approbation of his Roman -Catholic master by proposing to replace them with English priests. - - * * * * * - -The death of Charles II., early in the year 1685, and the accession -to the throne of the Duke of York as James II., were of momentous -influence upon European politics. They at once changed the political -position of New York. The condition of proprietorship or nominal -duchy altered with that of its master and proprietor. The Duke became -a King; the duchy a royal province. The change involved a change in -the New York charter, and afforded opportunity for a reconsideration -and rejection of the entire instrument. The words “the people” were -particularly objected to by the new King as unusual. The revocation of -the Massachusetts charter by the late King, the government of which -colony had not yet been settled, presented a favorable occasion for -an assimilation of all the constitutions of the American colonies as -preliminary to that consolidation of government and power at which -James aimed as his ideal of government. Nevertheless the existing New -York charter remained,—not confirmed, not repealed, but continued. The -Scotch risings and the Monmouth rebellion interfered with any immediate -action by the Government in American affairs. Yet the New York province -hailed with joy the accession of their Duke and Lord proprietor to the -throne. His rule had been just and temperate; his agents prudent and -discreet. The immediate Governor, Dongan, was thoroughly identified -with the interests of the province confided to his care, and aimed to -make of its capital the centre of English influence in America. In -1686 the city received a new charter, with a grant of all the vacant -land in and about the city. Albany, also, under an arrangement with the -landed proprietors, was incorporated and intrusted with the management -of the Indian trade. The suppression of the Monmouth rebellion enabling -James to turn his attention to America, he directed proceedings to -be instituted in the English courts to cancel the charters of the -Connecticut, Rhode Island, West Jersey, and Delaware colonies. In the -interim a temporary government was established for Massachusetts, -Plymouth, Maine, and New Hampshire, in accordance with the order of -Charles made in 1684. A board of councillors was appointed, of whom -Joseph Dudley was named president. - -Weary of the trouble and expense of maintaining authority in -distant Pemaquid, Dongan urged the King to annex this dependency to -Massachusetts, and to add Connecticut to New York. Dudley pleaded the -claim of Massachusetts with the Connecticut authorities. They held -an even balance between the two demands, however, and resolved to -maintain the autonomy of the colony, if possible, against either the -machinations of her neighbors or the warrant of the King. - -It has been seen that as Duke of York the policy of James in the -government of his American province was, with the exception of -the weakness shown in the case of Carteret and New Jersey, the -consolidation of power. His accession to the throne enabled him to -carry out this policy on a broader field. He determined to put an end -to the temporary charge by commissioners of the New England colonies, -and to unite them all under one government, the better to defend -themselves against invasion. The assigned reason was the policy of -aggression of the French on the frontiers. The person selected for the -delicate duty of harmonizing the colonies into one province was Sir -Edmund Andros, who, as the Duke’s deputy, had first suggested that a -strong royal government should be established in New England, and of -whose character and administrative abilities there was no question. -He was accordingly commissioned by the King “Captain-General and -Governor-in-Chief over his territory and dominions of New England in -America.” By the terms of his instructions, liberty of conscience was -granted to all, countenance promised to the Church of England, and -power conferred on the Assembly to make laws and levy taxes. Pemaquid -was annexed to the new government. - -To assimilate the New York government to that of the new dominion a -new commission was issued to Dongan as King’s captain-general and -governor-in-chief over the province of New York. The charter of -liberties and privileges recently signed was repealed; the existing -laws, however, were to continue in force until others should be framed -and promulgated by the Governor and Council. The liberty of conscience -granted in 1674 and limited in 1683 to Christians, was now extended -to all persons without restriction. A censorship of the press was -established. The trade of the Hudson River was to be kept free from -intrusion by any. - -While the King was thus strengthening his power and gathering into -one grasp the entire force of the colonies, his ministers allowed -themselves to be outwitted by the French in negotiation. A treaty -of neutrality inspired by France engaged non-interference by either -Government in the wars of the other against the savage tribes in -America, and struck a severe blow at the policy of the New York -governors. The announcement of the treaty was accompanied by the -arrival of reinforcements in Canada and the organization of an -expedition against the Iroquois. The treacherous seizure and despatch -to France of a number of chiefs, who had been invited to a conference -at Quebec, opened the campaign, at once ended the French missions among -the Five Nations, and consolidated their alliance with the English. -The expedition of Denonville was partially successful. The Seneca -country was occupied, sovereignty proclaimed, and a fort built on the -old site of La Salle’s Fort de Conty. But the power of the Iroquois -was not touched. Hampered by his instructions, Dongan could only lay -the situation before the King and suggest a comprehensive plan for the -fortification of the country and assistance of the friendly tribes. -Alarmed at the news from the frontier, he resolved to winter in Albany, -and ordered the Five Nations to send their old women and children to -Catskill, where they could be protected and cared for. A draft was -also made of every tenth militia man to strengthen the Albany post. -Denonville, despairing of conquering the fierce Iroquois, though they -were supported only by the tacit aid of the English, now urged upon -Louis XIV. the acquisition of the coveted territory by exchange or by -purchase, even of the entire province of New York, with the harbor of -the city. - -Dongan’s messenger to James easily satisfied the King that the treaty -of neutrality was not for the interest of England, and that if the -independence of the Five Nations were not maintained, the sovereignty -over them must be English. Orders were sent to Dongan to defend and -protect them, and to Andros and the other governors to give them -aid. To the complaints of Louis, James opposed the submission made -at Albany in 1684 by the chiefs in the presence of the Governor of -Virginia. As a compromise between the Governments it was agreed -by treaty that until January, 1689, no act of hostility should be -committed or either territory invaded. The warlike defensive operations -against the French put the New York Government to extraordinary -charges, amounting to more than £8,000, to which the neighboring -colonies were invited to contribute under authority of the King’s -letter of November, 1687. The occasion to urge the importance of New -York as the bulwark of the colonies, and of strengthening her by the -annexation of Connecticut and New Jersey, was not forgotten by the -sagacious Dongan. Now that the Dutch pretension to rule in America was -definitively set at rest, it was evident to statesmen that a struggle -for the American continent would sooner or later arise between the -powers of France and England,—indeed the rivalry had already begun. -To James, who thoroughly understood the practice as well as the theory -of administration, and was as diligent in his cabinet as any of his -ministers, it was equally evident that the consolidated power of New -France in the single hand of a viceroy was more serviceable than the -discordant action of provinces so much at variance with each other -in principle and feeling as the American colonies. To the viceregal -government of New France he resolved to oppose a viceregal government -of British America. To New England he now determined to annex New York. -Dongan was recalled, gratified with military promotion and personal -honor, and Sir Edmund Andros was commissioned governor-general of the -entire territory. His commission gave him authority over - - “All that tract of land, circuit, continent, precincts, and limits - in America lying and being in breadth from forty degrees of northern - latitude from the equinoctial line to the River St. Croix eastward, - and from thence directly northward to the River of Canada, and in - length and longitude by all the breadth aforesaid throughout the main - land, from the Atlantic or Western Sea or Ocean on the east part to - the South Sea on the west part, with all the islands, seas, rivers, - waters, rights, members, and appurtenances thereunto belonging (our - province of Pennsylvania and country of Delaware only excepted), to be - called and known, as formerly, by the name and title of our territory - and dominion of New England in America.” - -On the 11th of August, 1688, Andros assumed his viceregal authority -at Fort James in New York. A few days later the news arrived of the -birth of a son to King James. A proclamation of the viceroy ordered -a day of thanksgiving to be observed within the city of New York and -dependencies. Thus New York was formally recognized as the metropolis -and the seat of government in the Dominion of New England. By the -King’s instructions the seal of New York was broken in council, and the -great seal of New England thereafter used. - -The Governor of Canada was notified that the Five Nations were the -subjects of the King of England, and would be protected as such. The -new governor visited Albany, and held a conference with the delegates -from the Five Nations, and renewed the old covenant of Corlaer. The -Indians showing signs of restlessness all along the frontier as far as -Casco Bay, the viceroy endeavored to settle the difficulties between -Canada and the New York tribes, and engaged his good offices to secure -the return of the prisoners from France. On his return to Boston -Andros left the affairs of the New York government in the charge of -Nicholson. Dongan retired to his farm at Hempstead on Long Island. -Though peaceful, the new dominion was not at rest. The liberty of -conscience declared by the King was not precisely that which each -dissenting denomination desired. Gradually men of each grew to believe -that James was indifferent to all religions that were not of the true -faith; and regarding the simple manner in which by legal form he had -stripped them of their chartered rights, began to fear that by an act -as legal he might strip them of their liberty of worship. The test Act -which he had refused to obey, to the loss of his dignities and honors -as Duke, might be altered to the ruin of its authors. A Roman Catholic -test might take the place of the Protestant form. The King reigned, and -a son was born to him, who doubtless would be educated in the papist -faith of the Stuarts. William of Orange was only near the throne. - -[Illustration: GREAT SEAL OF ANDROS. - -[See authorities in _Memorial History of Boston_, ii. 9.—ED.]] - -While the colonies were thus agitated, a spirit of quiet resistance was -spreading in England, where alarm was great at the arbitrary manner -in which charters were stricken down. Property was threatened. In the -American colonies the agitation was chiefly religious. Among their -inhabitants were Huguenot families whom the revocation of the Edict of -Nantes in 1685 had ruthlessly driven from their homes to a shelter on -the distant continent. The crisis was at hand. Strangely enough, it -was precipitated by the declaration of liberty of conscience and the -abrogation of the test oath against Dissenters which King James had -commissioned Andros to proclaim in America. This liberty of conscience -included liberty to Catholics, which the Protestants would have none -of. The abrogation of the test oath opened the way to preferment and -honor to Catholics, which the Protestants were equally averse to. -Ordered to read the proclamation in the churches, seven bishops, -headed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, refused to obey the command. -The prelates were committed, tried, and acquitted. Encouraged by this -victory, the great Whig houses of England now addressed an invitation -to William of Orange, who was already, with naval and military force, -secretly prepared to cross the sea. On the 5th of November the great -Stadtholder landed on the shores of Devon, and proclaimed himself the -maintainer of English liberties. Thus a declaration of liberty of -conscience brought about the fall of a Catholic king. The news caused -great excitement in the colonies. - -[Illustration] - -Andros, who had but lately returned to Boston from an expedition to -the northeastern frontier of Maine, where he had established posts for -protection against the tribes who were threatening a second Indian -war, was seized and imprisoned by a popular uprising. In New York the -agitation was as intense. Nicholson, the lieutenant-governor, unequal -to the emergency, let slip the grasp of power from his hand; and on -the open revolt of Leisler, one of the militia captains, who seized -the fort, he determined to sail for England, and the control of the -province passed to a committee of safety. The revolt of Leisler forms -the opening of a new chapter in the story of the New York province. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THERE are several comprehensive general histories of what is now the -State of New York. The first edition[697] of Smith’s History was -dedicated to the Earl of Halifax, First Lord Commissioner of Trade and -Plantations. The dedication bears date New York, June 15, 1756. It is -illustrated with a folding frontispiece plate, entitled “The South View -of Oswego on Lake Ontario.” In his Preface the author states that his -researches while engaged under appointment of the New York Assembly in -a review and digest of the laws of the province, a work in which he was -associated with William Livingston, induced the preparation of this -the first History of the colony. He excuses himself from an attention -to details, which he considered would not interest the British public, -and declares his purpose to confine himself to a “summary account of -the first rise and present state” of the colony. He presents it as a -“narrative or thread of simple facts,” rather than as a history. - -A second edition of this work appeared at London in 1776, from the -press of J. Almon. It is a reprint in an octavo volume of three hundred -and thirty-four pages. The troubles with the colonies and the important -position of New York as the headquarters of the British army no doubt -prompted this venture. - -An American edition next appeared, in April, 1792, from the press of -Mathew Carey, at Philadelphia, in an octavo volume of two hundred and -seventy-six pages. It was announced “to the citizens of the United -States as the first part of a plan undertaken at the desire of several -gentlemen of taste, who wish to supply their libraries with histories -of their native country.” The titlepage describes it as “The Second -Edition,” Almon’s reprint having been ignored by Carey. The copy in -the Library of the New York Historical Society is illustrated with a -“Frontispiece View of Columbia College, in the City of New York,” from -the plate originally engraved for the _New York Magazine_ of 1790. - -Another edition appeared at Albany, from the press of Ryer -Schermerhorn, in 1814, an octavo volume of five hundred and twelve -pages. The anonymous editor, supposed to have been Mr. J. V. N. Yates, -states in his Advertisement, that in “copying Smith’s History few -deviations from his mode of spelling the names of places, particularly -such as are derived from the aboriginal tongues, have been made. It is -believed that he [Smith] adopted the mode of spelling which conveyed -most clearly the sound of Indian words.” Mr. Yates intended to add a -“Continuation from the year 1732 to the commencement of the year 1814,” -but these additions stopped at 1747. - -A French translation of Smith’s History, by M. Eidous, appeared in -Paris in 1767, and bears the imprint “Londres.” It is a duodecimo of -four hundred and fifteen pages. - -Smith, the historian, who died Chief-Justice of Canada, left behind him -a continuation of his _History of New York_, written by his own hand. -It covers the period from 1732 to 1762. This interesting manuscript -was communicated to the New York Historical Society in 1824 by William -Smith, son of the author, then a distinguished member of the King’s -Council in Canada, and also well known as the author of the History -of that province. In his note to the Society, Mr. Smith states that -“the Continuation of the History is as it was left by the author, -with only a few verbal alterations and corrections.” The manuscript -appeared in print for the first time in 1826, as the fourth volume of -the _Collections_ of the New York Historical Society, an octavo of -three hundred and eight pages. Copies of Smith’s original volume having -become rare, the Society determined to reprint it from the author’s -corrected and revised copy in a form similar to that in which they had -published the Continuation, and in 1829 the work appeared complete -for the first time. It was accompanied by a memoir of the author, -written by his son. In making up sets of the Society’s _Collections_, -the complete work is generally bound as vols. iv. and v. of the first -series. - -The next year, 1830, the Society issued a second edition of the -complete work: also an octavo in two volumes, but printed in larger -type and on better paper. This edition bears the press-mark of -“Gratton, Printer.” Interesting sketches of the historian, with notices -of his family, prepared by Mr. Maturin L. Delafield, appeared in the -_Magazine of American History_, April and June, 1881. A small edition -was struck off for Mr. Delafield for private distribution, illustrated -with portraits. - -Several criticisms on Smith’s History have appeared in print: “Remarks -on Smith’s History of New York, London Edition, 1757, in Letters -to John Pintard, Secretary of the New York Historical Society, by -Judge Samuel Jones,” written in 1817 and 1818, were printed in the -_Collections_ of the New York Historical Society, vol. iii., 1821; -“Correspondence between Lieutenant-Governor Cadwallader Colden and -William Smith, Jr., the Historian, respecting certain alleged Errors -and Misstatements contained in the _History of New York_, with sundry -other Papers relating to that Controversy,” printed in the _N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Coll._ (second series, vol. ii., 1849); “Letters on Smith’s -History of New York, by Cadwallader Colden,” printed in the _N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Coll._ (Fund series), in 1868; “Letter of Cadwallader Colden -on Smith’s History, July 5th, 1759,” _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._ (Fund -series), 1869. - -The late Hon. Benjamin F. Butler, of New York, in an able discourse -before the Albany Institute, April, 1830, gives a fair and impartial -estimate of the value of Smith’s History. He notices the incomplete and -summary manner in which the earlier period was disposed of and ascribes -it to the insufficient information within the reach of the author -and his want of acquaintance with the Dutch language, in which the -ancient records of the colony were written.[698] The posthumous work -he condemns as “written in the spirit of a partisan,” and therefore to -be received with caution, if not distrust. Yet he freely acknowledges -the deep indebtedness of the State and of the friends of learning for -the mass of authentic information discovered by him. With this judgment -scholars generally concur. In reading the pages of this the first of -the historians of New York, it must be borne in mind that Smith was one -of the leaders of the Dissenting element in the New York colony, and at -a time when religious partisanship was at its height.[699] - -The second general history of New York was that of Macauley.[700] -Its first volume treats “of the extent of the State, its mountains, -hills, champaigns, plains, vales, valleys, marshes, rivers, creeks, -lakes, seas, bays, springs, cataracts, and canals; its climate, winds, -zoology,” etc. The second, “of the counties, cities, towns, and -villages; antiquities of the west; origin of the Agoneaseah, their -manners, customs, laws, and other matters; discovery of America; -voyages of Cabot and Hudson; settlements of the New Netherlands by the -Dutch in 1614; location of the Indian tribes; controversies between the -Dutch and English; surrender in 1664, and thence to 1750.” The third -volume covers “the war between England and France for the conquest of -Canada, the war of the Revolution, and other matters which occurred, -etc.” The leaning of the author is, as these words imply, essentially -towards the physical features of the State. He himself calls it a -compendium, or abridged history. The reader will find little original -matter of an historical nature.[701] - -The author of the next general history of the State[702] is well known -as the historian of the American Theatre and of the Arts of Design in -America, both commendable works. With the taste of an antiquary, Mr. -Dunlap has gathered some curious details; but _The History of the New -Netherlands_, etc., has little merit as historical authority. The first -volume passed through the press during the fatal illness of the author; -the second was supervised by a friend who apologized for his want of -“intimacy with the subject.” It appeared after the author’s death. -The main value of the work consists in the abstracts published as an -appendix to the second volume.[703] - -A much more thorough work followed, a dozen years later, when Mr. -Brodhead began his History.[704] Its two volumes comprise all the -known information concerning the period they cover, up to the time -of publication. Mr. Brodhead by birth and education was eminently -qualified for his ponderous task. He united in his blood the English -and Dutch strains; on the father’s side being descended from one of -the English officers, who came out with Nicolls at the time of the -conquest. A lawyer by profession, he was attached to the legation at -the Hague, and was commissioned by the State of New York to procure -original materials relating to its early history. In this labor he -spent three years in the archives of England, Holland, and France. At -his death he left manuscript material for a third volume, which it is -the hope of students may yet be made accessible. He divides his work -into four marked periods: The first, from the discovery, in 1609, to -its conquest by the English in 1664; the second carries the story -down to 1691. The treatment is of the most exhaustive character, and -the work is a monument of literary industry and careful execution. -The authorities are in all cases given in foot-notes. The sympathies -of the author are plainly with Holland in the original struggle, and -later with New York in her occasional antagonism to the influence of -New England. While the reader may sometimes smile at his enthusiasm and -differ from his opinions, he will find no occasion to quarrel with -his candor. The tendency of his mind will be found legal rather than -judicial. His chief merit is his admirable co-ordination of an immense -mass of material, covering a vast circuit of investigation.[705] - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -=A.= SPECIFIC AUTHORITIES.—More particular mention of such sources as -pertain jointly to the Dutch and English rule in New York is made in -Mr. Fernow’s chapter on “New Netherland,” in Vol. IV. - -Chalmers’ _Political Annals of the Present United Provinces_ reviews -the English rule; but Brodhead (i. 62) considers that Chalmers’s -treatment is biased, and grossly misrepresents the facts. - -The documents in Hazard’s _Historical Collections of State Papers_ -which relate to New York were reprinted in 1811 in the _N. Y. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, i. 189-303, and in the printed series published by the -State under the editing of Dr. O’Callaghan, an account of which can -better be made, unbroken between the Dutch and English portions, in -connection with Mr. Fernow’s chapter. Various papers of importance, -however, have appeared in the _Collections_ and _Proceedings_ of the -New York Historical Society, and others are in the _Manual of the City -of New York_, edited for thirty years, since 1841, successively by -Valentine and Shannon. The journals of the Council and Assembly of the -Colony of New York are rich in material. - -Some original documents have appeared in connection with inquiries -into the history of the boundaries of the State: _Report to ascertain -and settle the Boundary Line between New York and Connecticut_, Feb. -8, 1861; _Report on the Boundaries of New York_, Albany, 1874; papers -of Dawson, Whitehead, etc., in _Historical Magazine_, xviii. 25, 82, -146, 211, 267, 321. Cf. also C. W. Bowen’s _Boundary Disputes of -Connecticut_, Boston, 1882, part iv. - -At a commemoration of the English conquest of 1664, held by the New -York Historical Society in 1864, the oration was fitly made by Mr. -Brodhead. _Historical Magazine_, viii. 375. The first printed Dutch -report of the capture is given in the _Kort en bondigh Verhael_, -Amsterdam, 1667, p. 27; cf. Asher’s _Essay_, no. 354. The list of -those in New York city who took the oath, October, 1664, is given in -Valentine’s _Manual_, 1854. The patent of March 12, 1664, granted the -Duke of York, under whose authority the conquest was made, is given in -Brodhead’s _New York_, ii. 651; cf. also Learning and Spicer’s _Grants, -etc. of New Jersey_, p. 3, and _New York Colonial Documents_, ii. 295. -Charles E. Anthon, in the _Magazine of American History_, September, -1882, urges that a commemorative sculpture be placed in Central Park, -to preserve the memory of the royal Duke whose twin titles of York and -Albany are borne by the two chief cities of the State. - -The Clarendon Papers, 1662-67, covering this early period of the -English rule, are in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._ (Fund series), vol. -ii. The important code known as the Duke’s Laws are also in the same -Society’s _Collections_. Mr. O. H. Marshall examines the charters of -1664 and 1674 in the _Magazine of American History_, viii. 24. - -A few of the letters of Nicolls and Lovelace to the Secretary of State, -dated prior to 1674, are in the London State-Paper Office, but not till -that year does the regular record seem to begin. Brodhead, ii. 261. - -[Illustration] - -Of Thomas Willett, the first English mayor of the town, Brodhead gives -the best account, in his _History of New York_, ii. 76, which may be -supplemented by the account of his family given in the _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, ii. 376; xvii. 244. Cf. also Dr. John F. Jameson -on the origin and development of municipal government in New York -city, in _Magazine of American History_, 1882. The _Manual_ published -successively by Valentine and Shannon preserves much information -regarding the city’s history. Cf. General De Peyster on “New York and -its History,” in _International Review_, April, 1878, and Mrs. Lamb’s -_History of New York City_, and other local monographs, of which -further mention is made in the notes to Mr. Fernow’s chapter, in Vol. -IV. - -The English occupation of New York was confirmed by the Treaty of -Breda, July 31, 1667. The original Latin and Dutch of its text appeared -at the Hague in 1667. (Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, p. 119; -Stevens, _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 31.) A contemporary -engraving of the signing is in the _Kort en bondigh Verhael_, -Amsterdam, 1667. (Stevens, no. 1079; Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, -nos. 1697, 2268.) There was a French edition published at Amsterdam in -1668. (_Recueil van de Tractaten_, Hague, 1684). - -The Dutch bibliographies refer to scores of pamphlets launched -against Sir George Downing, the English diplomat who is charged with -instigating the war with England (1663-67), and not infrequently -assigning his animosity towards the Dutch to feelings engendered in his -early New England home, Downing being a nephew of Governor Winthrop, -and a graduate of Harvard College. (Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, -i. 28, with a list of authorities, p. 51, and the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, ii. 959, 975. Cf. on Downing’s agency, O’Callaghan’s _New -Netherland_, ii. 515; Palfrey’s _New England_; Brodhead’s _New York_ -and his _Colonial Documents of New York_; and R. C. Winthrop’s paper in -5 _Mass. Hist. Coll._ vol. i.) - -On the Dutch side, Aitzema’s _Historie van Saken van Staet en Oorlogh_, -1621-1668, Hague, 1657-1671, is a vast repository of documentary -evidence, vol. iv. covering Downing’s period, and vol. vi. giving the -negotiations of Breda. The best edition, with a supplement by Sylvius, -was published in eleven volumes in 1669-1699. (Muller, _Books on -America_, 1877, no. 47.) Sabin, _Dictionary_, v. 20,783, etc., gives -various titles of Downingiana, and a full list of Downing’s works is -given by Sibley, _Harvard Graduates_, i. 48. The Dutch also charged -upon Downing the initiative in “curbing the progress and reducing the -power” of their State through the Navigation Acts of 1651 and 1660; cf. -Upham, in _Hunt’s Merchants’ Magazine_, iv. 407. - -The relations of the new English province with the French and Indians -are particularly illustrated in the papers relating to De Courcelles -and De Tracy’s expedition against the Mohawks (1665), published in -the _Documentary History of New York_, vol. i., where will also be -found the documents concerning Denonville’s expedition against the -Senecas and into the Genesee country in 1687. Cf. also the narrative of -Denonville with O. H. Marshall’s notes, in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -ii. 149. For the expedition against Schenectady, 1689-90, see _N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1846, p. 137; cf. _Historical Magazine_, xiii. 263, -by J. G. Shea. A further treatment of the French and Indian wars is -made in Vol. IV. - -The Hon. Henry C. Murphy found in Holland the _Relation de sa Captivité -parmi les Onneiouts en 1690-91_, by Father Millet, the Jesuit, -and it was edited by Mr. Shea in New York in 1864. Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 1063, says that with the narrative of Jogues it -gives us nearly all we know from personal observation of the Five -Nations at this time. Further references to the literature of the -aboriginal occupation will be given in Mr. Fernow’s chapter. - -Regarding the seals of the province, see _Documentary History of New -York_, vol. iv., for various engravings. (Cf. _Historical Magazine_, -ix. 177, and Valentine’s _Manual_, 1851.) Reports on the Province, -1668-1678, are in the _Documentary History of New York_, vol. i.; -and in vol. iii. the papers on Manning’s surrender in 1673, and the -subsequent restoration. - -Of the Catholic Governor Dongan there are special treatments by R. H. -Clarke in the _Catholic World_, ix. 767, and by P. F. Dealy, S. J., in -_Magazine of American History_, February, 1882, p. 106. Dongan’s report -on the state of the province, 1687, is in the _Documentary History of -New York_, vol. i. A view of his house is given in Lamb’s _New York_, -i. 326. - -Upon Andros’s rule, compare the general historians, and _Memorial -History of Boston_, vol. ii. chap. 1. - -Something will be said of the more specific local histories, covering -both the Dutch and English periods, in connection with Mr. Fernow’s -chapter in Vol. IV. - -The news of the movements in the province, both under the Dutch and -English rule, as it reached Europe, is recorded in _De Hollandsche -Mercurius_, 1650-1690, a periodical. Cf. Asher’s _Essay_, p. 220; -Muller’s _Catalogue_ (1872), p. 104 (1877), no. 2,100; Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, viii. p. 378. - - -=B.= VIEWS, MAPS, AND DESCRIPTIONS OF NEW YORK AND THE PROVINCE UNDER -ENGLISH RULE.—_Views._ The earliest views of New Amsterdam date back -to the Dutch period, the first being that in the _Beschrijvinghe van -Virginia_, etc., 1651, of which a fac-simile is given on the title of -Asher’s _List of Maps_, Amsterdam, 1851, and in the _Popular History of -the United States_. The next appeared on the several maps issued by N. -J. Visscher, Van der Donck, Allard (first map), Nicolas Visscher (first -map), and Danckers. It is seen in the heliotype of Van der Donck’s -map given in Vol. IV., and in the engraving of the Visscher map, in -Asher’s _List_.[706] A view very like this is that given on p. 124 of -Arnoldus Montanus’s _De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld of Beschryving van -America_, a sumptuous folio printed at Amsterdam, 1671, and at present -variously priced from $5 to $20. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. -1,066, with fac-simile of title. - -The same picture is reproduced in the later, 1673, edition of Montanus, -p. 143, and in Ogilby’s _America_, 1671, p. 171, where the description -also follows Montanus, with aid from Denton. (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -ii. 1,067, 1,092.) Montanus’s account is translated in the _Documentary -History of New York_, iv. 75, 116, with a fac-simile of the view in -question. Cf. also Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, iii. -1, and the fac-simile issued, with descriptive notes, by J. W. Moulton -in 1825 as _New York One Hundred and Seventy Years Ago_; and Watson’s -_Olden Times in New York_, 1832. - -The picture is also given in fac-simile in Mr. Lenox’s edition of -Jogues’s _Novum Belgium_, edited by J. G. Shea, and in _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1882, with a paper by J. R. Stanwood on the -settlement of New Netherland. Muller, of Amsterdam in one of his -catalogues, of recent years, offered for 250 marks a water-color -drawing made in 1650, which he claimed as the original sketch upon -which the engraver in Montanus worked. Muller, _Catalogue of American -Portraits_, etc., no. 305. This view is now in the New York Historical -Society’s Library. It is inscribed “In ‘t schip Lydia door Laurens -Harmen Z^n Block, A^o 1650.” There is no record of any ship of such -name arriving at New Amsterdam, and this together with certain changes -in the picture, as compared with Montanus, have led good judges to -suspect that it is a copy of that view, by one who was never in New -Amsterdam, rather than its original. The paper and frame are old, at -all events. - -A view purporting to represent the town in 1667 is given in Valentine’s -_New York City Manual_, 1851, p. 131, and in his _History of New York -City_, p. 71. - -The view of which an engraving is herewith given is from a map entitled -_Totius Neobelgii nova et accuratissima tabula, ... Typis Caroli -Allard, Amstelodami_. - -[Illustration: NEW YORK, OR NEW AMSTERDAM, 1673.] - -The reference-key to the view is as follows:— - - A. Fort Orangiensche oft N. Albanische Jachten. - B. Vlagge-spil, daer de Vlag wordt opgehaelt, alsercomen - schepen in dese Haven. - C. Fort Amsterdam, genaemt Jeams-fort bij de Engelsche. - D. Gevangen-huijs. - E. Gereformeede Kerck. - F. Gouverneurs-Huijs. - G. ’t magazijn. - H. De Waeg. - I. Heeren-gracht. - K. Stadt huijs. - L. Luthersche Kerck. - M. Waterpoort. - N. Smidts-vallij. - O. Landtpoort. - P. Weg na ’tversche Water. - Q. Wint-molen. - R. Ronduijten. - S. Stuijvesants Huijs. - T. Oost-Rivier, lopende tusschen ’t Eijlandt Manhatans, - en Jorckshire, oft ‘t lange Eijlandt. - -The view is inscribed: “Nieuw-Amsterdam, onlangs Nieuw jorck genamt, -ende hernomen bij de Nederlanders op den 24 Aug., 1673, eindelijk aan -de Engelse weder afgestaan.” It took the place of the engraved view, -already mentioned as appearing in the first edition of Allard’s map, -and was probably etched by Romeyn de Hooghe, a distinguished artist -of the day, when Hugo Allard retouched his old plate to produce an -engraved map to meet the interest raised by the recapture of the town. -It also did service in the later issues of the same plate by Carolus -Allard and the Ottens, and was reproduced in an inferior way by Lotter -on his map. See Asher’s _List of Maps and Views_, p. 20. A view of 1679 -is given on a later page, with its history. - -The annexed cut of the Strand follows a view in _The Manual of the -City of New York_, 1869, p. 738. The Central House, with three windows -in the roof, was the earliest brick house built in the town, and was -at one time the dwelling of Jacob Leisler, and had been built by his -father-in-law, Vanderveen; cf. the narrative in the _Manual_. It is -also engraved in Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, iii. 14. -Other houses of this period are shown in the _Manual_, 1847, p. 371, -1858, p. 526, and 1862, p. 522; in Valentine’s _History of New York -City_, pp. 177, 214, 319; in Riker’s _Harlem_, p. 454 (Dutch Church of -1686), etc. - -[Illustration: THE STRAND, NEW WHITEHALL STREET, NEW YORK.] - -_Maps._ An account of the maps of the Dutch period is given in Vol. -IV. For the English period, the earliest of the town of New York was -probably that supposed to have been sent home by Nicoll (1664-68) after -his occupation, and of which a portion is herewith given. - -Of about the same date is the original of the Hudson River Map (1666), -which will be found in the next volume. Then came the map of the -province by Nicolas Visscher, issued in the first edition of his _Atlas -Minor_ about 1670.[707] Not far from the same time (1671) appeared -the map which is common to Montanus’s _Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld_ -and to Ogilby’s great folio _America_, which shows the coast from -the Penobscot to the Chesapeake, and is entitled “Novi Belgii, etc., -delineatio.” It closely resembles Jansson’s earlier map. The Allard map -of 1673, from which our engraved view is taken, was the second by that -cartographer of New Netherland, who retouched the plate of the earlier -one, which had been mainly a reproduction of N. J. Visscher’s, as the -later one of Schenk and Valch (1690) was. Asher says (nos. 13, 15, 16) -that Allard in this second map confined his additions to new names in -the Dutch regions. The same plate was later used by Carolus Allard, and -as late as 1740-50 by Ottens. - -About 1680, in Danckers’ Atlas, published at Amsterdam, is found a map, -“Novi Belgii, etc., tabula, multis in locis emendata a J. Danckers,” -which, however, in Asher’s opinion was but a revamping of the earlier -Visscher plate.[708] The map which N. J. Visscher published about -1640 was reissued about 1690 by Nicolas Visscher, “Novi Belgii, etc., -tabula, multis in locis emendata,” making use of the work of Montanus -and Allard, of which there were also later issues. (Asher’s _List_, -no. 14; Muller, no. 2,276.) An eclectic map, showing the province at -this period, was made up from Montanus, Roggeveen, and others, by J. P. -Bourjé, and appeared in Lambrechtsen’s _Korte Beschryving_, Middelburg, -1818. The maps of Nicolas Visscher in Sanson’s _Atlas Nouveau_ (1700), -and of Henry Hondius and Homan, belong to a later period. - -[Illustration: SKETCH PLAN OF NEW YORK CITY, 1664-68. - -This is a reduced reproduction of the fac-simile in Valentine’s -_New York City Manual_, 1863, of one of the sheets of Nicoll’s map -of Manhattan Island, preserved in the British Museum. It bears an -attestation of correct correspondence with the original, from Richard -Simms, of the Museum, who transmitted in 1862 the copy to George H. -Moore, then of the Historical Society. Cf. also another representation -in Valentine’s _Manual_, 1859, P. 548, and in his _History_, p. 226.] - -Of the charts of the coast about New York, there were two standard -atlases of this period, the _Zee-Atlas_ of Pieter Goos, of which there -were editions in 1666, 1668, 1673, 1675, 1676,—some of them with -French text. (Asher’s _List_, no. 22-24; Muller’s _Catalogue_, 1877, -no. 1254.) Better executed are the charts in the special American -collection issued at Amsterdam by Arent Roggeveen under the title -of _Het Eerste Deel van het Brandende Veen_, 1675, and known in the -English edition as _The Burning Fen_. Asher also adds the charts of Van -Keulen, remarking, however, upon their inaccurate coast-lines. - -[Illustration: THE STADTHUYS IN NEW YORK, 1679.—BREVOORT’S DRAWING.] - -[Illustration: THE STADTHUYS, 1679.—ORIGINAL SKETCH.] - -_Descriptions._ Edward Melton was in New York in 1668, and in his -_Zee-en Landreizen_, Amsterdam, 1681, and again 1702, he gives a -detailed description of the place, borrowing somewhat from Montanus. -(Asher’s _Essay_, no. 17; and _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 1,221, -which says the later editions were issued in 1704-1705.) Though an -Englishman, his account was not published in the original, and we owe -the earliest one in English to Daniel Denton, whose _Brief Descriptions -of New York_ appeared in London in 1670. It is now very rare. (Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, v. 350.) It is a small quarto, and Rich priced it in 1832 -at £1 12_s._ There are copies in Harvard College Library; in the State -Library, Albany; besides two copies in the Carter-Brown Library, with -different imprints. (_Catalogue_, ii. 1,038.) Sabin, in the _Menzies -Catalogue_, says he had sold a copy for $275, and at that sale it -brought $220. (Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 2,778.) It was reprinted by -the Pennsylvania Historical Society in 1845, 16 pp., and by Wm. Gowan -in New York the same year, with an Introduction by Gabriel Furman, 57 -pp. - -A few years later we have another description in the _Journal of a -Voyage to New York_, 1679-80, by Jasper Dankers and Peter Sluyter, -which was translated from the original Dutch manuscript by Henry C. -Murphy, and, enriched by an Introduction from the same hand, appeared -in 1867 as vol. i. of the _Memoirs_ of the Long Island Historical -Society, and also separately. Some particulars of Danckaerts or -Dankers are noted in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1874, p. 309. The -MS., when found by Mr. Frederick Muller, of Amsterdam, from whom Mr. -Murphy procured it, was accompanied by certain drawings of the town, -seemingly taken on the spot. These are given in Mr. Murphy’s volume -in fac-simile, with descriptions by Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, who has -also re-drawn certain parts of them with better perspective, and other -rectifications. The re-drawings are also engraved. The originals -consist: (1) of a view of the Narrows, looking out to sea; (2) of a -long panoramic view of the town as seen from the Brooklyn shore; (3) -the East River shore looking south; (4) a view down the island from the -northern edge of the settlement, with the Hudson River on the right, -and a supposable East River on the left. The views which Mr. Brevoort -has rectified are no. 4; the Stadthuys, with adjacent buildings and -half-moon battery, extracted from no. 2; and three parts of no. 3, -namely the Dock, the Water-gate (foot of Wall Street), and the shore -north of the Water-gate. A reduction of the Brevoort Stadthuys view and -the original, full size, are given herewith. This building stood on the -corner of Pearl Street and Coentys slip, was erected as a city tavern -in 1642, became a city hall in 1655, and was torn down in 1700. The -battery when built projected into the river. There are other views of -the Stadthuys given in Valentine’s _Manual_, (1655-56) p. 336, (1852) -p. 378, (1853) p. 472; his _History_, p. 52; Lamb’s _New York_, i. 106; -Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, ii. 139, etc. Mr. J. W. -Gerard published a monograph in 1875, _Old Stadthuys of New Amsterdam_. - -In the train of Andros, and as his chaplain, a Rev. Charles Wooley -came to New York in 1678, and his _Journal of Two Years_ was published -in 1701. (_Historical Magazine_, i. 371.) There is a copy in Harvard -College Library. It was edited in 1860, with notes by Dr. O’Callaghan, -as Gowan’s _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 2; and no. 3 of the same -series, J. Miller’s _Description of the Province and City of New York_ -(1695), though of a little later date, is best examined in the same -connection. It is edited by John G. Shea, as Gowan printed it in 1862. -Cf. also C. Lodwick’s “New York in 1692,” in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, -vol. ii. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE ENGLISH IN EAST AND WEST JERSEY. 1664-1689. - -BY WILLIAM A. WHITEHEAD. - -_Corresponding Secretary of the New Jersey Historical Society._ - - -ALTHOUGH that portion of the American Continent known as New -Netherland was within the limits claimed by England by virtue of -Cabot’s discovery, yet those in possession, from the comparatively -little interest taken in their proceedings, remained undisturbed until -1664.[709] There had been some attempts on the part of settlers in -Connecticut and on Long Island to encroach upon lands in the occupancy -of the Dutch, or to purchase tracts from the Indians otherwise than -through their intervention, yet nothing had resulted therefrom but -estrangement and animosity. An application for the aid of the Royal -government was the consequence, and Charles II. was induced to -countenance the complaints of his North American subjects, and to -enforce his right to the lands in question. - -[Illustration] - -To effect the ends in view, a charter was granted to James, Duke of -York,—Charles’s brother,—for all the lands lying between the western -side of Connecticut River and the east side of Delaware Bay, including -Long Island, Nantucket, Martha’s Vineyard, and the islands in their -vicinity. This charter was dated March 12, 1663/4, and the following -month a fleet of four vessels, having on board a full complement of -sailors and soldiers, was despatched to eject the Dutch and put the -representatives of the Duke of York in possession. - -[Illustration] - -The fleet arrived in August, and articles of capitulation were signed -on the 19th (20th) of the same month. Colonel Richard Nicolls, who -commanded the expedition, received the surrender of the Province the -following day; and in October Sir Robert Carr secured the capitulation -of the settlements on the Delaware. By the treaty of Breda, in 1667, -the possession of the country was confirmed to the English.[710] - -Although, as the pioneers of civilization, the Hollanders had -developed, to a considerable extent, the resources of what is now New -Jersey, yet the cultivation of the soil and the increase of population, -during the half century that had elapsed since their first occupancy, -were by no means commensurate with what might have been expected. -Settlements had been made on tracts known as Weehawken, Hoboken, -Ahasimus, Pavonia, Constable’s Hook, and Bergen, on the western banks -of the Hudson River, opposite New Amsterdam, but of their population -and other evidences of growth nothing definite is known. On the -Delaware, Cornelius Jacobsen Mey, in 1623, under the auspices of the -West India Company of Holland, and David Pieterson de Vries, in 1631, -attempted to colonize South Jersey at Fort Nassau; but to the Swedes -must be accorded the credit of making the first successful settlements, -though few in number and insignificant in extent.[711] These, in -August, 1655, were surrendered to the Dutch under Peter Stuyvesant, -and they had experienced very little growth or modification when -surrendered to Sir Robert Carr in 1664. - -[Illustration] - -Before the Duke of York was actually in possession of the territory, he -had executed deeds of lease and release to Lord John Berkeley, Baron -of Stratton, and Sir George Carteret, of Saltrum. The documents bore -the dates of June 23 and 24, 1664, and granted all that portion of his -American acquisition— - - “lying and being to the westward of Long Island and Manhitoes Island, - and bounded on the east part by the main sea and part by Hudson’s - river, and hath upon the west Delaware bay or river, and extending - southward to the main ocean as far as Cape May at the mouth of - Delaware bay, and to the northward as far as the northernmost branch - of the said bay or river of Delaware, which is forty-one degrees and - forty minutes of latitude, and crosseth over thence in a straight line - to Hudson’s river in forty-one degrees of latitude; which said tract - of land is hereafter to be called by the name or names of _New Cæsaria - or New Jersey_.” - -The two courtiers, placed in these important and interesting relations -to the people of New Jersey, were doubtless led to enter into them from -being already interested in the Province of Carolina, and from their -associations with the Duke of York. - -[Illustration] - -Sir John Berkeley had been the governor of the Duke in his youth, and -in subsequent years had retained great influence over him. He, as well -as Sir George Carteret, had been a firm adherent of Charles II.; and -Carteret, at the Restoration, was placed in several important positions -and was an intimate companion of James. Both Carteret and Berkeley were -connected with the Duke in the Admiralty Board, of which he was at -that time the head, and consequently enjoyed peculiar facilities for -influencing him. The name of “Cæsaria” was conferred upon the tract in -commemoration of the gallant defence of the Island of Jersey, in 1649, -against the Parliamentarians, by Sir George Carteret, then governor -of the island; but it was soon lost, the English appellation of “New -Jersey” being preferred. - -The grant to the Duke of York, from the Crown, conferred upon him, -his heirs and assigns, among other rights and privileges, that of -government, subject to the approval by the King of all matters -submitted for his decision; differing therein from the Royal privileges -conceded to the proprietors of Maryland and Carolina, which were -unlimited. The Duke of York, consequently, ruled his territory in the -name of the King, and when it was transferred to Berkeley and Carteret, -they, “their heirs and assigns,” were invested with all the powers -conferred upon the Duke “in as full and ample manner” as he himself -possessed them, including, as was conceived, the right of government, -although it was not so stated expressly,—thus transferring with the -land the allegiance and obedience of the inhabitants. - -[Illustration] - -On Feb. 10, 1664/5, without having had any communication with the -inhabitants, or acquiring a knowledge by personal inspection of -the peculiarities of the country, Berkeley and Carteret signed an -instrument which they published under the title of “The Concessions -and Agreements of the Lords Proprietors of New Jersey, to and with all -and every of the adventurers and all such as shall settle and plant -there.” This, the first Constitution of New Jersey, was regarded by -the people as the great charter of their liberties, and respected -accordingly. By its provisions the government of the Province was -confided to a governor, a council of not less than six nor more than -twelve to be selected by the governor, and an assembly of twelve -representatives to be chosen annually by the freemen of the Province. -The governor and council were clothed with power to appoint and remove -all officers,—freeholders alone to be appointed to office unless -by consent of the assembly,—to exercise a general supervision over -all courts, and to be executors of the laws. They were to direct the -manner of laying out of lands, and were not to impose, nor permit to -be imposed, any tax upon the people not authorized by the general -assembly. That body was authorized to pass all laws for the government -of the Province, subject to the approval of the governor, to remain -in force one year, during which time they were to be submitted to the -Lords Proprietors. To encourage planters, every freeman who should -embark with the first governor, or meet him on his arrival, provided -with a “good musket, bore twelve bullets to the pound, with bandoliers -and match convenient, and with six months’ provisions for himself,” -was promised one hundred and fifty acres of land, and the like number -for every man-servant or slave brought with him similarly provided. To -females over the age of fourteen, seventy-five acres were promised, -and a similar number to every Christian servant at the expiration of -his or her term of service. Those going subsequently, but before Jan. -1, 1666, were to receive one hundred and twenty acres, if master, -mistress, or able man-servant or slave; and weaker servants, male or -female, sixty acres. Those going during the fourth year were to have -one half of these quantities. - -In the laying out of towns and boroughs the proprietors reserved -one seventh of the land to themselves. To all who might become -entitled to any land, a warrant was to be obtained from the governor -directing the surveyor to lay out the several tracts, which being -done, a grant or patent was to be issued, signed by the governor and -the major part of the council, subject to a yearly quit-rent of not -less than one halfpenny per acre, the payment of which was to begin -in 1670. Each parish was to be allowed two hundred acres for the -use of its ministers. Liberty of conscience was guaranteed to all -becoming subjects of England, and swearing allegiance to the King and -fidelity to the Lords Proprietors; and the assembly of the Province -was authorized to appoint as many ministers as should be thought -proper, and to provide for their maintenance. Such were the principal -provisions of this fundamental Constitution of the Province. - -[Illustration] - -On the same day that the Concessions were signed, Philip Carteret, a -distant relative of Sir George, was commissioned governor, and received -his instructions. Preparations were at once made for his departure, -accompanied by all such as were willing to emigrate to New Jersey; and -in April he sailed, with about thirty adventurers and servants, in the -ship “Philip,” laden with suitable commodities. The vessel was first -heard of as being in Virginia in May, and she arrived at New York on -July 29. Here Carteret was informed that Governor Nicolls, in entire -ignorance of the transfer of New Jersey to Lords Berkeley and Carteret, -had authorized and confirmed a purchase made of the Indians, by a party -from Long Island, of a tract of land lying on the west side of the -strait between Staten Island and the main land, and that four families -had emigrated thither. Nicolls had also confirmed to other parties -a tract lying near to Sandy Hook, which they had purchased from the -Indians. This led to the settlement of Middletown and Shrewsbury, in -what is now Monmouth County,—the two grants laying the foundation for -much subsequent trouble in the administration of the public affairs of -the Province. - -In consequence of these developments the prow of the “Philip” was -directed by Carteret towards the new settlement at what is now -Elizabeth; and arriving there early in August, he landed, as it is -said, with a hoe upon his shoulder, thereby indicating his intention -to become a planter with those already there, and conferring upon -the embryo town the name it now bears, after the lady of Sir George -Carteret. - -Among Carteret’s first measures for the improvement of the Province -was the sending of messengers to New England and elsewhere, to publish -the Concessions and to invite settlers,—measures which resulted in a -considerable accession to the population. The ship “Philip” returned to -England in about six months, and brought out the next year “more people -and goods” on account of the Proprietors; and other vessels, similarly -laden, followed from time to time. - -In 1666 a division of the Elizabethtown tract was effected, -leading to the settlement of Woodbridge and Piscataway. Another -settlement,—formed by immigrants from Milford, Guilford, Branford, and -New Haven, and having a desire, they said in their agreement, “to be of -one heart and consent, through God’s blessing, that with one hand they -may endeavor the carrying on of spiritual concernments, as also civil -and town affairs according to God and a godly government,”—became the -nucleus of Newark (now the most populous city in New Jersey), only such -planters as belonged to some one of the Congregational churches being -allowed to vote or hold office in the town. These, with the settlements -mentioned as having been begun under the Dutch administration, -comprised all which for some years attracted immigration from other -quarters. Thus gradually New Jersey obtained an enterprising, -industrious population sufficiently large to develop in no small degree -its varied capabilities. - -The Indians were considered generally as beneficial to the new -settlements. The obtaining of furs, skins, and game, which added both -to the traffic of the Province and to the support of the inhabitants, -was thus secured with less difficulty than if they had been obliged -to depend upon their own exertions for the needed supply. The -different tribes were more or less connected with or subordinate to -the confederated Indians of New York, and the settlers in New Jersey -enjoyed, in consequence, peculiar protection. As the Proprietors -evinced no disposition to deprive them of their lands, but in all -cases made what was deemed an adequate remuneration for such as were -purchased, New Jersey was preserved from those unhappy collisions which -resulted in such vital injury to the settlements in other parts of the -country. - -Governor Carteret did not think that any legislation was immediately -necessary for the government of the people or administration of the -affairs of the Province. The Concessions having been tried were found -quite adequate to the requirements of the new settlements, but on -April 7, 1668, he issued his proclamation ordering the election of two -freeholders from each town to meet in a general assembly the ensuing -month at Elizabethtown; and on May 26 the first Assembly in New Jersey -began a session which closed on the 30th. During the session a bill -of pains and penalties was passed, identical in some respects with -the Levitical law. Other subjects were considered; but “by reason of -the week so near spent and the resolution of some of the company to -depart,” definite action was postponed until the ensuing session, which -was held on November 3, in which deputies from the southern portion of -the Province on the Delaware took part. A few acts were passed relating -to weights and measures, fines, and dealings with the Indians; but on -the fourth day of the session the Assembly adjourned _sine die_, the -deputies excusing themselves therefor in a message to the Governor and -Council, in which they say:— - - “We, finding so many and great inconveniences by our not sitting - together, and your apprehension so different to ours, and your - expectations that things must go according to your opinions, they can - see no reason for, much less warrant from the Concessions; wherefore - we think it vain to spend much time in returning answers by meetings - that are so exceeding dilatory, if not fruitless and endless, and - therefore we think our way rather to break up our meeting, seeing the - order of the Concessions cannot be attended to.” - -A proposition by the Governor and Council, that a committee should be -appointed to consult with them upon the asserted deviations from the -Concessions, was not heeded, and the Assembly adjourned. Seven years -elapsed before another, of which there is any authentic record, met. -There are intimations of meetings of deputies on two occasions in 1671; -but what was done thereat is not known, excepting the establishing of a -Court of Oyer and Terminer. - -This neglect to provide for the regular meeting of the General Assembly -of the Province was doubtless owing to the disaffection then existing -among the inhabitants of what was subsequently known as the Monmouth -Patent, including Middletown, Shrewsbury, and other settlements holding -their lands under the grant from Nicolls, which has been mentioned. -As they considered themselves authorized to pass such prudential laws -as they deemed advisable, they were led to hold a local assembly -for the purpose as early as June, 1667, at what is now called the -Highlands; and not being disposed to acknowledge fully the claims of -the Lords Proprietors, they refused to publish the laws passed at -the first session of the General Assembly and would not permit them -to be enforced within their limits, on the ground that the deputies, -professedly representing them, had not been lawfully elected. Certain -differences in the Nicolls grant, from the Concessions, were insisted -on before the deputies representing those towns could be allowed to -co-operate in any legislation affecting them. - -These views were not acceded to, and the towns were consequently -not represented in the Assembly of November, 1668, and the first -open hostility to the government of Carteret was inaugurated. This, -however, did not interfere materially with his administration of the -affairs of the Province. In every other quarter harmony prevailed -until the time came when, by the provisions of the Concessions, the -first quit-rents became payable by those holding lands under the -Proprietors. The arrival of March 25, 1670, when their collection -was to begin, introduced decided and, in many quarters, violent -opposition. Information received from England of a probable change in -the proprietorship, which promised a reannexation of New Jersey to -New York, no doubt added to the apprehensions of the Governor and his -Council, and gave encouragement to the disaffected among the people. - -The Elizabethtown settlers, asserting their right to the lands -confirmed to them by Governor Nicolls independent of the requisitions -of the Concessions, became the central instruments of action for the -disaffected. The claims of the Proprietors’ officers, the oaths of -allegiance which many of them had taken, as well as their duty to -those whose liberal concessions constituted the chief inducements for -settlement within their jurisdiction, were alike unheeded. The titles -acquired through Nicolls they attempted to uphold as of superior force, -and, following the example of Middletown and Shrewsbury, although on -less tenable grounds, they were disposed to question the authority of -the government in other matters. For two years there was a prevalent -state of confusion, anxiety, and doubt. - -On March 26, 1672, there was a meeting of deputies from the different -towns; but the validity of such an Assembly, as it was called, the -governor and council did not recognize. The proceedings are presumed to -have had reference to the vexed question of titles; but the documents -connected with the meeting were all suppressed by the secretary, -who was also assistant-secretary of the council, and he acted, it -is presumed, under their instructions. Another meeting was held at -Elizabethtown on May 14, composed of representatives of Elizabethtown, -Newark, Woodbridge, Piscataway, and Bergen; but assembling “without -the knowledge, approbation, or consent” of the governor and council, -they of course did not co-operate. The Concessions stipulated that -the general assembly should consist of the “representatives, or the -majority of them, with the governor and council,” and their absence -afforded an excuse for another step toward independence of the -established authorities. The Concessions provided that, should the -governor refuse to be present in person or by deputy, the general -assembly might “appoint themselves a president during the absence -of the governor or the deputy-governor;” and the assembly proceeded -to do so (not, however, a president merely to preside over their -deliberations and give effect to their acts, but a “president of the -country,” to exercise the chief authority in the Province), finding a -ready co-operator in James Carteret, a son of Sir George, then in New -Jersey on his way to Carolina, of which he had been made a landgrave. - -He appears to have been courteously received by the authorities of -the Province, from his near relationship to the proprietor, but his -course argues little consideration for them or for the interests of -his father. He did not hesitate to assume the chief authority; and, -although the governor issued a proclamation denouncing both him and -the body which had conferred authority upon him, yet power to enforce -obedience seems to have been with the usurper. Officers of the -government were seized and imprisoned, and in some instances their -property was confiscated. - -[Illustration] - -Governor Carteret had deemed it advisable to seek his safety by taking -up his residence in Bergen, where on May 28 he convened his council -for deliberation. They advised him to go to England, to explain to -the Lords Proprietors the situation of the Province, and to have his -authority confirmed. This he did, taking with him James Bollen, the -secretary of the council, and appointing John Berry deputy-governor in -his absence. Their reception by the Proprietors was all that they could -have expected or desired. Sir George Carteret sent directions to his -son to vacate his usurped authority at once and proceed to Carolina; -and the Duke of York wrote to Governor Lovelace, who had succeeded -Nicolls in the Province of New York, notifying him, and requiring him -to make the same known to the insurgents, that the claims they had -advanced would not be recognized by him; and King Charles II. himself -sent a missive to Deputy-Governor Berry confirming his authority and -commanding obedience to the government of the Lords Proprietors. Other -documents from the Proprietors expressed in temperate but decided -language their determination to support the rights which had been -conferred upon them, and some modifications of the Concessions were -made, which circumstances seemed to require, conferring additional -powers on the governor and council. - -These various documents were published by Deputy-Governor Berry in May, -1673. They served to quiet the previous agitation, and to re-establish -his authority. A certain time was allowed the malecontents to comply -with the terms of the Proprietors; and the inhabitants of Middletown -and Shrewsbury placed themselves in a more favorable position than -those of other towns by asking for a suspension of proceedings against -them until they could communicate with the authorities in England. -This they did, throwing themselves upon their generous forbearance by -relinquishing any special privileges they had claimed under the Nicolls -patent, receiving individual grants of land in lieu thereof; and -thereafter the relations between them and the proprietary government -were always harmonious. - -The government was resumed by the representatives of the Proprietors -without any exhibition of exultation; and further to insure -tranquillity and good conduct the deputy-governor and council issued -an order with the intent “to prevent deriding, or uttering words of -reproach, to any that had been guilty” of the insubordination. - -In March, 1673, Charles II., in co-operation with Louis XIV. of France, -declared war against Holland; and before the time expired, within -which the proffered terms were to be acceded to by the inhabitants, -the Dutch were again in possession of the country. The manner in -which New Netherland had been subdued by the English prompted a like -retaliation, and a squadron of five vessels was at once despatched -against New York. The fleet was increased, by captures on the way, -to sixteen vessels, conveying sixteen hundred men; and on August 8 -possession of the fort was obtained, and for more than a year the -authority of the States General was acknowledged. On the one hand, no -harshness or disposition to violate the just rights of the inhabitants -was manifested; while, on the other, imaginary injuries from the -proprietary government led to a ready recognition of what might prove -an advantageous change. The natural consequences were harmony and -good-will. - -The inhabitants generally were confirmed in the possession of their -lawfully acquired lands, and placed on an equality, as to privileges, -with the Hollanders themselves. Local governments were established for -each town, consisting of six schepens, or magistrates, and two deputies -toward the constitution of a joint board, for the purpose of nominating -three persons for schouts and three for secretaries. From the -nominations thus made the council would select three magistrates for -each town, and for the six towns collectively a schout and secretary. -John Ogden and Samuel Hopkins were severally appointed to these offices -on the 1st of September. - -On November 18 a code of laws was promulgated “by the schout and -magistrates of Achter Kol Assembly, held at Elizabethtown to make -laws and orders,” but it does not appear to have been framed with -any reference to the English laws in force, which it was intended to -subvert. It was singularly mild in the character and extent of the -punishments to be inflicted on transgressors, the principal aim of -the legislators apparently being the protection of the Province from -the demoralizing effects of sensual indulgence and other vicious -propensities; but the whole code soon became a nullity, through the -abrogation of the authority under which it was enacted. - -On Feb. 9, 1674, a treaty of peace was signed at Westminster, the -eighth article of which restored the country to the English; and they -continued in undisturbed possession from the November following until -the war which secured the independence of the United States of America. - -On the conclusion of peace the Duke of York obtained from the King a -new patent, dated June 29, 1674, similar in its privileges and extent -to the first; and on October 30 Edmund Andros arrived with a commission -as governor, clothing him with power to take possession of New York -and its dependencies, which, in the words of the commission included -“all the land from the west side of Connecticut River to the east side -of Delaware Bay.” On November 9 he issued a proclamation in which he -expressly declared that all former grants, privileges, or concessions, -and all estates legally possessed by and under His Royal Highness -before the late Dutch government, were thereby confirmed, and the -possessors by virtue thereof to remain in quiet possession of their -rights. King Charles on June 13, prior to the issuing of a new patent -by the Duke of York, wrote a circular letter confirming in all respects -the title and power of Carteret in East Jersey. - -[Illustration] - -On July 28 and 29, 1674, Sir George Carteret received a new grant from -the Duke of York, equally full as to rights and privileges, giving -him individually all of the Province north of a line drawn from a -certain “creek called Barnegat to a certain creek on Delaware River, -next adjoining to and below a certain creek on Delaware River called -Rankokus Kill,” a stream south of what is now Burlington,—the sale -of Berkeley’s interest in the Province being evidently considered as -leading to its division. - -[Illustration] - -This had taken place on March 18, 1673/4, Lord Berkeley disposing -of his portion of the Province to John Fenwicke,—Edward Byllynge -being interested in the transaction. As these two were members of the -Society of Quakers, or Friends, who had experienced much persecution in -England, it is thought that in making this purchase they had in view -the securing for themselves and their religious associates a place of -retreat. - -[Illustration] - -Some difficulty was experienced in determining the respective -interests of Fenwicke and Byllynge in the property they had acquired, -and the intervention of William Penn was secured. He awarded one tenth -of the Province, with a considerable sum of money, to Fenwicke, and the -remaining nine tenths to Byllynge. Not long after, Byllynge, who was a -merchant, met with misfortunes, which obliged him to make a conveyance -of his interest to others. It was therefore assigned to three of his -fellow associates among the Quakers,—William Penn, Gawen Lawrie, and -Nicholas Lucas. This conveyance was signed Feb. 10, 1674. The nine -undivided tenths were assigned to the three persons just mentioned, to -be held by them in trust for the benefit of Byllynge’s creditors; and -not long after Fenwicke’s tenth was also placed under their control, -although he had executed a lease to John Eldridge and Edmond Warner for -a thousand years, to secure the repayment of sums of money obtained -from them. A discretionary power to sell was conferred by the lease, -leading to complications of title and management. - -[Illustration] - -Philip Carteret had remained in England until the negotiations -subsequent to the surrender of the Dutch were completed and the -new grant for East Jersey obtained; and on July 31, 1674, he was -recommissioned as governor, and returned to the Province, bringing with -him further regulations respecting the laying out of lands, the payment -of quit-rents, and other obligations of the settlers. His return seems -to have greatly pleased the people of East Jersey. His commission, and -the other documents of which he was made the bearer, were published at -Bergen, Nov. 6, 1674, in the presence of his council and commissioners -from all the towns except Shrewsbury. - -After the Governor’s return the assemblies met annually with -considerable regularity, the first at Elizabethtown on Nov. 5, 1675, -and the others either there or at Woodbridge or Middletown. Sufficient -unanimity seems to have prevailed among the different branches -of government, to secure legislation upon all subjects which the -advancement of the Province in population rendered essential. - -As yet no material change in the condition of West Jersey as to -settlement had taken place; but in 1675 John Fenwicke, with many -others, came over in the ship “Griffith” from London and landed at what -is now Salem,—so called by them from the peaceful aspect which the -site then wore. No other settlers, however, arrived for two years. - -Although the commission of Andros as governor of New York authorized -him to take possession of the Province “and its dependencies,” yet -having been conversant with the transactions in England affecting -New Jersey, which had taken place subsequent to its date, he did not -presume at first to assert his authority over that Province, otherwise -than to collect duties there similar to those constituting the Duke’s -revenue in New York. Soon after his arrival he took measures to collect -the same customs at Hoarkill, in West Jersey; and on the arrival of -Fenwicke with his settlers at Salem, a meeting of his council was held -Dec. 5, 1675, at which an order was issued prohibiting any privilege -or freedom of customs or trading on the eastern shore of the Delaware, -nor was Fenwicke to be recognized as owner or proprietor of any land. -As this prohibition was not regarded by Fenwicke, on Nov. 8, 1676, -directions were given to the council at Newcastle to arrest him and -send him to New York. This proceeding not being acquiesced in by -Fenwicke, a judicial and military force was despatched in December to -make the arrest. On producing, for the inspection of Andros, the King’s -Letters Patent, the Duke of York’s grant to Berkeley and Carteret, and -Lord Berkeley’s deed to himself, Fenwicke was allowed to return to West -Jersey, on condition that he should present himself again on or before -the 6th of October following,—the fact that the Duke was authorized -to, and did, transfer all his rights in New Jersey, “in as full and -ample manner” as he had received them, being an argument that Andros -could not readily refute. Fenwicke complied with the prescribed terms -of his release and, after some detention as a prisoner, was liberated -(as asserted by Andros) on his parole not to assume any authority in -West Jersey until further warrant should be given. - -It being evident that the grant of the Duke of York to Sir George -Carteret in July, 1674, had not made an equitable division of the -Province between him and the assigns of Sir John Berkeley, the Duke -induced Sir George to relinquish that grant, and another deed of -division was executed on July 1, 1676, known as the Quintipartite Deed, -making the dividing line to run from Little Egg Harbor to what was -called the northernmost branch of the Delaware River, in 41° 40´ north -latitude; and from that time the measures adopted by the Proprietors of -the two provinces to advance the interests of their respective portions -were enforced separately and independently of each other. - -The trustees of Byllynge effected sales of land to two companies of -Friends, one from Yorkshire and the other from London; and in 1677 -commissioners were sent out with power to purchase lands of the -natives, to lay out the various patents that might be issued, and -otherwise administer the government. The ship “Kent” was sent over with -two hundred and thirty passengers, and after a long passage she arrived -in the Delaware in August (1677), and the following month a settlement -was made on the site of the present Burlington. - -The commissioners came in the “Kent,” which, on her way to the -Delaware, anchored at Sandy Hook. Thence the commissioners proceeded to -New York to inform Governor Andros of their intentions; and, although -they failed to secure an absolute surrender of his authority over their -lands, he promised them his aid in getting their rights acknowledged, -they in the mean time acting as magistrates under him, and being -permitted to carry out the views of the Proprietors. During the -following months of 1677, and in 1678, several hundred more immigrants -arrived and located themselves on the Yorkshire and London tracts, or -tenths as they were called. - -The settlers of West Jersey, as a body, were too intelligent for them -to remain long without an established form of government, and on March -3, 1677, a code of laws was adopted under the title of “The Concessions -and Agreements of the Proprietors, Freeholders, and Inhabitants of -the Province of West Jersey.” It was drawn up, as is presumed, by -William Penn and his immediate coadjutors, as his name heads the list -of signers, of whom there were one hundred and fifty-one. The chief -or executive authority was by these Concessions lodged in the hands -of commissioners to be appointed by the then Proprietors, and their -provisions cannot but meet with general approval. This code is to be -considered as the first example of Quaker legislation, and is marked -by great liberality. The framers, as a proprietary body, retained no -authority exclusively to themselves, but placed all power in the hands -of the people. The document was to be read at the beginning and close -of each general assembly; and, that all might know its provisions, four -times in a year it was to be read in a solemn manner in every hall of -justice in the Province. - -The settlers on Fenwicke’s tenth did not participate in the privileges -of these Concessions. On returning to the Province, after his -confinement in New York, Fenwicke proceeded to make choice of officers -for his colony, demanding in the name of the King the submission of the -people, and directly afterward issued a proclamation in which he—as -“Lord and Chief Proprietor of the said Province [West Jersey], and in -particular Fenwicke’s colony within the same”—required all persons to -appear before him within one month and show their orders or warrants -for “their pretended titles,” assuming an independent authority -entirely at variance with the proprietary directions. - -The commissioners of the Byllynge tenths, however, do not appear to -have made any attempt to interfere with him, confining their authority -to the limits of their own well defined tracts; but if Fenwicke escaped -annoyance from his near neighbors he was not so fortunate in his -relations with his former persecutor, Andros, as he is represented as -being, not long after his return, again at Newcastle under arrest, -waiting for some opportunity to be sent again to New York. - -Although, as has been stated, general quietude prevailed in East -Jersey for some years after Carteret’s return from England, yet it -must be considered as resulting less from the desire of the people to -co-operate with him, than from the want of leaders willing to guide -and uphold them in ultra proceedings. The exaction of customs in New -York, by direction of the representatives of the Duke of York, operated -more to the annoyance of the inhabitants on the Delaware than to -those in the eastern portion of the Province, and it was with great -anxiety that the adventurers to West Jersey regarded the course of -Andros in relation thereto; but in East Jersey, the proximity to New -York rendered a direct trade with foreign lands less necessary. Andros -steadily opposed all projects of the Governor to render East Jersey -more independent of New York, and the death of Sir George Carteret in -January, 1680, seems to have inspired him with fresh vigor in asserting -the claims of the Duke of York. Recalling to mind that New Jersey was -within the limits of his jurisdiction according to his commission, he -addressed a letter to Governor Carteret in March, 1679/80, informing -him that, being advised of his acting without legal authority to the -great disturbance of His Majesty’s subjects, he required him to cease -exercising any authority whatever within the limits of the Duke of -York’s patent, unless his lawful power so to do was first recorded in -New York. To this unlooked for and unwarranted communication, Governor -Carteret replied on March 20, two days after its receipt, informing his -indignant correspondent that after consultation with his council he and -they were prepared to defend themselves and families against any and -all aggressions, having a perfect conviction of the validity of the -authority they exercised. Before this letter was received by Andros, or -even written, he had issued a proclamation abrogating the government of -Carteret and requiring all persons to submit to the King’s authority -as embodied in himself. Emissaries were despatched to East Jersey to -undermine the authority of Carteret, and every other means adopted to -estrange the people from their adhesion to the Proprietary government. - -On April 7 Andros, accompanied by his council, presented himself at -Elizabethtown, and Carteret, finding that they were unattended by any -military force, dismissed a body of one hundred and fifty men gathered -for his defence; and, receiving his visitors with civility, a mutual -exposition was made of their respective claims to the government of -East Jersey. The conference ended as it had begun. Andros having -now, as he said, performed his duty by fully presenting his authority -and demanding the government in behalf of His Majesty, cautioned them -against refusal. “Then we went to dinner,” says Carteret in his account -of the interview, “and that done we accompanied him to the ship, and so -parted.” - -Carteret’s hospitality, however, was lost upon Andros. On April 30 a -party of soldiers, sent by him, dragged the Governor from his bed and -carried him to New York, bruised and maltreated, where he was kept -in prison until May 27, when a special court was convened for his -trial for having “persisted and riotously and routously endeavored to -maintain the exercise of jurisdiction and government over His Majesty’s -subjects within the bounds of His Majesty’s letters-patent to His Royal -Highness.” - -Carteret boldly maintained his independence under these trying -circumstances. He fully acknowledged before the court his refusal to -surrender his government to Andros without the special command of the -King, submitted the various documents bearing upon the subject, and -protested against the jurisdiction of a court where his accuser and -imprisoner was also his judge. - -The jury brought in a verdict of “not guilty,” which Andros would not -receive, obliging them to reconsider their action, two or three times; -and it is somewhat singular that they should have held firm to their -first decision. They, however, gave in so far as to require Governor -Carteret to give security not to exercise any authority on his return -to East Jersey, until the matter could be referred to the authorities -in England. - -Andros lost no time in profiting by Carteret’s violent deposition, -for although it is said that, attended by his whole retinue of ladies -and gentlemen, he escorted Carteret to his home in Elizabethtown, yet -on June 2 Andros met the Assembly at that place, presented again his -credentials, and recommended such enactments as would confirm all past -judicial proceedings, and the adoption of the laws in force in New -York. The representatives, while they treated Andros with respect, -were not unmindful of what was due to themselves as freemen. They -were not prepared to bow in submission even to His Majesty’s Letters -Patent, whenever at variance with their true rights. “What we have -formerly done,” said they, “we did in obedience to the authority that -was then established in this Province: these things, which have been -done according to law, require no confirmation.” They presented for -the approval of Andros the laws already in force as adapted to their -circumstances, and expressed their expectations that the privileges -conferred by the Concessions would be confirmed. It does not appear -that their views were dissented from by Andros, or that his visit was -productive of either good or evil results. - -In consequence of the dilatoriness of the Proprietary in England, -Carteret was kept in suspense until the beginning of the next year; but -on March 2, 1681, he issued a proclamation announcing the receipt by -him of the gratifying intelligence that the Duke of York had disavowed -the acts of Andros and denied having conferred upon him any authority -that could in the least have derogated from that vested in the -Proprietary; and a letter from the Duke’s secretary, to Andros himself, -notified him that His Royal Highness had relinquished all right or -claim to the Province, except the reserved rent. - -About this time Andros returned to England, leaving Anthony Brocholst, -president of the council, as his representative. There is some mystery -about his conduct towards New Jersey. He may have thought that the -party in East Jersey, inimical to the proprietary government, might -enable him to regain possession of it for the Duke, and thereby -increase the estimation in which he might be held by him. For Andros -had enemies in New York who had interested themselves adversely to his -interests, making such an impression upon the Duke that his voyage to -England at this time was taken in accordance with the express command -of his superior, to answer certain charges preferred against him. - -The withdrawal of the common enemy soon reproduced the bickerings and -disputings which had characterized much of Carteret’s administration. -He convened an Assembly at Elizabethtown in October, 1681, at which -such violent altercations took place that the Governor, for the first -time in the history of New Jersey, dissolved the Assembly, contrary to -the wishes of the representatives. This was the last Assembly during -the administration of Carteret, for the ensuing year he resigned the -government into other hands. - -Sir George Carteret died, as has been stated, in 1680, leaving his -widow, Lady Elizabeth, his executrix. He devised his interest in New -Jersey to eight trustees in trust for the benefit of his creditors; -and their attention was immediately given to finding a purchaser, by -private application or public advertisement. These modes of proceeding -proving unsuccessful it was offered at public sale to the highest -bidder, and William Penn and eleven associates, all thought to have -been Quakers, and some of whom were already interested in West Jersey, -became the purchasers for £3,400. Their deeds of lease and release -were dated Feb. 1 and 2, 1681/2, and subsequently each one sold one -half of his interest to a new associate, making in all twenty-four -proprietors. On March 14, 1681/2, the Duke of York confirmed the sale -of the Province to the Twenty-four by giving a new grant more full -and explicit than any previous one, in which their names are inserted -in the following order: James, Earl of Perth, John Drummond, Robert -Barclay, David Barclay, Robert Gordon, Arent Sonmans, _William Penn_, -_Robert West_, _Thomas Rudyard_, _Samuel Groom_, _Thomas Hart_, -_Richard Mew_, _Ambrose Rigg_, _John Heywood_, _Hugh Hartshorne_, -_Clement Plumstead_, _Thomas Cooper_, Gawen Lawrie, Edward Byllynge, -James Brain, William Gibson, Thomas Barker, Robert Turner, and Thomas -Warne,—those in italics being the names of eleven of the first twelve, -_Thomas Wilcox_, the twelfth, having parted with his entire interest. - -There was a strange commingling of religions, professions, and -characters in these Proprietors, among them being, as the historian -Wynne observes, “High Prerogative men (especially those from -Scotland), Dissenters, Papists, and Quakers.” This bringing together -such a diversity of political and religious ideas and habits was -doubtless with a view to harmonize any outside influences that it might -be deemed advisable to secure, in order to advance the interests of the -Province. A government composed entirely of Quakers or Dissenters or -Royalists might have failed to meet the co-operation desired, whereas a -combination of all might have been expected to unite all parties. - -[Illustration] - -Robert Barclay of Urie, a Scottish gentleman, a Quaker, and a personal -friend of William Penn, was selected to be governor. He occupied a -high position among those of his religion for the influence exerted -in their behalf, and for the numerous works written by him in defence -of their principles,—the most celebrated being _An Apology for the -True Christian Divinity as the same is preached and held forth by the -people, in scorn, called Quakers_,—and moreover he was equally capable -of excelling in worldly matters. He was subsequently commissioned -governor for life; and, as if his name alone were sufficient to -insure a successful administration of the affairs of the Province, he -was not required to visit East Jersey in person, but might exercise -his authority there by deputy. He selected for that position Thomas -Rudyard, an eminent lawyer of London, originally from the town of -Rudyard in Staffordshire. It was probably from his connection with the -trials of prominent Quakers, in 1670, that he became interested in the -East Jersey project. He took an active part in the preliminary measures -for advancing the designs of the Proprietors. The Concessions, their -plans for one or more towns, a map of the country, and other documents -were deposited at his residence in London for the inspection of all -adventurers. - -The entire population of East Jersey at this time was estimated at -about five thousand, occupying Shrewsbury, Middletown, Piscataway, -Woodbridge, Elizabethtown, Newark, Bergen, and the country in their -respective vicinities. - -Deputy-Governor Rudyard, accompanied by Samuel Groom as receiver -and surveyor-general, arrived in the Province in November 1682, and -both were favorably impressed by the condition and advantages of the -country. On December 10 following the council was appointed, consisting -of Colonel Lewis Morris, Captain John Berry, Captain William Sandford, -Lawrence Andress, and Benjamin Price, before whom, on December 20, the -deputy-governor took his oath of office, having previously on the 1st -been sworn as chief register of the Proprietors. The instructions with -which Rudyard was furnished by the Proprietors or Governor Barclay are -not on record, but they are presumed to have been in accordance with -the terms of a letter to the planters and inhabitants, with which he -was furnished, inculcating harmony and earnest endeavors to advance -their joint interests. The previous Concessions being confirmed, -Rudyard convened an Assembly at Elizabethtown, March 1, 1683; and -during the year two additional sessions were held and several acts of -importance passed. Among them was one establishing the bounds of four -counties into which the Province was divided. “Bergen” included the -settlements between the Hudson and Hackensack rivers, and extended to -the northern bounds of the Province; “Essex” included all the country -north of the dividing line between Woodbridge and Elizabethtown, and -west of the Hackensack; “Middlesex” took in all the lands from the -Woodbridge line on the north to Chesapeake Harbor on the southeast, and -back southwest and northwest to the Province bounds; and “Monmouth” -comprised the residue. - -Although the administration of Rudyard appears to have been productive -of beneficial results, securing a great degree of harmony among the -varied interests prevailing in the Province, yet, differing from him in -opinion as to the policy of certain measures, the Proprietors, while -their confidence in him seems to have been unimpaired, thought proper -to put another in his place. The principal reason, therefore, appears -to have been that Rudyard and the surveyor-general Groom differed as -to the mode of laying out lands. The Concessions contemplated the -division of all large tracts into seven parts, one of which was to be -for the Proprietors and their heirs. Groom refused to obey the warrants -of survey for such tracts unless such an interest of the Proprietors -therein was recognized, but the governor and his council took the -position that the patents, not the surveys, determined the rights of -the parties; and, to have their views carried out, Groom was dismissed -and Philip Wells appointed to be his successor. The Proprietors in -England, regarding this measure as probably in some way lessening their -profits in the Province, sustained the surveyor-general’s views and -annulled all grants not made in accordance therewith, and appointed -as Rudyard’s successor Gawen Lawrie, a merchant of London,—the same -influential Quaker whom we have seen deeply interested already in West -Jersey as one of Byllynge’s trustees, and whose intelligence and active -business qualifications made his administration of affairs conspicuous. - -His commission was dated at London in July 1683, but he did not take -his oath of office until February 28 following. Rudyard retained the -offices of secretary and register and performed their duties until the -close of 1685, when he left for Barbadoes, being succeeded as secretary -by James Emott. Lawrie retained Messrs. Morris, Berry, Sandford, -and Price of Rudyard’s council, and appointed four others, Richard -Hartshorne of Monmouth, Isaac Kingsland of New Barbadoes, Thomas -Codrington of Middlesex, Henry Lyon of Elizabeth, and Samuel Dennis of -Woodbridge. - -The new deputy-governor brought out with him a code of general -laws—or fundamental constitutions as they were called, consisting -of twenty-four chapters, or articles, adopted by the Proprietors in -England—which was considered by its framers, for reasons not apparent, -as so superior to the Concessions, that only those who would submit -to a resurvey and approval of their several grants, arrange for the -payment of quit-rents, and agree to pass an act for the permanent -support of the government should enjoy its protection and privileges. -All others were to be ruled in accordance with the Concessions. This -virtually established two codes of laws for the Province. Lawrie, -however, seems to have been convinced of the impropriety of putting -the new code in force, although in his instructions he was directed as -soon as possible to “order it to be passed in an assembly and settle -the country according thereto.” Through his discretion, therefore, the -civil policy of the Province remained unchanged. - -The country made a most favorable impression upon Lawrie. “There is -not a poor body in all the Province, nor that wants,” wrote he to the -Proprietors in England; and he urged them to hasten emigration as -rapidly as possible,—discovering in the sparseness of the population -one great cause of the difficulties his predecessors had encountered, -an increase in the number of inhabitants favorable to the Proprietors’ -interests being essential. - -The Proprietors, however, had not been so unmindful of their interests -as not to exert themselves to induce emigration to their newly acquired -territory. The first twelve associates directly after receiving the -deed for the Province published a _Brief Account of the Province of -East Jersey_, presenting it in a very favorable light, and in 1683 the -Scotch Proprietors issued a publication of a similar character. These -publications, aided by the personal influence of Governor Barclay over -their countrymen, who at that time were greatly dissatisfied with their -political condition, and suffering under religious persecution, excited -considerable interest for the Province, and a number of emigrants were -soon on their way across the Atlantic. Many of them were sent out in -the employ of different Proprietors, or under such agreements as would -afford their principals the benefits of headland grants, fifty acres -being allowed to each master of a family and twenty-five for each -person composing it, whether wife, child, or servant,—each servant to -be bound three years, at the expiration of which time he or she was to -be allowed to take up thirty acres on separate account. - -Only a limited success, however, attended these exertions; national and -religious ties were not so easily severed. Notwithstanding the ills -that pressed so heavily upon them and their countrymen, the voluntary -and perpetual exile which they were asked to take upon them required -more earnest and pertinent appeals; and therefore, in 1685, a work -appeared entitled _The Model of the Government of the Province of East -New Jersey in America_, written by George Scot of Pitlochie at the -request of the Proprietors, in which the objections to emigration were -refuted, and the condition of the new country stated at length. Further -reference to this publication will be made hereafter; it is sufficient -to state at present that it led to the embarkation of nearly two -hundred persons for East Jersey on board a vessel named the “Henry and -Francis,”—a name which deserves as permanent a position in the annals -of New Jersey as does that of the “Mayflower” in those of Massachusetts. - -The instructions of the Proprietors to Deputy-Governor Lawrie—while -firm in their requirements for the execution of all engagements -which justice to themselves and other settlers called upon them to -enforce—were calculated to restore tranquillity, and to quiet, for a -time at least, the opposition to their government. The claims under the -Indian purchases having been brought to their notice, and relief sought -from the evils to which the claimants had been subjected, elicited a -dignified letter in reply, upholding the proprietary authority, and -presenting in a forcible manner the difficulties which would inevitably -arise should that authority be subverted. In order to prevent further -difficulties from the acquisition of Indian titles by individuals the -right to purchase was continued in the deputy-governor, and he was -directed to make a requisition upon the Proprietors for the necessary -funds, as had been done in 1682, by shipping a cargo of goods valued at -about one hundred and fifty pounds, and expending the amount for that -purpose. - -The necessity for the cultivation of good feelings with the Province -of New York was manifest. Having for its chief executive one whose -arbitrary temper and disposition led him to disregard solemn -engagements, the relations between the provinces were not likely to -be made more harmonious because he was heir-apparent to the throne of -England; and it was consequently in accordance both with the principles -of the Friends and the promptings of sound judgment and discretion, -that the Proprietors urged upon Lawrie the propriety of fostering a -friendly correspondence with New York, and avoiding everything that -might occasion misapprehension or cause aggressions upon their rights. - -Lawrie conformed himself to the tenor of his instructions. He visited -Governor Dongan and remained with him two or three days, discussing -their mutual rights and privileges, and was treated by him with -kindness and respect; and being of a less grasping disposition than his -predecessor, there were no open acts of hostility to the proprietary -government manifested by him. - -Immigration and a transfer of rights soon brought into the Province -a sufficient number of Proprietors to allow of the establishment -of a board of commissioners within its limits, authorized to act -with the deputy-governor in the temporary approval of laws passed -by the Assembly, the purchasing and laying out of lands, and other -matters,—thus avoiding the necessary and consequent unpleasant delay -attendant upon the transmission of such business details to the -Proprietors in England before putting them in operation. This body was -formed August 1, 1684, and became known as the “Board of Proprietors.” -To this board was intrusted the advancement of a new town to be called -Perth,—in honor of the Earl of Perth, one of the Proprietors,—for the -settlement of which proposals had been issued in 1682, immediately on -their obtaining possession of the Province. - -[Illustration] - -The advancement of this town was a favorite project, and at the time -of Lawrie’s arrival several houses were already erected, and others -in progress (Samuel Groom having surveyed and laid out the site); -and attention was immediately given to the execution of the plans -of the projectors, based upon the expectation that it would become -the chief town and seaport of the Province. Lawrie was particularly -cautious, in carrying out their views as regarded the seaport, not to -infringe any of the navigation laws respecting the payment of duties, -or otherwise,—going so far as to admit William Dyre, in April, -1685, to the discharge of his duties as collector of the customs in -New Jersey, which naturally led to difficulties. Previously vessels -had been permitted by Lawrie to proceed directly to and from the -Province, and the inhabitants valued the privilege; but Dyre had not -been in execution of his office more than two or three months before -he complained to the commissioners of the customs of the opposition -encountered in enforcing the regulations he had established for -entering at New York the vessels destined to East Jersey, and receiving -there the duties upon their cargoes. This state of affairs continued -for some months; for, although the authorities in England took the -subject into consideration, it was not until April, 1686, that a writ -of _quo warranto_ was issued against the Proprietors,—it being thought -of great prejudice to the country and His Majesty’s interest that such -rights as they claimed should be longer exercised. - -James, Duke of York, by the death of Charles II. in May, 1685, -had been raised to the throne of England, and his assumption of -royalty simplified considerably the powers for ignoring all measures -conflicting with his private interests; and although he had thrice as -Duke of York, by different patents and by numerous other documents, -confirmed to others all the rights, powers, and privileges which he -himself had obtained, the increased revenue which was promised him -from the reacquisition of New Jersey could not admit of any hesitancy -in adopting measures to effect it. The Proprietors, however, were -firm in their expostulations, and made many suggestions calculated to -remove the pending difficulties; but all were of no avail except one, -looking to the appointment of a collector of the customs to reside at -Perth,—or Perth Amboy as it began to be called, by the addition of -Amboy, from _ambo_, an Indian appellation for point. The first session -of the Assembly was held there as the seat of government, April 6, 1686. - - * * * * * - -The establishment of a local government in West Jersey in 1677 has -been noticed. The next step toward rendering it more perfect was -the election, by the Proprietors in England, of Edward Byllynge as -governor of the Province, and the appointment by him of Samuel Jenings -as his deputy. These events took place in 1680 and 1681, and Jenings -arrived in the Province to assume the government in September of the -latter year, the first West Jersey Assembly meeting at Burlington in -November. The representatives seem to have had a full sense of the -responsibilities resting upon them, and at once adopted such measures -as were deemed essential under the altered condition of affairs, -acknowledging the authority of the deputy-governor on condition that -he should accept certain proposals or fundamentals of government -affixed to the laws they enacted. This Jenings did, putting his hand -and seal thereto; as did also Thomas Olive, the Speaker, by order and -in the name of the Assembly. - -Burlington was made the chief town of the Province, and the method of -settling and regulating the lands was relegated to the governor and -eight individuals. For greater convenience the Province was divided -into two districts, the courts of each to be held at Burlington and -Salem. The second Assembly met May 2, 1682, and a four days’ session -seems to have been sufficient to establish the affairs of the Province -on a firm basis. Thomas Olive, Robert Stacy, Mahlon Stacy, William -Biddle, Thomas Budd, John Chaffin, James Nevill, Daniel Wills, Mark -Newbie, and Elias Farre being chosen as the council. - -Subsequent meetings of the Assembly were held in September, and in May, -1683. At this last some important measures were enacted contributing to -good government. For the despatch of business the governor and council -were authorized to prepare bills for the consideration of the Assembly, -which were to be promulgated twenty days before the meetings of that -body. The governor, council, and assembly were to constitute the -General Assembly, and have definite and decisive action upon all bills -so prepared. As John Fenwicke was one of the representatives to this -Assembly, it is evident that he recognized for his Tenth the general -jurisdiction which had been established. It is understood that Byllynge -at this time had resolved to relieve Jenings from his position, as his -own independent authority was thought to be endangered by Jenings’s -continuance in office. - -At this Assembly the question was discussed whether the purchase at -first made was of land only or of land and government combined, and the -conclusion arrived at was that both were purchased; and also that an -instrument should be prepared and sent to London, there to be signed -by Byllynge, confirmatory of this view; and, carrying out a suggestion -of William Penn, Samuel Jenings was by vote of the Assembly elected -governor of the Province,—a proceeding which was satisfactory to the -people, as they desired a continuance of his administration. Thus again -did the representatives of the people assert their claim to entire -freedom from all authority not instituted by themselves. - -As Byllynge did not acquiesce as promptly as was desired with the -views of the Assembly, it was determined at a session held in March, -1684, that, for the vindication of the people’s right to government, -Governor Jenings and Thomas Budd (George Hutchinson subsequently acted -with them) should go to England and discuss the matter with Byllynge in -person,—Thomas Olive being appointed deputy-governor until the next -Assembly should meet. This was in the May following, at which time -Olive was elected governor, and his council made to consist of Robert -Stacy, William Biddle, Robert Dusdale, John Gosling, Elias Farre, -Daniel Wills, Richard Guy, Robert Turner, William Emley and Christopher -White. - -The mission of Jenings was only partially successful. The differences -between Byllynge and the people were referred to the “judgment and -determination” of George Fox, George Whitehead, and twelve other -prominent Friends; whose award was to the effect that the government -was rightfully in Byllynge, and that they could not find any authority -for a governor chosen by the people. This award was made in October, -1684, but was signed by only eight of the fourteen referees, George -Fox not being one of them. The document subsequently became the cause -of much discussion. As late as 1699 it was printed with the addition -of many severe reflections upon the action of Jenings and his friends, -drawing from him equally harsh animadversions upon those from whom they -emanated. In accordance with this award Byllynge asserted his claims -to the chief authority over the Province, and no important concessions -appear to have been made to the people. - -In 1685 Byllynge appointed John Skene to be his deputy-governor; and -on September 25 the Assembly, expressly reserving “their just rights -and privileges,” recognized him as such, Olive continuing to act as -chairman, or speaker, of the Assembly. - -Harmony to a great extent prevailed for some time, Skene not attempting -to exercise any authority not generally acknowledged by the people; -but in 1687 Byllynge died, and Dr. Daniel Coxe of London, already a -large proprietor, having purchased the whole of Byllynge’s interest -from his heirs, after consultation with the principal Proprietors in -England, decided to assume the government of the Province himself. But -while he thus assumed, in his own person, rights which the people had -claimed as theirs, he did not refrain from granting to them a liberal -exercise of power, giving assurances that all reasonable expectations -and requests would be complied with, and that the officers who had been -chosen by the people should be continued in their several positions. -It is somewhat more than doubtful if Coxe ever visited the Province at -all, and indeed he probably did not; meanwhile Byllynge’s deputy, John -Skene, acted for him till the death of the latter in December, 1687, -when Coxe appointed Edward Hunloke in his stead. - - * * * * * - -It was during Lawrie’s administration in East Jersey that the first -steps were taken to settle the boundary line between that Province -and New York. The subject was discussed by him and Governor Dongan -at an early date; and on June 30, 1686, a council was held, composed -of the two deputy-governors and several gentlemen of both New York -and New Jersey, at which the course to be pursued in running the line -was agreed upon. The points on the Hudson and Delaware rivers were -subsequently determined; but nothing further was done for several -years, and nearly a century elapsed before the line was definitely -settled. - -There are some allusions made to the fact that Lawrie was much -interested in West Jersey, as accounting for his dismissal by the -Proprietors from his position as their deputy-governor in East -Jersey; but so far as the records of the period give an insight into -the motives actuating him in the administration of the affairs of -the Province, there is no evidence afforded of any want of interest -in its prosperity. As the result of his administration did not meet -their expectations of profit, it is not surprising that they should -have regarded it as due to some mistaken policy on his part. In the -appointment of a successor they were evidently led by the large influx -of population from Scotland to look among the Proprietors residing -there for a suitable person; and they therefore selected Lord Neill -Campbell, a brother of the Earl of Argyle, who was obliged to flee from -Scotland in consequence of his connection with that nobleman, who had -been beheaded June 30, 1685, after the unfortunate termination of his -invasion of that country. He left for East Jersey with a large number -of emigrants not long after that event, and reached the Province in -December of the same year. - -Lord Neill was appointed deputy-governor June 2, 1686, for two years, -but his commission did not reach him until October, on the 5th of which -month it was published; and on the 18th he announced as his council -Gawen Lawrie, John Berry of Bergen, Isaac Kingsland of New Barbadoes, -Andrew Hamilton of Amboy, Richard Townley of Elizabethtown, Samuel -Winder of Cheesequakes, David Mudie and John Johnstone of Amboy, and -Thomas Codrington of Raritan. - -It is a remarkable circumstance that the great diversity existing in -the characters, religions, pursuits, and political relations of the -Proprietors of East Jersey should have been overcome to such an extent -as to allow of harmonious action in the appointment of Lord Neill -Campbell. The Earl of Perth, a prominent member of the body, was one -of the jury that found the Earl of Argyle guilty of high treason; and -yet, stanch adherent as he was of James, he could consent to have his -interests in East Jersey taken care of by that earl’s brother. Robert -Barclay, with all the peculiarities of his peaceful sect, the advocate -of gentleness and non-resistance, was willing to be associated with a -stanch Scotch Presbyterian soldier, and join in commissioning him as -his subordinate. It is evident that private prejudices and feelings -were not allowed to interfere with whatever was thought likely to -conduce to the advancement of their pecuniary interests in East Jersey. - -Lord Neill’s administration, however, was very brief. On December 10 -of the same year, “urgent necessity of some weighty matters” calling -him to England, he appointed Andrew Hamilton to be his substitute, and -sailed, it is presumed, the March following, Hamilton’s commission -being published on the 12th of that month. - -Andrew Hamilton had been a merchant in London, and came to the Province -with his family in June, 1686, as an agent of the Proprietors in -London. He at first declined accepting the position tendered him, -and Lawrie, who was one of the council, openly protested against his -appointment, because of his unpopularity with the planters; but his -authority having been confirmed by a commission from Governor Barclay -in August, 1687, all open opposition thereto seems to have ceased. -Hamilton appears to have been a man of intelligence, and to have acted -in a manner which he conceived to be calculated to advance the best -interests of the Proprietors without involving them with the people, -but it is doubtful if any great cordiality existed between the governor -and the governed at that period. - -Before his death Charles II. had been led to call for a surrender of -the charter of Massachusetts Bay, and, meeting with a refusal from -the General Assembly, a writ of _quo warranto_ was issued in 1684. -The death of the King left the proceedings to be consummated by his -successor, whose rapacity prompted him to subvert the liberties of all -the colonies; and his pliant servant Andros, whom he had knighted, -was sent over with a commission that covered all New England. Sir -Edmund took up his residence in Boston, assumed the supreme authority -of Massachusetts, and the following year dissolved in succession -the governments of Rhode Island and Connecticut, taking to himself -all power and dominion, even beyond the limits granted by his royal -master.[712] - -The Proprietors, finding it impossible to overcome the determination of -James to unite New York and New Jersey to New England under the same -government, deemed it advisable to abandon the unavailing contest, -and by acceding to the King’s design to obtain from him an efficient -guarantee that he would respect their rights to the soil. A surrender -of their patent, so far as the government was concerned, was therefore -made in April, 1688, James having agreed to accept it; and, the -Proprietors of West Jersey having acceded also to the arrangement, a -new commission was issued to Sir Edmund Andros, annexing both provinces -and New York to his government, and Francis Nicholson was appointed his -lieutenant-governor. - -The course of Andros in accepting the simple acknowledgment of his -authority as sufficient, without revolutionizing the government and -dismissing the functionaries in office in New Jersey, was doubtless in -a great measure owing to the fact that the surrender by the Proprietors -of their right to govern rendered necessary the issuing of a new grant -to them from the Crown, confirmatory of all the immunities of the -soil; and until that could be perfected, it may have been considered -expedient not to disturb the existing regulations. It is nevertheless -remarkable that any considerations of the kind should have had so -mollifying an effect upon one whose arrogance, disregard of the rights -of others, and impetuosity of temper were so intrusively manifest as in -Edmund Andros. - -By the seizure of Andros in New England in April, 1689, in anticipation -of the successful revolution in England in favor of William and Mary, -which promised the subversion of his authority not only there but also -in the other colonies that had been placed within his jurisdiction, -an opportunity was afforded the Proprietors of New Jersey to resume -all the rights and privileges of which they had been despoiled. But -there were impediments in the way. They were not sure of the support of -the people, and being separated,—some in England, some in Scotland, -and some in New Jersey,—it was not possible that unanimity of action -could be secured. Many of them, having been closely allied to King -James, were probably disposed to cling to him in his misfortunes, and -had the deputy-governor thrown off the responsibilities he had so -recently resumed as the representative of the Crown, for the purpose of -re-establishing the authority of the Proprietors, it would have been -attended with great doubt and uncertainty as to his success, the people -having so definitely manifested their preference for a royal government. - -In April Hamilton received a summons from the mayor of New York, -acting as lieutenant of Andros; and, attended by the justices of -Bergen, repaired thither to consult upon the proper course to be -pursued in the peculiar situation of affairs prevailing in the two -colonies, but nothing of consequence resulted from the conference. -The deputy-governor on subsequent occasions was invited to similar -consultations in New York, but does not seem to have compromised -himself in any way with any party; and, as so much doubt existed as to -what was the proper course for him to pursue, he resolved in August to -proceed to England in person to advise with the Proprietors there. On -his way thither he was taken prisoner by the French, and appears to -have been detained in France until the May following, when he, being -then in England, resigned his position as the deputy-governor. From the -time of Hamilton’s departure for England until 1692 the inhabitants -of East Jersey were left to the guardianship of their county and -town officers, who seemed to have possessed all necessary powers to -preserve the peace. So also in West Jersey. The course of events caused -but little alteration in the general condition of the Province after -the surrender of the government to Andros in April, 1688, and the -subsequent suspension of his authority. - -In 1687 George Keith, surveyor-general of East Jersey, under orders -from the Proprietors there, attempted to run the dividing line between -the two provinces, in accordance with the terms of the Quintipartite -deed of 1676; but the result was unsatisfactory to West Jersey, as it -was thought too great a quantity of the best lands came thereby within -the bounds of East Jersey. In September, 1688, however, a consultation -took place in London, between Governor Coxe of West Jersey and Governor -Barclay of East Jersey, with the view of perfecting a settlement of -Keith’s line, resulting in a written agreement signed and sealed by -the two parties; but nevertheless no satisfactory termination of the -matter was arrived at for many years. It was in 1688 that the “Board of -Proprietors of West Jersey” was regularly organized. - - * * * * * - -It would be very gratifying to be able to state clearly, upon good -authority, the condition of New Jersey at this eventful period in its -history, and note its progress since its surrender to the English -in 1664, but from the imperfection of the details, the information -obtainable is not sufficiently definite to give satisfactory results. - -That the population of East Jersey had largely increased there can be -no doubt. It was a constant cause of complaint by the government of New -York that the freedom from taxation and various mercantile restrictions -had tended greatly to increase emigration to East Jersey, much to the -detriment of New York; and the first towns, Newark, Elizabethtown, -and Middletown, drew large numbers from New England and Long Island, -leading to their becoming centres for the development of other towns -and villages. The new capital, Perth Amboy, became in a very few years -an important settlement, and both from Scotland and England numerous -families had already arrived and settled in various parts of the -Province; so that it is probable the increase during the quarter of a -century had been more than a hundred-fold, making the total number of -souls in East Jersey nearly, if not quite, ten thousand. There are no -figures upon which any correct estimate can be based of the increase in -West Jersey, but it may be safely considered as coming far short of the -eastern Province. - -Of the five counties recognized in 1670 Monmouth was the most populous; -and of its three towns, Shrewsbury, Middletown, and Freehold, the -first was the most important. Essex County came next; Elizabethtown, -Newark, Acquackanock, and New Barbadoes being its towns, ranking in the -order in which they are named. Middlesex followed, with Woodbridge, -Piscataway, and Perth Amboy as its towns. Bergen stood fourth, with -its towns of Bergen and Hackensack; and Somerset came last, having no -specific townships. There were, of course, in all the counties small -settlements not yet of sufficient importance to be recognized as -separate organizations. In 1683 Bergen County was third in importance, -and Middlesex fourth. - -One great hindrance to the development of the agricultural and mineral -resources of the two provinces was the want of roads and conveniences -to promote intercourse between the different sections. The only Indian -path ran from Shrewsbury River to the northwest limits of the Province, -and the only road opened by the Dutch appears to have been that by -which intercourse was kept up with the settlements on the Delaware, in -what is now Maryland. From New Amsterdam a direct water communication -was had with Elizabethtown Point (now Elizabethport), and thence by -land to the Raritan River which was crossed by fording at Inian’s -Ferry, now New Brunswick. Thence the road ran in almost a straight -course to the Delaware River, above the site of the present Trenton, -where there was another ford. This was called the Upper Road; another, -called the Lower Road, branched off from the first about five or six -miles from the Raritan, and by a circuitous route reached the Delaware -at the site of what is now Burlington; but the whole country was a -wilderness between the towns in Monmouth County and the Delaware River -as late as 1675. - -The first public measures for the establishment of roads was in 1675; -two men in each town being clothed with authority to lay out the common -highways; and in March, 1683, boards were created in the different -counties to lay out all necessary highways, bridges, landings, ferries, -etc., and by these boards the first effective intercommunication was -established. The present generation have in constant use many of -the roads laid out by them. In July, 1683, instructions were given -to Deputy-Governor Lawrie to open a road between the new capital, -Perthtown, and Burlington; but, although his instructions were complied -with, and the road opened in connection with water communication -between Perth and New York, the route by way of New Brunswick was the -most travelled. - -The character of the legislation and laws for the punishment and -suppression of crime was very different in the two provinces. The penal -laws in East Jersey partook more of the severity of the Levitical -law, originating as they did with the settlers coming from Puritan -countries, while those in West Jersey were exceedingly humane and -forbearing. In the one there were thirteen classes of offences made -amenable to the death penalty, while in the other such a punishment was -unknown to the laws. - -As might reasonably be expected from its proximity to New Amsterdam, -the first church erected in New Jersey soil, of which any mention is -made, was at Bergen. This was in 1680, the congregation having been -formed in 1662. The first clergyman heard of in Newark was in 1667, -a Congregationalist, and the first meeting-house was built in 1669. -Elizabethtown’s first congregation was formed in 1668. Woodbridge -succeeded in getting one established in 1670, and its first church was -built in 1681. The Quakers immediately after their arrival in West -Jersey, in 1675, organized a meeting at Salem (probably the one which -Edmondson says he attended), and in 1680 purchased a house and had -it fitted up for their religious services. It is said that the first -religious meetings of the Quakers in New Jersey were held at Shrewsbury -as early as 1670, the settlers there, about 1667, being principally of -that denomination. Edmondson mentions a meeting held at Middletown in -1675. The first General Yearly Meeting for regulating the affairs of -the Society was held at Burlington in August, 1681. Local meetings were -held there in tents before a house was erected. John Woolston’s was the -first, and its walls were consecrated by having worship within them. -The Friends at Cape May in 1676, Cohansey in 1683, and Lower Alloway -Creek in 1685 secured religious services. - -Middletown, in Monmouth County, had an organized Baptist congregation -in 1688; and Piscataway in Middlesex County one in 1689. - -To what extent education had been fostered up to this period it is -difficult to determine. The first schoolmaster mentioned in Newark -was there in 1676; but Bergen had a school established under the -Dutch administration in 1661. The first general law providing for the -establishment and support of school-masters in East Jersey was not -passed until 1693. - -The currency of both East and West Jersey during the whole period of -their colonial existence, for reasons which are not very apparent, -was more stable than that of the neighboring colonies. The coins of -England and Holland, and their respective moneys of account, were used, -and Indian wampum afforded the means of exchange with the Aborigines. -Barter was naturally the mode of traffic most followed, and tables -are now found showing the value set upon the different productions -of the soil that were used in these business operations, marking the -diminution in value from year to year as compared with “old England -money.” In 1681 an act was passed in West Jersey for the enhancing, or -raising, the value of coins, which was extended also to New England -money. About that time an individual, named Mark Newbie, increased -the circulating medium by putting into circulation a large number of -Irish half-pence of less value than the standard coin, which he had -brought with him from Ireland; and, as thought by some, continued -the manufacture of them after his arrival. The act of 1681, however, -was repealed the following year, and another passed making Newbie’s -half-pence equal in value to the current money of the Province, -provided he gave security to exchange them “for pay equivalent on -demand,” and provided also that no person should be obliged to take -more than five shillings on one payment.[713] No repeal of this act -appears in the records. It became inoperative probably in 1684, when -Newbie disappears from the documentary history of the period. This -supposition is in some measure confirmed by the passage of an act in -May of that year, making three farthings “of the King’s coin to go -current for one penny,” in sums not exceeding five shillings.[714] - -The only attempt to regulate the value of gold and silver in East -Jersey was in 1686. Its object was to prevent the transportation -of silver from the Province by raising it above its true value in -all business transactions. Its evil tendencies, however, were soon -developed, and before the end of the year, at a subsequent session of -the same Assembly, it was repealed. - -The first grist-mill is mentioned in 1671, and was followed by another -in 1679, hand-mills being generally used. The first saw-mill was -erected in 1682. In 1683 Deputy-Governor Rudyard, in a letter to a -friend, says that at that time there were two saw-mills at work, and -five or six more projected, abating “the price of boards half in half, -and all other timber for building; for altho’ timber cost nothing, yet -workmanship by hand was London price or near upon it, and sometimes -more, which these mills abate.” - -The cider produced at Newark was awarded the preference over that -brought from New England, Rhode Island, or Long Island. Clams, oysters, -and fish received well merited commendation for their plentifulness and -good qualities. - -In 1685 the iron-mills in Monmouth County, belonging to Lewis Morris, -were in full operation; but it was not until some years had elapsed -that “the hills up in the country,” which were “said to be stony,” -were explored, and the mineral treasures of Morris County revealed. -Gabriel Thomas, in 1698, mentions rice among the products of West -Jersey, adding that large quantities of pitch, tar, and turpentine were -secured from the pine forests, and that the number of whales caught -yearly gave the settlers abundance of oil and whalebone. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE relations existing between New York and New Jersey, during the era -of discovery and settlement, necessarily led to their being jointly -noticed by all the early writers, and as they have been referred to -in what has preceded this chapter,[715] it is thought unnecessary to -comment further upon their revelations. Attention will therefore be -given to those whose object was the making known the peculiarities, the -advantages, and attractions of New Jersey independent of New York. - -The first of these was an issue by John Fenwicke of a single folio -leaf, in 1675, containing his proposals for planting his colony of New -Cæsarea, or New Jersey. A copy was for sale in London in 1853,—perhaps -the same copy sold at the Brinley sale to the Pennsylvania Historical -Society. It is printed in _Penn. Mag. of Hist._, vi. - -In 1682 the Proprietors of East Jersey published a small quarto -of eight pages, giving an account of their recently acquired -province.[716] This publication is not now obtainable, and it is -doubtful if any copies have been seen for several generations. It is -the basis of all the information respecting East Jersey contained in -_The Present State of His Majesty’s Isles and Territories in America_, -etc., by Richard Blome (London, 1687), which is frequently quoted, -though abounding in errors. Although the original edition may not now -be met with, the _Brief Account_ may be found reprinted in Smith’s -_History of New Jersey_, and in _East Jersey under the Proprietary -Governments_. It gives a very fair and interesting account of the -Province, and doubtless aided in inducing adventurers to embark for the -new Eldorado. - -In 1683 a small quarto of fifteen pages, including the titlepage, was -published in Edinburgh for the Scotch Proprietors, of similar purport -to the foregoing.[717] The only copy of the original, known, is in the -possession of Samuel L. M. Barlow, Esq., of New York. This was used -when the work was reproduced in the New York _Historical Magazine_, -second series, vol. i.[718] - -In 1684 a work of greater pretensions, comprising 73 pages, 12º, was -published in London, entitled _The Planter’s Speech to his neighbours -and countrymen of Pennsylvania, East and West Jersey; and to all -such as have transported themselves into new Colonies for the sake -of a quiet, retired life. To which is added the complaints of our -Supra-interior inhabitants_. The title and introduction of this volume -are all that have been met with. They will be found in Proud’s _History -of Pennsylvania_.[719] The author’s name is not known, but it would -seem that his object was more to impress upon his “dear friends and -countrymen” their moral and religious duties as immigrants, than to -portray the advantages of the section of country particularly referred -to. - -The purport of the treatise is thus summarized by Proud: “Divers -particulars are proposed as fundamentals for future laws and customs, -tending principally to establish a higher degree of temperance and -original simplicity of manners,—more particularly against the use -of spirituous liquors,—than had been usual before. Everything of a -military nature, even the use of the instruments thereof, is not only -disapproved, and the destruction of the human species thereby condemned -in this _Speech_, but likewise all violence or cruelty towards, and -the wanton killing of, the inferior living creatures, and the eating -of animal food are also strongly advised against in those proposed -regulations, customs, or laws, with the reasons given, etc., to the -end that a higher degree of love, perfection, and happiness might more -universally be introduced and preserved among mankind.” - -In 1685 the most interesting and valuable of all the early publications -was issued in Edinburgh,[720] reference to which has been made on a -preceding page. The author, George Scot, of Pitlochie, was connected -by descent and marriage with many distinguished families in Scotland, -which connection probably led the Proprietors to confide the -preparation of the work to him, as his extensive circle of friends -and acquaintances would be likely to insure for it a more general -acceptance, particularly as he was ready to add example to precept by -embarking himself and family for East Jersey. Accompanied by nearly two -hundred persons, he sailed from Scotland about Aug. 1, 1685, but before -the vessel reached her destination Scot and his wife and many of their -fellow-passengers were no longer living. One daughter, Eupham, became -the wife of John Johnstone the ensuing year. Mr. Johnstone was one of -her fellow-passengers. Their descendants became numerous, and for years -before the war of Independence, and since that period, they filled high -civil and military stations in East Jersey. - -The author of _The Model_ begins his work with a learned disquisition -upon the manner in which America was first peopled, and then proceeds -to meet and overcome the various scruples that were presumed to operate -against its further settlement from Scotland, by arguments drawn -from sacred and profane history and from the consideration due their -families and the country; concluding with a portrayal of the advantages -to be secured by a residence in East Jersey, and the superiority -of that colony over others in America and the West Indies. In this -respect the value of the work to the historian is very great, as -numerous letters are given from the early settlers, presenting minute -descriptions of various localities and their individual experiences -in a manner calculated to produce a correct and, at the same time, -a favorable impression upon their readers. The original edition is -exceedingly rare, only ten copies being known, but the New Jersey -Historical Society has caused it to be reprinted as an appendix to the -first volume of its _Collections_, thus placing it within the reach of -all.[721] - -The year 1685 gave also to the world the interesting book of Thomas -Budd, entitled _Good Order established in Pennsilvania and New -Jersey_.[722] Mr. Budd arrived at Burlington, in West Jersey, in -1678, and during his residence there held many important offices; was -associated with Jenings on the committee appointed in 1684 to confer -with Edward Byllynge, and it was while he was in England that his book -was printed. He probably removed to Philadelphia after his return -to New Jersey. He made another brief visit to England in 1689, but -continued to consider Philadelphia as his residence until his death -in 1698. Mr. Budd’s work exhibits the possession of intelligence and -public spirit to a remarkable degree. Some of his suggestions as to the -education which should be given to the young in various pursuits show -him to have been an early advocate of what are now termed Technical -Schools, and are deserving of consideration even at this late day. -The original work is seldom seen, but in 1865 a reprint was given to -the public by William Gowans, of New York, having an introduction and -copious notes by Mr. Edward Armstrong, of Philadelphia. - -In 1698 Gabriel Thomas published a small octavo of forty-six pages on -West Jersey, in connection with a similar work on Pennsylvania, with a -map of both colonies. He was then, it is thought, a resident of London, -but he had resided in America about fifteen years, the information -contained in the book being the result of his own experiences -and observation.[723] The book was dedicated to the West Jersey -Proprietors, and its intent was to induce emigration of all who wished -to better their worldly condition, especially the poor, who might in -West Jersey “subsist very well without either begging or stealing.” -French refugees or Protestants would find it also to their interest -to remove thither where they might live “far better than in Germany, -Holland, Ireland, or England.” The modes of life among the Indians, and -the prevailing intercourse between them and the settlers were fully -discussed, as well as the natural productions of the country and the -improvements already introduced or in progress. - -In 1699 two pamphlets were published in Philadelphia, referring to the -difficulties in West Jersey between the people of the Province and -Edward Byllynge in 1684, which led to the despatch, by the Assembly, -of Samuel Jenings and Thomas Budd to confer in person with Byllynge. -The first of these publications was aimed at Jenings, who was accused -of being the head of “some West Jersians” opposed to Byllynge, and -emanated from John Tatham, Thomas Revell, and Nathaniel Westland, -although published anonymously.[724] Jenings took exceptions to many -of its statements and answered it under his own name in a small quarto, -boldly asserting his innocence of the serious charges made against -him.[725] These publications throw considerable light upon a portion of -West Jersey history which is very obscure, and have been used in the -preparation of the foregoing narrative. They are both exceedingly rare, -and historians are indebted to Mr. Brinton Coxe, of Philadelphia, for -having them reprinted in 1881. - -The Journal of William Edmundson has been referred to as furnishing -some interesting items respecting New Jersey during the period we -have had under review.[726] He visited the Province in 1676, and his -statements respecting the condition of the country and his interviews -with prominent Friends are valuable. - -In addition to these publications, there are in the Secretary of -State’s office at Trenton the original records of both the East Jersey -and West Jersey Proprietors, which were transferred from Perth Amboy -and Burlington about the middle of the last century, copies only being -left in the original places of deposit. - -The foregoing references include all the works published, prior to -the surrender of the government of New Jersey to the Crown in 1703, -relating to the history of the Province, previous to its separation -from New York; but others were published subsequently which throw -much light upon that early period, although not written for that -purpose exclusively. Thus in 1747 the renowned Elizabethtown Bill in -Chancery was drawn and put in print by subscription the same year,[727] -which will ever be acknowledged as a structure of valuable materials -illustrative of the conflicts between the Proprietors and their -government and the discontented settlers. The bill was principally -drawn by James Alexander, who during a long period was a prominent -lawyer in both provinces. A Scotchman by birth he came to America in -1715, and shortly after his arrival entered the Secretary’s office, -New York, and was deputy-clerk of the Court in 1719. Throughout his -life, which did not terminate until April 2, 1756, he held very highly -important positions in both New York and New Jersey, and was the owner -of large land tracts in both provinces.[728] This bill, notwithstanding -its great length and complicated nature, is drawn with much ability and -makes out a very strong case for the plaintiffs. The defendants’ claims -would seem to be, beyond controversy, invalid; but other matters were -introduced rendering the case one not easily disposed of. - -The answer to the Bill in Chancery was filed in 1751 and printed in -1752,—the counsel for the defendants being William Livingston, -afterward Governor of New Jersey, and William Smith, Jr., who became -Chief-Justice of New York, and subsequently, after the war of -Independence, Chief-Justice of Canada. The copies now extant are very -rare.[729] Although not as voluminous it was fully as prolix as the -document which prompted it. Notwithstanding the great amount of labor -which this case required both in its preparation and argument, it was -never brought to a conclusion. The Revolution of 1776 effectually -interrupted the progress of the suit, and it was never afterward -revived. Both bill and answer, however, and other smaller publications -which resulted from the trial of the case, must ever be considered as -valuable historical documents, emanating as they all did from parties -more or less interested in the questions involved, and consequently -earnestly desirous of eliciting every fact that could throw any light -upon them.[730] - -The first general history of New Jersey was that of Samuel Smith, -published in 1765.[731] It is valuable to all examining the early -history of the State, from the author’s having had access to, and -judiciously used, information obtained from various sources not now -accessible. He gives some interesting letters from early settlers, -elucidating the events comprehended in the period we have had under -review; and although, as might naturally be expected, errors are -occasionally found in it, Smith’s _History of New Jersey_ has ever -been deservedly considered a standard work.[732] Proud, whose _History -of Pennsylvania_ contains much matter referring to West Jersey that -is usefully arranged, acknowledges his indebtedness to Smith, and -gives him the credit of being “the person who took the most pains to -adjust and reduce these materials into nice order, as might be proper -for the public view,” previous to his own undertaking; and the old -historian, if cognizant of what is taking place in his native State at -this late day, must be gratified to find how freely modern writers have -transferred his pages to their books, even though no acknowledgment of -indebtedness to him has been made. - -In 1748 the acts of the General Assembly of New Jersey, from the -time of the surrender of the government to the Crown in the second -year of Queen Anne, were published under the supervision of Samuel -Nevill, second Judge of the Supreme Court of the Province, and, in -consequence, the popular party were aroused into having the early -grants and concessions also arranged and published. About 1750 a -committee was appointed to collate the early manuscripts connected -with the proprietary grants, and subsequently Aaron Leaming and Jacob -Spicer were empowered to have them printed, and to them does the credit -belong of giving to their fellow-citizens the admirable compilation -that is generally quoted under their names.[733] It contains all the -agreements, deeds, concessions, and public acts from 1664 to 1702, and -the object in view by their compilation and the estimate in which they -were held are apparent from a remark of the compilers in their preface. -“If our present system of government,” say they, “should not be judged -so equal to the natural rights of a reasonable creature as the one that -raised us to the dignity of a colony, let it serve as a caution to -guard the cause of liberty.” - -This volume has been of great value to members of the Bar and of the -Legislature, as well as to the historian, as it has preserved many -documents the original depository of which is not now to be found.[734] -At the present time, however, the State of New Jersey is publishing, -under the direction of a committee of the Historical Society, a series -of volumes entitled the _New Jersey Archives_, which is intended to -include all important documents referring to the colonial history of -the State, however widely the originals may be scattered in other -depositories,—including all of interest now preserved in the Public -Record Office of England,—and will probably be the authoritative -reference hereafter for documentary evidence relating to the whole -colonial period.[735] - -The first volume issued by the New Jersey Historical Society as their -Collections was published in 1846, and contained “East Jersey under -the Proprietary Governments.”[736] The author wrote his work fully -sensible of the necessity for verifying much that had been allowed -to pass as history, by seeking for and using original sources of -information; and the volume elucidates many events that are alluded to -in the preceding chapter. - -[Illustration] - - * * * * * - -EDITORIAL NOTE.—The _New Jersey Archives_ will contain every essential -document noted in _An Analytical Index to the Colonial Documents -of New Jersey in the state-paper offices of England, compiled by -Henry Stevens, edited with notes and references to printed works and -manuscripts in other depositories_, by William A. Whitehead, New York, -1858. - -In 1843 a movement was made in the State Legislature to emulate the -action of New York in securing from the English Archives copies of -its early historical documents; and in the next year the judiciary -committee made a report on the subject, which is printed in the preface -of this Index, p. vii. This, however, failed of effect, as did a -movement in 1845; but it made manifest the necessity of an historical -society, as a source of influence for such end; and the same year -the New Jersey Historical Society was formed, of which Mr. Whitehead -has been the corresponding secretary from the start. This society -reinforced the movement in the State Legislature; but no result being -reached, it undertook of its own action the desired work, and in 1849 -gave a commission to Mr. Henry Stevens to make an analytical index of -the documents relating to New Jersey to be found in England. This being -furnished, the State legislature failing to respond in any co-operative -measures for the enlargement of it from the domestic records of the -State, Mr. Whitehead undertook the editing, as explained in the title, -and appended to the volume a bibliography of all the principal printed -works relating to New Jersey up to 1857. Mr. Stevens’s enumeration -began with 1663-64, the editor adding two earlier ones of 1649 and -1651. But a small part of the list, however (13 pp. out of 470), -refers to the period covered by the present chapter, and many of those -mentioned had already been printed. - -The _Sparks Catalogue_ shows “Papers relating to New Jersey, -1683-1775,” collected by George Chalmers, which are now in Harvard -College Library. - -Some of the later general histories of the State may be mentioned:— - -_The History of New Jersey from its Discovery to the Adoption of the -Federal Constitution_, by Thomas F. Gordon, Trenton, 1834. There is a -companion volume, a Gazetteer. - -_Civil and Political History of New Jersey_, by Isaac S. Mulford, -Camden, 1848. The author says “no claim is advanced for originality or -learning,” his object being to make accessible scattered information in -a “simple and compendious narrative,” which is not altogether carefully -set forth. A new edition was issued in 1851 in Philadelphia. - -_The History of New Jersey_, by John O. Raum, 2 vols. Philadelphia, -1877, is simply, so far as the early chronicles are concerned, a -repetition mostly of Smith and Gordon, though no credit is given to -those authorities. - -A few of the local histories also deserve some notice:— - -_Contributions to the Early History of Perth Amboy and adjoining -Country_, by William A. Whitehead, New York, 1856. The author says, -“No attempt has been made to clothe with the importance of history -these desultory gleanings.” It has a map of the original laying-out, -following what is presumed to have been an original survey of 1684. - -_An Historical Account of the First Settlement at Salem in West -Jersey_, by John Fenwicke, Esq., chief proprietor of the same; with R. -S. Johnson, Philadelphia, 1839, 24º. pp. 173. Mr. Johnson’s memoir of -Fenwicke is in the New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc. iv. - -[Illustration: COLONIAL BOUNDS, 1656.] - -The Hon. John Clement, of Haddonfield, has prepared a _History of -Fenwicke’s Colony_. - -The two hundredth anniversary of the settlement of Burlington was -celebrated Dec. 6, 1877, when the late Henry Armitt Brown delivered an -oration, presenting the early history in a rhetorical way. - -_Reminiscences of Old Gloucester, ... New Jersey_, by Isaac Mickle, -Philadelphia, 1845. - -_History of Elizabeth, New Jersey, including the Early History of Union -County_, by the Rev. Edwin F. Hatfield, New York, 1868. The author -differs from the writer of the present chapter with respect to the -merits of the conflict between the Proprietors and the people. The -foot-note references are ample. - -_History of the County of Hudson from its Earliest Settlement_, by -Charles H. Winfield, New York, 1874. - -_Historical Sketch of the County of Passaic, especially of the First -Settlements and Settlers._ Privately printed, by William Nelson, -Paterson, 1877. - -_The History of Newark, New Jersey, being a Narrative of its Rise and -Progress from May, 1666_, by Joseph Atkinson, Newark, 1878; a book -giving, however, only in a new garb, the older chronicles of the place. -It gives a map of the town as laid out in 1666. - - * * * * * - -The annexed sketch-map is an extract from a map entitled, _Le Canada, -ou Nouvelle France, etc., par N. Sanson d’Abbeville, geographe -ordinaire du Roy_, Paris, 1656, and by its dotted lines shows the -limits conceded by the French to the different colonies of the -northern seaboard of the present United States, a few years before -the establishment of New Caesaria. New England was defined on the -east by the height of land between the waters of the Penobscot and -the Kennebec, and on the northwest by a similar elevation that turned -the rainfall to the St. Lawrence. New Netherland stretched from Cape -Cod to the Delaware, where it met New Sweden, which lay between it -and Virginia,—the Maryland charter not being recognized; nor was the -absorption of the territory of the Swedes the year before (1655), by -the Dutch, made note of. The map-maker, in defining these limits, -pretends to have worked on English and Dutch authorities; but the -Plymouth colonists would have hardly allowed the annihilation to which -they were subjected, and the settlers of Massachusetts would scarcely -have recognized the names attached to their headlands and harbors, -and never having any existence but in Smith’s map, which the royal -geographer seems to have fallen in with. - - -NOTE ON NEW ALBION. - -BY GREGORY B. KEEN. - -_Late Professor of Mathematics in the Theological Seminary of St. -Charles Borromeo, Corresponding Secretary of the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania._ - - -THE English did not attain supreme dominion in New York, New Jersey, -Pennsylvania, or Delaware until the grant of King Charles II. to his -royal brother, the Duke of York, in 1664; yet the history of these -States and that of Maryland would not be complete without specific -mention of the antecedent attempt to settle this part of America, made -by the unsuccessful colonist Sir Edmund Plowden. - -This person was a member of a Saxon family of Shropshire, England, -whose antiquity is sufficiently intimated by the meaning of its -surname, “Kill-Dane,”—being the second son of Francis Plowden, Esq., -of Plowden, Salop, and grandson of the celebrated lawyer and author of -the _Commentaries_, Serjeant Edmund Plowden, a Catholic, who declined -the Lord-Chancellorship of England, offered him by Queen Elizabeth, -lest he should be forced to countenance her Majesty’s persecutions -of his Church.[737] In 1632, this gentleman, who like his ancestors -and other relatives was a Catholic,[738] and at that time resided in -Ireland,[739] in company with “Sir John Lawrence, Kt. and Bart., Sir -Boyer Worsley, Kt., John Trusler, Roger Pack, William Inwood, Thomas -Ryebread, Charles Barret, and George Noble, adventurers,” petitioned -King Charles I. for a patent, under his Majesty’s seal of Ireland, for -“Manitie, or Long Isle,” and “thirty miles square of the coast next -adjoining, to be erected into a County Palatine called Syon, to be -held of” his “Majesty’s Crown of Ireland, without appeal or subjection -to the Governor or Company of Virginia, and reserving the fifth of -all royal mines, and with the like title, dignity, and privileges to -Sir Edmund Plowden there as was granted to Sir George Calvert, Kt., -in New Foundland by” his “Majesty’s royal father, and with the usual -grants and privileges to other colonies,” etc. And a modified form of -this prayer was subsequently presented to the monarch, in which the -island spoken of is called “Isle Plowden,” and the county palatine “New -Albion,” and the latter is enlarged to include “forty leagues square of -the adjoining continent,” the supplicants “promising therein to settle -five hundred inhabitants for the planting and civilizing thereof.” -The favor sought was immediately conceded, and the King’s warrant, -authorizing the issue of a patent to the petitioners, and appointing -Sir Edmund Plowden “first Governor of the Premises,” was given at -Oatlands, July 24, the same year;[740] in accordance with which, a -charter was granted to Plowden and his associates above mentioned, -by writ of Privy Seal, witnessed by the Deputy-General of Ireland, -at Dublin, June 21, 1634.[741] In this document the boundaries of -New Albion are so defined as to include all of New Jersey, Maryland, -Delaware, and Pennsylvania embraced in a square, the eastern side of -which, forty leagues in length, extended (along the coast) from Sandy -Hook to Cape May, together with Long Island, and all other “isles -and islands in the sea within ten leagues of the shores of the said -region.” The province is expressly erected into a county palatine, -under the jurisdiction of Sir Edmund Plowden as earl, depending upon -his Majesty’s “royal person and imperial crown, as King of Ireland;” -and the same extraordinary privileges are conferred upon the patentee -as had been bestowed two years before upon Lord Baltimore, to whose -charter for Maryland that for New Albion bears very close resemblance. - -Two of the petitioners, Worsley and Barret, afterward dying, “the whole -estate and interest” in the grant became vested in the seven survivors, -and of these, Ryebread, Pack, Inwood, and Trusler, in consideration of -gifts of five hundred acres of land in the province, abandoned their -claims, Dec. 20, 1634, in favor of “Francis, Lord Plowden, son and -heir of Sir Edmund, Earl Palatine,” and George and Thomas Plowden, two -other of his sons, their heirs and assigns, forever. The same year, -apparently,[742] Plowden granted to Sir Thomas Danby a lease of ten -thousand acres of land, one hundred of which were “on the northeast end -or cape of Long Island,” and the rest in the vicinity of Watsessett, -presumed to be near the present Salem, New Jersey, with “full liberty -and jurisdiction of a court baron and court leet,” and other privileges -for a “Town and Manor of Danby Fort,” conditioned on the settlement -of one hundred “resident planters in the province,” not suffering -“any to live therein not believing or professing the three Christian -creeds commonly called the Apostolical, Athanasian, and Nicene.” - -[Illustration] - -The plans of the Earl Palatine were simultaneously advanced by the -independent voyages of Captain Thomas Yong, of a Yorkshire family, and -his nephew and lieutenant, Robert Evelin, of Wotton, Surrey, undertaken -in virtue of a special commission from the King, dated Sept. 23, 1633, -to discover parts of America not “actually in the possession of any -Christian Prince.”[743] These persons sailed from Falmouth, Friday, May -16, 1634, and arriving between Capes Charles and Henry the 3d of July, -left Virginia on the 20th to explore the Delaware for a “Mediterranean -Sea,” said by the Indians “to be four days’ journey beyond the -mountains,” from which they hoped to find an outlet to the Pacific -Ocean, affording a short passage to China and the East Indies. On the -25th they entered Delaware Bay and proceeded leisurely up the river -(which Yong named “Charles,” in honor of his sovereign), conversing and -trading with the savages, as far as the present Trenton Falls, which -they reached the 29th of August, and where they were obliged to stop, -on account of the rocks and the shallowness of the water. On the 1st -of September they were overtaken here by some “Hollanders of Hudson’s -River,” whom Yong entertained for a few days, but finally required to -depart under the escort of Evelin, who afterward explored the coast -from Cape May to Manhattan, and on his return made a second ineffectual -attempt to pass beyond the rocks in the Delaware.[744] Both Yong and -Evelin “resided several years” on this river, and undertook to build a -fort there at “Eriwomeck,” in the present State of New Jersey. Tidings -of their actions were frequently reported to Sir Edmund Plowden, and in -1641 was printed a _Direction for Adventurers and Description of New -Albion_,[745] in a letter addressed to Lady Plowden, written by Evelin. -Books concerning the province were likewise published, it is said,[746] -in 1637 and 1642. - -About the close of 1641, the Earl Palatine at length visited America -in person, and, according to the testimony of Lord Baltimore,[747] “in -1642 sailed up Delaware River,” one of his men, named by Plantagenet -“Master Miles,” either then or about that time “swearing the -officers” of an English settlement of seventy persons, at “Watcessit” -(doubtless the New Haven colonists at Varkens Kil, now Salem Creek, -New Jersey[748]), to “obedience” to him “as governor.” Plowden’s -residence was chiefly in Virginia, where, it is recorded, he bought -a half-interest in a barque in 1643;[749] and it is probable that he -had communication with Governor Leonard Calvert, of Maryland, since a -maid-servant belonging to him accompanied Margaret Brent, the intimate -friend of the latter, on a visit to the Isle of Kent, in Chesapeake -Bay.[750] The longest notice of him during his sojourn on our continent -occurs in a report of Johan Printz, Governor of New Sweden, to the -Swedish West India Company, dated at Christina (now Wilmington, -Delaware), June 20, 1644,[751] the importance of which induces the -writer to translate the whole of it. Says Printz,— - - “In my former communications concerning the English knight, I have - mentioned how last year, in Virginia, he desired to sail with - his people, sixteen in number, in a barque, from Heckemak to - Kikathans;[752] and when they came to the Bay of Virginia, the captain - (who had previously conspired with the knight’s people to kill him) - directed his course not to Kikethan, but to Cape Henry, passing which, - they came to an isle in the high sea called Smith’s Island, when they - took counsel in what way they should put him to death, and thought it - best not to slay him with their hands, but to set him, without food, - clothes, or arms, on the above-named island, which was inhabited by - no man or other animal save wolves and bears; and this they did. - Nevertheless, two young noble retainers, who had been brought up by - the knight, and who knew nothing of that plot, when they beheld this - evil fortune of their lord, leaped from the barque into the ocean, - swam ashore, and remained with their master. The fourth day following, - an English sloop sailed by Smith’s Island, coming so close that the - young men were able to hail her, when the knight was taken aboard - (half dead, and as black as the ground), and conveyed to Hackemak, - where he recovered. The knight’s people, however, arrived with the - barque May 6, 1643, at our Fort Elfsborg, and asked after ships to - Old England. Hereupon I demanded their pass, and inquired from whence - they came; and as soon as I perceived that they were not on a proper - errand, I took them with me (though with their consent) to Christina, - to bargain about flour and other provisions, and questioned them until - a maid-servant (who had been the knight’s washerwoman) confessed the - truth and betrayed them. I at once caused an inventory to be taken - of their goods, in their presence, and held the people prisoners, - until the very English sloop which had rescued the knight arrived - with a letter from him concerning the matter, addressed not alone - to me, but to all the governors and commandants of the whole coast - of Florida. Thereupon I surrendered to him the people, barque, and - goods (in precise accordance with the inventory), and he paid me 425 - riksdaler for my expenses. The chief of these traitors the knight has - had executed. He himself is still in Virginia, and (as he constantly - professes) expects vessels and people from Ireland and England. To all - ships and barques that come from thence he grants free commission to - trade here in the river with the savages; but I have not yet permitted - any of them to pass, nor shall I do so until I receive order and - command to that effect from my most gracious queen, her Royal Majesty - of Sweden.” - -Printz’s opposition to Plowden’s encroachment within his territory -was never relaxed, and was entirely successful. In the course of his -residence in America, the Earl Palatine of New Albion visited New -Amsterdam, “both in the time of Director Kieft and in that of General -Stuyvesant,” and, according to the _Vertoogh van Nieu Nederland_,[753] -“claimed that the land on the west side of the North River to Virginia -was his by gift of King James [Charles] of England, but said he did not -wish to have any strife with the Dutch, though he was very much piqued -at the Swedish governor, John Printz, at the South River, on account -of some affront given him, too long to relate; adding that when an -opportunity should offer, he would go there and take possession of the -river.” Before re-crossing the ocean, he went to Boston, his arrival -being recorded in the Journal of Governor John Winthrop, under date -of June 4, 1648, having “been in Virginia about seven years. He came -first,” says the Governor, “with a patent of a County Palatine for -Delaware Bay, but wanting a pilot for that place, went to Virginia, -and there having lost the estate he brought over, and all his people -scattered from him, he came hither to return to England for supply, -intending to return and plant Delaware, if he could get sufficient -strength to dispossess the Swedes.” - -Immediately on reaching Europe, Plowden set about this task, and, -to obtain the greater credit for his title as “Earl Palatine of New -Albion,” both in and out of that province, as well as recognition of -the legality and completeness of his charter, submitted a copy of the -latter to Edward Bysshe, “Garter Principal King of Arms of Englishmen,” -who received favorable written opinions on the subject from several -serjeants and doctors of laws, which, with the letters patent, were -recorded by him Jan. 23, 1648/9, “in the office of arms, there to -remain in perpetual memory.”[754] At the same time (December, 1648) -there was published another advertisement of Plowden’s enterprise, -entitled _A Description of the Province of New Albion_,[755] by -“Beauchamp Plantagenet, of Belvil, in New Albion, Esquire,” purporting -to contain “a full abstract and collection” of what had already been -written on the theme, with additional information acquired by the Earl -Palatine during his residence in America. - -[Illustration: Insignia of the Albion Knights] - -The work is dedicated “To the Right Honourable and mighty Lord Edmund, -by Divine Providence Lord Proprietor, Earl Palatine, Governour, and -Captain-Generall of the Province of New Albion, and to the Right -Honourable the Lord Vicount Monson of Castlemain, the Lord Sherard, -Baron of Letrim, and to all other the Vicounts, Barons, Baronets, -Knights, Gentlemen, Merchants, Adventurers, and Planters of the -hopefull Company of New Albion, in all 44 undertakers and subscribers, -bound by Indenture to bring and settle 3,000 able trained men in our -said severall Plantations in the said Province,”—the author, himself -“one of the Company,” professing to “have had the honour to be admitted -as” the “familiar” of Plowden, and to “have marched, lodged, and -cabbined” with him, both “among the Indians and in Holland.”[756] It -opens with a short treatise “of Counts or Earls created, and County -Palatines,” followed by an adulatory account of the family of the -Proprietor, and a defence of his title to his province, comprising -some original statements with regard to the Dutch[757] and Swedes. -Specific mention is made of several tribes of Indians dwelling in New -Albion, and of numerous “choice seats for English,” some of which have -been approximately identified.[758] “For the Politique and Civill -Government, and Justice,” says the writer, “Virginia and New England -is our president: first, the Lord head Governour, a Deputy Governour, -Secretary of Estate, or Sealkeeper, and twelve of the Councell of -State or upper House; and these, or five of them, is also a Chancery -Court. Next, out of Counties and Towns, at a free election and day -prefixed, thirty Burgesses, or Commons. Once yearly these meet, as -at a Parliament or Grand Assembly, and make Laws.... and without -full consent of Lord, upper and lower House, nothing is done.” “For -Religion,” observes the author, “I conceive the Holland way now -practised best to content all parties: first, by Act of Parliament -or Grand Assembly, to settle and establish all the Fundamentals -necessary to salvation.... But no persecution to any dissenting, and -to all such, as to the Walloons, free Chapels; and to punish all as -seditious, and for contempt, as bitterly rail and condemn others of the -contrary: for this argument or perswasion of Religion, Ceremonies, or -Church-Discipline, should be acted in mildnesse, love, and charity, and -gentle language, not to disturb the peace or quiet of the Inhabitants, -but therein to obey the Civill Magistrate,”—the latter remarkable -programme of universal tolerance in matters of faith being probably -designed to protect Catholic colonists in the same manner as the famous -“Act concerning Religion” passed by the Maryland Assembly the following -year. The book closes with some practical advice to “Adventurers,” and -promises all such “of £500 to bring fifty men shall have 5,000 acres, -and a manor with Royalties, at 5_s._ rent; and whosoever is willing so -to transport himself or servant at £10 a man shall for each man have -100 acres freely granted forever.” - -The only evidence we possess that any result flowed from this fresh -attempt to promote emigration to New Albion is derived from documents -in the Public Record Office at London,[759] stating that March 21, -1649-50, a “Petition of the Earl of New Albion relating to the -plantation there” was “referred to the consideration of the Committee -of Council;” that April 3, 1650, it was “referred to the Committee for -Plantations, or any three of them, to confer with the Earl of Albion -concerning the giving good security to Council, that the men, arms, -and ammunition, which he hath now shipped in order to his voyage to -New Albion, shall go thither, and shall not be employed either there -or elsewhere to the disservice of the public;” and that June 11, 1650, -“a pass” was “granted for Mr. Batt and Mr. Danby, themselves and seven -score persons, men, women, and children, to go to New Albion.” We have -no other proof of the sailing of these people, nor any knowledge of -their arrival in America. - -In 1651, there was offered for sale in London, _A mapp of Virginia_, -compiled by “Domina Virginia Farrer,”[760] designating the territory -on the Delaware as “Nova Albion,” as well as “Sweeds’ Plantation,” -with a note: “This River the Lord Ployden hath a Patten of, and calls -it New Albion; but the Sweeds are planted in it, and have a great -trade of Furrs.” On the Jersey side of the stream are indicated the -sites of “Richnek Woods,” “Raritans,” “Mont Ployden,” “Eriwoms,” and -“Axion,” and on the sea-coast “Egg Bay,” all of which are mentioned in -Plantagenet’s _New Albion_. - -At that time Plowden was still in England,[761] and we do not know -that he ever returned to his province. In his will, dated July 29, -1655, he styles himself “Sir Edmund Plowden, of Wansted, in the County -of Southton [Southampton], Knight, Lord, Earle Palatine, Governor and -Captain-Generall of the Province of New Albion in America,” and thinks -“it fit that” his “English lands and estates be settled and united -to” his “Honour, County Palatine, and Province of New Albion, for the -maintenance of the same.” In consequence of the “sinister and undue -practises” of his eldest son, Francis Plowden, by whom, he says, “he -had been damnified and hindered these eighteene yeares,” “his mother, a -mutable woman, being by him perverted,” he bequeaths all his titles and -property in England and America, including his “Peerage of Ireland,” -to his second son, Thomas Plowden, specially mentioning “the province -and County Palatine of New Albion,” whereof, he says, “I am seized as -of free principality, and held of the Crowne of Ireland, of which I -am a Peere, which Honor and title and province as Arundell, and many -other Earledomes and Baronies, is assignable and saleable with the -province and County Palatine as a locall Earledome.” He provides for -the occupation and cultivation of New Albion as follows: “I doe order -and will that my sonne Thomas Plowden, and after his decease his eldest -heire male, and if he be under age, then his guardian, with all speed -after my decease, doe imploy, by consent of Sir William Mason, of Greys -Inne, Knt., otherwise William Mason, Esquire, whom I make a Trustee -for this my Plantation, all the cleare rents and profits of my Lands, -underwoods, tythes, debts, stocks, and moneys, for full ten yeares -(excepted what is beqeathed aforesaid), for the planting, fortifying, -peopling, and stocking of my province of New Albion; and to summon and -enforce, according to Covenants in Indentures and subscriptions, all my -undertakers to transplant thither and there to settle their number of -men with such as my estate yearly can transplant,—namely, Lord Monson, -fifty; Lord Sherrard, a hundred; S^r Thomas Danby, a hundred; Captain -Batts, his heire, a hundred; Mr. Eltonhead, a Master in Chancery, -fifty; his eldest brother Eltonhead, fifty; Mr. Bowles, late Clerke of -the Crowne, forty; Captain Claybourne, in Virginia, fifty; Viscount -Muskery, fifty; and many others in England, Virginia, and New England, -subscribed as by direction in my manuscript bookes since I resided -six yeares there, and of policie a government there, and of the best -seates, profits, mines, rich trade of furrs, and wares, and fruites, -wine, worme silke and grasse silke, fish, and beasts there, rice, and -floatable grounds for rice, flax, maples, hempe, barly, and corne, two -crops yearely; to build Churches and Schooles there, and to indeavour -to convert the Indians there to Christianity, and to settle there my -family, kindred, and posterity.” - -[Illustration: Farrer map of Virginia (1651)] - -To each of eleven parishes in England, where he owned land, he left -forty pounds; and directs that he be buried in the chapel of the -Plowdens at Ledbury, in Salop, under a stone monument, with “brasse -plates” of his “eighteene children had affixed at thirty or fourty -powndes charges, together with” his “perfect pedigree as is drawne -at” his “house.” He “died,” says “Albion,” “at Wanstead, county of -Southampton, in 1659,” his will being admitted to probate in the -Prerogative Court of Canterbury, July 27 of that year.[762] Thomas -Plowden survived his father forty years, but what benefit he derived -from the inheritance of New Albion does not appear. His own will is -dated May 16, 1698, and was admitted to probate in the Prerogative -Court of Canterbury the 10th of the following September. In it he -describes himself as “Thomas Plowden, of Lasham, in the county of -Southton, Gent;” and after leaving all his children and grandchildren -“ten shillings a piece of lawfull English money,” proceeds: “I do give -and bequeath unto my son Francis Plowden the Letters Pattent and Title, -with all advantages and profitts thereunto belonging, And as it was -granted by our late Sovereign Lord King Charles the first over England, -under the great Seal of England, unto my ffather, Sir Edmund Plowden, -of Wansted, in the County of Southton, now deceased, The province and -County palatine of New Albion, in America, or in North Virginia and -America, which pattent is now in the custody of my son-in-law, Andrew -Wall, of Ludshott, in the said County of Southton, who has these -severall years wrongfully detained it, to my great Loss and hinderance. -And all the rest and residue of my goods, chattles, and personall -Estate, after my debts and Legacies be paid and funerall discharged, I -give and devise unto my wife, Thomazine Plowden, of Lasham.”[763] - -That Plowden’s claim to the territory of New Albion was not forgotten -in America, appears from the following allusions to it. In a -conversation recorded by the Swedish engineer, Peter Lindström,[764] -as occurring in New Sweden, June 18, 1654, between the Swedes and -“Lawrence Lloyd, the English Commandant of Virginia,” concerning the -rights of their respective nations to jurisdiction over the Delaware, -the latter laid particular stress upon the fact that “Sir Edward Ployde -and Earl of Great Albion had a special grant of that river from King -James.” On the other hand, on occasion of the embassy of Augustine -Herman and Resolved Waldron on behalf of the Director-General of New -Netherland to the Governor of Maryland, in October, 1659, Plowden’s -title was spoken of by them as “subretively and fraudulently obtained” -and “invalid;” while Secretary Philip Calvert affirmed that “Ployten -had had no commission, and lay in jail in England on account of his -debts, relating that he had solicited a patent for _Novum Albium_ from -the King, but it was refused him, and he thereupon applied to the -Viceroy of Ireland, from whom he had obtained a patent, but that it -was of no value,”[765]—allegations, it is understood, of interested -parties, which therefore possess less weight as testimony against the -rights of Plowden. At the same time the title of the Earl Palatine -to his American province was recognized in the last edition of Peter -Heylin’s _Cosmographie_, which was revised by the author, and published -in London in 1669,[766] and in Philips’s enlarged edition of John -Speed’s _Theatre of the Empire of Great Britain_ and _Prospect of the -Most Famous Parts of the World_, printed in London in 1676.[767] - -From this period the history of New Albion is more obscure. There is -proof, however, of the residence in Maryland, in May, 1684, of certain -Thomas and George Plowden, affirmed, on grounds of family tradition, -by persons who claim to be descended from one of them, to be sons of -a son of the original patentee, who had brought his wife and children -to America to take possession of his estates, but had been murdered -by the Indians. That the ancestral jurisdiction over the province was -never entirely lost sight of, is shown by the circumstance that the -title peculiar to it was constantly retained by later generations of -this race.[768] Just before the American Revolution, Charles Varlo, -Esq., of England, purchased the third part of the Charter of New -Albion, and in 1784 visited this country with his family, “invested -with proper power as Governor to the Province, ... not doubting,” as -he says, “the enjoyment of his property.” He made an extended tour -through Long Island, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, -and distributed among the inhabitants a pamphlet,[769] comprising a -translation in English of the Latin charter enrolled at Dublin, copies -of the lease to Danby, and the release of Ryebread and others, before -referred to, an address of the “Earl Palatine of Albion” to the public, -and conditions for letting or selling land in New Albion. He likewise -issued “a proclamation, in form of a handbill, addressed to the people -of New Albion, in the name of the Earl of Albion,”[770] and published -in the papers of the day (July, 1785) “A Caution to the Good People of -the Province of New Albion, _alias_ corruptly called, at present, The -Jerseys,” not to buy or contract with any person for any land in said -province.[771] He formed the acquaintance of Edmund (called by him -Edward) Plowden, representative of St. Mary’s County in the Legislature -of Maryland, a member of the family already mentioned, and endeavored -to interest that gentleman in his schemes. Finding his land settled -under the grant to the Duke of York, he also sought counsel of William -Rawle, a distinguished lawyer of Philadelphia, and “took every step -possible,” he affirms, “to recover the estate by law in chancery, but -in vain, because judge and jury were landowners therein, consequently -parties concerned. Therefore, after much trouble and expense,” he -“returned to Europe.”[772] Varlo’s last act was to indite two letters -to the Prince of Wales, reciting his grievances and appealing for -redress, but conceived in such a tone as would seem to have precluded -a response.[773] Thus ended this curious episode in the history of -English colonization in America.[774] - -[Illustration] - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE FOUNDING OF PENNSYLVANIA. - -BY FREDERICK D. STONE, - -_Librarian of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania._ - - -THE founding of Pennsylvania was one of the immediate results of -Penn’s connection with West Jersey; but the causes which led to the -settlement of both colonies can be clearly traced to the rise of the -religious denomination of which he was a distinguished member. This -occurred in one of the most exciting periods of English history. The -Long Parliament was in session. Events were directly leading to the -execution of the King. All vestiges of the Church of Rome had been -well-nigh swept away in a country in which that Church had once held -undisputed sway, and its successor was faring but little better with -the armies of the Commonwealth. The conflict between Presbyterians and -Churchmen,—in the efforts of the former to change the Established -Church, and of the latter to maintain their position,—was scarcely -more bitter in spirit than the temper with which the Independents -denounced all connection between Church and State. Other dissenting -congregations at the same time availed themselves of a season of -unprecedented religious liberty to express their views, and religious -discussions became the daily talk of the people. - -It was under these circumstances that the ministry of George Fox began. -Born in the year 1624, a native of Leicestershire, he was from his -youth noted for “a gravity and stayedness of mind and spirit not usual -in children.” As he approached manhood, he became troubled about the -condition of his soul, and passed through an experience similar to that -which tried his contemporary, John Bunyan, when he imagined that he had -sinned against the Holy Ghost. His friends had advised him to marry or -to join the army; but his immediate recourse was rather to spiritual -counsel. He naturally sought this from the clergymen of the Established -Church, in which he had been bred; but they failed to satisfy his mind. - -[Illustration: GEORGE FOX. - -[This follows Holmes’s engraving of the portrait of Fox, by Honthorst, -in 1654, when Fox was in his thirtieth year. This Dutch painter, if -Gerard Honthorst, was born in Utrecht in 1592, was at one time in -England, and died in 1660; if his brother William, he died in 1683, -aged 73. The original canvas was recently offered for sale in England. -A view of Swarthmore Hall, where Fox lived, is in Gay’s _Popular -History of the United States_, ii. 173.—ED.]] - -The first whom he consulted repeated to his servants what George had -said, until the young man was distressed to find that his troubles were -the subjects of jests with the milk-maids. Another told him to sing -psalms and smoke a pipe. A third flew into a violent passion because, -as the talk turned upon the birth of Christ, Fox inadvertently placed -his foot upon the flower-bed. A fourth bled and physicked him. Such -consolations, presented while he was earnestly seeking to comprehend -the greatest question of life, disgusted him. He then turned for -comfort to the Dissenters; but they, as he tells us, were unable to -fathom his condition. From this time he avoided professors and teachers -of all kinds. He read the Scriptures diligently, and strove, by the -use of the faculties which God had given him, to understand their true -meaning. He was not a man of learning, and was obliged to settle all -questions as they arose by such reasonings as he could bring to bear -upon them. The anguish which he experienced was terrible, and at times -he was tempted to despair; but his strong mind held him to the truth, -and his wonderfully clear perception of right and wrong led him step by -step towards the goal of his desires. By degrees the ideas which had -been taught him in childhood were put aside. It became evident to him -that it was not necessary for a man to be bred at Oxford or Cambridge -to become a minister of Christ; and he felt as never before the meaning -of the words, “God dwelleth not in temples made with hands.” To one of -his understanding such convictions seemed as revelations from Heaven. -That all men are capable of receiving the same Light to guide them, -and that all who would follow this Light would be guided to the same -end, became his belief; and to preach this faith constituted his -mission. He also felt that they who were guided by this Inner Light -should be known by the simplicity of their speech and manners; that as -the temples of the Lord were the hearts of his people, the ceremonies -of the prevailing modes of worship were empty forms; that tithes for -the support of a ministry, and taxes for the promotion of war and like -measures, should not be paid by persons who could not approve of the -purposes for which they were collected; and that the taking of an oath, -even to add weight to testimony, was contrary to the teachings of the -Scriptures. - -These, in brief, were the views of the people called Quakers. That -a movement so purely spiritual in its aims should have exercised a -political influence seems remarkable. But the principles upon which -the movement was founded claimed for the mind a perfect freedom; they -counted as nought the privileges of rank, and demanded an entire -separation of Church and State. - -The first followers of George Fox were from the neighborhood of his own -home; but his views soon spread among the yeomanry of the adjoining -counties. His theology may have been crude, his grammar faulty, and his -appearance ludicrous; yet there was a personal magnetism about the man -which drew to him disciples from all classes. - -Nothing could check the energy with which he labored, or silence the -voice which is yet spoken of as that of a prophet. In his enthusiasm -the people seemed to him like “fallow ground,” and the priests but -“lumps of clay,” unable to furnish the seed for a harvest. Jeered at -and beaten by cruel mobs, reviled as a fanatic and denounced as an -impostor, he travelled from place to place, sometimes to be driven -forth to sleep under haystacks, and at other times to be imprisoned as -a disturber of the peace. But through all trials his faith remained -unshaken, and he denounced what he believed to be the falsehoods of the -times, until, as he says, the priests fled when they heard that “the -man in leathern breeches is come.” - -In 1654, but ten years after George Fox had begun to preach, his -followers were to be found in most parts of England, Ireland, and -Scotland. Notwithstanding the persecutions with which an avowal -of Quakerism was met, they adhered to their convictions with a -steadfastness equal to that of their leader. Imprisonment, starvation, -and the lash, as the penalties of their religion, had no fears for -them. Their estates were wasted for tithes and taxes which they felt -it wrong to pay. Their meetings were dispersed by armed men, and all -laws that could be so construed were interpreted against them. All such -persecution, however, was of no avail. “They were a people who could -not be won with either gifts, honors, offices, or place.” Nor is it -surprising that their desire to share equally such sufferings in the -cause of truth should have touched the heart of one educated in the -severe school of the Commonwealth. When Fox lay in Lanceston jail, one -of his people called upon Cromwell and asked to be imprisoned in his -stead. “Which of you,” said Cromwell, turning to his Council, “would do -so much for me if I were in the same condition?” - -Satisfied in their hearts with the strength which their faith gave -them, the Quakers could not rest until they had carried the glad -tidings to others. In 1655, Fox tells us, “many went beyond the sea, -where truth also sprung up, and in 1656 it broke forth in America and -many other places.” - -It has ever been one of the cardinal principles of the followers of -Fox to obey the laws under which they live, when doing so does not -interfere with their consciences. When this last is the case, their -convictions impel them to treat the oppressive measures as nullities, -not even so far recognizing the existence of such statutes as to cover -their violation of them with a shadow of secrecy. It was against what -Fox considered ecclesiastical tyranny that the weight of his ministry -was directed. Those who lived under church government he believed to be -in as utter spiritual darkness as it is the custom of Christendom to -regard the other three-fourths of mankind; and it was with a feeling -akin to that which will to-day prompt a missionary to carry the Bible -to the wildest tribes of Africa, that the Quakers of 1656 came to the -Puritan commonwealths of America. - -The record of the first landing of the Quakers in this country belongs -to another chapter,[775] and the historians of New England must tell -the sad story, which began in 1656, of the intrusive daring for -conviction’s sake which characterized the conduct of these humble -preachers. In June, 1657, six of a party of eight Quakers who had -been sent back to England the year previous, re-embarked for America. -They were accompanied by five others, and on October 1 five of them -landed at New Amsterdam. The rest remained on the vessel, and on the 3d -instant arrived at Rhode Island. It was chiefly through the labors of -this little band that the doctrines of the Quakers were spread through -the British colonies of North America. - -It was in 1661 that the first Yearly Meeting of Friends in America -was established in Rhode Island, and in 1672 the government of the -colony was in their hands. The Dutch of New Amsterdam did not hold as -broad views of religious liberty as were entertained by their kinsfolk -in Holland; but while the Quakers were severely dealt with in that -city, on Long Island they were allowed to live in comparative peace. -In Maryland the treatment of the Friends, severe at times, grew more -and more tolerant, and when Fox visited them in 1672 he found many to -welcome him; and probably the first letter from a Meeting in England -to one in America was directed to that of Maryland. In Virginia -the Episcopalians were less liberal than their neighbors in other -provinces. The intolerance with which Dissenters were met drove many -beyond her borders, and thus it was that some Friends gathered in the -Carolinas. - -The outbreak of the Fifth Monarchy men in 1660, immediately after the -restoration of Charles II., dispelled any hopes which the Quakers -might have gathered from that monarch’s proclamation at Breda, since -they were suspected of being connected with that party. It is at this -time that we find the first evidence that Fox and his followers wished -to obtain a spot in America which they could call their own; and the -desire was obviously the result of the troubles which they encountered, -both in England and America. Before this was accomplished, however, the -Quakers experienced many trials. In 1661 Parliament passed an Act for -their punishment, denouncing them as a mischievous and dangerous people. - -In 1672 Charles II. issued his second declaration regarding liberty of -conscience, and comparative quiet was for a few years enjoyed by his -Dissenting subjects. In 1673 Parliament censured the declaration of the -King as an undue use of the prerogative. The sufferings of the Quakers -were then renewed. It is unnecessary to repeat in detail the penalties -inflicted under the various Acts of Parliament. Fox was repeatedly -imprisoned, and many of his followers died in confinement from ill -usage. In 1675 West Jersey was offered for sale. The advantages its -possession would afford were at once appreciated by the men of broad -views who had obtained control of the Quaker affairs. Fox favored the -scheme. Some of his followers felt that to emigrate was to fly from -persecution and to desert a cause; but Fox, with more wisdom, had as -early as 1660 proposed the purchase of a tract of land in America. -Between 1656 and 1675 he and his devoted followers were from time to -time braving all kinds of danger in the propagation of their faith -throughout the English colonies in America. Their wanderings often -brought them into contact with the Indians, and this almost always led -to the friendliest of relations.[776] - -William Penn possessed more influence with the ruling class of England -than did any other of the followers of Fox. His joining the Friends in -1668 is a memorable event in the history of their Society. The son of -Admiral Sir William Penn, the conqueror of Jamaica, and of his wife -Margaret, daughter of John Jasper, of Amsterdam, he was born in London -Oct. 14, 1644, the year in which Fox began to preach to his neighbors -in Leicestershire. The Admiral was active in bringing about the -restoration of the Stuarts, and this, together with his naval services, -gave him an influence at Court which would have enabled him to advance -the interests of his son. - -[Illustration - -[There are papers on the portraits of Penn in _Scribner’s Monthly_, -xii. 1, by F. M. Etting, and in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, October, -1882. Cf. also _Penn. Mag. of Hist._ vol. vi. pp. 174, 252. The above -cut represents him at twenty-two. It follows a large private steel -plate, engraved by S. A. Schoff, of Boston, with the aid of a crayon -reduction by William Hunt, and represents an original likeness painted -in oils in 1666 by an unknown artist, possibly Sir Peter Lely. It was -one of two preserved at Stoke Poges for a long time, and this one was -given in 1833 by Penn’s grandson, Granville Penn, to the Historical -Society of Pennsylvania. (_Catalogue of Paintings, etc., belonging to -the Historical Society_, 1872, no. 50.) There are other engravings -of it in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, i. 361; in Janney’s -_Life of Penn_; in Stoughton’s _William Penn_; and in Watson’s _Annals -of Philadelphia_. A portrait by Francis Place, representing Penn at -fifty-two, is engraved from the National Museum copy of the original -in Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, ii. 487. It was -discovered in England in 1874, and its story is told in Mr. Etting’s -paper. There is another engraving of it in Egle’s _Pennsylvania_. -Maria Webb’s _Penns and Peningtons_ (1867) gives an account of a -recently discovered crayon likeness. (Cf. _Catalogue of Paintings, -etc., belonging to the Historical Society_, 1872, p. 27.) A steel -engraving was issued in Germany some years since, purporting to be from -a portrait by Kneller,—which is quite possible,—and this engraving -is reproduced a little larger than the German one in the _Mag. of -Amer. Hist._, October, 1882. The likeness best known is probably the -one introduced by West in his well-known picture of the making of the -Treaty. In this, West, who never saw Penn, seemingly followed one of -the medallions or busts made by Sylvanus Bevan, a contemporary of Penn, -who had a natural skill in cutting likenesses in ivory. One of these -medallions is given in Smith and Watson’s _American Historical and -Literary Curiosities_, i. pl. xv., and in the _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, -October, 1882. Bevan’s bust was also the original of the head of the -statue, with a broad-brim hat, which has stood in the grounds of the -Pennsylvania Hospital since John Penn, son of the Proprietary, bought -it from the estate of Lord Le Despenser at High Wycombe, and gave it to -the hospital. The same head was again used as the model of the wooden -bust which was in the Loganian Library, but was destroyed by fire in -1831. Proud’s _History of Pennsylvania_ (1797) gives an engraving of -it; and the likeness in Clarkson’s _Life of Penn_ is also credited to -one of Bevan’s busts. Inman’s picture, which appears in Janney’s _Penn_ -and in Armor’s _Governors of Pennsylvania_, is to be traced to the same -source, as also is the engraving in the _Encyclopædia Londiniensis_. - -Penn is buried in the graveyard at Jordan’s, twenty miles or so from -London; and the story of an unsuccessful effort by the State of -Pennsylvania to secure his remains, encased in a leaden casket, is told -in _The Remains of William Penn_, by George L. Harrison, privately -printed, Philadelphia, 1882, where is a view of the grave and an -account of the neighborhood. There is a picture of the grave in the -Pennsylvania Historical Society. Cf. _Catalogue of Paintings, etc., -belonging to the Historical Society_ (1872), no. 151; and Mrs. S. C. -Halls article in _National Magazine_, viii. 109; and _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, October, 1882, p. 661.—ED.]] - -But while a student at Oxford, the young Penn chanced to hear the -preaching of Thomas Loe, a Quaker, and so impressed was he by it that -he ceased to attend the religious services of his College. For this he -was expelled from the University. His father, after a brief impulse -of anger which this disgrace caused, sent him to Paris, and in that -gay capital the impressions made by the Quaker preacher were nearly -effaced. From Paris he went to Saumur and became a pupil of Moses -Amyrault, a learned professor of the French Reformed Church. At the -conclusion of his studies he travelled in France and Italy, and in -1664 returned to England,—a fashionable gentleman, with an “affected -manner of speech and gait.” The dreadful scenes which occurred the -next year in London during the Plague again turned his thoughts from -worldly affairs. To overcome this seriousness his father sent him to -Ireland. While there, an insurrection broke out among the soldiers at -Carrickfergus Castle, and he served as a volunteer under Lord Arran -in its suppression. The Viceroy of Ireland was willing to reward this -service by giving him a military command, but Admiral Penn refused -his consent. It was at this time that the accompanying portrait was -painted. While in Ireland, Penn again came under the influence of the -preaching of Loe, and in his heart became a Quaker. He was shortly -afterwards arrested with others at a Quaker meeting. His conduct -alienated his father from him, but a reconciliation followed when the -Admiral learned how sincere the young Quaker was in his views. - -Penn wrote industriously in the cause, and endeavored by personal -solicitation at Court to obtain for the Quakers more liberal treatment. -Imprisoned in the Tower for heresy, he passed his time in writing _No -Cross, No Crown_. Released through his father’s influence with the -Duke of York, he was soon again arrested under the Conventicle Act for -having spoken at a Quaker meeting, and his trial for this offence is a -celebrated one in the annals of English law. - -In September, 1670, his father died, leaving him an ample fortune, -besides large claims on the Government. But the temptations of wealth -had no influence on Penn. He continued to defend the faith he had -embraced, and in the latter part of the year was again in Newgate. -There he wrote _The Great Case of Liberty of Conscience debated_. -Had his services to humanity been no greater than those rendered by -the pen, they would have secured for him a lasting remembrance; but -the experience he gained in defending the principles of the Friends -was fitting him for higher responsibilities. His mind, which was -naturally bright, had been improved by study. In such rough schools -of statesmanship as the Old Bailey, Newgate, and the Tower, he -imbibed broad and liberal views of what was necessary for the welfare -of mankind, which in the end prompted him to attempt a practical -interpretation of the philosophy of More and Harrington. His interest -in West Jersey[777] led him to make extensive investments in the -enterprise; but notwithstanding the zeal and energy with which it was -pushed, the result was far from satisfactory. The disputes between -Fenwick and the creditors of Byllynge, and the transfer by the -former of a large portion of his interest to Eldridge and Warner in -security for a debt, left a cloud upon the title of land purchased -there, and naturally deterred people from emigrating. False reports -detrimental to the colony were also circulated in England, while the -claim of Byllynge, that his parting with an interest in the soil -did not affect his right to govern, and the continued assumption of -authority by Andros over East Jersey and the ports on the Delaware, -added to the feeling of dissatisfaction. This is clearly shown in a -pamphlet published in 1681, the preface of which says it was put forth -“to contradict the Disingenuous and False Reports of some men who -have made it their business to speak unjustly of New Jersey and our -Proceedings therein: As though the Methods of Settlement were confused -and Uncertain, no man Knowing his own Land, and several such idle Lying -Stories.”[778] - -It was in this condition of affairs that Penn conceived the idea of -obtaining a grant of land in America in settlement of a debt of £16,000 -due the estate of his father from the Crown. We have no evidence -showing when this thought first took form in his mind, but his words -and actions prove that it was not prompted in order to better his -worldly condition. Certain it is that the eyes of the Friends had long -been turned to what is now Pennsylvania as a spot upon which they might -find a refuge from persecution. In 1660, when George Fox first thought -of a Quaker settlement in America, he wrote on this subject to Josiah -Coale, who was then with the Susquehanna Indians north of Maryland. The -reply from Maryland is dated “eleventh month, 1660,” and reads,— - - “DEAR GEORGE,—As concerning Friends buying a piece of Land of the - Susquehanna Indians, I have spoken of it to them, and told them what - thou said concerning it; but their answer was that there is no land - that is habitable or fit for situation beyond Baltimore’s liberty till - they come to or near the Susquehanna’s fort.” - -In 1681 Penn, in writing about his province, said: “This I can say, -that I had an opening of joy as to these parts in the year 1661 at -Oxford twenty years since.” The interest which centred in West Jersey -caused the scheme to slumber, until revived by Penn in 1680. - -The petition to the King was presented about the 1st of June, 1680. It -asked for a tract of land “lying North of Maryland, on the East bounded -with Delaware River, on the West limited as Maryland is, and Northward -to extend as far as plantable, which is altogether Indian.” This, -“his Maj^{ty} being graciously disposed to gratify,” was referred to -the Lords of Trade and Plantations, and if it should meet with their -approval, they were to consider “such restrictions, limitations, and -other Clauses as were fitting to be inserted in the Grant.” - -The proceedings which followed prevented the issue of the charter for -some time. “A caution was used,” says Chalmers, “in proportion to -the inattention with which former patents had been given, almost to -every petitioner. Twenty years had now taught circumspection, and the -recent refractoriness of Massachusetts had impressed the ministers -with a proper sense of danger, at least of inconvenience.” The agents -of the Duke of York and of Lord Baltimore were consulted about the -proposed boundaries, and the opinions of Chief-Justice North and the -Attorney-General were taken on the same subjects, as well as on the -powers that were to be conferred. The charter as granted gave to -Penn and his successors all the territory between the fortieth and -forty-second degrees of latitude, extending through five degrees of -longitude west from the Delaware River, with the exception of that -part which would fall within a circle drawn twelve miles around New -Castle, the northern segment of which was to form the boundary between -Penn’s province and the Duke of York’s colonies of Delaware. It was -supposed that such a circle would be intersected on the west by the -fortieth degree of latitude, the proposed boundary between Pennsylvania -and Maryland. This erroneous opinion was the cause of a prolonged -litigation. The allegiance of the Proprietary and of the inhabitants -was reserved to the Crown. The right to govern was vested in Penn. -He could appoint officers, and with the consent of the people make -such laws as were necessary; but to insure their unison with those of -England they were to be submitted to the Crown within five years for -approval. He could raise troops for the defence of his province, and -collect taxes and duties; but the latter were to be in addition to -those ordered by Parliament. He could pardon all crimes except treason -and wilful murder, and grant reprieves in such cases until the pleasure -of the King should be known. The Bishop of London had the power to -appoint a chaplain on the petition of twenty of the inhabitants, and -an agent was to reside near the Court to explain any misdemeanor that -might be committed. - -The charter was signed March 4, 1681, and on the next day Penn wrote to -Robert Turner,— - - “After many waitings, watchings, solicitings, and disputes in - Council, this day my country was confirmed to me under the Great - Seal of England, with large powers and privileges, by the name of - Pennsilvania, a name the King would have given in honor of my father. - I chose New Wales, being as this a pretty hilly country, ... for I - feared lest it should be looked as a vanity in me and not as a respect - in the King, as it truly was, to my father, whom he often mentions - with praise. Thou mayst communicate my graunt to friends, and expect - shortly my proposals; ‘tis a clear and just thing; and my God, that - has given it me through many difficulties, will, I believe, bless - and make it the seed of a nation. I shall have a tender care to the - government, that it will be well laid at first.” - -On the 2d of April a royal proclamation, addressed to those who were -already settled within the province, informed them of the granting -of the patent, and its character. Six days afterwards Penn prepared -a letter to be read to the settlers by his representative, couched -in language of friendship and affection. He told them frankly that -government was a business he had never undertaken, but that it was his -wish to do it uprightly. You are “at the mercy of no governor,” he -said, “who comes to make his fortune great; you shall be governed by -laws of your own making, and live a free and, if you will, a sober and -industrious people.” On the same day he gave to his kinsman, William -Markham, whom he had selected to be his deputy-governor, and who was to -precede him to Pennsylvania, instructions regarding the first business -to be transacted. Two days afterwards he furnished him with his -commission and more explicit directions, and Markham shortly afterwards -sailed for America, and probably landed in Boston, where his commission -is recorded. By the 15th of June he had reached New York, and -Brockholls on the 21st issued an order addressed to the civil officers -within the limits of Pennsylvania, yielding to Markham his authority as -the representative of the Duke of York. Markham carried letters from -the King and from Penn to Lord Baltimore. The former recommended “the -infant colony and its leader to his friendly aid.” He also required -the patentee of Maryland “to make a true division of the two provinces -according to the boundaries and degrees expressed in their patents.” -The letter of Penn authorized Markham to settle the boundaries. Markham -met Lord Baltimore in August, 1681, and while at his house was taken so -ill that nothing was decided upon. - -Soon after the confirmation of his charter, Penn issued a pamphlet, -in which the essential parts of that instrument were given, together -with an account of the country and the views he entertained for its -government. The conditions on which he proposed to dispose of land -were, a share of five thousand acres free from any Indian incumbrance -for £100, and one shilling English quit-rent for one hundred acres, -the quit-rent not to begin until after 1684. Those who hired were to -pay one penny per acre for lots not exceeding two hundred acres. Fifty -acres per head were allowed to the masters of servants, and the same -quantity was given to every servant when his time should expire. A plan -for building cities was also suggested, in which all should receive -lots in proportion to their investments. - -The unselfishness and purity of Penn’s motives, and the religious -feelings with which he was inspired, are evident from his letters. On -the 12th of April, 1681, he wrote to three of his friends,— - - “Having published a paper with relation to my province in America - (at least what I thought advisable to publish), I here inclose one - that you may know and inform others of it. I have been these thirteen - years the servant of truth and Friends, and for my testimony sake - lost much, not only the greatness and preferments of this world, but - £16,000 of my estate, that had I not been what I am I had long ago - obtained. But I murmur not; the Lord is good to me, and the interest - his truth has given me with his people may more than repair it; - for many are drawn forth to be concerned with me: and perhaps this - way of satisfaction has more the hand of God in it than a downright - payment.... For the matter of liberty and privilege, I propose that - which is extraordinary, and to leave myself and successors no power of - doing mischief,—that the will of one man may not hinder the good of - an whole country. But to publish those things now and here, as matters - stand, would not be wise, and I was advised to reserve that until I - came there.” - -To another he wrote,— - - “And because I have been somewhat exercised at times about the - nature and end of government among men, it is reasonable to expect - that I should endeavor to establish a just and righteous one in this - province, that others may take example by it,—truly this my heart - desires. For the nations want a precedent.... I do, therefore, desire - the Lord’s wisdom to guide me, and those that may be concerned with - me, that we may do the thing that is truly wise and just.” - -And again,— - - “For my country, I eyed the Lord in obtaining it, and more was I drawn - inward to look to him, and to owe it to his hand and power than to any - other way. I have so obtained it, and desire to keep it that I may - not be unworthy of his love, but do that which may answer his kind - Providence and serve his truth and people, that an example may be set - up to the nations. There may be room there, though not here, for such - an holy experiment.” - -The scheme grew apace, and, as Penn says, “many were drawn forth to be -concerned with him.” His prominence as a Quaker attracted the attention -of Quakers in all quarters. He had travelled in their service in Wales, -and from thence some of the first settlers came. Two visits to Holland -and Germany had made him known to the Mennonites and like religious -bodies there. His pamphlet was reprinted at Amsterdam, and the seed -sown soon brought forth abundantly. By July 11, 1681, matters had so -far progressed that it was necessary to form a definite agreement -between Penn and the purchasers, and a paper known as “Certain -Conditions or Concessions” was executed. - -By this time also (July, 1681) troubles with Lord Baltimore were -anticipated in England, and some of the adventurers were deterred from -purchasing. Penn at once began negotiations for the acquirement of the -Duke of York’s interests on the Delaware. Meanwhile, in the face of all -these rumors, Penn refused to part with any of his rights, except on -the terms and in the spirit which he had announced. Six thousand pounds -were offered for a monopoly of the Indian trade, but he declined it; “I -would not,” are his words, “so defile what came to me clean.” - -William Crispin, John Bezar, and Nathaniel Allen were commissioned by -Penn (Sept. 30, 1681) to assist Markham. They were to select a site for -a town, and superintend its laying out. William Haige was subsequently -added to the number. By them he sent to the Indians a letter of an -affectionate character, and another to be read to the Swedes by their -ministers. - -The first commissioners probably sailed on the “John Sarah,” which -cleared for Pennsylvania in October. She is supposed to have been the -first vessel to arrive there after Penn received his grant. - -On August 24, 1682, Penn acquired from the Duke of York the town of New -Castle and the country twelve miles around it, and the same day the -Duke conveyed to him the territory lying south of New Castle, reserving -for himself one half the rents. The first of these gifts professed to -have been made on account of the Duke’s respect for the memory of Sir -William Penn. A deed was also obtained from the Duke (August 20) for -any right he might have to Pennsylvania as a part of New Netherland. - -Having completed his business in England, Penn prepared to sail -for America. On the 4th of August, from his home at Worminghurst, -he addressed to his wife and children a letter of singular beauty, -manliness, and affection. It is evident from it that he appreciated -the dangers before him, as well as the responsibilities which he -had assumed. To his wife, who was the daughter of Sir William -Springett, he wrote: “Remember thy mother’s example when thy father’s -public-spiritedness had worsted his estate, which is my case.” To his -children, fearing he would see them no more, he said: “And as for you -who are likely to be concerned in the government of Pennsylvania and my -parts of East Jersey, especially the first, I do charge you before the -Lord God and His holy angels, that you be lowly, diligent, and tender, -fearing God, loving the people, and hating covetousness.” To both, in -closing, he wrote: “So farewell to my thrice-dearly beloved wife and -children. Yours as God pleaseth, in that which no waters can quench, no -time forget, nor distance wear away.” - -On the 30th of August he wrote to all faithful friends in England, -and the next day there “sailed out of the Downs three ships bound for -Pennsylvania, on board of which was Mr. Pen, with a great many Quakers -who go to settle there.” Such was the announcement in the _London -Gazette_ of September 4, of the departure of those who were to found -one of the most prosperous of the British colonies in America. - -With the exception of a narrow strip of land along the Delaware, on -which were scattered a few Swedish hamlets, the tract covered by the -royal grant to Penn was a wilderness. It contained, exclusive of -Indians, about five hundred souls. The settlements extended from the -southern limits of the province for a few miles above the mouth of the -Schuylkill, and then there was nothing until Crewcorne was reached, -opposite the Falls of Delaware. None of these settlements rose to the -dignity of a village, unless it was Upland, at which place the Court -was held. The territory acquired from the Duke of York contained about -the same number of persons as did Pennsylvania. Many, however, who -lived in either section were Swedes or Finns. A few Dutch had settled -among them, and some Quaker families had crossed from New Jersey and -taken up land. - -Penn found the Swedes “a strong, industrious people,” who knew little -beside the rudiments of agriculture, and cared not to cultivate beyond -their needs.[779] The fertile country in which they dwelt yielded -adequate supply with moderate labor, and to the English settlers it -appeared to be a paradise. The reports which Penn’s people sent home -encouraged others to come, and although their accounts were highly -colored, none of the new-comers seem to have been disappointed. The -first descriptions we have of the country after it became Pennsylvania -are in the letters of Markham. To his wife he wrote, Dec. 7, 1681,— - - “It is a very fine Country, if it were not so overgrown with Woods, - and very Healthy. Here people live to be above one hundred years of - Age. Provisions of all sorts are indifferent plentiful, _Venison_ - especially; I have seen four _Bucks_ bought for less than 5_s._ The - Indians kill them only for their Skins, and if the Christians will not - buy the Flesh they let it hang and rot on a Tree. In the Winter there - is mighty plenty of Wild Fowl of all sorts. Partridges I am cloyed - with; we catch them by hundreds at a time. In the fall of the leaf, or - after Harvest, here are abundance of wild Turkeys, which are mighty - easie to be Shot; Duck, Mallard, Geese, and Swans in abundance, wild; - Fish are in great plenty. In short, if a Country Life be liked by any, - it might be here.” - -Markham, after his arrival, had taken such steps as were necessary -to establish the authority of Penn. On the 3d of August nine of the -residents, selected by him, took the oath to act as his council. A -court was held at Upland September 13, the last court held there -under the authority of the Duke of York having adjourned until that -time. By Penn’s instructions, all was to be done “according to the -good laws of England. But the new court during the first year of -its existence failed to comply with these laws in a very essential -particular,—persons were put upon trial without the intervention of -a grand jury. No provision was made under the Duke’s laws for the -safeguard of the citizen, and the new justices acted for a time in -accordance with former usage. A petit jury, so rare under the former -court, now participated in every trial where facts were in dispute. -In criminal cases the old practice was adhered to, of making the -prosecutor plaintiff.”[780] - -During 1681 at least two vessels arrived with settlers. Of the -commissioners who were sent out in October to assist Markham, -Crispin died at Barbadoes. April 23, 1682, Thomas Holme, bearing a -commission of surveyor-general, sailed from England, and arrived about -June. Already the site for Philadelphia had been selected, as James -Claypoole, who was in England, wrote, July 14, that he “had one hundred -acres where our capital city is to be, upon the river near Schuylkill.” -July 15, 1682, Markham purchased from the Indians a tract of land on -the Delaware below the Falls. - -The first Welsh emigrants arrived on the 13th of August, 1682. They -were Quakers from Merionethshire who had felt the hand of persecution. -They had bought from Penn in England five thousand acres of unsurveyed -land, and had been promised by him the reservation of a large tract -exclusively for Welsh settlers, to the end that they might preserve -the customs of their native land, decide all debates “in a Gospel -order,” and not entangle themselves “with laws in an unknown tongue.” -At Philadelphia they found a crowd of people endeavoring to have -their farms surveyed, for although the site of the city was chosen, -the town lots were not laid out. In a few days the Welshmen had the -first part surveyed of what became known as the Welsh Barony. It lay -on the west side of the Schuylkill, north of Philadelphia. The warrant -for surveying the entire tract, which contained forty thousand acres, -was not issued until 1684. Special privileges appear to have been -accorded to these settlers. Township officers were not chosen for their -districts until 1690, and their Friends’ Meetings exercised authority -in civil affairs. From these facts it is possible that the intention -was to protect the Welsh in the rights of local self-government by -erecting the tract into a manor. By a clause in the royal charter, Penn -could erect “manors, to have and to hold a court baron, with all things -whatsoever to a court baron do belong.” To a company known as the “Free -Society of Traders” he had (March 20, 1682) granted these extraordinary -privileges, empowering them to hold courts of sessions and jail -deliveries, to constitute a court-leet, and to appoint certain civil -officers for their territory. This was known as the Manor of Frank. To -Nicholas More, the president of the Company, the Manor of Moreland was -granted, with like privileges; but neither More nor the Company seem -to have exercised their rights as rulers. Whatever special rights the -Welshmen had, were reserved until 1690, when regular township officers -were appointed. Goshen, Uwchlan, Tredyffren, Whiteland, Newtown, -Haverford, Radnor, and Merion,—the names these ancient Britons gave to -their townships—show what parts of the present counties of Delaware, -Chester, and Montgomery the Welsh tract covered. Some of these people -settled in Philadelphia and Bucks County. They were chiefly Quakers, -although Baptists were found among them. - -The ship which bore Penn to America was the “Welcome.” The small-pox -made its appearance among the passengers when they had been out a short -time, and nearly one-third of them died. Two vessels which left England -after Penn had sailed, arrived before him; but at last, after a trying -voyage of nearly two months, the “Welcome” came within the Capes of -Delaware. Penn dated his arrival from the 24th of October, 1682, but -it was not until the 27th that the vessel lay opposite New Castle. The -next day he exhibited his deeds from the Duke of York, and took formal -possession of the town and surrounding country. He received a pledge of -submission from the inhabitants, issued commissions to six justices of -the peace, and empowered Markham to receive in his name possession of -the country below, which was done on November 7. The 29th of October -(O. S.) found him within the bounds of Pennsylvania, at the Swedish -village of Upland, the name of which, tradition says, he then changed -to Chester. From this point notices were sent out for the holding -of a court at New Castle on the 2d of November. At this meeting the -inhabitants of the counties of Delaware were told that their rights and -privileges should be the same as those of the citizens of Pennsylvania, -and that an assembly would be held as soon as convenient. - -[Illustration: LETITIA COTTAGE. - -A city residence for Penn was begun by his commissioners before he -arrived. Parts of it were prepared in England. A portion of it still -stands on the west side of Letitia Street, south of Market. The -above cut is a fac-simile of the view given in Watson’s _Annals of -Philadelphia_ (1845), p. 158. Cf. Gay’s _Popular History of the United -States_, ii. 492.] - -The attention which Penn gave to the constitution of his province -was a duty which had for him a particular interest. His thoughts had -necessarily dwelt much on the subject, and his experience had made him -acquainted with the principles of law and the abuses of government. The -drafts of this paper which have been preserved show how deeply it was -considered. Henry Sidney, Sir William Jones, and Counsellor Bamfield -were consulted, and portions of it were framed in accordance with the -wishes of the Quakers. In the Introduction to this remarkable paper, -the ingenuousness of its author is clearly discernible. Recognizing -the necessity of government, and tracing it to a divine origin, Penn -continues,— - - “For particular frames and models, it will become me to say little, - and comparatively I will say nothing. My reasons are, first, that the - age is too nice and difficult for it, there being nothing the wits of - men are more busy and divided upon.... Men side with their passions - against their reason, and their sinister interests have so strong a - bias upon their minds, that they lean to them against the good of the - things they know. - - “I do not find a model in the world that time, place, and some - singular emergencies have not necessarily altered, nor is it easy to - frame a civil government that shall serve all places alike. I know - what is said by the several admirers of monarchy, aristocracy, and - democracy, which are the rule of one, a few, and many, and are the - three common ideas of government when men discourse on that subject. - But I choose to solve the controversy with this small distinction, - and it belongs to all three,—any government is free to the people - under it (whatever be the frame) where the laws rule and the people - are a party to those laws; and more than this is tyranny, oligarchy, - or confusion.... Liberty without obedience is confusion, and obedience - without liberty is slavery.” - -[Illustration: SEAL AND AND SIGNATURES TO THE FRAME OF GOVERNMENT. - -[This is reduced from the fac-simile in Smith and Watson’s _American -Historical and Literary Curiosities_, pl. lvii.; and another reduction -will be found in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, October, 1882; cf. Lossing’s -_Fieldbook of the Revolution_, ii. 256.—ED.]] - -The good men of a nation, he argues, should make and keep its -government, and laws should bind those who make laws necessary. -As wisdom and virtue are qualities that descend not with worldly -inheritances, care should be taken for the virtuous education of youth. - -The Frame of Government which followed these remarks was signed by -Penn on the 25th of April, 1682. By this Act the government was vested -in the governor and freemen, in the form of a provincial council and -an assembly. The provincial council was to consist of seventy-two -members. The first election of councilmen was to be held on the 20th of -February, 1682-83, and they were to meet on the 10th of the following -month. One-third of the number were to retire each year when their -successors were chosen. An elaborate scheme was devised for forming the -council into committees to attend to various duties. - -The assembly for the first year was to consist of all the freemen of -the province, and after that two hundred were to be annually chosen. -They were to meet on April 20; the governor was to preside over the -council. Laws were to originate with the latter, and the chief duty of -the assembly was to approve such legislation. The governor and council -were to see the laws executed, inspect the treasury, determine the -situation of cities and ports, and provide for public schools. - -On May 5 forty laws were agreed upon by the purchasers in England as -freemen of the province. By these all Christians, with the exception -of bound servants and convicts, who should take up land or pay taxes -were declared freemen. The merits of this proposed form, which was to -be submitted for approval to the first legislative body assembling in -Pennsylvania, have been widely debated. Professor Ebeling says it “was -at first too highly praised, and afterwards too lightly depreciated.” -It was without doubt too elaborate in some of its details, and the -number proposed for the council and assembly were out of all proportion -to the wants of a new country. - -Shortly after his arrival, Penn found circumstances to require that -the laws should be put in force with as little delay as possible. He -therefore decided to call an assembly before the time provided, and -extended to the inhabitants of the Delaware counties the right to -participate in it. Writs were issued to the sheriffs of those parts -to hold elections on the 20th of November for the choice of delegates -to meet at Chester on the 4th of December, and the inhabitants of -Pennsylvania were notified to attend. - -The Assembly met at the appointed time. Upon petition from the lower -counties, an Act uniting them with Pennsylvania was passed, and at -the request of the Swedes a bill of naturalization became a law. -Penn submitted to the House the Frame of Government and the code of -laws agreed upon in England, together with a new series which he had -prepared. In doing this he acted without the advice of a provincial -council. The laws agreed upon in England, “more fully worded,” were -passed, together with such others as were thought to be necessary, and -the Assembly adjourned for twenty-one days. The members, however, do -not appear to have met again. - -In January Penn issued writs for an election, to be held on the 20th -of February, of seventy-two members of the provincial council, and -gave notice that an assembly would be held as provided in the Frame -of Government. This was not strictly in accord with that document, as -it provided that the seventy-two councilmen should be chosen from the -province of Pennsylvania, and Penn made the passage apply equally to -the Delaware counties, over which he had had no jurisdiction at the -time the Frame was signed. - -Before the election took place, it was discovered that the number -proposed for the council was much larger than could be selected, and -that a general gathering of the inhabitants would not furnish such -an assembly as the organization of the government demanded. On the -suggestion of Penn twelve persons, therefore, were elected from each -of the six counties; and through their respective sheriffs the freemen -petitioned the Governor that as the number of the people was yet small, -and but few were acquainted with public business, those chosen should -be accepted to represent them in both council and assembly,—three in -the former, and nine in the latter. The Council met at the appointed -time, the petitions of the freemen were duly presented by the sheriffs, -and the prayers granted by the Governor. It was then moved by one of -the members that, as the charter granted by the Governor had again -fallen into his hands by the negligence of the freemen to fulfil their -part, he should be asked that the alterations which had been made -should not affect their chartered rights. The Governor answered that -“they might amend, alter, or add for the Public good, and he was ready -to settle such foundations as might be for their happiness and the good -of their Posterities.” Those selected for the Assembly then withdrew, -and, although the time for them to meet had not arrived (March 12), -chose Thomas Wynne their Speaker, and proceeded to business. During -the session an “Act of Settlement,” reciting the circumstances which -made these changes necessary, and reducing the number of members of the -Provincial Council and Assembly, was passed by the House, having been -proposed by the Governor and Council. By the Frame of Government first -agreed upon, Penn had surrendered his right to have an overruling voice -in the government, reserving for himself or representative a triple -vote in the Council. Fearing that his charter might be invalidated by -some action of the majority of the Council and Assembly, he now asked -that the veto power should be restored to him, which was accordingly -done. The right to appoint officers, which by the first Frame had -been vested in the Governor and Council, was given to Penn for life. -Other laws necessary for good government were enacted, and to the -whole the Frame of Government was appended, with modifications and -such alterations as made it applicable to the Delaware counties. On -April 2, in the presence of the Council, Assembly, and some of the -citizens of Philadelphia, Penn signed and sealed this new charter, -solemnly assuring them that it was “solely by him intended for the good -and benefit of the freemen of the province, and prosecuted with much -earnestness in his spirit towards God at the time of its composure.” It -was received by the Speaker of the Assembly on behalf of the freemen; -and in their name that officer thanked the Governor for his great -kindness in granting them a charter “of more than was expected liberty.” - -[Illustration] - -All that had been irregularly done was thus in a manner legalized; but -the matter was not allowed to pass unquestioned. Nicholas More was -reprimanded by the Council for having spoken imprudently regarding the -course which had been taken, and for saying that hundreds in England -and their children after them would curse them for what they had done. - -Under the constitution and laws thus formed, the government was -administered until 1696. The chief features of local government which -had existed under the Duke of York were lost sight of in the new order -of affairs, the authority being vested in the provincial or county -officers in place of those of the township. True to the doctrines -which they had preached, and to the demands which they had made of -others, the Quakers accorded to all a perfect liberty of conscience, -intending, however, “that looseness, irreligion, and Atheism” should -not creep in under pretence of conscience. The observance of the -Sabbath was provided for. On that day people were to “abstain from -their usual and common toil and labor, ... that they may better dispose -themselves to read the Scriptures of truth at home, or frequent such -meetings of religious worship abroad as may best suit their respective -persuasions.” Profanity, drunkenness, health-drinking, duelling, -stage-plays, masques, revels, bull-baiting, cock-fighting, cards, dice, -and lotteries were all prohibited. Clamorous scolding and railing were -finable offences. The property of thieves was liable for fourfold the -value of what they had taken; and if they should have no estates, -they were to labor in prison until the person they had injured was -satisfied. A humane treatment of prisoners was insured. The poor were -under the protection of the county courts. Peacemakers were chosen in -the several counties to decide differences of a minor character. Malt -liquors were not to be sold at above two pennies sterling for a full -Winchester quart. The court records were to be kept in plain English -characters, and laws were to be taught in the schools. - - “All judicial power, after Penn’s arrival, was vested in certain - courts, the judges of which were appointed by the Proprietary, - presiding in the Provincial Council.[781] - - “The practice in these courts was simple but regular. In criminal - cases an indictment was regularly drawn up, and a trial by jury - followed. In civil cases the complications of common-law pleading - were disregarded. The filing of a simple statement and answer put - each cause at issue, and upon the trial the rules of evidence were - not observed. Juries were not always empanelled, the parties being - frequently content to leave the decision of their causes to the Court. - In equity proceedings the practice was substantially that in vogue - in the Court of Chancery, simplified to suit the requirements of the - province. - - “Large judicial powers were also vested in the Provincial Council,—a - state of things not infrequently observed in the early stages of a - country’s growth, before the executive and judicial functions of - government have been clearly defined. Prior to the establishment of - the Provincial Court, all cases of great importance, whether civil or - criminal, were tried before the Council. The principal trials thus - conducted were those of Pickering for coining, and of Margaret Mattson - for witchcraft. The latter terminated in a verdict of ‘guilty of - having the common fame of being a witch, but not guilty in manner and - form as she stands indicted.’ This is the only regular prosecution for - witchcraft which is found in the annals of Pennsylvania. Prior to the - establishment of the Provincial Court, the Council also entertained - appeals in certain cases from the inferior courts. Subsequent to 1684, - however, the extent of its judicial power was limited to admiralty - cases, to the administration of decedents’ estates, which, although - more properly the business of the Orphans’ Courts, was often neglected - by those tribunals, and to the general superintendence and control of - the various courts, so as to insure justice to the suitors.[782] - - “The legal knowledge among the early settlers was scanty. The - religious tenets of the Society of Friends rendered them very - averse to lawyers, and distrustful of them. There was, therefore, - comparatively little demand for skilled advocates or trained judges. - John Moore and David Lloyd were almost the only professional lawyers - of the seventeenth century. Nicholas More, Abraham Man, John White, - Charles Pickering, Samuel Hersent, Patrick Robinson, and Samuel - Jennings, with some others, however, practised in the courts with - some success; but by insensible degrees, as population increased and - the commercial interests of the community grew more extensive and - complicated, a trained Bar came into existence.”[783] - -Markham not having agreed with Baltimore, 1681, regarding the -boundaries of Pennsylvania and Maryland, the two met again in September -of the following year at Upland, and Penn visited the latter at West -River, Dec. 13, 1682. In May, 1683, Penn again met Lord Baltimore at -New Castle, on the same business, but nothing was decided upon. This -dispute was a consequence of the lack of geographical information -at the time their grants were made. Baltimore’s patent was for the -unoccupied land between the Potomac and the fortieth degree of -latitude, bounded on the east by Delaware Bay and the Atlantic Ocean, -with the exception of that part of the Delaware peninsula which was -south of a direct line drawn from Watkin’s Point on the Chesapeake to -the sea. The southern boundary of Penn’s province was the fortieth -degree and a circle of twelve miles around New Castle. When both -patents were issued, it was supposed that the fortieth degree would -fall near the head of Delaware Bay; but it was afterward found to be so -far to the northward as to cross the Delaware River at the mouth of the -Schuylkill. If the letter of the Maryland charter was to interpret its -meaning, Penn would be deprived of considerable river frontage, which -it was clearly the intention of the Lords of Trade to grant him; and -he insisted that the boundary-line should be where it was _supposed_ -the fortieth degree would be found. This was resisted by Baltimore, who -claimed ownership also to that part of the peninsula on the Delaware -which Penn had received from the Duke of York. To enforce his claims, -Baltimore sent to the Lords of Plantation a statement of what had taken -place between Penn and himself. He also ran a line in his own interest -between the provinces, and offered to persons who would take up land -in the Delaware counties under his authority more advantageous terms -than Penn gave. In 1684 Baltimore sent Colonel Talbot into the disputed -territory to demand it in his name, and then sailed for England to look -after his interests in that quarter. - -Penn, when he learned all that had been done, wrote to the Lords of -Trade, giving his version of the transaction; but before long he found -the business would require his presence in England. Having empowered -his Council to act in his absence, he sailed August, 1684. - -The Lords of Trade rendered a decision Nov. 7, 1685, which secured to -Penn the portion claimed by him of the Delaware peninsula, but which -left undefined the southern boundary of Pennsylvania. The Maryland -boundary was finally settled in 1760, upon an agreement which had -been entered into in 1732 between the heirs of Lord Baltimore and -those of Penn.[784] By this a line was to be drawn westward from Cape -Henlopen[785] to a point half way between the bays of Delaware and -Chesapeake. From thence it was to run northward so as to touch the most -western portion of a circle of twelve miles radius around New Castle, -and continue in a due northerly course until it should reach the same -latitude as fifteen English statute miles directly south of the most -southern part of Philadelphia. From the point thus gained the line was -to extend due west. These lines were surveyed by Charles Mason and -Jeremiah Dixon. They commenced their work in 1763 and suspended it in -1767, when they had reached a point two hundred and forty-four miles -from the Delaware River. - -[Illustration] - -The Indians who inhabited Pennsylvania were of the tribe of the Lenni -Lenape. Some of them retained the noble characteristics of their -race, but the majority of them, through their intercourse with the -Dutch, the Swedes, and the English, had become thoroughly intemperate. -Penn desired that his dealings with them should be so just as to -preserve the confidence which Fox and Coale had inspired. Besides the -letter written by his commissioners, he had sent to them messages -of friendship through Holme and others. In all the agreements he -had entered into with purchasers, the interests of the Indians had -been protected; and he was far in advance of his time in hoping to -establish relations with them by which all differences between the -white men and the red should be settled by a tribunal wherein both -should be represented. The possibility of their civilization under such -circumstances was not absent from his mind, and in his first contract -with purchasers he stipulated that the Indians should have “the same -liberties to improve their grounds and provide for the sustenance of -their families as the planters.” Following the just precedent which had -been laid down by settlers in many parts of the country, and the advice -of the Bishop of London, he would allow no land to be occupied until -the Indian title had been extinguished. To obtain the land which was -required by the emigrants, a meeting with the principal Indian chiefs -was held at Shackamaxon June 23, 1683. The territory then purchased was -considerable; but what was of equal importance to the welfare of the -infant colony was the friendship then established with the aborigines. -Poetry, Art, and Oratory have pictured this scene with the elevating -thoughts which belong to each; but no more graphic representation of it -has been made than that which is suggested by the simple language of -Penn used in describing it. “When the purchase was agreed,” he writes, -“great promises passed between us of kindness and good neighborhood, -and that the Indians and English must live in love as long as the sun -gave light. Which done, another made a speech to the Indians in the -name of all the Sachamakers, or kings: first, to tell them what was -done; next, to charge and command them to love the Christians, and -particularly live in peace with me, and the people under my government; -that many governors had been in the river, but that no governor had -come himself to live and stay here before; and having now such an -one that had treated them well, they should never do him or his any -wrong,—at every sentence of which they shouted and said _amen_ in -their way.”[786] - - “On the 6th of October, 1683, there arrived in Philadelphia, from - Crefeld and its neighborhood, a little colony of Germans. They were - thirteen men with their families, in all thirty-three persons, and - they constituted the advance-guard of that immense emigration which, - confined at first to Pennsylvania, has since been spread over the - whole country. They were Mennonites, some of whom soon after, if not - before, their arrival, became identified with the Quakers. Most of - them were linen-weavers. - - Among the first to purchase lands upon the organization of the - province were several Crefeld merchants, headed by Jacob Telner, - who secured fifteen thousand acres. The purchasers also included - a number of distinguished persons in Holland and Germany, whose - purchase amounted to twenty-five thousand acres, which became vested - in the Frankfort Land Company, founded in 1686. The eleven members - of this latter Company were chiefly Pietists and people of learning - and influence, among whom was the celebrated Johanna Eleanora von - Merlau. Their original purpose was to come to Pennsylvania themselves; - but this plan was abandoned by all except Francis Daniel Pastorius, - a young lawyer, son of a judge at Windsheim, skilled in the Greek, - Latin, German, French, Dutch, English, and Italian languages, and - carefully trained in all the learning of the day. On the 24th of - October, 1683, Pastorius, as the agent for the Crefeld and Frankfort - purchasers, began the location of Germantown. Other settlers soon - followed, and among them, in 1685, were several families from the - village of Krisheim, near Worms, where more than twenty years before - the Quakers had made some converts among the Mennonites, and had - established a meeting. In 1688 Gerhard Hendricks, Dirck op den Graeff, - Francis Daniel Pastorius, and Abraham op den Graeff sent to the - Friends’ Meeting a written protest against the buying and selling - of slaves. It was the first public effort made in this direction in - America, and is the subject of Whittier’s poem, _The Pennsylvania - Pilgrim_.”[787] - -The progress made in the settlement of the Province between 1681 and -1689 was remarkable, and was largely owing to Penn’s energy. On the -29th of December, 1682, he wrote from Chester: “I am very well, ... -yet busy enough, having much to do to please all.... I am casting the -country into townships.” On the 5th of the next month he wrote: “I -am day and night spending my life, my time, my money, and am not a -sixpence enriched by this greatness.... Had I sought greatness, I had -stayed at home.” The English were the most numerous among the settlers; -but in 1685, when the population numbered seven thousand two hundred, -in which French, Dutch, Germans, Swedes, Finns, and Scotch-Irish were -represented, Penn did not estimate his countrymen at above one half of -the whole. - -Twenty-three ships bearing emigrants arrived during the fall of 1682 -and the winter following, and trading-vessels soon began to frequent -the Delaware. The counties of Philadelphia, Chester, and Bucks were -organized in the latter part of 1682, but were not surveyed until -1685. Philadelphia, named before she was born, and first laid out in -August or September, 1682,[788] contained in the following July eighty -houses, such as they were, and by the end of the year this number had -increased to one hundred and fifty. The founders of the city lived in -caves dug out of the high embankment by the river, and the houses which -succeeded these primitive habitations were probably of the very simple -character described in Penn’s advice to settlers.[789] In July, 1683, -a weekly post was established. Letters were carried from Philadelphia -to the Falls of Delaware for 3_d._, to Chester 2_d._, to New Castle -4_d._, to Maryland 6_d._ Notices of its departure were posted on the -Meeting-House doors and in other public places. - -On the 26th of December of the same year the Council arranged with -Enoch Flower, who had had twenty years’ experience as a teacher in -England, to open a school. Four shillings per quarter was the charge -for those who were taught to read English; six shillings, when reading -and writing were studied; and eight shillings, when the casting of -accounts was added. For boarding scholars and “scooling,” he was to -receive “Tenn” pounds per annum. - -[Illustration: THE SLATE-ROOF HOUSE. - -[This was the house in Philadelphia in which Penn lived after his -return to the colony in 1699. It stood on the southeast corner of -Second Street and Norris’s Alley, and was demolished in 1868. A view -of it taken just before its demolition is given in Gay’s _Popular -History of the United States_, iii. 171, with an earlier view, ii. -496. There is an account of it by Mr. Townsend Ward, with a view, in -the _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, iv. 53; but the most extended -account is in _Lippincott’s Magazine_, vol. i. pp. 29, 191, 298, by -General John M. Read, Jr. For other views, see Egle’s _Pennsylvania_, -p. 1016, and Day’s _Historical Collections of Pennsylvania_, p. 556. -The above cut is a fac-simile of one given by Watson in his _Annals -of Philadelphia_, 1845 edition, p. 158; 1857 edition, p. 158. It is -lithographed in his 1830 edition, p. 151. Drawings of the interior are -in the possession of the Hist. Soc. of Pennsylvania.—ED.]] - -The demand in trade at first was for articles of the greatest utility, -like mill and “grindle” stones, iron kettles, and hardware. One of -the women ordered shoes, and stipulated that they should be stout and -large. James Claypoole sent his silver-hafted knives to his brother -in Barbadoes, and consigned to him some beaver hats for which he -could find at home no sale. But in less than a year a trade sprang -up with some of the West India Islands, and rum, sugar, and negroes -were ordered, in exchange for pipe-staves and horses. The silver -from a Spanish wreck and peltries furnished the means of an exchange -with Europe, and soon word was sent out to send “linnen, serges, -crape, and Bengall, and other slight stuffs; but send no more shoes, -gloves, stockings, nor hats.” Before Penn sailed for England in 1684, -Philadelphia contained three hundred and fifty-seven houses, many of -them three stories high, with cellars and balconies. Samuel Carpenter, -one of the most enterprising of the early merchants, had a quay at -which a ship of five hundred tons could lie. Trades of all kinds -flourished; vessels had been built; brick houses soon began to be seen; -and shop windows enlivened the streets. - -In 1685 William Bradford established his printing-press in -Philadelphia, the first in the middle colonies of North America. -Its earliest issue was an almanac entitled the _Kalendarium -Pennsilvaniense_, printed in 1685 for the succeeding year. - -By 1690 brick and stone houses were the kind usually erected, while -only the poorer classes built of wood. Manufactures also began to -flourish. That year William Ryttenhouse, Samuel Carpenter, William -Bradford, and others built a paper mill on the Schuylkill. The woollen -manufactures offered such encouragement that there was “a public -flock of sheep in the town, and a sheepheard or two to attend them.” -The rural districts were also prosperous. The counties were divided -into townships of about five thousand acres, in the centre of which -villages were laid out. In 1684 there were fifty such settlements in -the colony. At first the cattle were turned loose, and the ear-marks -of their respective owners were registered at the county courts. Roads -were surveyed and bridges built. The first mill was started in 1683 -at Chester by Richard Townsend and others. The reports regarding the -crops show them to have been enormous for the labor bestowed, and the -development of the whole country seems to have been correspondent to -the increased wealth of Philadelphia, where, in 1685, the poorest lots -were worth four times what they cost, and the best forty-fold. At the -beginning of the year 1684 Penn wrote: “I have led the greatest colony -into America that ever any man did upon a private credit, and the most -prosperous beginnings that ever were in it are to be found among us.” - -The early ecclesiastical annals of Pennsylvania are meagre. The wave -of religious excitement which swept over England during the days of -the Commonwealth spent itself on the banks of the Delaware. Men and -women with intellects too weak to grasp the questions which moved -them, or possibly instigated by cunning, wandered through the country -prophesying or disputing. One declared “that she was Mary the mother of -the Lord;” another, “that she was Mary Magdalen, and others that they -were Martha, John, etc.,—scandalizers,” wrote a traveller in 1679, “as -we heard them in a tavern, who not only called themselves, but claimed -to be, really such.” - -The Swedish congregations, neglected by the churches in Sweden, were in -1682 falling into decay. The congregations at Tranhook, near Upland, -and at Tinnicum, were under the charge of Lars Lock, that at Wicaco -under Jacob Fabritius. The former was a cripple, the latter blind. -Their salaries were scantily paid, and they were miserably poor. The -Dutch had but one church, which was at New Castle. - -The first meeting of Quakers for religious worship in Pennsylvania -was no doubt held at the house of Robert Wade, near Upland. William -Edmundson, the Quaker preacher, speaks of such meetings in 1675. It -was then that Wade came to America with Fenwick. In Bucks County -meetings are said to have been held as early as 1680 at the houses of -Quakers who had settled there. The first meeting near Philadelphia -was at Shackamaxon, at the house of Thomas Fairman, in 1682; but it -was soon removed to Philadelphia, where one was established in 1683. -Early in that year no less than nine established meetings existed in -Pennsylvania. - -As early as 1684 or 1685 the Baptists established a church at Cold -Spring, in Bucks County, about three miles above Bristol. The pastor -was the Rev. Thomas Dungan. In 1687 they established a second -congregation at Pennepeck, in Philadelphia County, of which the Rev. -Elias Keach was the first minister. The Episcopalians and Presbyterians -did not own places of worship until a later date. - -[Illustration] - -The early political annals of the colony show a condition of -affairs perfectly consistent with the circumstances under which the -constitution was formed. While Penn remained in the country his -presence prevented any excess such as might be expected from men -inexperienced in self-government. In 1684, however, Penn was obliged to -return to England, and he empowered the Provincial Council to act in -his stead. Thomas Lloyd was the president of that body, and was also -commissioned Keeper of the Seal. He was a man of prudence, and seems -to have justified the confidence placed in him by Penn. Arrogance on -the part of some of the other officers of the government soon awakened -feelings of jealousy among the people, who were prompt to resent any -violation of their rights. Nicholas More, the Chief-Justice, was -impeached by the Assembly for gross partiality and overbearing conduct. -He was styled by the Speaker an “aspiring and corrupt minister of -state,” and the Council was requested to remove him from office. He was -expelled from the Assembly, of which he was a member, for having thrice -entered his protest against a single bill. Patrick Robinson, the clerk -of the Court, refused to submit to the House the records of the Court -in the case of More, and was restrained for his “divers insolences and -affronts.” When brought before the Assembly, he stretched himself at -full length on the ground, and refused to answer questions put to him, -telling the House that it “acted arbitrarily” and without authority. -The Council was also requested to remove him; but neither in his case -nor in that of More were the prayers granted. “I am sorry at heart -for your animosities,” wrote Penn, when he heard of these troubles; -“cannot more friendly and private courses be taken to set matters to -rights in an infant province whose steps are numbered and watched? For -the love of God, me, and the poor country, be not so _governmentish_, -so noisy and open in your dissatisfactions.” It was the love of -government, the seeds of which Penn had himself planted, which caused -these troubles, and he it was who was to suffer most in that period of -political growth. Hundreds, he said, had been prevented from emigrating -by these quarrels, and that they had been to him a loss of £10,000. -His quit-rents, which in 1686 should have amounted to £500 per annum, -were unpaid. They were looked upon as oppressive taxes, for which the -Proprietary had no need; but the year previous he wrote: “God is my -witness.... I am above six thousand pounds out of pocket more than ever -I saw by the province.” - -The want of energy shown by the Council in managing his affairs caused -Penn to lessen the number in which the executive authority rested. In -1686 he commissioned five of the Council, three of whom were to be a -quorum, to attend to his proprietary affairs. By the slothful manner -in which the Council had conducted the public business, the charter, -he argued, had again fallen into his hands, and he threatened to -dissolve the Frame of Government “if further occasion be given.” Under -these commissioners but little improvement was made, and in 1688 Penn -appointed Captain John Blackwell his lieutenant-governor. - - * * * * * - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - - -THE EARLIEST TRACTS AND BOOKS.—During the first thirty years after -the granting of Penn’s charter (1681), there were various publications -of small and moderate extent, which are the chief source of our -information. - -[Illustration: REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE TO “SOME ACCOUNT.”] - -The first of these is Penn’s own _Some Account_,[790] issued in 1681, -soon after he received his grant. “It is introduced by a preface of -some length, being an argument in favor of colonies,” which is followed -by a description of the country, gathered from such sources as he -considered reliable, and by the conditions on which he proposed to -settle it. Information for those desiring to emigrate, and extracts -from the royal charter, are also given. - -This tract appeared at once in Dutch[791] and German[792] editions. The -latter edition contains also letters of Penn to Friends in Holland and -Germany prior to his receiving his grant, which fact tends to show that -the relations he had established by his travels there attracted the -attention of persons in Germany to his efforts in America. - -In the same year (1681) appeared César de Rochefort’s account,[793] -which is usually found joined to his _Description des Antilles_. Next -year (1682) Penn published, under the title of _A Brief Account_,[794] -a short description of his province, giving additional information. Of -the same date is William Loddington’s _Plantation Work_,[795]—a tract, -however, by some attributed to George Fox. It was written in favor of -Quaker emigration at a time when many Quakers feared that such action -might be prompted by a desire to escape persecution. In it we have the -earliest descriptions preserved of Pennsylvania after it was given to -Penn. These are presented in letters of Markham, written soon after -his arrival, the date of which is also indicated. The extracts from -Markham’s letters are printed in _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, -vi. 175. - -[Illustration: REDUCED FAC-SIMILE OF TITLE OF “THE FRAME OF -GOVERNMENT.”] - -The constitution which Penn proposed for his colony, together -with certain laws which were accepted by purchasers in England as -citizens of Pennsylvania, were issued the same year as _The Frame of -Government_.[796] Both constitution and laws underwent considerable -alteration before going into effect; although this fact has been -frequently overlooked. A little brochure, of probably a like date, -_Information and Direction_,[797] covers a description of the houses -which it was supposed would be the most convenient for settlers to -build. - -The Free Society of Traders purchased of Penn twenty thousand acres. -The Society was formed for the purpose of developing this tract, which -was to be known as the Manor of Frank. Nicholas More was president, -and James Claypoole treasurer. The letter-book of the latter is in the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania. The charter of the Society will be -found in Hazard’s _Annals_ (p. 541), with other information regarding -the Society; and in the same volume (p. 552) a portion of a tract[798] -which is printed in full with a reduced fac-simile of titlepage in -_Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, v. 37. - -_A Vindication of William Penn_, by Philip Ford, in two folio pages, -was published in London in 1683, to contradict stories which were -circulated after Penn had sailed, to the effect that he had died upon -reaching America, and had closed his career professing belief in the -Church of Rome. It contains abstracts of the first letters written by -Penn from America.[799] - -[Illustration: RECEIPT AND SEAL OF THE FREE SOCIETY OF TRADERS.] - -The most important of all the series is a _Letter from William -Penn_,[800] printed in 1683. It was written after Penn had been in -America over nine months (dated August 16), and may be considered as -a report from personal observation of what he found his colony to -be. It passed through at least two editions in London; one of which -contains a list of the property-holders in Philadelphia, with numbers -affixed to their names indicating the lots they held, as is shown on -a plan of that city which accompanies the publication, and of which a -heliotype is herewith given. The letter appeared the next year (1684) -in a Dutch translation[801] (two editions). Of the same date is a -new description of the province, of which we have a German[802] and -a French[803] text. The pamphlet contains an extended extract from -Penn’s letter to the Free Society of Traders, the letter of Thomas -Paschall from Philadelphia, dated Feb. 10, 1683 (N. S.), and other -interesting papers, many of which were published in _A Brief Account_. -All information in it that is not readily accessible has been lately -translated by Mr. Samuel W. Pennypacker from the French edition, and -is printed with fac-simile of title in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of -History_, vi. 311. - -A small tract, giving letters from a Dutch and Swiss sojourner in -and near Philadelphia, was printed at Rotterdam, in 1684, as _Twee -Missiven_.[804] The only copy of this tract which we know of is in the -Library of Congress, and will be shortly published by the Historical -Society of Pennsylvania. The copy at Washington, we are told, contains -but one letter. Another, or possibly the same, copy is catalogued in -Trömel’s _Bibliotheca Americana_, Leipzig (1861), no. 390. - -The _Planter’s Speech_[805] (1684) and Thomas Budd’s _Good Order -established in Pennsylvania, etc._ (1685),[806] which have been -referred to in another chapter, are of like importance to Pennsylvania -history. What is called “William Bradford’s Printed Letter” (1685) is -quoted in the first edition of Oldmixon’s _British Empire in America_, -p. 158. We have, however, never met with the original publication. - -Another Dutch description of the country was printed the same year -(1685) at Rotterdam, _Missive van Cornelis Bom_,[807] and has become -very rare. - -In 1685 Penn also printed _A Further Account_ of his grant, signing -his name to the tract, which appeared in quarto in separate editions -of twenty and sixteen pages, followed the same year by a Dutch -translation.[808] After Penn’s letter to the Free Society (1683) this -is the most important of these early tracts. - -In 1686 the series only shows a brief Dutch tract;[809] but in 1687 -we derive from _A Letter from Dr. More_,[810] _etc_., partly the work -of Nicholas More, president of the Free Society of Traders, an idea -of the growth of the province at that date. Of a similar character is -a tract printed four years later (1691), _Some Letters_, etc.[811] In -the following year (1692) we have a poetical description[812] of the -province, which contains many interesting facts. Little is known of the -author, Richard Frame. It is said that he was a teacher in the Friends’ -School of Philadelphia. He was certainly a resident of Pennsylvania, -and the first of her citizens to give his thoughts to the public in the -form of verse. The first four lines will suffice to show its merits as -a poem:— - - “To all our Friends that do desire to know - What Country ‘t is we live in—this will show. - Attend to hear the Story I shall tell: - No doubt but you will like this country well.” - -The pamphlet was a colonial production. It appeared on paper which was -possibly made here, and was printed by William Bradford. - -Soon after the appearance of Frame’s verses, the poetic fever seized -upon John Holme, and he wrote “A true Relation of the Flourishing State -of Pennsylvania.” The poetic taste of the community was either satiated -by the effort of Frame, or Holme shrank from the honors of authorship, -for his poem did not see the light until published by the Historical -Society of Pennsylvania in the thirteenth number of its _Bulletin_ in -1847. - -In 1695 one of the party who emigrated with Kelpius gave the public an -account of his voyage and arrival,[813] under the pseudonym of “N. N.” -He dated his letter “from Germantown, in the Antipodes, Aug. 7, 1694.” - -[Illustration: GABRIEL THOMAS’S MAP, 1698.] - -In addition to Mr. Whitehead’s remarks regarding Gabriel Thomas’s -_Account of Pennsylvania_ (see chap. xi.), we will add that the portion -relating to Pennsylvania covers fifty-five pages, besides eight pages -which are devoted to the preface and title. A person by the name of -the author, probably the same, was in America in 1702, and was then -solicitous of a commission as collector of quit-rents, etc., within -the county of Newcastle. In 1698 he inveighed against George Keith and -his followers, and in 1702 sided with Colonel Quarry in his disputes -with Penn. Most of the statements in his book can be relied on, but -some passages are marked by exaggeration and others by satire. As some -of the buildings in Philadelphia mentioned by Thomas were not erected -until after he wrote, Mr. Westcott, in his _History of Philadelphia_, -suggests that possibly there was more than one edition of the work -bearing the same date.[814] - -In 1700 was printed a _Beschreibung der Provintz Pennsylvaniæ_,[815] -the work of Francis Daniel Pastorius, agent of the Frankfort Land -Company, and the most active and intelligent of the first German -settlers, which is of great interest, as it contains the views of -one thoroughly identified with the German movement to America. The -descriptions of the country and of the form of government, the advice -to emigrants, etc., which it contains, are gathered from letters -written to his father. A translation of portions of the work by Lewis -H. Weiss is given in _Memoir of Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, -vol. iv. part ii. p. 83. The original edition is generally found -bound up with a German edition of Thomas’s _Pennsylvania_, printed in -1702, and the tract by Falkner hereafter mentioned. While the works -bear different dates, there appears to have been some connection in -the series. The information in Thomas, originally printed in 1698, -supplements to a great extent what will be found in Pastorius, printed -in 1700. The titlepage of the German edition of Thomas (1702) speaks -of it, therefore, as a continuation of Pastorius, and the same shows -Falkner’s tract to have appeared as a supplement to the German edition -of Thomas. - -An agent of the Frankfort Company, who was in Pennsylvania in 1694 -and 1700, issued at Frankfort in 1702 a little book, _Curieuse -Nachricht_,[816] which gives some information in the form of questions -and answers, one hundred and three in number. The subjects touched upon -are the country in general, its soil, climate, etc; the inhabitants, -their manners, customs, and religions; the Indians; how to go to -America, etc. - -The last of the works to be considered as original authority is J. -Oldmixon’s _British Empire in America_, as it is known that the author -got some of his information from Penn himself.[817] It was first issued -at London in 1708, and again in 1741. The editions differ materially in -the sections on Pennsylvania, so that both need to be consulted. - - -THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE QUAKERS.—As we have traced the history -of Penn’s colony from the origin of the religious society which had -such an influence on the formation of his character, and to which -Pennsylvania owes its existence quite as much as to Penn himself, a -few references must be made to the chief sources of information from -which a history of the Quakers can be gathered. The most prominent -of these is the _Journal of George Fox_,[818] the founder of the -Quaker Church. It relates, in passages of alternate vividness and -ambiguity, the experiences of his life. So different, however, -are the opinions entertained, that while Macaulay says that “his -gibberish was translated into English, meanings which he would have -been unable to comprehend were put on his phrases, and his system -so much improved that he would not have known it again,” Sir James -Mackintosh, on the contrary, calls the _Journal_ “one of the most -extraordinary and instructive narratives in the world, which no reader -of competent judgment can peruse without revering the virtues of the -writer, pardoning his self-delusions, and ceasing to smile at his -peculiarities.” - -W. Edmundson made three voyages to America before 1700, the first with -Fox, in 1671; his _Journal_[819] has been often printed. - -Penn’s own statements about the sect’s origin were given in his _Brief -Account of the Rise and Progress of the People called Quakers_, -published at London in 1695, and in his _Primitive Christianity -Revived_, 1696 and 1699. - -Robert Barclay is considered the most able exponent of the Quaker -belief among early writers of that sect, and his _Apology_[820] is his -chief work. He was the son of “Barclay of Ury,” of whom Whittier has -sung, and was governor of East Jersey (see chap. xi.). - -_The Sufferings of the People called Quakers_,[821] by Joseph Besse, -is, as its title indicates, an account of their persecutions in various -parts of the world. It is written from a Quaker standpoint, but its -accuracy can seldom be questioned. It has passed through two editions. - -Sewel’s _History of the Quakers_[822] is a work which possesses great -value, not only on account of its freedom from error, but because -it was written at an early period in the history of the Society of -Friends. Its author was a native of Amsterdam, and was born about 1650. -His history was written to correct the misrepresentations in _Historia -Quakeriana_,[823] by Gerard Croese, which had been largely circulated. -Sewel’s work was published in Dutch at Amsterdam in 1717, and a -translation by the author was issued in London, 1722. Gough’s _History -of the Quakers_ is a compilation of nearly all that was accessible at -the time of its publication. The _Portraiture of Quakerism_,[824] by -Clarkson, treats of the discipline and customs of the Society. The -_History of Friends in the Seventeenth Century_, by Dr. Charles Evans, -contains nearly everything that most readers will require. It is an -excellent compilation, and presents the subject in a compact, useful -form. The same can be said of a _History of the Religious Society of -Friends from its rise to the year 1828_,[825] by Samuel M. Janney. The -author was a follower of Elias Hicks, and his work contains a history -of the separation of the meetings caused by the doctrines preached by -the latter. In Barclay’s _Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the -Commonwealth_[826] the attempt has been made to trace the origin of -the Society of Friends to an earlier period than the preaching of Fox. -The author of the work was Robert Barclay, of the same family as “the -Apologist.” The work, which is an able one, was reviewed by Dr. Charles -Evans.[827] A terse criticism was lately made on the book by a Friend, -who in conversation remarked, “Robert Barclay seemed to know more of -what George Fox believed than George himself.” - -The chief manuscript depository of the Friends is in Devonshire -House, Friends’ Meeting-House, 12 Bishopsgate Street Without, London, -E.C., England, where what is known as the Swarthmore manuscripts are -preserved. The collection was made under the direction of George Fox, -and many of the papers are indorsed in his handwriting. It consists “of -letters addressed to Swarthmore Hall from the Preachers in connection -with Fox, giving an account of their movements and success, to Margaret -Fell, and through her to Fox. Up to 1661 Swarthmore Hall was secure -from violation, and these letters range over the period from 1651 to -1661.” - -John Whiting’s _Catalogue of Friends’ Books_, published in 1708, is the -earliest gathering of titles concerning the Quakers. The work, however, -has been fully done in our own day by Joseph Smith, who published, in -1867, at London, _A Descriptive Catalogue of Friends’ Books_, in two -volumes, with critical remarks and occasional biographical notices; and -in 1873, his _Bibliotheca Anti-Quakeriana; or, a Catalogue of Books -adverse to the Society of Friends; with Biographical Notices of the -Authors: with Answers_.[828] - -In following the history of the Quakers, particularly in America, -the recorder of their career in Pennsylvania must leave unnamed some -of the most important books, because their contents concern chiefly -or solely the story of their persecutions and progress in the other -colonies, particularly New England.[829] Bowden’s _History of Friends -in America_, as it is the most important of the late works, must also -be mentioned. Its author enjoyed great advantages in preparing it, -having the manuscripts deposited in Devonshire House at his command. -In it many original documents of the greatest interest are printed for -the first time, among which we may mention a letter of Mary Fisher -to George Fox, from Barbadoes, dated Jan. 30, 1655, regarding Quaker -preachers coming to America, and of Josiah Coale to the same person, -in 1660, in relation to the purchase of a tract of land, now a portion -of Pennsylvania. The work is spirited and readable, and while it is -written in entire sympathy with the Quakers, its statements are so -carefully weighed that but little exception can be taken to them, and -then only in cases where the fundamental views of the author and of his -readers are at variance. - -A defence of the early Friends in America will be found in _Colonial -History of the Eastern and some of the Southern States_, by Job R. -Tyson; see _Memoirs of Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. -iv. part ii. p. 5. For the colonies other than New England, a few -references will suffice. For New York, O’Callaghan’s _History of New -Netherland_ and Brodhead’s _New York_ can be consulted. For those -at Perth Amboy, 1686-1688, see _Historical Magazine_, xvii. 234. -The _Annals of Hempstead_, by Henry Onderdonk, Jr., treats of the -Quakers on Long Island and in New York from 1657 to 1826; cf. also the -_American Historical Record_, i. 49; ii. 53, 73. _The Early Friends (or -Quakers) in Maryland_, by J. Saurin Norris, and _Wenlock Christison and -the Early Friends in Talbot County, Maryland_, by Samuel A. Harrison, -are the titles of instructive addresses delivered before the Maryland -Historical Society, and included in its Fund publications; compare -also E. D. Neill’s “Francis Howgill and the Early Quakers,” in his -_English Colonization in North America_, chap. xvii., and his _Terra -Mariæ_, chap. iv. Henning’s _Statutes at Large_ give the laws passed -in Virginia to punish the Quakers. The _Journals_ and _Travels_ of -Burnyeat, Edmundson, and Fox should also be consulted. A far from -flattering picture of the Quakers living on the Delaware shortly before -the settlement of Pennsylvania, will be found in the _Journal_ of -Dankers and Sluyter, two followers of John Labadie, who travelled in -America in 1679-1680. Their account of the condition of the country on -the Delaware at that time is very interesting.[830] _A Retrospect of -Early Quakerism: being Extracts from the Records of the Philadelphia -Yearly Meeting, etc._, by Ezra Michener, Philadelphia, 1860, is also a -useful work, as it gives the dates when meetings were established. - - -WILLIAM PENN.—The collected works of William Penn have passed through -four editions;[831] these contain but few of his letters in relation -to Pennsylvania.[832] The biographical sketch which accompanies the -edition of 1726 is attributed to Joseph Besse. It appeared but eight -years after Penn’s death, and has been the groundwork of nearly -everything which has since been written concerning him. The _Memoirs of -the Private and Public Life of William Penn_, by Thomas Clarkson,[833] -was for many years the standard Life. Later evidence has shown that in -some particulars the author erred; but it is generally accurate. It -however treats more of William Penn the Quaker than of William Penn the -founder of Pennsylvania. The same criticism is applicable to _The Life -of William Penn_ by Samuel M. Janney.[834] It also is a trustworthy -book. All that was in print at the time it was written was used in -its preparation, and it is to-day, historically, the best work on -the subject. It contains more of his letters regarding the settlement -of Pennsylvania than any other work we know of, and they are given in -full. The “Life of William Penn,” by George E. Ellis, D.D., in Sparks’s -_American Biography_, second series, vol. xii., is an important and -spirited production, the result of careful thought and study. - -_William Penn: an Historical Biography_,[835] by William Hepworth -Dixon, is probably the most popular account that has appeared. Its -style is agreeable, and it is full of interesting facts picturesquely -grouped. In some cases, however, the authorities quoted do not -support the inferences which have been drawn from them, and the -historical value of the book has been sacrificed in order to add to its -attractiveness. Those chapters which speak of the interest taken by -Algernon Sidney in the formation of the constitution of Pennsylvania -are clearly erroneous. These views are based on the part which Penn -took in Sidney’s return to Parliament, and in a letter of Penn to -Sidney, Oct. 13, 1681. Without this last, the argument falls. No -reference is given to where the letter will be found. It was first -printed as addressed to Algernon Sidney, in vol. iii. part i. p. 285 -of the _Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania_. In vol. -iv. ibid. (part i. pp. 167-212) other letters of Penn are printed, -one of which is addressed to Henry Sidney, the brother of Algernon. -To this a note is appended, stating that the letter in the former -volume was undoubtedly written to the same person. As Mr. Dixon used -extracts from these letters, it was, to say the least, unfortunate -that he should have overlooked the importance of the note. _La Vie de -Guillaume Penn_,[836] par J. Marsillac, is a meritorious compilation, -but its chief interest centres around its author, who styles himself -“Député extraordinaire des Amis de France à l’Assemblée Nationale, -etc.” He was of noble birth, and an officer in the French army. He -joined the Friends in 1778. Being convinced of the unlawfulness of -war by the arguments in Barclay’s _Apology_, he determined “to change -his condition of a destroyer to that of a preserver of mankind,” and -studied medicine. During the French Revolution he took refuge in -America, and resided in Philadelphia. He afterward returned to France, -“and threw off at the same time the garb and profession of a Friend. -He devoted himself in Paris to the practice of his profession, and -obtained under Napoleon a situation in one of the French hospitals.” - -Chapters in Janney’s _Life of Penn_ and in Dixon’s _Biography_ are -devoted to a refutation of the charges of worldliness and insincerity -brought against Penn by Macaulay in his _History of England_. We -append below the titles of other publications of the same character, -as well as of additional works which can be consulted with profit by -students of his life.[837] The _Penn Papers_, or manuscripts in the -possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, relate chiefly -to the history of the province while under the governorship of Penn’s -descendants. There are, however, in the collection some papers of -personal interest in relation to Penn, and some of his controversial -writings and documents connected with the history of the province at -the time of its settlement. The history of this collection presents -another instance of the perils to which manuscripts are exposed. After -having been preserved for a number of years by one branch of the Penn -family with comparative care, subject only to the depredations of time, -they were sold to a papermaker, through whose discrimination they -were preserved. They were catalogued and offered for sale by Edward -G. Allen and James Coleman, of London, in 1870.[838] The collections -were purchased by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, but not until -some papers had been obtained by persons more favorably situated. The -general interest of the whole, however, was but little lessened by this -misfortune. From 1700 until the Revolution the series is remarkably -complete, and there are but few incidents in the colonial history of -Pennsylvania that cannot be elucidated by its examination. A portion -of the papers (about twenty thousand documents) have been bound and -arranged, and fill nearly seventy-five folio volumes.[839] - - -GENERAL HISTORIES OF PENNSYLVANIA.—The first historian of Pennsylvania -was Samuel Smith, author of the well-known _History of New Jersey_; but -his work up to the present time has not appeared in a complete form. It -is a history of the Society of Friends, or Quakers, in New Jersey and -Pennsylvania. Smith’s manuscripts are in the Library of the New Jersey -Historical Society. What appears to be a duplicate of the Pennsylvania -portion is in that of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Hazard -printed the latter in his _Register of Pennsylvania_, vols. vi. and -vii.[840] - -Robert Proud’s _History of Pennsylvania_[841] has long enjoyed a high -reputation, but no more so than its merits entitle it to. For years it -was the only history of the State. In its preparation the manuscript -of Smith’s _History_ was used, and in it extracts are given from -pamphlets that have since been printed in full. Nevertheless, there is -much in it that cannot be found elsewhere. Passages are quoted from -letters of Penn which have never been printed entire, and the notes -regarding the early settlers are of especial value. The care taken in -the preparation of the book is so evident that its statements can as a -rule be accepted. The author, a native of England, was a teacher of the -classics in the Friends’ School, Philadelphia.[842] - -Professor Ebeling’s volume on Pennsylvania in his _Erdbeschreibung -und Geschichte von America_, Hamburg, 1793-1799, in five volumes, is -another valuable contribution. Portions of it, translated by Duponceau, -will be found in Hazard’s _Register of Pennsylvania_, i. 340, 353, 369, -385, 401. - -Thomas F. Gordon’s _History of Pennsylvania_[843] gives the history of -the colony down to the Declaration of Independence. That part which -treats of the eighteenth century does so more fully than any other -work. It has never enjoyed much popularity. Its style is labored. The -author was one who thought that “the names of the first settlers are -interesting to us only because they were first settlers,” and that -nothing could attract the public in men “whose chief, and perhaps -sole, merit consisted in the due fulfilment of the duties of private -life.” There is a tone of antagonism to Penn in some parts of the book -which lacks the spirit of impartiality. It was reviewed by Job R. -Tyson. See “Examination of the Various Charges brought by Historians -against William Penn,” etc.,—_Memoirs of the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania_, vol. ii. part ii. p. 127. - -The second volume of Bowden’s _History of Friends in America_[844] is -the best Quaker history of Pennsylvania that has appeared. - -Sherman Day’s _Historical Collections_ (1843) and _An Illustrated -History of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania_,[845] by William H. Egle, -M.D., both give the history of the State down to the time of their -respective publications. In them the histories of the counties are -treated in separate chapters, general histories of the State being -given by way of introductions,—that by Dr. Egle being very full. - -_The Historical Review of the Constitution and Government of -Pennsylvania, from its Origin_, which is attributed to Franklin, -belongs properly to a later period of the history of the province than -we are now considering, and, as it was written to serve a political -purpose, has but slight historical claims. In it, however, the attempt -is made to trace some of the alleged abuses of power back to the -foundation of the colony. It was published in London in 1759, and is -included by both Duane and Sparks in their editions of Franklin’s -writings. - -Bancroft’s chapters on the Quakers in the United States and on -Pennsylvania are excellent. Grahame’s _Colonial History of the United -States_ is less flattering in the estimate given of Penn and his -followers, although far from unappreciative of their efforts. Burke’s -_Account of the European Settlements in America_[846] gives nothing -that is new in connection with the settlement of Pennsylvania; but -the opinions of its distinguished author in regard to William Penn -as a legislator will be read with pleasure by Penn’s admirers. The -remarks on the settlement of Pennsylvania in Wynne’s _General History -of the British Empire in America_,[847] are copied bodily from Burke; -but no quotation marks are given, and nothing indicates their origin. -Douglass’s _Summary_ gives nothing on the subject that will not be -found in the charter and a few documents of similar character. From -William M. Cornell’s _History of Pennsylvania_, 1876, nothing new will -be gathered regarding the settlement of the province. It is a mere -compilation, in which Weems’s _Life of Penn_ is quoted as an authority. - - -LOCAL HISTORIES.—It is only in the history of the counties first -settled that information on the period treated of in this chapter can -be sought. John F. Watson’s _Annals of Philadelphia_[848] is one of the -chief authorities. The plan of the work is not one that can be approved -of at the present day, as sufficient care has not been taken in all -cases to follow the original language of documents quoted, or to give -references to authorities. Nevertheless, it is doubtful if any work in -America has done more to cultivate a taste for historical study. There -is a charm about its gossipy pages which has attracted to it thousands -of readers, and provoked more serious investigations. It contains much -regarding the domestic life of the first settlers and the building of -Philadelphia which has been universally accepted, and many traditions -gathered from old persons which there is no reason to question. -The most important History of Philadelphia is that by Mr. Thompson -Westcott, now printing in the columns of the _Sunday Despatch_. Eight -hundred and ten chapters have appeared up to the present time. It is -an encyclopædia on the subject. Some of the early chapters treat of -the period under review. _A History of the Townships of Byberry and -Moreland, in Philadelphia County_, by Joseph C. Martindale, M.D.,[849] -treats largely of the earliest settlers in that section of the State. -The present Montgomery County is formed of a portion of the original -County of Philadelphia, and the history of some of its sections treats -of the settlement of the colony. For such information, see _History of -Montgomery County, within Schuylkill Valley_,[850] by William J. Buck. -Mr. Buck prepared also the Historical Introduction to Scott’s _Atlas -of Montgomery County_, Philadelphia, 1877. The _History of Delaware -County_, by George Smith, M.D.,[851] is by far the best county history -of Pennsylvania yet published. It is thoroughly trustworthy, and treats -fully of the settlement of the county. Extracts from the records of -Markham’s court are given in it. _Chester and its Vicinity, Delaware -County, Pennsylvania_,[852] by John Hill Martin, is a meritorious work. - -The history of Bucks County has been twice written; first by William -J. Buck, in 1855. His investigations were contributed to a county -paper, and were subsequently published in a volume of one hundred -and eighteen pages, to which was appended a _History of the Township -of Wrightstown_, by Charles W. Smith, M.D., contained in twenty-four -pages. A later _History of Bucks County_,[853] is that by General W. W. -H. Davis, an excellent work. - -The _History of Chester County, Pennsylvania_,[854] by J. Smith Futhey -and Gilbert Cope, is a work of merit, being the production of two -thorough students, deeply imbued with the love of their subject. The -historical and genealogical portions of it are written with care and -judgment. It contains extracts from the records of the first courts -held in Pennsylvania. - - -CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY.—Hazard’s _Annals of Pennsylvania_,[855] -1609-1682, _Votes of the Assembly_,[856] vol. i., _Colonial -Records_,[857] vol. i., _Pennsylvania Archives_,[858] vol. i., -and _Duke of York’s Laws_[859] are the chief collections of -documents relating to the constitutional history of the colony. -The correspondence which preceded the issuing of the royal charter, -together with the Proceedings of the Lords of Trade, etc., is in the -_Votes of the Assembly_, vol. i. pp. vii-xiii; the same will be found -in chronological order in Hazard’s _Annals_. The royal charter is -given in _Votes of Assembly_, vol. i. p. xviii; Hazard’s _Annals_, -p. 488; _Colonial Records_, vol. i. (1st ed.) p. ix, (2d ed.) p. 17; -Hazard’s _Register_, i. 293. A fac-simile of the engrossed copy at -Harrisburg is also given as an Appendix to vol. vii., second series, -of _Pennsylvania Archives_, and is in the _Duke of York’s Laws_ in the -same form, as well as being printed in that volume on page 81. The -paper known as “Certain Conditions or Concessions,” agreed upon in -England between the purchasers of land and Penn, July 11, 1681, will be -found in Hazard’s _Annals_, p. 516, _Colonial Records_, vol. i. (1st -ed.), p. xvii (2d ed.), p. 26, _Votes of Assembly_, vol. i. p. xxiv, -and Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, vol. ii. Appendix. Penn’s instructions to -his commissioners—Crispin, Bezar, and Allen—are printed in Hazard’s -_Annals_, p. 527. The original paper is in the possession of the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania. His instructions to his fourth -commissioner, William Haige, are in Hazard’s _Annals of Pennsylvania_, -p. 637. The Frame of Government and laws agreed upon in England May -5, 1682, were printed at the time. They are also given in Hazard’s -_Annals_, p. 558, _Colonial Records_, vol. i. (1st ed.) p. xxi (2d -ed.) p. 29, _Votes of the Assembly_, vol. i. p. xxvii, _Duke of York’s -Laws_, p. 91, and Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, vol. ii. Appendix. There are -a number of rough drafts of the Frame of Government, etc., in the _Penn -Papers_ of the Historical Society. One of these is indorsed as the work -of Counsellor Bamfield; another bears the name of C. Darnall. Oldmixon -says (edition of 1708) that “the Frame” was the work of “Sir William -Jones and other famous men of the Long Robe.” Penn’s letter to Henry -Sidney (Oct. 13, 1681) shows that Sidney was consulted regarding it; -and Chalmers says (on the authority of Markham), that portions of it -were formed to suit the Quakers. - -[Illustration: THE SEAL OF PENNSYLVANIA.] - -The Frame of Government, passed in 1683, will be found in _Votes of -the Assembly_, vol. i. part i., Appendix 1, _Colonial Records_, vol. -i. (1st ed.) xxxiv, and (2d ed.) p. 42; _Duke of York’s Laws_, p. 155; -Proud’s _Pennsylvania_, vol. ii. Appendix 3. There was an edition of it -printed in 1689 at Philadelphia, entitled _The Frame of the Government -of the Province of Pennsilvania and Territories thereunto annexed in -America_, 8º, 16 pp. But one copy of this edition is known to have -been preserved,—it is in the Friends’ Library in Philadelphia. It -has no titlepage or printer’s name; but there can be no doubt that it -is from the press of William Bradford; and it was for printing this -that Bradford was summoned before the Council by Governor Blackwell, -on the 19th of April, 1689. Sabin gives an edition printed in London -in 1691, by Andrew Sowle. Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, no. 59,697; also, -_Collection of Charters, etc., relating to Pennsylvania_, Philadelphia -(B. Franklin), 1740. - - -LITERATURE RELATING TO THE LAWS OF THE PROVINCE.—Under this head may -be classed various works, the titles of which as a rule indicate their -characters, and we note them below.[860] - - -LANDING OF PENN.—In 1824 a society was formed in Philadelphia -for the commemoration of the landing of William Penn. Its first -meeting was held November 4, in the house in which he had once lived, -in Letitia Court. An address was delivered by Peter S. Duponceau, and -the eighteen members of the Society dined together. In selecting the -day to be celebrated, the Society was guided by the passage in Penn’s -letter to the Lords of Plantation, dated August, 1683, in which he -states that he arrived on “the 24th of October last.” Ten days should -have been added to this date to correct the error in computing time by -the Julian calendar, which was in vogue when Penn landed, and November -3 should have been considered the anniversary. Through an erroneous -idea of the way in which such changes should be calculated, eleven days -were added, and November 4 was fixed upon. The next year, however, -the Society celebrated the 24th of October, and continued to do so -until 1836, the last year that we are able to trace the existence of -the organization.[861] Subsequent investigations have shown that Penn -did not arrive before Newcastle until October 27 (see Newcastle Court -Records in Hazard’s _Annals of Pennsylvania_, p. 596), and did not land -until the following day.[862] It is probable, therefore, that Penn -dated his arrival from the time he came in sight of land or passed the -Capes of Delaware. The first evidences we have of his being within the -bounds of the present State of Pennsylvania are letters dated Upland, -October 29, and this day, allowing ten days for the change of time, -bringing it to November 8, is the one that it is customary to celebrate. - -Nov. 8, 1851, Edward Armstrong delivered before the Historical -Society of Pennsylvania, at Chester, an able address, which contains -nearly all that is known regarding the landing of Penn. In it will -be found the names of his fellow-passengers in the “Welcome;” but a -more extended list by the same writer is given in the Appendix to the -2d ed., _Memoirs of Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. i. In -1852 an address was also delivered on the same anniversary before the -Historical Society by Robert T. Conrad. - - -PENN’S TREATY WITH THE INDIANS.—This was the subject of a report made -to the Historical Society of Pennsylvania by Peter S. Duponceau and J. -Francis Fisher. It will be found in _Memoirs of Historical Society_, -vol. iii. part ii. p. 141. In it the opinion is expressed that the -treaty which tradition says Penn held with the Indians at Shackamaxon -was not one for the purchase of land, but was a treaty of amity and -friendship, and was held in November, 1682. This report has been -followed by historians generally, and has been accepted by nearly all -the biographers of Penn. The subject, however, is one that will bear -further investigation. The writer of this chapter published in the -_Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, vi. 217, an article to show that -the treaty which has attracted so much attention was that described -in Penn’s _Letter to the Free Society of Traders_, dated August 16, -1683; that it was held on June 23 of that year; that not only “great -promises of friendship” passed between Penn and the Indians, but that -land was purchased, the records of which are in the Land Office at -Harrisburg.[863] In connection with this subject, Mr. John F. Watson’s -paper on the “Indian Treaty for Lands now the Site of Philadelphia” -(see _Memoirs of Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. iii. part -ii. p. 129) should be read, as well as “Memoir of the Locality of the -Great Treaty between William Penn and the Indians,” by Roberts Vaux -(see Ibid., i. 79; 2d ed., p. 87). The proceedings of the Historical -Society upon the occasion of the presentation to it of a belt of wampum -by Granville John Penn, which is said to have been given to William -Penn by the Indians at the treaty at Shackamaxon,[864] will be found in -_Memoirs of Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vi. 205, with a large -colored lithograph of the belt. Cf. _Historical Magazine_, i. 177, and -Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, ii. 498. - - -PENN-BALTIMORE CONTROVERSY, AND THE SOUTHERN BOUNDARY OF -PENNSYLVANIA.—In the “Penn Papers” in the Library of the Historical -Society of Pennsylvania there are several volumes of documents -bearing upon this subject, being the copies of those used in the suit -between Lord Baltimore and John Thomas and Richard Penn, decided in -1750. Interesting papers are in the State Paper Office, London, giving -accounts of the meetings between Baltimore and Markham and Penn and -Baltimore in 1682 and 1683. Copies are in the Library of the Historical -Society of Pennsylvania, and will shortly be printed. The following -printed volumes and essays treat of the subject:[865] - -_The Case of William Penn, Esq., as to the Proprietory Government -of Pennsylvania; which, together with Carolina, New York, etc., is -intended to be taken away by a bill in Parliament._ (London, 1685.) -Folio, 1 leaf. Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, no. 59,686. - -_The Case of William Penn, Proprietary and Governor-in-Chief of -the Province of Pennsylvania and Territories, against the Lord -Baltimore’s Pretentions to a Tract of Land in America, Granted to the -said William Penn in the year 1682, by his then Royal Highness James -Duke of York, adjoyning to the said Province, commonly called the -Territories thereof._ (n. p. 1682 to 1720.) Folio, 1 leaf. Cf. Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, no. 59,688. - -_The Case of Hannah Penn, the Widow and Executrix of William Penn, -Esq., late Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania_ (against the -pretensions of Lord Sutherland, London, 1720). Folio, 1 leaf. Cf. -Sabin’s _Dictionary_, no. 59,672. - -_Articles of Agreement made and concluded upon between the Right -Honourable the Lord Proprietary of Maryland and the Honourable the -Proprietary of Pennsylvania, etc., touching the Limits and Boundaries -of the Two Provinces, with the Commission constituting certain Persons -to execute the Same._ Philadelphia (B. Franklin), 1733, folio, 19 pp. -and map. In the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. - -Another edition was issued from same press in 1736, with the Report of -the Commissioners. Cf. C. R. Hildeburn’s _List of the Issues of the -Press in Pennsylvania_, 1685-1759. - -_The Case of Messieurs Penn and the People of Pennsilvania, and the -three lower Counties of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex on Delaware, in -relation to a Series of Injuries and Hostilities made upon them for -several Years past by Thomas Cressap and others, by the Direction and -Authority of the Deputy-Governor of Maryland_ (London, 1737). Folio, 8 -pp. Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, no. 5,985. - -_Penn against Lord Baltimore. In Chancery. Copy of Minutes on Hearing, -May 15, 1750._ 8º, 15 pp. n. t. p. In the Library of the Historical -Society of Pennsylvania. - -_Breviate in the case of Penn_ vs. _Baltimore_. Cf. also the title, -with its two maps, given in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, ix. 34,416. - -_Indenture of Agreement, 4th July, 1760, Between Lord Baltimore and -Thomas and Richard Penn, Esquires, settling the limits and boundaries -of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and the Three Lower Counties of Newcastle, -Kent, and Sussex._ Philadelphia, 1851, folio, 31 pp. and map. Privately -printed for Edward D. Ingraham. - -“Memoir of the Controversy between Penn and Lord Baltimore.” By James -Dunlop (read Nov. 10, 1825), in _Memoirs of Historical Society of -Pennsylvania_, i. 161, or 2d ed. p. 163. - -_Lecture upon the Controversy between Pennsylvania and Virginia about -the Boundary Line._ By Neville B. Craig. Pittsburgh, 1843, 8º. 30 pp. - -_Appendix to Case in the Circuit Court of the United States for the -Third Circuit, containing the Pea Patch, or Fort Delaware Case._ -Reported by John William Wallace. Philadelphia, 1849, 8º, 161 pp. Cf. -U. S. Senate, Exec. doc., no. 21, 30th Congress, 1848. - -_History of Mason and Dixon’s Line._ Contained in an address delivered -by John H. B. Latrobe before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, -Nov. 8, 1854. Philadelphia, 1855, 8º, 52 pp. - -Colonel Graham’s _Report on Mason and Dixon’s Line_. Chicago, 1859, 8º. -Cf. Pennsylvania Senate Journal, 1850, ii. 475. - -_Mason and Dixon’s Line._ By James Veech, 1857. - -One of the original manuscript reports of Mason and Dixon, signed by -them, is in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. - - -IMMIGRATIONS.—Independent of the Welsh and Germans, no large bodies -of emigrants came to Pennsylvania during the first decade of its -existence, except from England and some Quakers from Ireland. The -prosperity of the new colony attracted settlers from other parts of -British America and the West Indies; but nearly all, judging from the -religious annals of the community, were either Quakers or in sympathy -with them. In studying the Welsh emigration, _John ap Thomas and his -Friends: a Contribution to the Early History of Merion, Pa._, by -James J. Levick, M.D., should be read; see _Pennsylvania Magazine of -History_, iv. 301. It is a history of the first company which came from -Wales, in 1682. The _History of Delaware County_ by Dr. George Smith -contains much on the subject, with a map of the early settlements; -cf. B. H. Smith’s _Atlas of Delaware County, with a History of -Land-Titles_, Philadelphia, 1880. The agreement entered into between an -emigration party from Wales and the captain of a vessel in 1697-1698 -will be found in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, i. 330. - -The German or Dutch emigration can be studied in _The Settlement of -Germantown, and the Causes which led to it_, by Samuel W. Pennypacker; -see _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, iv. 1. It is a thorough -examination of the question, showing how the emigrants came from the -neighborhood of Crefeld, a city of the Lower Rhine, near Holland. The -several publications we have mentioned printed in Dutch and German must -also be consulted._ William Penn’s Travels in Holland and Germany_, by -Professor Oswald Seidensticker, already mentioned (see _Pennsylvania -Magazine of History_, ii. 237), shows how naturally the event came -about. Professor Seidensticker has also contributed “Pastorius und die -Grundung von Germantown” to the _Deutsche Pionier_, vol. iii. pp. 8, -56, 78, and “Francis Daniel Pastorius” to the _Penn Monthly_, vol. iii. -pp. 1, 51. - - -SPECIAL SUBJECTS.—There remain a few monographs worthy of mention. - -_History of Manners and Customs of the Indian Nations who once -inhabited Pennsylvania and the Neighboring States_, by the Rev. John -Heckewelder, Philadelphia, 1819, 8º. This work was first published -as vol. i. of the _Transactions of the Historical and Literary -Committee of the American Philosophical Society_. It was reprinted -by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, with notes by the Rev. -William C. Reichel, in 1876, and forms vol. xii. of its _Memoirs_. -Opinions regarding this work differ widely. It was favorably reviewed -by Nathan Hale in the _North American Review_, ix. 178, and severely -criticised by General Lewis Cass in the same publication, xxvi. 366. -“A Vindication” of the _History_ by William Rawle will be found in the -_Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, i. 258; 2d ed. p. -268. There is a portrait of Heckewelder in the American Philosophical -Society, and a copy of it in the Historical Society; see _Catalogue of -Paintings, etc., belonging to the Historical Society_, no. 85. As a -further contribution to the aboriginal history, we may mention _Notes -respecting the Indians of Lancaster County, Pa._, by William Parker -Foulke; see _Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. -iv. part ii. p. 189. This treats largely of the Susquehannocks. - -_Contributions to the Medical History of Pennsylvania_, by Caspar -Morris, M.D.; see _Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, -i. 337, or 2d ed., p. 347. - -_Notices of Negro Slavery as connected with Pennsylvania_, by Edward -Bittle; see Ibid., i. 351, or 2d ed., p. 365; cf. also Williams’s -_Negro Race in America_. - -_Address delivered at the Celebration by the New York Historical -Society, May 20, 1863, of the Two Hundredth Birthday of William -Bradford, who introduced the Art of Printing into the Middle Colonies, -etc._, by John William Wallace. Albany, 1863, 8º, p. 114. Together with -the report made by Horatio Gates Jones at the same time. Cf. Thomas -I. Wharton’s “Notes on the Provincial Literature of Pennsylvania,” in -the _Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, i. 99, or 2d -ed., p. 107; and J. W. Wallace’s paper on the “Friends’ Press” in -_Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, iv. 432. The _Brinley Catalogue_, -no. 3,367, gives a considerable enumeration of the issues of Bradford’s -press. - -“Historical Sketch of the Lower Dublin (or Pennepek) Baptist Church, -Philadelphia,” etc., by Horatio Gates Jones, in _Historical Magazine_, -August, 1868, p. 76. - -“Local Self-Government in Pennsylvania,” by E. R. L. Gould, of Johns -Hopkins University, in _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, vi. 156. It -is a comparison of present local administration in Pennsylvania with -that under the Duke of York’s government. - - -MAPS.—_A Portraiture of the City of Philadelphia, in the Province of -Pennsylvania, in America_, by Thomas Holme, Surveyor-General. Sold by -John Thornton in the Minories, and Andrew Sowle in Shoreditch, London. -18½ × 11¾ inches. - -The original, of which a reduced heliotype is given in this chapter -will be found in Penn’s _Letter to the Free Society of Traders_, -printed in 1683, which also contains a description of Philadelphia, -in which the map is referred to. In one of the editions of the Letter -to the Free Society a list of the lot-owners in Philadelphia is -given, with numbers referring to property marked on the map. This is -the earliest map of Pennsylvania. All issued previous to it show the -country while under a different dominion. - -_A Map of the Province of Pennsylvania, containing the three counties -of Chester, Philadelphia, and Bucks, as far as yet surveyed and laid -out. The divisions or distinctions made by the different coullers -respecting the settlements by way of townships._ By Thomas Holme, -Surveyor-General. Sold by Robert Green, at the Rose and Crown in Budge -Row, and by John Thornton at the Platt in the Minories, London. - -This is the most important of all the early maps issued shortly after -1681. It contains the names of many of the early settlers, and shows -Penn’s idea of settling the country. In some cases the lots front on a -square, which it is presumed was dedicated to public uses. This feature -is still noticeable in one or two of the original settlements. It was -republished at Philadelphia by Lloyd P. Smith in 1846, and by Charles -L. Warner in 1870. - -_A Mapp of ye Improved parts of Pennsilvania, in America, Divided -into Countyes, Townships, and Lotts. Surveyed by Tho. Holme._ It is -dedicated to William Penn by Jno. Harris, who, it is presumed, was the -publisher. It measures 16 × 21½ inches, and is a reduction of the -larger map by Holme. - -A map to illustrate the successive purchases from the Indians was -published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania in 1875. Cf. Egle’s -_Pennsylvania_, p. 208. - - -PENNSYLVANIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY.—[The chief instrumentality in -the fostering of historical studies in the State rests with the -Pennsylvania Historical Society, which dates from 1824; and in 1826 it -printed the first volume of its _Memoirs_, which was, under the editing -of Edward Armstrong, reprinted in 1864. The objects of the Society -were set forth by William B. Reed in a discourse in 1848; and again at -the dedication of its new hall in 1872, Mr. J. W. Wallace delivered an -address. Besides its occasional addresses and its Memoirs, and the work -it has done in prompting the State to the printing of its documentary -history, it has also supported the publication of the _Pennsylvania -Magazine of History_.—ED.] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: SECTION OF HOLME’S MAP OF PENNSYLVANIA.] - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -THE ENGLISH IN MARYLAND, 1632-1691. - -BY WILLIAM T. BRANTLY, - -_Of the Maryland Historical Society._ - - -MARYLAND was the first Proprietary colony established in America; and -its charter contained a more ample grant of power than was bestowed -upon any other English colony. To Maryland also belongs the honor -of having been the first government which proclaimed and practised -religious toleration. The charter was granted in 1632, by Charles I., -to Cecilius, second Lord Baltimore. But the true founder of Maryland -was George Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore, a man of singular merit, -whose influence upon the fortunes of the colony was such that his -character and career belong to its history. - -George Calvert was descended from a Flemish family which had long been -settled in Yorkshire, where he was born in the year 1582. Graduating -Bachelor of Arts at Oxford, he travelled on the Continent, and then -entered public life under the patronage of Sir Robert Cecil. Calvert -filled various offices until Cecil became Lord High Treasurer, when -he was appointed clerk of the Privy Council. He was knighted in 1617, -and, upon the disgrace of Sir Thomas Lake, in February, 1619, he was -appointed by James I. one of the two principal secretaries of state. -He was selected for this important post because there was work to be -done, and he had made himself valued in public life for his industry -and ability. It is true, indeed, that his theory of the Constitution -was similar to that held by the King. He had always been allied with -the Court as distinguished from the Country party, and was a stanch -supporter of the prerogatives of the Crown. In the Parliament of -1621 he was the leader of the Government forces, and the immediate -representative of the King in the House of Commons. When he came to -draw the charter of Maryland he framed such a government as the Court, -during this period, conceived that England ought to be. - -Calvert was not altogether friendly to Spain.[866] It is a mistake to -suppose that his political fortunes were so bound up with the success -of the Spanish match, that, upon its final rupture in 1623, his -position became untenable. He did not resign his secretaryship until -February, 1625; and there is no sufficient reason for believing that he -did not then do so voluntarily. - -[Illustration - -See an account of this picture of the first Lord Baltimore, in the -Critical Essay.] - -Fuller, the chief contemporary authority, says that “he freely -confessed to the King that he was then become a Roman Catholic, so -that he must be wanting in his trust or violate his conscience in -discharging his office.” It is certain that he had not forfeited -the favor of the King, nor incurred the enmity of the all-powerful -Buckingham. He was allowed to sell his secretaryship to his successor -for £6,000, and was retained in the Privy Council. A few weeks -after his withdrawal from office he was created Baron of Baltimore -in the Irish peerage; and in 1627 Buckingham summoned him to a -special conference with Charles I. upon foreign affairs. The date of -his conversion to the Church of Rome has been the subject of much -discussion, but there is no satisfactory evidence that it preceded, for -any length of time, the open profession of his new faith. - -From early manhood Sir George Calvert had been interested in schemes -of colonization. He was a member of the Virginia Company until its -dissolution, and was, as secretary of state, one of the committee of -the Council for Plantation Affairs. While secretary he determined -to become himself the founder of a colony, and in 1620 he purchased -from Sir William Vaughan the southeastern peninsula of Newfoundland. -In the following year he sent a body of settlers to this region, and -expended a large amount of money in establishing them at Ferryland. -James I. granted him in 1623 a patent constituting him the Proprietary -of this portion of Newfoundland which was called Avalon,—a patent -which afterwards became the model of the charter of Maryland. The -fertility and advantages of Avalon had been described to Lord Baltimore -with the usual exaggeration of discoverers. He made a short visit to -it in the summer of 1627, and in the following year he went there, -accompanied by several members of his family, with the intention of -remaining permanently; but the severity and long duration of the winter -convinced him that the attempt to plant an agricultural colony on that -inhospitable shore was doomed to failure. In August, 1629, he wrote to -the King that he found himself obliged to abandon Avalon to fishermen, -and to seek for himself some warmer climate in the New World. He also -announced his determination to go with some forty persons to Virginia, -and expressed the hope that the King would grant him there a precinct -of land, with privileges similar to those he enjoyed in Newfoundland. -Charles I., in reply, advised him to desist from further attempts and -to return to England, where he would be sure to enjoy such respect as -his former services merited,—“well weighing,” added the King, “that -men of your condition and breeding are fitter for other employments -than the framing of new plantations which commonly have rugged and -laborious beginnings.” - -Without waiting for an answer to his letter Lord Baltimore sailed for -Virginia, where he arrived in October, 1629. To the Virginians he was -not a welcome visitor. They either honestly objected to receiving -Catholic settlers, being proud of their conformity to the Church of -England, or were apprehensive that he had designs upon their territory. -They tendered to him and his followers the oaths of allegiance and -supremacy. The latter was one which no Catholic could conscientiously -take, and it was therefore refused by Baltimore. His offer to take a -modified oath was rejected by the council, and they requested him to -leave the colony. - -While in Virginia Lord Baltimore learned that the northern and southern -portions of the territory comprised within the old charter limits -of the colony had not been settled, and he determined to ask for an -independent grant of a part of this unsettled region. Upon his return -to England he learned that the King was willing to accede to his -request. Baltimore finally selected for his new colony the country -north of the Potomac, and prepared a charter to be submitted to the -King, modelled upon the Avalon patent. The name of the colony was left -to the choice of the King, who desired that it should be called Terra -Mariæ—in English, Maryland—in honor of his Queen Henrietta Maria. -This name was accordingly inserted in the patent; but before it passed -the seals Lord Baltimore died. His death took place April 15, 1632, -and he was buried beneath the chancel of St. Dunstan’s Church. But his -great scheme did not die with him. His rights were transmitted to his -son and heir Cecilius, second Lord Baltimore, to whom the charter was -finally issued, June 20, 1632. - -[Illustration: THE BALTIMORE ARMS. - -[This is a fac-simile of the arms as engraved on the map accompanying -the _Relation_ of 1635. The motto was also that of the great seal, -furnished to the Province in 1648 by the second Lord Baltimore, which, -by a vote of the legislature in 1876, was re-established on the seal of -the State. See the Critical Essay. - -It is worthy of remark that when an agent of Virginia was sent to -London in 1860, to discover papers relating to the bounds between -that State and Maryland, he found the representative of the Calverts, -and possessor of their family papers, a prisoner in the Queen’s Bench -prison, in a confinement for debt which had then lasted twenty years. -Colonel McDonald’s _Report_, March, 1861.—ED.]] - -The territory granted was defined with accuracy. The southern boundary -was the further bank of the Potomac, from its source to its mouth in -the Bay of Chesapeake, and ran thence to the promontory called Watkins -Point, and thence east to the ocean. The eastern boundary was the ocean -and Delaware Bay to the fortieth degree of latitude; and the northern -boundary was a right line, on the fortieth degree of latitude, to the -meridian of the fountain of the Potomac, where the southern boundary -began. It will be seen that Maryland, as originally defined, comprised -all of the present State of Delaware and a large part of what is now -Pennsylvania. - -The country described in the charter was expressly erected into a -Province of the empire; and the Baron of Baltimore, his heirs and -assigns, were constituted the absolute lords and proprietaries of the -soil. Their tenure was the most liberal known to the law. They held the -Province directly of the kings of England, in free and common socage, -by fealty only, yielding therefor two Indian arrows, on the Tuesday of -Easter week, to the King at the Castle of Windsor. The Province was -made a county palatine; and the Proprietary was invested with all the -royal rights, privileges, and prerogatives which had ever been enjoyed -by any Bishop of Durham within his county palatine. To the Proprietary -was also given all the power that any captain-general of an army ever -had; and he was authorized to call out the whole fighting population, -to wage war against all enemies of the Province, to put captives to -death, and, in case of rebellion or sedition, to exercise martial -law in the most ample manner. He was empowered to establish courts -and appoint judges, and to pardon crimes. He had also the right to -constitute ports of entry and departure, to erect towns into boroughs -and boroughs into cities with suitable immunities, and to levy duties -and tolls upon ships and merchandise exported and imported. He could -make grants of land to be held directly of himself, and erect portions -of the land granted into manors with the right to hold courts baron -and leet. It was further provided that, lest in so remote a region -all access to honors might seem to be barred to men well born, the -Proprietary might confer rewards upon deserving provincials, and adorn -them with any titles and dignities except such as were then in use in -England. All laws were to be made by the Proprietary with the advice -and assent of the freemen, who should be called together, personally -or by their deputies, for the framing of laws in the manner chosen -by the Proprietary. In the event of sudden accidents the Proprietary -might make ordinances for the government of the Province, provided they -should not deprive offenders of life, limb, or property. Freedom of -trade to all English ports was guaranteed. - -Liberty to emigrate to the Province and there settle was given to -all subjects of the Crown, and all colonists and their children were -to enjoy the rights and liberties of native-born liegemen. There -was an express covenant on the part of the Crown that at no time -should any tax or custom be imposed upon the inhabitants or their -property, or upon any merchandise to be laden or unladen within the -Province. The charter concluded by directing that, in case any doubt -should arise concerning the true sense of any word or clause, that -interpretation should always be made which would be most beneficial to -the Proprietary, “provided, always, that no interpretation thereof be -made whereby God’s holy and true Christian religion, or the allegiance -due to us, our heirs and successors, may in anywise suffer by change, -prejudice, or diminution.” - -It is especially to be remarked that the charter contained no -provision requiring the provincial laws to be submitted to the Crown -for approval. Nothing was reserved to the Crown except the allegiance -of the inhabitants and the fifth part of all the gold and silver ore -which might be found within the limits of the Province. But the powers -conferred on the Proprietary were of a sovereign character; he was -lord of the soil, the fountain of honor, and the source of justice. -These privileges were the work of a friend of high prerogative; yet the -rights of the people were not neglected. The freemen of the Province -were entitled to participate in the law-making power, to enjoy freedom -of trade, exemption from Crown taxation, and all the rights and -liberties of native-born Englishmen. All the laws of the Province must -be consonant with reason and not repugnant to the laws of England. If -it be true that the powers given to the Proprietary were greater than -those ever conferred on any other Proprietary, it is equally true that -the rights secured to the inhabitants were greater than an in any other -charter which had then been granted. - -The charter expressly separated the Province from Virginia and made it -immediately dependent on the Crown. The entire territory of Maryland -had been included in the grants made in 1609, and subsequently to the -London company for the first colony of Virginia. This company became -obnoxious both to the Crown and the colonists, and, in 1624, a writ of -_quo warranto_ was issued against its patents, the judgment upon which -revoked all the charters and restored to the Crown all the franchises -formerly granted. Virginia then became a royal colony, and there could -be no question of the right of the King to partition its territory -at pleasure. But the grant of Maryland nevertheless caused a great -discontent in Virginia. Although no permanent settlements had been -made north of the Potomac, the Virginians regarded all the territory -comprised within the old charter limits as still belonging to them, and -objected to having it partitioned. - -One member of the Virginia company had, indeed, established stations -for traffic with the Indians on Kent Island, almost in the centre of -Maryland, and on Palmer’s Island, at the mouth of the Susquehanna -River. This man was William Clayborne, destined to become famous in the -early history of the Province. He had been Secretary of the Virginia -colony and one of the Council. Before the visit of the first Lord -Baltimore to Jamestown, Clayborne had been commissioned to explore -the great bay and to trade with the Indians. He may then have set up -trading stations upon Kent and Palmer’s islands. In May, 1631, he -obtained from Charles I. a license authorizing him to trade for furs -and other commodities in all the coasts “in or near about those parts -of America for which there is not already a patent granted to others -for sole trade.” This license, which was merely passed under the privy -signet of Scotland, could not be construed as granting any title to the -soil or government. In Baltimore’s charter Maryland was described as -hitherto unsettled,—_hactenus inculta_,—and this unlucky phrase was -afterwards the source of innumerable difficulties. At the time of his -visit to Virginia the region was probably unsettled so far as he could -learn. - -When intelligence of the grant of Maryland reached Virginia the -planters were moved to sign a petition to the King, in which they -remonstrated against the grant of a portion of the lands of the colony -which would cause a “general disheartening” to them. The petition was -referred to the Privy Council, which, after hearing both parties, -decided, in July, 1633, that Lord Baltimore should be left to his -patent and the Virginians to the course of law; and that, in the mean -time, the two colonies should “assist each other on all occasions as -becometh fellow-subjects.” - -There can be no doubt that, from the outset, Lord Baltimore intended -that Maryland should be a place of refuge for the English Catholics, -who had as much reason as the Puritans to flee from persecution. The -political and religious hatred with which the mass of the English -people regarded the Church of Rome was increasing in bitterness, and -the Parliament of 1625 had besought the King to enforce more strictly -the penal statutes against recusants. Soon after the grant of his -charter Lord Baltimore treated with the Provincial of the Society -of Jesus, in England, for his assistance in establishing a mission -in the new colony. At the same time he wrote to the General of the -Order asking him to designate certain priests to accompany the first -emigration, whose duty it should be to confirm the Catholics in their -faith, convert the Protestant colonists, and propagate the Roman -faith among the savages. These requests were granted, and the first -expedition was accompanied by two Jesuits. - -But Maryland was to be something more than a Catholic colony. Lord -Baltimore had already determined that it should be a “free soil for -Christianity.” When the charter was granted, it was well known that -Baltimore purposed to settle Maryland with Catholics. How came it to -pass that, under these circumstances, a Protestant king made a grant -of such large powers to a Catholic nobleman? Different views have -been taken of the clauses of the charter relating to religion. One -view is that by the patent the Church of England was established, and -any other form of worship was unlawful; another that the glory of -Maryland toleration is due to the charter, and under it no persecution -of Christians was lawful; while a third view is that the charter left -the whole matter vague and undetermined, and therefore within the -control of the Proprietary and his colonists. The only references to -religion in the charter that need be considered are two: the first, -in the fourth section, giving the Proprietary the advowsons of all -churches which might happen to be built, together with the liberty of -erecting churches and causing the same to be consecrated according to -the ecclesiastical laws of England; the second, in the twenty-second -section, providing that no law should be made prejudicial to God’s holy -and true Christian religion. - -These are the exact phrases used in the Avalon patent, which was issued -to Sir George Calvert while still a member of the Church of England. In -that case they probably operated as an establishment of that church. -But these phrases were not retained in the charter granted to a Roman -Catholic without good reason. The fourth section merely empowered the -Proprietary to dedicate the churches which might be built; it did not -compel him to build them: and the fact of being a Catholic did not then -disable one from presenting to Anglican churches. There is, moreover, -nothing in this section disabling the Proprietary from building -churches of other faiths. The proviso in the twenty-second section was -conveniently vague. It cannot be held either to establish the Church -of England or to prohibit the exercise of any other worship. No such -construction was ever placed upon it by the Crown, or the Proprietary, -or the people. It is certain that Baltimore would not have accepted -a charter requiring the establishment of a church from which he and -those whom he intended to be his colonists dissented. It is still more -certain that he would not have accepted a charter prohibiting the -exercise of the Catholic worship. - -[Illustration] - -The most plausible view of these provisions is that they covered a -secret understanding between the Proprietary and the King, to the -effect that both Catholics and members of the Established Church -should enjoy the same religious rights in Maryland.[867] The opinion -entertained by some that the charter itself enforced toleration is -altogether untenable. These provisions did not prevent the Church -of England from being afterwards established in Maryland nor avert -disabilities from Catholics and Dissenters. Apart from the supposed -agreement between Baltimore and the King, any persecution of -Conformists in the Province would have been extremely impolitic; it -would have resulted in the speedy loss of the patent. But Baltimore -could without danger have prohibited the immigration of Puritans, and -could have discouraged in many ways the settlement even of Conformists. -Not only did he not do any of these things, but he invited Christians -of every name to settle in Maryland. It is the glory of Lord Baltimore -and of the Province that, from the first, perfect freedom of Christian -worship was guaranteed to all comers. Because the event proved that -this magnanimity was the truest wisdom and resulted in populating the -Province, there have not been wanting those who declare that it was not -magnanimity at all, but only enlightened self-interest. - -[Illustration] - -By the decision of the Privy Council in July, 1633, upon the petition -of the Virginia planters, Lord Baltimore achieved his first victory -in the long struggle he was destined to wage with the enemies of his -colony. Regarding his title to the territory as unquestionable, he -now hastened his preparations for its colonization. He had purposed -to lead the colonists in person, but, finding it necessary to abandon -this intention, he confided the expedition to the care of his brother, -Leonard Calvert, whom he commissioned as Lieut.-General. Jerome Hawley -and Thomas Cornwallis were associated as councillors, and George -Calvert, another brother of the Proprietary, was one of the emigrants. -Lord Baltimore provided two vessels,—the “Ark,” of about three hundred -and fifty tons burden, and the “Dove,” a pinnace of about fifty tons. -In October, 1633, the colonists,—“gentlemen adventurers and their -servants,”—to the number of about two hundred, embarked at Gravesend. -The vessels stopped at the Isle of Wight, where Fathers White and -Altham (the Jesuits who had been designated for the service) and some -other emigrants were received on board. They finally set sail from -Cowes on the twenty-second day of November, 1633, and took the old -route by the Azores and West Indies. - -Soon after their departure Lord Baltimore wrote to his own and his -father’s friend, the Earl of Strafford, that, after having overcome -many difficulties, he had sent a hopeful colony to Maryland with a fair -expectation of success. “There are two of my brothers gone,” he added, -“with very near twenty other gentlemen of very good fashion, and three -hundred laboring men well provided in all things.” - -[Illustration: MAP OF MARYLAND, 1635. - -This is a reduced fac-simile of the map accompanying _A Relation of -Maryland_, 1635. See Critical Essay. Compare the heliotype of Smith’s -map of Virginia, in chapter v.] - -The vessels remained for some time at Barbadoes, and did not arrive -at Point Comfort until the 27th of February, 1634. Here the colonists -were received by Governor Harvey, of Virginia, “with much courtesy -and humanity,” in obedience to letters from the King. Fresh supplies -having been procured in Virginia, the “Ark” and “Dove” weighed anchor -and sailed up the bay to the mouth of the Potomac, which they entered -and proceeded up about fourteen leagues, to an island which they called -St. Clement’s. The emigrants landed here, and took formal possession -of Maryland “for our Saviour, and for our Sovereign Lord the King of -England.” - -Governor Calvert left the “Ark” at the island and sailed up the river -with two pinnaces, in order to explore the country and conciliate the -Indian chieftains. He was accompanied by Captain Henry Fleet, of the -Virginia colony, who was versed in the Indian tongues and acquainted -with the country. They assured the chiefs that the strangers had not -come to make war upon them, but to impart the arts of civilization and -show their subjects the way to heaven. Not deeming it prudent to seat -the first colony so far in the interior, Calvert returned down the -river and was conducted by Captain Fleet up a tributary stream which -flows into the Potomac, from the north, a few miles above its mouth. -This river, which is now called the St. Mary’s, is a deep and wide -stream. Six or seven miles above its mouth the Governor’s exploring -party came to an Indian village, situate on a bluff on the left bank. -They determined to settle here, but, instead of forcibly dispossessing -the feeble tribe in possession, they purchased thirty miles of the land -from them for axes, hatchets, and cloth, and established the colony -with their consent. And thus the method of William Penn was antedated -by half a century. By the terms of the agreement the Indians were -to give up at once one half of the town to the English and part of -the growing crops, and at the end of the harvest to leave the place -altogether. The “Ark” was sent for, and on the 27th of March, 1634, -amid salvoes of artillery from the ships, the emigrants disembarked and -took possession of their new home, which they called St. Mary’s. - -Attention was first given to building a guardhouse and a general -storehouse, their intercourse meanwhile with the natives being of the -most genial character. The Indian women taught them how to use corn -meal, and with the Indian men they hunted deer and were initiated into -the mysteries of woodcraft. They planted the cleared land, and in -the autumn of the same year were able to send a cargo of corn to New -England in exchange for salt fish and other provisions. From Virginia -the colonists procured swine and cattle; and, within a few months after -landing, the settlement was enjoying a high degree of prosperity. The -English race had now learned the art of colonization. - -Although Governor Harvey visited St. Mary’s and seems always to have -been friendly to the new colony, the Virginians were bitterly hostile. -Captain Young wrote to Sir Tobie Matthew from Jamestown, in July, 1634, -that it was there “accounted a crime almost as heinous as treason to -favor, nay, to speak well of, that colony” of Lord Baltimore. Sympathy -with what they regarded as Clayborne’s wrongs increased their enmity. -Soon after the “Ark” and “Dove” left Point Comfort, Clayborne informed -the Governor and Council of Virginia that Calvert had notified him that -the settlement upon Kent Island would henceforth be deemed a part of -Maryland, and requested the opinion of the Board as to his duty in the -premises. The Board expressed surprise at the question. and said that -there was no more reason for surrendering Kent Island than any other -part of the colony; and that, the validity of Lord Baltimore’s patent -being yet undetermined, they were bound to maintain the rights of their -colony. It was probably on account of remonstrances from Virginia -that the committee of the Privy Council for plantations wrote to the -Virginians in July, 1634, that there was no intention to affect the -interests which had been settled when Virginia was under a corporation, -and that for the present they might enjoy their estates with the same -freedom as before the recalling of their patents. This letter, which -was merely designed to show that Baltimore’s charter should not invade -any individual right, appears to have been regarded by Clayborne as -justifying his resistance to Calvert’s claim of jurisdiction over his -trading stations. - -Clayborne endeavored at once to incite the Indians to acts of hostility -against the colony. He told them that the new-comers were Spaniards, -enemies of the English, and had come to rob them. These insinuations -caused a change in the demeanor of the Indians, which greatly alarmed -the people of St. Mary’s. The suspicions of the natives, however, were -soon dispelled and friendly relations with them were renewed. Clayborne -now resolved to wage an open war against the colony. Early in 1635 a -_casus belli_ was found in the capture by the Maryland authorities -of a pinnace belonging to Clayborne, upon the ground that it was a -Virginia vessel trading in Maryland waters without a license. Clayborne -thereupon placed an armed vessel under the command of Lieutenant -Warren, with orders to seize any of the ships belonging to St. Mary’s. -Governor Calvert determined to show at once that this seditious -opposition would not be tolerated. He equipped two small vessels and -sent them against Kent Island. A naval engagement between the hostile -forces took place in April, 1635, which resulted in the killing of one -of the Maryland crew, and of Lieutenant Warren and two others of the -Kent Island crew. Clayborne’s men then surrendered and were carried to -St. Mary’s. Clayborne himself took refuge in Virginia, and Governor -Calvert demanded his surrender. This demand was not granted, and two -years later Clayborne went to England. He presented a petition to the -King, complaining that Baltimore’s agents had sought to dispossess him -of his plantations, killing some of his men and taking their boats. He -offered to pay the King £100 per annum for the two islands, and prayed -for a confirmation of his license and an order directing Lord Baltimore -not to interfere with him. - -This petition was referred to a committee of the Privy Council, before -which Clayborne appeared in person, and arguments upon both sides -were heard. The committee decided, in April, 1638, that Clayborne’s -license to trade, under the signet of Scotland, gave him no right or -title to the Isle of Kent, or to any other place within the limits of -Baltimore’s patent, and did not warrant any plantation, and that no -trade with the Indians ought to be allowed within Maryland without -license from Lord Baltimore. As to the wrongs complained of, the -committee found no reason to remove them, but left both sides to the -ordinary course of justice. Clayborne returned to Virginia, postponing -but not abandoning his vengeance, and Kent Island was subjected to -the government of St. Mary’s, Captain George Evelyn being appointed -commander of the isle. In the same year Palmer’s Island was seized, and -Clayborne’s property there confiscated. - -In February, 1635, the first legislative assembly of the Province -was convened. Owing to the destruction of most of the early records -during Ingle’s Rebellion, no account of the proceedings of this -Assembly has come down to us. The charter required the assent of the -Proprietary to the laws, and when the acts of this Assembly were laid -before Lord Baltimore he disallowed them. In April, 1637, he sent over -a new commission, constituting Leonard Calvert the lieut.-general, -admiral, and commander, and also the chancellor and chief-justice -of the Province. In certain cases, he was directed to consult the -council, which was composed of Jerome Hawley, Thomas Cornwallis, and -John Lewger. The governor was directed to assemble the freemen of the -Province, or their deputies, upon the 25th of January ensuing, and -signify the Proprietary’s dissent from the laws made at the previous -assembly, and at the same time to submit to them a body of laws which -he would himself send over. John Lewger, the new member of the council, -and secretary of the Province, came to St. Mary’s in November, 1637, -accompanied by his family and several servants. He was distinguished -as a scholar at Oxford, and had been converted to Catholicism by the -celebrated controversialist Chillingworth. His appointment is an -evidence of the solicitude shown by the Proprietary for the affairs of -his plantation. During the first years of the settlement he and his -friends expended above £40,000 in sending over colonists and providing -them with necessaries, of which sum at least £20,000 was out of -Baltimore’s own purse. - -[Illustration] - -There can be no doubt that the Proprietary contemplated the foundation -of an aristocratic State, with large tracts of land in the hands of -individuals who would be interested in upholding his authority. He -published, from time to time, certain “conditions of plantation,” -stating the quantity of land to which emigrants would be entitled. -In the conditions issued in 1636 he directs that to every first -adventurer, for every five men brought into the Province in 1634, there -should be granted two thousand acres of land for the yearly rent of -four hundred pounds of wheat; and to each bringing a less number, one -hundred acres for himself, and one hundred acres for his wife and each -servant, and fifty acres for every child, under the rent of ten pounds -of wheat for each fifty acres. The conditions offered to subsequent -adventurers were, naturally, less favorable. All these grants were -of fee-simple estates of inheritance, and the colonists received in -addition grants of small lots in the town of St. Mary’s. Each tract -of a thousand acres or more was erected into a manor, with the right -to hold courts baron and leet, and the other privileges belonging -to manors in England. A large number of manors were laid off in the -Province, and in some instances courts baron and leet were held.[868] - -It was only in this regard that the design of transplanting the -institutions of expiring feudalism to the New World was carried out. -Political and social equality resulted from the conditions of the -environment. The “freemen,” who were entitled to make laws, were -early held to include all but indented servants, whether they owned -a freehold or not. The second Assembly, which met in January, 1638, -was a pure democracy. Writs of summons had been issued to every -freeman directing his personal attendance. The governor presided -as speaker, and the council sat as members. Those freemen who did -not choose to attend gave proxies. Proclamation was made that all -persons omitted in the writs should make their claim to a voice in -the Assembly, “whereupon claim was made by John Robinson, carpenter, -and was admitted.” Upon the question of the adoption of the body of -laws proposed by Lord Baltimore, the Speaker and Lewger (who counted -by proxies fourteen voices) were in the affirmative, and all the -rest of the Assembly, being thirty-seven voices, in the negative. -Thus was begun a constitutional struggle between the people and the -Proprietary. The latter held that, under the charter, the right of -originating legislation belonged exclusively to him. For this reason, -he had rejected the laws made in 1635, and had himself proposed a -number of bills. The colonists were unwilling to concede this claim, -and now rejected, in turn, the propositions of the Proprietary. This -early evidence of the persistence with which a handful of emigrants -maintained what they conceived to be their rights possesses a peculiar -interest. The immediate result of the contest was to leave the colony -without any laws under which criminal jurisdiction could be exercised. -This subject next occupied the attention of the House. Subsequently -a number of laws were made, but with the exception of an act of -attainder against Clayborne, their titles only remain. They were sent -to Lord Baltimore, who promptly exercised his veto power upon them. -In February, 1638, a county court was held at which Thomas Smith, -who had been captured in the naval engagement described above, and -subsequently held a prisoner, was indicted by a grand jury for murder -and piracy. There being no court legally constituted to try Smith, he -was arraigned and tried before the Assembly, Secretary Lewger acting -as the prosecuting attorney. The House found him guilty, with but one -dissenting voice, and he was sentenced to be hanged. - -Soon after Lord Baltimore had for the second time rejected the acts of -the Assembly, he wisely determined to yield his claim of the right to -originate legislation. Accordingly he wrote to his brother in August, -1638, giving him power to assent to such laws as he might approve. The -assent of the governor was to give force to the laws till the dissent -of the Proprietary should be signified. This double veto power was -similar to that which existed in most of the royal colonies, where the -first negative was in the governor and the second in the king. In a -Palatinate government, like Maryland, the Proprietary exercised the -royal prerogative. There being no further obstacle to legislation an -Assembly was called to meet in February. 1639, which body was composed -partly of delegates elected by the people, and partly of freemen -specially summoned by the governor’s writ. It was also held that any -freeman, who had not participated in the election of deputies, might -sit in his individual right. The laws passed at this session provided -principally for the administration of justice in criminal and civil -cases. It was enacted that the inhabitants should have all their rights -and liberties according to the Great Charter. - -One of the acts declared that “Holy Church within this Province shall -have all her rights and liberties.” A similar law was made in the -following year. Both are founded upon the first clause of Magna Charta -and must be held to apply to the Roman Church, since the phrase “Holy -Church” was never used in speaking of the Church of England. But these -acts can hardly be regarded as evidence of an intention to establish -the Roman Church. They do not seem to have had any practical effect -whatever. We have seen that Lord Baltimore purposed to make all creeds -equal in Maryland. Apart from this fixed purpose, from which he never -swerved, the impolicy of granting any peculiar privileges to the -Catholic Church, in a province subject to England, was so apparent -that it was recognized by the Jesuits themselves. Among the Stonyhurst -Manuscripts there is preserved the form of an agreement between the -Provincial of the Society of Jesus, and Lord Baltimore, in which, after -a statement of the manner in which Maryland had been obtained and -settled, it is recited that it is “evident that, as affairs now are, -those privileges, etc., usually granted to ecclesiastics of the Roman -Catholic Church by Catholic princes in their own countries, could not -possibly be granted here without grave offence to the King and State -of England (which offence may be called a hazard both to the Baron and -especially to the whole colony).” The agreement then binds the members -of the society in Maryland not to demand any such privileges except -those relating to corporal punishments.[869] - -It is certain that, from the time the emigrants first landed at -St. Mary’s, religious toleration was the established custom of the -Province. The history of Maryland toleration does not begin with -the famous Act of 1649. That was merely a legislative confirmation -of the unwritten law. Long before that enactment, at a time when -intolerance and martyrdom was almost the law of Christendom, and -while the annals of the other colonies of the New World were being -stained with the record of crimes committed in the name of religion, -in Maryland the doctrine of religious liberty was clearly proclaimed -and practised. It is the imperishable glory of Lord Baltimore and of -the State. For the first time in the history of the world there was a -regularly constituted government under which all Christians possessed -equal rights. All churches were tolerated, none was established. To -this “land of the sanctuary” came the Puritans who were whipped and -imprisoned in Virginia, and the Prelatists who were persecuted in -New England. In 1638 one William Lewis was fined by the council five -hundred pounds of tobacco, and required to give security for his good -behavior, because he had abused Protestants and forbidden his servants -to read Protestant books. The Puritans were invited to settle in -Maryland. In 1643 Lord Baltimore wrote to Captain Gibbons of Boston, -offering land to any inhabitants of New England that would remove -to his province, with liberty in matter of religion, and all other -privileges.[870] - -It appears from a case that came before the Assembly in 1642 that -there was at that time no Protestant clergyman in Maryland. The -only religious guides were the Jesuit missionaries, and they formed -the only Catholic mission ever established in any of the English -colonies in America. Two priests, as we have seen, accompanied the -first emigration. In 1636 the mission numbered four priests and one -coadjutor. They labored among the Indians in the spirit of Xavier, -establishing stations at points distant from St. Mary’s. Their efforts -to elevate the savage were not without success. One of their converts -was Tayac, the chief of the Piscataways. He and his wife were baptized -in 1640, when Governor Calvert and many of the principal men of the -colony were present at the ceremony. The Jesuits also succeeded in -converting many Protestants. The annual letter of 1638, as communicated -to their Superior, states that nearly all the Protestants who came from -England in that year, and many others, had been converted. - -Although the missionaries did much towards conciliating the Indians, -and a fair and gentle treatment of them was the constant policy of the -colony, it was yet impossible to preserve a perfect peace with all the -tribes. The increase of the colonists began to alarm them, and they -were constantly committing petty depredations. All the inhabitants -capable of bearing arms were trained in military discipline, and a -certain quantity of arms and ammunition was required to be kept at -each dwelling-house. Expeditions were frequently made for the purpose -of punishing particular tribes which had committed “sundry insolencies -and rapines.” Scarcely anything is known of the details of these Indian -wars. It was made a penal offence for the colonists to supply any -Indian with arms, but the Swedes on the Delaware had no scruples in -this respect. - -In 1640 another Assembly was held. St. Mary’s County had now been -divided into hundreds, and conservators of the peace appointed for -each hundred. In addition to the burgesses elected in each hundred, -the governor summoned certain freemen by special writ, as had been -previously done. The theory upon which this Assembly and those held in -the following years proceeded, in framing laws, was that justice should -be done according to the law of England, except in so far as changed -by provincial enactments. - -The Civil War was now at its height in England, and that mighty -convulsion filled all the colonies with alarm and uncertainty. The -supremacy of the Puritans foreboded danger to the colony of a Catholic -nobleman, who still adhered to the cause of the King. Governor Calvert -determined to consult his brother personally in regard to the course -to be pursued in this crisis. Delegating his powers to Giles Brent, he -sailed for England and soon after joined his brother at Oxford. They -received from the King a commission to seize any London ships that -might come to St. Mary’s. Baltimore sent this commission to Maryland; -and in January, 1644, when one Richard Ingle appeared in the Province -with an armed ship from London, Governor Brent seized the vessel, and -issued a proclamation against Ingle, charging him with treason to the -King. Ingle was taken, but soon after made his escape and returned to -England. Governor Calvert arrived in September, 1644, and found the -Province torn with internal feuds and harassed by Indian incursions. -Many thought that the triumph of Parliament would put an end to the -Proprietary dominion. Clayborne availed himself of the confusion to -renew his designs upon Kent Island, and, by the end of the year, he had -regained his former possession. Ingle soon after arrived in another -ship, with parliamentary letters of marque. The Proprietary was as -powerless as the King with whose fortunes his own were thought to be -linked. Ingle landed his men, allied himself with the disaffected, -and easily took possession of the government. Governor Calvert fled -to Virginia, and the insurgents were undisturbed. The records of the -Province brand Ingle as a pirate. To plunder seems indeed to have been -his main purpose, and it is not clear that he even professed to act -on behalf of the Commonwealth. He afterwards alleged, in a petition -to Parliament, that, when he arrived in Maryland, he found that the -governor had received a commission from Oxford to seize all London -ships, and to execute a tyrannical power against Protestants; and that, -therefore, he felt himself to be conscientiously obliged to come to the -help of the Protestants against the Papists and Malignants. His only -statement as to his proceedings in the Province is that “it pleased -God to enable him to take divers places from them, and to make him a -support to the well-affected.” It is, however, certain that the period -of Ingle’s usurpation was marked with much oppression and extortion. -The Jesuits were sent in chains to England, and most of those deemed -loyal to the Proprietary were deprived of their property and banished. - -Towards the close of 1646 Governor Calvert, who had been watching the -progress of events from Virginia, deemed that the time was ripe for -a counter revolution. He appeared at St. Mary’s, at the head of a -small force levied in Virginia, and regained the government without -resistance. Ingle left the Province, and the body of the people -returned to their allegiance with marked alacrity. The most permanent -evil caused by this usurpation—commonly called Clayborne and Ingle’s -Rebellion, although they do not appear to have acted in concert—was -the destruction of the greater part of the then existing records. -The entire period is, consequently, involved in obscurity; and it is -impossible to determine why it was that so many of the inhabitants -were ready to join Ingle in what they afterwards called his “heinous -rebellion.” Kent Island alone held out, and Governor Calvert went -there in person, and brought back the island to subjection. The entire -Province was now tranquillized; but Leonard Calvert did not live to -enter upon his labors. On the 9th of June, 1647, he died at the little -capital of St. Mary’s, which he had founded seventeen years before, and -where he had long exercised, with wisdom and moderation, the highest -executive and judicial functions. He had led out the colony from -England when a young man of twenty-six years, and in the discharge of -various offices he had, in the language of his commission, displayed -“such wisdom, fidelity, industry, and other virtues as rendered him -capable and worthy of the trust reposed in him.” Upon his death-bed -he named Thomas Greene his successor, who now assumed the duties of -governor. Greene proclaimed a general pardon to those in the Province -who had “unfortunately run themselves into a rebellion,” and a pardon -to those who had fled the Province, “acknowledging sorrow for his -fault,” except “Richard Ingle, mariner.”[871] - -[Illustration] - -The cause of the monarchy was now prostrate in England, and in the -supremacy of Parliament Lord Baltimore saw great danger threatening -his colonial dominion. It was necessary to put it out of the power of -his enemies to say that Maryland was a Catholic colony, and at the -same time he felt bound to protect his co-religionists. He therefore -determined to pursue at once a policy of conciliation to the Puritans -and of protection to the Catholics. The course he adopted was one well -calculated to attain this double end. In August, 1648, he removed -Greene, who was a Catholic, and appointed William Stone governor. Stone -was a Virginian, and well known as a zealous Protestant and adherent of -the Parliament. Lord Baltimore at the same time issued a new commission -of the Council of State appointing five councillors, three of whom were -Protestants, and he also appointed a Protestant secretary. Accompanying -the commissions were oaths to be taken by the governor and councillors. -Each was required to swear that he would not trouble or molest any -person in the Province professing to believe in Jesus Christ, “and -in particular no Roman Catholick for, or in respect of, his or her -religion.” While the usual power to assent to laws in the name of the -Proprietary was given to Stone, his commission contained a proviso that -he should not assent to the _repeal_ of any law—already made or which -should thereafter be made—which might in any way concern matters of -religion, without special warrant under the seal of the Proprietary. -The object of this restriction was to prevent the repeal, by subsequent -legislatures, of the act of religious toleration which Lord Baltimore -purposed to have passed by the next Assembly. By this act he did not -design to have the custom of religious liberty, which had prevailed -from the settlement, at all enlarged, but only to be a law of the land -beyond the reach of alteration. This security was the more necessary -since Stone had agreed to procure five hundred settlers to reside in -Maryland, and these might create an overwhelming Protestant majority. - -[Illustration] - -The new governor and council entered upon their duties in the beginning -of 1649, and in April of that year the Assembly met. The first law made -was the famous “act concerning religion;” which, at least so far as it -related to toleration, was doubtless one of the sixteen proposed laws -which Lord Baltimore had sent over in the preceding year with the new -commissions. The memorable words of this act, the first law securing -religious liberty that ever passed a legally constituted legislature, -provide that— - - “Whereas, the inforcing of the conscience in matters of religion - hath frequently fallen out to bee of dangerous consequence in those - commonwealths where it hath beene practised, and for the more quiet - and peaceable government of this province, and the better to preserve - mutuall love and unity amongst the inhabitants here,” it was enacted - that no person “professing to believe in Jesus Christ shall, from - henceforth, be any waies troubled, molested, or discountenanced for, - or in respect of, his or her religion, nor in the free exercise - thereof within this province, ... nor any way compelled to the beleefe - or exercise of any other religion, against his or her consent.” - -The Assembly was composed of sixteen members, nine burgesses, the -governor, and six councillors. Their faith has been a matter of -dispute, but the most recent investigations make it certain that a -majority were Catholics. The governor, three of the council, and two of -the burgesses were, without doubt, Protestants. It is equally certain -that three of the council and five burgesses were Catholics. The faith -of the remaining two members is doubtful; and there is also doubt -whether the governor and council sat as a distinct upper house or not. - -By the other sections of the “act of toleration,” blasphemy, and -denying the divinity of Christ, or the Trinity, were made punishable -with death; and those using reproachful words concerning the Virgin -Mary or the Apostles, or in matters of religion applying opprobrious -epithets to persons, were punishable by a fine, and in default of -payment by imprisonment or whipping. It does not appear that any of -these penalties were ever inflicted. The toleration established by -this act is so far in advance of all contemporary legislation, that it -would be invidious to reproach the law-givers because they were not -still more enlightened. It may have been that they regarded any broader -toleration as prohibited by the provision of the charter respecting the -Christian religion, or as likely to excite the animadversion of the -Puritans in England. Parliament had recently passed a law (Act of 1648, -chapter 114) for the preventing of the growth of heresy and blasphemy, -by which the “maintaining with obstinacy” of any one of a number of -enumerated heresies—such as that Christ is not ascended into heaven -bodily, or that the bodies of men shall not rise again after they are -dead—was made a felony punishable with death. - -[Illustration: ENDORSEMENT OF THE TOLERATION ACT.] - -In 1649 Governor Stone invited a body of Puritans who were banished -from Virginia, on account of their refusal to conform to the Church -of England, to settle in Maryland. These Puritans, the fruits of a -mission which had been sent from New England to “convert the ungodly -Virginians,” numbered over one hundred. Stone having promised them -liberty in the matter of religion and the privileges of English -subjects, they accepted the invitation, and in this year settled at a -place which they called Providence,—now the site of Annapolis. The -settlement was, at the next Assembly, erected into a county, and named -Anne Arundel, in honor of Lord Baltimore’s wife, recently deceased, who -was a daughter of the Earl of Arundel. The conditions of plantation -required every person taking up land in the Province to subscribe an -oath of fidelity to his lordship, acknowledging him to be “the true -and absolute lord and Proprietary of this province.” The Puritans -objected to this oath as being against their consciences, because it -required them to acknowledge an absolute power, and bound them to obey -a government which countenanced the Roman religion. It is clear that -these refugees from intolerance were eager to be intolerant themselves. -During a temporary absence of Stone in November, 1649, Greene, the -deputy-governor, foolishly proclaimed Charles II. king, and granted a -general pardon in furtherance of the common rejoicing. Although this -act was promptly disavowed, it afterwards became a formidable weapon -against Lord Baltimore. - -Notwithstanding their scruples, the Providence Puritans sent two -burgesses to the Assembly of 1650, one of whom was elected speaker of -the lower house. At this session there was first made a permanent -division of the Assembly into two houses, which lasted till the -Revolution of 1776. The lower house consisted of the burgesses, and the -upper of the governor, secretary, and council. The majority of this -Assembly were Protestants; but they made a law enacting, as “a memorial -to all posterities” of their thankfulness, fidelity, and obedience -to the Proprietary, that, “being bound thereunto by the laws both -of God and man,” they acknowledged him “to be the true and absolute -lord and Proprietary of this province,” and declaring that they would -maintain his jurisdiction till “the last drop of our blood be spent.” -Another act was passed altering the oath of fidelity prescribed by the -conditions of plantation. The new oath afforded ample opportunity for -mental reservation. By it the subscribers bound themselves to maintain -“the just and lawful” right and dominion of the Proprietary, “not in -any wise understood to infringe or prejudice liberty of conscience in -point of religion.” - -Lord Baltimore’s trimming at this crisis aroused the displeasure of -Charles II. Although a powerless exile, he deposed the Proprietary, -and appointed Sir William Davenant royal governor of Maryland, on the -ground that Baltimore “did visibly adhere to the rebels in England, -and admitted all kinds of sectaries and schismatics and ill affected -persons into the plantation.” Baltimore afterwards used this assertion -to prove his fidelity to Parliament. Sir William collected a force of -French and sailed for Maryland, but was captured in the channel. - -Lord Baltimore was soon after threatened from a much more formidable -quarter. The revolt of the island of Barbadoes called the attention -of Parliament to the necessity of subjecting the colonies to its -power, and by an act passed Oct. 3, 1650, for reducing Barbadoes, -Antigua, “and other islands and places in America” to their due -obedience, the Council of State was authorized to send ships to any -of the plantations, and to commission officers “to enforce all such -to obedience as do or shall stand in opposition to Parliament.” When -the news of this act reached Maryland, the Puritans of Providence -thought that the days of the Proprietary dominion were numbered, and -they consequently refused to send burgesses to the Assembly which met -in March, 1651. Upon information of their conduct and of the perturbed -state of the Province being transmitted to Lord Baltimore, he sent in -August, 1651, a long message to the governor and Assembly. He declared -that the reports concerning the dissolution of his government were -unfounded, and directed that in case any of the inhabitants should -persist in their refusal to send burgesses to the Assembly, they should -be proceeded against as rebels. He also requested the governor and -council to use their best endeavors to suppress such false rumors, and -suggested that a law be made punishing those spreading false news. - -But they who asserted that the Proprietary dominion was about to -fall, did not “spread false news.” That steps were not immediately -taken to execute the Act of 1650 was probably owing to the fact that -Scotland was now in arms under the banner of Charles II. But after -the “crowning mercy” of the battle of Worcester, the Council of State, -Sept. 20, 1651, appointed two officers of the navy, and Richard -Bennett and William Clayborne of Virginia, commissioners under the -act. They were directed to use their “best endeavors to reduce all the -plantations within the Bay of Chesapeake to their due obedience to the -Parliament and the Commonwealth of England.” Maryland was at first -expressly named in these instructions; but before they were issued, -Baltimore went before the committee of the Council and showed that -Governor Stone had always been well affected to Parliament; proved -by merchants, who traded to Maryland, that it was not in opposition, -and declared that when the friends of the Commonwealth had been -compelled to leave Virginia he had caused them to be well received in -his province. The name of Maryland was thereupon stricken out of the -instructions; but when they were finally issued, a term was used under -which the Province might be included. - -Clayborne and Bennett were in Virginia; the other commissioners soon -after sailed with a fleet carrying a regiment of men, and one hundred -and fifty Scotch prisoners who were to be sold as servants in Virginia. -A part of the fleet finally reached Jamestown in March, 1652. The -commissioners speedily came to terms with Sir William Berkeley, and -then turned their attention to Maryland. They appeared at St. Mary’s -toward the last of March, and demanded submission in two particulars: -first, that all writs and proclamations should be issued in the name -of the Keepers of the Liberties of England, and not in that of the -Proprietary; and second, that all the inhabitants should subscribe -the test, called “the engagement,” which was an oath of allegiance to -Parliament. The instructions of the commissioners expressly authorized -them to insist upon these terms. The governor and council acceded to -the second demand, but refused the first on the ground that process in -Maryland had never run in the name of the king, and that it was not the -intention of Parliament to deprive Lord Baltimore of his rights in the -Province. The commissioners immediately removed Stone and appointed a -council of six to govern the Province independently of the Proprietary. -Bennett and Clayborne then returned to Virginia, where they appointed -themselves respectively governor and secretary of that colony. A few -months later Stone, deeming that he could best subserve the interests -of the Proprietary by temporizing, submitted to the terms of the -commissioners, who, finding that Stone was too popular a man to be -disregarded, reinstated him in his office June 28, 1652. - -Now that Virginia and Maryland were both under the authority of the -same commissioners, the Virginians thought that the time had arrived -when an attempt to regain their lost territory was likely to prosper. -In August, 1652, a petition was presented to Parliament praying that -Virginia might have its ancient limits as granted by the charters -of former kings, and that Parliament would grant a new charter in -opposition to those intrenching upon these limits. This petition was -referred to the committee of the navy with directions to consider what -patent was proper to be granted to Virginia. The committee reported -Dec. 31, 1652. They found that Kent Island had been settled three years -before the settlement of Maryland; that Clayborne had been unlawfully -dispossessed of it; that Baltimore had exacted oaths of fealty to -himself; that several laws of Maryland were repugnant to the statutes -of England, such as the one protecting Papists; that persons of Dutch, -French, and Italian descent enjoyed equal privileges with the English -in Maryland; and that in March, 1652, the governor and council of -Maryland had refused to issue writs in the name of the Keepers of the -Liberties of England. No action was taken upon this report. Baltimore -had previously presented a paper containing reasons of state why it -would be more advantageous for the Commonwealth to keep Maryland under -a separate government than to join it to Virginia. These reasons were -adapted to the existing condition of affairs, and are sufficiently -ingenious. - -The Province seems to have been quiet during the year 1653. In -England, Cromwell turned Parliament out of doors, and the whole -strength of the nation was devoted to the Dutch War. Lord Baltimore -thought the time propitious for an attempt to recover his colony. -Accordingly, in the latter part of the year, he directed Stone to -cause all persons who had failed to sue out patents for their land, -or had not taken the amended oath of fidelity to the Proprietary, -to do so within three months upon pain of forfeiture of their land. -Stone was also directed to issue all writs and processes in the name -of the Proprietary. In pursuance of these instructions Stone issued a -proclamation in February, 1654, requiring those seated upon lands to -obtain patents, and swear allegiance to Lord Baltimore. A few weeks -later he commanded all officers of justice to issue their writs in -the name of the Proprietary, and showed that this change would not -infringe their “engagement” to the Commonwealth. In May he proclaimed -Cromwell Lord Protector. But the Puritans were not mollified by this -act. Before the proclamation of February had been issued, information -as to Baltimore’s instructions had reached the Puritans on the Severn -and Patuxent; and they had sent petitions to Bennett and Clayborne, -in which they complained that the oath of fidelity to be required of -them was “a very real grievance, and such an oppression as we are not -able to bear,” and prayed for relief according to the cause and power -wherewith the commissioners were intrusted. The open disaffection of -the Puritans caused Stone in July, 1654, to issue a proclamation in -which he charged Bennett and Clayborne, and the whole Puritan party, -with leading the people into “faction, sedition, and rebellion against -the Lord Baltimore.” The commissioners, still acting under their old -authority, resolved again to reduce Maryland. They put themselves at -the head of the Providence party, and advanced against St. Mary’s. -At the same time a force levied in Virginia, threatened an invasion -from the south. Stone, deeming resistance hopeless, submitted. The -commissioners deposed him, and by an order dated Aug. 1, 1654, -committed the government of the Province to Captain Fuller and a -Puritan council. An Assembly was called to meet in the ensuing October -for which Roman Catholics were disabled from voting or being elected -members. And thus the fugitives from oppression proceeded to oppress -those who had given them an asylum. “Ingratitude to benefactors is the -first of revolutionary virtues.” The new Assembly met at the house of -an adherent on the Patuxent River. Its first act was one denying the -right of Lord Baltimore to interfere in the affairs of the Province. An -act concerning religion was passed, declaring that none who professed -the Popish religion could be protected in the Province, “but to be -restrained from the exercise thereof.” - -When the news of the deposition of his officers reached Lord Baltimore -he despatched a special messenger with letters to Stone, upbraiding him -for having yielded the Province without striking a blow, and directing -him to make every effort to re-establish the proprietary government. -Stone, thus commanded, resolved to dispute the possession of the -government with the Puritans. He armed the population of St. Mary’s, -and caused the records, which had been removed to the Patuxent, and -a quantity of ammunition to be seized. In March, 1655, he advanced -against Providence with about two hundred men and a small fleet of bay -craft. He sent ahead of him envoys with a demand for submission which -was rejected. The Puritans obtained the aid of Roger Heamans, master of -the “Golden Lion,” an armed merchantman lying in the port, and prepared -for resistance. Stone landed his men near the town on the evening of -the 24th of March, and on the next morning the hostile forces advanced -against each other. The battle-cry of the Puritans was, “In the name -of God fall on!” that of their opponents, “Hey for St. Mary’s!” The -fight was short and decisive. The Puritans were completely victorious. -About fifty of Stone’s men were killed or wounded, and nearly all the -rest, including Stone himself, who was wounded, were taken prisoners. -The loss of the Puritans was trifling, but they did not use their -victory with moderation. A drum-head court-martial condemned ten -prisoners to death, upon four of whom the sentence was executed. Among -those thus tried and condemned was Governor Stone, but the soldiers -themselves refused to take his life. It is said that the intercessions -of the women caused the lives of the others to be spared. They were -however kept in confinement, and the estates of the “delinquents” were -confiscated. - -Each party was now anxious to find favor in the sight of the Protector. -Lord Baltimore presented the affidavit of certain Protestants in the -Province as to the high-handed proceedings of the Puritans; while -the commissioners transmitted documents to prove that he was hostile -to the Protector. In the course of the year several pamphlets were -published on either side of the controversy. Cromwell, however, does -not appear to have concerned himself about the dispute, since both -parties acknowledged his supremacy. In January, 1655, Baltimore -had obtained from him a letter to Bennett, directing the latter to -forbear disturbing the Proprietary or his people in Maryland. Soon -after the receipt of this letter Bennett abandoned the governorship -of Virginia and went to England. He there made such representations -to the Protector, that, in September, 1655, Cromwell wrote to the -“Commissioners of Maryland,” explaining that his former letter related -only to the boundary disputes between Maryland and Virginia. After the -battle of Providence, Cromwell referred the matter to the Commissioners -of the Great Seal, and declared his pleasure that in the mean time -the government of Maryland should remain as settled by Clayborne. The -Commissioners of the Great Seal reported to the council of state in -the following year. This report was not acted upon, but was itself -referred to the Commissioners for Trade. It was probably favorable to -Lord Baltimore, for he made another effort to wrest his Province from -the hands of the Puritans. In July, 1656, he appointed Josias Fendall -governor of the Province, with all the powers formerly exercised by -Stone. Fendall was in reality only a persistent and unscrupulous -revolutionist, but his activity had hitherto been exercised on behalf -of the Proprietary. Even before his appointment his conduct had excited -the suspicions of the Puritan council. He was arrested by them on the -charge of “dangerousness to the public peace,” and kept in confinement -till September, 1656, when he was released upon taking an oath not to -disturb the existing government until the matter was determined in -England. - -[Illustration] - -On the 16th of September, 1656, the Commissioners of Trade reported -to the Lord Protector entirely in favor of Baltimore. The report was -not acted upon, and Bennett and Matthews, the agents of the Puritans, -continued the contest. In October they sent to the Protector a paper -entitled, _Objections against Lord Baltimore’s patent, and reasons why -the government of Maryland should not be put into his hands_. These -objections merely recite the old grievances. Baltimore did not wait -for the report to be confirmed, but, confident that his province would -be restored to him, directed Fendall to assume the administration of -affairs. He also directed large grants of land to be made to those who -had been conspicuous for their fidelity to him, and instructed the -Council to make provision, out of his own rents, for the widows of -those who had lost their lives in his service. Towards the close of -the year the Proprietary sent his brother, Philip Calvert, to Maryland -as a member of the Council and secretary of the Province. Maryland was -now divided between the rival governments. The Puritans held undisputed -sway over Anne Arundel, Kent Island, and most of the settlements, while -Fendall’s authority seems to have been confined to St. Mary’s County. -But there were no acts of hostility between the opposing factions. In -September, 1657, the Puritans held another Assembly at Patuxent, at -which they again passed an act in recognition of their own authority, -and imposed taxes for the payment of the public charges. - -Such was the posture of affairs when an agreement was reached by Lord -Baltimore and the Puritan agents in England. The favor with which -the Protector regarded the old nobility, and his failure to notice -the remonstrances which the Puritan agents had addressed to him, -caused the latter to despair of setting aside the adverse report of -the Commissioners of Trade. The new agent of Virginia, Digges, acted -as the intermediary between Baltimore and Bennett and Matthews, and -the articles of agreement were signed on the 30th of November, 1657. -After reciting the controversies and the “very sad, distracted, and -unsettled condition” of the Province, they provide for the submission -of those in opposition to the Proprietary and their surrender of the -records and great seal. Lord Baltimore, on his part, promised “upon -his honor” that he would punish no offenders, but would grant land to -all having claims under the conditions of plantation, and that any -persons desiring to leave the Province should have liberty to do so. -The Puritans now desired the protection of the Toleration Act, and -Lord Baltimore therefore stipulated that he would never assent to its -repeal. Fendall, who had gone to England for the purpose of consulting -the Proprietary, immediately returned to Maryland with a copy of this -agreement. At the same time Bennett wrote to Captain Fuller, apprising -him of the engagement which had been made on behalf of his party. -Fendall arrived in the Province in February, 1658; and the Providence -council were requested to meet the officers of Lord Baltimore in order -to treat for the performance of the agreement. A meeting of the rival -councillors accordingly took place in March. The Puritans, fatigued -by the long struggle, were not unwilling to submit, but insisted upon -making some changes in the articles of surrender. Fendall accepted -their terms, and the new agreement was signed on the 24th of March, -1658. It was stipulated that the oath of fidelity should not be pressed -upon the people then resident in the Province, but that, in its place, -each person should subscribe an engagement to submit to Lord Baltimore, -according to his patent, and not to obey any in opposition to him. -It was further agreed that no persons should be disarmed; that there -should be a general indemnity for all acts done since December, 1649, -and that the proceedings of the Puritan assemblies and courts, in cases -relating to property rights, should not be annulled. Proclamation was -then made of this agreement and of the governor’s commission, and writs -were issued for an Assembly to be held in the ensuing April. At this -Assembly the articles of surrender were confirmed. And thus, after six -years of civil broils, the Proprietary sway was re-established. - -But the spirit of that revolutionary epoch was not yet extinct in -Maryland. Another attempt to subvert the authority of Lord Baltimore -was made in the following year. This time the leader was Fendall -himself, who, after having broken faith with the Puritans, now broke -faith with the Proprietary. Upon the confusion which followed the death -of Cromwell, Fendall thought that the opportune moment had come for -shaking off the rule of his feudal lord. At a session of the Assembly -held in March, 1660, the burgesses, in pursuance of Fendall’s scheme, -sent to the upper house a message, in which they claimed to be a lawful -assembly, without dependence on any other power, and the highest court -of judicature. “If any objection can be made to the contrary,” the -message concluded, “we desire to hear it.” A conference between the -houses was held, at which Fendall stated that he was only commissioned -to confirm laws till the Proprietary should declare his dissent, but -that in his opinion the true meaning of the charter was that the laws -made by the freemen and published by them in his lordship’s name should -at once be of full force. On the same day the lower house came in a -body to the upper, and declared that they would not permit the latter -to continue its sittings, but that its members might take seats among -them. Fendall then dissolved the upper house, and, surrendering the -powers he had received from the Proprietary, accepted a new commission -from the burgesses. Philip Calvert protested against the proceedings, -and left the house. The burgesses sought to fortify their authority by -making it a felony to disturb the government as established by them. - -Lord Baltimore made short work of these treacherous proceedings. As -soon as the tidings reached him, in the following June, he appointed -Philip Calvert governor. Soon after he obtained from Charles II. a -letter commanding all the inhabitants of the Province to submit to -his authority. Philip Calvert was sworn in at the Provincial Court -held at Patuxent in December, 1660, and had no difficulty in obtaining -control of the Province. No one ventured to disobey the commands of -a monarch who had just been restored to the throne amid universal -enthusiasm. Fendall, indeed, attempted to excite an insurrection, but, -failing in this, surrendered himself voluntarily. Lord Baltimore had -instructed his deputy not to permit Fendall to escape with his life; -and subsequently, while proclaiming a general amnesty, he excepted -Hatch and “that perfidious and perjured fellow Fendall, whom we lately -entrusted to be our lieutenant of Maryland.” Notwithstanding these -instructions, Fendall was punished only by a fine and disfranchisement. - -[Illustration] - -Charles II. was duly proclaimed, and the power of King and Proprietary -permanently revived. The tranquillity which now came to the exhausted -colony was destined to last, without interruption, till the mighty wave -of another revolution in England proved fatal to the lord paramount -of Maryland. Clayborne, who has been called the evil genius of the -Province, now disappears from its history. His courage and energy have -won the admiration of some writers; but, according to the settled -principles of public law, his claim upon Kent Island was entirely -without foundation. Towards the close of 1661 Charles Calvert, the -eldest son of the Proprietary, was appointed governor, and remained -in that office till the death of his father. The history of the -Province becomes the record of peaceful progress under his wise and -just administration. The population, which in 1660 was 12,000, had -increased, five years later, to 16,000. In 1676 Lord Baltimore wrote -to the Privy Council that the population was 20,000. The provincial -assemblies continued to be held at St. Mary’s, and new counties were -from time to time erected. - -[Illustration: THE BALTIMORE COINS. - -[See a “Sketch of the Early Currency of Maryland and Virginia,” by S. -F. Streeter, in _Historical Magazine_, February, 1858, vol. ii. p. -42; and Crosby’s _Early Coins of America_, from which we have been -permitted to borrow our cuts. Specimens of the coins were given by the -late George Peabody to the Maryland Historical Society; but they have -been surreptitiously removed. Other originals are in the cabinet of -William S. Appleton, Esq., of Boston.—ED.]] - -The cultivation of tobacco was, from the earliest period, the main -occupation of the colonists. Indeed, the prosperity of all the middle -colonies reposed chiefly upon this foundation. It was almost the sole -export of Maryland. There were no manufactures and no large towns in -the Province. It was an agricultural community, scattered along the -shores of the noble bay, and of the Potomac and other tributary streams -which intersected the country in every direction. The abundance of -these natural highways relieved the infant State from a large part of -the burden of maintaining roads. Every large planter had at his own -door a boat-landing, where he received his supplies, and from which -his tobacco was taken to be shipped upon foreign-bound vessels. The -high price of tobacco in the second quarter of the seventeenth century -(ten times its present value), and the large demand for it by Dutch -traders, led the colonists to devote themselves so exclusively to -its cultivation, that, on more than one occasion, they suffered from -a scarcity of food. Beginning in 1639, numerous acts were passed to -enforce the planting of cereals. In order to maintain the excellence -of the tobacco exported, the Assembly in 1640 enacted the first -tobacco-inspection law,—and thus began a system which has, in some -form, been maintained down to the present day. According to the Act of -1640, no tobacco could be exported till scaled by a sworn viewer; and -when a hogshead was found bad for the greater part, it was to be burned. - -Tobacco was not only the great staple of the Province, but also its -chief currency. Taxes were assessed, fines imposed, and salaries -paid in tobacco. After the Restoration the restrictive measures, to -which we shall refer, and the overproduction of tobacco caused great -depreciation in the value of the article. The consequent inconvenience -was such that in 1661 the Assembly prayed the Proprietary to establish -a mint for the coining of money. Lord Baltimore, by a doubtful stretch -of his palatinate prerogatives, caused a large quantity of shillings, -sixpences, and groats to be coined for the Province. These coins -were put into circulation under an act, passed in 1662, requiring -every freeman to take up ten shillings’ worth of them per poll for -every taxable person in his custody, and to pay for the same in -tobacco at the rate of two pence per pound. But their introduction -did not give permanent relief, and tobacco continued to be the chief -medium of exchange. Its value decreased so much, that, early in 1663, -commissioners were appointed by Virginia and Maryland to consider -the evil and its remedy. They could only suggest a diminution of the -quantity raised. In the following year the Virginia agents represented -to the Privy Council the necessity of lessening the cultivation of -tobacco in Virginia and Maryland, and offered proposals for effecting -it. These proposals did not meet the approval of Lord Baltimore. The -Privy Council ordered that there should be no cessation of the planting -of tobacco; but, in order to encourage the planters in cultivating -other articles, directed that pitch, tar, and hemp, of the production -of those colonies, should be imported into England free of duty for -five years. In 1666 an agreement was made between delegates from -Virginia, Maryland, and Carolina, providing for a total cessation -in the planting of tobacco for one year. The legislatures of these -colonies passed acts to enforce this agreement; but the Maryland act -was vetoed by Lord Baltimore, upon the ground that it would work great -injury to the poorer sort of planters, as well as cause a loss of -revenue to the Crown. For various reasons these efforts to control the -market by limiting the supply never succeeded. - -The colonists did not then fully perceive where the root of the evil -lay. There was not too much tobacco but too few buyers; and the number -of buyers had been artificially lessened. The real cause of this -colonial distress was the famous Navigation Act and the statutes which -had been made in pursuance of the policy then begun. The Navigation -Act, passed by the Long Parliament in October, 1651, provided that no -goods should be imported from Asia, Africa, or America but in English -vessels, under the penalty of the forfeiture of both goods and ship. -Originally designed as a blow at the commercial supremacy of the -Dutch, this Act became, to use the language of Burke, the corner-stone -of the policy of England with regard to the colonies. This Act was -supplemented by still more restrictive statutes passed in 1660 and in -1663 (15 Car. II. c. 7). The result of these regulations was that the -colonists could buy nothing except from English merchants, and could -sell nothing except to English merchants. They were not even permitted -to export their own goods in their own vessels. They suffered from -a triple monopoly of sale, of purchase, and of transportation. They -bought in the dearest and sold in the cheapest market. - -The chief source of the revenue derived by the Proprietary from the -Province arose from the quit-rents which, from the earliest period, -had been charged on all grants of land. These rents were at first -payable in wheat. In later grants they were made payable in money or -the commodities of the country, at the option of the Proprietary, until -1671, when an export duty of two shillings per hogshead was imposed on -all tobacco, one half of which went to the support of the government, -and the other half was granted to the Proprietary in consideration of -his commuting his money quit-rents and alienation fines for tobacco, -at the rate of two pence per pound. After 1658 another source of -Proprietary revenue was an alienation fine of one year’s rent, which -was made a condition precedent to the validity of every conveyance. In -1661 there was given to the Proprietary a port and anchorage duty of -half a pound of powder and three pounds of shot on all foreign vessels -trading to the Province. The fines and forfeitures imposed in courts -of justice inured to the Proprietary as the fountain of justice and -standing _in loco regis_. The royal nature of the Proprietary dominion -was also shown in the use of his name in all writs and processes, as -the name of the king was used in England. Provincial laws were enacted -in his name, by and with the advice and consent of the upper and -lower houses. Indictments, including those upon the penal statutes of -England, charged the offences to be against his peace, good rule, and -government. - -The first mention of negro slaves occurs in an act passed in 1664; but -they had probably been previously introduced into the Province from -Virginia, where slavery existed before the settlement of Maryland. In -1671 an act was passed to encourage their importation, and slavery -was thenceforth established. It was long, however, before slaves -took the place of indented servants, who formed a large part of the -population down to the time of the Revolution. They at first consisted -of those who had signed an indenture of service for a limited number -of years and were brought into the Province by the masters themselves. -Subsequently the traffic in servants was taken up by shipowners and -others, who sold them for the remainder of their term to the highest -bidders. The term of service, which was at first five years, was -reduced by the Act of 1638 to four years. Upon the expiration of his -indenture a servant was entitled to fifty acres of land and a year’s -supply of necessaries. These servants were called “Redemptioners,” -and many of them became valuable citizens. After the Restoration the -practice of kidnapping men in English seaports and selling them as -servants in the colonies became very common. Among the Maryland papers -is the petition of one Mrs. Beale to the king, complaining that the -master of a ship had taken her brother as his apprentice on a voyage to -Maryland, and there sold him as a servant. The lord mayor and aldermen -of London complained to the Council that “certain persons, called -spirits, do inveigle, and, by lewd subtilities, entice away” youth to -be sold as servants in the plantations. Owing to its equable climate, -Maryland had more of these indented servants than any other colony, and -the statute book contains many acts relating to them. The practice of -sending convicts to America, however, was warmly resisted, and in 1676 -an act was passed to prevent it. - -A temporary exception to the universal religious toleration, which was -a capital principle of government in Maryland, occurred in the case -of the Quakers. The first Quaker missionaries appeared in Maryland -in 1657. Two years later other preachers of that sect visited the -Province and caused “considerable convincement.” Their refusal to bear -arms, or to subscribe the engagement of fidelity, or to give testimony, -or to serve as jurors, was mistaken for sedition. - -[Illustration: CECIL, SECOND LORD BALTIMORE. - -[See the Critical Essay for an account of this picture.—ED.]] - -On July 23, 1659, under Fendall’s administration, an order was passed -directing that if “any of the vagabonds and idle persons known by the -name of Quakers” should again come into the Province, the justices -of the peace should arrest them and cause them to be whipped from -constable to constable out of the Province. There is no evidence that -this penalty was ever enforced. The most active Quaker missionary -simply received a sentence of banishment; and after the suppression of -Fendall’s rebellion there was no persecution of the Quakers. They found -a refuge in Maryland from the intolerance of New England and Virginia. -In 1672 George Fox arrived in the Province and attended two “general -meetings for all Maryland Friends,” which he describes in his journal -as having been largely attended, not only by Quakers but by “other -people, divers of whom were of considerable quality in the world’s -account.” Maryland was also sought by many French, Bohemian, and Dutch -families. In 1666 the first act of naturalization was passed admitting -certain French and Bohemians to the rights of citizenship, and from -that time forward numerous similar acts were passed. - -On the 30th of November, 1675, died Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, after -having inscribed his name upon one of the fairest pages in the history -of America. The magnificent heritage left him by his father was -beset with difficulties; but his courage, perseverance, and skill -had triumphed over the hostility of Virginia and the intrigues of -Clayborne, over domestic insurrection and Puritan hatred. The first -ruler who established and maintained religious toleration is entitled -to enduring honor in the eyes of posterity. His name is that of one -of the most enlightened and magnanimous statesmen who ever founded a -commonwealth. - -In the year following his death, Governor Charles Calvert, now the Lord -Proprietary, called an assembly at which a thorough revision of the -laws of the Province was made. Among the laws continued in force was -the Toleration Act of 1649. In the same year Lord Baltimore appointed -Thomas Notley deputy-governor, and then sailed for England, where he -remained three years. Upon his arrival he found that a clergyman of -the Church of England, named Yeo, residing in Maryland, had written -to the Archbishop of Canterbury, under the date of 25th May, 1676, -begging him to solicit from Lord Baltimore an established support -for the Protestant ministry. “Here are ten or twelve counties,” he -writes, “and in them at least twenty thousand souls, and but three -Protestant ministers of the Church of England. The priests are provided -for, and the Quakers take care of those that are speakers, but no -care is taken to build up churches in the Protestant religion. The -Lord’s day is profaned. Religion is despised, and all notorious vices -are committed, so that it is become a Sodom of uncleanness and a -pest-house of iniquity.” There is reason to believe that this letter -was an exaggerated libel. At any rate the writer considered it easy to -cure the evil. It would be sufficient to impose an established church -upon the Province. The Archbishop referred the letter to the Bishop -of London, who asked the Privy Council to “prevail with Baltimore to -settle a revenue for the ministry in his province.” The Privy Council -wrote to Baltimore communicating the unfavorable information with -regard to the dissolute life of the inhabitants of his province, -and desiring an account of the number of Established and Dissenting -ministers there. Lord Baltimore replied that in every county of -the Province there were a sufficient number of churches which were -supported by the voluntary contributions of those attending them, and -that there were, to his knowledge, four clergymen of the Church of -England in the Province. He also urged that at least three fourths -of the inhabitants were Presbyterians, Independents, Baptists, and -Quakers, the members both of the Church of England and of the Church -of Rome being the fewest, “so that it will be a most difficult task -to draw such persons to consent unto a law which shall compel them -to maintain ministers of a contrary persuasion to themselves, they -having already assurance by an Act for Religion that they shall have -all freedom in point of religion and divine worship, and no penalties -imposed upon them in that particular.” The Council, however, directed -that some provision should be made for the ministry of the Church of -England, and that the laws against vice should be enforced. Baltimore -returned to Maryland in 1680, but nothing was done to carry out the -orders of the Council. - -Soon after his return the restless Fendall, in conjunction with John -Coode, attempted to stir up an insurrection of the Protestants against -the Proprietary. Baltimore, having early notice of the proceedings, -arrested Fendall. He was punished by fine and banishment, and the -enterprise ended almost as soon as it began. The great preponderance -of the Protestant population, and the course of affairs in England -were fast making the position of a Catholic Proprietary untenable. -Complaints of the favor shown to Catholics were constantly sent to -England. In October, 1681, the Privy Council wrote to Baltimore that -impartiality must be shown in admitting Catholics and Protestants -to the council and in the distribution of arms. In reply to these -complaints a declaration was issued in May, 1682, signed by twenty-five -Protestants of the Church of England residing in the Province. This -declaration certified that places of honor, trust, and profit were -conferred on the most qualified, without any regard to the religion -of the participants, and that in point of fact most of the offices -were filled with Protestants, one half of the council, and by far -the greater part of the justices of the peace and militia officers, -being Protestants. The subscribers published to the world the general -freedom and privilege which all the inhabitants of the Province enjoyed -in their lives, liberties, and estates, and in the free and public -exercise of their religion. - -The first Proprietary had finally come off successful in the long -contest for his territory with Virginia and Clayborne. The second -Proprietary was now called upon to begin a longer and less successful -struggle with William Penn. The charter limits of Maryland included the -present State of Delaware and a large part of Pennsylvania. In 1638 -a settlement of Swedes was made on the Delaware, which was brought -under subjection to the government of the States General in 1655.[872] -In 1659 the governor and council, in pursuance of Lord Baltimore’s -instructions, ordered Colonel Utie to “repair to the pretended governor -of a people seated on the Delaware Bay, within his lordship’s province, -and to require them to depart the province.” Utie had an interview with -the authorities of New Amstel, and threatened them with war in case -of a refusal to leave. They replied that the matter must be left to -their principals in England and Holland. Towards the close of the year -the Dutch sent Augustine Hermann and Resolved Waldron as ambassadors -to Maryland. They had an interview with the governor and council in -which the claim of Holland to the territory in question was formally -presented. The governor asserted the title of Lord Baltimore and -demanded the submission of the settlements. This demand was rejected -and the interview terminated. The Dutch power in America was soon -after brought to an end by the Duke of York, to whom Charles II. in -1664 granted all the territory between the Connecticut and Delaware -rivers.[873] In 1680 Penn asked for a grant of the territory west of -the Delaware and north of Maryland. In his patent, which passed the -seals in March, 1681, the southern boundary of his province was a -“circle of twelve miles drawn around New Castle to the beginning of -the forty degrees of latitude,”—a description which it was impossible -to gratify. In April, 1681, the King wrote to Baltimore notifying him -of Penn’s grant, and directing him to aid Penn in seating himself, and -to appoint some persons to make a division between the provinces, in -conjunction with Penn’s agents.[874] Lord Baltimore met Penn’s deputy, -in September, 1682, at Upland (now Chester), when it was found, by a -precise observation, that the fortieth degree of latitude was beyond -Upland itself. The knowledge of this fact caused Penn to be anxious to -obtain a grant of Delaware. Though the Duke of York’s grant did not -extend south of the Delaware, Penn, by dint of importunity, obtained -from him in August, 1682, a grant of the territory twelve miles around -New Castle, and southward, along the river, to Cape Henlopen. Penn -asked for that which he knew to be within the boundaries of Maryland, -and beyond the power of the Duke to grant. He also received a release -of the Duke’s claim to the territory of Pennsylvania, and soon -afterwards sailed for his province. - -On August 19, 1682, he had procured from the King a letter to Baltimore -directing the latter to hasten the adjustment of the boundaries. An -interview between the two Proprietaries took place in December, when -Penn handed to Lord Baltimore the King’s letter. Baltimore insisted -upon the fortieth degree as his northern boundary, and the conference -was fruitless. They had another interview, at New Castle, in the -following year, which also made it apparent that no agreement between -the rival Proprietaries was possible. Penn now raised against the -Maryland charter an objection similar to that which had been urged by -Virginia and Clayborne,—that Delaware had been settled by the Dutch -before the grant of the charter, and that, if this were not the case, -Baltimore had forfeited his rights by failure to extend his settlements -there. - -Both Penn and Lord Baltimore now resolved to go to England to -contest the matter before the King and Council. Baltimore called an -assembly—the last over which he presided in person—in April, 1684. He -acquainted them with the necessity he was under of going to England, -and assured them that his stay would be no longer than requisite for -the decision of the differences between Penn and himself. The Assembly -then proceeded to revise the laws of the Province; after which the -Proprietary appointed a council of nine, under the presidency of -William Joseph, to govern the Province during his absence, and sailed -for England. Baltimore found that he was no match in court influence -for Penn. In November, 1685, the Board of Trade decided that the -Maryland charter included only “lands uncultivated and inhabited by -savages, and that the territory along the Delaware had been settled by -Christians antecedently to his grant, and was therefore not included in -it;” and they directed that the peninsula between the two bays should -be divided equally by a line drawn from the latitude of Cape Henlopen -to the fortieth degree, and that the western portion was Baltimore’s -and the eastern Penn’s. The Revolution, however, came in time to -prevent the execution of this decision, and the vexed question was not -finally settled till the middle of the following century. - -The accession of James II. brought increased danger to Lord Baltimore. -To a king who designed the subversion of the liberties of the colonies -as well as of England, the liberal charter of Maryland was especially -odious. In April, 1687, an order in Council was made directing the -prosecution of a writ of _quo warranto_ against the Maryland charter. -In that age the issuing of such a writ seldom failed to achieve its -object; but before judgment could be obtained against Baltimore the -Revolution of 1688 had occurred, and the Stuart dynasty was at an end. -The tidings that a writ had been issued against Baltimore’s charter -alarmed the imaginations of the provincials. When the Assembly met in -November, 1688, President Joseph sought to counteract this state of -feeling in a manner which only served to increase the anxiety. In his -opening speech he claimed his right to rule _jure divino_, tracing -it from God to the King, from the King to the Proprietary, and from -the Proprietary to himself. He then took the unprecedented step of -demanding an oath of fidelity from the Houses. The burgesses at first -refused, and were with difficulty persuaded to yield. The Assembly -showed its loyalty to the monarch, who was then a fugitive from his -kingdom, by passing an act for a perpetual thanksgiving for the birth -of the prince, and fixed a commemoration of it each succeeding tenth -day of June. - -Upon the accession of William and Mary the Privy Council directed -Lord Baltimore to cause their majesties to be proclaimed in Maryland. -He immediately despatched a messenger with orders to his council to -proclaim the king and queen with the usual ceremonies. This messenger -unfortunately died at Plymouth, and, although William and Mary had -been acknowledged in the other colonies, the Maryland council shrank -from acting without orders from the Proprietary, while they alarmed -the inhabitants by collecting arms and ammunition. Information of -this delay was sent to the Board of Trade from Virginia. Baltimore -was consequently summoned before it, when he explained that he -had sent the required directions to Maryland, but that they had -failed to arrive. He was ordered to despatch duplicate instructions, -but before they reached the Province the Proprietary’s power was -overthrown. The absence of all colonial records from the close of the -session of 1688 to the year 1692 makes it difficult to understand the -exact cause of this revolution. Enough appears from other sources, -however, to show that it was a rebellion fostered by falsehood and -intimidation,—“a provincial Popish plot.” In April, 1689, John Coode -and other disaffected persons formed “An Association in arms for -the defence of the Protestant religion, and for asserting the right -of King William and Queen Mary to the Province of Maryland and all -the English dominions.” Early in July they began to gather in large -numbers on the Potomac. They alleged that the Catholics had invited the -northern Indians to join them in a general massacre of the Protestants -in the following month, and that they had taken arms to defeat this -conspiracy. When a similar rumor had been set on foot, in the preceding -March, a declaration had been published, signed by several of those -who were now Associators, asserting that the subscribers had examined -into all the circumstances of the pretended design, and “found it to be -nothing but a sleveless fear and imagination fomented by the artifice -of some ill-minded persons.” But in July the Association availed itself -of this baseless rumor to obtain the adherence of those who were -foolish enough to believe it; while to others they asserted that their -purpose was only to proclaim William and Mary. - -By these means the neutrality or support of the greater part of the -population was secured, and the Associators moved upon St. Mary’s. -The council prepared for resistance, but, upon the approach of Coode -with greatly superior forces, they surrendered the State House and -the provincial records. The Association then published a “Declaration -of the reasons and motives for the present appearing in arms of their -Majesties’ Protestant subjects in the Province of Maryland.” This -Declaration, dated July 25, 1689, signed by Coode and many others, was -printed at St. Mary’s.[875] It is an ingenious and able paper, but -certainly an audacious calumny, which could only have found credence -in England. It set forth that, by the contrivances of Lord Baltimore -and his officers, “the tyranny under which we groan is palliated,” and -“our grievances shrouded from the eye of observation and the hand of -redress.” These grievances were then stated in general terms. In the -mean time Joseph and his council retired to a fort on the Patuxent. -When Coode marched against them with several hundred men they were -again compelled to surrender, and the Associators became masters of -the situation. On the third of August, 1689, they sent an address -to the king and queen congratulating them upon having restored the -laws and liberties of England to their “ancient lustre, purity, and -splendor,” and declaring that, without the expense of a drop of blood, -they had rescued the government of Maryland from the hands of their -enemies, and would hold it securely till a settlement thereof should -be made. A convention was called to meet on the 23d of August, to which -however several counties refused to send delegates. The convention -sent an address to the King asking that their rights and religion -might be secured under a Protestant government. The matter was now -to be determined in England, and addresses from all the counties and -from both parties poured in to the King. Many Protestants favored the -Proprietary, and, in their addresses, denounced the falsehoods of the -Associators. A number of the Protestants of Kent County declared in -their address that “we have here enjoyed many halcyon days under the -immediate government of Charles, Lord Baron of Baltimore, and his -honorable father, ... by charter of your royal progenitors, wherein our -rights and freedoms are so interwoven with his Lordship’s prerogative -that we have always had the same liberties and privileges secured to -us as other of your Majesty’s subjects in the Kingdom of England.” The -greater number of signers, however, sided with the revolutionists. -A friend of Lord Baltimore wrote that “people in debt think it the -bravest time that ever was. No courts open nor no law proceedings, -which they pray may continue as long as they live.” The same writer -asserted that the best men and the best Protestants stood stiffly up -for the Proprietary’s interest. - -Those who had benefited by a Protestant Revolution in England were -naturally disposed to look with favor upon a similar Revolution in -America. And thus it came to pass that the Proprietary government “fell -without a crime.” - -King William on Feb. 1, 1690, in pursuance of the recommendation of -the committee of the Council for Trade and Plantations, wrote to -those in the administration of Maryland, acknowledging the receipt of -their addresses and approving their motives for taking up arms. He -authorized them to continue in the administration, and in the mean -time to preserve the public peace. Lord Baltimore struggled hard to -retain his province, although his chance of obtaining justice was -desperate. He presented to the King and Council various affidavits and -narratives showing the falsity of the charges against his government. -In January, 1690, he petitioned the Board of Trade to grant a hearing -to such inhabitants and merchants as had lived in and dealt with -Maryland for upwards of twenty-five years, at the same time forwarding -a list of their names. A few days later he requested the Board to -hear his account of the disturbances, to the end that the government -might be restored to him. In August, however, the Council directed -the attorney-general to proceed by _scire facias_ against Baltimore’s -charter. Chief-Justice Holt had previously given an opinion that the -King could appoint a governor of Maryland whose authority would be -legal; and the attorney-general and solicitor-general were directed to -draft a commission of governor. - -On the 12th of March, 1691, Queen Mary wrote to the Grand Committee -of Maryland that the Province was taken under the King’s immediate -superintendence, that Copley would be governor, and, until his -arrival, they were to administer the government in the names of their -Majesties. In the following August Sir Lionel Copley was commissioned -by the king and queen. He reached Maryland early in 1692, and the -Province became a royal colony for a quarter of a century. The -Proprietary was still allowed to receive his quit-rents and export -duty, but all his other prerogatives were at an end. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE earliest publication relating to Maryland was a pamphlet which -appeared in London in 1634. It is entitled _A Relation of the -Successful Beginnings of the Lord Baltemore’s Plantation in Maryland: -being an extract of certaine Letters written from thence by some of the -Adventurers to their friends in England_.[876] The similarity of the -language of this relation with Father White’s _Relatio Itineris_ would -seem to show that he was its author. The relation describes the first -settlement and the products of the soil, and narrates the naïve wonder -of the Indians at the big ships and the thunder of the guns. It is -dated “From Saint Marie’s in Maryland, 27 May, 1634.” - -The next publication was, _A Relation of Maryland_, London, Sept. 8, -1635,—a work of great value to the student. It was evidently prepared -under the direction of Lord Baltimore, and is an extensive colonizing -programme. It recounts the planting of the colony and their intercourse -with the Indians, and describes the commodities which the country -naturally afforded and those that might be procured by industry. It -also contains the “conditions propounded by the Lord Baltemore to -such as shall goe or adventure into Maryland,” and gives elaborate -instructions as to what the adventurers should take with them, together -with an estimate of the cost of transporting servants and providing -them with necessaries.[877] - -A very full account of the voyage of the “Ark and Dove” to Maryland -is contained in a letter written by Father Andrew White, S. J., to -the General of the Order. The originals of this letter, as well as of -different letters from the Jesuit missionaries in Maryland from 1635 -to 1677, were discovered, about fifty years ago, by the Rev. W. M. -Sherry, who was afterwards Provincial of the Jesuits in Maryland, in -the archives of the Society in Rome. The copy he then made of these -manuscripts is now in the possession of Loyola College, Baltimore. In -1874 and 1877 the Maryland Historical Society published this _Relatio -Itineris_, and extracts from the annual letters, in the original -Mediæval Latin, with a translation by Mr. Josiah Holmes Converse. -This publication also contains an account of the colony in which the -character of the country and its numerous sources of wealth are set -forth in the glowing colors of anticipation. The original of this -_Declaratio Coloniæ_ was also found at Rome. It was probably written -by Lord Baltimore soon after the grant of his patent, and sent to the -General of the Society at the time of his request that priests might be -sent out to the colony. These publications are enriched with the notes -of the late Rev. E. A. Dalrymple, S. T. D.[878] then Corresponding -Secretary of the Maryland Historical Society. The letters, which have -been frequently used in the preceding narrative, throw much light -upon the early days of the Province, and give a vivid picture of the -activity of the missionaries.[879] - -The reduction of Maryland at the time of the Commonwealth caused -several pamphlets upon its affairs to be published in London. The first -of these was _The Lord Baltemore’s case concerning the Province of -Maryland, adjoyning to Virginia in America with full and clear answers -to all material objections touching his Rights, jurisdiction, and -Proceedings there_, etc. London, 1653. This tract was probably called -forth by the report of the committee of the Navy on Maryland affairs -in December, 1652. Although written by Lord Baltimore, or under his -direction, it is a temperate and reliable statement. It contains his -reasons of state why it would be more advantageous for the Commonwealth -to keep Maryland and Virginia separate. - -An answer to this pamphlet was published in London in 1655, entitled, -_Virginia and Maryland, or The Lord Baltemore’s printed case uncased -and answered_, etc.[880] This work is of value in giving a full -statement of the Puritan side of the controversy down to 1655. It has -the proceedings in Parliament in 1652 relating to Maryland, copies of -the instructions of the commissioners for the reduction, and other -documents. - -There are four pamphlets bearing upon the battle of Providence in -March, 1655. The first is called, _An additional brief narrative of a -late Bloody design against The Protestants in Ann Arundel County and -Severn in Maryland in the County of Virginia.... Set forth by Roger -Heaman, Commander of the Ship Golden Lyon, an eye-witness there_. -London, July 24, 1655. The author gives a detailed but unfair account -of the fight, and of his connection with it, and of the previous -proceedings of Governor Stone. Heamans was answered by John Hammond, -“a sufferer in these calamities,” in a tract, called _Hammond_ vs. -_Heamans; Or, an answer to an audacious pamphlet published by an -impudent and ridiculous fellow named Roger Heamans_, etc. The author -was the person despatched by Stone, early in 1655, to remove the -records from Patuxent. He declares that he “went unarmed amongst these -sons of Thunder, and myself alone seized and carried away the records -in defiance.” In the same year were published both _Babylon’s Fall in -Maryland_, etc., by Leonard Strong, and John Langford’s _Refutation of -Babylon’s Fall_, etc. Strong, the author of the former pamphlet, was -one of the leading Puritans of Providence, and afterwards their agent -in London, where he wrote the tract. It is a party work, containing a -garbled statement of the facts. Langford’s _Refutation_ has a letter -from Governor Stone’s wife to Lord Baltimore describing the conduct of -the Puritans and their treatment of her husband. Langford was rewarded -for this work by Lord Baltimore with a gift of fifteen hundred acres of -land in Maryland.[881] - -In 1656 John Hammond published his _Leah and Rachel; or, the Two -fruitfull Sisters Virginia and Maryland_. _Their present condition -impartially stated and related_, etc.[882] This pamphlet is favorable -to Lord Baltimore and condemns the Puritans. - -A highly curious production is, _A Character of the Province of -Maryland_, by George Alsop. London, 1666.[883] Alsop had been an -indented servant in Maryland, and gives a favorable account of the -condition of Maryland apprentices. The tract is written in a jocular -style, and was designed to encourage emigration to the Province. It -contains some interesting details concerning the Indian tribes. - -Various causes, chief among which are Ingle’s Rebellion, time, and -negligence, have resulted in the destruction of a large part of the -early records of the Province. The principal portion of what now -remains relating to the period before the Protestant Revolution is -contained in the following manuscript folio volumes:— - - 1. Liber Z. The Proprietary Record-book from 1637-1642. This is - the oldest record-book extant. It contains a full account of the - proceedings of the Assembly held in 1638, and of the process against - William Lewis for his violation of the proclamation prohibiting - religious disputes. This volume also has the records of the Council - acting as a county court, and of proceedings in testamentary causes. - Many of the original signatures of Leonard Calvert, Secretary Lewger, - and others are scattered through the volume. - - 2. A. 1647-1651. The original second Record-book of the Province. The - first fifty-eight pages and several of the last are wanting. It has in - it proceedings of assemblies, court records, appointments to office, - demands and surveys of land, wills, etc. - - 3. Y. 1649-1669. Journals and acts of different assemblies, - commissions from the Proprietary, etc. This volume contains the - Toleration Act of 1649[884] and the proceedings of Fendall’s - revolutionary assembly in 1660. - - 4. H. H. 1656-1668. Council proceedings. The original volume - containing instructions from the Proprietary, commissions of Fendall - and others, ordinances, and the proceedings against the Quakers.[885] - - 5. A. M. 1669-1673. Council Proceedings. A copy probably made in the - last century. - - 6. F. 1637-1642. Council Proceedings and other documents in vol. i. of - the Land-Office Records. This copy of the original, which is lost, was - made in the first quarter of the eighteenth century, and is certified - by a Judge of the Provincial Court to be correct. This volume contains - Governor Leonard Calvert’s commission, Clayborne’s petition to the - King, orders of the Privy Council, etc. - - - 7. A. 1647-1650. Council and Court Proceedings. Some part of the - original is lost. A copy in vol. ii. of the Land-Office Records. - - 8. B. 1648-1657. Council and Court Proceedings and Acts of Assembly. - The original is lost. A copy is in vols. i. and iii. of the - Land-Office Records. This volume contains the proceedings of Captain - Fuller’s council and of the Puritan Assembly in 1654, lists of - servants for whose importation land was demanded, etc. - - 9. Vellum folio. 1636-1657. Council Proceedings. A copy made in the - eighteenth century. This volume has Stone’s commission, the conditions - of plantation in 1648 and 1649, the proceedings of Bennett and - Clayborne in the reduction of Maryland, and of Stone and the Puritans. - The documents in this volume are not arranged in chronological order. - - 10. Vellum folio. 1637-1658. Proceedings of Assemblies. A copy. - - 11. F. F. 1659-1699. Upper House Journals. A copy. Contains a full - account of the proceedings. - - 12. X. 1661-1663. Council-book. This original volume contains - instructions from the Proprietary to Philip Calvert and Fendall, - demands and grants of land, etc. - - 13. 1676-1702. Votes and Proceedings of the Lower House. A copy made - by the State Librarian in 1838 from the original papers, which are - not now to be found. It has the proceedings of the Assemblies in - 1676,1683, and 1684. - - 14. C. B. 1683-1684. The original Council-book for land. - -The first five of the above volumes are in the possession of the -Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, having been entrusted to its -guardianship by a resolution of the Legislature in 1847. The remaining -folios are in the Land Office at Annapolis. - -The three following manuscript volumes are in the office of the Clerk -of the Court of Appeals, at Annapolis:— - - 15. Liber W. H. Laws: erroneously lettered on the back 1676-1678. - This volume contains laws made at different Assemblies from 1640 to - 1688. They are not placed in strict chronological order. These copies - were made in the seventeenth century, and many of the transcripts are - attested by Philip Calvert as _Cancellarius_. - - 16. W. H. and L. 1640-1692. Laws made at some of the Assemblies held - during these years. - - 17. C. and W. H. 1638-1678. Laws. A copy from older books made in - 1726, and certified to be correct. - -The two following original volumes are in the State Library at -Annapolis:— - - 18. Proprietary, 1642-1644. Contains proceedings of the Council - sitting as the Provincial Court, proclamations, commissions, etc. A - part of this volume has been transcribed into one of the Land-Office - Records. - - 19. Provincial Court of Maryland. Records. March, 1658-November, 1662. - This volume is in bad condition and several pages are wanting. It - contains the records of the Council as a Court, oaths of officers, - depositions, etc. - -A calendar of the state papers contained in Nos. 1-13 of the above -volumes, and in some of a later date, was compiled in 1860 by the Rev. -Ethan Allen, under the direction of J. H. Alexander.[886] No systematic -publication of extracts from these records has ever been made. After -the death of Mr. S. F. Streeter, in 1864, his large collection of -manuscripts pertaining to the provincial history of Maryland was -placed in the hands of Henry Stockbridge Esq., who prepared them for -publication, and in 1876 some extracts from these with notes by Mr. -Stockbridge were published by the Maryland Historical Society in a -volume entitled, _Papers Relating to the Early History of Maryland_, by -S. F. Streeter. This volume contains the proceedings and acts of the -Assembly of 1638, with a list of the members and their occupations, the -record of the case against William Lewis, the first will, the first -marriage license and various court proceedings. - -The Legislature of Maryland at its January session, 1882, passed an -act directing that all the records and state papers belonging to the -period prior to the Revolution be transferred to the custody of the -Maryland Historical Society, and appropriating the sum of two thousand -dollars to be expended by the Society in the publication of extracts -from these documents. - -In 1694, when the capital was removed from St. Mary’s to -Annapolis,—then called Anne Arundel Town,—the Assembly directed that -the records should be transported on horses, and in bags sealed with -the great seal and covered with hides. The persons charged with this -duty afterward reported to the Assembly that they had safely delivered -the books to the sheriff of Anne Arundel County. There is a full list -of these volumes in the Journal of the Lower House, and one perceives -with regret that the greater part of them no longer exist. Many state -papers were greatly damaged during this removal, and others were -lost in the fire which destroyed the State House in 1704. When the -government of the Province was restored to Lord Baltimore in 1716, an -act was passed appointing commissioners to inspect the records and to -employ clerks to transcribe and bind them. The preamble to the act set -forth the loss of several important records, and that a great part of -what remained was “much worn and damnified;” which was partly owing to -the want of proper books at first. On such general revisions of the -laws as were made in 1676, 1692, and at other times, it was customary -to make transcripts in a “Book of Laws” only of those acts which were -continued in force. The record of the laws not re-enacted was then -neglected. - -Very little care was bestowed upon the state papers generally. Many -of the volumes cited by Bacon in his _Laws of Maryland_, published in -1765, are not now to be found. In 1836 the State librarian (Ridgely) -made three reports to the governor and council upon the early records, -which contain a partial list of those then discovered. He says that in -the treasury department he found “the remains of two large sea-chests -and one box which had contained records and files of papers which were -in a state of total ruin.” He also discovered many early records, whose -existence had not been suspected, in different public offices, and some -“under the stairway as you ascend the dome.”[887] - -Other original authorities for the history of the Province, second in -importance only to its own records, are the documents preserved in the -state-paper office in London. The peculiar nature of the palatinate -proprietorship of Maryland, and the fact that the Proprietary -generally resided in England, have caused the Maryland papers to be -more abundant than those of any other colony. It was customary to -send to the Proprietary documents concerning all the public affairs -of the Province. A large number of these, as well as of the papers -directly transmitted to the Privy Council or the Board of Trade, are -in the state-paper office.[888] In 1852 Mr. George Peabody gave to -the Maryland Historical Society a manuscript index, prepared by Henry -Stevens, to the Maryland papers, then accessible in that office. This -index contains abstracts of 1,729 documents relating to Maryland -affairs between the years 1626 and 1780; and the abstracts are somewhat -more full than those in Sainsbury’s _Calendars of State Papers_.[889] - -Additional papers have been placed in the state-paper office since -the Peabody Index was made, and it is therefore necessary to consult -both calendars. There are other manuscripts relating to Maryland in -the British Museum, the Bodleian Library, and elsewhere in England, of -which no calendars have been published.[890] - -[Illustration] - -A letter of Captain Thomas Yong to Sir Tobie Matthew, written from -Virginia in July, 1634, describes his interviews with Clayborne and -Captain Cornwallis, and passes an unfavorable judgment upon the -former. Yong gives an account of various plots of Clayborne and other -Virginians against the colony at St. Mary’s, and of Clayborne’s refusal -to attend a conference which had been arranged for the adjustment of -the controversy. The letter is printed in _Documents connected with the -history of South Carolina_, edited by P. C. J. Weston, London, 1856, -p. 29, and in 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._ ix. p. 81 (Aspinwall Papers), and -in the Appendix to Streeter’s _Papers Relating to the Early History of -Maryland_. - - * * * * * - -There are scarcely any remains of the buildings erected in the Province -before 1688. Lord Baltimore wrote to the Lords of the Committee for -Trade and Plantations in 1678 that “the principal place or town is -called St. Mary’s where the General Assembly and provincial court are -kept, and whither all ships trading there do in the first place resort; -but it can hardly be called a town, it being in length by the water -about five miles, and in breadth upwards towards the land not above one -mile,—in all which space, excepting only my own house and buildings -wherein the said courts and offices are kept, there are not above -thirty houses, and those at considerable distance from each other, and -the buildings (as in all other parts of the Province), very mean and -little, and generally after the manner of the meanest farm-houses in -England. Other places we have none that are called or can be called -towns, the people there not affecting to build near each other, but -so as to have their houses near the water for convenience of trade, -and their lands on each side of and behind their houses, by which it -happens that in most places there are not above fifty houses in the -space of thirty miles.”[891] - -The principal building at St. Mary’s was the State House, erected in -1674, at a cost of 330,000 pounds of tobacco. In 1720 it was given to -the parish of William and Mary to be used as a church; and in 1830, -being very much decayed, it was pulled down, and a new edifice built in -the neighborhood. Lord Baltimore’s house—called the Castle—stood on -the plain of St. Mary’s, at the head of St. John’s Creek. The spot is -marked by a few mouldering bricks and broken tiles, and a square pit -overgrown with bushes.[892] At St. Inigoe’s manor, near St. Mary’s, -there is preserved the original round table at which the first council -sat, besides a few other relics.[893] - -The earliest historian of Maryland was George Chalmers, whose -_Political Annals of the present United Colonies_ was published in -London in 1780. Chalmers was a Maryland lawyer, who returned to England -at the outbreak of the Revolution. He had access to the English state -papers in writing his work, and his account of Maryland is fair and, -for the most part, accurate.[894] - -The ablest man who has written upon the history of the Province was -John V. L. McMahon. He was born in Cumberland, Maryland, in 1800, -and, after graduating at Princeton, began the practice of the law in -Maryland, where he soon became one of the leaders of a very able bar. -The first volume of his _Historical view of the Government of Maryland -from its Colonization to the Present Day_ was published in 1831. Though -the author did not die till 1871, this volume was never followed by -its promised successor. The manuscript of the second volume is in the -possession of McMahon’s heirs. The volume published brings the history -of the Province down to the Revolution, but its strictly historical -part is less than one half of the whole, and treats the subject only -in outline. The remainder of the book is devoted to an examination of -the legal aspects of the charter, the sources of Maryland law, and the -distribution of legislative power under the State government. The work -is founded on an original study of the records, so far as was thought -necessary for its limited historical scope.[895] - -_The History of Maryland from its first settlement in 1633 to the -Restoration in 1660_, in two volumes, by John Leeds Bozman, was -published in 1837. The manuscript of this work was offered to the State -in 1834, after the death of its author, on condition of its being -printed within two years. The offer was accepted by the Legislature, -and the book was published under its direction. The first volume is -introductory, and the history of the Province proper is contained in -the second volume. The work is based on an exact study of the original -records, and is a very careful and accurate summary in great detail. -Bozman did not have access to the papers preserved in the English -state-paper office, and much other material has been brought to light -since he wrote. His strict pursuance of the chronological order often -results in sacrificing the interest of the narrative. The appendix -to the second volume has a valuable collection of extracts from the -records. The work as a whole may be said to furnish materials for -the history of the Province rather than to be the finished history -itself.[896] - -_The History of Maryland from its first Settlement, in 1634, to -the year 1848_, in one volume, by James McSherry, a lawyer of -Frederick City, Maryland, was first published in 1849. It is written -in an agreeable style, and, so far as relates to the period under -consideration, gives a clear summary of the leading occurrences, but -does not appear to have been founded on original investigation of the -sources. - -In Burnap’s _Life of Leonard Calvert_, published in Sparks’s _American -Biography_,[897] there is an excellent history of the colony to the -death of Governor Calvert in 1647. Dr. Burnap was for many years pastor -of the Unitarian Church in Baltimore. His chief authorities were Bozman -and Father White’s _Relatio Itineris_. - -To Mr. George Lynn-Lachlan Davis, a member of the Baltimore Bar, who -died a few years ago, is due the credit of having settled the vexed -question of the religious faith of the legislators who passed the -Toleration Act of 1649. His work was based on an examination of wills, -rent-rolls, and other records. His conclusions are those stated in the -preceding narrative. The result of his investigations was published in -1855 in a volume entitled, _The Day Star of American Freedom: or, The -Birth and Early Growth of Toleration in the Province of Maryland_. It -also contains a summary of all that is known of the entire personal -history of each member of the Assembly of 1649.[898] - -The Rev. E. D. Neill’s _Terra Mariæ: or, Threads of Maryland Colonial -History_, published in 1867, is a digressive account of the career -of the first Lord Baltimore, with some notices of men more or less -connected with the Province in its early days. He quotes many letters -of the seventeenth century, but rarely refers to the source from which -he drew them.[899] What the volume contains relative to the internal -affairs of the Province is not always accurate. Mr. Neill has published -several pamphlets and articles on the early history of Maryland, in -which he endeavors to show that Maryland never was a Roman Catholic -colony, that a majority of the colonists were from the beginning -Protestants, and that the Church of England was established by the -charter.[900] - -The latest and most comprehensive _History of Maryland_ is that by -Mr. J. T. Scharf, in three octavo volumes, published in 1879. This -work extends from the earliest period to the present day. Mr. Scharf -publishes in full many valuable documents from the English state-paper -office, among which is an English translation of the charter of -Avalon.[901] - -Histories of Kent, Cecil, and some other counties in the State have -also been published.[902] - - * * * * * - - -The subject of religious toleration in Maryland—its causes and -significance—has given rise to much discussion both within and without -the State. We shall refer only to a few of the many pamphlets and -articles which have appeared on this topic. In 1845 the late John P. -Kennedy delivered a discourse before the Maryland Historical Society -on the _Life and Character of the first Lord Baltimore_. He maintained -that toleration was in the charter and not in the Act of 1649, and that -as much credit was due to the Protestant prince who granted as to the -Catholic nobleman who received the patent, and that the settlement of -the Province was mainly a commercial speculation. This discourse was -reviewed in 1846 by Mr. B. U. Campbell, who contended with so much show -of reason that the honor of the policy of toleration must be attributed -to the Proprietary and the first settlers, that Mr. Kennedy felt called -upon in the same year to reply to the review.[903] In 1855 the Rev. -Ethan Allen published a pamphlet on _Maryland Toleration_, in which he -upheld Clayborne’s side of the controversy with Lord Baltimore, denied -that Maryland was a Catholic colony, and asserted that protection to -all religions was guaranteed by the charter. This question was also -referred to in the discussion between Mr. Gladstone and Cardinal -Manning, concerning the Vatican decrees, in 1875. Cardinal Manning -had pointed to the toleration established by Catholics in Maryland to -refute Mr. Gladstone’s assertion that the Roman Church of this day -would, if she could, use torture and force in matters of religious -belief. Mr. Gladstone replied, in his _Vaticanism_, that toleration in -Maryland was really defensive, and its purpose was to secure the free -exercise of the Catholic religion, because it was apprehended that the -Puritans would flood the Province.[904] - -Students of Maryland history are fortunate in possessing an admirable -edition of the laws of the Province, compiled in 1765 by Thomas Bacon, -chaplain to the last Lord Baltimore. It contains all the laws then in -force, and the titles of all the acts passed in the several assemblies -from the settlement. There are references to the books where the -different acts are recorded, and numerous notes upon historical and -legal points. - -The chief impetus to the study of the history of Maryland and to the -preservation of its archives has been given by the Maryland Historical -Society, which was organized in 1844.[905] One of the originators of -this Society was Mr. Brantz Mayer, an accomplished man of letters, who -until his death, two years ago, was active and efficient in promoting -its welfare. The Society has a large membership and occupies a suitable -building in Baltimore. Its library contains about 20,000 volumes, -including nearly every book relating to the history of Maryland. The -collection of manuscripts bearing upon the Colonial and Revolutionary -history of the State is large and valuable. It has also many rare -American maps, coins, and pamphlets, and a large collection of Maryland -newspapers from the year 1728. The Society has published about eight -volumes, relating chiefly to the history of Maryland. It now has a -permanent publication fund, which it also owes to the generosity of -George Peabody. - -Notwithstanding the loss of many original records, there is still -in the State archives an abundance of historical material which has -never been adequately worked up by any writer. This material is now -better known and more accessible than formerly. Many documents in the -state-paper office are now being made known for the first time by the -calendars published under the direction of the Master of the Rolls. It -is probable that the papers in the British Museum and Bodleian Library -will also be calendared. This varied treasure of interesting and -important material relating to the provincial history of Maryland has -never been thoroughly searched, and the history in which a satisfactory -use of it is made remains to be written. - -[Illustration: - - Signature of W. T. Brantly.] - - - - - INDEX. - -[Reference is commonly made but once to a book if repeatedly mentioned -in the text; but other references are made when additional information -about the book is conveyed.] - - - AA, VAN DER, _Versameling_, 79, 188. - - Abelin, J. P, 167. - - Accomac, 147, 179. - - Achter Kol, 429. - - Acomenticus, charter of, 364; - river, 322. - _See_ Agamenticus. - - Acosta, map in (1598), 196. - - Acquines (Hawkins), 82. - - Adams, _Annals of Portsmouth_, 366. - - Adams, Charles-Francis, Jr., edits _Morton’s New English Canaan_, 348; - on “old planters” about Boston Harbor, 347. - - Adams, Clement, 36, 41, 43, 44, 47. - - Adams, C. K., _Manual of Historical Literature_, 166, 368. - - Adams, Henry, on the Pocahontas story, 162. - - Adams, J. Q., on the New England Confederacy, 354. - - “Admiral”, ship, 171. - - Adventurers in Virginia, 127. - - Agamenticus, 190. _See_ Acomenticus. - - Aggoncy, 184. - - Agnese, Baptista, map (1554), 218; - his portolanos, 218. - - Agostino, 77. - - Agriculture in New England, 316. - - Ahasimus, 422. - - Aitzema, _Histoire_, 415. - - Albany, 390, 407. - - Alcocke, John, autog., 338. - - Alden, John, in Duxbury, 272, 273; - autog., 268; - last survivor of the signers of the Pilgrims’ compact, 271. - - Aldsworth, 321. - - Alexander, James, 452; - his Bill in Chancery, 452. - - Alexander, J. H., 556. - - Alexander, Sir William, 327; - his map, 306, 341; - his grant, 299; - his _Encouragement to Colonies_, 305. - - Alexandria, province of, 306. - - Allard, C., view of New York, 416; - map of New York, 417. - - Allard, _Minor Atlas_, 384, - - Allen, Rev. Ethan, 556, 557, 560; - _St. Ann’s Parish_, 561; - _Maryland Toleration_, 561. - - Allen, James, autog., 319. - - Allen, Nathaniel, 479. - - Allen, S. M., 562. - - Allen, Zachariah, 377; - _Founding of Rhode Island_, 377. - - Allerton, Isaac, 273, 276, 277; - autog., 268; - assistant, 275. - - Allyn, John, 334; - autog, 335, 374. - - Alsop, George, _Province of Maryland_, 555. - - Amadas, Philip, 108, 111, 122. - - Amazons, 118. - - America, part of Asia, 69; - earliest English publications on, 199; - earliest instance of the name on maps, 214. - - American Antiquarian Society, 344. - - Amsterdam, English Brownists in, 261. - - Amyrault, Moses, 474. - - Anderson, J. S. M., _History of the Church of England in the - Colonies_, 155, 286. - - Andress, Lawrence, 436. - - Andringa, Joris, 397. - - Andros, Sir Edmund, his rule in Plymouth, 282; - in Connecticut, 335; - in Rhode Island, 339; - governor of New York, 398, 429; - administration, 400; - knighted, 401; - vice-admiral, 401; - arrests Carteret, 401; - portrait, 402; - governor of New England, 407, 444; - New York added, 409; - in Massachusetts, 321; - imprisoned, 411; - interferes in New Jersey, 433, 434; - collects duties in New Jersey, 431. - - _Andros Tracts_, 362. - - Andrus, Silas, 371. - - Anian straits, 68, 80, 203; - sought by Drake, 69; - gulf, 68; - regnum, 68. - - “Ann”, ship, 292. - - Ann, Cape. _See_ Cape Ann. - - Annapolis in Maryland, 535, 561. - - Anne Arundel county in Maryland, 535; - town, 557. - - Anonaebo, 77. - - Antillæ, 201. - - Antinomian controversy, literature of, 349, 351, 352; - in Rhode Island, 336. - - _Antiquary_, a London periodical, 160. - - Apian’s map (1532), 199. - - Appleton, W. S., 543. - - Aquedneck, 336, 376, 377. _See_ Rhode Island. - - Arber’s _English Garner_, 346. - - Arboledo, Cape, 77. - - _Archæologia Americana_, or Transactions of the American Antiquarian - Society, 123. - - “Archangel”, ship, 175, 191. - - Archdale, 324. - - Archer, Gabriel, 130; - his Relation, 131; - his account of Newport’s explorations, 154. - - Arctic regions, Cabot in, 36, 39; - discoveries in 1586, 42; - bibliographies, 97. - _See_ Northwest Passage. - - Arembec, 170, 185. _See_ Norumbega. - - Arenas, C. de las, 197, 213. - - Argall, Samuel, 159, 301, 305; - arrested, 142; - expedition to Acadia, 140; - elected deputy-governor of Virginia, 141; - on the Maine coast, 178, 179, 193; - at Jamestown, 134, 139. - - Arica, 67. - - “Ark”, ship, 524. - - Arlington, Lord, 150. - - Armor, _Governors of Pennsylvania_, 475. - - Armstrong, Edward, 510, 516; - edits Budd’s _Good Order_, 451; - edits the Penn Correspondence, 506; - on Penn’s landing, 513. - - Arnold, James N., 381. - - Arnold, S. G., _History of Rhode Island_, 376. - - Arran, Earl of, 370. - - Arundell, Earl of, 297. - - Asher, G. M., _Hudson the Navigator_, 99, 104; - _List of Maps and Views of New York_, 417. - - Ashley, Anthony, 207. - - Ashton, Robert, _Works and Life of Robinson_, 286. - - Aspinwall, Colonel Thomas, 350; - his library, 159; - on the Narragansett Patent, 379; - Papers, 164. - - Assacumet, 180. - - Astrolabe, 207. - - Atherton Company, 338. _See_ Narragansett. - - Atkinson, Joseph, _History of Newark_, 456. - - Atlas, earliest marine, 207. - - Atwater, E. E., _History of New Haven Colony_, 375. - - Augusta (Me.), 365. - - Austerfield, 283, 284; - map of vicinity, 259; - church at, 260. - - Avalon, 519, 523; - charter, 561. - - “Ayde”, ship, 87. - - - Baccalaos, 3, 9, 10, 12, 14, 26, 27, 29,32, 37, 42, 56, 101, 185, - 203, 213, 215, 216. - - Backus, Isaac, 377; - _History of New England_, 377; - _Church History of New England_, 377. - - Bacon, Francis, aspersions on Ralegh, 120; - his _Declaration_ about Ralegh, 121; - autog., 121; - his _Certain Considerations_, 247; - _Controversies of the Church of England_, 217. - - Bacon, Leonard, _Genesis of the New England Churches_, 285; - _Thirteen Historical Discourses_, 359, 371; - on New Haven’s civil government, 375. - - Bacon, Nathaniel, Jr., 151. - - Bacon, Thomas, 561; - _Laws of Maryland_, 561. - - Bacon’s laws (Virginia), 152. - - Bacon’s rebellion, 151; - authorities, 164. - - Badajoz, junta at, 4, 48. - - Baffin, William, 93; - autog., 94; - authorities, 99. - - Baffin’s Bay, 99; - Luke Fox’s map, 98. - - Bagaduce, 190. - _See_ Pentagöet. - - Bagnall, Anthony, 131. - - Bagnall, Walter, 322. - - Baillie, R., _Anabaptism_, 288. - - Baker, _Northamptonshire_, 457. - - Balboa, 65. - - Ballard, Edward, 210. - - Baltimore, Lord. _See_ Calvert. - - Baltimore (town), histories of, 561. - - Bamfield, 483. - - Bancroft, George, 154, 160, 162; - on the Cabots, 43; - controversy with Josiah Quincy, 378; - on the Quakers, 509. - - Baptists, 228, 377; - in Pennsylvania, 494. - - Barber, _Connecticut Historical Collections_, 375. - - Barcia, _Ensayo Chronologico_, 48. - - Barclay, Alex., 199, 202. - - Barclay, David, 435. - - Barclay, Robert, 435, 443; - governor of East Jersey, 436; - autog., 436; - his _Apology_, 436, 503. - - Barclay, Robert (of our day), _Inner Life_, 251, 504. - - Bardolo, G. G., 26. - - Barentz, 217. - - Barker, James N., _Settlements on the Delaware_, 463, 512. - - Barker, J. W., _History of New Haven_, 372. - - Barker, Thomas, 435; autog., 484. - - Barlow, S. L. M., _Bibliotheca Barlowiana_, 159. - - Barlow, William, _Navigator’s Supply_, 208. - - Barlowe, Arthur, 108, 122. - - Barney, C. G., 163. - - Barret, Charles, 457. - - Barrow, Sir John, _Chronological History of the Voyages to the Arctic - Regions_, 97; - _Life of Drake_, 79; - _Naval Worthies_, 102. - - Barrowism, 219, 254. - - Barry, J. S., _History of Massachusetts_, 286, 344; - and the Bradford MS., 286. - - Bartlett, John Russell, _Bibliography of Rhode Island_, 354, 380; - _Naval History of Rhode Island_, 380; - _Catalogue of the Library of John Carter Brown_, 380; - edits _Rhode Island Records_, 377. - - Bartlett, W. H., _Pilgrim Fathers_, 258, 284, 292. - - Baudet, _Leven van Blaeu_, 216. - - Bay Psalm-book, 350. - - Baylie, _Dissuasive_, 351. - - Baylies, Francis, _Memoir of New Plymouth_, 291. - - Bayne, Peter, _English Puritanism_, 252. - - Beach, _Indian Miscellany_, 167. - - Beare, James, 102. - - Beauvois, Eugene, _La Norambegue_, 184. - - Becher on Frobisher, 103. - - Bedford, Cape, 90, 91. - - Beechey, _Voyage towards the North Pole_, 98. - - Behaim, Martin, his astrolabe, 207; - globe, 212, 217; - life by Ghillany, 8. - - Behring’s Straits, 69. - - Belknap, Jeremy, _American Biography_, 94, 188, 291; - on Pilgrim history, 291; - founder of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 344; - his life, 344; - papers, 344, 368; - _History of New Hampshire_, 367. - - Bell, C. H., on the Wheelwright deed, 366. - - Belle isle, 213. - - Belleforest, _Cosmographie_, 36. - - Bellingham, Richard, governor of Massachusetts, 318. - - Bennet, Richard, 148, 149, 537. - - Bergen, 422, 428. - - Bergenroth, 57. - - Berkeley, John, 144, 145; - in New Jersey, 422; - autog., 422; - sells his right, 430. - - Berkeley, Sir William, 147, 537; - autog., 147; - governor of Virginia, 149; - _Discourse_, 157. - - Bermuda, 216; - Gates wrecked at, 134, 135, 156. - - Bermuda in Virginia, 138. - - Bernard, _Recueil de voiages_, 188. - - Berry, John, 428, 436, 443. - - Berry, Leonard, 118. - - Bertius, Peter, 46. - - _Beschrijvinghe van Virginia_, 415. - - Besse, Joseph, on William Penn, 505; - _Sufferings of the People called Quakers_, 359, 503. - - Beste, George, _True Discourse_, 36, 102, 204. - - Bevan, Sylvanus, 475. - - Beverley, Robert, _History of Virginia_,164. - - Bezar, John, 479. - - Bible, authority of the, 227, 229. - - Biddle, Craig, 507. - - Biddle, Richard, _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_, 14, 43. - - Biddle, William, 441. - - Billings, Hammatt, 293. - - Billington Sea, 272. - - Binckes, 397. - - Birch, Thomas, _Lives of Bacon_, 121; - General Dictionary, 121. - - Biscayan fishermen, 12. - - Bishop, George, _New England Judged_, 359. - - Bishop, _History of American Manufactures_, 166. - - Bittle, Edward, 515. - - Blackstone, William, autog., 311. - - Blackwell, Captain John, 495. - - Blaeu map (1685) of New England, 381, 384; - atlas, 381; - globes, 216. - - Blagrave, John, _Solace for Navigators_, 208. - - Blanco, Cape, 8, 213. - - Bland, Colonel Richard, 158. - - Blaxton. _See_ Blackstone. - - “Blessing”, ship, 134. - - Block, Adrian, 376; - on the Connecticut River, 368. - - Block Island, 382. - - Blome, Richard, _Present State_, etc., 384, 449. - - Bloody Point (Maine), 367. - - Bloody Statute, The, 231. - - Blue Hills (Massachusetts), 198, 342. - _See_ Cheviot Hills, Massachusetts Mount. - - Blue Laws, 371, 372. - - Blundeville, Thomas, _Universall Maps_, etc., 207; - his _Exercises_, 207, 208, 217. - - Bodega Bay, 74, 75, 80. - - Body of Liberties, 314, 350, 371. - - Bollen, James, autog., 428. - - Bollero’s map, 200. - - Bolling, Robert, 141, 162. - - Bolling, Thomas, 163. - - Bonavista, Cape, 216. - - Booth’s Bay, 191. - - Bordone, _Libro_, 194. - - Boston, 282, 283; - site of, visited by Smith, 179; - by Dermer, 183; - in Smith’s map, 198; - publication of its Record Commissioners, 343; - Harbor, old planters about, 347; - histories of, 362. - - Boterus, _Welt-beschreibung_, 102. - - Bourchier, Sir John, 300. - - Bourje, T. P., map of New York, 418. - - Bourne, Edward E., 210. - - Bourne, William, _Regiment of the Sea_, 207, 208. - - Bouton, Nathaniel, 363, 366; - edits _Provincial Papers_, 367. - - Bowden, _Friends in America_, 314, 504, 508. - - Bowen, C. W., _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, 374. - - Bowen, _Geography_, 185, 188. - - Boyle, Robert, 356; - autog., 356. - - Bozman, J. L., 560; - _History of Maryland_, 559. - - Bradford, Alden, _History of Massachusetts_, 344. - - Bradford Club, 384. - - Bradford, William, notices of him, 289; - _Plymouth Plantation_, 286, 289; - fac-simile of writing, 289, 292; - will, 289; - Bible, 289; - descendants, 289; - _Dialogues_, 289; - letter to Winthrop, 289; - his verses, 289; - part author of _Mourt’s Relation_, 290; - Letter-book, 291; - fac-simile of record of his baptism, 260; - autog., 268, 278; - at Plymouth, 273; - his manuscripts, 283; - life by Cotton Mather, 283. - - Bradford, William, printer, 493, 515, 516. - - Bradstreet, Simon, autog., 338. - - Brain, James, 435. - - Brant, Sebastian, _Ship of Fools_, 199, 201, 202. - - Brantly, William T., “The English in Maryland”, 517. - - Brasil Island, 101. - - Brawnde, Edward, 181. - - Brayton, G. A., _Defence of Gorton_, 354. - - Brazil, Prisilia, 201; - Brasiliam, 201. - - Breda, Treaty of, 395, 415, 421. - - Bremen (Maine), 365. - - Brent, Giles, 532. - - Brent, Margaret, 459; - autog., 533. - - Brereton, John, _Brief and True Relation_, 187. - - Breton, Cape. _See_ Cape Breton. - - Brevoort, J. C., his _Verrazano_, 12; - as an historical scholar, 20, 28, 41, 53; - drawings of old New York, 419, 420. - - Brewster, Edward, 137. - - Brewster, Jonathan, autog, 349. - - Brewster, William, at Scrooby, 258; - teaching Elder, 277; - date of birth, 287; - printer while in Holland, 287; - life by Steele, 285, 287; - autog., 268, 287; - his library, 287; - at Leyden, 263; - in Duxbury, 273; - his sword, 274; - his chair, 278; - _Brief Relation of New England_, 192. - - Brigham, William, on Jones of the “Mayflower”, 288; - edits _Plymouth Laws_, 292. - - Brinley, George, 374; - _Catalogue of his Library_, 211; - rich in Connecticut history, 375. - - Bristol (England), 2, 5. - - Bristol (Maine), 365. - - Bristol manuscripts, 53. - - Brock, Robert A., “Virginia”, 127. - - Brockenbrough, W. H., _History of Virginia_, 165. - - Brockholls, Anthony, 398, 401, 402, 404, 435. - - Brodhead, J. R., _History of New York_, 413, 414; - oration to commemorate the English Conquest, 414. - - Bronson, Henry, on early government of Connecticut, 375. - - Brook, Lord, 326, 331. - - Brooks, N. C., 554. - - Brown, Alexander, on Virginia history, 162. - - Brown, B. F., 560. - - Brown, G. W., _Civil Liberty in Maryland_, 559. - - Brown, Henry Armitt, 456. - - Brown, John, of Pemaquid, 321. - - Brown, John Carter, his library, 380; - rich in Arctic books, 97; autog., 381. - - Brown, Nicholas, 381. - - Brown, Peter, 273. - - Brown University, 381. - - Browne, Fox, his _English Merchants_, 78. - - Browne, Robert, and Brownists, 261; - his autog., 261. - - Browning, Charles, 559. - - Brownists, 219, 248, 261. - - Bruce, E. C., 123. - - Brun, Malte, _Histoire de la Géographie_, 195. - - Brunswick (Maine), 365. - - Brydges, Sir E., _Restituta_, 102. - - Buck, W. J., _Montgomery County_, 509; - _Bucks County_, 510. - - Buckley, John, 341. - - Budd, Thomas, 441; - _Good Order_, etc., 450, 499. - - Bugg, Francis, _Picture of Quakerism_, 503. - - Bulfinch, Thomas, _Oregon and El Dorado_, 126. - - Bulkley, Gershom, _People’s Right to Election_, 375. - - Bulkley, Peter, autog., 356. - - Bull, Henry, _Memoirs of Rhode Island_, 376. - - Bullock, William, _Virginia impartially examined_, 157. - - Burdett, George, 326. - - Burk, John, _History of Virginia_, 165. - - Burke, Edmund, _European Settlements_, 509. - - Burke, Bernard, _Commoners_, 457; - _Landed Gentry_, 457. - - Burleigh, Lord, 86. - - Burlington (New Jersey), 432, 441, 456. - - Burnap, _Life of Leonard Calvert_, 560. - - Burnet, Gilbert, _Reformation_, 248. - - Burney, _Voyages in the South Sea_, 78. - - Burras, Anne, 132. - - Burrough, Edward, 359; - autog., 359. - - Burrough, Stephen, 207. - - Burton, Robert, _English Hero_, 83. - - Burtsell, R. L., New Jersey colonized by Catholics, 457. - - Burwell, Nathaniel, 164. - - Butler, B. F. (of New York), on Smith’s _History of New York_, 412. - - Butler’s _Hudibras_, 237. - - Butrigarius, 26. - - Butten, William, 284. - - Button, Sir Thomas, 93. - - Button’s Bay, 96. - - Buzzard’s Bay, 278. - - Byllynge, Edward, 435, 440; - in New Jersey, 430; - autog., 430; - trustees of, 432; - dies, 442; - difficulties with the Province, 451; - tracts on the difficulty, 451. - - Bylot, Robert, 93. - - Byrd, Colonel William, 145, 148, 158, 159, 161. - - - Cabell, N. F., _Agriculture in Virginia_, 166. - - Cabot, Anthony, 18. - - Cabot, John, maps now lost, 8, 24, 35, 36; - license (1497-98), 43; - date of his discovery, 44; - career, 1, 52; - family, 3; - first voyage, 2, 8, 32, 33, 51, 216; - second voyage, 3, 8, 57; - first printed notice, 23; - letters patent, 37; - portrait, 58. - - Cabot, Sebastian, _mappe monde_, 6; - described, 20, 217; - fac-simile, 22; - notices of, 24, 34, 43; - rejected by Kohl, 45; - career, 2, 12, 52; - voyage with Pert, 4; - in Spain, 4, 48; - portrait, 5, 31, 47, 58; - not a knight, 32; - earliest notice of, in print, by Peter Martyr, 14, 15; - life of, by Richard Biddle, 14, 43; - voyage of 1516-7, 28; - maps, 39, 41, 44, 45 - lives of, 43; - intrigue with Venice, 49; - refuses to return to Spain, 51; - pension, 51, 56; - on ascertaining longitude, 207. - - Cabot family, 58. - - Cabrillo, 68. - - “Cacafuego”, ship, 67. - - Cadwalader, John, 464. - - Cadwalader, R. M., _Law of Ground Rents_, 512. - - Cæsar, Sir Julius, 47; - autog., 205. - - Caines, island, 68. - - Calamy’s _Nonconformist Memorial_, 252. - - Campbell, B. U., 554, 561. - - Campbell, Charles, _History of Virginia_, 164. - - Campbell, J. W., _History of Virginia_, 164. - - Campbell, Lord Neill, 443. - - Campbell’s _Lives of the Admirals_, 102. - - _Calendar of State-Papers_, 193, 343. - _See_ Sainsbury, Noel. - - California, 67; - visited by Portuguese, 68; - gold, 72; - Gulf of, called “Mare Vermeo”, 79. - - Callender, John, _Historical Discourse_, 376. - - Callender, _Voyages_, 79. - - Calvert, Cecilius, second Lord Baltimore, receives charter of - Maryland, 520; - his grants to settlers, 528; - appoints Protestants to office, 533; - deposed by Charles II, 536; - struggles to preserve his province, 537, 539, 540; - succeeds, 541; - his quit-rents, 544; - portrait, 546, 558; - dies, 547; - Papers, 558; - tracts, 554. - - Calvert, Charles, third Lord Baltimore, 542, 547; - contest with Penn, 548; - struggles to preserve his province, 552; - autog., 542. - - Calvert, George, first Lord Baltimore, 517; - autog., 146, 518; - portrait, 518, 558; - made Baron Baltimore, 519; - a Roman Catholic, 519; - in Newfoundland, 519; - in Virginia, 519; - arms, 520, 558; - dies, 520; - his descendants, 520; - tracts, 553, 554. - - Calvert, George, the younger, 524. - - Calvert, Leonard, 147, 459, 524, 555; - autog., 524; - dies, 533; - life by Burnap, 560. - - Calvert, Philip, 556; - autog., 535. - - Calvert, Philip, the younger, 540, 542. - - Calvert pedigree, 559. - - Cambridge Platform, 314, 334, 354. - - Cambridge, Press at, 350. - - Camden Hills (Maine), 176, 190, 191. - - Canada, 101, 213, 216; - as an island, 203. - - Canada Company, 327. - - Canaries, islands, as the first meridian, 214. - - Candish. _See_ Cavendish. - - Cantino’s map, 218. - - Cape Ann, 311; - settlement at, 346. - - Cape Breton discovered, 2; - landfall of Cabot, 24, 56; - mentioned, 101, 201, 213, 216. - - Cape Cod, 381; - visited by Gosnold, 173; - on the old maps, 197; - Pilgrims at, 267; - plan of the harbor, 270. - - Cape Fear, 213. - - Cape. _See_ the various names of capes. - - Captain’s Hill, 272, 273, 284. - - Captivities, a hobby of collectors, 361. - - Carey’s Swan’s Nest, 93. - - Carleill, J., _Discourse_, 205. - - Carpenter, Samuel, 493. - - Carr, Sir Robert, 421; - in Maine, 364; - autog., 388, 422. - - Cartagena, 63, 80. - - Cataya. _See_ Cathay. - - Cates, Thomas, _Summary_, 82. - - _Carter-Brown Catalogue_. _See_ Brown, John Carter. - - Carteret, Sir George, in New Jersey, 422; - autog, 423; - receives new grant, 430; - dies, 433. - - Carteret, James, 427. - - Carteret, Philip, governor, 424, 430; - autog., 424; - hostility to his government, 426; - relations with Andros, 433; - imprisoned, 434. - - Cathay, 3, 88, 91. - - Cartier’s _Voyage_, 204. - - Cartwright, Colonel George, autog., 388. - - Cartwright’s _Admonition_, 233. - - Carver, John, 284; - at Leyden, 263; - governor, 271; - his sword, 274; - dies, 274; - his chair, 278. - - Cary, Colonel Archibald, 145. - - Casco, 190, 382; - Treaty of, 361. - - Cass, Lewis, 515. - - Castine (Maine), 190, 365. - _See_ Bagaduce, Pentagöet. - - Caulkins, Miss, _History of Norwich_, 375; - _History of New London_, 375. - - Cavendish, Thomas, 74, 77; - in Virginia, 111; - portrait, 83; - voyages, 84. - - Cayley, Arthur, _Life of Ralegh_, 121. - - Cedri, island, 67, 68. - - Cecil, Sir Robert, 517; - autog., 206. - - Ceely, Christopher, 82. - - Chaffin, John, 441. - - Challer’s Cape, 90. - - Chalmers, George, _Political Annals_, 159, 340, 414, 559; - _Revolt of the American Colonies_, 559. - - Chamberlain, Joshua, _Maine, her Place in History_, 190, 210, 211, - 366. - - Champernoun, 365, 366. - - Champernoun, Henry, 105. - - Champernoun, Sir Philip, 105. - - Champlain on the New England coast, 174; - On the Maine coast, 191, 193. - - Champlain, Lake, 327, 381, 382, 383, 384. - - Chandler, Peleg W., _Criminal Trials_, 349. - - Charles II. proclaimed in Massachusetts, 316; - dies, 406. - - Charles City, 147. - - “Charles”, ship, 95. - - Charlton Island, 95. - - Charter Oak, 375. - _See_ Connecticut. - - Chasteaux, 213. - - Chauveton, _Histoire Nouvelle du Nouveau Monde_, 36. - - Chaves, Alonzo de, 49. - - Cheever, _Journal of the Pilgrims_, 290. - - Chesapeake Bay, 213, 216; - De Laet’s map (1630), 125; - explored by John Smith, 131; - maps of 167, 465, 501, 525; - visited by Spaniards, 167. - _See_ Virginia, maps of. - - Chester, Joseph L., 364. - - Chester (Pennsylvania), 483. - - Cheviot Hills (in Massachusetts), 198, 342. - _See_ Blue Hills. - - Chiapanak, 213. - - Chicheley, Sir Henry, 151, 152. - - Child, Major John, 354. - - Child, Dr. Robert, 354; - _New England’s Jonas_, 354, 355. - - Childley, Catharine, _Independent Churches_, 288. - - Chilton, Mary, 272. - - China, Gulf of, 67; - routes through the continent to, 183. - - Christison, Wenlock, 505; autog., 314. - - “Christopher”, ship, 65. - - Church, Colonel Benjamin, his sword, 274; - autog., 361; - notes on Philip’s War, etc., 361; - spurious portrait, 361. - - Church, Thomas, autog., 361; - _Entertaining Passages_, 361; - edited by Dr. H. M. Dexter, 361. - - Church members. _See_ Freemen. - - Churchill, Charles, his likeness passed off for Colonel Church’s, 361. - - Churchill’s _Voyages_, 96. - - Churchyard, Thomas, on _Frobisher’s Voyage_, 36, 204. - - Chytræus, _Variorum in Europa Itinerum Deliciæ_, 9, 21, 45, 46. - - Cibola, 80. - - Cimaronnes, 65. - - Cladera, _Investigaciones_, 212. - - Claesz, _Voyages_, 79. - - Claiborne. _See_ Clayborne. - - Clarendon, Lord, 310. - - _Clarendon Papers_, 414. - - Clark, Daniel, autog., 374. - - Clark, James S., _Congregational Churches_, 285. - - Clark, Dr. John, portrait, 315. - - Clark’s Island, 271, 272. - - Clarke, Dorus, 372. - - Clarke, John (sectary), 220. - - Clarke, John, of Rhode Island, 336, 337, 338. - - Clarke, Dr. John, 378; - _Ill Newes from New England_, 358, 378. - - Clarke, Sir Richard, 187. - - Clarke, R. H., 415, 554, 561. - - Clarke, Samuel, _Life of Drake_, 83. - - Clarke, _Maritime Discovery_, 205. - - Clarkson, Thomas, _Life of Penn_, 505; - _Portraiture of Quakerism_, 504. - - Claudia, island, 213, 216. - - Clayborne, William, 144, 146, 148, 458, 522, 526; - incites the Indians, 527; - war with Baltimore, 527; - regains Kent Island, 532; - his rebellion, 533; - disappears, 542; - commissioner, 537; - in the archives, 556; - Yong’s account of, 558; - defended, 561, 562. - - Claypoole, James, 481, 492, 497; - autog., 484; - his letter-book, 497. - - Cleeves, George, 322, 323. - - Clement, John, _History of Fenwicke’s Colony_, 456. - - Clerk, Robert, 212. - - Cluverius, _Introductio_, etc., 184. - - Clyfton, Richard, 259, 262. - - Coale, James, autog., 273. - - Coale, Josiah, 473, 476, 505. - - Coast names in maps, 197. - - Cobbett, Thomas, _Civil Magistrate’s Power_, 378. - - Cod, Cape. _See_ Cape Cod. - - Coddington, William, 377; - in Rhode Island, 336; - autog., 336; - portrait, 378; - commission as governor revoked, 378; - controversy with Massachusetts, 378; - _Demonstration of True Love_, 378; - deed to, 379. - - Coddington usurpation, 337, 377. - _See_ Rhode Island. - - Codrington, Thomas, 437, 443. - - Coffin, Joshua, _History of Newbury_, 315. - - Coke, Sir Edward, 300, 307. - - Colburn, Jeremiah, _Bibliography of Massachusetts_, 292, 363. - - Colden, Cadwallader, on Smith’s _History of New York_, 412. - - Coleman, James, _Pedigree of Penn Family_, 507. - - Colliber, S., _Columna Restrata; or English Sea Affairs_, 84, 124. - - Collier, J. P., _Rarest Books in the English Language_, 154. - - Collier, William, 266. - - Collinson, Richard, _Voyages of Frobisher_, 99, 102. - - Columbia College, 411. - - Columbus’ third voyage, 218. - - Colve, Anthony, 397. - - Commelin, Isaac, _Begin en Voortgangh_, 79. - - Commerce of New England, 316. - - Comokee, 216. - - Compass (sea), 208. - - Conant, Roger, 311. - - “Concord”, ship, 172. - - Congregationalism a modification of Barrowism, 254; - bibliography of, 246, 285, 293. - - Connecticut, first settled, 310; - “Old Patent”, 310; - history of, 330; - first constitution, 330; - secures a charter, 334, 374; - _quo warranto_ against its charter, 335; - charter concealed, 335; - first book printed in, 334; - sources of its history, 368; - origin of name, 368; - Indian names in, 368; - the three towns, 368; - original constitution of them, 368; - Say patent, 369; - notes on the constitutions, 369; - royal letters to the governors, 369; - laws, 334, 371, 374, 375; - capital laws, 371; - disputes with the Dutch, 373; - education in, 373; - charter uniting New Haven, 334, 373; - colonial secretaries, 374; - genealogies, 375; - early constitutions, 375; - quarrels with Rhode Island, 374; - boundary disputes, 374; - _Records_ published, 375; - histories of, 375; - laws under Andros, 375; - local histories, 375; - _Gazetteer_, 376; - bounds with New York, 391, 398, 399, 405, 414; - claims to land in Pennsylvania, 463. - _See_ New Haven. - - Connecticut River explored, 368; - rights of the Dutch to, 369; - English settle on it, 369; - map (1666), 333. - - Connecticut Valley Historical Society, 344. - - Conner, P. S. P., _Sir William Penn_, 506. - - Conrad, R. T., 513. - - Constable’s hook, 422. - - Constitution of Government, first written, 330. - - Contarini, 49. - - Converse, J. H., 533. - - Convicts sent to Virginia, 152, 160, 545. - _See_ Virginia. - - Coode, John, 548; - his rebellion, 551. - - Cooke, John, 283; - autog., 268. - - Cooley, W. D., 82. - - Cooper, Captain Michael, 181. - - Cooper, Thomas, 435. - - Coote, C. H., 215. - - Cope, Gilbert, 510. - - Copiapo, 67. - - Copland, Rev. Patrick, 144, 166. - - Copley, Sir Lionel, 553. - - Copper in New England, 197. - - Cornelius, Cape, 489. - - Cornell, W. M., _History of Pennsylvania_, 509. - - Cornwall county, Maine, 325. - - Cornwallis, Thomas, 524, 528; - autog., 524. - - Coronelli, map of New England, 384. - - Cortambert, E., 217. - - Cortereal, 56, 69; - Terra Cortesia, 201; - Cortereali, 201. - - Cortes, Martin, _Art of Navigation_, 207. - - Cortes’ conquest of New Spain, 204. - - Cosa, Juan de la, his map, 2, 8, 194, 217; - fac-simile, 8. - - _Cosmographiæ Introductio_, 214. - - Cothren, W., _Ancient Woodbury_, 375. - - Cotton, John, writings, 255; - _Way of the Churches Cleared_, 334, 351; - _Moses, his Judicials_, 350; - portrait, 351; - his books, 351; - controversy with Roger Williams, 351, 378; - with Hooker, 352; - _Bloudy Tenet_,351; - _Keyes of Heaven_, 351; - _Milk for Babes_, 352; - and the Cambridge Platform, 354; - tracts edited by Guild, 377. - - Cotton, John, of Plymouth, autog., 356. - - Cotton, Josiah, 291. - - Coxe, Brinton, 452. - - Coxe, Daniel, 442. - - Cozones, island, 79. - - Cradock, Mathew, 311; - autog., 311. - - Craig, Neville B., 514. - - Crandall, John, 378. - - Crane Bay, 382. - _See_ Plymouth. - - Craney Island, 111. - - Crashaw, Ralegh, 132. - - Crashaw, William, 136; - sermon, 155. - - Cressap, Thomas, 514. - - Creuxius, map of New England, 382; - _Historia Canadensis_, 382. - - Crispin, William, 479. - - Croatoan, 112. - - Croese, Gerard, _Historia Quakeriana_, 503, 504. - - Crosby, _Early Coins of America_, 543. - - Cross-staff, 207, 208. - - Croswell, Edwin, 372. - - Croswell, Rev. Harry, 372. - - Croswell, Sherman, 372. - - Croswell, Rev. William, 372. - - _Crowninshield Catalogue_, 206. - - Cruden, _History of Gravesend_, 207. - - Cuba, name applied to North America, 201. - - Cudworth, James, 359. - - Cullick, John, autog., 374. - - Culpepper, Lord, 150, 152. - - Cumberland Isles, 90, 91. - - Cunningham, William, _Cosmographicall Glasse_, 200. - - Curteis, G. H., Bampton Lectures,—_Dissent in its Relation to the - Church of England_, 252, 253. - - Cushman, David Q., _History of Sheepscot_, 365. - - Cushman, Mary, 283. - - Cushman, Robert, at Leyden, 263; - negotiates in London, 266; - in Plymouth, 275; - his _Sermon_, 290. - - Cushman, Thomas, autog., 271. - - _Cushman Genealogy_, 291. - - Cutt, John, 330. - - Cuttyhunk, 173, 188. - - Cyppo Bay, 67. - - - Dale, Sir Thomas, 137; - governor of Virginia, 138; - sails for England, 141. - - Dalrymple, E. A., 554; - dies, 554; - his library, 554. - - Dalrymple, Sir John, 559. - - Daly, Charles P., _Early History of Cartography_, 9, 218. - - Damariscotta River, 190. - - Damariscove Islands, 191. - - Danby, Sir Thomas, 458. - - Danckaerts, _see_ Dankers. - - Danckers’ _Atlas_, 417; - map of New York, 417. - - Danforth, Thomas, in Maine, 326; - autog., 326. - - Dankers, Jasper, _Journal_, 420. - - Dankers’ and Sluyter’s _Journal_, 505, 558. - - Danvers, Sir John, 158. - - Dapper, _Die unbekante neue Welt_, 184. - - Dare, Virginia, 114. - - Darnall, C., 511. - - D’Avezac, 217. - - Davenant, Sir William, 536. - - Davenport, John, portrait, 332; - autog., 332; - _Civil Government in a New Plantation_, 371; - memoir by Dexter, 375. - - Davies, James, _Voyage to Sagadahoc_, 192. - - Davies, Richard, autog, 484. - - Da Vinci, Leonardo, his map, 14, 214. - - Davis, G. L. L., _Daystar of American Freedom_, 560. - - Davis, J., _First Settlers of Virginia_, 162. - - Davis, Judge John, 291. - - Davis, John, of Sandridge, navigator, 73, 99; - voyages, 89; - autog., 89; - authorities, 99; - his _World’s Hydrographical Description_, 99, 205; - his maps, 99; - _Seaman’s Secrets_, 207. - - Davis, John, of Limehouse, 99. - - Davis, William T., on the Pilgrims, 284, 290. - - Davis, W. W. H., _Bucks County_, 510. - Davis Straits, 89. - - Davis Island, 90. - - Davison, William, 258. - - _Day-breaking, The_, 355. - - Day, Sherman, _Historical Collections_, 508. - - Daye, Stephen, 350. - - Dealy, P. F., 415. - - Dean, John Ward, _Memoir of Nathaniel Ward_, 350. - - Deane, Charles, his library, _passim_; - on the Cabots, 1; - on Virginia history, 153-155, 158, 159, 167; - on the Smith-Pocahontas story, 161; - edits Hakluyt’s _Westerne Planting_, 208; - notice of J. G. Kohl, 209; - on the Popham question, 210; - on Smith’s _New England Trials_, 211; - on John Smith, 212; - interest in Pilgrim _History_, 259, 260, 284, 285; - edits _Plymouth Patent_, 275; - edits Bradford’s _History_, 286; - edits Bradford’s _Dialogue_, 289; - on Roger Williams, 290; - edits Cushman’s _Sermon_, 291; - on “New England”, 295; - on the Narragansett Patent, 379; - on J. F. Watson, 509. - - De Bry, _Voyages_, 123, 167. - - De Bure globe, 214. - - De Costa, B. F., on “Norumbega”, 169; - _Northmen in Maine_, 185; - _Cabo de Baxos_, 188, 197; - _Footprints of Miles Standish_, 290; - edits _Voyage to Sagadahoc_, 190, 192; - _Hudson’s Sailing Directions_, 193; - _Mount Desert_, 194; - _Verrazano the Explorer_, 199. - - Dee, Dr. John, 196; - his map (1580), 196; - diary, 171, 196. - - Deerfield, attack on, 384. - - De Forest, J. W., _Indians of Connecticut_, 368. - - De Laet, his map of Virginia, 125; - map of the Chesapeake, 167; - _Nieuwe Wereldt_, 184; - map of New England, 381. - - Delafield, M. L., 412. - - Delaware Bay, 137, 423, 465. - - Delaware, northern bounds of, 477; - bought by Penn, 480; - confirmed to Penn, 489; - mentioned, 548, 549. - - De la Warre, Lord, _Relation_, 81, 156; - governor of Virginia, 133; - autog., 133; - goes to Virginia, 136; - in Virginia, 142; - portrait, 142; - autog., 156. - - “Deliverance”, ship, 136. - - Delfthaven, 293; - Pilgrims at, 267. - - Demarcation, papal line of, 4. - - Denison, Daniel, autog., 338. - - Denison, George, autog., 338. - - Dennis, Robert, 148. - - Dennis, Samuel, 437. - - Denonville, 415; - and the Iroquois, 408. - - Denton, Daniel, _Brief Description of New York_, 419. - - De Peyster, General J. W., 415. - - De Quir, 104. - - Derby (Connecticut), 375. - - Dermer, Captain, 181-183, 194. - - Desolation, land, 91, 100. - - De Vries, David Pieterson, 422. - - Dexter, F. B., “The Pilgrim Church and Plymouth Colony”, 257; - _Life of John Davenport_, 375; - on Gotfe and Whalley, 375; - on relations of New Netherland and New England, 375. - - Dexter, George, _First Voyage of Gilbert_, 187. - - Dexter, Henry M., _Congregationalism_, 238, 239, 245, 246, 293; - his historical labors, 246; - his bibliography of Congregationalism, 246; - Visits to Scrooby, 284, 285; - interest in Pilgrim history, 285; - explores their Leyden life, 288; - edits _Mourt’s Relation_, 288, 290; - edits Church’s _Entertaining Passages_, 361; - _As to Roger Williams_, 378; - recovers a tract by Williams, 378. - - “Diamond”, ship, 134. - - _Diarium Europæum_, 496. - - Digges, Sir Dudley, 94, 103. - - Digges, Edward, 149. - - Diman J. L., edits Cotton’s Reply to Williams, 378. - - Dipping-needle, 207. - - “Discovery”, ship, 91-93, 128, 173, 289. - - Disraeli, Isaac, _Amenities of Literature_, 122. - - Dissenters, 221; - in Virginia, 148. - _See_ Nonconformists. - - Dixon, Jeremiah, autog., 489. - - Dixon, William Hepworth, _William Penn_, 306. - - Dixwell, Colonel John, 374. - _See_ Regicides. - - “Dominus Vobiscum”, ship, 185. - - Doncker, Hendrick, New England in his _Paskaert_, 382. - - Dongan, Colonel Thomas, 439; - governor of New York, 403, 407; - autog., 403; - checks Penn’s attempt to extend bounds of Pennsylvania, 404; - retires, 409; - references, 415. - - Doppelmayr, 212. - - Dorchester Antiquarian Society, 344. - - Dorchester Fishing Company, 311. - - Dort, Benjamin, 509. - - Dorr, H. C., _Planting of Providence_, 377. - - Doughty executed, 66. - - Douglass, William, 346; - _Summary of British Settlements_, etc., 346. - - “Dove”, ship, 524. - - Dover (New Hampshire), 327; - Neck, 326; - Hilton patent of, 367. - _See_ Hilton. - - Downing, Sir George, 333; - intrigues of, 387, 389; - pamphlets against, 415; - his agency, 415; - Downingiana, 415. - - Doyle, J. A., _The English in America_, 168. - - Drake, Francis, 207; - with Hawkins, 63; - called “The Dragon”, 64; - voyages to West Indies, 64; - autog., 65; - sees the Pacific, 65; - voyage round the world, 65; - on northwest coast, 69; - and the Indians, 70; - takes possession of the country, 72; - authorities, 79; - _World Encompassed_, 74, 79; - _Sir Francis Drake Revived_, 79, 82; - discovers California coast, 465; - at home, 73; - knighted, 73; - again with Hawkins, 73; - dies, 73; - crowned by the Indians, 80; - _Le Voyage de Drack_, 79; - _Le Voyage Curieux_, 79; - _Expeditio Francisci Draki_, 80; - portrait, 81, 84, 168, 465; - his library, 81; - Cates’s _Summary_, 82, 123; - expedition with Norris, 82; - his log-book, 82; - Maynarde’s account, 82; - lives of, 83; - bibliography of, 84; - _Journalen van drie Voyagien_, 84; - latest notices, 84; - at Roanoke Island, 112; - on the New England coast, 188. - - Drake, S. G., _Researches among the British Archives_, 160; - _Book of the Indians_, 290; - editor of Baylies’ _New Plymouth_, 291; - accounts of, 360; - reprints tracts on Philip’s War, 360; - _Old Indian Chronicle_, 360; - _Narrative Remarks_, 361; - _History of King Philip’s War_, 361; - edits Increase Mather’s _Early History of New England_, 361; - edits Hubbard’s _Narrative_, 361; - edits Church’s _Entertaining Passages_, 361; - _History of Boston_, 362; - _Memoir of Prince_, 346. - - Drake’s Bay, 69; - where was it? 74, 80. - - Dresser, Matthæus, _Historien von China_, 123. - - Drew, John, 91. - - Drogeo, 90, 101. - - Drummond, John, 435. - - Du Creux. _See_ Creuxius. - - Dudley, Joseph, portrait, 320; - autog., 320, 356; - president of the Council, 320, 407. - - Dudley, Robert, his maps, 74; - _Arcano del Mare_, 74, 194, 196, 303; - his Coast of New Albion map, 76, 77; - map of New England, 381. - - Dudley, Thomas, 265; - _Letter to Countess of Lincoln_, 346. - - Duke’s Laws, 391, 414, 510, 511. - _See_ York, Duke of. - - Dungan, Rev. Thomas, 494. - - Dunlap, William. _History of New Netherlands and New York_, 413. - - Dunlop, James, on the Penn-Baltimore controversy, 514. - - Duponceau, P. S., 512, 513. - - Durfee, Job, 377. - - Durrie, D. S., _Index to American Genealogies_, 289. - - Dusdale, Robert, 441. - - Dutch, The, on the New England coast, 193; - on the Connecticut, 369; - in Pennsylvania, 494, 515; - embassy to Maryland, 557. - _See_ New Netherland. - - Dutch Gap, 138. - - Duxbury, map of harbor, 272; - settlements at, 273. - - Dwight, Theo., Jr., _History of Connecticut_, 375. - - Dyer, Mary, 505. - - Dyre, William, 440. - - - East India Company, 92, 103. - - East Jersey, population of, 436; - laws, 437; - Brief Account of, 438, 449; - Board of Proprietors, 439; - bounds with New York, 442; - Records, 452. - _See_ New Jersey. - - Easter Point, 90. - - Eastman, S. C., _Bibliography of New Hampshire_, 368. - - Easton, John, _Narrative of Philip’s War_, 360. - - Eaton, Cyrus, _History of Thomaston_, etc., 190. - - Eaton, Francis, autog., 268. - - Eaton, Theophilus, 333, 334; - memoir, 371; - code of laws, 371; - _New Haven’s Settling in New England_, 354, 371. - - Ebeling, Professor, _Erdbeschreibung von America_, 508. - - Eden, Richard, 35; - _Treatise of the Newe India_, 27, 199, 204; - fac-simile of title, 200; - _Decades_, 14, 29, 30, 35, 47, 200; - acquaintance with Sebastian Cabot, 30; - _A Brief Correction_, etc., 201; - edits Cortes’ _Art of Navigation_, 207, 208; - _Book concerning Navigation_, 207. - - Edmundson, William, 494; - _Journal_, 452, 503. - - Education in Connecticut, 373; - in Virginia, early efforts, 144; - in Pennsylvania, 492 - - Edward VI., autog., 6. - - Edwards, Edward, _Life of Ralegh_, 122. - - Egle, W. H., _History of Pennsylvania_, 508. - - Elbridge, 321. - - El Dorado, 116, 126. - - Eldridge, John, 430. - - Elephants, 186. - - Eliot, John, the Apostle, 315; - his labors, 355; - autog., 356; - _Indian Bible_, 356; - letters, 356; - portrait, 356; - _Christian Commonwealth_, 356; - _Tracts_, 356; - _Briefe Narrative_, 356; - and the Bay Psalm-book, 350. - - Eliot, John, Jr., 360. - - Elizabeth, Queen, autog., 106. - - Elizabeth (New Jersey), 424; - history of, 456. - - Elizabeth Islands (Tierra del Fuego), 66. - - Elizabeth city, 147. - - “Elizabeth”, ship, 65, 90, 139, 173. - - Elizabethtown, Bill in Chancery, 452; - answers to, 452, 453. - - Ellis, Arthur B., _History of First Church in Boston_, 256, 354. - - Ellis, George E., “Religious Element in the Settlement of New - England”, 219; - on intruders and dissentients in Massachusetts, 378; - _Life of William Penn_, 506. - - Ellis, Thomas, account of Frobisher’s voyage, 102. - - Elton, Romeo, edits _Callender’s Discourse_, 376; - _Life of Roger Williams_, 378. - - Emley, William, 441. - - Emott, James, 437. - - Endicott, John, sent to New England, 311; - portrait, 317; - autog., 317; - at Salem, 346. - - Endicott’s company at Salem, 242. - - Endicott Rock, 329. - - England, her title to North America, 1, 39, 40, 41; - laggard in colonization, 184. - - English in New York, The, 385. - - English Public Record Office, 343. - - Engronelant. _See_ Greenland. - - Epenow, 180. - - Erasmus’s _Encomium of Folly_, 237. - - Eriwomeck, 467. - - Esopus, 390 - - Essex Institute, 344. - - Estland, 101. - - Estotiland, 91, 101. - - Etechemins, 382. - - Etting, F.M., 474. - - _Evangelical and Literary Magazine_, 168. - - Evans, B., _Early English Baptists_, 252. - - Evans, Charles, 504; - _Friends in the Seventeenth Century_, 504. - - Evelin, Robert, 458; - _Directions for Adventurers_, 459; - autog., 458. - - Evelyn, George, 562; - at Kent Island, 528. - - Everett, Edward, on the Pilgrims, 293. - - Evertsen, 397. - - Exeter (New Hampshire), 329. - - - Fabritius, Jacob, 494. - - Fairbairn, Henry, defence of Penn against Macaulay, 506. - - Fairfield (Connecticut), 333. - - Fairman, Thomas, 494. - - “Falcon”, ship, 106. - - Falkland Islands, 66. - - Falkner, David, 501, 502; - _Curieuse Nachricht_, 502. - - Falling Creek, 145; - massacre, 163. - - False Cape, 489. - - Farmer, John, 367; - edits Belknap’s _History_, 368. - - Farmer and Moore, _Collections of New Hampshire_, 367. - - Farollones, 77. - - Farrar, Canon, on Ralegh, 126. - - Farrar’s Island, 138. - - Farre, Elias, 441. - - Farrer, John, _Discovery of New Britaine_, map in, 464. - _See_ Ferrar. - - Fear, Cape. _See_ Cape Fear. - - Featherstone, Richard, 131. - - Fell, Margaret, 504. - - Felt, J. B., 343; - _History of Salem_, 363; - _Customs of New England_, 363; - _Reply to White_, 255; - _Ecclesiastical History of New England_, 256; - arranged Massachusetts archives, 343. - - Fendall, Josias, 540, 541, 542; - autog., 540; - arrested, 548. - - Fenwick, George, 332. - - Fenwick, John, _Proposals_, 449; - buys grant in New Jersey, 430; - comes over, 431; - a prisoner to Andros, 431; - released, 432; - representation, 441; - memoir by Johnson, 456; - _Historical Account of Salem_, 455; - history of his colony by Clement, 456. - - Fenwick of Connecticut, 370. - - Ferdinando, Simon, 113; - in Norumbega, 171, 186. - - Ferrar, Domina Virginia, her map of the Chesapeake, etc., 168. - - Ferrar, John, 168. - _See_ Farrer. - - Ferryland, 519. - - Fessenden, _History of Warren, Rhode Island_, 290. - - Figurative map, 381. - - Finæus, Orontius and his map, 10, 11. - - “First-comers” to Plymouth, 292. - - Fisher, J, F., 513; - on William Penn, 506. - - Fisher, Mary, 505; - autog., 314. - - Fisheries, grant of, 296; - act against monopolies of, 298, 299, 300, 301, 307. - - FitzGeffrey, _Life of Drake_, 83. - - FitzHugh, Colonel William, 161. - - Five Nations. _See_ Iroquois. - - Fleet, Henry, 526; - his _Journal_, 561. - - Fletcher, Francis, in the _World Encompassed_, 79; - Drake’s chaplain, 66. - - Florida, 25, 37, 42, 201; - early described by the English, 60, 61; - Indians, 78; - account in English, following Ribault, 200. - - Florio, John, 204. - - Flower, Enoch, 492. - - Foley, Henry, _Records of the English Jesuits_, 457. - - Folsom, George, 210; - _Catalogue of Documents relating to Maine_, 208; - _Saco and Biddeford_, 364; - _Catalogue of Original Documents_, 364; - on Samuel Argall, 463. - - Forbes, Alexander, his _California_, 78. - - Force, Peter, _Historical Tracts_, _passim_. - - Ford, Philip, autog., 484; - _Vindication of Penn_, 498. - - Forest, Mrs. Thomas, 132. - - Forster. W. E., _William Penn and T. B. Macaulay_, 506. - - Fort Nassau, 422. - - Fort Orange, 390. - - “Fortune”, ship, 275. - - Foster, John, printer, of Boston, 361. - - Foulke, W. P., 515. - - Fox, George, 442; - letter from Roger Williams, 378; - his ministry, 469; - portrait, 470; - plan of settlement in America, 476; - tracts, 497; - _Journal_, 503; - Swathmore manuscripts, 504; - in Maryland, 547. - _See_ Quakers. - - Fox, Luke, 95; - his _Northwest Foxe_, 95, 99. - - Fox, Richard, 148. - - Fox Channel, 94, 95. - - Fox Island, 190. - - Frame, Richard, _Short Description_, etc., 500. - - Frampton, John, _Joyfull Newes_, 204, 205; - edits Medina’s _Arte de Navegar_, 207. - - Francisca, 201. - _See_ New France. - - Frank, manor of, 497. - - Frankfort globe, 214, 215, 217. - - Frankfort Land Company, 490, 502; - _Curieuse Nachricht_, 502. - - Franklin, Benjamin, _Historical Review_, 508. - - Frascator, 24, 25, 26. - - Free Society of Traders, 482, 497; - receipt and seal of, 498; - their articles, etc., 498. - - Freeman, _History of Cape Cod_, 290. - - Freemen to be church members, 313. - - French claim to the Iroquois country, 406. - - Friends. _See_ Quakers. - - Friesland, 100, 101. - - Frobisher, Martin, 35, 36; - his voyages, 86; - portrait, 87; - autog., 87; - relics of, 89; - authorities, 99, 102; - used the Zeno map, 100; - Beste’s _True Discourse_, 102, 204; - _De Forbisseri Navigatione_, 102; - lives, 102; - his Straits, 86, 91, 98; - misplaced, 100; - map of, 103; - map, 195; - Settle’s account of his _Voyage_, 203; - Churchyard’s account of his _Voyage_, 204. - - Froude, _History of England_, 79; - _Forgotten Worthies_, 99. - - Fuller, Samuel, 284; - autog., 268; - cradle, 278. - - Fuller, Thomas, _Holy and Prophane State_, 83; - _Worthies of England_, 102, 161. - - Fundy Bay, visited, 176. - - Furlano’s map, 68. - - Furman, Gabriel, 420. - - Futhey, J. S., and Cope, Gilbert, _Chester County_, 510. - - - “Gabriel”, ship, 86. - - “Gabryll Royall”, ship, 186. - - Gævara, Antonio de, 207. - - Gali. _See_ Gaulle. - - Galvano, Antonio, _Tradado_, 32. - - Gammelt, William, _Memoir of Roger Williams_, 378. - - Garde, Roger, autog., 364. - - Gardiner, Lion, 331, 349; - autog., 348. - - Gardiner, R. H., 210, 291. - - Gardiner, S. R., _Prince Charles_, etc., 122, 285, 517; - _Personal Government of Charles I._, 524. - - “Gargarine”, ship, 170. - - Garrett, J. W., 558. - - Gastaldi, 25. - - Gates, Sir Thomas, 133, 159; - autog., 133; - wrecked, 134; - reaches Jamestown, 136; - returns to England, 137; - again comes over, 138. - - Gaulle, Francis, 80. - - Gay, Sidney Howard, on Pilgrims’ history, 290; - _Popular History of the United States_, passim. - - Genealogies of New England, 363; - of Virginia, 160. - - “George”, ship, 142. - - George, Staughton, 510. - - George’s River, 190, 191. - - Gerard, J. W., 420. - - Germans in Pennsylvania, 490, 502, 515. - - Germantown (Pennsylvania), 491, 501, 515. - - Gerritsz, H., on Hudson, 103. - - Ghillany, _Erdglobus von Behaim_, etc., 214; - _Martin Behaim_, 8, 212. - - Giants, 201. - - Gibbons, Ambrose, 327, 328. - - Gibbons, Edward, 531. - - Gibson, William, 435; autog., 484. - - “Gift of God”, ship, 176. - - Gilbert, Bartholomew, 187. - - Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 89, 105, 171, 187; - _Discourse of Discovery_, 35, 200; - his voyage, 39; - his expeditions (1578), 106, 122; - (1583), 107; - at Newfoundland, 108; - autog., 187; - his _True Report_, 187; - his charts lost, 196; - his map (1576), 203. - - Gilbert, Sir John, 118. - - Gilbert, Otho, 105. - - Gilbert, Raleigh, 176. - - Gilbert family, 187. - - Gilbert’s Sound, 90. - - Gillett, E. H., _Civil Liberty in Connecticut_, 375. - - Girardin, L. H., 165. - - Gladstone, W. E., on Maryland toleration, 561, 562. - - Globes, early, 212; - paper on, 215. - - _Glorious Progress of the Gospel_, 355. - - Goche, Dr. Barnabe, 301, 305. - - “Godspeed”, ship, 91, 128. - - Godfrey, Edward, 324. - - Godfrey, J. E., 291. - - Goffe and Whalley, 374, 375. - _See_ Regicides. - - Gold, supposed to be found by Frobisher, 87; - supposed to be in New England, 180, 181, 183. - - “Golden Hind”, ship, 187. - - “Golden Lion”, ship, 539. - - Gomara, _Historia General de las Indias_, 26, 27; - account of Cortes, 204. - - Gomez, 16, 195. - - Gondomar, Count, 119. - - Goodell, A. C., 210. - - _Good Speed to Virginia_, 155. - - Gookin, Daniel, Sr., 145, 159. - - Gookin, Daniel, Jr., goes to New England, 145. - - Goos, Peter, _Zee-Atlas_, 418. - - Gordon, Robert, 435. - - Gordon, T. F., _History of New Jersey_, 455; - _History of Pennsylvania_, 508. - - Gorgeana, 190, 322, 323, 324, 364. - - Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 175; - autog., 175, 275, 364; - plans of colonization, 180, 184, 192, 296; - grant to, 192; - _Brief Narration_, 192, 193, 365; - papers, 192; - his fame, 210; - fort named after him, 210; - patent for New England, 297, 299, 300; - his grants under it, 299; - defends his patent, 307; - attacks the Massachusetts Charter, 318; - his province of New Somerset, 322, 323, 324; - dies, 324, 365; - tomb, 366; - pedigree, 366; - Laconia patent, 327, 328; - his patent on the Maine coast, 341; - grants to, in Maine, 310, 363; - commission as governor of New England, 363; - deed to Edgecomb, 363; - chosen governor, 302, 310. - _See_ New England. - - Gorges, Ferdinando, the younger, papers regarding him in - the State-Paper Office, 364; - patent, 322; - seeks to recover his patrimony, 324; - sells it to Massachusetts, 325; - _America Painted to the Life_, 192, 365. - - Gorges, Robert, sent to New England, 303; - at Wessagusset, 304, 311. - - Gorges, Thomas, 323; autog., 364. - - Gorges, William, in Maine, 322. - - Gorges and Mason Grant, 191. - - _Gorges Tracts_, 365. - - Gorton, Samuel, 336, 337; - autog., 336; - his trouble with Massachusetts, 354; - _Simplicitie’s Defence_, 354, 378; - edited by Staples, 354; - defence of, by Brayton, 354; - in Rhode Island, 378; - letter to Morton, 378. - - Gosling, John, 441. - - Gosnold, Anthony, 132. - - Gosnold, Captain Bartholomew, 128; - dies, 129; - on the New England coast, 172; - authorities, 187; - his landfall, 188. - - Gottfried’s _Voyages_, 79; - _Neue Welt_, 167. - - Gough, _History of the Quakers_, 504. - - Gould, E. R. L., 516. - - Gowans, William, 420. - - Graeff, A. op den, 491. - - Grahame, _Colonial History of United States_, 378, 509. - - Grande, Rio, 80. - - Granganimeo, 109. - - _Granite Monthly_, 368. - - Grantham, Sir Thomas, his _Historical Account of some Memorable - Actions_, 151, 164. - - Grants from the English Crown, 153. - - Gray, Francis C., 350. - - “Great Galley”, ship, 186. - - Green, Samuel, printer, 351. - - Green, S. A., _Bibliography of Massachusetts Historical Society_, 343. - - Greene, G. W., _Short History of Rhode Island_, 335, 376. - - Greene, Thomas, 533; autog., 533. - - Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 78. - - Greenland, 91, 100, 101; - earliest map of, 101; - Fox’s map, 98; - Gronlandia, 203. - - Greenleaf, Jonathan, _Ecclesiastical History of Maine_, 365. - - Grenville, Sir Richard, 110, 114. - - Gresham, Sir Thomas, 86. - - Griffin, _Press in Maine_, 209. - - Griffith, T. W., _Early History of Maryland_, 561; - _Annals of Baltimore_, 561. - - “Griffith”, ship, 431. - - Grigsby, H. B., 158, 163. - - Griswold, A. W., _Catalogue of Library_, 211. - - Grocland, 90, 101. - - Grolandia. _See_ Grocland. - - Gronland. _See_ Greenland. - - Groom, Samuel, 435, 436, 440. - - Grynæus, _Novus Orbis_, 10, 199. - - Gualter, Rodolph, 248. - - Guamas, R. das, 197. - - Guatulco, 68. - - Guiana, voyage to, 105; - empire of, 117; - Ralegh in, 124; - Ralegh’s account, 124, 126; - _Newes of Sir Walter Rawleigh_, 126. - - Guild, R. A., edits _Cotton Tracts_, 377. - - Guilford (Connecticut), 333. - - Guinea, 200; coast, 60. - - Gulf Stream, Dr. Kohl on, 209. - - Gurnet, 272. - - Guy, Richard, 441. - - - Hacket, Thomas, 200; - his version of Thevet, 32. - - Haies, Edward, 187. - - Haige, William, 479, 511. - - Hakluyt, Richard, 123, 204, 205; - autog., 204; - depreciated by Biddle, 29, 39; - connection with colonization, 189; - his life, 189; - _Divers Voyages_, 37, 189, 204, 205; - _Principal Navigations_, 41, 44, 46, 97, 185, 189, 205; - _Virginia Richly Valued_, 189; - _Westerne Planting_, 40, 108, 189, 208; - map (1587), 196; - encourages public lectures on navigation, 207. - - Hale, Edward E., “Hawkins and Drake”, 59. - - Hale, Nathan, 515; - edits Prince’s _Annals_, 346. - - Half-way Covenant, 334; - literature of, 359. - - Hall, Christopher, 102. - - Hall, James, in the Arctic seas, 92. - - Hallam, Henry, _Constitutional History of England_, 250. - - Hamilton, Andrew, 443. - - Hamilton, Duke of, 370; - claim to Connecticut, 335, 374; - autog., 275. - - Hammond, John, _Hammond vs. Heamans_, 554; - _Leah and Rachel_, 166, 555. - - Hamor, Ralph, 139, 141, 146; - _True Discourse_, 81, 157. - - Hampton (New Hampshire), 329. - - Hanam, Thomas, 175. - - Hanbury, _Historical Memorials_, 288. - - Hanson, George A., _Old Kent_, 561. - - Hariot, Thomas, 111, 113, 123; - his Virginia, 81, 123, 205; - on rhumbs, 208. - - Harlow on the Maine coast, 178; - captures an Indian, 180. - - Harris, John, _Map of Pennsylvania_, 491, 516. - - Harris, J. Morrison, 122. - - Harris’s _Voyages_, 79. - - Harrison, George L., _Remains of William Penn_, 475. - - Harrison, S. A., _Wenlock Christison_, 505, 555. - - Harrisse, Henry, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, 9; - _Bibliotheca Barlowiana_, 159; - _Jean et Sebastian Cabot_, 218. - - Hart, Thomas, 435. - - Hartford (Connecticut), 330. - - Hartop, 64. - - Hartshorne, Hugh, 435. - - Hartshorne, Richard, 437. - - Harvard College founded, 314. - - Harvey, Sir John, 140, 146; - autog., 156. - - Hasty-pudding, 62. - - Hatch, Edwin, _Organization of the Early Christian Churches_, 254. - - Hatfield, E. F., _History of Elizabeth, New Jersey_, 456. - - Hatfield, attack on, 384. - - Hatherly, Timothy, 266. - - Hatorask, 112. - - Hatteras Indians, 116. - - Hatteras, Cape, 213, 216, 465. - _See_ Hatorask. - - Haven, S. F., on the Popham Question, 210; - _History of the Grants_, 209, 302, 340. - - Hawkes, _Ecclesiastical History of the United States_, 166. - - Hawkins, John, voyages, 60; - autog., 61; - portrait, 61; - his coat armor, 63; - defeated by Spaniards, 64; - authorities, 78; - his _Voyages to Guynea_, 78; - lands sailors at Gulf of Mexico, 170; - again with Drake, 73; - dies, 73. - - Hawkins, Richard, his _Voyage to the South Sea_, 78; - on the New England coast, 181, 182, 194. - - Hawkins, William, voyages, 59; - authorities, 78. - - _Hawkins Voyages_, 79. - - Hawks, Francis L., 533; - _History of North Carolina_, 124. - - Hawley, Jerome, 524, 528. - - Haynes, John, governor, 331; - autog., 331; - alleged portrait, 331. - - Hazard, Ebenezer, _Historical Collections_, 153, 283. - - Hazard, Samuel, _Annals of Pennsylvania_, 510; - _Pennsylvania Archives_, 510; - _Register of Pennsylvania_, 510. - - Hazard, Willis P., _Annals of Philadelphia_, 509. - - Hazlett, W. C., _Bibliographical Collections and Notes_, 204. - - Heamann, Roger, 539, 554. - - Heath, Sir Robert, 561. - - Heckewelder, John, _Indians in Pennsylvania_, 515. - - “Helen”, ship, 90. - - Hellowes, Edward, _Invention of Navigation_, 207. - - Hemans, _Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers_, 294. - - Hendricks, Gerhard, 491. - - Hening, _Statutes at large_, 164. - - Henlopen, Cape, 489. - - Hinman, R. R., _Royal Letters to the Governors of Connecticut_, 369; - edits _New Haven Laws_, 371. - - Henri II. (Dauphin), map, 195, 217. - - Henrico, 138; college at, 141, 144. - - Henry VII., his sign-manual, 1. - - Henry VIII., autog., 4. - - Henry, M. S., 162. - - Henry, William Wirt, “Sir Walter Ralegh”, etc., 105; - on the Pocahontas story, 162; - champions Smith, 162. - - “Henry and Francis”, ship, 438. - - Herman, Augustine, 466, 549. - - Hermosa Bay, 80. - - Herrera, _Historia General_, 47; - _Description_, etc., 185. - - Hersent, Samuel, 488. - - Heylin, Peter, _Cosmographie_, 466. - - Heywood, John, 435. - - Hicks, Elias, 504. - - Higginson, Francis, at Salem, 346; - _Journal_, 346; - _New England Plantation_, 211, 346. - - Hildeburn, C. R., _Press in Pennsylvania_, 514. - - Hildreth, Richard, _History of the United States_, 562. - - Hill, Edward, 147, 149. - - Hillard, George S., _Life of John Smith_, 211; - _Memoir of James Savage_, 353. - - Hilton, Edward, 326. - - Hilton, William, 326. - - Hilton’s Point, 326, 327. - _See_ Dover. - - Hiltons on Dover Neck, accounts of, 366; - their patent, 367. - - Hinckley, Thomas, autog., 278, 356. - - Hingham Meeting-house, view of, 319. - - Hinman, R. R., _Early Puritan Settlers in Connecticut_, 375. - - Hispaniola, 201. - _See_ San Domingo. - - Historical Commission (England), reports of, 159. - - _Historical Magazine_, passim. - - _Historical Memorials relating to Independents_, 252. - - Hixon, Ellis, 82. - - Hoadley, C. J., edits _Connecticut and New Haven Records_, 375. - - Hoboken, 422 - - Hobson and Harlow, 193, 194. - - Hobson on the Maine coast, 178, 180. - - Hochelaga, 213, 216. - _See_ Montreal. - - Hogenberg, 34. - - Holland, Henry, _Heroologia_, 81. - - Holland, English exiles in, 231. - - Hollanders, 193. - _See_ Dutch. - - _Hollandsche Mercurius_, 415. - - Hollister, G. H., _History of Connecticut_, 375. - - Holme, John, _True Relation_, etc., 501. - - Holme, Thomas, 481; - _Map of Philadelphia_, 516; - _Map of Pennsylvania_, 516. - - Holmes, Abiel, 187. - - Holmes, Obadiah, 378. - - Holmes, O. W., 286. - - Honda, Rio, 213. - - Hondius, Jodocus, 46; - map, 47, 75, 208; - map of California coast, 79, 80; - globe, 216. - - Hood, Thomas, on Jacob’s staff, 207; - _Mariner’s Guide_, 207; - _Use of Mathematical Instruments_, 208; - his map, 196, 197, 217. - - Hooker, Richard, _Ecclesiastical Polity_, 228, 249; - Walton’s life of him, 249. - - Hooker, Thomas, in Connecticut, 330; - autog., 330; - his _Survey of Church Discipline_, 334, 352; - controverts Cotton, 352. - - Hope Sanderson, 90. - - Hope’s Check, 93. - - “Hopewell”, ship, 347. - - Hopkins, Edward, governor, 371; - autog., 374. - - Hopkins, Samuel, 429; - _Youth of the Old Dominion_, 162. - - Hopkins, Stephen, on Rhode Island history, 376. - - Hopkins, governor of Connecticut, dies, 371. - - Hoppin, James M., _Old England_, 285. - - Hortop, Job, _Rare Travailes_, 186, 205. - - Hotten, _Original Lists_, etc., 160. - - Hough, F. B., on Pemaquid, 365. - - Houghton, Lord, 285; - poem on the Pilgrims, 294. - - Houses, early, in Pennsylvania, 491. - - Howe, _Historical Collections of Virginia_, 165. - - Howgill, Francis, _Popish Inquisitions in New England_, 358. - - Howison, R. R., _History of Virginia_, 165. - - Howland, John, 273; - autog., 268; - his marriage, 284; - family, 284. - - Hoyt, A. H., on the laws of New Hampshire, 367. - - Hubbard, William, autog., 362; - _Troubles with the Indians_, 361, 384; - _Present State of New England_, 361; - _History of New England_, 291, 362; - map of New England, 384. - - Hudson, Henry, voyages, 92, 103; - authorities, 99, 103, 104, 193; - _Detectio Freti Hudsoni_, 104; - on the New England coast, 178, 193. - - Hudson, William, autog., 338. - - Hudson Bay, Cabot in, 26, 28, 34; - James’s map of, 96; - Fox’s map, 98. - - Hudson River, connects with the St. Lawrence, 465. - - Hues, Robert, _Tractatus de Globis_, 208. - - Humboldt, Alexander, _Examen Critique_, 8, 214. - - Hume, David, _History of England_, attacks Ralegh, 122. - - Hunloke, Edward, 442. - - Hunnewell, J. F., 155. - - Hunt, Robert, 129. - - Hunter, Joseph, 284; - on Pilgrim history, 283; - _Founders of New Plymouth_, 284. - - Huston, Charles, _Land in Pennsylvania_, 512. - - Hutchinson, Edward, autog., 338. - - Hutchinson, George, 441. - - Hutchinson, Thomas, _History of Massachusetts Bay_, 283, 344; - controversy over his papers, 344; - publications, 344; - _Original Papers_, 344; - on the Pilgrims, 291. - - _Huth Catalogue_, 82. - - Hylacomylus. _See_ Waldseemüller. - - - Icaria, 101. - - Iceland, 101. - - Independents, 248. - - Indian Bible, Eliot’s, 356; - bibliography of, 356. - - Indian corn, 113. - - Indian languages, 355. - - Indian names in Virginia, 153. - - Indian trails, 186. - - Indian wars, books on, 361. - - Indians, the community-buildings of the southern tribes, 62; - houses on the northwest coast, 69; - in Virginia, 131; - about Plymouth, 290; - conversion of, 315, 355, 393; - Society for Propagating the Gospel among them, 315, 316, 355, 356; - their right to the soil, 341; - in Connecticut, 368; - books on, 368; - in New Jersey, 425; - and the Quakers, 473; - in Pennsylvania, 489, 514, 515; - in Maryland, 526, 527, 531, 555. - _See_ Iroquois, and other names of tribes. - - Ingle, Richard, 147, 532, 533. - - Ingle’s rebellion, 555. - - Ingram, David, 64, 170, 186; - his _Relation_, 186. - - Inter-charter period in Massachusetts, 362. - - _Interlude of Four Elements_, 16, 28. - - Inwood, William, 457. - - Iron manufactured in Jersey, 448; - in Virginia, 163; - first in America, 144, 145. - - Iroquois nations, 393; - wars with the French, 394, 408, 415; - Jesuits among, 400, 406; - friends of the English, 404-406, 408. - _See_ Mohawks. - - - Jack’s Bay, 74, 75. - - Jacob’s staff, 207, 208. - - Jamaica, 201. - - James I., autog., 127. - - James II. proclaimed in Massachusetts, 321; - on the throne, 406. - - James, Captain Thomas, 95; - his map, 96; - his _Strange and Dangerous Voyage_, 96. - - James River, 128. - - Jameson, J. F., 414. - - Jamestown founded, 129; - view of, 130; - early history of, 153. - _See_ Virginia. - - Janney, S. M., _Religious Society of Friends_, 504; - _Life of Penn_, 505. - - Jannson, map of New England, 384. - - Japan, 67, 68, 85; - (Zipangri), 201; - (Giapan), 203. - - Jasper, John, 473. - - Jeffrey, Lord, on William Penn, 505. - - Jeffreys, Herbert, 152. - - Jenings, Samuel, 440, 451, 488; - governor of West Jersey, 441; - _Truth Rescued_, 452. - - Jenkins, M. C., 561. - - Jenness, J. S., _Isles of Shoals_, 198; - _New Hampshire_, 366; - _Original Documents_, 367. - - Jerseys, the English in the, 421. - _See_ New Jersey. - - Jesuit _Relations_, 193. - - Jesuits in Maryland, 523, 525, 531; - their letters, 553. - - “Jesus”, ship, 60. - - Jews denied being freemen in Rhode Island, 379. - - Jogues, _Novum Belgium_, 416. - - “John and Francis”, ship, 139. - - “John Sarah”, ship, 480. - - Johnson, Edward, 358; - autog., 358; - _Wonder-working Providence_, 210, 358, 365. - - Johnson, Francis, 220, 261; - autog., 261. - - Johnson, George, 220. - - Johnson, Isaac, 369. - - Johnson, Robert, his _New Life of Virginia_, 156. - - Johnson, R. S., _Memoir of Fenwicke_, 456. - - Johnson, Samuel, _Life of Drake_, 84. - - Johnston, John, _History of Bristol_, etc., 190, 365. - - Johnstone, George, Cecil County, 561. - - Johnstone, John, 443, 450. - - Jomard, _Monuments de la Géographie_, 8, 21, 217; - notices of, 217. - - “Jonathan”, ship, 326. - - Jones, Edmund, 173. - - Jones, F., _Life of Frobisher_, 102. - - Jones, H. G., 500, 515, 516. - - Jones, Joel, _Land-office Titles_, 512. - - Jones, Samuel, criticises Smith’s _History of New York_, 412. - - Jones, Skelton, 165. - - Jones, Captain Thomas, of the “Mayflower”, 269, 271, 288; - his alleged treachery, 289. - - Jones, Sir William, 483, 511. - - Jones, _Present State of Virginia_, 164. - - Joseph, William, 550. - - Josselyn, Henry, 360. - - Josselyn, John, 372; - _Two Voyages_, 360, 384; - _New England’s Rarities_, 360. - - Judæis, Cornelius de, _Speculum Orbis Terrarum_, 196; - his map (1593), 196. - - “Judith”, ship, 63. - - Juet, companion of Hudson, 103. - - Jury trial, first in Virginia, 146. - - - Kalendarium Pennsilvaniense, 493. - - Kanibas, 382. - - Keach, Elias, 494. - - Keen, Gregory B., “Note on New Albion”, 457. - - Keith, George, 445, 501, 503. - - Keith, Sir William, _History of Virginia_, 165. - - Kelpius, 501. - - Kemp, Richard, 147. - - Kendall, John, 128. - - Kennebec River, 190, 382, 383; - Plymouth patent of it, 278, 291, 308, 324; - projected settlement on, 302. - - Kennedy, J. P., _Life of Lord Baltimore_, 561. - - Kennett, White, _Bibliothecæ Americanæ Primordia_, 348. - - Kent Island, 522, 526, 527, 528, 532, 533, 538, 542, 562. - - “Kent”, ship, 432. - - Kerr, _Voyages_, 84. - - Kest, _Robinson, Prediker_, 286. - - Keymis, Lawrence, 118, 120; - his account of Ralegh’s voyage, 124. - - Kidder, Frederic, 123; - on the Popham Question, 210. - - King’s Province (Rhode Island), 339. - - “Kingfisher”, frigate, 321. - - Kingsland, Isaac, 437, 443. - - Kingsley, Charles, on Ralegh, 126; - _Westward Ho!_, 78. - - Kingsley, J. L., _Historical Discourse_, 371. - - Kingston (New York), 390. - - Knight, John, 92. - - Knowles, J. D., _Life of Roger Williams_, 378. - - Kohl, J. G., his career and likeness, 209; - his _Discovery of Maine_, or _Documentary History of Maine_, 8, 12, - 208, 209, 218; - his _Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von America_, 16; - his cartographical labors, 209; - his maps in the State Department at Washington, 209; - in the American Antiquarian Society, 209; - on the name of Rhode Island, 376; - _Maps in Hakluyt_, 80, 124. - - _Kort en bondigh Verhael_, 415. - - Kunstmann, F., _Entdeckung Amerikas_, 8, 82, 217. - - - Labadists, 505. - - Labanoff, _Catalogue_, 200. - - Labrador, 90, 101; - Cabot’s landfall, 34; - as an island, 203. - - Laconia, 308; - patent, 340, 367; - Company, 327, 328, 363; - sources of its history, 366, 367. - - La Cosa. _See_ Cosa. - - Lacour, Louis, 82. - - Lafreri, _Geografia_, 10. - - Lake, Sir Thomas, 517. - - Lakeman, Sijverts, _Treatyse_, etc., 208. - - Lamb, Joshua, 123. - - Lamb, Martha J., _History of New York City_, 415. - - Lambert, E. R., _History of New Haven Colony_, 375. - - Lambrechtsen, _Korte Beschryving_, 418. - - Lancaster Sound, 95. - - Lane, Ralph, 187; - in Virginia, 110, 111; - autog., 110; - his narrative, 122; - letters, 123, 124. - - Langford, John, _Refutation of Babylon’s Fall_, 555. - - Langren’s globes, 216. - - Laon globe (1493), 212. - - La Plata River, Cabot at, 4, 48. - - Larkham, Thomas, 327. - - La Roque, _Armorial_, 58. - - La Salle’s discoveries, 403. - - La Tour, 383. - - Las Casas, English translation, 205. - - Latitude, instruments for taking, 207. - - Latrobe, J. H. B., 514. - - Laudonuière’s colony, 61. - - Lawrence, Sir John, 457. - - Lawrie, Gawen, 430, 435, 437, 438, 443; - autog., 430. - - Lawton on William Penn, 506. - - Lawyer, first, in Massachusetts, 351. - - Laydon, John, 132. - - Leaming, Aaron, 454. - - Leaming and Spicer, _Grants, etc., of New Jersey_, 454. - - Lechford, Thomas, 351; - _Plain Dealing_, 351; - its manuscript, 351; - fac-simile of, 352; - autog., 351, 353; - note-book, 351. - - Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_, 217. - - L’Ecuy globe, 214. - - Leddra, William, hanged, 359, 505. - - Lederer, John, _Discoveries_, 157. - - Lefroy, _History of Bermuda_, 156. - - Legislature, first, in America, 143. - - Leicester, Earl of, 64, 74. - - Leigh, Sir Thomas, 141. - - Leigh, William, 158. - - Leisler, Jacob, 411; - autog., 411; - his dwelling, 417. - - Lelewel, _Géographie du Moyen Âge_, 8, 217. - - Leng, Robert, 82. - - Lenox, Duke of, 297, 301, 341; - autog., 275. - - Lenox globe, 14, 212. - - Lenox Library, 380. - - Leroux, 212. - - Lescarbot’s map (1609), 197. - - Levett, Christopher, 303, 308, 366. - - Levick, J. J., _John ap Thomas_, etc., 515. - - Lewger, John, 528; - autog., 528. - - Lewis, Alonzo, _History of Lynn_, 347. - - Lewis, Lawrence, Jr., 488; - _Land Titles_, 512; - _Courts of Pennsylvania_, 512 - - Lewis, William, 531, 555, 556. - - Leyden, Pilgrims in, 262; - university, 262, 263; - plan of the town, 263; - Pilgrims leave, 267; - later emigrations from, 276, 277; - H. C. Murphy on the Pilgrims at, 287; - George Sumner on the same, 286. - _See_ Pilgrims. - - Libraries in Virginia, 153. - - Lightfoot, Bishop, _Christian Ministry_, 254. - - Lil, H. van, on William Penn, 506. - - Linn, J. B., 510. - - Linschoten, _Discours_, 205; - portrait, 206. - - Lions, 186. - - “Little James”, ship, 292. - - Little Harbor (New Hampshire), 326. - - Livermore, George, 354. - - Livingston, William, 411, 453. - - Lloyd, Charles, autog., 484. - - Lloyd, David, 488. - - Lloyd, Lawrence, 466. - - Lloyd, Thomas, autog., 494. - - Local histories, 363. - - Lock, Lars, 494. - - Locke, John, and Churchill’s _Voyages_, 205. - - Locke or Lok, Michael, 86; - his map, 39, 205; - fac-simile, 40; - _History of West Indies_, 47. - - Loddington, William, _Plantation Work_, 496. - - Lodge, H. C., _Life of George Cabot_, 58; - _English Colonies_, 160; - on the Pocahontas story, 162. - - Lodge, Thomas, with Cavendish, 84; - his _Margarite of America_, 84. - - Lodwick, C., 420. - - Loe, Thomas, 473, 475. - - Log invented, 207. - - Logan and Penn correspondence, 506. - - Lok. _See_ Locke. - - London coast, 90. - - London Company, 127. - - _London Spy_, 373. - - Longfellow, H. W., _Courtship of Miles Standish_, 294. - - Long Island, 388, 457, 458; - assigned to New York, 391. - - Longitude, methods of, 35, 41; - first meridian of, 212, 214. - - “Lord Sturton”, ship, 186. - - Lorrencourt, 79. - - Lotteries, 141; in Virginia, 158. - - Lovelace, Francis, governor, 395; - autog., 395; - leaves, 397; - letters, 414. - - Lucas, _Charters of the Old English Colonies_, 153. - - Lucas, Nicolas, autog., 430. - - Ludlow’s laws (Connecticut), 334. - - Ludwell, Thomas, 149. - - Lumley’s Inlet, 90. - - Lyford, John, 277. - - Lygonia, 191, 323, 324. - - Lyon, Henry, 437. - - - Macaulay, T. B., on William Penn, 506; - his views controverted, 506. - - Macauley, James, _History of New York_, 413. - - Mace, Captain Samuel, 115. - - Mackie, J. M., _Life of Samuel Gorton_, 378. - - Macock, Samuel, 143. - - Madison, Isaac, 141, 146. - - “Madre de Dios”, ship, 116. - - Maffeius, map (1593), 196; - _Historiarum Indicarum libri_, 196. - - Magellan, 66; his straits, 201, 203. - - Magin, _Histoire Universelle_, 184. - - Magnetic pole first suggested, 207. - - Maine, documentary history, 208; - grants and charters, 209; - province of, 310, 324; - bought by Massachusetts, 320, 324; - her history, 321; - patents, 321; - Massachusetts again in possession, 325; - authorities on the history of, 363; - origin of name, 363; - patent to Gorges, 363; - royal charter, 363; - records, 363, 364; - royal commissioners in, 325, 363; - histories of, 364; - bibliography of, 209, 365; - map of the coast, 190; - English on the coast, 193. - _See_ Gorges, Norumbega, Pemaquid, Popham. - - Maine Historical Society, 208; - _Collections_, 365. - - Major, R. H., 191; - on Cabot’s voyage, 45. - - Malabar, Cape, 382, 383. - - Malectites, 382. - - Malignants, 147. - - Man, Abraham, 488. - - Manchese, 110, 111. - - Mangi, sea, 67, 68; - region, 68. - - Manning, Captain, 397. - - Manoa, 117. - - Manomet, 272. - - Manor of Frank (Pennsylvania), 482. - - Manteo, 110, 111, 114. - - Manufactures in Virginia, 166; - in New England, 316. - - Marco, Cape, 101. - - “Maria”, ship, 95. - - Mariana, 367. - - “Marigold”, ship, 65, 187. - - _Mariner’s Mirrour_, 207. - - Markham, A. H., _Voyages of John Davis_, 99. - - Markham, C. R., 79; - _Voyages of Baffin_, 99. - - Markham, William, 478; - letters, 497. - - Maroons, 65. - - Marriage, first, in Virginia, 132. - - Marshall, O. H., on the charters of New York, 414; - on Denonville’s expedition, 415. - - Marsillac, J., _Vie de Penn_, 506. - - Marston, _Eastward ho!_, 128. - - Martha’s Vineyard, 180. - - Martin, John, 128, 137, 143, 146. - - Martin, J. H., _Chester and its Vicinity_, 510. - - Martin, _Gazetteer of Virginia_, 165. - - _Martin Mar-Prelate Tracts_, 237, 238. - - Martindale, J. C., _Byberry and Moreland_, 509. - - Marvin, W. T. R., edits the _New England’s Jonas_, 355. - - Mary, Queen, autog., 7. - - “Mary and John”, ship, 176. - - “Mary of Guilford”, ship, 170, 185, 186. - - Maryland, history of, 517; - charter, 517; - name of, 520; - bounds, 520; - powers of the Proprietors, 520, 521; - rights of the settlers, 522; - controversy with Virginia, 522, 528; - Jesuit missions, 523, 554; - the charter’s significance of toleration, 523, 530, 562; - map of, 465, 525; - colonists arrive, 526; - early assemblies, 527, 528, 530, 531; - struggle of colonists with the Proprietor, 529; - Ingle’s usurpation, 532; - overthrown, 532; - Toleration Act, 534, 541, 555, 560; - passed by Catholics, 534; - indorsement of, 535; - Puritan settlers, 535; - two houses of the Assembly formed, 536; - commissioners’ demands, 537; - second conquest, 538; - victory of the Puritans of Providence, 539; - the Proprietor reinstated, 541; - population, 543; - coinage, 543; - boundary disputes with Pennsylvania, 478, 488, 489, 548; - writ of _quo warranto_ against the charter, 550; - Coode’s “Association”, 551; - proprietary government ends, 552; - a royal province, 553; - sources of its history, 553; - _Relation_ (of 1634), 553; - (of 1635), 553; - letters of Jesuit missionaries, 553; - map, 553; - boundary disputes with Virginia, 554; - battle of Providence, authorities on, 554; - archives of the State, 555-557; - laws, 529, 556, 557, 562; - calendar of State papers, 556; - loss of records, 557; - documents in State-Paper Office in London, 557; - index to them, 557; - other manuscript sources, 557; - histories, 559; - seal of the colony, 559; - proportion of Catholics, 560; - the question of toleration discussed, 561; - source of charter, 561; - bibliography of, 561; - local histories, 561. - _See_ Calvert, Kent Island, etc. - - Maryland Historical Society, 562; publications, 562. - - Mason, Charles, autog., 489. - - Mason, Captain John, of New Hampshire, on the Maine coast, 193; - his will, 367; - grant of Laconia, 308, 327, 328; - vice-president of Council for New England, 309; - grant of New Hampshire, 310, 367; - his grants, 329; - autog., 364; - dies, 328; - memoir by C. W. Tuttle, 364. - - Mason, John, of Connecticut, in Pequot war, 348; - autog., 348; - his narrative, 349. - - Mason, Robert Tufton, 329, 367. - - Mason and Dixon’s line, 489, 514, 515. - - Massa, 104. - - Massachusetts, 310; - early meant Boston Harbor, 179, 183; - patent, 309, 310, 342; - charter, 311, 342, 343; - government of, 312; - objects of the founders, 312; - charter attacked, 313; - charter concealed, 318; - her relations with the other colonies, 316; - buys the patent of Maine, 320, 364; - writ of _quo warranto_ against the charter, 321; - origin of name of, 342; - authorities for its history, 342; - government transferred to the soil, 343; - archives of, 343; - records printed, 343, 359; - manuscripts elsewhere, 343; - histories of, 344; - laws of, 314, 349-351, 373; - struggle to maintain its charter, 362; - authorities on the struggle, 362; - bibliography of, 363; - claims westward to the Pacific, 396; - claim to lands west of the Hudson, 405. - _See_ New England. - - Massachusetts Company, 342, 343. - - Massachusetts Historical Society, archives of, 343; - publications, 343; - _Collections_, 343; - _Proceedings_, 343. - - Massachusetts Mount, 342. - _See_ Blue Hills. - - Massachusetts River, 342. - - Masson, _Life of Milton_, 245. - - Massonia, 367. - - Massasoit, 274, 282; - his family, 290. - - Mataoka. _See_ Pocahontas. - - Mather, Cotton, autog., 319; - his library, 345; - _Ecclesiastical History of New England_, or _Magnalia_, 240, 283, - 345; - portrait, 345; - _Diary_, 345; - _Parentator_, 345; - on the Wheelwright deed, 367; - map of New England, 345, 384; - forged letter of, 502. - - Mather, Increase, _Relation of the Troubles_, 340, 361; - _Brief History of the War_, 361. - - Mather, Richard, 255, 350. - - _Mather Papers_, 374. - - Matowack, 388. - - Matthews, Samuel, 149. - - Mattson, Margaret, 488. - - Maverick, Samuel, 360; - autog., 311, 388; - controversy with Massachusetts, 354. - - Mavooshen, 363. - - Maxwell’s _Virginia Historical Register_, 168. - - May, Dorothy, autog., 268. - - May’s Arctic expedition, 104. - - Mayer, Brantz, 533, 559, 562; - _Calvert and Penn_, 507. - - Mayer, Lewis, 557, 562. - - “Mayflower”, ship, 267; - passengers on, 267, 292; - their autographs, 268; - last survivor, 271; - passengers, origin of, 284; - her history, 290. - _See_ Pilgrims, Jones. - - Maynarde, Thomas, 82. - - McCall, Peter, 512. - - McCamant, Thomas, 510. - - McCormick, S. J., 372. - - McDonald, Colonel A. W., his report on Virginia bounds, 159. - - McMahon, J. V. L., _History of Maryland_, 559. - - McSherry, James, _History of Maryland_, 560. - - McSherry, Richard, 560; - _Essays and Lectures_, 560. - - Meade, _Old Churches and Families of Virginia_, 160. - - Medina, _Arte de Navegar_, 207. - - Meeting-houses, old, in New England, 319. - - Megiser, _Septentrio novantiquus_, 104. - - Melton, Edward, _Zee- en Landreizen_, 419. - - Mendocino, Cape, 74-76, 80. - - _Menzies Catalogue_, passim. - - Mennonites, 251, 479, 490. - - Mercator, Gerard, his engraved gores of a globe, 214; - Hondy’s edition, 167, 381; - his projection improved by Wright, 208. - - Merchant adventurers, 266. - - Merlan, J. E. V., 491. - - “Mermaid”, ship, 89. - - Merrill, James C., 353. - - Merry Mount, 278. - - Metacomet, 282. - - Meta Incognita, 86, 89, 91. - - Meusel, _Bibliotheca Historica_, 124. - - Mew, Richard, 435. - - Mexico, press in, 350. - - Mey, Cornelius Jacobsen, 422. - - Miantonomo, 368. - - “Michael”, ship, 86. - - Michener, Ezra, _Early Quakerism_, 505. - - Mickle, Isaac, _Old Gloucester_, 456. - - Middletown (New Jersey), 424, 427. - - Milford (Connecticut), 333. - - Millard, F. J., 104. - - Millenary petition, 239. - - Miller, J., _Description of New York_, 420. - - Millet, Father, his _Relation_, 415. - - “Minion”, ship, 64. - - Minot, G. R., _History of Massachusetts_, 344. - - Mint in Boston, 316; - illegal, 320; - in Maryland, 543; - in New Jersey, 447. - - Mitchell, Jonathan, 360. - - M’Kinney and Hall, _Indian Tribes_, 163. - - Mohawks, 394, 396; - friendship with, 400; - French expeditions against, 415. - _See_ Iroquois. - - _Mohegan case_, 349. - - Molineaux, Emeric, map, 44, 46, 77, 91, 99, 197, 216, 217; - of California coast, 80; - his globe, 90, 196, 205, 207, 208, 212, 213. - - Moll, Herman, his maps, 345. - - Moluccas, 48; - discovered, 68. - - Monardes, _Joyfull Newes_, 204. - - _Mondidier Catalogue_, 348. - - Monhegan, 176, 178, 179, 181-183, 190, 191, 321. - - Monmouth patent, 426. - - Montanus, Arnoldus, _De Nieuwe Weereld_, 184, 416; - map of New York, 381, 417. - - Monterey, 74, 75. - - Montreal (Mont Royal), 213. - _See_ Hochelaga. - - Moody, Joshua, autog., 319. - - “Moonshine”, ship, 89. - - Moore, George H., 368; - on Poole’s edition of Johnson’s _Wonder-working Providence_, 358. - - Moore, J. B., 367; - _Governors of New England_, 289. - - Moore, John, 488. - - Moorhead, Sarah, portrait of Cotton Mather, 345. - - Mooshausic, 377. - - Moravians’ (Bethlehem) library, 500. - - Morden, Robert, map of New England, 384. - - More, Caleb, 360. - - More, Nicholas, 482, 486, 488, 494, 497; - autog., 484; - _Letter from Dr. More_, 500. - - Moreland, manor of, 482. - - Morris, Caspar, 515. - - Morris, J. G., _Lord Baltimore_, 559; - _Bibliography of Maryland_, 561. - - Morris, Colonel Lewis, 436. - - Morrison, Francis, 148, 149, 152. - - Morton, Charles, autog., 319. - - Morton, George, 290. - - Morton, Nathaniel, 283; - _New England’s Memorial_, 283, 291, 359; - autog., 291. - - Morton, Thomas, 278, 309, 322; - _New English Canaan_, 348; - edited by C. F. Adams, Jr., 348. - - Mount Desert, 178, 179, 190, 194, 382, 383. - - Mount Wollaston, 311. - - Mountfield, D., _The Church and Puritans_, 253. - - Moulton, J. W., _New York One Hundred and Seventy Years Ago_, 416. - - _Mourt’s Relation_, 288, 289; - its authorship, 290. - - Mudie, David, 443. - - Mulford, I. S., _History of New Jersey_, 455. - - Muller, Frederick, _Catalogue of American Portraits_, 416; - _Books on America_, passim. - - Muller, _Geschiedenis der noord Compagnie_, 98. - - Muller, _History of Doncaster_, 102. - - Munsell, Joel, 372. - - Munster, or Münster, Sebastian, _Cosmographia_, 27, 36, 199, 200; - map (1532), 199, 201; - edits Grynæus and Ptolemy, 199; - in English by Eden, 200, 201; - map (1540), 201, 217. - - Murphy, H. C., _Henry Hudson in Holland_, 104; - _Verrazzano_, 214; - on the Pilgrims in Leyden, 287; - and Milet’s captivity, 415; - edits Danker’s _Journal_, 420. - - Muscongus, 191. - - Muscovy Company, 6, 46, 103. - - Myritius, Johannes, _Opusculum Geographicum_, 10. - - - “Nachen”, ship, 181. - - Nancy globe, 214. - - Nantasket, 311. - - Nantucket, 382. - - Napier, _Lord Bacon and Ralegh_, 126. - - Narragansett country, Connecticut’s claim, 335, 339; - settled, 336; - Massachusetts proprietors of, 338; - townships, 361; - histories of, 376; - patent, 379. - _See_ Rhode Island. - - Narragansett Club, 377. - - _Narragansett Historical Register_, 381. - - Narragansetts, 382. - - Naumkeag, 311. - _See_ Salem. - - Naunton, Sir Robert, 265. - - Navigation, early books on, 206. - - Navigation Act, 150, 386, 387, 400, 415, 544. - - Nead, B. M., 510. - - Neal, Daniel, _History of the Puritans_, 250; - _History of New England_, 345; - its map, 345. - - Neale, Walter, 327, 328; - autog., 363. - - Needle, variation of, 9, 23, 41. - - Nehantic country, 371. - - Neill, E. D., his _Virginia and Virginiola_, 154; - _Notes on the Virginia Colonial Clergy_, 157; - _History of the Virginia Company of London_, 158, 288, 340; - _English Colonization in America_, 155, 158, 288, 561; - his notes on Virginia history, 158, 160, 162, 163, 166; - on Sir Edmund Plowden, 457; - on Robert Evelyn, 459; - _Francis Howgill_, 505; - _Light thrown by the Jesuits_, etc., 554; - _Terra Mariæ_, 560; - _Lord Baltimore and Toleration_, 560; - _Founders of Maryland_, 560; - _Maryland not a Roman Catholic Colony_, 561. - - Nelson, Captain, at Jamestown, 131. - - Nelson, William, _History of Passaic County_, 456. - - Nelson River, 93. - - “Neptune”, ship, 142. - - Nevada, 67. - - Nevada River, 101. - - Nevill, James, 441. - - Nevill, Samuel, 454. - - New Albion (Drake’s), 80; - under “Caput Draconis”, 69, 72. - - New Albion (Plowden’s), 457; - bounds, 458, 463; - medal and ribbon of the Albion knights, 461, 462. - _See_ Plowden. - - New Amsterdam surrenders to the English, 389, 421; - first reports of, 414; - burghers take the oath, 414; - early views, 415. - _See_ New York. - - New Cæsaria. _See_ Nova Cæsaria. - - New England, name first given, 198; - thought to be an island, 197; - Cartography, 194, 381, 382, 383; - Dudley’s map, 303; - _Paskaart_, 333; - Mather’s map, 345; - Confederation (of 1643), 281, 315, 334, 338, 354; - its records, 373; - religious element in, 219; - sources of her history, 340; - relations with the Dutch, 375; - dominion extends to the Pacific, 409; - Andros seal, 410; - bounds as allowed by the French, 456; - Council for, 295; - their _Briefe Relation_, 296; - patent, 297; - seal, 341, 342; - _Platform_, 302; - records, 301, 308, 340; - partition the coast, 305; - grants, 308, 340; - surrenders patent, 309; - authorities on, 340. - - _New England Almanac_, 384. - - New England Historic Genealogical Society, 344. - - _New England Historical and Genealogical Register_, 344. - - New England Society of New York, 293. - - New England’s _First Fruits_, 355. - - New France, 101. - - New Haarlem, 390. - - New Hampshire, grant of, 310; - history of, 326; - submits to Massachusetts, 327, 329; - name first used, 329, 367; - _Provincial Papers_, 363, 367; - sources of her history, 366; - Wheelwright deed, 366; - patents, 367; - map (1653), 367; - laws, 367; - histories of, 368; - local histories, 368; - bibliography, 368. - - New Hampshire Historical Society _Collections_, 367. - - New Haven, 310, 368; - founded, 332, 371; - united to Connecticut, 334; - fundamental articles in original Constitution, 371; - laws, 371; - Blue Laws, 371; - charter of union with Connecticut, 373; - _Records_, 371, 375; - histories of, 375; - maritime interests, 375. - _See_ Connecticut. - - New Haven Historical Society _Papers_, 375. - - _New Interlude_, 199. - - New Jersey, grants of, 392; - boundary disputes, 406; - named, 422, 423; - _Concessions_, etc., 423, 425, 426, 427; - government, 423; - earliest Assembly, 425; - lords proprietors, 428; - laws, 429, 447; - quintipartite deed, 431; - under Andros’ government, 444; - attempt to run the line between East and West Jersey, 445; - _Planter’s Speech_, etc., 449; - sources of its history, 449; - counties and towns, 446; - churches in, 447; - education in, 447; - coinage in, 447, 448; - early tracts on, 453; - histories of, 453, 455; - _Archives_, 454; - map by Van der Donck, 455; - efforts to complete its archives, 455; - Chalmers papers on its history, 455; - _Testimonys from the Inhabitants_, 476. - _See_ East _and_ West Jersey. - - New Jersey Historical Society, 454, 455. - - New London (Connecticut), 375. - - New Netherland, relations with New England, 375; - taken by the English, 385; - capture contemplated by Cromwell, 386; - bounds of, 456. - _See_ Dutch, New York. - - New Plymouth, 276. - _See_ Plymouth. - - New Scotland, 306. - - New Somerset, 322, 363; - records, 363. - - New Sweden, 456, 465; - surrenders to the Dutch, 422. - - New York (city), 405, 407; - view of the Strand, 417; - Stadthuys, 419, 420; - Water-gate, 420; - first named, 390; - taken by the Dutch, 397, 415, 429; - restored to the English, 398; - government, 414; - early views, 415; - maps, 417, 418; - its history, 415. - _See_ New Amsterdam. - - New York (province), described (in 1678), 400; - boundary disputes with Connecticut, 405; - sources of its history, 411; - under English rule, 385; - charter of liberties, 404; - charter of franchises, 405; - annexed to New England under Andros, 409; - histories of, 411; - literature of disputed boundaries, 414; - charters, 414; - seals, 415; - maps, 417; - descriptions, 419. - _See_ New Netherland. - - Newark (New Jersey), 425; - history of, 456. - - Newbie, Mark, 441, 448. - - Newce, Thomas, 144. - - Newfoundland, 519. - _See_ Avalon, Baccalaos. - - Newichwaneck, 327, 328. - - Newport, Captain Christopher, 128, 132, 133, 139; - his discoveries, 154. - - Newport (Rhode Island), founded, 336, 338. - - _Newport-Historical Magazine_, 381. - - Newport-News, origin of the name, 154. - - Nicholas, Thomas, his _Pleasant History_, 204, 205; - his _Peru_, 204. - - Nicholls, Richard, 389; - killed, 396; - autog., 388. 421. - - Nichols, Philip, 83. - - Nichols, Dr. William, _Doctrine of the Church of England_, 248. - - Nicholson, Francis, 444. - - Nicholson, Joseph, autog., 314. - - Niles, T. M., 376 - - Noble, George, 457. - - Noddle’s Island, 311. - - Nombre de Dios, 65. - - Nonconformists, 219, 223. - _See_ Dissenters, Separatists. - - Norman, Robert, _Newe Attractive_, 207, 208; - _Safeguard of Saylers_, 207. - - Norris, J. S., 555; _Early Friends in Maryland_, 505. - - North, J. W., _History of Augusta_, 365. - - North Carolina, Indians of, 109; - map of, by John White, 124. - - Northeast Passage, 6, 30. - - “North Star”, ship, 90. - - Northwest explorations, 85; - Passage, 203. - _See_ Arctic. - - Northwest Territory, Virginia’s claims to, 153. - - Norton, Francis, 328. - - Norton, John, _Discussion of the Suffering of Christ_, 357; - autog., 358; - _Heart of New England Rent_, 358. - - Norton, _Literary Gazette_, 205. - - Norumbega, 101, 188; - its English explorers, 169; - bounds, 169; - meaning of the name, 184; - authorities, 184; - varieties of the name, 195, 214. - _See_ Arembec, Maine - - Norwich (Connecticut), 375. - - Norwood, Colonel Henry, 148. - - Norwood, _Voyage to Virginia_, 157. - - Notley, Thomas, 547. - - Nova Albion, 42. - _See_ New Albion. - - _Nova Britannia_ (Virginia), 155, 156, 199. - - Nova Cæsaria, 422. - _See_ New Jersey. - - Nova Francia. _See_ New France. - - Nova Scotia, 299. - - - Oakwood Press, 500. - - O’Callaghan, E. B., on New York history, 414; - _New Netherland_, 415; - edits Wooley’s Journal, 420; - his _Catalogue_, passim. - - Ocracoke Inlet, 111. - - Ogden, John, 429. - - Ogilby, John, _America_, 167, 184, 360, 416; - map of New York, 417; - map of New England, 381. - - Oiseaux, Isle des, 213. - - Olaus Magnus, 101. - - Old Colony Club, 293. - - Old Colony Historical Society, 291, 344. - - “Old Dominion”, name of, 153. - - Oldham, John, 303. - - Oldmixon, John, _British Empire in America_, 345, 499, 502. - - Oldys, William, _Life of Bacon_, 121; - _British Librarian_, 205. - - Olive, Thomas, 441. - - Onderdonk, Henry, Jr., _Annals of Hempstead_, 505. - - Opecancanough, 131. - - Orcutt and Beadsley, _History of Derby_, 375. - - Oregon coast, 68. - - Orinoco River, 117; - valley, map, 124. - - Orleans, Isle of, 213. - - Ortelius’s map in Hakluyt, 205; - _Theatrum orbis terrarum_, 34. - - Oswego, 411. - - Otten’s map of New York, 417. - - Oviedo, _Historia de las Indias_, 49. - - _Oxford Tract_, 156. - - _Oxford Voyages_, 79. - - - Pacific, passages to the, 183, 459; - called Mare del Sur, 203. - _See_ South Sea. - - Pack, Roger, 457. - - Paget, John, _Inquiry_, etc., 506. - - Paine, John, autog., 338. - - Palfrey, John G., his interest in Pilgrim history, 284; - _History of New England_, 293, 344, 375, 376. - - Palmer, W. P., 161. - - Palmer’s Island, 522, 528. - - Pamunkey Indians, 131. - - Paper manufacture in Pennsylvania, 493. - - Parias, 201, 215. - - Parmenius, 171, 187. - - Partridge, Ralph, 280. - - Paschall, Thomas, 499. - - “Pasha”, ship, 65. - - Passao, island, 79. - - Passe, Simon, 212. - - Patterson, James W., 210. - - Pastorius, F. D., 491, 515; - _Beschreibung_, etc., 502. - - “Patience”, ship, 136. - - Patowomekes, 135. - - Patuxet, 273. - - Pavonia, 422. - - Payne, _Elizabethan Seamen_, 78, 187. - - Peabody, George, 557, 562. - - Pearls sought for on the New England coast, 181. - - Pearson, Peter, 358; - autog., 314. - - Pease, J. C., 376. - - Peckard, Peter, _Memoir of Nicholas Ferrar_, 158. - - Peckham, Sir George, 39, 196; - his _True Report_, 187, 205. - - Peirce, E. W., _Indian History_, etc., 290; - _Civil Lists_, etc., 293. - - Peirce, James, _Vindication of the Dissenters_, 248. - - Peirce, John, 269, 275, 299, 301, 341. - - Peirce, William, _Almanac_, 350. - - Pejepscot patent, 324. - - Pelham, Peter, 345. - - “Pelican”, Drake’s ship, 65; - broken up, 73. - - Pemaquid, 190, 191, 193, 365, 382, 400, 407; - Popham at, 176; - map, 177; - settled, 321; - _Papers_, 365; - books on, 365; - purchased by Duke of York, 325, 388; - grant of, 399. - _See_ Maine. - - Pembroke, Earl of, 64, 86. - - Pemisapan, 112. - - Penhallow, _Indian Wars_, 349. - - Penington, John, on New Albion, 461. - - Penn, Granville, _Sir William Penn_, 506. - - Penn, Hannah, 514. - - Penn, Richard, 514. - - Penn, William, intervenes in New Jersey disputes, 430, 432; - purchases Carteret’s interest in Jersey, 435; - his _Letter_ (printed in 1683), 498, 499; - _Further Account_, 500; - Sir W. Popple’s _Letter to Penn_, 502; - alleged plot to capture him, 502; - _Brief Account_, etc., _of the Quakers_, 496, 503; - _Primitive Christianity Revived_, 503; - his _Works_, 505; - lives of, 505, 506; - connection with Algernon or Henry Sidney, 506; - Papers, 506, 507; - _Apology_, 506; - correspondence with Logan, 506; - his family, 507; - travels in Holland, 507; - deeds, grants, letters, etc., 507; - his career, 473; - portraits, 474, 475; - autog., 474, 484; - his burial-place, 475; - _No Cross, no Crown_, 475; - _Great Case of Liberty of Conscience_, 475; - interest in West Jersey, 476; - petitions for land east of the Delaware, 476; - charter granted, 477 - _Some Account_, etc., 478, 479, 495, 496; - arrives in America, 480, 482; - Letitia Cottage, 483; - at Shackamaxon, 490, 513; - his country-house, 491; - slate-roof house, 492; - _Brief Account_, 496; - vindicated by Ford, 498; - his letters, 498; - his landing, 512; - treaty with the Indians, 513; - belt of wampum, 513; - Treaty Tree, 513; - and the Indians, 513; - controversy with Baltimore, 514, 548, 549; - letter to Free Society of Traders, 516. - _See_ Pennsylvania. - - Penn, Sir William, 506. - - Pennsbury manor, 491. - - Pennsylvania, origin of name, 477; - founding of, 469; - charter granted, 477; - bounds with Maryland, 404, 473, 488, 513, 514, 548; - country described, 481; - _Frame of Government_, 497, 511; - its seal and signers, 484; - courts, 487; - population, 491; - Harris’s map, 491; - education, 492; - trade, 492; - press in, 493; - ecclesiastical affairs, 493; - sources of its history, 495; - early tracts on, 495, 496; - _Twee Missiven_, 499; - _Beschreibung der Pensylvanien_, 499; - _Recüeil de pieces_, etc., 499; - _Missive van Bom_, 500; - _Nader Informatie_, 500; - _Some Letters_, 500; - _Copia eines Send-Schriebens_, 501; - Gabriel Thomas’s map, 501; - _Curieuse Nachricht_, 502; - histories of, 507; - constitutional history, 510; - local histories, 509; - seal, 511; - documents in State-Paper Office, 510; - _Votes of the Assembly_, 510; - _Colonial Records_, 510; - _Pennsylvania Archives_, 510; - charter and laws, 485, 510, 511, 512; - _Certain Conditions_, etc., 511; - maps, 516; - purchases from the Indians, 516. - _See_ Penn, William. - - Pennsylvania Historical Society, 516; - _Memoirs_, 516; - _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, 516. - - Pennypacker, S. W., 491, 499, 515. - - Penobscot River, 190; - the Pilgrims on the, 291. - - Pentagöet (Castine), 190, 382, 383. - - Pentecost Harbor, 175, 190, 191. - - Pepperrell, Sir William, his sword, 274. - - Pequods, 382; - war with, 348; - literature of, 348, 349, 371. - - Percy, Abraham, 143, 146. - - Percy, George, 134, 136; - portrait, 134, 154; - his _Observations_, 154. - - _Perfect Description of Virginia_, 157. - - Perkins, F. B., _Check-List of American Local History_, 292, 363. - - Perle, island, 67. - - Pero, Cape, 197. - - Peru, 203. - - Perry, W. S., _The Church in Virginia_, 166. - - Pert, Sir Thomas, 4, 26, 28, 48. - - Perth Amboy, 439, 440, 446; - history of, 455; - Quakers at, 505. - - Perth, Earl of, 435; - autog., 439. - - Peter Martyr, 10; - his _Decades_, 15, 200; - quoted, 18, 19, 20, 35; - edited by Hakluyt, 42; - map from, 42; - translation by Locke, 47; - his manuscript, 47. - - Peters, Samuel, his false _Blue Laws_, 372; - _General History of Connecticut_, 372. - - Peterson, Edward, _History of Rhode Island_, 376. - - Petitot, _Mémoires_, 193. - - Pethedam, John, _Bibliographical Miscellany_, 99. - - Philadelphia founded, 481; - laid out, 491; - Holme’s plan, 491; - growth of, 493; - histories of, 509; - map, 516. - - “Philip”, ship, 424. - - Philip, William, 205. - - Philip’s War, 281, 318, 374; - in Rhode Island, 339; - tracts on, 360; - its end, 361. - - Phillipps, Sir Thomas, 208; - library at Middlehill, 208; - now at Cheltenham, 208. - - “Phœnix”, ship, 131. - - Pickering, Charles, 488. - - Pierpont, John, _Pilgrim Fathers_, 294. - - Pierse, Thomas, 143. - - Pigmies, 101. - - Pike, James S., _New Puritan_, 359. - - Pike, Robert, autog., 359. - - Pilgrim Society, 293. - - Pilgrims of Plymouth, 257; - their relations with the Massachusetts Puritans, 242; - at Leyden, 263; - apply to the Virginia Company, 264, 265; - their declaration in seven articles, 265, 281, 287; - the Wincob patent, 265, 269; - plans changed for New Netherland, 266; - agree with Weston, 266; - leave Leyden, 267; - at Delfthaven, 267; - sail from Southampton, 267; - return to Dartmouth, 267; - sail from Plymouth (Devon), 267; - reach Cape Cod, 267; - the Peirce patent, 269; - seek Hudson River, 269; - their compact, 269, 271; - explorations from Cape Cod, with map, 270; - choose Carver governor, 271; - land at Plymouth, 271; - date of landing, 290; - the spot in dispute, 271, 290; - Samoset visits them, 273; - the “Fortune” arrive, 275; - their new patent, 275; - their common stock, 276; - land allotted, 276; - their governors, 278; - new patent (1641), 279; - relics of, 279; - government of, 280; - poverty of, 281; - the ministry among, 281; - education among, 281; - authorities on their history, 283; - and the Indians, 290; - in Scrooby, authorities on, 285; - in Holland, authorities on, 285, 286; - genealogy of, 292; - monuments to their memory, 293; - their patents, 293; - pictures representing their history, 293; - poems, 294; - landed within the patent of the Council for New England, 302. - _See_ Leyden, Mayflower, Plymouth, Robinson, Scrooby. - - Pinkerton, _Voyages_, 102, 124. - - Piscataqua, 326, 327, 367, 382; - patent, 367. - - Piscataway (New Jersey), 425. - - Pitman, John, 377. - - Place, Francis, 474. - - Plaia, R. de la, 197. - - Plancius, Peter, map, 217. - - Plantagenet, Beauchamp, _Description of New Albion_, 461. - - _Planter’s Speech_, 449, 499. - - Plastrier, 178, 193. - - “Plough”, ship, 322. - - Plough patent, 322, 323. - - Plowden, Sir Edmund, his grant of New Albion, 457; - his origin, 457; - his family, 457; - his sons and descendants, 458, 467; - in America, 459, 460; - in Boston, 460; - his will, 464. - _See_ New Albion. - - Plowden, Francis, 466. - - Plowden, Thomas, 458, 466. - - Plumstead, Clement, 435. - - Plumstead, Francis, autog., 484. - - Plymouth Colony, 257, 382; - character of colonists, 210; - united to Massachusetts Bay, 282; - authorities on its history, 283; - laws, edited by Brigham, 292; - Records printed, 292; - fac-simile of first page, 292; - patent, 310; - has no charter, 341; - sends emigrants to Windsor, on the Connecticut, 368; - grant on the Kennebec, 191. - _See_ Pilgrims. - - Plymouth Harbor, map, 272; - visited by Pring, 174, 188; - by Smith, 179; - by Dermer, 183. - - Plymouth Rock, 272, 290, 293. - - Plymouth, town, palisade of, 276; - fort, 276. - - Plymouth Company, 127. - - _Plymouth County Atlas_, 292. - - Pocahontas, 135, 157; - in London, 119, 141; - betrayed, 139; - married, 139, 161, 162; - dies, 141, 162; - her descendants, 141, 162; - doubtful story of, 154, 161; - pictures of, 163, 211. - - Pocasset (Rhode Island), 336. - - Podalida, 101. - - Point Comfort, 128. - - Pontanus, _History of Amsterdam_, 103. - - Poole, W. F., on the Popham question, 210; - edits Johnson’s _Wonder-working Providence_, 210, 358. - - Poor, John A., 210. - - Popellinière, _Les trois Mondes_, 37. - - Popham, Sir Francis, 178. - - Popham, George, 176. - - Popham, Sir John, 175; autog., 175. - - Popham Colony, 177, 190, 295; - authorities, 192, 209; - _Popham Memorial_, 192, 210, 366; - rival views, 209; - its relation to New England colonization, 210. - - Porpoise, Cape, 322. - - Port Nelson, 93, 96. - - Port St. Julian, 66. - - Portland (Maine), founded, 322; - history of, 365. - - Portsmouth (New Hampshire), 328; - treaty of, 361. - - Portuguese portolano (1514-1520), 56; - discoveries, 56. - - Pory, John, 143, 159. - - Post service, early, in Pennsylvania, 491. - - Potatoes, found in Virginia, 113. - - Pott, Dr. John, 144, 146. - - Potter, C. E., _Military History of New Hampshire_, 368. - - Potter, E. R., _History of Narragansett_, 376. - - _Potter’s American Monthly_, 166. - - Powell, Nathaniel, 142, 143. - - Powhatan River, 128. - - Powhatan, Indian king, 131. - - Prato, Albert de, 185, 186. - - Prémontré globe, 214. - - Prence, Thomas, autog., 272. - - Presbyterianism in Massachusetts, 354. - - Press, early, in Philadelphia, 493; - in Massachusetts, 350, 356. - - Pretty, Francis, _Famous Voyage of Drake_, 79; - in Hakluyt, 79; - with Cavendish, 84. - - Price, Benjamin, 436. - - Prichard, Edward, autog., 484. - - Pricket, Abacuk, with Hudson, 93. - - Priest, Degory, 284. - - Prince Edward Island, 24. - - Prince, John, _Worthies of Devon_, 121. - - Prince, Thomas, on Pilgrim history, 285; - _Chronological History_, or _Annals_, 283, 346; - publishes Mason’s _Narrative_, 349. - _See_ Prence. - - Prince Society, 344. - - Pring, Martin, on the New England coast, 173, 175; - in Plymouth Harbor, 174, 188; - authorities, 188. - - Printer, James, autog., 356. - - Printz, Johan, governor of New Sweden, 459. - - Proud, Robert, _History of Pennsylvania_, 454, 508. - - Proude, Richard, 207. - - Providence (Maryland), 535. - - Providence (Rhode Island), founded, 336; - history of, 377; - its libraries, 381. - - _Providence Gazette_, 376. - - Providence Plantations, 337, 338. - - Pulsifer, David, edits _Plymouth Records_, 293; - edits the _Simple Cobler_, 350. - - Punchard, George, _History of Congregationalism_, 285, 288. - - Punta de los Reyes, 75, 77. - - Purchas, Samuel, his _Pilgrimage_, 47; - his _Pilgrimes_, 47, 97. - - Purchase, Thomas, in Maine, 324. - - Puritans, 219, 223; - their agitation, 232; - satires upon, 237; - become Nonconformists in New England, 242; - distinction between Puritans and Pilgrims, 288. - _See_ Dissenters, Nonconformists, Pilgrims. - - Pynchon, William, _Meritorious Price of Our Redemption_, 357; - _Covenant of Nature_, 357. - - - Quakers, printing among, 516; - Barclay’s _Inner Life_, 251; - in Carolina, 472; - in Connecticut, 373; - in England, 473; - and the Indians, 473; - on Long Island, 505; - in Maryland, 472, 505, 545, 555; - in Massachusetts, 313, 317, 358, 472; - autographs of, 314; - in New England, 504; - in New Jersey, 430, 447, 505; - their legislation, 432; - in New Netherland, 472; - in New York, 505; - in Pennsylvania, 469, 515; - their views, 471; - their meetings, 494; - rise and progress of, 503; - best exposition of their views, 503; - _Historia Quakeriana_, 503; - books on, 358, 503-505; - Hicksites, 504; - archives of the sect, 504; - Swarthmore manuscripts, 504; - in Plymouth, 280, 281; - in Rhode Island, 378, 472; - in Virginia, 166, 472, 505. - - Quarry, Colonel, 501. - - Quincy, Josiah, President, controversy with George Bancroft, 378. - - Quinnipiack, 310, 332, 368. - - Quisan, 68. - - Quivira, 67, 68, 76, 77. - - - _Raccolta di Mappamondi_, 218. - - Race, Cape (Razo), 213; - (Raso), 216. - - Raimundus, 54. - - Raine, _Parish of Blyth_, 258, 284. - - Ralegh, 105, 188, 193, 213; - autog., 105; - spelling of his name, 105; - sails with Gilbert, 106; - in favor with Elizabeth, 107; - and Spenser, 107; - plans of colonization, 108; - his marriage, 116; - at Trinidad, 117; - arrested, 119; - in the Tower, 119; - wrote his _History of the World_, 119; - his last voyage, 120; - burns St. Thomas, 120; - beheaded, 120, 122; - authorities, 121; - Bacon’s book, 121; - lives of him, 121, 122; - his works, 121; - _Voyages_ edited by Schomburgk, 122; - _Discoverie of Guiana_, etc., 124; - his voyage criticised, 126; - commemorated by a window at St. Margaret’s, 126; - and Gosnold’s voyage, 173. - - Ralegh, Mount, 90, 91. - - Ramusio, 19, 20, 50; - his _Navigationi_, etc., 24-26, 184. - - Randolph, Edward, 319, 335, 339. - - Randolph, Henry, 150. - - Randolph, John, 158. - - Randolph, Peyton, 158. - - Randolph, Richard, 163. - - Ratcliffe, John, 128; - _Rational Theology_, 252. - - Raum, J. O., _History of New Jersey_, 455. - - Rawle, William, 467, 468, 512, 515. - - Rawliana, 465. - - Read, John M., Jr., 492. - - Real, Cape, 213. - - _Receuil d’ Arrests_, 104. - - _Recueil van de Tractaten_, 415. - - Redemptioners, 545. - - Reed, John, _Map of Philadelphia_, 491, 509. - - Reed, W. B., 516. - - Reformation in England, 222. - - Regicides in Connecticut, 374. - _See_ Goffe and Whalley. - - Reichel, W. C., 515. - - “Resolution”, ship, 93. - - Revell, Thomas, 451. - - Reynel’s chart, 12. - - Rhode Island, History of, 335; - doctrine of soul-liberty, 336, 337; - Massachusetts seeks to govern, 337; - excluded from the New England Confederacy, 338; - Royal Commissioners in, 339; - education in, 339; - origin of name, 376; - sources of her history, 376; - _Gazetteer_, 376; - histories of, 376; - _Records_, 377; - charter got by Williams, 337, 379; - charter from Charles II., 338, 379; - Laws, 337, 379; - excludes Roman Catholics as freemen, 379; - excludes Jews as freemen, 379; - bibliography of, 380. - _See_ Williams, Roger. - - Rhode Island Historical Society, _Proceedings_, 381; - _Discourses_, 377. - - _Rhode Island Historical Tracts_, 377. - - _Rhode Island Republican_, 376. - - Rhumbs, 208. - - Ribault, _Terra Florida_, 33, 200. - - Ribero’s map (1529), 16, 24. - - Rice, John Holt, 168, 211. - - Rich, Obadiah, _Catalogues_, passim. - - Rich, R., _Newes from Virginia_, 81, 155. - - Rich, Robert, Lord, 370. - - Richardson, Amos, autog., 338. - - Richardson, W., _Granger’s Portraits_, 163. - - _Richmond Dispatch_, 162. - - Richmond, Duchess of, portrait, 211. - - Richmond Island, 190, 322. - - Rider, S. S., 377. - - Ridgeley, David, _Annals of Annapolis_, 561. - - Ridpath, _History of the United States_, 153. - - Rigby, Alexander, 323, 324. - - Rigby, Edward, 324. - - Rigg, Ambrose, 435. - - Riker, _History of Harlem_, 417. - - Rio de la Hacha, 63. - - Roanoke, Voyage to, 105; - Island, 110, 111, 123; - bird’s-eye view of, 124; - colony, survivors, 129. - _See_ Virginia. - - Robbins, Chandler, _The Regicides_, 374. - - Roberts, Thomas, 327. - - Robertson, William, 162. - - Robertson, Wyndham, _Descendants of Pocahontas_, 162. - - Robinson, Conway, 154; - _Discoveries in the West_, 43, 167, 168; - contributions to Virginia history, 158, 159. - - Robinson, Edward, _Memoir of William Robinson_, 286. - - Robinson, Rev. John, of Duxbury, 286. - - Robinson, John, of Leyden, 231; - autog., 259; - farewell address, 259, 285; - in Amsterdam, 261; - in Leyden, 262, 286; - his house, 262, 288; - his burial-place, 263; - death of, 277, 288; - his relation to the Pilgrims, 285; - life by Kist, 286; - by Ashton, 286; - his family, 286; - H. M. Dexter on, 285; - his influence, 288; - attempts to remove schisms among the Brownists, 288. - _See_ Pilgrims. - - Robinson, John, of Maryland, 529. - - Robinson, Patrick, 488, 494. - - Robinson, William, autog., 314; - hanged, 505. - - Rochefort, César de, _Description des Antilles_, 496; - _Recit_, etc., 496. - - Rocroft, Captain, 182, 194. - - Roe, Sir Thomas, 297. - - Rogers, Horatio, Libraries of Providence, 381. - - Roggeveen, Arent, chart of New York coast, 419; - _Brandende Veen_, 382, 419; - _Burning Fen_, 383, 419. - - Rolfe, John, 135; - begins tobacco culture, 139; - marries Pocahontas, 139; - secretary, 141; - _Relation of Virginia_, 157. - - Roman Catholics excluded from being freemen in Rhode Island, 379; - in Maryland, 560. - - “Rose”, frigate, 321. - - Roselli, mappemonde, 217. - - Rosier, James, _True Relation_, 81, 191. - - Rosignol, Port, 306. - - Ross, A. A., _Discourse on History of Rhode Island_, 376. - - Rotz, John, _Idrography_, 195. - - Rough, John, 239. - - Rous, John, autog., 314. - - Rowlandson, Mrs., her captivity, 361. - - Royal Commissioners, 388; - in Boston, 318, 389. - - Royall, W. L., on Virginia colonial money, 166. - - Rudyard, George, autog., 484. - - Rudyard, Thomas, 435, 436. - - Ruggles, George, 159. - - Rundall, Thomas, _Narratives of Voyages_, etc., 98. - - Ruscelli, 25. - - Russell, Dr. Walter, 131. - - Russell, W. S., _Guide to Plymouth_, 292; - _Pilgrim Memorials_, 292. - - Rut, John, 170, 185, 186. - - Rutherford, Samuel, _Due Rights_, etc., 288. - - Rutters, 207. - - Ruysch’s Ptolemy map (1508), 9, 217; - fac-simile, 9. - - Ryebread, Thomas, 457. - - Ryttenhouse, William, 493. - - - Sabin, Joseph, _American Bibliopolist_, passim; - _Dictionary of Books relating to America_, passim; - _Menzies’ Catalogue_, passim. - - Sabino, peninsula, 177, 190, 210. - - Sable Island, 216. - - Sablons, Cape, 195. - - Saco River settlement, 190, 321, 322, 323. - - Sadlier Correspondence, 378. - - Sagadahock River, 190, 191; - settlement on, 177. - - Saguenay River, 101, 213, 383. - - Sainsbury, Noël, _Calendar of State Papers_, 159; - and the English records, 343. - - Saint. _See_ St. - - Salado River, 77, 197. - - Salem (Massachusetts), 311; - history of, 363. - - Salem (New Jersey), 431, 455. - - Salterne, Robert, 175. - - Samoset, 184, 273, 290. - - “Samson”, ship, 170, 183, 185, 186. - - San Domingo, 82. - _See_ Hispaniola. - - San Francisco, 74; - is it Drake’s Bay? 78; - derived from Drake’s name, 84. - - San Juan d’Ulua, 63. - - San Lorenzo, bay, 80. - - San Miguel, 79, 213. - - San. _See_ St., Santa. - - Sanderson, William, 212, 216. - - Sanderson’s tower, 90, 91. - - Sandford, William, 436. - - Sandys, Sir Edwin, 142, 265, 297, 298; - _State of Religion_, 259; - arrested, 299. - - Sandys, George, 145, 146. - - Sandys, Sir Samuel, 259. - - Sanson, Nicholas, map of New England, 382; - extract from his map of Canada, 456. - - Santa Barbara, 77. - - Santa Cruz, 213. - - Santa Maria, Cape, 197. - - Santa. _See_ San, St. - - Santarem’s _Atlas_, 9, 217; - _Essai_, 217. - - Santiago, 197. - - Sanuto Livio, _Geographica distincta_, 41. - - Saquish, 272. - - “Sarah”, ship, 139. - - Sargeant, Thomas, _Land Laws of Pennsylvania_, 512. - - Sasanoa River, 193. - - Savage, James, _Genealogical Dictionary of New England_, 289; - New England antiquary, 351; - endorsement on Lechford’s book, 353; - memoir by G. S. Hillard, 353; - edits _Winthrop’s Journal_, 357; - on the Wheelwright deed, 366; - on Pilgrim history, 283. - - Savage, Thomas, in Virginia, 131. - - Savage Rock, 172, 173. - - Savile, Henry, _Libell of Spanish Lies_, 82. - - Say, Lord, 326, 331, 370; - patent to, 369. - - Saybrook, 322; - platform, 334. - - Schanck, George C., 463. - - Scharf, J. T., _Chronicles of Baltimore_, 561; - _History of Maryland_, 561. - - Schele de Vere, _Romance of American History_, 162. - - Schenectady, 396. - - Schenk and Valch, map of New York, 417. - - Scrivener, Matthew, 130. - - Schomburgk, R. H., edits Ralegh’s _Voyage_, 122. - - Schondia, 18, 101. - - Schoner or Schöner, John, globe (1520), 214, 217; - his _Terræ descriptio_, 214. - - Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, 258; - site of its manor-house, 258; - map of vicinity, 259; - visits to, 284, 285; - described, 285. - _See_ Pilgrims. - - Scot, George, _Model of the Government of East New Jersey_, 438, 450, - 454. - - Scott, Benjamin, on the Pilgrims, 288. - - Scull, G. D., _Memoir of Captain Evelyn_, 459; - _The Evelyns in America_, 459, 562. - - Sea-manuals, 206. - - “Sea Venture”, ship, 134. - - Selden, John, 299. - - Seeskabinet, 8. - - Seidensticker, Oswald, 501; - _Penn in Holland_, 507. - - Seller, John, _Description of New England_, 384; - maps of New England, 384. - - Sellman, Edward, account of Frobisher’s voyage, 102. - - Separatists, 219, 223. - _See_ Dissenters, Nonconformists. - - Settle, Dionysius, account of Frobisher’s voyage, 102, 203. - - Seven Cities, 53. - - Sewall, R. K., _Ancient Dominion of Maine_, 185; - on Popham’s town, 210. - - Sewel, William, _History of the Quakers_, 359, 503, 504. - - Seymour, Richard, 176. - - Shackamaxon Conference, 490. - - Shakespeare’s “new map”, 217. - - Shannon, _Manual of the City of New York_, 414, 415. - - Sharswood, George, _Common Law of Pennsylvania_, 512. - - Shawmut, 311. - _See_ Boston. - - Shawomet, 336. - - Shea, J. G., edits Millet’s _Relation_, 415; - edits Jogues’ _Novum Belgium_, 416; - edits Miller’s _Description of New York_, 420; - edits Alsop’s _Maryland_, 555. - - Sheepscott River, 190; - town, 365. - - Sheffield, Lord, autog., 275. - - Shepard, Thomas, _Clear Sunshine_, 355; - _Autobiography_, 355; - fac-simile of writing, 355. - - Sheppard, J. H., 361. - - Sherry, W. M., 533. - - Ship of the Seventeenth Century, 347. - - Shoals, isles of, 327. - - Shrewsbury (New Jersey), 424, 427. - - Shrigley, Nathaniel, _True Relation_, 157. - - Shurt, Abraham, autog., 321. - - Shurtleff, N. B., on the “Mayflower” passengers, 292; - edits _Plymouth Records_, 293; - edits _Massachusetts Records_, 343; - death of, 362; - his library, 362; - _Description of Boston_, 362. - - Sibley, J. L., _Graduates of Harvard University_, 256, 415. - - Sidney, Henry, 483. - - Sidney, Sir Philip, 86. - - Silk-worms in Virginia, 158. - - Silva, Mina da, 79. - - Sir Thomas Roe’s Welcome, 95. - - Skeats, H. S., _Free Churches_, 251. - - Skeyne, John, 442. - - Slack, Dr. James, 500. - - Slaughter, _History of St. Mark’s, Culpepper_, etc., 160. - - Slave-trade begun by Hawkins, 60; - how conducted, 62, 63; - first public protest against, 491. - - Slavery in Virginia, 143, 166; - in Pennsylvania, 515; - in Maryland, 545. - - Sloane manuscripts, 557. - - Sluyter, Peter, _Journal_, 420. - - Smith, Buckingham, 214; - his _Inquiry_, 214. - - Smith, B. H., 515. - - Smith, C. C., “Explorations to the Northwest”, 85. - - Smith, Charles, edits laws of Pennsylvania, 512. - - Smith, Charles W., _Wrightstown_, 510. - - Smith, George, _Delaware County_, 509. - - Smith, Rev. Henry, 330. - - Smith, Captain John, 128; - at Jamestown, 129; - explores the Chesapeake, 131, 132; - his map of Virginia, 132, 167; - elected president at Jamestown, 132; - his services, 135; - his _True Relation_, or _Newes from Virginia_, 153; - his _Oxford Tract_, 156; - _Map of Virginia_, 156, 211; - account in Fuller’s _Worthies_, 161; - credibility of the story of his rescue by Pocahontas, 161; - on the New England coast, 179; - his _Description of New England_, 179, 181, 194, 211; - his _Map of New England_, 180, 197, 212, 341, 381; - heliotype of, 198; - used by Sanson, 456; - captured by the French, 181; - admiral for life, 182; - _Generall Historie_, 194, 211; - variety in copies, 163, 211; - his portrait, 198, 211; - autog., 211; - his letter to Bacon, 211; - _New England’s Trials_, 211, 290; - life, by George S. Hillard, 211; - by W. G. Simms, 212; - by C. D. Warner, 162, 212; - _True Travels_, 211; - _Advertisements for Planters_, 147, 212; - his character for truth, 212; - tomb, 212. - _See_ New England, Virginia. - - Smith, John Jay, 454; - _Memoir of the Penn Family_, 507. - - Smith, Joseph, _Friends’ Books_, 359, 504; - _Anti-Quakeriana_, 359, 504. - - Smith, Lloyd P., 516. - - Smith, Margaret, autog., 314. - - Smith, Ralph, 280. - - Smith, Roger, 146. - - Smith, Samuel, _History of New Jersey_, 453, 507; - his manuscripts, 507; - _History of the Quakers in Pennsylvania_, 507. - - Smith, Sir Thomas, 113; - portrait, 94; - treasurer of the Virginia Company, 127. - - Smith, Thomas, in Maryland, 529. - - Smith, William, 412; - _History of New York_, 411, 412; - criticised, 412. - - Smith, William, Jr., 453. - - Smith and Watson, _American Historical and Literary Curiosities_, 484. - - Smith’s Islands, 131. - - Smucker, S. W., 371. - - Smyth, John, the “Se-Baptist”, 227; - autog., 257; - in Amsterdam, 261. - - Snow, C. H., _History of Boston_, 362. - - Somerby, H. G., 208, 364. - - Somers, Sir George, 133, 137. - - Somers, Matthew, 137. - - Somers, Sir Thomas, 136. - - Somersetshire (Maine), 191. - - Sonmans, Arent, 435. - - Soule, George, 284; - autog., 268; - in Duxbury, 273. - - Soulé and others, _Annals of San Francisco_, 78. - - South America, earlier known than North, 85. - - South Sea, 88. - _See_ Pacific. - - _Southern Literary Messenger_, 164, 168. - - Southey, Robert, _Life of Ralegh_, 122. - - Sowle, Andrew, autog., 484. - - Spain seizes Hawkins’s ships, 60. - - Spaniards on the Chesapeake, 167. - - Spanish Main ravaged by Drake, 65, 73. - - Sparks, Jared, his library, 211. - - Speed, John, _Prospect_, 384; - map of New England, 384; - _Theatre of Great Britain_, 467. - - “Speedwell”, ship, 173, 267. - - Spelman, Henry, 135; - rescued, 137; - his _Relation_, 155. - - Spelman, Sir Henry, 299. - - Spicer, Jacob, 454. - - Spooner, Z. H., _Poems of the Pilgrims_, 294. - - Springett, Harbt, autog., 484. - - Springett, Sir William, 480. - - Springfield (Massachusetts), settled, 330. - - Squamscott patent, 367. - - Squanto, 182, 194, 274. - - “Squirrel”, ship, 187. - - St. Anthoine Bay and River, 195. - - St. Augustine, 80. - - St. Brandon, 42. - - St. Brandon Island, 101. - - St. Christopher, Cape, 195; - Bay, 197. - - St. Christoval, 213. - - St. Clement’s Island, 525. - - St. Inigoe’s manor, 558. - - St. Jacques, 82. - - St. James Island, 77. - - St. Joan Cape, 197. - - St. John, _Life of Ralegh_, 122. - - St. John River (New Brunswick), 186. - - St. John, 213. - - St. John Baptiste Bay, 195, 197. - - St. Lawrence Gulf, 101, 213; - explored by Cabot, 55; - River, 213. - - St. Mary’s River, 526; - Town, 526; - ruins of, 558. - - St. Nicholas, 213. - - St. Thomas, island, 79. - - St. See San, Santa. - - Stacy, Mahlon, 441. - - Stacy, Robert, 441. - - Stadin River, 213. - - Standish, Alexander, autog., 273. - - Standish, Miles, at Leyden, 263; - autog., 268; - at Cape Cod, 271; - at Duxbury, 273; - his swords, 274, 278; - origin of, 284; - his will, 284; - monument to his memory, 284; - his faith, 284; - his books, 284; - his descendants, 284; - alleged portrait, 293; - Longfellow’s _Courtship of_, 294; - Lowell’s _Interview_, 294; - sent to England, 308. - - Stanley, A. P., _Christian Institutions_, 254. - - Stanwood, J. R., 416. - - Staples, W. R., _Annals of Providence_, 377; - edits _Rhode Island Laws_, 379; - edits Gorton’s _Simplicitie’s Defence_, 378. - - “Star”, ship, 138. - - State-Paper Office, 343. - - Steel, John, autog., 374. - - Steele, Ashbel, _Elder Brewster; or, Chief of the Pilgrims_, 285, 287. - - Steg, Robert, 148. - - Stephenson, _Call from Death to Life_, 358. - - Stevens, Henry, rescues White’s drawings, 123; - _Historical and Geographical Notes_, 8, 167, 218; - _Bibliotheca Geographica_, 9; - _Mondidier Catalogue_, 348; - _Index to New Jersey Documents_, 455; - _Index to Maryland Documents_, 557; - _Historical Collections_, passim. - - Stevens, J. A., “The English in New York”, 385. - - Stevenson, Marmaduke, 505. - - Stevin, Simon, _De Haven-vinding_, 208. - - Stiles, Ezra, _History of the Judges_, 374. - - Stiles, H. R., _Ancient Windsor_, 375. - - Stillman, _Seeking the Golden Fleece_, 78. - - Stirling, Earl of, grant to, 310, 388. - - Stith, William, _History of Virginia_, 165. - - Stobnicza’s map, 10, 13; - his _Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographiam_, 10. - - Stockbridge, Henry, 556. - - Stone, Frederick D., “The Founding of Pennsylvania”, 469. - - Stone, Samuel, 330. - - Stone, William, 533; - autog., 534. - - Stone, W. L., _Uncas and Miantonomo_, 368. - - Stonyhurst manuscripts, 530. - - Stoughton, Israel, autog., 348. - - Stoughton, J., _Church and State_, 252. - - Stoughton, John, _William Penn_, 507. - - Stoughton, William, autog., 356. - - Stow’s _Chronicle or Annals_, 37. - - Stowe, _Survey of London_, 211. - - Strachey, William, 156; - in Virginia, 137; - autog., 156; - his _Lawes Divine_, 137, 156; - _Historie of Travaile_, 156, 191, 192; - _Map of Virginia_, 167. - - _Strange News from Virginia_, 164. - - Stratford (Connecticut), 333. - - Stratton, John, 322. - - Strawberry Bank, 327-329. - _See_ Portsmouth (N. H.). - - Streeter, Sebastian F., 457, 543, 556, 562; - _Early History of Maryland_, 556; - his manuscripts, 556; - _Maryland Two Hundred Years Ago_, 560; - his manuscript history of Clayborne, 562; - _First Commander of Kent Island_, 562; - _Fall of the Susquehannocks_, 562. - - Strong, Leonard, _Babylon’s Fall_, 555. - - Strong, Richard, 172. - - Strype, John, his _Works_, 248. - - Studley, Daniel, 220. - - Studley, Thomas, 128. - - Stuyvesant, Peter, 389, 390. - - Sullivan, James, _Land Titles in Massachusetts_, 341; - _History of Maine_, 364. - - Sumner, George, on the Pilgrims in Leyden, 286. - - “Sunshine”, ship, 89. - - “Susan Constant”, ship, 128. - - Susquehanna Indians, 131, 515, 562; - lands, 490. - - Sutherland, Lord, 514. - - Sutliffe, Dean of Exeter, 198. - - “Swallow”, ship, 60, 134, 194. - - “Swan”, ship, 65. - - Swarthmore Hall, 470. - - Swedes on the Delaware, 480, 481, 548; - their churches, 493. - - Symmes, Benjamin, 147. - - Symondes, William, sermon on Virginia, 155. - - Symson, Cuthbert, 239. - - Synods in New England, 354. - - Syon, County Palatine, 457. - - - Tadenac, Lake, 216. - - Taisnierus, Joannes, on navigation, 35, 207. - - Talbot, Sir William, 157. - - Tanner, Robert, _Mirror for Mathematiques_, 207. - - Tarbox, I. N., on Pilgrim history, 288. - - Tatham, John, 451. - - Taylor, Christopher, autog., 484. - - Tazewell, L. W., 153. - - Telner, Jacob, 490. - - Terra Mariæ, 520. - _See_ Maryland. - - Thacher, Dr., _American Medical Biography_, 315; - manuscript on the Winslows, 277; - _History of the Town of Plymouth_, 291. - - Thevet, André, 32; - _New found Worlde_ (English translation), 200; - _Cosmographie_, 184. - - Thomas, Gabriel, _Description of West New Jersey_, 451; - map of Pennsylvania, 501; - _Some Account_, etc., 501. - - Thomas, Isaiah, _History of Printing_, 351. - - Thomas, John, 514. - - Thomas, William, 266. - - Thomason, George, his collection of tracts, 245. - - Thompson, Mrs. A. T., _Life of Ralegh_, 121. - - Thompson, David, 326, 328; - in New Hampshire, 366. - - Thompson’s Island, 311. - - Thompson, _Long Island_, 349. - - Thomson, C. W., 508. - - Thorne, Robert, his map in fac-simile, 17; - described, 18. - - Thornton, John, _Atlas Maritimus_, 384. - - Thornton, J. Wingate, _First Records of Anglo-American Colonization_, - 158; - on the Gosnold expedition, 188; - on the Popham question, 210; - and the Bradford manuscript, 286; - _Ancient Pemaquid_, 365. - - Thorpe, George, 144, 145. - - Thurloe, _State Papers_, 555. - - Thurston, Thomas, 473. - - Tienot, Cape, 213. - - Tierra del Fuego, 66. - - Tigna River, 67. - - Tignes, 79. - - Tilley, Edward, 284. - - Tinker, Thomas, 284. - - Tobacco, 69, 166; - in Florida, 60; - in Virginia, 113, 139, 141, 146, 147, 149, 150; - as currency, 143, 166; - production of, 144; - in Maryland, 543, 544, 558. - - Tobàh, 69. - - Tockwogh River, 131. - - Tontoneac River, 67. - - Torres, _Relacion_, 82. - - Town system of New England, 363. - - Townley, Richard, 443. - - Townsend, Richard, 493. - - Trask, Mary, autog., 314. - - Trask, W. B., 361. - - “Treasurer”, ship, 139, 193. - - Triple Alliance, 395, 396. - - Trinidad, 117; - Ralegh’s map, 124. - - Trinity Harbor, 213. - - Trömel, _Bibliotheca Americana_, 499. - - Tross globe (gores), 214. - - Trowbridge, J. R., Jr., on New Haven’s maritime interests, 375. - - Trumbull, Rev. Benjamin, _History of Connecticut_, 374. - - Trumbull, Governor Jonathan, his papers, 374. - - Trumbull, J. H., edits _Brinley Catalogue_, passim; - edits Lechford, 351; - on the Indian languages, 355; - on Indian names in Connecticut, 368; - on the Constitutions of Connecticut, 369; - _True Blue Laws_, etc., 372; - edits _Connecticut Records_, 375; - edits Williams’s _Key_, 377. - - Trusler, John, 457. - - Tucker, 322. - - Tucker, Daniel, 132. - - Tucker, St. George, _Hansford_, 164. - - Tuckerman, Edward, edits Josselyn’s _New England Rarities_, 360. - - Tulloch, John, _Leaders of the Reformation_, 252; - _English Puritanism_, 252. - - Turner, H. E., on Coddington, 377; - _Settlers of Aquedneck_, 377. - - Turner, Robert, 435, 441, 477. - - Tuttle, C. W., 153, 210; - on John Mason, 364; - on Champernoun, 366; - on the Wheelwright deed, 366; - on New Hampshire history, 367. - - Twine, John, 143. - - Tyler, M. C., _History of American Literature_, 154, 165. - - Tyson, Job R., 508; - _Colonial History_, etc., 505. - - Tytler, P. F., _Life of Ralegh_, 122; - _Historical View_, 43. - - - Uhden, _Geschichte des Congregationalisten_, 384. - - Ulpius globe, 214. - - Uncas, 368; - his pedigree, 368; - and Miantinomo, 368. - - Underhill, Captain John, 327, 349; - _Newes from America_, 348. - - Upham, _Ratio disciplinæ_, 359. - - Upland, 480, 481, 483. - - Upsall, Nicholas, autog., 314. - - Utie, Colonel, 548. - - - Vadianus’ map, 217. - - Valentine, David, _History of New York City_, 417; - _Manual of the City of New York_, 414, 415. - - Van der Aa’s _Voyages_, 79, 188. - - Van Heuvel, _El Dorado_, 126. - - Van Keulen, charts, 419. - - Van Loon’s _Pascærte_, 382; - _Zee-Atlas_, 382. - - Van Meteren, 82. - - Varina Neck, 138. - - Varkens Kil, 459. - - Varlo, Charles, 467; - _The Finest Part of America_, 467; - _Nature Displayed_, 468; - _Floating Ideas_, 468. - - Vaughan, R., _English Nonconformity_, 252. - - Vaughan, Sir William, 519. - - Vaux, Roberts, on Penn’s treaty, 513. - - Vaux, W. S. W., 79. - - Veech, James, 515. - - Venegas’ _California_, 75. - - Venetian calendars, 51. - - Verrazano, 185, 376; - his sea, 183, 218; - influence on Gosnold, 172; - his map, 194. - - Vetromile, _History of the Abnakis_, 184. - - Vincent, C., _Vie de Penn_, 506. - - Vincent, Philip, 348; - _Late Battell_, 348. - - Vines, Richard, 182, 303, 322, 323. - - Vinton, J. A., on the Wheelwright deed, 366; - _Giles Memorial_, 365. - - Virginia, 127; - (1580), 42; - _True Declaration_, etc., 81; - _Declaration of the State of the Colony_, 81; - _Good Speed to_, 81; - _New Life of_, 81; - named by Elizabeth, 110, 153; - map of, by White, 124; - map of “Ould Virginia”, 124; - earliest map, 124; - De Laet’s map (1630), 125; - Farrer map, 464, 465; - other maps, 167; - charter of 1609, 133; - first legislature, 143; - constitution (1621), 145; - massacre (1622), 145, 163; - massacre (1644), 147; - under the Commonwealth, 148; - Bacon’s Rebellion, 151; - “convict” emigrants, 152, 160; - Indian names in, 153; - the early patents, 153; - authorities on the history of, 153; - _Laws Divine_, 156; - bounds of, 159; - _Colonial Records_, 159; - lists of arrivals, 160; - destruction of archives, 160; - families, 160; - county and parish records preserved, 161; - _Calendar of State Papers_, 161; - histories of, 164, 165; - boundary disputes, 167; - _in America Richly Valued_, 168; - disputes with Maryland, 554; - Northern Colony of, 295, 342; - Southern Colony of, 295. - _See_ Jamestown, Roanoke, Smith. - - “Virginia”, pinnace, 177. - - Virginia Company, 143; - seal, 140, 143; - charter annulled, 146; - records, 158; - silk-worm culture, 158. - - _Virginia Evangelical and Literary Magazine_, 164. - - _Virginia Historical Reporter_, 160, 162, 168. - - Virginia Historical Society, 168. - - “Virginia Merchant”, ship, 148. - - _Virginia’s Cure_, 157. - - Viscaino’s map, 75. - - Visscher, map of New England, 382; - _Atlas Minor_, 417; - map of New York, 418. - - Vitellus, 104. - - Vullieum, L., _William Penn_, 506. - - - Waddington, John, _Track of the Hidden Church_, 285, 288; - _Congregational History_, 285, 288. - - Wade, Robert, 494. - - Wagenaer, Luke, 207. - - Walckenaer’s _Catalogue_, 8. - - Waldo, Richard, 132. - - Waldo Patent, 191. - - Walford, Thomas, autog., 311. - - Waldron, Resolved, 466, 549. - - Waldseemüller map (1507-13), 14. - - Walker, John, 187; - in Norumbega, 171. - - Wallace, J. W., 514, 516; - on William Bradford, 515. - - Walsingham, Sir Francis, 86. - - Walter, Nehemiah, autog., 319. - - Waterhouse, Edward, his _Declaration_, 163. - - Wampanoags, 274. - - Wamsutta, 282. - - Ward, Edward, _Trip to New England_, 373. - - Ward, Nathaniel, autog., 350; - _Body of Liberties_, 350; - _Simple Cobler_, 350. - - Ward, Townsend, 492, 509. - - Ware, William, _Memoir of Nathaniel Bacon_, 164. - - Warham, Rev. John, 330. - - Warne, Thomas, 435. - - Warner, Charles D., _Study of John Smith_, 162. - - Warner, C. L., 516. - - Warner, Edmond, autog., 430. - - Warren, Henry, 365. - - Warrosquoyoke, 147. - - Warwick, Earl of, 86, 308, 309, 342, 354, 369; - autog., 275; - grants to, 370; - and the Council for New England, 370. - - Warwick (Rhode Island), 337. - - “Warwick”, ship, 327, 363. - - Warwick’s foreland, 90, 91. - - Washburn, Emory, _Judicial History of Massachusetts_, 363. - - Washburn, John D., 75. - - Watson, J. F., _Annals of Philadelphia_, 509; - on Penn’s treaty, 513; - _Olden Times in New York_, 416. - - Watson, Thomas, 154. - - Wattes, John, 114. - - Waugh, Dorothy, autog., 314. - - Waymouth, Captain George, 91, 174, 189; - autog., 91; - authorities, 189. - - Webb, Maria, _The Penns and Peningtons_, 507. - - Webster, Daniel, on the Pilgrims, 293. - - Webster, Noah, edits _Winthrop’s Journal_, 357. - - Weehawken, 422. - - Weems’s _Life of Penn_, 509. - - Weir, R. W., picture of the Pilgrims at Delfthaven, 293. - - Weiss, L. H., 502. - - “Welcome”, ship, 482. - - Welde, Thomas, _Short Story_, etc., 349, 351; - _Bay Psalm Book_, 350. - - Welles, Thomas, autog., 374. - - Wells (Maine), 324. - - Welsh Barony (Pennsylvania), 482. - - Welsh in Pennsylvania, 482, 515. - - Wenman, Sir Ferdinand, 136. - - Wessagusset, 304. - - West, Benjamin, picture of Penn’s Treaty, 513. - - West, Francis, 132, 134, 143, 146; - admiral of New England, 303. - - West India Company, 385, 389, 422. - - West Jersey, 432; - concessions, etc., 432; - local government, 440; - _Records_, 452; - Quakers in, 473; - Penn’s interest in, 476; - map of, 501. - _See_ New Jersey. - - West, John, 147; - autog., 164. - - West, Robert, 435. - - West, Thomas, Lord De la Warre, 133. - _See_ De la Warre. - - Westcott, _History of Philadelphia_, 502. - - Westcott, Thompson, 509. - - Westland, Nathaniel, 451. - - Westminster, Treaty of, 398. - - Weston, P. C. J., _Documents of South Carolina_, 186, 558. - - Weston, Thomas, 266, 267, 304; - settles at Weymouth, 278, 311. - - Westover manuscripts, 159. - - Wethersfield (Connecticut), 330. - - Weymouth (Massachusetts), 278, 311. - - Wharton, Thomas I., 515. - - Whiddon, Jacob, 116. - - Wheeler, _History of North Carolina_, 124. - - Wheeler, G. A., _History of Brunswick_, 365; - _History of Castine_, 365. - - Wheelwright, John, memoir of, 366; - at Exeter, 329; - deed of New Hampshire, controversy over, 366, 368. - - Whitaker, Alexander, 137, 138, 141; - _Good Newes from Virginia_, 81, 157. - - White, Father Andrew, 554; - _Relatio itineris_, 553, 554. - - White, Christopher, 441. - - White, D. A., _New England Congregationalism_, 255. - - White, Henry, on New Haven Colony, 375. - - White, John (governor), views in Virginia, 113; - governor, 113; - his drawings engraved by De Bry, 123, 164; - his map of Virginia, 124, 183. - - White, Rev. John, 311. - - White, John, of Dorchester, _Planter’s Plea_, 346. - - White, John, of Pennsylvania, 488. - - White, Peregrine, autog., 268; - his chest, 278. - - White, Resolved, autog., 268. - - Whitehead, George, 442. - - Whitehead, W. A., “The English in East and West Jersey”, 421; - _East Jersey under the Proprietary Government_, 454; - _Documents relating to New Jersey_, 454; - _Index to Colonial Documents_, 455; - _History of Perth Amboy_, 455. - - Whitfield, Rev. Henry, 355; - _The Light Appearing_, 335; - _Strength out of Weakness_, 355. - - Whiting, John, _Truth and Innocency Defended_, 359. - - Whiting, John, _Catalogue of Friends’ Books_, 504. - - Whitmore, William H., _American Genealogist_, 292; - _Peter Pelham_, 345; - edits _Andros Tracts_, 362; - his chapter on Andros in the _Memorial History of Boston_, 362. - - Whitson Bay, 174. - - Whittier, J. G., _Pennsylvania Pilgrim_, 491. - - Wickham, Rev. William, 141, 143. - - Wiggin, Thomas, 326. - - Wigglesworth, Michael, autog., 319. - - Wilberforce, Samuel, _Episcopal Church in America_, 286. - - Wilcox, Thomas, 435. - - Wilkinson, William, 128. - - Willard, Samuel, autog., 319. - - Willes, Richard, 35; - edits Eden’s Peter Martyr as _History of Travayle_, 204. - - Willett, Thomas, autog., 338, 414; - mayor of New York, 414; - his family, 414. - - William and Mary College founded, 144, 160. - - William of Orange, 396; - invited to England, 410. - - Williams, Captain, on the Maine coast, 179. - - Williams, Dr. Daniel, his library, 245. - - Williams, Edward, _Virgo triumphans_, 168. - - Williams, Francis, 328, 329. - - Williams, George W., _Negro Race in America_, 168. - - Williams, John Foster, 190. - - Williams, Roger, in his youth, 242; - at Plymouth, 290; - views on civil polity, 290; - settles Rhode Island, 335, 336; - goes to England, 337; - autog., 339; - his _Key_, 355, 377; - lives of, 378; - deed from the Indians, 379; - letters, 377, 378; - letter to George Fox, 378; - banished from Massachusetts, 378; - _Christenings make not Christians_, 378; - Charter obtained by, 379. - _See_ Rhode Island. - - Williamson, _History of North Carolina_, 124. - - Williamson, W. D., historical labors, 208; - _History of Maine_, 364. - - Willis, William, 209, 210; - _History of Portland_, 365; - _Bibliography of Maine_, 365. - - Willoughby’s expedition, 30. - - Wills, Daniel, 441. - - Wilson, John, first minister of Boston, 312; - portrait, 313; - autog., 313. - - Wincob, John, 265. - - Winder, Samuel, 443. - - Windmill, First, in America, 144. - - Windsor (Connecticut), 330, 375; - settled, 368. - - Wine made early in Florida and Massachusetts, 61. - - Winfield, Charles H., _History of Hudson County_, 456. - - Wingfield, Edward Maria, 128; - _Discourse_, 155. - - Wingina, 109, 153. - - Winslow, Edward, his chair and table, 278; - part author of _Mourt’s Relation_, 290; - _Good News from New England_, 291; - portrait, 277, 293; - at Leyden, 263; - autog., 268, 278; - settles in Marshfield, 273; - his descendants, 277; - accounts of, 277; - _Hypocrasie Unmasked; or, Danger of Tolerating Levellers_, 285, 354; - founds Society for Propagating the Gospel among the Indians, 315, - 355; - _New England’s Salamander Discovered_, 355. - - Winslow, General John, his sword, 274. - - Winslow, Josiah, autog., 278; - portrait, 282. - - Winsor, Justin, _The Bradford Manuscript_, 287; - edits _Memorial History of Boston_, 362. - - Winter Harbor, 303. - - Winter, John, with Drake, 79. - - With, John. _See_ White, John. - - Winthrop, John, governor, goes to New England, 311; - death, 316, 357; - and the _Short Story_, 351; - _Journal or History of New England_, 255, 357. - - Winthrop, John, Jr., governor of Connecticut, 331, 334; - autog., 331; - portrait, 331; - in Connecticut, 369; - charter procured by him, 388. - - Winthrop, R. C., on the Pilgrims, 293; - on Sir George Downing, 415. - - Wisner, _Old South Church in Boston_, 359. - - Witchcraft trial in Pennsylvania, 488. - - Wolcott, Roger, 369; - _Poetical Meditations_, 369. - - Wolfe, John, 208; - editor of _Linschoten_, 101, 205; - its map, 101. - - Wollaston, Captain, 348. - - Wolstenholme, Sir John, 94. - - Women sent to Virginia, 144, 158. - - Wood, Anthony, _Athenæ Oxoniensis_, 204. - - Wood, Leonard, his historical labors, 208; - notices of him, 208. - - Wood, William, _New England’s Prospect_, 347, 348; - map of New England, 381. - - Woodbridge (New Jersey), 425. - - Woodbury (Connecticut), 375. - - _Woodstock Letters_, 554. - - Wooley, Rev. Charles, _Journal_, 420. - - Woollen manufactures, 493. - - Woolston, John, 447. - - Worcester Society of Antiquity, 344. - - Worsley, Sir Boyer, 457. - - Worthington, William, 7, 31, 44, 51. - - Wotton, Thomas, 128. - - Wright, Edward, 207; - _The Haven-finding Art_, 208; - _Certain Errors_, 208, 216; - and the Molineaux map, 216. - - Wyatt, Sir Francis, 144, 146, 147. - - Wyatt, Haut, 144. - - Wynne, _British Empire in America_, 509; - _Historical Documents_, 162. - - Wynne, Peter, 132. - - Wynne, Thomas, autog., 486. - - Wynne, Thomas H., 159. - - Wytfliet, _Descript. Ptolemaicæ Augmentum_, 184. - - - Yates, J. V. N., 412. - - Yeardley, George, 141, 146; - governor, 142. - - Yeardley, Francis, 149. - - Yong, Captain Thomas, 458, 558; - autog., 558. - - York, Duke of, 310; - patent to, 387, 388; - alienates East Jersey, 403; - grants of New Jersey, 392, 399; - new patent of New York, 399; - becomes James II., 406; - patent (1664), 414, 421, 423; - proposed memorial of, 414; - autog., 421; - grants to Berkeley, etc., 422; - grants to Penn, 480; - Laws, 510, 511. - - York (Maine), 326. - - Young, Alexander, _Chronicles of the Pilgrims_, 283, 292; - _Chronicles of Massachusetts Bay_, 347. - - Yucatan, 201. - - - Zaltieri’s map (1566), 67. - - Zarate’s Peru, 204. - - Zeno map, 100; - its influence, 100. - - Ziegler, James, on Cabot, 18; - as geographer, 19; - Schondia, 101. - - Zipangu, 85. - - Zürich archives, letters of the exiled Puritans in, 247. - - _Zürich Letters_, 248. - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - -[1] An error in Eden’s translation of a passage in Peter Martyr, -written in 1515, makes him a member of the Council of the Indies. - -[2] It will be understood that we now regard it as satisfactorily -settled that the voyage of discovery took place in 1497, followed by a -second voyage in 1498. - -I have spoken of the map of the discoveries of the Cabots being made -known to rival courts. In a letter dated Dec. 18, 1497, written from -London by the Abbé Raimondo, envoy of the Duke of Milan to the Court -of Henry VII., recently brought to light, and printed on page 54, -the writer, speaking of the return of John Cabot from his voyage of -discovery, says: “This Master John has the description of the world in -a chart, and also in a solid globe, which he has made, and he shows -where he had landed.” Don Pedro de Ayala, the Spanish Minister, also -writes to Ferdinand and Isabella, in the following year, July 25, 1498, -after the second expedition had sailed: “I have seen the map which the -discoverer has made.” - -In the year 1500, the Spanish navigator, Juan de la Cosa, who had -accompanied Columbus on his second voyage to the West in the years -1493-96, compiled a map of the world on which he delineated all he -knew of the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries in the New World. -He also depicted, undoubtedly from English sources, the northern -portion of the east coast of the continent, as is shown by a broad -legend or inscription running along the coast: “Mar descubierta por -Ingleses.” There was also placed at the eastern cape of the coast: -“Cavo de Ynglaterra.” It is the earliest map known on which the western -discoveries are depicted. A few copies of the map are supposed to have -been made soon after its compilation, one of which hung up in the -office of the Spanish Minister of Marine. The map afterwards fell into -neglect and was forgotten. In the year 1832 it was found and identified -by Humboldt, in the library of his friend the Baron Walckenaer, in -Paris. [It is on ox-hide, measuring five feet nine inches by three -feet two inches, drawn in colors, and was afterwards bought in 1850 -for 4,020 francs (see Walckenaer _Catalogue_, no. 2,904) by the Queen -of Spain, and is now in the Royal Library at Madrid. See Humboldt’s -appendix to Ghillany’s _Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin -Behaim_, and the appendix to Kunstmann’s _Entdeckung Amerikas_; also -Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, 151, 179. This Cosa map is given in part -full-size and in part half-size, in Humboldt’s _Examen Critique_, vol. -v., 1839, but not accurately; and again in connection with Humboldt’s -essay in Ghillany’s _Behaim_, Nürnberg, 1853. This essay was also -issued at Amsterdam in the _Seeskabinet_, with the fac-simile of the -map. The only full-size fac-simile in colors is in three sheets in -Jomard’s _Monuments de la Géographie_, pl. 16; and there are reductions -of the American portion in Stevens’s _Hist. and Geog. Notes_, 1869, -pl. 1 (following Jomard’s delineation); in De la Sagra’s _Cuba_; in -Lelewel’s _Géog. du Moyen Age_, 1852, no. 41. A biographical study -of _Juan de la Cosa_, by Enrique de Leguina, was published at Madrid -in 1877. Cosa died while accompanying Ojedo in December, 1509. Peter -Martyr, in 1514, gave him a high rank as a cartographer. The American -(Asian) part of his map is given in phototype herewith, reduced from -Jomard’s fac-simile.—ED.] - -Some have supposed that Cosa drew his whole eastern coast of North -America as a separate and independent continent, entirely distinct -from Asia, on the authority of the maps of the Cabots on which their -discoveries were delineated. Of course, in the absence of the maps or -globes of the Cabots, it is impossible for us to tell precisely what -was delineated upon them, or how much of Cosa’s coast-line was copied -from them; but from whatever source this line was drawn, it must be -evident that it was supposed by Cosa to be the eastern coast of Asia. -Cosa, so far as is observed from the fac-simile of his map,—which is -a map of the world,—drew no east coast of Asia at all, unless this be -it. (See Stevens’s _Notes_ as above, pp. 14, 17; Cf. Kohl, pp. 145, -152, 153.) - -I have already said that the discoveries of the English on Cosa’s map -were noted on the northern portion of the east coast of the continent, -and if confined, as they appear to be, to that region, we have no -right to assert that the remaining portion of the east coast-line was -supplied from the Cabots, but rather that it was taken from well-known -existing representations of the east coast of Asia. The map and globe -of the Cabots, already referred to, had laid down upon them the results -of their experience on their first voyage, the voyage of discovery, -in 1497. Of the results of the voyage of 1498, with which Sebastian -Cabot is now more particularly associated, we know but little. Accounts -narrated by others, but originally proceeding many years after the -event from Sebastian Cabot himself, of a voyage to the new-found lands, -have been supposed by modern writers to refer more particularly to this -voyage; and these accounts, as we shall see further on, speak of a run -down the coast to a considerable extent. That the Cabots, or Sebastian -Cabot, should have prepared maps of the second voyage at the time of -its occurrence, as well as of the voyage of discovery, is in every -respect probable. But all these early maps are lost. Perhaps they are -yet slumbering in some dusty archive. - -[The Editor cannot derive from the reasons expressed by Stevens (_Hist. -and Geog. Notes_, p. 15) that the coast where the legend is put, -represents the north shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence; for it is not -easy to account for the absence of the characteristics of a gulf, if -“mar,” unaccompanied by “oceanus,” signifies, as Stevens holds, an -enclosed sea; and if so, why is the genuine gulf between Cuba and the -Asian coast called “mar oceanus”?—ED.] - -Cosa’s map not having been engraved, or to any extent copied, exercised -but little influence on the cartography of the period, and although the -information relating to the English discoveries depicted upon it could -have come from no other source than the Cabots themselves, their names -were not inscribed upon the map; neither was the legend already quoted -copied upon any one of the maps, relating to the new-found lands, -which soon followed. The enterprising Cortereals, who are supposed -to have seen Cabot’s or Cosa’s map, soon spread their sails for the -West, and the maps of their discoveries, in the regions visited by -them, contained a record of their own name, or inscriptions which have -perpetuated the memory of their exploits. (See vol. iv. of the present -work.) Not so with the Cabots unless we should adopt the improbable -statement of Peter Martyr, in 1515, that Sebastian Cabot gave the name -_Baccalaos_ to those lands because of the multitude of big fishes which -he saw there, and to which the natives gave that name. This subject is -considered in a later note. - -Another important map will be briefly referred to here, as it may -possibly have some connection with the Cabots,—that of John Ruysch, -published in the Ptolemy of 1508, at Rome. It is the first engraved -map with the discoveries of the New World delineated upon it. [There -are accounts of this map (which measures twenty-one and a quarter by -sixteen inches) in Harrisse’s _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, p. -108; in the _Catalogue of the John Carter-Brown Library_, i. p. 39; in -Henry Stevens’s _Bibliotheca Geographica_, No. 3058; and reproductions -are given in Humboldt’s _Examen Critique_, v., in his essay on the -earliest maps appended to Ghillany’s _Martin Behaim_; in Stevens’s -_Historical and Geographical Notes_, pl. 2 (cf. _Historical Magazine_, -August, 1869, p. 107); in Santarem’s _Atlas composè de mappemondes -depuis le v^e jusqu’au_ xvii^e, _siècles_; in Lelewel’s _Moyen Age_; -in Judge Daly’s _Early History of Cartography_, p. 32 (much reduced); -and a section is given in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. 156. A -copy of the original is in the Sumner Collection in Harvard College -Library, and has been used for the fac-simile herewith given.—ED.] -A northeastern coast similar to that on the Cosa map is drawn, but -there is no record on it that the English had visited it, and “Cabo -de Portogesi” takes the place of “Cavo de Ynglaterra,” on the point -of what is now called Cape Race. Concerning John Ruysch, the maker -of the map, who was a German geographer, Kunstmann (_Die Entdeckung -Amerikas_, p. 137) says that he accompanied some exploring expeditions -undertaken from England to the north. Marcus Beneventanus, an Italian -monk, who edited this edition of Ptolemy, and included in it “A new -Description of the World, and the new Navigation of the Ocean from -Lisbon to India,” says: “But John Ruysch of Germany, in my judgment a -most exact geographer, and a most painstaking one in delineating the -globe, to whose aid in this little work I am indebted, has told me -that he sailed from the South of England, and penetrated as far as the -fifty-third degree of north latitude, and on that parallel he sailed -west toward the shores of the East, bearing a little northward (_per -anglum noctis_), and observed many islands, the description of which -I have given below.” Mr. Henry Stevens, from whom I have taken this -extract, thinks that Ruysch may have sailed with the Cabots to the -new-found islands. We know that among the crew one was a Burgundian and -one a Genoese. Beneventanus professed to know of the discoveries of the -English as well as of those of the Spaniards and Portuguese: “Columbi -et Lusitanorum atque Britannorum quos Anglos nunc dicimus.” (Stevens’s -_Hist. and Geog. Notes_, p. 32; Biddle, p. 179.) - -In his _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_, p. 179, Mr. Biddle calls attention -to a remarkable inscription on this map, placed far at the north, some -twenty degrees above “I. Baccalauras,” namely, “Hic compassus navium -non tenet nec naves quæ ferrum tenent revertere valent” (“Here the -ship’s compass loses its property, and no vessel with iron on board is -able to get away”). Mr. Biddle cites this inscription as showing the -terror which this phenomenon of the variation of the magnetic needle, -particularly noticed by Cabot, had excited. (See Humboldt’s _Examen -Crit._ iii. 31, _et seq._; Chytrœus, _Variorum in Europa Itinerum -Delicicæ_, published at Herborn, in Nassau, 1594, pp. 791, 792.) -Columbus had noticed the declination of the magnetic needle in his -first voyage. - -All these places in the new-found lands,—Terre Neuve, Baccalaos, -Labrador, etc.,—named by European visitors to these shores, were -supposed to be sections and projections of the Old World, and to belong -to the map of Asia; and this continued to be the opinion of navigators -and cartographers, advancing and receding in their views, for a number -of years afterward. - -[Johannes Myritius in his _Opusculum Geographicum_, published at -Ingoldstadt in 1590, is accounted one of the last to hold to this view. -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 314. After the discovery by Balboa in -1513 of the South Sea, the new cartographical knowledge took two—in -the main—distinct phases, both of which recognized South America as -an independent continental region, sometimes joined and sometimes -disjoined from the northern continent; while in one, North America -remained a prolongation of Asia, as in the map of Orontius Finæus, -and in the other it presented a barrier to western sailing except -by a northern circuit. An oceanic passage, which seemed to make an -island of Baccalaos, or the Cabot region, nearly in its right latitude -and longitude, laid New England, and much more, beneath the sea. The -earliest specimen of this notion we find in the Polish Ptolemy of -1512, in what is known as the Stobnicza map, one of the evidences -that on the Continent the belief did not prevail that the Cabots had -coursed south along a continental shore. It was a year before Balboa -discovered the Pacific that this map was published at Cracow; and we -are forced to believe that divination, or more credible report, had -told John de Stobnicza what was beyond the land which the Spaniards -were searching. The map is striking, and, singular to say, it has not -been long known. The only copy known of the little book of less than -fifty leaves, which contains it, was printed at Cracow without date -as _Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographiam_, and is in the Imperial -Library at Vienna; and though there are other copies known with dates -(1512), they all lack the maps, there being two sheets, one of the -Old World, the other of the New, including in this latter designation -the eastern shore of Asia, which is omitted in the fac-simile given -herewith. A full-size fac-simile of the New World was made by Muller of -Amsterdam (five copies only at twenty-five florins), and one is also -given in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 53. We note but a very few -other copies, all however, except one, without the map. One is in the -great library at Munich. A second (forty-three leaves and dated 1512) -was sold by Otto Harrassowitz, a dealer of Leipsic, in 1873, to Muller -of Amsterdam (we suppose it to be the copy described in the latter’s -_Books on America_, iii. 163, which was sold for 240 florins), from -whom it passed into the Carter-Brown Library in Providence. Harrisse, -_Bib. Amer. Vet._, no. 69, says there are two copies at Vienna, one in -the Imperial Library (which has the map, a woodcut), and the other in -the City Library, both without date. One or both of these copies are -said to have forty-two leaves,—Kunstmann, _Die Entdeckung Amerikas_, -p. 130. A fifth was advertised in 1876 by Harrassowitz, _Catalogue_ -no. 29, as containing forty-six leaves, dated 1512, but without the -map, and priced at 500 marks. In the same dealer’s _Catalogue_ no. 61, -book-number 56, a copy of forty-six leaves is dated 1511, and priced -400 marks, which is perhaps the same copy with a corrected description. -See also Panzer, _Annales Typographici_, vi. 454. From this it would -appear, as from slight changes said to be in the text, that there were -three separate issues and perhaps editions about 1511-12. Mr. Henry -C. Murphy’s copy of 1513 has no map. A second edition was printed in -Cracow in 1519, but without the map,—_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 60; -Harrisse, _Bib. Amer. Vet._ no. 95. The Finæus map, above referred to, -was a heart-shaped projection of the earth, which appeared in Grynæus’s -_Novus Orbis_, in the edition of Paris, 1532. A fac-simile of it has -been published by Muller, of Amsterdam, and in Stevens’s _Notes_, pl. -4. America occupies the extreme edge of the plate, and is greatly -distorted by the method of projecting. Mr. Brevoort reduced the lines -to Mercator’s projection for Stevens’s _Historical and Geographical -Notes_, 1869, pl. 3; and a fac-simile of this reduction, which shows -also the true Asian coast-line in its right longitude, and curiously -resembling the American (Asian) coast of the map, is given herewith. -See also Stevens’s _Bibliotheca Geographica_, p. 124; _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. 104; Harrisse, _Bibliographia Americana vet._ pp. 294, -297. There are copies of the map also found in the 1540 editions of -Pomponius Mela, and in the _Geografia_ of Lafreri and others, published -at Rome, 1554-72.—ED.] - -[3] The first Decade, which was begun in 1493, and completed in 1510, -was printed at Seville in 1511. - -[4] _Baccalaos_ is an old ante-columbian name for codfish, in -extensive use in the South of Europe. Humboldt says (Ghillany, p. 4), -“Stockfischland, von Bacallao, dem Spanischen Namen des stockfisches.” -Mr. Brevoort says it is the Iberian name for codfish; see his -_Verrazano the Navigator_, pp. 61, 137, where the etymology of the -word is given. The name is found on many of the early charts. On that -of Reynel, the Portuguese pilot, assigned by geographers to the year -1504 or 1505, it appears on the east coast as “Y dos Bocalhas” (Island -of Codfish). On the chart of Ruysch, 1508, it is seen as applied to a -small island, or cape, as “J. Baccalaurus.” On another Portuguese map -published by Kunstmann, assigned to the year 1514, or a little later, -the name “Bacalnaos” is applied to Newfoundland and Labrador, including -also Nova Scotia. After various fortunes the name became subject to -the limitations which overtook “Norumbega,” and has settled down on a -small island on the east coast of Newfoundland. There appears to be no -evidence, except Martyr’s statement, that Cabot gave the name to the -region he discovered; and it may well be asked on what book or map he -had caused it to be inscribed? There is no such name on Cosa’s map, -the only early record of the Cabots’ discoveries in the New World. The -name was probably applied by the Portuguese. Dr. John G. Kohl, the -distinguished geographer, says that the Portuguese originated the name -of Tierra de Bacalhas (“the stock-fish country”) and gave currency to -it, though the word, like the cod-fishery itself, appears to be of -Germanic origin. See his learned note in full in _Doc. Hist. of Maine_, -i. 188, 189, and compare Parkman’s _Pioneers of France_, pp. 170, 171. -Parkman says: “If, in the original Basque, _baccalaos_ is the word -for codfish, and if Cabot found it in use among the inhabitants of -Newfoundland, it is hard to escape the conclusion that Basques had been -there before him.” The affirmative of this proposition—that the Cabots -had been preceded by the fishermen—has been held by a few writers, but -it is generally believed that the evidence for it is insufficient. Dr. -Kohl says: “That the name should have been introduced by the Cabots is -for many reasons most improbable; and that they should have heard and -received the name from the Indians, is certainly not true; though both -these facts are asserted by Peter Martyr, _De Orbe Novo_, dec. iii. -ch. 6.” (Kohl, pp. 188, 189; and compare his statement on p. 481.) Dr. -Kohl had already said that the name, with some transposition of the -letters, had long been used, before the discoveries of the Cabots and -Cortereals, in many Flemish and German books and documents. It should -be added that the statement of Peter Martyr, that the savages on the -coast visited by Sebastian Cabot called a certain kind of fish found -there in abundance _baccalaos_, is repeated in the legend on Cabot’s -map, published in 1544, as rendered by Hakluyt in his folio of 1589, -p. 511. Indeed, much in the general description of the coast and the -inhabitants, both of the sea and the land, is similar in both accounts, -and indicates one origin. - -[In a dispute with England so early as 1672, the Spaniards claimed -a right to fish at Newfoundland by reason of the prior discovery by -the Biscayan fishermen. _Papers relating to the rupture with Spain_, -London, 1672. The latest claim for the Basques’ antedating Cabot in -this region is in C. L. Woodbury’s _Relation of the Fisheries to the -Discovery of North America_, Boston, 1880.—ED.] - -[5] This, the earliest notice of Cabot which I have seen in print, -and, written by one so distinguished as Peter Martyr, who had such -rare opportunities for information, is given almost entire. It is from -the quaint English version of Richard Eden, made some three hundred -and thirty years ago, and published in his _Decades_, fol. 118, 119. -The translation has been compared with the Latin text of Martyr, in -the _De Orbe Novo_ of 1516, “Tertie decadis liber sextus,” printed the -year after it was written, and a few redundances eliminated. See M. -D’Avezac’s criticism on some of Eden’s English renderings, in _Revue -Critique_, v. 265. - -[6] When Mr. Biddle was issuing the second London edition of his -_Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_, in 1832, he cancelled one leaf in the -book, at pages 77, 78, that he might insert a notice of an early -dramatic poem cited by J. Payne Collier in his then recently published -_History of English Dramatic Poetry ... and Annals of the Stage_, -London, 1831, ii. 319. The play was entitled, _A new interlude and a -mery of the nature of the iiij elements declaryinge many proper poynts -of phylosophy naturall and of dyvers straunge landys and of dyvers -straunge effects and causis_, etc. Dr. Dibdin, in his _Typogr. Ant._, -iii. 105, inserts it among the works from Rastell’s press, and in a -manuscript note at the beginning of the copy in the British Museum, -it is said to have been printed by him in 1519. This copy, the only -one known, formerly belonged to Garrick. I saw it in London in 1866, -and collated it with the brief extracts in Collier. It is imperfect; -and, as the colophon is wanting, the imprint, including date, is gone. -Different years have been assigned to the book according as the reader -has interpreted the historical references in it. The citations from -the “Interlude” which follow are taken from the publications of the -Percy Society, vol. xxii. issued in 1848. Among the characters is one -_Experyens_ (Experience), who represents a practical navigator who had -been a great traveller:— - -“Right farr, Syr, I have ridden and gone, And seen straunge thynges -many one In Affrick, Europe, and Ynde; Both est and west I have ben -farr, North also, and seen the sowth sterr Bothe by see and lande. - -And, apparently pointing to a map, _Experience_ proceeds:— - -“There lyeth Iselonde where men do fyshe, But beyonde that so colde -it is No man may there abyde. This see is called the Great Occyan; -So great it is that never man Coulde tell it sith the worlde began -Tyll nowe within this xx. yere, Westewarde be founde new landes That -we never harde tell of before this By wrytynge nor other meanys. -Yet many nowe have ben there; And that contrey is so large of rome, -Muche lenger then all Crestendome, Without fable or gyle; For dyvers -maryners had it tryed, And sayled streyght by the coste syde Above -V. thousande myle! But what commodytes be wythin, No man can tell -nor well imagin. But yet not long ago Some men of this contrey went, -By the Kynge’s noble consent, It for to search to that entent, And -coude not be brought thereto; But they that were they venteres Have -cause to curse their maryners, Fals of promys, and dissemblers, That -falsly them betrayed, Which wold take no paine to sail farther Than -their own lyst and pleasure; Wherfor that vyage, and dyvers other Such -kaytyffes have destroyed. O what a thinge had be than Yf that they that -be Englyschemen Myght have ben furst of all That there shulde have -take possessyon, And made furst buyldynge and habytacion, A memory -perpetuall! And also what an honorable thynge Bothe to the realme, and -to the Kynge, To have had his domynyon extendynge There into so farr a -grounde, Whiche the noble Kynge of late memory, The most wyse prynce, -the VII. Herry, Causyd furst for to be founde, ...” - -Percy, in his essay on the Origin of the English Stage, 1767, supposed -this play to have been written about the year 1510, from the following -lines which he referred to Columbus:— - -“... Within this xx. yeer Westewarde be founde new landes.” - -But Columbus is not named in the play, and the finding of America is -attributed to Americus Vespucius, whose earliest alleged voyage was in -1497:— - -“But this newe lands founde lately, Ben callyd America, bycause only -Americus dyd furst them fynde.” - -The date ascribed to the play by the writer of the memorandum in it, -1519, would seem to be not far from the truth. But the verses which -speak of the discovery made for the late king, Henry VII., principally -interest us here. They would seem to refer to the Cabots, who made -the only authentic Western discovery for England in that reign. The -whole poem has been reprinted by the Percy Society. See Winsor’s -_Halliwelliana_, p. 8, and references there. Mr. J. F. Nicholls, in his -_Life of Sebastian Cabot_, London, 1869, p. 91, prints these lines, -and thinks “that the Experyens herein depicted was none other than -Sebastian Cabot himself.” - -[7] [A sketch of a portion of the North American coast is given in -another chapter. It was reproduced in Sprengel’s translation of Muñoz’s -_Geschichte der neuen Welt_, Weimar, 1795, and separately in his _Ueber -J. Ribero’s älteste weltcharte_, size 50 by 65 centimetres, and shows -the coast from Labrador to Magellan’s Straits. Cf. Humboldt’s _Examen -Critique_, iii. 184. It is also given in Lelewel’s Atlas; in Murphy’s -_Verrazzano_, p. 129; and in De Costa’s _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. -43. The original is at Weimar, with a _replica_ at Rome.—ED.] - -[8] I might mention here an interesting map composed by the English -merchant, Robert Thorne, while residing in Seville in Spain, in 1527, -and sent, with a long discourse on cosmography, to Dr. Ley, English -ambassador to Charles V. The map is very rude, and was first published -with the discourse by Hakluyt in his little quarto in 1582. Along the -line of the coast of Labrador is a Latin inscription of which the -following is the English reading: “This land was first discovered -by the English.” Thorne was very urgent—as well in his letter to -Dr. Ley as in a letter to the king, Henry VIII., also published by -Hakluyt—that the English should engage in those maritime discoveries -to the west which the Spaniards and the Portuguese were monopolizing. - -[9] In Ziegler’s original work he begins this sentence thus: “Petrus -Martyr mediolanensis in hispanicis navigationibus scribit, _Antoninum -quendam Cabotum_ solventem a Britannia,” etc. This clerical or -typographical error as to Cabot’s Christian name probably arose from -a misreading of Martyr’s language in Dec. iii. lib. 6: “Scrutatus -est eas _Sebastianus quidam Cabotus_.” Eden did not hesitate to -substitute Sebastian for Anthony. As a mystification concerning the -name Antoninum (or Anthony) Cabot, I will add that Mr. Brevoort has -called my attention to the following entry in _Letters and Papers, -Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII._, vol. i. pt. 1, p. 939, doc. 5639, -Nov. 27, 1514: “Patent denization to _Anthony Chabo_, surgeon, native -of Savoy,” with another entry showing that in 1512 an annuity of twenty -pounds was granted to him; and Mr. Brevoort asks the question if -Anthony could have been another son of Jean Cabot, arriving in England -later; and also whether the Cabots might not have come originally from -Savoy? [Ziegler’s title reads: _Syria, Palestina, Arabia, Ægyptus, -Schondia, Holmia_,—the section on Schondia, as he calls the north, -takes folios 85-138; and the last of the eight maps in the book is of -Schondia. See Harrisse’s _Biblio. Amer. Vetus_, no. 170; F. Muller’s -_Catalogue_, 1877, no. 3595. The Schondia section was reprinted in -Krantzius’s _Regnorum Aquilonarium_, etc., Frankfort, 1583. F. Muller’s -_Catalogue_, 1872, no. 844.—ED.] - -[10] [It is also so drawn in Ruscelli’s map of 1544.—ED.] - -[11] Ziegler’s book is rare and curious; he was a geographer of great -repute. Such books often serve to perpetuate references to more -important works, and to show the erroneous geographical opinions of the -period. A second edition, under a different title, was published at -the same place in 1536. See Harrisse’s _Biblio. Amer. Vetus_, pp. 290, -291, 350, and the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, pp. 106, 120, where will be -found a notice of Ziegler. Biddle, p. 31. - -[12] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 110. - -[13] See _Année Véritable de la Naissance de Christophe Colomb_, p. 10, -n. 8. - -[14] See also _Relationi del S. Pietro Martira Milanese, Della cose -notabili della provincia dell’ Egitto_, etc., by Carlo Passi, Venetia, -1564. - -[15] In a recent letter from Mr. J. Carson Brevoort, the distinguished -bibliographer and historical scholar, of Brooklyn, N. Y.,—who has -kindly communicated for my use his abundant materials relating to the -Cabots, and has laid me under great obligations for aid in preparing -this paper,—he says he has been collating the first part of the -_Summario_ of 1534 with the Latin _Decades_ of Peter Martyr, and he -finds them to differ in a way that no mere translator would have -ventured to effect; that in one instance two books of the Decades are -condensed into a few lines, and the whole worked over as an author -only could do it. The Italian Summary closes at the end of the ninth -book of the third Decade. He thinks that Ramusio, with the edition of -1516 before him, would not have omitted the tenth book. Mr. Brevoort -therefore is led to believe that Martyr himself rewrote in 1515, in -Italian, the three Decades (the last book not having yet been written) -and sent the MS. to a friend in Italy, where it slumbered until 1534, -when it fell into the hands of Ramusio, who committed it to the press. -This is a curious question in bibliography. - -It should be added here that the statements of Martyr included in -the Latin Decades of 1516 (afterward published in the entire work -of 1530) are so often referred to by the author, in the course of -his correspondence, that we are bound to accept that edition as the -genuine work. It was published during his lifetime, and received his -_imprimatur_. - -[16] The figures of men and animals on the map are colored. I have -recently received from my friend M. Letort, of the National Library in -Paris, a more particular description of the legends of this map than -has hitherto been published. - -[17] It is supposed that a new edition of this map was published in -1549, the year after Sebastian Cabot returned to England. The only -evidence of this is contained in a thick duodecimo volume first -published in 1594, at Herborn, in Nassau, edited by Nathan Chytræus, -entitled _Variorum in Europa Itinerum Deliciæ_,—a work consisting of -monumental and other inscriptions, antique legends, and curious bits -of antiquity in prose and verse, picked up by the diligent compiler -in almost every country in Europe. He was in England in 1565; and -apparently at Oxford he saw a document, “a geographical table,” under -which he found several inscriptions in not very elegant Latin, which -he copied and printed in his volume, filling twenty-two pages of the -book. They are wholly in Latin, and correspond substantially with -the Latin inscriptions on the Paris map described above. There is -this difference. The inscriptions here are but nineteen in number, -whereas on the Paris map there are twenty-two, five of them in Spanish -only. No. xviii., of Chytræus, is in the body only of the map, and -in Spanish; and No. xix. appears only in Spanish. In Chytræus each -inscription has a title prefixed, wanting, as a rule, on the Paris -map. There are some verbal variations in the text, owing probably to -the contingencies of transcription and of printing. In the legend, No. -xvii., which has the title, “Inscriptio sev titulus Auctoris,” the date -1549 is inserted as the year in which the map to which the inscriptions -belonged was composed, instead of 1544, as in the Paris map. - -[18] I copy here this legend entire, in the original Spanish as on the -Paris map:— - -“No. 8. Esta tierra fue descubierta por Ioan Caboto Veneciano, y -Sebastian Caboto su hijo, anno del nascimiento de nuestro Saluador Iesu -Christo de M.CCCC.XCIIII. a ueinte y quarto de Junio por la mannana, -a la qual pusieron nôbre prima tierra uista, y a una isla grâde que -esta par la dha tierra, le pusieron nōbre sant Ioan, por auer sido -descubierta el mismo dia lagente della andan uestidos depieles de -animales, usan en sus guerras arcos, y flechas, lancas, y dardos, y -unas porras de palo, y hondas. Es tierra muy steril, ay enella muchos -orsos plancos, y cieruos muy grâdes como cauallos, y otras muchas -animales, y semeiantemête ay pescado infinito, sollos, salmōes, -lenguados, muy grandes de uara enlargo y otras muchas diversidades de -pescados, y la mayor multitud dellos se dizen baccallaos, y asi mismo -ay en la dha tierra Halcones prietos como cueruos Aquillas, Perdices, -Pardillas, y otras muchas aues de diuersas maneras.” - -In the Latin inscription we read that the discovery was made “hora 5, -sub diluculo;” that is, at the hour of five, at daybreak. The Spanish -simply says that the discovery was made in the morning. - -[19] [We give reduced a part of the North American coast. Other -representations will be found in Stevens’s _Hist. and Geog. Notes_, -pl. 4; Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. 358; Jurien de la Gravière’s -_Les Marins du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_, Paris, 1879, with an essay on -the map,—papers originally printed in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, -1876; Nicholl’s _Life of S. Cabot_, but inaccurate in the names; -_Hist. Mag._, March, 1868, in connection with Mr. Brevoort’s paper; F. -Kidder’s _Discovery of North America by John Cabot_; Bryant and Gay’s -_United States_, i. 193. Also in Augusto Zeri’s _Giovanni e. Sebastiano -Caboto_, Estratto dalla Rivista Marittima, Marzo, Roma, 1881. The whole -of the map is given, but on a much reduced scale, in Judge Daly’s -_Early History of Cartography_, N. Y., 1879.—ED.] - -[20] The following extract of a letter from Sebastian Cabot to the -Emperor Charles V., dated London, Nov. 15, 1554, speaks of a sea-chart -intended for his Majesty, and refers also to the subject of the -variation of the needle, which interested Cabot in an especial manner:— - -“With respect to laying down the position of the coast of Guinea -conformably with the variation made by the needle with the pole, if the -King of Portugal falls into an error, I give your Majesty a remedy. - -“The same Francisco de Urista, whom I have named before, takes with -him to show to your Majesty two figures which are: a mappe monde -divided by the equator, from which your Majesty can see the causes of -the variation of the needle, and the reasons why it moves at one time -towards the north, at another towards the south pole; the second figure -shows how to take the longitude on whatever parallel a man happens to -be. The results of both these the said F. de U. will relate to your -Majesty as I have here instructed him fully about them, and as he is -himself skilled in the art of navigation. In regard to the sea-chart -(?) which the said F. de U. has, I have written to your Majesty before -about it, that it is of importance to your service, and also [have -written] about a relation in my own handwriting to Juan Esquefe, your -ambassador, to send it to your Majesty. From what I am told, it is in -the possession of the Secretary Eraso. To it I refer you, and I assert -that the chart will be of great service in reference to the division -line agreed upon between the royal crown of Spain and Portugal for the -reasons set forth in my relation. - -“I beg you to receive my good will, etc. (Would come in person but -am ill, etc.).” - -(_Col. de Doc. Ined_. Madrid, 1843, iii. 512.) Andrés Garcia de -Céspedes, in his _Regimiento de Navigation_, etc., 1606, speaking of -the longitude, p. 137, probably alludes to this very map: “Sebastian -Cabott de nacion Inglés, Pilóto bien conocido, in un Mapa que dio al -Rey de Castilla,” etc. - -[21] Cf. the learned dissertations on this map, by Dr. Kohl and M. -D’Avezac, in _Doc. Hist. of Maine_, i. 358-77, 506, 507; and Mr. -Major’s review of the whole question in the _Archæologia_, xliii. -17-42, in 1870. - -[Reference may also be made to D’Avezac’s paper in the _Bulletin de -la Société de Géographie_, 4th ser., iv. 266; Asher’s appendix to his -_Henry Hudson_, p. 260; and papers by Mr. Deane himself in _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1867, _Historical Magazine_, November, 1866, -p. 353; and his note in Hakluyt’s _Westerne Planting_, p. 225. Cf. -also Kohl’s _Descriptive Catalogue of those Maps relating to America, -mentioned in Hakluyt’s Third Volume_, p. 11.—ED.] - -[22] The geographical designation here employed has been thought by -some to be very indefinite, inasmuch as the Spaniards, who discovered -Florida, subsequently gave that name to the whole country northward -and westward of the territory now bearing that name; but it must be -remembered that that designation was not accepted by geographers of -other nations. After the voyages of Verrazano and Cartier the name “La -Nouvelle France” was applied by French geographers to the territory as -far down as 40° N., and the name was sometimes applied to the whole of -North America. The maps of the Italian geographer, Gastaldi, who made -maps for Ramusio’s third volume, and of Ruscelli, his pupil, confined -Florida to more southern limits; and so did Sebastian Cabot himself, -if the map of 1544 was made by him. Indeed, in the conversation of -these Italian _savans_ at the house of Fracastor, that geographical -status was assumed; that is to say, the country of Cabot’s landfall, -and the land by which he sailed north and south, was not understood -to be Florida, for the statement is that “he sailed down the coast by -that land toward the equinoctial, and came to that part of this firm -land which is now called Florida.” Of course the point which he reached -is very indefinite. Peter Martyr had said, thirty-five years before, -that Cabot told him that he went south _almost_ to the latitude of the -strait of Gibraltar, which is in 36° N. Nobody knows whether these two -accounts relate to the same voyage. That to which the conversation -refers is assumed by the narrator to be the voyage of discovery. -Indeed, for two hundred years and more there was no suspicion that a -voyage by the Cabots followed immediately the voyage of discovery; -though some incidents are related which may have taken place in a -subsequent voyage, and others which never took place at all. Modern -critics, who accept the above story as to the latitude reached at the -south, generally agree that it was only on the second voyage that this -was accomplished. - -[23] The conversation at Caphi, at the house of Fracastor, who was a -friend of Ramusio, took place a short time only before its publication. -Ramusio says, in his report, “a few months ago.” We do not know -precisely when he wrote his report, but there is a reference in it -to a book of Jacob Tevius, published in 1548. As I have said above, -we do not know the year of the interview with Cabot at Seville. The -narrator says that it was “some years ago,” and I should infer that -it was some years after Cabot’s return in August, 1530, from the La -Plata expedition, to which Cabot in the interview refers. He also -mentions that he is growing old, and retiring from active duties. In -1540 he would probably have been approaching seventy years of age, -and this date may safely be assumed as not far from the time when the -conversation took place. M. D’Avezac, in _Revue Crit._, v. 265, gives -1544 or 1545 as the probable date. - -To the publication of this report relating to Cabot, Hakluyt, in 1589, -prefixed the name of Galeacius Butrigarius, the Pope’s legate in Spain, -as the distinguished person who reported the conversation with Cabot; -and ever since that time, down to the publication of Biddle’s _Memoir -of Sebastian Cabot_, in 1831, the statement passed without question. -Biddle, who regarded the matter as of little moment, said there was no -authority for that name in Ramusio, who says himself that he withholds -it from motives of delicacy; but Biddle did not say, perhaps he did -not observe, that Hakluyt got the name from Eden (_Decades_, _f._ 252, -_verso_), who made the original blunder. Martyr, in the beginning of -his second Decade, written in 1515, speaks of knowing Butrigarius of -Bologna, when the latter was of the Pope’s embassy in Spain; and I find -that he died in 1518, in the forty-third year of his age (see Zedler’s -_Universal Lexikon_, v. 4, Halle, 1733). M. D’Avezac had noted, as -early as 1869, that Butrigarius had died thirty years before the -conversation took place at the house of Fracastor, and also that the -editor of Ramusio, Tomaso Giunti, had added the word Mantuan to this -anonymous person’s name; and now, through the researches instituted -by Charles Bullo and by the mediation of the superintendent of the -archives of the state at Venice, it is ascertained that this unknown -person was Gian Giacomo Bardolo, of Mantua. See _Intorno a Giovanni -Caboto_, etc., by Cornelio Desimoni, Genova, 1881, pp. 26, 27; also, in -_Atti_, vol. xv., of the Società ligure di storia patria. - -[24] Fracastor died Aug. 8, 1553, over seventy years of age. He was a -maker of globes. Humphrey Gilbert says that he was a traveller in the -northern parts of America. (Kohl, p. 229; Hakluyt, 1589, p. 602). - -[25] Ramusio, ii. 4; Hakluyt, 1589, p. 513. - -[26] Hakluyt, 1589, p. 602. - -[27] Eden’s _Decades_, fol. 318, corrected by the original. [The first -edition of Gomara is a rare book, and a copy has been lately priced by -Quaritch at £36. It proved to be one of the most popular of all the -books of that century on the New World; and, as we count, including -varieties of titles, there were more than a score of editions in fifty -years, so that his statements became widely known. There were seven -such issues in Spanish, either in Spain or in Flanders, in two years, -when the demand for it seems to have failed in its original tongue, -and was transferred to Italy, where at Rome and Venice there were six -editions in twenty years (1556 to 1576). Sabin says eighteen in that -interval, but I fail to find them. There was a seventh near the end -of the century (1599). In 1568 or 1569 there seem to have been three -issues of the first French translation, and six others followed, -from 1577 to 1597. These statements are based chiefly on the lists -of editions given in Sabin, vii. 306 (said to have been drawn up by -Mr. Brevoort); in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 169; and Leclerc’s -_Bibliotheca Americana_, No. 143.—ED.] - -[28] [See a later Editorial note on “The earliest English publications -on America.”—ED.] - -[29] _Doc. Hist. of Maine_, i. 206. - -[30] _Mem. of Sebastian Cabot_, 110-119. - -[31] Vol. iii. p. 4, 1556. - -[32] _Divers Voyages_, Hakluyt Soc., pp. 50, 51. - -[33] _Doc. Hist. of Maine_, i. 208-210. - -[34] Mr. Brevoort has submitted some notes to my attention, on this -voyage. Rejecting the year 1516-17 as impracticable, he adopts an -earlier date, before Cabot had left England, and finds some authority -for it in a book of George Beste, London, 1578, on the three voyages -of Frobisher, hereafter to be mentioned. The writer there gives 1508 -as the year of Sebastian Cabot’s discovery of North America, probably -never having heard of any previous voyages. Mr. Brevoort thinks he had -authority for a voyage of Cabot about the year named. Thomas Pert, or -Spert, against whom the charge of “faint heart” is alleged by Eden, is -mentioned in vol. i. of _Letters and Papers Foreign and Domestic, Henry -VIII._, 1512, C. 1514, as master of the “Mary Rose,” and of the “Great -Harry.” In 1514 he is pensioned, and in 1517 is placed on shore duty. -There is no report of him in 1516, but as he was a veteran in 1514 it -is hardly probable that he would have been on a voyage of discovery -in 1516. He is usually mentioned as Thomas Spert; only once is he -called Pert. As evidence that an expedition left England on a voyage -of discovery some time during the last years of Henry VII., or during -the early years of his successor, the _Interlude of the Four Elements_, -of uncertain date, but probably written before 1519, cited above, is -adduced as showing that the incident related occurred “not long ago.” -And certain verses which speak of the disobedience of the mariners, -which put an end to the voyage, and to the hopes of the projector, -afford the earliest reference to the mutiny story. Mr. Brevoort is of -opinion that Eden’s vague reference to an event occurring in the reign -of Henry VIII., “about the same year of his reign,” was intended to -place it in the 8th year of the century. But that would bring it within -the reign of Henry VII. - -[35] _Mem. of Sebastian Cabot_, pp. 62-66. - -[36] Dedication of the book, folios 1, 2; _Biddle_, pp. 64, 65. - -[37] Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_, 1582. - -[38] He printed it on folios 316, and 317 of his _Decades_. See the -inscription in Latin in a work already cited, by Nathan Chytræus, pp. -779-781. - -[39] See vol. iii, 807, and iv. 1812. See _Doc. Hist. of Maine_, ii. -224. - -[40] Appendix to his _Mem. of Sebastian Cabot_. Mr. Biddle is said to -have paid £500 for the picture. - -[41] See their _Proceedings_, ii. 101. 111. - -[42] No. 103 in the Catalogue of its gallery. A copy of this picture, -painted in the year 1763, now hangs in the Sala della Scudo, in the -ducal palace in Venice, with a long Latin inscription composed probably -at the time the copy was made. _Notes and Queries_, 2d ser. vol. v. p. -2. - -[43] See _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ Jan. 1865, pp. 91-96. _Hist. Mag._ -Nov. 1869, pp. 306, 307. - -[44] See the Appendix to the _Historical View of the progress of -Discovery on the more Northern Coasts of America_, by Patrick Fraser -Tytler, Esq. - -[45] _Examen Crit._ iv. 232. - -[46] iv. 1177. - -[47] I might mention here that an English version of this book, made by -Thomas Hacket, was published in England in 1568, dedicated to Sir Henry -Sidney. The passage in question occurs in fol. 122 H. C. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, p. 241. [This version is perhaps rarer than the two French -editions (Paris and Anvers) of 1558, and the Italian of 1561, and is -worth ten guineas or thereabout. A recent French catalogue prices the -original Paris edition at about the same sum. It has been recently, -1878, reprinted in Paris with notes by Paul Gaffarel.—ED.] - -[48] _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_, p. 89. - -[49] See _La Historia General de las Indias_, 1554, cap. xxxix, fol. 31. - -[50] [_Huth Catalogue_, ii. 572, _Brinley Catalogue_, i. no. 29. This -translation is also contained in J. S. Clarke’s _Progress of Maritime -Discovery_, London, 1803, Appendix. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. -224, says an English translation was printed in the _Oxford Collection -of Voyages_, ii.—ED.] - -[51] Pages 87, 88. - -[52] Or inlet. - -[53] Under the year 1526 Galvano says: “In the year 1526 there went -out of Sevill one Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian, being chief Pilote to -the emperor,” etc. There is added to the old English version, not in -the Portuguese text, after “a Venetian,”—“by his father, but born at -Bristol in England.” Hakluyt Society’s volume, p. 169. - -[54] Mr. J. Winter Jones, the editor of the _Divers Voyages_ for the -Hakluyt Society, says, concerning the original French edition of -this work, that it “is not known to exist, and it is doubtful if it -ever was printed.” Hakluyt, however, in his “Discourse on Westerne -Planting,” published as vol. ii., _Doc. Hist. of Maine_, p. 20, says -it is “extant in print, both in French and English”. [Sparks, in his -_Life of Ribault_, p. 147, says that he cannot find that the original -French was ever published; but Gaffarel, _Floride Francaise_, says it -was published in London, 1563, as _Histoire de l’Expédition Francaise -en Floride_, and soon became scarce.—ED.] - -[55] Hakluyt Society’s _Divers Voyages_, p. 92. - -[56] As the language of Hacket’s English version of Ribault was -accessible to me only through Richard Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_, 1582, -in which he reprinted it, I had an ungenerous suspicion that he might -have substituted that date for another, he having placed the year -1498 in the margin of the page on which he first prints the alleged -extract from Fabian. The only known copy of Hacket’s translation is -in the British Museum, and on an appeal to that, through a transcript -of it taken for Mr. John Carter-Brown, I find Ribault’s date to be -1498. [Hacket’s version as given by Hakluyt is also reprinted in B. F. -French’s _Hist. Coll. of Louisiana and Florida_, ii. 159.—ED.] - -[57] [Ortelius was not far from thirty years old, when Sebastian -Cabot died. He had been in England, and possibly had seen the old -navigator. Felix Van Hulst’s account of Ortelius was published in a -second edition at Liege in 1846. Ortelius was the first to collect -contemporary maps and combine them into a collection, which became -the precursor of the modern atlas. His learning and integrity, with -a discrimination that kept his judgment careful, has made his book -valuable as a trustworthy record of the best geographical knowledge -of his time. His position at Antwerp was favorable for broadening his -research, and a disposition to better each succeeding issue, in which -he was not hampered by deficiency of pecuniary resources, served to -spread his work widely. The first Latin edition of 1570 was followed -by others in that language, and in Dutch, German, French, and Italian, -with an ever-increasing number of maps, and recasting of old ones. -These editions, including epitomes, numbered at least twenty-six, down -to 1606, when it was for the first time put into English, followed by -an epitome in the same language, with smaller maps, in 1610. There were -a few editions on the continent during the rest of that century (the -latest we note is an Italian one in 1697), but other geographers with -their new knowledge were then filling the field.—ED.] - -[58] See Biddle’s _Cabot_, p. 56. - -[59] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, p. 255. - -[60] _The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, Hakluyt Soc. 1867, p. 22. -[This putting forth of energy by the English at this time in pursuit of -maritime discovery is reflected in the larger production of the English -press in this direction, as shown in a later Editorial note.—ED.] - -[61] Biddle’s _Cabot_, p. 291. - -[62] Vol. iii, p. 4. - -[63] See also Hakluyt, 1589, p. 602. - -[64] Richard Eden died about this time, perhaps in the previous year. -He left among his papers a translation, made “in the year of our -Lord, 1576,” and from the Latin of Lewis Vartomannus, which Willes -includes in his own edition. The last book published by Eden was an -English translation from the Latin of a book on navigation, by Joannes -Taisnierus, public professor in Rome and of several universities in -Italy. It bears no date, but it is supposed to have been issued in -1576 or 1577. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, pt. 1. p. 262, which puts -its date 1576; but it is given 1579 in Markham’s _Davis’s Voyages_. In -the Epistle Dedicatory, Eden speaks of attending “the good old man,” -Sebastian Cabot, “on his death-bed,” and listening to his flighty -utterances about a divine revelation of a new method for finding the -longitude. See Biddle, pp. 222, 223. Eden was also engaged in other -literary enterprises not mentioned by me. - -[65] Willes’s _History of Travayle_, etc., fol. 232, 233; Biddle’s -_Cabot_, p. 292; Hakluyt, 1589, pp. 610-616. - -[66] Kohl, p. 364. - -[67] I quote from Biddle’s _Cabot_, p. 27; but Brunet, iii. 1945, and -_Supplement_, i. 1129, notice an edition in 1575, 3 vol. folio. See -also Stevens’s _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870. p. 121. - -[68] Tom. ii. p. 2175. - -[69] Biddle, p. 28. - -[70] [See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, pt. i. p. 292, which shows there -were two editions the same year. The book is rare, and was priced by -Leclerc in 1878 at 650 francs. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._ i. 135, says he -has seen but two copies of the map which should accompany the book. -This is a folded woodcut, which in the main is a reduced copy of the -map in Ortelius’s first edition. The map is in the Harvard College -copy. The _Huth Catalogue_, iv. 1169, shows the map.—ED.] - -[71] Hakluyt, in a _Discourse on Westerne Planting_, written in 1584, -which was printed for the first time by the Maine Hist. Soc. in 1877, -cites this book of Popellinière, and gives an English version from it -of the conversation in Ramusio. Hakluyt is here asserting the Queen -of England’s title to all the territory “from Florida to the Circle -Arctic,” and he enlarges upon the exploits of Sebastian Cabot, on which -the claim of England is based. - -[72] _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_, pp. 42-47. - -[73] [They were subsequently reprinted in Rymer’s _Fœdera_, in -Chalmers’s and Hazard’s _Hist. Coll._ and in the Hakluyt Society’s ed. -of the _Divers Voyages_.—ED.] - -[74] In the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society for -October, 1881, Mr. George Dexter has traced the publication of this -alleged extract from Fabian to an earlier date than had usually -been assigned to it. It was published by Stow, in his _Annals_, in -1580, together with the paragraph relating to the savage men said -to have been brought home by Sebastian Cabot, and also printed by -Hakluyt in 1582. They were also printed in the second edition of -Holinshed, 1586-87. The Cotton manuscript, Vitellius, A. xvi., has been -re-examined, and proves not to be a Fabian. Mr. Dexter has printed the -two extracts from it, the latter, relating to the “savage men,” for -the first time. In the Cotton collection, Nero, C. xi., is a genuine -Fabian, but it contains nothing about Cabot. The conclusion to which I -have arrived from this examination by Mr. Dexter is, that the Vitellius -manuscript was not the original used by Stow and Hakluyt. They give -facts and details not to be found in that manuscript; and this remark -will particularly apply to the extract relating to the three savage -men, which in the Vitellius is brief and meagre. Both Stow and Hakluyt -must have used a genuine Fabian manuscript yet to be discovered. For -though neither would probably hesitate to add or change a name or a -date, if he thought he had sufficient authority for so doing, they -would not manufacture a narrative. - -As regards the savage men referred to, Stow, under the date of -1502, says they were that year presented to the King, yet that they -were brought over by Sebastian Cabot in 1498, giving Fabian as his -authority. Hakluyt, in his quarto of 1582, repeats the same story, on -the same authority; yet in his folio of 1589 he changes the date in -his heading as to the year of their presentation to the King, making -it conform to the year in which they were brought over. Mr. Biddle -(_Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_, pp. 230, 231) has a labored argument to -show that the men were not brought over by Cabot, but by some one else, -in the year they were presented to the King, 1502, reflecting severely -on Hakluyt for changing this last date. It is not at all probable that -the name of either John Cabot or Sebastian Cabot was given in the -original manuscript used by Stow and Hakluyt. I will add that George -Beste, in his work on the voyages of Frobisher, cited above, says that -Sebastian Cabot brought home “sundry of the people” of the country -he visited, “and many other things, in token of possession taken,” -very oddly assigning the voyage, which he regarded as the voyage of -discovery, to the year 1508. - -[75] I had called attention to this fact in some notes on Cabot’s -map in the _Proceedings_ of the Am. Antiq. Soc. for April, 1867, and -Dr. Kohl, p. 371, says that Locke is supposed to have copied the -inscription from a map of Cabot in England. The fact must have been -inscribed on some other map of Cabot than the recently recovered one in -Paris, for that certainly does not bear out the conjecture. - -[76] Hakluyt, 1589, p. 680. - -[77] Hakluyt, iii. 173. - -[78] In the year 1584 Richard Hakluyt, at the request of Sir -Walter Raleigh, wrote a _Discourse on Westerne Planting_,—to which I -have already made a brief reference,—supposed to embody the opinions -of the statesmen of England at that period on the colonization of -North America. It is a remarkable paper, intended for the eye of the -Queen. After giving all the reasons why England should enter upon -this work speedily, he presents, in chapter xviii. “the Queen of -England’s title to all the West Indies, or at least to as much as is -from Florida to the circle Arctic,” as being “more lawful and right -than the Spaniards’, or any other Christian princes’;” and the claim -is based mainly on the discovery by Sebastian Cabot, in the year 1496, -as related in the first volume of Ramusio, which is cited. Hakluyt is -anxious to make it appear that Cabot discovered North America before -Columbus discovered the firm land of the Indies; yea, more than a year -before, and he recurs more than once to this date as showing the fact. -Indeed, he once goes so far as to cite the date on Clement Adams’s -map, 1494, as carrying the claim yet farther back. [The history of -this manuscript, published as vol. ii. of the _Documentary History of -Maine_, is traced in an Editorial note to Dr. De Costa’s chapter.—ED.] - -[79] _Memoir of S. Cabot_, pp. 30, 178-180. - -[80] _Ibid._ p. 31. - -[81] This book of Mr. Biddle was published in London in two editions, -1831 and 1832, and in the United States, 1831, all without the name of -the author, an eminent jurist and statesman of Pittsburg, Penn., who -was born in 1795, and died in 1847. It is a work of great value for its -authorities, and displays much critical talent; and though composed -with little system and with a strong bias in favor of Sebastian Cabot, -whom the author makes his hero, it may be regarded as the best review -of the history of maritime discovery relating to the period of which he -treats, that had appeared. - -[The most important notice of Mr. Biddle’s book occurred in Tytler’s -_Historical View of the Progress of Discovery on the more Northern -Coasts of America_, Biddle’s reflections upon Hakluyt being the -particular occasion of a vindication of that collector. George S. -Hillard also reviewed Biddle in the _North American Review_, xxxiv. -405, and it elicited other essays in contemporary journals. It supplied -largely the material for Hayward’s _Life of Cabot_ in Sparks’s -_American Biography_. The most recent treatment of the subject is in -a condensed and somewhat enthusiastic _Remarkable Life, Adventures -and Discoveries of Sebastian Cabot_, by J. F. Nicholls, the public -librarian of Bristol, London, 1869. This writer ascribes the chief -glory to Sebastian and not to the father, and rather grandly lauds -his achievements. This provoked Henry Stevens to putting a note in -his _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, no. 2519, in vindication of John -Cabot’s greater claim,—a view he again emphasized in a little tract, -with the expressive mathematical title, _Sebastian Cabot-John Cabot = -O_: Boston, 1870. Some of the later information has been embodied by -Bancroft in a paper on Cabot in the _New American Cyclopædia_, which -he has used again in vol. i. of his Centenary Ed. _History of the -United States_. A very good resumé of existing knowledge as it stood -forty-five years ago, is given in Conway Robinson’s _Discoveries in the -West and Voyages along the Atlantic Coast_, Richmond, 1848. A somewhat -similar treatment is given in Peschel’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_, book ii., ch. 6, and notice may also be taken of -the same author’s _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, vol. iv. Fox Bourne, in -his _English Seamen under the Tudors_, gives a summary of the Cabots’ -career as explorers, and in his _English Merchants_ he treats of their -relation to British commerce and the enterprise of Bristol. Mr. Travers -Twiss communicated some papers on the relative influence of Columbus -and Cabot on American Discovery to the _Nautical Magazine_, July and -August, 1876; and a review of a somewhat similar kind will be found in -Admiral Jurien de la Gravière’s _Les Marins du xv^e et xvi^e Siècles_, -composed of papers which had originally appeared in the _Revue des deux -Mondes_, 1876, _et seq._ Among other views, reference may be made to -F. von Hellward’s _Sebastian Cabot_, 43 pp.; Malte-Brun’s _Annales des -Voyages_, xcix., p. 39.—ED.] - -[82] Page 126. - -[83] Vol. iii. p. 807. - -[84] See D’Avezac in the _Bulletin de la Soc. Géog._, Quar. Ser., xvi. -272, 273. - -[85] [The titles of these works in full, with some further account of -the instrumentality of Hakluyt in advancing discovery, are given in -Dr. De Costa’s chapter on “Norumbega,” and in the notes accompanying -it.—ED.] - -[86] M. D’Avezac, in the _Bulletin de la Soc. Géog._, Quar. Ser., xiv., -271, 272, 1857, and Dr. Asher in his _Henry Hudson_ (Hakluyt Soc.), -pp. lxviii, 261, 1860, both express the opinion that Clement Adams -deliberately altered the date from 1494 to 1497, the latter being the -date copied by Hakluyt into his extract from Adams’s map, as published -in the third volume of his fol. of 1600; neither of these writers being -aware of the fact that in Hakluyt’s first citation from Adams’s map, in -his folio of 1589, the date 1494 was given. All we know of Adams’s map -is derived from Hakluyt; and as an additional evidence that the extract -cited from it bore the date 1494, we have Hakluyt’s previous statement, -in his _Discourse on Westerne Planting_, cited above, where this fact -is clearly affirmed. - -In the _Proceedings_ of the Am. Antiq. Soc. for April, 1867, I called -attention, in some notes on Cabot’s map, to the inadvertences of -these distinguished historians; and, in a later paper by M. D’Avezac, -printed in the _Bulletin de la Soc. Géog._, in Paris for 1869, and -translated in the _Doc. Hist. of Maine_, i. 506, 507, he revises his -opinion, and affirms his belief that the change of date from 1494, -in Hakluyt’s first folio, to 1497 in that of 1600 was caused by a -typographical error. [D’Avezac’s paper was entitled: _Les navigations -Terre-neuviennes de Jean et Sébastien Cabot—Lettre au Révérend Leonard -Woods_: and was also printed separately in Paris.—ED.] - -[87] [See the note on Molyneaux’s map, with a sketch of it, appended to -the chapter on “Norumbega.”—ED.] - -[88] It has been suggested that Hakluyt had access to Cabot’s papers -in possession of William Worthington, and that they revealed the true -date. It is a pity he did not “make note of it” among his authorities. -See R. H. Major’s _True Date of the English Discovery_, etc., London, -1870, originally printed in the _Archæologia_, xliii, 17. - -The mention of the name of William Worthington, against whom Mr. Biddle -has emphasized a suspicion of unjust dealing with Sebastian Cabot, -reminds me of a remark of M. D’Avezac in speaking of the marriage -of Cabot to Catherine Medrano,—that he suspected that Worthington, -instead of being hostile to Cabot, was, on the contrary, bound to him -by family ties. See _Revue Critique_, v. 268, 269. - -[89] Page 511. - -[90] Page 128. - -[91] Mr. Major concludes his paper by producing incontestable evidence -from the recently published Venetian and Spanish Calendars, to be -adduced farther on, that the true date of discovery was 1497. - -[92] See a more full analysis of this subject in _Proceedings_ of the -Am. Antiq. Soc. for April, 1867. - -[93] See vol. i. 226, 274; ii. 243, 267; iii. 10; cf. Biddle, 184-187, -311, who doubts as to Cabot’s appointment as “grand pilot,” as asserted -by Hakluyt. [Davis, in his _World’s Hydrographical Descriptions_, does -not give him any official title in 1595. “Sebastian Gabota, an expert -pilot, and a man reported of speciall judgment, who being that wayes -imployed returned without successe.” _Davis’s Voyages_ (Hakluyt Soc.), -p. 195.—ED.] - -[94] The Legend no. xvii. of the map is copied from Chytræus into the -text of the _Tabularum Geog. Contractatrum_ of Peter Bertius, published -in Latin and in French. In the Latin edition of 1602 or 1603, the -second edition, the Legend is given on page 627, and in the French of -1617 on page 777. The text is ascribed to Jodocus Hondius, who died in -1612, says Lelewel, in his _Géographie du Moyen Age_. (_Letter of J. -Carson Brevoort._) - -[95] Among the many works whose publication was inspired by Hakluyt, -was the issue in 1612 of an English version of the eight _Decades_ -of Peter Martyr, translated by Michael Locke, thus laying before -the English reader whatever that industrious chronicler had written -concerning Sebastian Cabot. The first three Decades, as we have already -seen, had been translated by Richard Eden, many years before, and -those were now adopted by Locke into his completed version; the work -was entitled _De Novo Orbe, or the History of the West Indies_, etc., -London, 1612. It contained a Latin dedication to Sir Julius Cæsar, -and an address in English to the reader. The same sheets were also -issued with another titlepage without date, and omitting the Latin -dedication, and also again in 1628 with a new title, calling the book -a second edition. [Copies of either issue are worth from £5 to £10, -and even more. Fifty years ago Rich (1832, no. 130) priced one at £1 -16_s._ The text was reprinted in the supplement to the 1809 edition of -Hakluyt.—ED.] - -Purchas has several notices of the Cabots taken from Hakluyt -principally, hereafter the great authority cited, and from Ramusio. -His is the earliest mention made, within my knowledge, of Sebastian -Cabot’s picture in Whitehall gallery, but he speaks of it as though it -were displayed on Clement Adams’s map hanging there. He probably never -took the trouble to visit the gallery himself, but wrote from wrong -information. - -[Purchas’s _Pilgrimage_ gave his own form and language to the accounts -of the voyages which he collected, and those in his eighth and -ninth book concern America. It was published in 1613, when he was -thirty-six years old. There was a second edition in 1614, and a third -with additions in 1617, the year after Purchas inherited Hakluyt’s -manuscripts. He now set about his greater work,—_Hakluytus Posthumus, -or Purchas, his Pilgrimes_,—in which he changed his method, and -preserved the language of the narratives, which he brought together. -This was published in four volumes (part of the third and all of the -fourth volume pertaining to America), in 1625; and the next year a -new edition of his first work was brought out, which has ever since -constituted the fifth volume of the entire work. The set has nearly or -quite quadrupled in value during the last fifty and sixty years, and -superior copies are now worth £100; such a copy however must contain -the original engraved frontispiece with its little map of the world, -which is seldom found, and “Hondius his Map of the World,” which is -rarer still, on page 95, where ordinary copies show a reduplication -merely of the map properly belonging on page 115. Mr. Deane owns -Thomas Prince’s copy of the American portions, which are enriched with -Prince’s notes. Samuel Sewall’s copy is in Harvard College Library. -Purchas survived the publication but two years, and died in 1628. -His service to the cause in which he and Hakluyt were so conspicuous -workers, was great, but is not generally accounted as equal to that of -the elder chronicler. See Clarke’s _Maritime Discovery_, i. xiii., and -the references in Allibone’s _Dictionary_. Bohn’s Lowndes p. 2010, is -useful in determining the collation, which is confused.—ED.] - -Bacon, in his _Life of Henry VII._ published in 1622, notices the -voyage of Sebastian Cabot, in which North America was discovered; but -mentioning no year implies that it took place in 1498. His principal -authority seems to have been Stowe’s _Chronicle_. - -A valuable work was published at Madrid in 1629, by Pinello D. Ant. de -Leon, entitled an _Epitome de la bibliotheca oriental i occidental, -nautica i geographica_, etc. of which a second edition, edited by De -Barcia, was published in 1737-38. Particular mention is made in it -of the several editions of the writings of Peter Martyr, though the -information is not always correct. He says that Juan Pablo Martyr Rizo, -a descendant of Peter Martyr, had a manuscript translation in Spanish -of the Decades for printing, which we may well believe never appeared. - -[96] In the _Foreign and Domestic Calendars of Henry VIII._, ii. pt. -ii. p. 1576, Sebastian Talbot (Cabot) is named as receiving twenty -shillings, in May, 1512, “for making a card of Gascoigne and Guyon.” He -left soon after for Spain. - -[97] Dec. i. p. 254, Madrid, 1730; Biddle, p. 98. - -[98] Navarrete, _Historica Nautica_, p. 138. - -[99] Page 119. - -[100] D’Avezac, in _Revue Critique_, v. 265. - -[101] Herrera, Dec. ii. p. 18. - -[102] Navarrete, _Coll._ iii. 319. - -[103] Navarrete, _Bibl. Maritima_, tome ii. pp. 697-700; Herrera, Dec. -ii. p. 70; _Venetian Calendar_, vol. ii. no. 607. - -[104] Herrera, Dec. ii. p. 226; Cf. Biddle, p. 121. - -[105] Gomara, cap. xcix. Navarrete, _Coll._ iv. 339; _Bibl. Maritima_, -as above. Cf. Biddle, pp. 122, 123. - -[106] Biddle’s _Cabot_, pp. 123-128, where will be found a good summary -of these events, with the original authorities cited; with which cf. -Peter Martyr, Dec. vii. cap. 6; Navarrete, _Bibl. Maritima_, as above. - -[107] _Bibl. Maritima_, as above. - -[108] Navarrete, _Bibl. Maritima_, ii. 697-700; Ibid. _Coll._ v. 333; -Herrera, Dec. iv. pp. 168, 169, 214; D’Avezac, _Bulletin Soc. Géog._ -Quart. Ser. xiv. 268. - -[109] Navarrete, _Nautica_, pp. 135, 136, 155. - -[110] _Viage del Sutil y Mexicana_, in 1792; Madrid, 1802, Introduction -(by Don M. F. Navarrete, then a young man), p. xlii. - -[111] Oviedo, _Historia general y natural de las Indias_, ii. p. 169, -1852. - -[112] In a notice of the settlement of the estate of Sir Thomas Lovell, -who died May 25, 1524, among the debts unpaid and now, February -18, discharged, was one to John Goderyk of Cornwall, draper, for -conducting Sebastyan Cabot, master of the pilots in Spain, to London, -at testator’s request, 43_s._ 4_d._—_Letters and Papers_, Henry VIII., -vol. iv. pt. i. p. 154. - -[113] _Venetian Calendars_, vol. iii., nos. 557, 558, 589, 607, 634, -669, 670, 710, 1115; V. 711; _Foreign_, under date Sept. 12, 1551; -Hardy’s _Report upon Venetian Calendars_, pp. 7, 8. - -[114] Strype, _Eccl. Mem_. Oxford, 1822, vol. ii. pt. i. p. 296; -Harleian MSS., quoted by Biddle, p. 175, where the story is told in -a letter dated April 21, 1550, from the Council to Sir Philip Hoby, -resident minister in Flanders. Bancroft, _American Cyclopædia_, iii. -530. - -[115] Biddle, pp. 187, 217, 219; Rymer’s _Fœdera_, xv. 427, 466; -Bancroft, as above. - -[116] [It is well known that in commemoration of the English discovery, -_Cabotia_ a has been urged as a name for North America; but if -_Sebastia_, urged by William Doyle in his _Acc. of the British Dominion -beyond the Atlantic_, 1770, had been adopted, we should have had a -misapplication, quite mating the mishap which gave the name of America -to the western hemisphere.—ED.] - -[117] _Venetian Calendars_, vol. i. no. 453; D’Avezac, _Doc. Hist. -Maine_, i. 504, 505; S. Romanin, _Storia Documentata_, iv. 453. - -[118] Mr. J. F. Nichols, in his _Life of Sebastian Cabot_, pp. 20, 21, -appears to misapprehend the terms of this privilege of naturalization, -supposing it was a grant of citizenship for fifteen years to come, -and not on account of fifteen years’ residence already passed. The -memorandum reads: “Quod fiat privilegium civilitatis de intus et extra -Joani Caboto per habitationem annorum xv. juxta consuetum,”—“That a -privilege of citizenship, within and without, be made for John Cabot, -as usual, _on account_ of a residence of fifteen years.” That such is -the proper interpretation of the grant is shown by the full document -itself, issued four years previously to another person, and referred -to in the Register, where the privilege to John Cabot is recorded. The -document recites that “Whereas, whoever shall have dwelt continuously -in Venice _for a space of fifteen years or more_, spending that time -in performing the duties of our kingdom, shall be our citizen and -Venetian, and shall enjoy the privilege of citizenship and other -benefits,” etc. Then follows the statement that the person applying had -offered satisfactory proofs that he _had dwelt continuously in Venice -for fifteen years_, and had faithfully performed the other duties -required, and he was thereupon declared to be a Venetian and citizen, -within and without, etc. (See _Intorno a Giovanni Caboto_, etc., by -Cornelio Desimoni, Genova, 1881, pp. 43-45.) - -[119] Ramusio, i. 374. - -[120] _Decades_, f. 255. - -[121] M. D’Avezac believed that Sebastian Cabot was born in 1472 or -1473, and that John Cabot and his family removed to England not far -from the year 1477. He infers this last date from a conviction that -John Cabot early engaged in maritime voyages from Bristol, and that -the mention of a vessel sailing from that port in 1480, belonging to -John Jay the younger, conducted by “the most skilful mariner in all -England,” pointed to John Cabot as the real commander. And he thought -he derived some support for this opinion from some passages in the -letter of D’Ayala, the Spanish ambassador, mentioned farther on, in -regard to voyages made from Bristol to the west for several years -before the date of his letter. See Corry’s _History of Bristol_, i. -318, a work not accurate in relation to the Cabot voyages; cf. Botoner, -_alias_ William Wyrcestre, in _Antiquities of Bristol_, pp. 152, 153. - -[122] _Spanish Calendars_, vol. i. no. 128. - -[123] Strachey, in his _Historie of Travaile into Virginia_ (written -between the years 1612 and 1619), p. 6, says that John Cabot, to whom -and to his three sons letters patents were granted by Henry VII. in -1496, was “idenized his subject, and dwelling within the Blackfriers,” -etc. - -[124] _History and Antiquities of Bristol_, 1789, p. 172. - -[125] In vol. iv. of the new edition of the _Encyclopædia Britannica_, -now publishing, at p. 350, under the article Bristol, is the -following:— - -“This year (1497), on St. John’s the Baptist’s Day, the land of America -was found by the merchants of Bristowe, in a ship of Bristol called the -‘Matthew,’ the which said ship departed from the port of Bristow the 2d -of May, and come home again 6th August following.” - -Some of the dates are new. This statement is credited to an ancient -manuscript “in possession of the Fust Family of Hill Court, -Gloucestershire, the ‘collations’ of which are now, 1876, in the -keeping of Mr. William George, bookseller, Bristol.” - -This memorandum, containing the name of “America,” must have been -written many years after the event described. Bristol manuscripts have -been subjected to much suspicion. See an article in the English _Notes -and Queries_, 2d series, vol. v. p. 154. - -[126] Biddle’s _Cabot_, p. 80. - -[127] _Venetian Calendars_, i. 262. - -[128] _Venetian Calendars_, i. 260. These papers were for the first -time printed in America by the American Antiquarian Society, in their -_Proceedings_ for October, 1866, in an interesting communication from -the Rev. Edward E. Hale, D.D., principally relating to the Cabot -voyages. [Mr. Rawdon Brown, who calendared these papers, made his -discoveries the subject of a paper on the Cabots in the Philobiblion -Society’s _Collections_, ii. 1856; and in the preface to the first -volume of the _Venetian Calendars_, A.D. 1202 to 1509, he describes -the archives at Venice, which yield these early evidences. The late -Professor Eugenio Albèri edited at Florence _Le Relazioni degli -Ambasciatori Veneti al Senato durante il Seclo_ xvi^o, in fifteen -volumes, which contain numerous reports of English transactions at that -time.—ED.] - -[129] And is copied by Cornelio Desimoni, in his _Giovanni Caboto_, -Genoa, 1881. - -[130] “John Cabot’s Voyage of 1497,” in _Hist. Mag._ xiii. 131 (March, -1868), with a section of the Cabot (Paris) map. See also “The Discovery -of North America by John Cabot in 1497,” by Mr. Frederic Kidder, in the -_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ (Oct. 1878), xxxii. 381 [who reproduces -also a part of the same map, and gives a sketch-map marking Cabot’s -track around the Gulf. He bases his argument partly on Pasqualigo’s -statement that Cabot found the tides “slack,” and shows that the -difference in their rise and fall in that region is small compared -with what Cabot had been used to, at Bristol. In the confusion of the -two Cabot voyages, which for a long while prevailed (see an instance -in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ x. 383, under date, 1663), the track of -his first voyage is often made to extend down the eastern seaboard -of the present United States, and it is thus laid down on the map in -Zurla’s _Di Marco Polo e degli viaggiatori Veneziani_, Venezia, 1818. -Stevens, _Hist. and Geog. Notes_, does not allow that on either voyage -the coast south of the St. Lawrence was seen; and urges that for some -years the coast-line farther south was drawn from Marco Polo’s Asiatic -coasts; and he contends for the “honesty” of the Portuguese Portolano -of 1514, which leaves the coast from Nova Scotia to Charleston a blank, -holding that this confirms his view. It may be a question whether it -was honesty or ignorance. Dr. Hale, _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._ Oct. 21, -1871, gives a sketch-map to show the curious correspondence of the -Asian and American coast lines. Observe it also in the Finæus map, -already given.—ED.] - -[131] I am indebted to Professor Franklin B. Dexter, of Yale College, -for the privilege of using this paper, copied by him from the -collection of Privy Seals, no. 40, in her Majesty’s Public Record -Office in London. Other valuable memoranda, including a copy of the -renewal to Sebastian Cabot, in 1550, of the patent of 1495/6, were also -generously placed in my hands by Professor Dexter. - -[132] Of course, neither John Cabot nor Sebastian could furnish ships -at his own charge, any more than Columbus could. Raimondo says that -John was “poor,” and the acceptance by him of small gifts from the King -proves it. He was probably aided by the wealthy men of Bristol, with -whom he may have taken up a credit. - -Among the Privy Purse expenses under date of 22d March and 1st April, -1498, are sums of money, £20, £20, £30, £2, paid to several persons -in the way of loan, or of reward, for their “going towards the new -isle.” Three of these payments were to Lanslot Thirkill, of London, who -appears to have been an owner or master of a ship. (Biddle, p. 86.) - -[133] _Calendar of Spanish State Papers_, i. 176-77. [This letter was -discovered by Bergenroth in 1860, the document being preserved at -Simancas. See also Bergenroth’s _Memoirs_, p. 77, and _Amer. Antiq. -Soc. Proc._ Oct. 21, 1865, p. 25.—ED.] - -[134] Biddle, pp. 227-234, 312. - -In a work entitled _Armorial de la Noblesse de Languedock_, by M. Louis -de la Roque, Paris, 1860, vol. ii. p. 163, there is an account of the -family of Cabot in that Province. The writer says that this family -derived its name and origin from Jean Cabot, a Venetian nobleman who -settled in Bristol in the reign of Henry VII.; was a distinguished -navigator, the discoverer of Terre Neuve, thence passing into the -service of Spain; that he had three sons,—Jean (who died in Venice), -Louis, and Sebastian (who continued in the service of England and died -in France without posterity); that Louis, here called the second son, -settled at Saint-Paul-le-Coste, in the Cévennes, had a son Pierre, -who died Dec. 27, 1552, leaving a will, by which is shown his descent -from Jean the navigator, through his father Louis. Through Pierre the -family is traced down to the present time. The arms of the family are -given: _Device_, “D’azur à trois chabots d’or;” motto, “Semper cor -cabot Cabot,”—the same as those of the ancient family of Cabot in the -island of Jersey, whence the New England family of Cabot sprung. Mr. -Henry Cabot Lodge, in the introduction to his _Life of George Cabot_, -has given reasons for believing that the French family was derived -from that of Jersey. The three sons of John Cabot named in the letters -patent of March 5, 1496, are Louis, Sebastian, and Sancius, the last of -whom is not named in the list here cited. - -It may well be doubted if Jean Cabot is properly styled above “a -Venetian nobleman.” See the grant of denization to him in Venice, the -several letters patent to him of Henry VII., and the letter of Raimondo -on page 54. In the statement that he entered into the service of Spain, -he is evidently confounded with his son Sebastian, who, it may be -added, did not die in France, but in England. Whether Sebastian left -posterity is not known, but he had a wife and children while he was -living in Spain. Referring to the motto of the family here given, I may -add that the motto on Sebastian’s picture is “Spes mea in Deo est.” - -Mention is made on page 31 of a portrait of Sebastian Cabot, till -recently attributed to Holbein, painted in England when Cabot was a -very old man, of which a copy taken in 1763 now hangs in the Ducal -Palace in Venice. At a meeting of the French Geographical Society, -April 16, 1869, M. D’Avezac stated that M. Valentinelli, of Venice, -had recently sent to him a photograph copy of a portrait of John -Cabot, and one of his son Sebastian Cabot, at the age of twenty years, -after the picture of Grizellini, belonging to the gallery of the Ducal -Palace. He proceeded to say that some guarantee for the authenticity -of the picture of Sebastian was afforded by some traces of resemblance -between it and the well-known portrait of him by Holbein at the age -of eighty-five years (_Bulletin de la Soc. de Géographie_, 5 ser. to. -17, p. 406). The existence of a portrait of Sebastian Cabot taken -at so early an age, before he left Venice to live in England, would -be an interesting fact if authentic. An authentic picture of John -Cabot, the real discoverer of North America, would have even higher -claims to our regard. Prefixed to a Memoir of “Giovanni Cabotto,” by -Carlo Barrera Pezzi, published at Venice in 1881, which has just come -under my notice, is a medallion portrait, inscribed “Giovanni Cabotto -Veneziano.” It is not referred to by the author in the book in which it -is inserted. - -[135] [See Editorial Note, A, at end of chapter vi. of the present -volume.—ED.] - -[136] In this narrative is an account of tobacco twenty years before -that luxury was introduced into England by Ralph Lane. The account is -in these words (the grammar is defective, but the copy is accurate): -“The Floridians, when they travel, have a kinde of herbe dryed, which -with a cane and an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried -herbs put together, do sucke thoro the cane the smoke thereof, which -smoke satisfieth their hunger, and therewith they live foure or five -days without meat or drinke, and this all the Frenchmen vsed for this -purpose: yet do they holde opinion withall that it causeth water and -fleame to void from their stomacks.” It is a little curious that he -should thus connect tobacco with Florida, as if he had not observed its -use in the West Indies. It had, indeed, been used in Southern Europe -before this time. - -[137] A recently discovered letter of Winthrop shows that the -Massachusetts colonists made wine of their grapes in the first summer. -The appetite for such wine does not seem perilous. - -[138] [The story of this French colony is told in Vol. II.—ED.] - -[139] - -“Thy name is hasty pudding: how I blush To hear the Pennsylvanians call -thee mush!” - -—BARLOW: _Hasty Pudding_. - - -[140] One hundred and forty years later, Daniel De Foe, a devoted -Christian man, wrote his celebrated biography of Robinson Crusoe, who, -when he had been long living in Brazil as a planter, met his critical -shipwreck in a voyage to the African coast for slaves. The romance -is intended by its author to be what we call a religious novel. The -religious experiences of the hero are those to which De Foe attached -most importance. In the relation of these experiences he enumerates and -repents his “manifold sins and wickedness.” But among these, although -he regrets his own folly in risking so much in the pursuit of wealth, -it is never intimated that there is anything wrong in dragging these -wretched negroes unwilling from their homes: so slow had been the -development of the spirit of humanity in the sixteenth and even the -seventeenth century, and so ill defined were the rights of man! - -[141] [See the note on Ingram’s and Hortop’s narratives in the critical -part of chap. vi. Since hat chapter was in type, Dr. De Costa has -examined anew the story of Ingram’s journey, and has printed Ingram’s -relation, from a manuscript in the Bodleian, in the _Magazine of -American History_, March, 1883.—ED.] - -[142] By a play upon his name,—“Dracus,” or “Draco.” See the curious -coincidence of “Caput Draconis,” mentioned in a later note. - -[143] Cortes was never “silent upon a peak in Darien,” except -in Keats’s poem. - -[144] _The World Encompased._ - -[145] [It is to be observed, however, that the Portuguese, who -had made their way to the Moluccas by the Cape of Good Hope in 1512,—a -year before Balboa disclosed the great sea to the Spaniards,—claim -that in the very year (1520) when Magellan was finding a passage -by the straits, and Cortes was exploring the Gulf of Mexico in the -vain endeavor to find another, their ships from the Moluccas crossed -the ocean eastward and struck the coast of California. It is also -represented that the expedition conducted by Cabrillo, a Portuguese in -the King of Spain’s service, went up to 44° in 1542-43. This phase of -the subject is more particularly examined in Vol. II.—ED.] - -[146] It should be remembered that all these dates are of old style, and -correspond to dates ten days later now. - -[147] [It is a question how far north Drake went. Up to the middle -of the last century, the writers, except Davis in his _World’s -Hydrographical Discovery_, and perhaps Sir William Monson, had fixed -his northing at 43°,—these two exceptions placing it at 48°, and this -last opinion has been followed by Burney, Barrow, and the writer of -the Life of Drake in the 1750 edition of the _Biographia Britannica_. -Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 2d edition, p. 74, doubts the later -view. Drake’s aim was to find the westerly end of what was for a long -time the conjectural Straits of Anian, or the northern passage to -the Atlantic, which, ever since Cortereal, in 1500, had found what -he supposed the easterly end of such a passage in Hudson’s Straits, -had been a dream of navigators and geographers. An examination of -the unstable views which were held regarding the shape and inlets of -the western coast of North America, from the time of Cortes’ first -expedition north, belongs to another volume of this work. A notion of -the continuity of Asia and America, which was temporarily dispelled by -Balboa’s discovery of the Pacific in 1513, was revived twenty years -later by a certain school of geographers, and continued to be held by -some for thirty or forty years. Before Drake’s time it had given place -to views which more distinctly prefigured the Straits of Behring, -not yet to be determined for a hundred and fifty years. The earlier -conjectural propinquity of America and Asia at the north—as shown in -the maps of Münster, Mercator, and others—was giving place to a more -minute configuration, as shown in the maps of Zaltieri and Furlano, -of which outlines are given in the text, indicating the kind of view -which was prevailing regarding this northern part of the Pacific, -which Drake was baffled in his attempt to explore. It is curious to -observe, moreover, that Mercator in his map in zones, dated 1541, -marks the region later to be called New Albion as having the star -_Caput Draconis_ in the zenith,—almost in strange anticipation of its -being the spot where the English “dragon” was first to contest Spanish -supremacy on the North American continent. Spain had as yet had no -sharer of this northern new world.—ED.] - -[148] In the narrative in Hakluyt _tobàh_ is always called tobacco. -But Fletcher and Drake’s nephew in _The World Encompassed_ call it -_tobàh_ or _tabàh_; and they knew tobacco and its name perfectly well. -They speak of it as an herb new to them. There is no evidence that the -natives smoked _tobàh_. - -[149] Alarcon’s account is in these words. He speaks of the winter -houses of which Nargarchato informed him. “He told me that these houses -were of wood covered with earth on the outside, and plastered with clay -within; that they were in form of a round room.” The reader should -remember that Fletcher alludes to the architectural device, still to be -seen in old New England churches, where the roof rises on all sides to -a spire in the middle. - -[150] The fondness for feathers is observed by later voyagers; cf. La -Perouse. - -[151] So in Shelvocke’s journal of his voyage in 1719. “The soil about -Puerto Seguro, and very likely in most of the valleys, is a rich -black mould, which, as you turn it up fresh to the sun, appears as if -intermixed with gold and dust.” - -[152] [The Spanish minister, indeed, protested against Drake’s piracies -and his sailing in those waters; but the English Government made a -declaration denying such prescriptive right to the Spaniards, unless it -was enforced by possession. Cf. Camden’s _History of Elizabeth_, 1688, -p. 225; Purchas, iv. 1180; Deane’s edition of Hakluyt’s _Discourse_, -236.—ED.] - -[153] “The course which Sir Francis Drake held to California,” etc. - -[154] [Mr. Hale has written of Dudley and his atlas in the _American -Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings_, October 21, 1873. Cf. also the -chapter on “New England” in the present volume.—ED.] - -[155] See Editorial Notes following this chapter. - -[156] [See a later page.—ED.] - -[157] Colonel John D. Washburn, in a very careful paper in the _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc._, no. 58, 1872, suspects from Torquemada’s account -(1615, published at Seville), as cited in the English version of Father -Venegas’s _History of California_ (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, 1,599, -1,600), that the port visited by Viscaino was Jack’s Bay, as indeed the -original Spanish of Venegas (iii. III) distinctly says. Cf. also John -T. Doyle’s paper, with an introduction by Colonel Washburn in _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873. - -[158] [They had learned by this time to avoid the head-winds that swept -westerly from Acapulco to Manila, by stretching northeastwardly on the -return voyage, making the coast above San Francisco, and so to follow -the shore south. Cf. the Key to a section of Molineaux’s map in the -Editorial Notes following this chapter.—ED.] - -[159] Sayer and Bennett, 1774. [I find this twenty years earlier, as -shown in the annexed sketch from Jefferys’ _Chart of California, New -Albion_, etc., 1753. Key:— - -1. C. das Navadas, or Snowy Cape, 2. Punta de los Reys. 3. Les -Farollones. 4. Isles of St. James. 5. Port S^r. Francis Drake, 1578, -not St. Francisco. 6. Pto. de Anno Novo.—ED. ] - -[160] “He does smile his face into more lines than are in the new map, -with the augmentation of the Indies.”—_Act iii, sc. 2._ [The map -referred to is Molineaux’ map of 1600, and it has been disputed that it -was the map alluded to by Shakespeare. See chap. vi., Editorial Note, -F. A section showing the point referred to in the text is given further -on.—ED.] - -[161] [The coast-survey authorities have usually favored San Francisco. -This was the opinion of Alexander Forbes in his _California_, 1839, -where he gives (p. 127) an interesting view of the bay before commerce -had marked it. Dr. Stillman, in the _Overland Monthly_ (October, 1868, -March, 1869), and later in his _Seeking the Golden Fleece_ (p. 295), -has advocated San Francisco. S. G. Drake, in the _American Historical -Record_, August, 1874, took the same view. - -Greenhow, in the second edition (1845) of his _Oregon and California_, -p. 74, does not think the question can be definitely settled between -San Francisco and Bodega. - -There have been many disputes over Jack’s Bay,—the Sir Francis -Drake Bay of the maps. Soulé and the writers of the _Annals of San -Francisco_ accept it as the spot; so does Kohl. Professor J. D. Whitney -(_Encyclopædia Britannica_, art. “California”) says the evidence points -strongly to Jack’s Bay. - -Vancouver seems to have reported the story of the Spaniards calling it -Sir Francis Drake’s Bay. Captain Beechey thought it too exposed to have -deserved Drake’s description; and it has been held he could not have -graved his ship in it. It is claimed, however, that Limantour’s Bay, -which opens through an inlet westwardly from Jack’s Bay, answers the -required conditions of water and shelter.—ED.] - -[162] There are copies in the Library of Congress, and in the New -York State, Harvard, Lenox, and Carter-Brown (ii. 263) libraries. -Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. viii. no. 30,957; Field’s _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 667. Hawkins’s voyage is also included in Purchas’s -_Pilgrimes_; and Charles Kingsley in his _Westward Ho!_ pictures -vividly the spirit of Hawkins’s day. Cf. also Burney’s _History of -Voyages in the South Seas_. - -[163] It is reprinted by Vaux, later mentioned. - -[164] They are in the Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Charles Deane -copies, not to name others. - -[165] _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 21; Stevens’s _Nuggets_, no. 921; -Sabin’s _Dictionary_, no. 20,853. S. G. Drake bought a copy in Boston -in 1844 for $4. It was priced by Vaux in 1853 at as many pounds, and is -worth much more now. The later editions are worth somewhat less. S. G. -Drake (_Genealogical Register_, i. 126) gives a partial list of those -who accompanied Drake, being about one-third of his one hundred and -sixty-four men. Among the fullest of the modern narratives are those -in Barrow’s _Life of Drake_, and in Froude’s _England_, vol. xi. chap. -29. [But Mr. Froude has used his valuable authorities carelessly. He -depends in part upon some reports of Spanish officers, which exist in -manuscript in Spain, and upon some which are in England, brought home -by English cruisers. One of the most interesting, which should still be -in the national library in Madrid, I found in 1882 had been cut from -the volume and carried away.—E. E. H.] - -[166] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 423. - -[167] Ibid., ii. 731. - -[168] Hakluyt, vol. iii., or quarto edition, vol. iv.; Harris, vol. i.; -Oxford, vol. ii. Hakluyt also gives the relation of Nuna da Silva, a -Portuguese pilot whom Drake had captured, and who made his report to -the Viceroy of Spain, and John Winter’s account of his companionship -with Drake. Vaux collates his text with a manuscript preserved in the -British Museum, which may have been the collection of Fletcher’s notes -which the compiler of _The World Encompassed_ used. Several narratives -are also in the Callender collection of _Voyages_, Edinburgh, 1766. -There are German versions in Gottfried and Vander Aa (1727, vol. -xviii.), Cornelius Claesz (1598, 1603), etc. Appended to the _Begin -en Voortgangh_ (1645 and 1646) of Isaac Commelin, of Amsterdam, is -sometimes a Dutch narrative of the voyages of Candish, Drake, and -Hawkins, “described by one of the fleet,” and with an imprint of 1644, -which is very rare. Frederic Muller says, in his _Books on America_, -1872 (no. 1,871), that he had never seen but the one then described, -and another, sold to Stevens in 1867. - -A French edition, _Le Voyage de François Drack alentour du Monde_, was -originally issued in Paris in 1613, and is now scarce, and sometimes -priced at 300 francs. There were other editions, with additions, in -1627 (Sabin, vol. v. no. 23,845), 1631, 1641, 1690. Bohn’s _Lowndes_, -p. 668. The Dedicatory Epistle is signed F. de Lorrencourt. Leclerc, -_Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 2,743. The title of the later edition -runs: _Le Voyage curieux faict autour du Monde_, etc. Muller’s -_Books on America_ (1877), no. 973. [This curious book affects in -the dedication to be an original narrative: “I dedicate it to you, -Monsieur, because you gave it to me, telling me that you received it -from one of your subjects of Courtomer, who had made the voyage with -this gentleman.” On examination, however, it proves that the narrative -is a rough translation, not very accurate, and generally abridged from -that in Hakluyt: generally, but not always; for in a few instances -details of local color are added, which I think important, and which -appear, so far as I know, in no other narrative. With no apparent -purpose but to make the book bigger, a second part is added, entitled -_Seconde Partie des Singvlaritez remarquees aux isles et terres fermes -du Midy et des Indes Orientales: par l’Illustre Seigneur et Chevalier -Francois Drach, Admiral d’ Angleterre_. It is a botch of travels in -Africa, the Indian Ocean, and America, in places mostly which Drake -never saw.—E. E. H.] - -[169] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 374; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 20; -Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana_ (205 francs); _Huth Catalogue_, ii. -442. Leclerc, no. 2,744, prices the maps alone at 400 francs; and -Quaritch, in 1877, advertised them for £50. The Lenox Library has a -copy with the four maps, and a second copy with different vignettes on -the title. - -[170] Quaritch prices a copy at £10 10_s._; Stevens, Nuggets, puts one -at £5 15_s._ 6_d._ Hakluyt’s third volume (1600) gives the narrative. -In some copies of Hakluyt’s volume of 1589 there is found, before -page 644, a broadside, giving a journal from Drake’s log-book, Sept. -14, 1585, to July 22, 1586. (Sabin, vi. 543.) It was on this voyage -that Drake on his return visited the new settlement in Virginia, as -mentioned in chap. iv. of the present volume. - -[171] Quaritch, in 1877, claimed that only three copies of this map -were known, and only four or five complete sets of the other four are -known. The mappemonde is in the Grenville copy, and was in a copy -possessed by Rodd, the London dealer, fifty years ago. Baptista B. (or -Boazio) seems to have been the designer or engraver. There is also a -copy of this fifth map in the Lenox Library. - -[172] The _Huth Catalogue_ also gives all five maps to the first -edition (52 pages); says the errata are corrected in the second -edition, and the words “with geographical mappes,” etc., are left out -of the title; while for the third edition (copy in the King’s Library, -in the British Museum) a smaller type is used, contracting it to 37 -pages. An edition of 1596 is sometimes cited, but it is doubtful if -such exists. Lowndes mentions a somewhat doubtful French edition of the -same year. - -[173] Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 669. - -[174] Bare mention may, however, be made of the English accounts, _A -true coppie of a Discourse_, London, 1589, which has been reprinted by -Collier, and Robert Leng’s _Sir Francis Drake’s valuable Service done -against the Spaniards_, in the Camden Society’s _Miscellanies_, vol. -v., and the Latin account, printed at Frankfort, 1590, and a German one -at Munich, the same year. Stevens’s _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), no. -597; Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 668. - -[175] This name is the Spanish rendering of John Hawkins; and Draque -and Aquines figure also in Torres’ _Relacion de los servicios de -Sotomayor_, Madrid, 1620. Rich (1832), no. 156. - -[176] Mr. J. P. Collier printed a small (one hundred copies) fac-simile -edition of the 1596 book; but most of the copies were destroyed by -fire. _A full Relation_ of this voyage, dated 1652, was included in the -1653 edition of _Sir Francis Drake Revived_, and is sometimes found -separately; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 753. - -[177] There were other Dutch editions in 1643 (called by Muller -the best; cf. Carter-Brown Catalogue, ii. 521, for _Journalen van -drie Voyagien_) and 1644. A German account was added in 1598 to the -narrative of Candish’s voyages, printed at Amsterdam. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. no. 520. The rendering in De Bry, part viii., is -incorrect and incomplete. - -[178] Rich (1832), no. 294, £1 8_s._; Sunderland, ii. 4,052; Huth, ii. -p. 444; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 312. There is a copy in Charles -Deane’s collection. It is worth £6 or £7. - -[179] The _Grenville Catalogue_ errs in making this the first edition. -Huth, ii. 444; Brinley, i. 49; Carter-Brown, ii. 332. - -[180] Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 4,053; Huth, ii. 444; Carter-Brown, vol. -ii. no. 753. There is also a copy in Harvard College Library. - -[181] Reprinted in 1819, at the Lee Priory press, by Sir Egerton -Brydges. - -[182] Sabin (_Dictionary_, iv. 13,445) says the title differs in some -copies. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 1,056. - -[183] For a Drake bibliography we must go to Sabin’s _Dictionary_, v. -20,827, etc., and Bohn’s Lowndes. Stevens (_Historical Collections_, -vol. i. no. 202) notes a collection of copies from manuscripts in -public depositaries in England which had been brought together as -materials for writing a memoir of Drake. As a Devonshire hero, Drake -figures in the local literature of Plymouth and its neighborhood. - -[184] Cf. _Journalen van drie Voyagien_, which covers both Drake -and Cavendish’s expeditions, and Commelin’s _Begin ende Voortgang_, -and the collection of Gottfried and Vander Aa (1727). Thomas Lodge, -the Elizabethan dramatist, accompanied Candish in his voyage of -circumnavigation, and translated upon it, from the Spanish, his -_Margarite of America_, published in London in 1596. Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, x. 41,765; Bohn’s Lowndes, p. 1,383. - -[185] [Cf. map given on page 11.—ED.] - -[186] [Cf. the Lenox Globe and other delineations, in chap. vi.—ED.] - -[187] [Chap. i., by Charles Deane.—ED.] - -[188] Collinson’s _Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, p. 72; Hakluyt’s -_Voyages_ (ed. 1600), iii. 58. - -[189] Collinson’s _Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, p. 75; Hakluyt’s -_Voyages_, iii. 59. - -[190] Collinson’s _Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher_, p. 119. - -[191] Ibid., p. 242; Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, iii. 80. - -[192] In his first expedition to seek for traces of Sir John Franklin, -1860-1862, our countryman, Captain Charles F. Hall, obtained and -brought home numerous relics of Frobisher’s voyages. Some of these were -sent to England, and others are deposited in the National Museum at -Washington. See Hall’s _Arctic Researches, passim_; Collinson’s _Three -Voyages_, etc., Appendix; and _the Semi-Annual Report of the Council of -the American Antiquarian Society_, October, 1882. - -[193] [See Dr. De Costa’s chapter, and Gilbert’s map and comments in -Editorial Note A, _sub anno_ 1576, at the end, and also the notes at -the end of Mr. Henry’s chapter.—ED.] - -[194] _Northwest Fox_, p. 42. - -[195] Letter to Mr. Sanderson, in Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, iii. 114. - -[196] Rundall’s _Narratives of Voyages towards the Northwest_, p. 62. - -[197] _Northwest Fox_, p. 50. - -[198] _Northwest Fox_, p. 117. The documents relating to Hudson’s -fourth voyage are in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, iii. 596-610, and in -Asher’s _Henry Hudson, the Navigator_, pp. 93-138. - -[199] _Northwest Fox_, pp. 117, 118. - -[200] Ibid., p. 118. - -[201] _Northwest Fox_, p. 244. - -[202] [The reader may consult the following, which has a parallel -English text: _Die Literatur über die Polar-regionem der Erde_. Von J. -Chavanne, A. Karpf, F. Ritter v. Le Monnier. Herausg. von der K. K. -geographischen Gesellschaft in Wien. Wien, 1878, xiv. + 333 pp., 8º. - -This book shows 6,617 titles, including papers from serials and -periodicals. It is far from judiciously compiled, however; containing -much that is irrelevant, and not a little that indicates the compilers’ -ignorance of the books in hand, as when they were entrapped from -the title into including Dibdin’s _Northern Tour_ and other works -equally foreign to the subject. One of the best collections of -Arctic literature in this country is in the Carter-Brown Library at -Providence; and this, putting strict limits to the subject and not -including papers of a periodic character, shows a list of between six -and seven hundred titles. _Letter of John R. Bartlett_.—ED.] - -[203] _A Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic Regions; -undertaken chiefly for the Purpose of discovering a Northeast, -Northwest, or Polar Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific: from the -earliest Period of Scandinavian Navigation to the Departure of the -recent Expeditions under the Orders of Captains Ross and Buchan._ By -John Barrow, F. R. S. London: John Murray. 1818. 8º. pp. 379 and 48. - -[204] _Narratives of Voyages towards the Northwest, in Search of a -Passage to Cathay and India, 1496 to 1631. With Selections from the -Early Records of the Honourable the East India Company, and from MSS. -in the British Museum._ By Thomas Rundall, Esq. London: Printed for the -Hakluyt Society. 1849. 8º. pp. xx. and 260. - -[This book has a convenient map of Arctic explorations between 1496 and -1631. The general reader will find condensed historical summaries of -antecedent voyages, often prefixed to the special narratives, as in the -case of Captain Beechey’s _Voyage of Discovery towards the North Pole_, -1843, and in the introductions to Asher’s _Henry Hudson_ and Winter -Jones’s edition of Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_.—ED.] - -[205] [Cf., for instance, Muller’s _Geschiedenis der noordsche -Compagnie_, 1614-1642. Utrecht, 1875.—ED.] - -[206] _The three Voyages of Martin Frobisher, in Search of a Passage -to Cathaia and India by the Northwest, A. D. 1576-78. Reprinted -from the First Edition of Hakluyt’s Voyages, with Selections from -Manuscript Documents in the British Museum and State-Paper Office._ By -Rear-Admiral Richard Collinson, C. B. London: Printed for the Hakluyt -Society. 1867. 8º. pp. xxvi. and 376. - -[207] _The Voyages and Works of John Davis the Navigator._ Edited, -with an Introduction and Notes, by Albert Hastings Markham, Captain R. -N., F. R. G. S., Author of _A Whaling Cruise in Baffin’s Bay_, _The -Great Frozen Sea_, and _Northward Ho!_ London: Printed for the Hakluyt -Society. 1880. 8º. pp. xcv. and 392. - -[This volume gives a fac-simile of the Molineaux map of 1600; and -reprints Davis’s _Worlde’s Hydrographical Description_, London, 1595. -The presentation copy to Prince Henry, with his arms and a very curious -manuscript addition, is in the Lenox Library. Cf. John Petheram’s -_Bibliographical Miscellany_, 1859, and the note, p. 51, in Rundall’s -_Voyages to the Northwest_. In this last book the accounts in Hakluyt -are reproduced. Respecting Davis’s maps, see Kohl’s _Catalogue of Maps -in Hakluyt_, pp. 20, 27.—ED.] - -[208] _Henry Hudson, the Navigator. The Original Documents in which his -Career is recorded, collected, partly translated, and annotated, with -an Introduction._ By G. M. Asher, LL.D. London: Printed for the Hakluyt -Society. 1860. 8º. pp. ccxviii. and 292. See Editorial Notes. - -[209] _The Voyages of William Baffin, 1612-1622._ Edited, with Notes -and an Introduction, by Clements R. Markham, C.B., F.R.S. London: -Printed for the Hakluyt Society. 1881. 8º. pp. lix. and 192. - -[Purchas first printed Baffin’s narrative of his first voyage, and -Rundall re-edited it, supplying omissions from the original manuscript -preserved in the British Museum. Markham reprints it, and adds a -fac-simile of Baffin’s map of his discoveries; and he also gives a -series of five maps from Fox’s down (the first is reproduced in the -text), to show the changes in ideas respecting the shape and even -the existence of Baffin’s Bay. Of the voyage in which this water was -discovered, Purchas also printed, and Markham has reprinted, the -account as given in Baffin’s journal.—ED.] - -[210] _North-West Fox, or, Fox from the Northwest passage. Beginning -With King Arthur, Malga, Octhvr, the two Zenis of Iseland, Estotiland, -and Dorgia; Following with brief Abstracts of the Voyages of Cabot, -Frobisher, Davis, Waymouth, Knight, Hudson, Button, Gibbons, Bylot, -Baffin, Hawkridge; Together with the Courses, Distance, Latitudes, -Longitudes, Variations, Depths of Seas, Sets of Tydes, Currents, Races, -and over-Falls, with other Observations, Accidents, and Remarkable -things, as our Miseries and Sufferings. Mr. Iames Hall’s three Voyages -to Groynland, with a Topographicall description of the Countries, the -Salvages lives and Treacheries, how our Men have been slayne by them -there, with the Commodities of all those parts; whereby the Marchant -may have Trade, and the Mariner Imployment. Demonstrated in a Polar -Card, wherein are all the Maines, Seas, and Islands, herein mentioned. -With the Author his owne Voyage, being the XIVth, with the opinions and -Collections of the most famous Mathematicians, and Cosmographers; with -a Probabilitie to prove the same by Marine Remonstrations, compared -by the Ebbing and Flowing of the Sea, experimented with places of our -owne Coast._ By Captaine Lvke Fox, of Kingstone vpon Hull, Capt. and -Pylot for the Voyage in his Majesties Pinnace the Charles. Printed by -his Majesties Command. London, Printed by B. Alsop and Tho. Fawcett, -dwelling in Grubstreet. 1635. 4º. pp. x. and 273. - -[This little book is now worth about $40 or $50; Rich priced it in 1832 -at $10. Brinley, no. 27; Huth, ii. 542; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, -no. 556. Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, October, 1878. The copy in -the Dowse _Collection_ (Mass. Hist. Soc.) has the rare original map. -The Menzies and Carter-Brown copies show the map; the Brinley lacked -it, as does Mr. Deane’s, which has it in fac-simile.—ED.] - -[211] The name _Ralegh_ was written in thirteen different ways. We -have adopted the usual spelling of Sir Walter himself. See Hakluyt’s -_Westerne Planting_, p. 171, and C. W. Tuttle in _Massachusetts -Historical Society’s Proceedings_, xv. 383. - -[212] [See chapter vi.—ED.] - -[213] See Chalmer’s _Annals_, chaps. xiv. and xv., and Journals of -Congress, October, 1774. - -[214] [It was in 1584 that Hakluyt wrote for Ralegh his _Westerne -Planting_, to be used in inducing Elizabeth to grant to Ralegh and -his friends a charter to colonize America; and Dr. Woods, in his -Introduction to that book, writes, p. xliii, of Ralegh as the founder -of the transatlantic colonies of Great Britain. See the history of the -MS. in the notes following Dr. De Costa’s chapter.—ED.] - -[215] Strachey, Hakluyt Society’s Publications, vi. 85. - -[216] See _Works_ of Bacon, edited by Basil Montague, ii. 525. - -[217] [It was prefixed to an edition of Ralegh’s _History of the World_ -in 1736.—ED.] - -[218] [One was added to an edition of Ralegh’s _Works_ in 1751.—ED.] - -[219] [This work was in two volumes, 4º, and appeared in a second -edition in 1806, 8º.—ED.] - -[220] [_History of England_, chapters xlv. and xlviii.—ED.] - -[221] A paper read by George Dexter, Esq., before the Massachusetts -Historical Society, Oct. 13, 1881, upon “The First Voyage under Sir -Humphrey Gilbert’s Patent of 1578,” corrects an error into which Mr. -Edwards had fallen about this voyage, and shows that it was undertaken -in 1578 instead of 1579, as stated by Mr. Edwards, and that Ralegh was -the captain of one of the vessels. A few additional references may -serve the curious student. Some new material was first brought forward -in the _Archæologia_, vols. xxxiv. and xxxv. Ralegh’s career in Ireland -is followed in the _Nineteenth Century_, Nov. 1881. His last year is -considered in Gardiner’s _Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage_. A -contemporary account of his execution from Adam Winthrop’s note-book is -printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Sept. 1873. A psychological -study may be found in Disraeli’s _Amenities of Literature_. Two -American essays may be mentioned,—that in Belknap’s _American -Biography_, and J. Morrison Harris’s paper before the Maryland -Historical Society in 1846. - -As to the story at one time prevalent of Ralegh’s coming in person to -his colony, Stith, _History of Virginia_, p. 22, thinks it arose from -a mistranslation of the Latin. Cf. Force’s _Tracts_ i. p. 37, Georgia -Tract, 1742,—“Mr. Oglethorpe has with him Sir Walter Ralegh’s written -journal,” etc.—ED. - -[222] [The sources for this first colony may be concisely enumerated as -follows:— - -1. Diary of the Voyage, April 9-Aug. 25, 1585, originally in Hakluyt, -1589; also in Hawks. - -2. Ralph Lane’s letters, Aug. and Sept. 1585. Some in Hakluyt, vol. -iii.; also in Hawks and others referred to in the text, edited by E. E. -Hale, in the _Archæologia Americana_, vol. iv. (1860). - -3. Hariot’s narrative originally published in 1588; then by Hakluyt in -1589; and by De Bry in 1590. See later note. - -4. Lane’s narrative given in Hakluyt and Hawks. - -5. _A Summarie and True Discourse of Sir Francis Drake’s West Indian -Voyage_, London, 1589; also in Hakluyt, 1600. The copy of the former -in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s Library was the one used by -Prince; see ch. ii.; also Barrow’s _Life of Drake_, ch. vi. Mr. Edward -C. Bruce, in his “Loungings in the Footprints of the Pioneers,” in -_Harper’s Monthly_, May, 1860, describes the condition of the site of -the colony at that time. Roanoke Island was sold to Joshua Lamb, of New -England, in 1676; _Hist. Mag._ vi. 123. Cf. _Continental Monthly_, i. -541, by Frederic Kidder.—ED.] - -[223] [A notice of the original English issue of Hariot (1588) is -described on a later page as the second original production relating -to America presented to the English public (see notes following Dr. De -Costa’s chapter); but it became more widely known in 1590, when De Bry -at Frankfort made it the only part of his famous Collection of Voyages, -which he printed in the English tongue, giving it the following -title: _A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia, -of the commodities, and of the nature and manners of the naturall -inhabitants_. _Discovered by the English colony there seated by Sir -Richard Greinuile in the yeere 1585.... This forebooke is made in -English by Thomas Hariot. Francoforti ad Moenvm, typis Joannis Wecheli, -svmtibus vero Theodori de Bry_, cicicxc. It is also the rarest of the -parts, and only a few copies of it are known, as follows:— - -1. Carter-Brown Library. _Catalogue_, i. 397, where a fac-simile of the -title is given. - -2. Lenox Library. - -3. Sold in the Stevens Sale (no. 2487), Boston, 1870, to a New York -collector for $975. This was made perfect by despoiling another copy -belonging to a public collection. - -4. Harvard College Library; imperfect. - -5. Grenville copy in the British Museum, bought at Frankfort for £100 -in 1710 (?). - -6. Bodleian Library. - -7. Christie Miller’s collection, England. - -8. Sir Thomas Phillipp’s collection, England; imperfect. - -Rich in 1832, _Catalogue_, no. 71, had a copy which was made up, and -which he priced at £21, but would have held it at £100 if perfect. - -A photo-lithographic fac-simile edition of this English text was issued -in New York from the Stevens copy in 1871-72, about 100 copies, which -is worth $20. (_Griswold Catalogue_, no. 309.) The original may be -worth $1000. - -In the same year, 1590, De Bry also issued it in Latin, German, and -French. Brunet gives three varieties of the original Latin issue, -besides two varieties of a counterfeit one. The _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. 322, gives the collations of the five varieties -slightly varying; cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. iii.; Field’s _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 653. There was a second (1600) and third edition of -the German version (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, pp. 354, 355; also for -the French, p. 329). A German translation by Cristhopher P—— is also -contained in Matthæus Dresser’s _Historien von China_, Halle, 1598; cf. -Sabin’s _Dictionary_, v. 536; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 429. - -De Bry engraved the drawings which White made at Roanoke, or rather a -portion of them; for nearly three times as many as appear in De Bry, -who copied only twenty-three, are now in the collection of drawings as -preserved in the British Museum. What De Bry used may possibly have -been copies of the originals, and in any case he gave an academic -aspect to the more natural drawings as White made them. Henry Stevens -secured the originals in 1865, and in a fire at Sotheby’s in June of -that year they became saturated with water, so that a collection of -offsets was left on the paper which was laid between them. Mr. Stevens -sold the originals for £210, and the offsets for £26 5_s._, both to -the British Museum, in 1866; and his letter offering them and telling -the story is in his _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, cf. _Amer. Antiq. -Soc. Proc._ Oct. 20, 1866. In the Sloane Collection are also near a -hundred of White’s drawings; see E. E. Hale in _Archæologia Americana_, -iv. 21. One section of Hariot’s paper, entitled “Of the nature and -maners of the people,” appeared in the author’s original English in -the Hakluyts of 1589 and 1600, and also in De Bry, who likewise added -to his English Hariot a statement called, “The true pictures and -fashions of the people in that parte of America now called Virginia,” -etc. This statement is not in the printed Hakluyts, though it is -said by De Bry to have been “translated out of Latin into English by -Richard Hackluit.” It is there said of the pictures that they were -“diligently collected and drowne by John White, who was sent thiter -speciallye by Sir Walter Ralegh, 1585, also 1588, now cutt in copper, -and first published by Theodore De Bry att his wone chardges.” De Bry’s -engravings have often been reproduced by Montanus, Lafitau, Beverly, -etc. Wyth’s, or White’s “Portraits to the Life and Manners of the -Inhabitants,” following De Bry, with English text, was printed at New -York in 1841. - -The map which accompanies Hariot’s narrative, as given by De Bry, -was procured by him from England, and is subscribed “Auctore Joanne -With,”—once De Bry writes it “Whit.” It was made in 1587, and Kohl in -his _Maps relating to America mentioned in Hakluyt_, pp. 42-46, thinks -that there can be no doubt With is John White, the captain, and that -he based, or caused to be based, his drawing on observations made by -Lane, who had been in the Chesapeake, while White had not. Stevens, -_Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, p. 222, identifies the John White the -artist with Governor John White. A largely reduced fac-simile of this -map is herewith given, for comparison with the Coast Survey chart of -the same region. Other fac-similes of the original are given in the -Histories of North Carolina by Hawks and Wheeler, in Gay’s _Popular -History of the United States_, i. 243. It was later followed in the -configurations of the coast given by Mercator, Hondius, De Laet, -etc. The map which is given in Smith’s _Generall Historie_ as “Ould -Virginia” closely resembles White’s, which however extends farther -north, and includes the entrance of the Chesapeake. There had been -one earlier representation of “Virginia” on a map, and that was in -Hakluyt’s edition of Peter Martyr on a half globe. De Bry also gives a -bird’s-eye view of Roanoke and its vicinity.—ED.] - -[224] [The original sources are also made use of by Williamson and -Wheeler in their histories of North Carolina. Some of them are printed -in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, in Payne’s _Elizabethan Seamen_, p. 211, and -elsewhere; cf. Strachey’s _Virginia_, p. 142.—ED.] - -[225] [His narrative of the first voyage was published in 1596, the -year following his voyage, and was called _The Discoverie of the large, -rich and bewtiful empire of Guiana, with a relation of the Great and -Golden Citie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado)_, etc. -_Huth Catalogue_, iv. 1216. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 507. -I have compared Mr. Charles Deane’s copy. There are three copies of -this in the Lenox Library, with such variations as indicate as many -contemporary editions. Quaritch recently priced a copy at £20. - -Ralegh had written this tract in large part on his voyage, when he made -the map of Trinidad and that of Guiana, which he mentions as not yet -finished. Kohl, _Maps relating to America_, etc., p. 65, thinks he has -identified this drawing of Ralegh in a MS. map in the British Museum, -which was acquired in 1849. The text of the _Discoverie_ was reprinted -in Hakluyt, iii. 627; in the Oldys and Birch’s edition (Oxford, 1829) -of _Ralegh’s Works_, vol. viii.; in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, xii. 196; in -Cayley’s _Life of Ralegh_. The Hakluyt Society reprinted it under the -editing of Sir R. H. Schomburgk, who gives a map of the Orinoco Valley, -showing Ralegh’s track. Colliber’s _English Sea Affairs_, London, 1727, -has a narrative based on it; Sabin, iv. 14414. - -There was a Dutch version published at Amsterdam in 1598 by Cornelius -Claesz; and it is from this that De Bry made his Latin version, -in his part viii., 1599 (two editions), and 1625, also in German, -1599 and 1624. Also see part xiii. (1634). There were other Dutch -editions or versions in 1605, 1617, 1644. Muller, _Books on America_, -1872, no. 1268, and 1877, no. 2654; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. -454. It also formed part v. of Hulsius’s Collection of Voyages, and -the _Lenox Library Bibliographical Contribution on Hulsius_ gives a -Latin edition, 1599, and German editions of 1599, 1601, 1603, 1612, -1663, with duplicate copies of some of them showing variations. See -Asher’s _Bibliography_, p. 42; Camus’s _Mémoire_, p. 97; Meusel’s -_Bibliographia Historica_, vol. iii. There are also versions or -abridgments in the collections of Aa, 1706 and 1727, and Coreal, 1722, -and 1738. - -The report of Captain Lawrence Keymis was printed at London in 1596, -of which there is a copy in Harvard College Library. See _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 500; it is also given in Hakluyt. Kohl cannot -find that either Keymis or Masham made charts, but thinks their reports -influenced the maps in Hondius, Hulsius, and De Bry. - -The accusations against Ralegh in regard to his Guiana representations -have been examined by his biographers. Tytler, ch. 3, defends him; -Schomburgk shields him from Hume’s attacks; so does Kingsley in _North -British Review_, also in his _Essays_, who thinks Ralegh had a right to -be credulous, and that the ruins of the city may yet be found. Napier -in the _Edinburgh Review_, later in his _Lord Bacon and Ralegh_, clears -him of the charge of deceit about the mine. Van Heuvel’s _El Dorado_, -New York, 1844, defends Ralegh’s reports, and gives a map. See Field’s -_Indian Bibliography_ no. 1595. St. John, in his _Life of Ralegh_, ch. -xv., mentions finding Ralegh’s map in the archives of Simancas. See -also the Lives by Edwards, ch. x.; by Thompson, ch. ii.; S. G. Drake -in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1862, also separately and -enlarged; Fox Bourn’s _English Seamen_, ch. viii.; Payne’s _Elizabethan -Seamen_, pp. 327, 332; Bulfinch’s _Oregon and El Dorado_, etc. Further -examination of the quest for El Dorado will be given in volume ii.—ED.] - -[226] [This was originally printed at London, 1618, pp. 45. There is a -copy in Harvard College Library and in Charles Deane’s collection.—ED.] - -[227] Quoted by Neill in his _Virginia Company of London_, preface, pp. -vi, vii. The play was written by Marston and others in 1605. - -[228] Purchas, iv, 1685. - -[229] Neill’s _Virginia Company_, p. 16. - -[230] _Generall Historie_, pp. 53-65. - -[231] Wingfield’s _Narrative_, quoted by Anderson in his _History of -the Church of England in the Colony_, i. 77. - -[232] The height of the chimney is 17-7/12 feet; the greatest width -10-7/12 feet; the fireplace is 7-10/12 feet wide. - -[233] Archer was identified by the late William Green, LL.D., Richmond, -Va., as the author of the tract, “A Relatyon of the Discovery of our -River, from James Forte, into the Maine, made by Captain Christopher -Newport, and sincerely written and observed by a Gentleman of this -Colony,” reprinted in the _Transactions of the American Antiquarian -Society_, iv. pp. 40-65. - -[234] Stith, _History of Virginia_, p. 67. - -[235] _Generall Historie_, ed. 1624, p. 59. - -[236] In the outfit of a settler enumerated by Smith is the item, a -complete suit of armor. It is of interest to note that portions of -a steel cuirass, exhumed at Jamestown, are in the collection of the -Virginia Historical Society at Richmond. - -[237] Sainsbury’s _Calendar of State Papers_ (1574-1660), p. 8. - -[238] [See chapter vi.—ED.] - -[239] This was the first wife of Rolfe, whom history records in 1614 -as the husband of Pocahontas. He died in 1622, leaving “a wife and -children, besides the child [Thomas] he had by Pocahontas,” for whose -benefit his brother, Henry Rolfe, in England, petitioned the Company, -Oct. 7, 1622, for a settlement of the estate of the deceased in -Virginia. - -[240] The text was, Daniel xii. 3: “They that turn many to -righteousness shall shine as the stars for ever and ever.” The sermon -was published by William Welby, London, 1610. - -[241] Strachey, in the Hakluyt Society’s Publications, vi. 39. - -[242] The tradition is that Dutch Gap derived its name from the German -artisans brought over by Newport in 1608, and that the “glass house” -was located here. A navigable canal across its narrowest breadth, the -digging of which, for military advantages, was begun by the Federal -General, Benjamin F. Butler, has since (in 1873) been completed. - -[243] Letter of Sir Thomas Dale, dated “James Towne, the 25th of May, -1611,” preserved in the Ashmole Collection of MSS. in the Bodleian -Library, Oxford, England, communicated by G. D. Scull, Esq., and -published by the present writer in the Richmond _Standard_, Jan. 28, -1882. - -[244] Fragments of brick, memorials of this town, are still numerously -scattered over its site. - -[245] In a letter of Governor Argall to the Company in 1617, the Rev. -Alexander Whitaker is said to have been recently drowned in crossing -James River, and another minister is desired to be sent to the colony -in his stead. - -[246] Newport was after this appointed one of the six Masters of the -Royal Navy, and was engaged by the East India Company to escort Sir -Robert Shirley to Persia. Chamberlain, in _Court and Times of James -I._, i. 154. - -[247] Neill’s _Virginia Company_, p. 75. - -[248] [See Vol. IV.—ED.] - -[249] [This statement is disputed by some.—ED.] - -[250] See Hening’s _Statutes_, i. 98; Stith, 126, and Appendix no. 3. - -[251] It has been assumed in America that the descendants in Virginia -of Pocahontas were limited to those springing from the marriage of -Robert Bolling with Jane, the daughter of Thomas Rolfe; but it appears -that the last left a son, Anthony, in England, whose daughter, Hannah, -married Sir Thomas Leigh, of County Kent, and that their descendants -of that and of the additional highly respectable names of Bennet and -Spencer are quite numerous. See Deduction in the Richmond _Standard_, -Jan. 21, 1882. - -[252] The parish register of Gravesend contains this entry, which has -been assumed as that of the burial of Pocahontas “1616, March 21, -Rebecca Wrothe, wyffe of Thomas Wrothe, Gent. A Virginia Lady borne, -was buried in the Chancell.” Its relevancy has recently been questioned -by the Rev. Patrick G. Robert, of St. Louis, in the Richmond _Daily -Despatch_ of Sept. 10, 1881, and by Mr. J. M. Sinyanki, of London, -in the Richmond _Standard_ of Nov. 12, 1881, both of whom claim upon -tradition that the interment was in a corner of the churchyard. - -[253] Stith, p. 146. - -[254] Smith, _Generall Historie_, ed. 1627, p. 126. - -[255] One of these indentures from the original, dated July 1, 1628, -was published by the writer in the Richmond _Standard_ of Nov. 16, 1878. - -[256] The engraver was William Hole, engraver of Smith’s map of -Virginia. The arms adopted were an escutcheon quartered with the arms -of England and France, Scotland and Ireland, crested by a maiden queen -with flowing hair and an eastern crown. Supporters: Two men in armor -having open helmets ornamented with three ostrich feathers, each -holding a lance. Motto: _En dat Virginia quintum_,—a complimentary -acknowledgment of Virginia as the fifth kingdom. After the union of -England and Scotland in 1707, the motto, to correspond with the altered -number of kingdoms, was _En dat Virginia quartam_, the adjective -agreeing with _coronam_ understood, and it appeared on the titlepage -of all legislative publications of the colony until the Revolution. -Neill’s _London Company_, pp. 155-56. - -[257] This was not the only material effort made. In 1621, under the -zealous efforts of the Rev. Patrick Copland (the chaplain of an East -India ship), funds were collected for the establishment of a free -school in Charles City County, to be called the East India School. For -its maintenance one thousand acres of land, with five servants and an -overseer, were allotted by the Company. - -The advantage of private education, in the families at least of the -more provident of the planters, was increasingly secured by the -employment as tutors of poor young men of education, who came over from -time to time, and by indenture served long enough to pay the cost of -their transportation. Later in the seventeenth century, all whose means -enabled them to do so educated their sons in England,—a custom which -largely continued during the following century, though William and Mary -College had been established in 1692. - -[258] A gentleman of the honorable family of Beverstone Castle, County -Gloucester. - -[259] He was the brother of Sir Edwin Sandys, the late Treasurer of the -Company. He was born in 1577, and in 1610 visited Turkey, Palestine, -and Egypt. An account of his travels was published at Oxford in 1615. - -[260] Chalmers’ _Introduction_, i. 13-16. The Ordinance and Wyatt’s -Commission may be seen in Hening’s _Statutes_, i. 110-113. - -[261] In the Indian massacre of March 22, 1622, Daniel Gookin bravely -maintained his settlement. He served as a burgess from Elizabeth City, -and later returned to Ireland. His son, of the same name, becoming -a convert to the missionaries sent from New England in 1642, and -declining to take the oath of conformity, removed in May, 1644, to -Boston. He afterwards became eminent in New England, was the author -of several historical works, and held various offices of dignity and -importance. - -[262] In 1687, and again in 1696, Colonel William Byrd, the first -of the name in Virginia, undertook the revival of the iron-works at -Falling Creek; but there is no record preserved of his plans having -been successfully carried out. New iron-works were, however, erected -here by Colonel Archibald Cary prior to 1760, which he operated with -pig-iron from Maryland, but in the year named he abandoned the forge -because of its lack of profit, and converted his pond to the use of a -grist-mill. The site of the works of 1622 on the western bank of the -creek, and that of Cary’s forge of 1760 on the opposite side of the -same water, have both been identified by the present writer by the -scoriæ remaining about the ground. The manufacture of iron in Virginia -was revived by Governor Alexander Spotswood at Germanna about 1716. - -[263] [See chapter xiii.—ED.] - -[264] These were James City, Henrico, Charles City, Elizabeth City, -Warwick River, Warrosquoyoke, Charles River, and Accomac. - -[265] These magnates, who were called colonels were usually members of -the Council, and their functions were magisterial as well as military. - -[266] Hening states that “there is a patent granted by Harvey 13th -April, 1636.”—_Statutes at Large_, i. 4. - -[267] It was fully three quarters of a century thereafter before -Dissent became appreciable in the colony. Governor Spotswood wrote -the Bishop of London, Oct. 24, 1710: “It is a peculiar blessing -to this Country to have but few of any kind of Dissenters;” and -adds the following, which may be taken in refutation of many gross -misrepresentations of the moral and social condition of the colonists -at the period: “I have observed here less Swearing and Prophaneness, -less Drunkenness and Debauchery, less uncharitable feuds and -animositys, and less Knaverys and Villanys than in any part of the -world where my Lot has been.” He also wrote to the Council of Trade, -Dec. 15, 1710: “That happy Establishment of the Church of England, -which the Colony enjoys with less mixture of Dissenters than any other -of her Majesty’s plantations;” and to the Earl of Rochester, July 30, -1711, in ample confirmation of his earlier judgment, he wrote: “This -Government, I can joyfully assure your Lordship, is in perfect peace -and tranquility under a due Obedience to the Royal Authority and a -Gen^{ll}. Conformity to the Established Church of England.” See _The -Official Letters of Governor Alexander Spotswood_, 1710-1722, published -by the Virginia Historical Society, with Introduction and Notes by R. -A. Brock, vol. i. pp. 27 and 108. - -[268] His signature is Stegge. He was the maternal uncle of Colonel -William Byrd, the first of the name in the colony, who came thither -a youth, as the heir of his large landed estate, which included the -present site of Richmond. - -[269] A son of Sir George Yeardley, a former governor of Virginia, and -Lady Temperance, his wife, who was born in Virginia. - -[270] The letter is given in full in Thurloe’s _State Papers_, ii. 273, -and is republished in the Richmond _Standard_ of Feb. 11, 1882, by the -present writer. - -[271] Hening, ii. 24. - -[272] _Ibid._ ii. 49. - -[273] The quit-rent was one shilling for every fifty acres of land, the -latest consideration in its acquirement. It was first granted to the -Adventurers, by the Company, in tracts of one hundred acres, after five -years’ service in the colony. If planted and seated within three years, -the quantity was augmented by another hundred acres. Later, each person -removing to the colony at his own expense, with the intention to settle -and remain, was entitled to fifty acres of land. The right extended -also to every member of his family or person whose passage-money he -defrayed. These rights upon “transports” were called “head-rights,” and -were assignable. - -[274] The locality of the murder is indicated by a small stream known -as Bacon Quarter Branch. - -[275] It is given in a rare little tract: _An Historical Account of -some Memorable Actions, Particularly in Virginia; Also Against the -Admiral of Algier, and in the East Indies: Perform’d for the Service of -his Prince and Country_. By S^r Thomas Grantham, K^t [Motto]. London: -printed for J. Roberts, near the Oxford Arms in Warwick Lane, MDCCVI. -18º. The copy in the Virginia State Library is thought to be the only -one in this country, pp. 12, 13: “If Virtue be a Sin, if Piety be -Guilt, if all the Principles of Morality and Goodness and Justice be -perverted, we must confess that those who are called Rebels may be in -Danger of those high Imputations, those loud and severe Bulls, which -would affright Innocency, and render the Defence of our Brethren and -the Enquiry into our sad and heavy Oppressions Treason. But if there be -(as sure there is) a just God to appeal to; if Religion and Justice be -a Sanctuary here; if to plead the Cause of the Oppress’d; if sincerely -to aim at the Publick Good, without any Reservation or By-Interest; if -to stand in the Gap, after so much Blood of our Dear Brethren bought -and sold; if after the Loss of a great Part of His Majesty’s Colony, -deserted and dispeopl’d, and freely to part with our Lives and Estates -to endeavor to save the Remainder, be Treason,—Let God and the World -judge, and the Guilty die. But since we cannot find in our Hearts One -single Spot of Rebellion and Treason, or that we have in any manner -aimed at the Subversion of the Settl’d Government, or attempting the -Person of any, either Magistrate or Private Man,—notwithstanding the -several Reproaches and Threats of some who for sinister Ends were -disaffected to Us, and censure our Just and Honest Designs,—Let Truth -be bold and all the World Know the Real Foundation of our Pretended -Guilt.” - -[276] This is shown by the preservation of books to this day in the -several departments of literature which are identified, by ownership -in inscribed name and date, with the homes of the Virginia planter of -the seventeenth century, many of which have fallen under the personal -inspection of the present writer, who has some examples in his own -library. A little later, private libraries were numerous in Virginia, -and in value, extent, and variety of subject embraced, the exhibit will -contrast favorably with that of any of the English colonies in America. - -[277] [On the later designation of “Old Dominion,” see _Historical -Magazine_, iii. 319; and J. H. Trumbull on Indian names in Virginia in -_Historical Magazine_, xvii. 47.—ED.] - -[278] The editor of the tract, “J. H.,” in his preface, says: “Some -of the books were printed under the name of Thomas Watson, by whose -occasion I know not, unlesse it were the ouer-rashnesse or mistakinge -of the workmen.” - -The words “by a gentleman” got also through ignorance of the real -authorship into the titles of some copies as author, there being four -varieties of titles. It is sometimes quoted (by Purchas for instance) -by the running head-line _Newes from Virginia_. Mr. Deane edited an -edition of it at Boston in 1866. There are eight copies of it known to -be in America: one each belonging to Harvard College, S. L. M. Barlow, -and the Carter-Brown Library; two in the New York Historical Society, -and three in the Lenox Library. (_Magazine of American History,_ i. -251.) The text is the same in all cases, and those copies in which -Smith’s name is given have an explanatory preface acknowledging the -mistake. Mr. Payne Collier, in his _Rarest Books in the English -Language_, 1865, is of the opinion that Watson was the true author, -which Mr. Deane shows to be an error. An earlier, very inaccurate -reprint was made in the _Southern Literary Messenger_, February, 1845, -from the New York Historical Society’s copy. Use is also made of it in -Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, vol. xiii. [Mr. Deane suggests that the reason -Smith omitted this tract in his _Generall Historie_, substituting for -it the _Map of Virginia_, is to be found in the greater ease with which -the narratives of others in the latter tracts would take on the story -of Pocahontas, which his own words in the _True Relation_ might forbid. - -Tyler, _History of American Literature_, i. 26, calls this tract of -Smith’s the earliest contribution to American literature. The latest -copy sold which we have noted was in the Ouvry Sale, London, March, -1882, no. 1,535 of its _Catalogue_, which brought £57.—ED.] - -[279] A portrait of “Captaine George Percy,” copied in 1853 by Herbert -L. Smith from the original at Syon House, the seat of the Duke of -Northumberland, at the instance of Conway Robinson, Esq., then visiting -England, is among the valuable collection of portraits of the Virginia -Historical Society at Richmond. Its frame, of carved British oak, -was a present to the Society from William Twopenny, Esq., of London, -the solicitor of the Duke of Northumberland. Percy (born Sept. 4, -1586, died unmarried in March, 1632) was “a gentleman of honor and -resolution.” He had served with distinction in the wars of the Low -Countries, and his soldierly qualities were evidenced in the colony, as -well as his administrative ability as the successor of John Smith. A -mutilated hand represented in the portrait, it is said, was a memorial -of a sanguinary encounter with the savages of Virginia. The head from -this portrait is given on an earlier page. - -[280] The author of the “Relatyon,” etc., was identified by the late -Hon. William Green, LL.D., of Richmond, as Captain Gabriel Archer. -[Newport’s connection with the colony is particularly sketched in -Neill’s _Virginia and Virginiola_, 1878. Neill describes the MS. which -is in the Record office as “a fair and accurate description of the -first Virginia explorations.” Mr. Hale later made some additions to his -original notes (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct. 21, 1864), where some -supplemental notes by Mr. Deane will also be found as to the origin -of the name Newport-News as connected with Captain Newport. See H. -B. Grigsby in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ x. 23; also _Hist. Mag._ iii. -347.—ED.] - -[281] Preface to Deane’s _True Relation_, p. xxxiii. [Wingfield’s -_Discourse_ was first brought to the attention of students in 1845 by -the citations from the original MS. at Lambeth made by Mr. Anderson in -his _History of the Church of England in the Colonies_.—ED.] - -[282] [The MS. was bought at Dawson Turner’s Sale in 1859 by Lilly, -the bookseller, who announced that he would print an edition of fifty -copies. (Deane’s ed. _True Relation_, p. xxxv; _Hist. Mag._, July, -1861, p. 224; _Aspinwall Papers_, i. 21, note.) It was only partly -put in type, and the MS. remained in the printer’s hands ten years, -when Mr. Henry Stevens bought it for Mr. Hunnewell, who caused a small -edition (two hundred copies) to be printed privately at the Chiswick -Press.—ED.] - -[283] _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 3,800. - -[284] This was reprinted in Force’s _Tracts_, i., and by Sabin, edited -by F. L. Hawks, New York, 1867. - -[285] Sabin, vii. 323; Rich (1832), £1 8_s._; Ouvry Sale, 1882, no. -1,582, a copy with the autograph, “W. Ralegh, Turr, Lond.” - -[286] There is a copy in Harvard College Library. (Rich, 1832, no. 121, -£1 8_s._) It was an official document of the Company. - -[287] Another official publication. A copy in Harvard College Library. -(Rich, 1832, no. 122, £2 2_s._) It is reprinted in Force’s _Tracts_, -iii. - -[288] But one copy is now known, which is at present in the Huth -collection (_Catalogue_, iv. 1247), having formerly belonged to Lord -Charlemont’s Library at Dublin, where Halliwell found it in 1864, -bound up with other tracts. The volume escaped the fire in London -which destroyed the greater part of the Charlemont collection in 1865, -and at the sale that year brought £63. In the same year Halliwell -privately printed it (ten copies). Winsor’s _Halliwelliana_, p. 25; -Allibone’s _Dictionary of Authors_, vol. ii. p. 1788. In 1874 it was -again privately reprinted (twenty-five copies) in London. It once more -appeared, in 1878, in Neill’s _Virginia and Virginiola_. Cf. Lefroy’s -_History of Bermuda_. - -[289] Tyler’s _American Literature_, i. 42. Malone wrote a book to -prove that this description by Strachey suggested to Shakespeare the -plot of the _Tempest_,—a view controverted in a tract on the _Tempest_ -by Joseph Hunter. - -[290] Reprinted in Force’s _Tracts_, iii. no. 2. The dedication is -given in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ 1866, p. 36. - -[291] [There is a copy in the Lenox Library; it was reprinted (50 -copies) in 1859, and again by Mr. Griswold (20 copies) in 1868. A -letter of Lord Delaware, July 7, 1610, from the Harleian MSS., is -printed in the Hakluyt Society’s edition of Strachey, p. xxiii.—ED.] - -[292] [There is a copy in Harvard College Library. A very fine copy -in the Stevens Sale (1881, _Catalogue_, no. 1,612) was afterward held -by Quaritch at £25. Fifty years ago Rich (_Catalogue_ 1832, no. 131) -priced a copy at £2 2_s._ (See Sabin, xiii. 53249.) It was reprinted -in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. i. no. 7, and in 2 _Mass. Hist. Coll._ vol. -viii.—ED.] - -[293] [A further account of this tract will be found in a subsequent -editorial note on the “Maps of Virginia;” and of Smith’s _Generall -Historie_ a full account will be found in the Editorial Note at the end -of Dr. De Costa’s chapter.—ED.] - -[294] [Tyler, _American Literature_, i. 46; Neill, _Virginia Company_, -78; Rich (1832), no. 135, priced at £2 2_s._ Mr. Neill has told the -story of Whitaker and others in his _Notes on the Virginian Colonial -Clergy_, Philadelphia, 1877.—ED.] - -[295] [The original edition is in the Lenox Library and the Deane -Collection; and copies at public sales in America have brought $150 and -$170. (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 642-43, where he cites it as -one of the earliest accounts of the Indians of Virginia; Sabin, viii. -46.) A German translation was published at Hanau as part xiii. of the -_Hulsius Voyages_ in 1617 (containing more than was afterwards included -in De Bry’s Latin), and there were two issues of it the same year -with slight variations. The map is copied from Smith’s _New England_, -not from his _Virginia_. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 491; _Lenox -Contributions_ (Hulsius), p. 15. - -In 1619 De Bry gave it in Latin as part x. of his _Great Voyages_, -having given it in German the year before. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. -348, 368.—ED.] - -[296] [Some of them follow in chronological order:— - -Norwood’s _Voyage to Virginia_, 1649; Force’s _Tracts_, vol. iii.; -_Virginia Hist. Reg._ ii. 121. - -_Perfect Description of Virginia_, 1649; Force’s _Tracts_, vol. ii.; -_Virginia Hist. Reg._ ii. 60; original edition in Harvard College -Library; priced by Rich in 1832, £1 10_s._, by Quaritch in 1879, £20. - -William Bullock’s _Virginia impartially Examined_, London, 1649; -Force’s _Tracts_, vol. iii. The original is now scarce. Rich in 1832 -(_Catalogue_, no. 271) quotes it at £1 10_s._ (it is now worth $75). -Sabin, iii. 9145; Ternaux, 685; Brinley, 3725. - -_Extract from a manuscript collection of annals relative to Virginia_, -Force’s _Tracts_, vol. ii. - -_A short Collection of the most remarkable passages from the Originall -to the Dissolution of the Virginia Company_, London, 1651; there are -copies in the Library of Congress and in that of Harvard College. - -_The Articles of Surrender to the Commonwealth_, March 12, 1651; -_Mercurius Politicus_, May 20-27, 1652; _Virginia Hist. Reg._ ii. 182. - -_Virginia’s Cure; or, an advisive narrative Concerning Virginia; -Discovering the True Ground of that churches unhappiness_, by R. G. -1662. Force’s _Tracts_, vol. iii. The original is in Harvard College -Library. - -Sir William Berkeley’s _Discourse and View of Virginia_, 1663; Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, ii. 4889. - -Nathaniel Shrigley’s _True Relation of Virginia and Maryland_, 1669; -Force’s _Tracts_, vol. v. - -John Lederer’s _Discoveries in Three Marches from Virginia_, 1669, -1670, London, 1672, with map of the country traversed. It was -“collected out of the Latin by Sir William Talbot, Baronet.” There is -a copy in Harvard College Library, _Griswold Catalogue_, 422; _Huth -Catalogue_, iii. 829. - -There are in the early Virginian bibliography a few titles on the -efforts made to induce the cultivation of silkworms. The King addressed -a letter to the Earl of Southampton with a review of Bonœil’s treatise -on the making of silk, and this was published by the Company in 1622. -(_Harvard College Library MS. Catalogue_; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. -3,760.) The Company also published, in 1629, _Observations ... of Fit -Rooms to keepe silk wormes in_; and as late as 1655 Hartlib’s _Reformed -Virginian Silk-worm_ indicated continued interest in the subject. -This last is reprinted in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. iii. no. 13, and the -originals of this and of the preceding are in Harvard College Library. -Sabin’s _Dictionary_, viii. 121.—ED.] - -[297] The _Orders and constitutions ordained by the treasvror, -covnseil, and companie of Virginia, for the better gouerning of said -companie_, is reprinted in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. iii. - -[298] _Fortieth Congress, Second Session, Misc. Doc._ no. 84, _Senate_. -Another effort was made in Congress for this eminently desirable -measure in 1881. The bill introduced by Senator John W. Johnston, of -Virginia, passed the Senate, but for some reason failed in the House of -Representatives.] - -[299] [While these two volumes were yet in his possession, Mr. -Jefferson, in a letter to Colonel Hugh P. Taylor, dated October 4, -1823, says, that the volumes came to him with the Library of Colonel -Richard Bland, which Mr. Jefferson had purchased,—Colonel Bland having -borrowed them of the Westover Library, and never returned them. (See H. -A. Washington’s ed. of _Jefferson’s Writings_, vii. 312.) Colonel Bland -died in October, 1776. A duplicate set of these Records (transcripts -made in Virginia some hundred and fifty years ago) are now in the -possession of Conway Robinson, Esq., of Richmond. They were deposited -with him by Judge William Leigh, one of the executors of John Randolph -of Roanoke, in whose library they were found after his death, in -1833, where they were inspected and described by the late Hugh Blair -Grigsby, before the dispersion of the library at a later period. -(_Letters of Conway Robinson and H. B. Grigsby to Mr. Deane_). These -Randolph-Leigh-Robinson volumes were examined by Mr. Deane in Richmond, -in April, 1872, just after he had inspected the Byrd-Stith-Jefferson -copy in the Law Library in Washington.—ED.] - -[300] [Mr. Neill has published numerous notes on early Virginia history -in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, namely, “English maids for -Virginia,” 1876, p. 410; “Transportation of Homeless Children,” 1876, -p. 414; “Lotteries,” 1877, p. 21; “Daniel Gookin of Virginia,” 1877, -p. 267 (see also i. 345; ii. 167; Paige’s _Cambridge_, 563, and _Terra -Mariæ_, 76).—ED.] - -[301] [Colonel Aspinwall collected during his long consulship at -Liverpool a valuable American library, of about four thousand volumes -(771 titles), which in 1863 was sold to Samuel L. M. Barlow, Esq., of -New York, but all except about five hundred of the rarest volumes which -Mr. Barlow had taken possession of were burned in that city in 1864. -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ xv. 2. This collection was described in a -catalogue (a few copies privately printed), _Bibliotheca Barlowiana_, -compiled by Henri Harrisse.—ED.] - -[302] John Pory’s lively account of excursions among the Indians is -given in Smith’s _Generall Historie_. Neill, _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._ 1875, p. 296, thinks that George Ruggles was the author of -several of the early tracts in Force’s _Tracts_. See Neill’s _Virginia -Company_, p. 362. - -[303] [The history of the dividing line (1728) between Virginia and -North Carolina is found in William Byrd’s _Westover MSS._, printed in -Petersburg in 1841. It shows how successive royal patents diminished -the patent rights of Virginia. See _Virginia Hist. Reg._ i. and iv. 77; -Williamson’s _North Carolina_, App.—ED.] - -[304] A copy of this portion of the _Records_, collated with the -original by Mr. Sainsbury, is in the library of the present writer. The -other papers of this 1874 volume included a list of the living and dead -in 1623, a Brief Declaration of the Plantation during the first twelve -years (already mentioned), the census of 1634, etc. - -[305] [The Speaker’s Report of their doings to the Company in England -was printed in the _New York Hist. Coll._ in 1857. See also on these -proceedings the _Antiquary_, London, July, 1881.—ED.] - -[306] [There is a copy in Harvard College Library; Rich (1832), no. -133, £2 2_s._; Brinley, nos. 3,739-40. It was reprinted in Force’s -_Tracts_, vol. iii. no. 5. Mr. Deane, _True Relation_, p. xli, examines -the conflicting accounts as to the number of persons constituting the -first immigration.—ED.] - -[307] [The vexed question as to how far the convict class made part -of the early comers is discussed in Jones’s ed. Hakluyt’s _Divers -Voyages_, p. 10; _Index to Remembrancia_, 1519-1664, with citations in -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ xvii. 297; _Aspinwall Papers_, i. 1, note; -E. D. Neill, _English Colonization in North America_, p. 171, and his -“Virginia as a Penal Colony,” in _Hist. Mag._, May, 1869. “It would be -wholly wrong, however, to suppose that immigrants of this sort were a -controlling element,” says Lodge in his _English Colonies_, p. 66; and -this is now the general opinion.—ED.] - -[308] Bishop Meade’s _Old Churches and Families of Virginia_, 2 vols. -8º, 1855, Slaughter’s _History of St. Mark’s Parish, Culpeper County_, -1877, and _Bristol Parish, Dinwiddie County_, 2d edition, 1879, and the -files of the _Richmond Standard_ may be referred to for purposes of -genealogical investigation. - -[309] A transcript of this “Register” is in the hands of the present -writer for preparation for publication, with an Introduction, Notes, -and Indices. - -[310] A second volume, continuing the series, has been published the -present year (1882). An Introduction in vol. i. recounts the losses to -which the archives have been subjected, and enumerates the resources -still remaining. - -[311] Chapter vi. - -[312] This iconoclastic view was also sustained by Mr. E. D. Neill in -chapter v. of his _Virginia Company in London_, 1869, which was also -printed separately, and in chapter iv. of his _English Colonization in -America_. He goes farther than Mr. Deane, and, following implicitly -Strachey’s statement of an earlier marriage for Pocahontas, he impugns -other characters than Smith’s, and repeats the imputations in his -_Virginia and Virginiola_, p. 20. There is a paper on the marriage -of Pocahontas, by Wyndham Robertson, in the _Virginia Historical -Reporter_, vol. ii. part i. (1860), p. 67. (Cf. Field’s _Indian -Bibliography_, p. 383.) See Neill’s view pushed to an extreme in -_Hist. Mag._ xvii. 144. A writer in the _Virginia Hist. Reg._ iv. 37, -undertook to show that Kokoum and Rolfe were the same. Matthew S. -Henry, in a letter dated Philadelphia, Sept. 11, 1857, written to Dr. -Wm. P. Palmer, then Corresponding Secretary of the Virginia Historical -Society, gives us the Lenni Lenape signification of Kakoom or Kokoum, -as “‘to come from somewhere else,’ as we would say, ‘a foreigner.’” - -[313] [See Maxwell’s _Hist. Reg._ ii., 189; and a note to the earlier -part of this chapter. Her story is likely still to be told with all -the old embellishment. See Prof. Schele de Vere’s _Romance of American -History_, 1872, ch. iii. A piece of sculpture in the Capitol at -Washington depicts the apocryphal scene. W. G. Simms urges her career -as the subject for historical painting (_Verses and Reviews_). She -figures in more than one historical romance: J. Davis’s _First Settlers -of Virginia_, New York, 1805-6, and again, Philadelphia, 1817, with the -more definite title of _Captain Smith and the Princess Pocahontas_; -Samuel Hopkins, _Youth of the Old Dominion_. There are other works of -fiction, prose and verse, bearing on Pocahontas and her father, by -Seba Smith, L. H. Sigourney, M. W. Moseby, R. D. Owens, O. P. Hillar, -etc.—ED.] - -[314] [See an earlier note on her descendants.—ED.] - -[315] Its place is sometimes supplied by a fac-simile engraved for W. -Richardson’s _Granger’s Portraits_, 1792-96. The original Mataoka or -Pocahontas picture was neither in the Brinley, the Medlicott, nor the -Menzies copies, and is not in the Harvard College, Dowse, Deane, or in -most of the known copies. - -The Crowninshield copy (_Catalogue_, no. 992) had the original plate; -and that copy, after going to England, came back to America as the -property of Dr. Charles G. Barney, of Virginia, and at the sale of his -library in New York in 1870 it brought $247.50; but it is understood -that it returned to his own shelves. The Carter-Brown (1632) edition, -the Barlow large-paper copy, and one copy at least in the Lenox Library -have it. - -[316] There exists at Heacham Hall, Norfolk, the seat of the Rolfes, -a portrait thought to be of Henry, the son of Pocahontas. This is the -painting mentioned by error in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ xiii. 425, as -of Pocahontas. - -[317] Grigsby’s authority for his statements was the son of Sully, -who also painted an ideal portrait of Pocahontas. Copies of a picture -of Pocahontas by Thomas Sully, and of another painted by R. M. Sully -are in the Collections of the Virginia Historical Society, and it is -palpable that they are both mere fanciful representations. The original -of the picture which was at Cobb’s, the writer was informed by the late -Hon. John Robertson, a descendant of Pocahontas, represented “a stout -blonde English woman,”—a description which does not agree with the -picture by Robert M. Sully purporting to be a copy. - -The late Charles Campbell, author of a _History of Virginia_, stated -that Thomas Sully was allowed to take the original from Cobb’s (it -being little valued), and that after cleaning it he altered the -features and complexion to his own fancy. Of the picture by Thomas -Sully he states: “The portrait I painted and presented to the -Historical Society of Virginia was copied, in part, from the portrait -of Pocahontas in the ‘Indian Gallery,’ published by Daniel Rice and Z. -Clark. In my opinion the copy by my nephew [Robert M. Sully] is best -entitled to authenticity.” - -[318] There is a copy in Harvard College Library; Rich (1832), no. 165, -priced it at £2 2_s._ - -[319] [Force copied from the _Richmond Inquirer_ of September 1804, -where Jefferson had printed it from a copy in his possession. Another -copy was followed in the _Virginia Evangelical and Literary Magazine_ -in 1820, which is the source from which it was again printed in the -_Virginia Hist. Reg._, iii. 61, 621.—ED.] - -[320] [See an earlier note.—Ed.] - -[321] [See _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ 1861, p. 320, and -Massachusetts Archives, Colonial, 1, 475; _Democratic Review_, vii. -243, 453. For the later historians see Bancroft’s _History of the -United States_, vol. ii. ch. 14, and Centenary Edition, vol. i. ch. 20; -Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, ii. 296; and the memoir -of Bacon by William Ware in Sparks’s _American Biography_, vol. xiii. - -[Illustration: Autograph John West] - -Articles of peace were signed by John West and the native kings, May -29, 1677 (_Brinley Catalogue_, 5484.) - -Mrs. Aphra Behn made the events rather distantly the subject of a -drama, _The Widdow Ranter_; and in our day St. George Tucker based his -novel of _Hansford_ upon them. See Sabin, ii. 4372.—ED. - -[322] In 1722 the book was reissued in London, revised and enlarged as -the author had left it, and this edition is now worth £10 10_s._ It was -again reprinted in 1855, edited by Charles Campbell. (Sabin, vol. ii.; -Brinley, 3719; Muller, 1877, no. 318, etc.) Jones’s _Present State of -Virginia_, 1724, may also be noted. - -[323] [Thomas Hollis wrote in the copy of Keith which he sent to -Harvard College in 1768, “_The Society_, the glorious society, -_instituted in London for promoting Learning_, having existed but a -little while, through scrubness of the times, no other than PART I. of -this history was published, and it is very scarce.”—ED.] - -[324] [Some claim to be printed in London in 1753; the copy in Harvard -College Library is of this 1753 imprint; see _Hist. Mag._ i. 59, and -ii. 61 (where it is asserted that only the title is of new make), and -the bibliographical note which Sabin added to his reprint of Stith in -1865, where he describes three varieties. There is a collation in the -_Brinley Catalogue_, no. 3,796, not agreeing with either; cf. _Hist. -Mag._ ii. 184, and _North American Review_, October, 1866, p. 605.—ED.] - -[325] [Adams, _Manual of Historical Literature_, 557; _Hist. Mag._ -i. 27; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,502; Tyler, _American -Literature_, ii. 280; Allibone, ii. 2264; article by William Green in -_Southern Literary Messenger_, September, 1863.—ED.] - -[326] See Charles Campbell’s _Memoir of John Daly Burk_, 1868. - -[327] Sabin, iii. 9273. - -[328] [C. K. Adams, _Manual of Historical Literature_, 557; _Potter’s -American Monthly_, December, 1876, the year of Campbell’s death.—ED.] - -[329] [See this map in chapter i.—ED.] - -[330] [The French explorations will be treated, and the illustrative -maps will be given, in Vol. IV.—ED.] - -[331] Lane, in 1585, heard of houses covered with plates of metal. -_Hakluyt_, iii. 258. Others repeated similar stories about other places. - -[332] Dee’s _Diary in the Publications_ of the Camden Society. - -[333] [See chap. iv.—ED.] - -[334] [See chapter iv.—ED.] - -[335] It should be noted that Robert Salterne, who was with Pring at -Plymouth, soon after took Orders in the Church of England. This leads -to the conjecture that public worship may have been conducted at -Plymouth in 1603; though the subject is not referred to. - -[336] [See chap. ix. of Vol. IV—ED.] - -[337] [These transactions of the French will be noted in detail in Vol. -IV.—ED.] - -[338] [This is counting Pring as the first, not usually reckoned such -however, and Champlain as the second. See the Critical Essay.—ED.] - -[339] [A heliotype of this map, somewhat reduced, is given at page -198. It is the second of the ten different states of the plate. See -_Memorial History of Boston_, i. 54; and the Critical Essay—ED.] - -[340] Gorges’ _Brief Narrative_, ch. xv. [The map made during the -Raleigh voyage of 1585, now with the original drawings of De Bry’s -pictures in the British Museum, shows a strait at Port Royal leading to -an extended sea, like Verrazano’s, at the west. We have been allowed by -Dr. Edward Eggleston to examine a photograph of this map.—ED.] - -[341] [See chapter viii.—ED.] - -[342] [See editorial note, A, at the end of this chapter.—ED.] - -[343] On the signification of this word see “The Lost City of New -England” in _Magazine of American History_, i. no. 1, and printed -separately. The most notable monograph that has appeared in connection -with the general subject is that by M. Eugène Beauvois, entitled, _La -Norambegue. Découverte d’une quatrième colonie Pré-Colombienne dans le -Nouveau Monde_. Bruxelles, 1880, pp. 27-32. This very learned author -labors with great ingenuity to prove that the word is of old northern -origin, and that by a variety of transformations, which he seeks to -explain, it means Norrœnbygda, or the country of Norway; and that, -consequently, it must be regarded as showing the early occupation of -the region by Scandinavians. [Cf. also the paper by the same author -on “Le Markland et l’Escociland,” in _Congrès des Américanistes; -Compte rendu_, 1877, i. 224.—ED.] To the claim that the word is of -Indian origin we may oppose the statement in Thevet’s _Cosmographie_ -(ii. 1009), evidently derived by that mendacious writer from an early -navigator, to the effect that, while the Europeans called the country -Norumbega, the savages called it Aggoncy. Father Vetromile reported -that he found an Indian who knew the word Nolumbega, meaning “still -water;” yet he does not say whether he recognized it as an aboriginal -or an imported word. [Vetromile, _History of the Abnakis_, New York, -1866, p. 49; and assented to by Murphy, _Verrazano_, p. 38. Father -Vetromile says in a letter: “In going with Indians in a canoe along -the Penobscot, when we arrived at some large sheet of water after a -rapid or narrow passage, men would say _Nolumbeghe_.” Dr. Ballard, -in a manuscript, says the coast Indians in our day have called it -_Nah-rah-bĕ-gek_.—ED.] - -[344] See his account in vol. iii. p. 129 of _The Principal -Navigations, voiages, Traffiques, and Discoveries of the English Nation -made by Sea or overland, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of -the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeeres: Divided -into three severall Volumes, according to the positions of the Regions -whereunto they were directed, etc., etc. By Richard Hakluyt, Master of -Arts, and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford. Imprinted at -London by George Bishop, Ralph Newberie, and Robert Barker_, 1598; in -three volumes folio, the third, relating to America, printed in 1600. -[This edition was reprinted (325 copies) with care in 1809-12 by George -Woodfall, edited by R. H. Evans, and the reprint is now so scarce that -it brings £20 to £30. Such parts of Hakluyt’s earlier edition of 1589, -as he had omitted in the new edition (1598-1600), were reinserted by -Evans, and the completed reprint including other narratives “chiefly -published by Hakluyt or at his suggestion,” is extended to five -volumes. See an account of the earlier publications of Hakluyt in the -note following this chapter.—ED.] - -[345] See _Purchas His Pilgrimes_, iii. 809. - -[346] Bowen’s _Complete System of Geography_, two vols. folio, London, -1747, vol. ii. p. 686, where reference is made to Cape Lorembec. See -also Charlevoix’s reference to Cap de Lorembec, in Shea’s edition, v. -284; also some modern maps. - -[347] _Descripcion de las Indias ocidentales de Antonio de Herrera_, -etc. 1601, dec. ii. lib. v. c. 3. - -[348] This pilot has also been taken for Verrazano, said by Ramusio -to have been killed and eaten by the savages on this coast. See also -Biddle’s _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_, second edition, London, 1832, p. -272. See also Brevoort’s _Verrazano the Navigator_, p. 147 [and Mr. -Deane’s chapter in the present volume.—ED.] - -[349] Hakluyt, 111, 500. - -[350] In 1525 the “Mary of Guilford,” 160 tons, and one year old, was -reserved for the King’s use. _Manuscripts of Henry_ VIII. iv. 752. -“John Rutt” was at one time master of the “Gabryll Royall.” In 1513 he -was master of the “Lord Sturton,” with a crew of 250 men; and, in April -of the same year, master of the “Great Galley,” 700 tons, John Hoplin -being captain. Ibid., under “Ships.” - -[351] Hakluyt, iii. 208; and De Costa’s _Northmen in Maine, a Critical -Examination_, etc.,—Albany, 1870, p. 43,—[in refutation of the -arguments of Kohl in his _Discovery of Maine_, p. 281, who contends for -Rut’s exploration.—ED.] - -[352] Folio, 557. A copy of the manuscript is preserved in the British -Museum, Sloane manuscripts, 1447, and one is also in the Bodleian, -Tanner manuscripts, 79. They present no substantial variations. Hakluyt -accepts the relation in his “Discourse,” 2 _Maine Hist. Coll._ ii. -115-220, [but his editor, Charles Deane, thinks it “has all the air of -a romance or fiction.” The Sloane copy was followed by P. C. T. Weston, -who privately printed it in his _Documents Connected with the History -of South Carolina_, London, 1856 (121 copies), with the following -title: “The Land Travels of Davyd Ingram and others in the years -1568-69 from the Rio de Minas in the Gulph of Mexico to Cape Breton in -Acadia.” A manuscript copy in the Sparks Collection (_Catalogue_, App. -No. 30) is called “Relaçon of Davyd Ingram of things which he did see -in Travellinge by lande for [from?] the moste northerlie pte of the -Baye of Mexico throughe a greate pte of Ameryca untill within fivetye -leagues of Cape Britton.” Mr. Sparks has endorsed it: “Many parts of -this narrative are incredible, so much as to throw a distrust over the -whole.”—ED. - -[353] Purchas, iv. 1179. Ingram’s reference to Elephants reminds the -reader of the Lions of the Plymouth colonists (Dexter’s _Mourt_, p. -75). In this connection consult the _Rare Travailes_ of Job Hortop, who -was put ashore with Ingram, being twenty-two years in reaching England. -Cabeça de Vaca, who came to America with Narvaez in 1528, was six years -in captivity, and spent twenty months in his travels to escape. At -this period there were Indian trails in all directions for thousands -of miles; on these Ingram and his companions travelled. See, for the -Indian trails, _Maine Hist. Coll._, v. 326. - -[354] [The Sloane text, according to Weston, has a blank for the name -of this river.—ED.] - -[355] _Nouvelle France_, p. 598. - -[356] _Œuvres_, iii. 22. - -[357] Hakluyt, iii. 283. [See also chapter iv. of the present -volume.—ED.] - -[358] Williamson’s _History of North Carolina_, i. 53. - -[359] Hawks, _History of North Carolina_, i. 196., ed. 1857. - -[360] _Archæologia Americana_, iv. 11; and _Colonial State Papers_, i., -under August 12, 1585. - -[361] _Calendar of Colonial State Papers_, i. no. 2. - -[362] [His patent is in Hakluyt, iii. 174, and in Hazard, i. 24.—ED.] - -[363] [See chapter iii. in the present volume, for notices of earlier -parts of Gilbert’s career. J. Wingate Thornton points out his pedigree -in “The Gilbert Family,” in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1850, -p. 223. In the same place, July, 1859, is one of Gilbert’s last letters -(from the state-paper office), with an autograph signature which is -copied in a later note.—ED.] - -[364] See Richard Clarke’s narrative of “The Voyage for the discovery -of Norumbega, 1583,” in Hakluyt, iii. 163; [and Edward Haies’s account -of the voyage of 1583, Ibid., iii. 143, and also in E. J. Payne’s -_Voyages of Elizabethan Seamen_, London, 1880, p. 175. Soon after -Haies, in the “Golden Hind,” reached England, after seeing Gilbert, in -the “Squirrel,” disappear, _A True Reporte of the late Discoveries_ -(London, 1583) came out, purporting on the titlepage to be by Gilbert; -but Hakluyt, who reprinted it in 1589 and 1600, interpreted the -initials G. P., of the Dedication, as those of Sir George Peckham, -who had in his tract urged another attempt under Gilbert’s patent, as -Captain Carlyle had done in his discourse just before Gilbert sailed, -which was also reprinted in Hakluyt. See also Hakluyt’s _Westerne -Planting_, ed. by Deane, p. 201; George Dexter’s _First Voyage of -Gilbert_, p. 4. The Rev. Abiel Holmes, D.D., printed in _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, ix. 49, a memoir of Parmenius the Hungarian, who went down in -Gilbert’s largest ship.—ED.] - -[365] _Principal Navigations_, iii. 246. [Also chapter iv. of the -present volume.—ED.] - -[366] Ibid., iii. 193. - -[367] _A Briefe and true Relation of the Discouerie of the North -part of Virginia; being a most pleasant, fruitfull, and commodious -Soile. Made this present yeare, 1602, by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, -Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert, and divers other gentlemen their -associats, by the permission of the honourable Knight, Sir Walter -Ralegh, etc. Written by_ Mr. IOHN BRERETON, _one of the voyage. -Whereunto is annexed a Treatise of_ Mr. EDWARD HAYES. 4º, London. Geor. -Bishop, 1602. - -[Of Brereton’s book there are copies in Harvard College Library -(imperfect) and in Mr. S. L. M. Barlow’s collection. One in the Brinley -sale, No. 280, was bought for $800 by Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch of New York. - -This narrative is followed in Strachey’s _Historie of Travaile_, book -ii. ch. 6. Thornton in notes _c_ and _d_ to his speech “Colonial -Schemes of Popham and Gorges,” at the Popham celebration, enumerates -the evidences of the intended permanency of Gosnold’s settlement. - -The site of Gosnold’s fort on Cuttyhunk was identified in 1797 (see -Belknap’s _American Biography_), and again in 1817 (_North American -Review_, v. 313) and 1848 (Thornton’s _Cape Anne_, p. 21).—ED.] - -[368] 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. viii. This reprint was made from a -manuscript copy sent from England by Colonel Aspinwall. _Proceedings_, -ii. 116. - -[369] _Purchas his Pilgrimes_, iv. 1651; also in 3 _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, viii. [A French translation of the accounts of Gosnold’s and -Pring’s voyages appeared at Amsterdam, in 1715, in Bernard’s _Receuil -de Voiages au Nord_; and in 1720, in _Relations de la Louisiane, -etc._—Sabin’s _Dictionary_, ii. p. 102.—ED.] - -[370] [This _Versameling_ was issued in 1706-7 at Leyden in two forms, -octavo and folio, from the same type, the octavo edition giving the -voyages chronologically, the folio, by nations. It was reissued with -a new title in 1727. Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1887; and -1877, no. 1. Sabin, _Dictionary_, i. 3.—ED.] - -[371] This subject was first brought to the attention of students by -a paper on “Gosnold and Pring,” read before the New England Historic -Genealogical Society [by B. F. De Costa], portions of which were -printed in the Society’s _Register_, 1878, p. 76. This shows the -connection between the voyage of Gosnold and the letter of Verrazano. -See also, “Cabo de Baxos, or the place of Cape Cod in the old -Cartology,” in the _Register_, January, 1881 [by Dr. De Costa], and -the reprint, revised. New York: T. Whittaker, 1881. Also Belknap’s -_American Biography_, ii. 123. - -[372] “_New England_ was originally a Part of that Tract Stiled -_North-Virginia_, extending from _Norimbegua_ (as the old Geographers -called all the continent beyond South-Virginia) to Florida, and -including also _New York_, _Jersey_, Pensylvania, Maryland, Virginia, -_and Carolina_. Though Sir _Walter Raleigh’s_ Adventures and Sir -_Francis Drake’s_ were ashore in this Country, yet we find nothing -very material or satisfactory either as to its Discovery or its Trade, -till the Voyage made hither in 1602 by Captain _Gosnold_, who, having -had some Notion of the Country from Sir _Francis Drake_, was the first -Navigator who made any considerable Stay here, where he made a small -Settlement, built a fort, and raised a Platform for six Guns.”—Bowen’s -_Complete System of Geography_, London, 1747, ii. 666. [There is a -long note on the landfall of Gosnold on the Maine coast, in Poor’s -_Vindication of Gorges_, p. 30.—ED.] - -[373] The relation of Pring’s voyage is derived from Purchas, iv. 1654 -and v. 829, where it is attributed to Pring himself. [It should be -noted that the identifying of Whitson Harbor with the modern Plymouth -was first brought forward by Dr. De Costa in the _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, January, 1878. It has generally been held that Pring -doubled Cape Cod, and reached what is now Edgartown Harbor in Martha’s -Vineyard, or some roadstead in that region. Such is the opinion of -Bancroft, i., cent. ed., 90; Palfrey, i. 78; Barry, i. 12; and Bryant -and Gay, i. 266—all these following the lead of Belknap.—ED.] - -[374] _Voyages and Travels_, London, 1742, ii. 222. See on Raleigh’s -Patent, Palfrey’s _New England_, i. 81, _note_. [Also chapter iv. of -the present volume.—ED.] - -[375] _Divers voyages touching the discouerie of America and the -Islands adiacent vnto the same, made first of all by our Englishmen, -and afterwards by the Frenchmen and Britons, etc., etc. Imprinted at -London for Thomas Woodcocke, dwelling in paules Church-Yard, at the -signe of the blacke beare_, 1582. [See further in the note following -this chapter.—ED.] - -[376] _The Principall Navigations, Voiages, and Discoveries of the -English Nation, made by Sea or over Land, to the most remote and -fartherest distant quarters of the Earth, etc. Imprinted at London -by George Bishop and Ralph Newberie, Deputies to Christopher Barker, -Printer to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie_, 1589. See further in -the note following this chapter.—ED. - -[377] _Virginia richly valued, By the description of the maine land of -Florida, her next neighbor, etc., etc._ London, 1609. - -[378] [See Editorial note, B, at the end of this chapter, and the -chapter on “The Cabots.”—ED.] - -[379] Hakluyt of Yatton. See _Divers Voyages_, ed. 1850, p. v. _note_. - -[380] _American Biography_, ii. 135. - -[381] Mr. McKeene in the _Maine Hist. Coll._, v. 307; _Hist. Mag._, i. -112. - -[382] _Maine Hist. Coll._, vi. 291. - -[383] _Memorial Volume_, published by the Maine Historical Society, -p. 301. Other writers have treated the subject, or touched upon it in -passing, and some from time to time have changed ground,—one blunder -leading to another. - -[Belknap had employed a well-known Massachusetts navigator, Captain -John Foster Williams, to track the coast with an abstract of Rosier’s -journal in hand. His theory, even of late years, has had some -supporters like William Willis, in _Maine Hist. Coll._, v. 346. R. K. -Sewall in his _Ancient Dominions of Maine_, 1859, and _Hist. Mag._, i. -188, follow McKeene; as does Dr. De Costa himself in the Introduction -to his _Voyage to Sagadahoc_, and General Chamberlain in his _Maine, -her place in History_. George Prince was the first to advocate the -George’s River, and his views were furthered by David Cushman in the -same volume of the _Maine Hist. Coll._ Prince, in 1860, reprinted -Rosier’s _Narrative_, still presenting his view in notes to it. - -This essay by Prince incited Cyrus Eaton, a local historian (whose -story has been told touchingly by John L. Sibley in the _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xiii. 438), to the writing of his _History of Thomaston, -Rockland, and South Thomaston_, which he published at the age of -eighty-one years, having prepared it under the disadvantage of total -blindness. In this (ch. ii.) the theory of George’s River is sustained, -as also in Johnson’s _Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid_, and in Bancroft. -See p. 218. - -More recent explorations to ascertain Waymouth’s anchorage are -chronicled in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Aug. 23, 1879, and June -11, 1881.—ED.] - -[384] The writer has two sketches of the mountains as seen from -Monhegan; yet the _Maine Hist. Coll._, vi. 295, inform the reader that -“the White Mountains with an elevation above the level of the sea -of 6,600 feet, being distant 110 miles, could not on account of the -curvature of the earth be seen from the deck of the “Archangel,” even -with a naked eye.” - -[385] 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 122. - -[386] _The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia; expressing the -cosmographie and comodities of the country, togither with the manners -and customes of the people, gathered and observed as well by those who -went first thither, as collected by William Strachey, Gent._ Edited by -R. H. Major for the Hakluyt Society, London, 1849. p. 159. - -[387] _Œuvres_, iii. 74. “Il nous dit qu’il y auoit un vaisseau à dix -lieues du port, qui faisoit pesche de poisson, & que ceux de dedans -auoient tué cinq sauuages d’icelle riuiere, soubs ombre amitié: & -selon la façon qu’il nous despeignoit les gens du vaisseau, nous les -lugeasmes estre Anglois, & nommasmes l’isle où ils estoient la nef: -pour ce que de loing elle en auoit le semblance.” - -[388] _A True Relation of the most prosperous voyage made this present -yeare, 1605, by Captaine George Waymouth, in the Discouery of the Land -of Virginia: where he discouered 60 miles of a most excellent River; -together with a most fertile land. Written by Iames Rosier, a Gentleman -employed in the voyage. Londini, Impensis Geor. Bishop, 1605._ [The -copy of this tract in the Brinley sale, no. 280, was bought by Mr. C. -H. Kalbfleisch, of New York, for $800. There are other copies in the -New York Historical Society’s Library and in the private collection of -Mr. S. L. M. Barlow.—ED.] - -[389] Purchas, iv. 1659. - -[390] 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 125. Mr. Sparks procured a -transcript of the Grenville copy, and this was used by the printer in -this reprint. - -[391] _Pilgrimage_, London, 1614, p. 756. - -[392] _A Brief Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New -England_, London, 1622, pp. 2-4. - -[393] _Generall Historie of New England_, London, 1624, pp. 203-4. - -[394] Sir Ferdinando Gorges’ _Briefe Narration of the Originall -Undertakings of the advancement of plantations into the parts of -America, especially showing the beginning, progress, and continuance -of that of New England_, London, 1658, pp. 8-10. When first published, -Sir Ferdinando had been dead some years, and his grandson, Ferdinando -Gorges, Esq., included it in a general work, _America Painted to the -Life_, etc. - -[395] Fourth Series, i. 219. - -[396] _Maine Hist. Coll._, iii. 286, with an introduction by W. S. -Bartlet. - -[397] _A Relation of a Voyage to Sagadahoc, now first printed from -the original manuscript in the Lambeth Palace Library_, edited with -preface, notes, and appendix, by the Rev. B. F. De Costa. Cambridge, -John Wilson & Son, University Press, 1880. [The Preface reviews the -story of the settlement; and the Appendix reprints the extracts from -Gorges, Smith, Purchas, and Alexander, from which, previous to the -publication of Strachey’s account, all knowledge of the colony was -derived.—ED.] - -[398] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. (1880-1881) 82, 117. - -[399] Smith’s _Generall Historie_, p. 203. - -[400] [The literary history of this controversy is traced more minutely -in the Editorial note C, at the end of this chapter.—ED.] - -[401] [The Gorges papers, which might prove so valuable, have not -been discovered. Dr. Woods examined some called such, in Sir Thomas -Phillipps’s collection, but they proved unimportant. Hakluyt, _Westerne -Planting_, Introduction, p. xx. The grant from James I. to Gorges, -April 10, 1606, covering the coast from 34° to 45° north latitude, and -which was afterwards the cause of not a little controversy with the -Massachusetts colonists, is given in Hazard’s _Historical Collections_, -i. 442, and in Poor’s _Vindication of Gorges_, p. 110.—ED.] - -[402] See _Nova Britannia_, London, 1609, p. 1, no. vi., p. 11, in -_Force’s Tracts_, vol. i. - -[403] It should also be observed that Captain John Mason says: “Certain -Hollanders began a trade, about 1621, upon the coast of New England, -between Cape Cod and Delaware Bay, in 40° north latitude, granted to -Sir Walter Raleigh in 1584, and afterwards confirmed and divided by -agreement by King James, in 1606. The plantations in Virginia have been -settled about forty years; in New England about twenty-five years. The -Hollanders came as interlopers between the two, and have published a -map of the coast between Virginia and Cape Cod, with the title of “New -Netherlands.” _Calendar of State-papers_ (Colonial), 1574, p. 166, by -Sainsbury, London, 1860, p. 143, under April 2 (1632?). Mason is in -error respecting the beginning of the Dutch trade, which was in 1598. - -[404] For studies and speculations concerning Sabino, Monhegan, -Penobscot, and other names found in Maine, see Dr. Ballard in the -_Report of the United States Coast Survey_, 1848, p. 243. Also -Williamson’s _History of Maine_, i. 61, and the Rev. Dr. Henry Martyn -Dexter’s edition of _Mourt’s Relation_, p. 83. [See Dr. Ballard on the -location of Sasanoa’s River in _Hist. Mag._, xiii. 164.—ED.] - -[405] Published by the Hakluyt Society in their volume edited by Asher, -and entitled _Henry Hudson the Navigator_, London, 1860, p. 45. See -also Read’s _Historical Inquiry concerning Henry Hudson_, etc., 1866, -with the _Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson, prepared for his use in -1608, from the Old Danish of Ivar Bardsen, with an introduction and -notes; also a dissertation on the Discovery of the Hudson River_, by B. -F. De Costa, Albany, Joel Munsell, 1869. Also, Petitot’s _Memoires_, -vol. xx. 141, 232, 421. [See further in ch. x. of the present -volume.—ED.] - -[406] Purchas, iv. 1758 and 1664. - -[407] Purchas, iv. 1827. - -[408] _Brief Narration_, c. xiv. See also Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, xiii. -206. - -[409] See Biard’s Letter in Carayon’s _Première Mission_, p. 62. - -[410] _Relations des Jésuites_, Quebec, 1858, 3 vols., vol. i. p. 44. - -[411] _Colonial State Papers_, 1574, vol. i. articles 18 and 25, 1613. - -[412] For authorities see Champlain’s _Œuvres_, iii. 17; also, -Lescarbot’s _Nouvelle France_, ed. 1618, lib. iv. c. 13. A translation -of the narrative of Father Biard is given in _Scenes in the Isle of -Mount Desert_, by B. F. De Costa, New York, 1869. [Further accounts of -these proceedings will be given in Vol. IV. of the present history.—ED.] - -[413] See _A Description of New England: or The Observations and -Discoueries of Captain Iohn Smith (Admirall of that Country), in the -North of America, in the year of our Lord 1614: with the successe of -sixe Ships that went out the next yeare, 1615, and the accidents befell -him among the French men of Warre: with the proofe of the present -benefit this countrey affoords, whither this present yeare, 1616, eight -voluntary ships are gone to make further Tryall. At London printed by -Humfrey Lownes for Robert Clerke; and are to be sould at his house -called the Lodge, in Chancery lane, ouer against Lincolnes Inne, 1616._ -Also _The Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer -Isles ... from their first beginning An^o. 1584, to the present, 1626_. -London, 1632. [See note D, at the end of this chapter.—ED.] - -[414] _Brief Narration_, in _Maine Hist. Coll._, ii. 27, and Dexter’s -_Mourt’s Relation_, p. 86. - -[415] _Generall Historie._ - -[416] Bradford’s _Plimouth Plantation_ in 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. -95. _Mourt’s Relation_ says that Hunt took seven Indians from Cape -Cod. Dexter’s _Mourt’s Relation_, p. 86. Dermer says that Squanto was -captured in Maine. - -[417] See the Hakluyt Society’s publication, edited by Markham, _The -Hawkins Voyages_, 1878. - -[418] See the letter in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1874, p. -248; and the Cotton Manuscripts, British Museum. Also Neill’s -_Colonization_, p. 91. - -[419] Gorges in _Brief Narration_, ch. xiv., and _New England’s -Trials_, p. 11, in Force’s _Tracts_. _Briefe Relation of the President -and Council_, Purchas, iv. 1830; also in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, i. -Prince’s _New England Chronology_, Boston, 1736, p. 64, and Dermer’s -letter in 2 _New York Hist. Coll._, i. 350. - -[420] _Doc. Hist. of New York_, i. [This is a map “Della nuova Belgia -è parte della nuova Anglia,” of which a portion is given in fac-simile -in chapter ix. of the present volume. The editor of the _Doc. Hist._ -gives no clew to its origin, but it can be traced to Carta II., in -Robert Dudley’s _Dell Arcano del Mare_, Firenze, 1647.—ED.] See, on the -tourists in the New World, _Verrazano the Explorer_, p. 65. - -[421] [It may be worth mentioning that the map in the _Libro di -Benedetto Bordone_, 1528, gives “Norbegia” as the form of the name. -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 91. The matter will be further considered -in connection with the French explorers in another volume.—ED.] - -[422] [It is described in the _Catalogue of the MS. Maps, etc., in the -British Museum_, 1844, i. 23; and map no. 17 shows the east coast of -North America from 6° N. to 51° N.; and no. 20, both hemispheres. Malte -Brun describes it in his _Histoire de la Géographie_, Ed. Huot., i. -631.—ED.] - -[423] [See further on this map in the chapter on “The Cabots,” where a -fac-simile is given.—ED.] - -[424] This map embraces the country from Newfoundland to Florida, -showing a part of the Gulf of Mexico. It is found in a collection of -eleven beautifully executed maps, bound in one large volume, preserved -in the British Museum. [Cf. Kohl’s _Maps, Charts, etc., mentioned in -Hakluyt_, 1857, p. 16; and Collinson’s _Frobisher’s Voyages_, published -by the Hakluyt Society.—ED.] See _Verrazano the Explorer_, New York, -1880, p. 56. This map shows the _Euripi_ of Nicholas of Lynn. See -_Inventio Fortunata_. - -[425] _The Private Diary of John Dee_, edited by Halliwell, and -published by the Camden Society, 1842, P. 5. [This diary is written on -the margins of old almanacs, which were discovered in the Ashmolean -Museum. Halliwell calls Disraeli’s account of Dee, in his _Amenities of -Literature_, correct and able. Winsor’s _Halliwelliana_, p. 5.—ED.] - -[426] [It measures 3¾ by 2¼ inches; and is carefully drawn on vellum, -and accompanied by another, sketchily drawn, of the same date. -_Catalogue of MS. Maps, etc., in the British Museum_, 1844, i. 30.—ED.] - -[427] Dee’s _Diary_, p. 16, and Hakluyt, iii. - -[428] [We can only regret that Gilbert’s “cardes and plats that were -drawn with the due gradation of the harbours, bayes, and capes, did -perish with the admirall.” Haies in Hakluyt.—ED.] - -[429] See reproduction in the _Historical and Geographical Notes_ of -Henry Stevens, 1869, and another in chapter i. of the present volume. -[A fac-simile has also been separately issued in London, worth about -thirty shillings. The map, which is a considerable advance on earlier -maps and shows the English tracks down to about 1584, is dedicated to -Hakluyt by F. G. (initials which have so far concealed the true name), -and is so rarely found in copies that its presence more than doubles -the value of the book, which without it may be put at eight guineas. -Fifty years ago a good copy with a genuine map was not worth more than -four guineas,—now twenty guineas. Rich’s _Catalogue_, 1632, No. 68. The -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, No. 370, does not show the map.—ED.] - -[430] _Atlas zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Amerikas_, by Kunstmann and -others, Munich, 1859, Plate xiii. [The original is said, in Markham’s -_Davis’s Voyages_, p. 361, to be preserved in Dudley’s own copy of the -_Arcano del Mare_, at Florence. The large map of 1593 in _Historiarum -Indicarum Libri xvi_. _Maffeii_, also gives place to Norumbega; as does -Wytfliet’s edition of _Ptolemy_, 1597. The _Speculum Orbis-terrarum_ of -Cornelius de Judaeis, published at Antwerp, 1593, has a map, “Americæ -pars borealis, Florida, Baccalaos, Canada, Corterealis.” The German -edition of Acosta, 1598, gives a map of Norumbega and Virginia, making -them continuous. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, nos. 517, 520.—ED.] - -[431] Preserved in the Library of the Middle Temple. A tracing is in -possession of the writer, from which a sketch of a section is given in -note E, following this chapter. - -[432] [See note F, at the end of this chapter.—ED.] - -[433] See _Cabo de Baxos, or the Place of Cape Cod, in the old -Cartology_, by B. F. De Costa, New York, 1881, p. 7. - -[The Editor dissents from the views given in this elaborate tract and -adopted in the text of the present chapter; and thinks that Cape Cod, -and not Sandy Hook, is the conspicuous peninsula which appears on the -early maps. In the general coast-line Cape Cod is a protuberant angle, -while Sandy Hook is in the bight of a bay which forms an entering -angle, and, unlike Cape Cod, is of no significance in relation to the -trend of the continental shore. There is the least difficulty, in the -matter of the bearings of one point from another, with considering -this feature to be Cape Cod; and we must remember that the compass was -the only instrument of tolerable precision which the early navigators -had, and its records are the only ones to be depended upon. It is -accordingly never safe to discard the record of it, unless under strong -convictions as to a misreading of its evidence. The Editor does not -receive such convictions from the moderate variations of latitude, -which often were one or two degrees or even more out of the way in the -old maps; nor from the coast names, which by no means were constant in -position, and were not infrequently sadly confused and made to appear -more than once under translated forms. The process of copying such from -antecedent maps was far more liable to error than the transmission -of the general direction and the sinuosities of the coast line. The -cartographers sometimes scattered names, seemingly for little purpose -but to fill up spaces. Coast names, before settlements were fixed, were -of the utmost delusiveness, except sometimes in the case of isolated -features, not to be confounded.—ED.] - -[434] [See vol. iv. of this present work.—ED.] - -[435] On the variations found in ten different impressions of the -map, see Winsor, in the _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 52 [where a -section of it, with the portrait of Smith, is given in heliotype. A -reduced heliotype of the whole map is given herewith. Hulsius, when he -translated Smith’s book for his voyages, made an excellent reproduction -of the map, which appears in three of his sections. The earliest of the -modern reproductions was that in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. Palfrey -has given it, reduced by photolithography, but not very satisfactorily, -in his _New England_, i. 95. It was re-engraved by Swett in 1865 for -Veazie’s edition of the _Description_, and the plate was subsequently -altered to correspond with later states of the original plate, and in -this condition appears in Jenness’s _Isles of Shoals_. It is reduced -from this re-engraving in Bryant and Gay’s _United States_, i. 518.—ED.] - -[436] In his _Description_, p. 67, Smith says, “At last it pleased Sir -_Ferdinando Gorge_, and Master Doctor _Sutliffe_, Deane of Exceter, to -conceve so well of these proiects and my former imployments, as induced -them to make a new adventure with me in those parts, whither they have -so often sent to their continuall losse.” - -[437] See his _Henry Hudson in Holland_, printed at The Hague, 1859, -pp. 43-66. - -[438] _Beschryvinghe van der Samoyeden Landt in Tartarien_, etc., -Amsterdam, 1612. The language on the map is, “ende by Westen Nova -Albion in mar del sur.” See also _Henry Hudson in Holland_, which shows -how Hudson happened to make his voyage to our coast. - -[439] _Verrazano the Explorer_, 1881, p. 57. Hakluyt, iii. 737. -Endicott, in 1661, called New England “This Patmos;” _Calendar of State -Papers, America and the West Indies_, London, 1880, p. 9. - -[440] _True Travels_, p. 58. - -[441] [It however still kept its place on the maps of De Laet, 1633, -1640, etc.—ED.] - -[442] Bourne (d. 1582) first issued almanacs with _Rules of Navigation_ -in 1567. In 1578 he printed an account of sea devices, making in it -the earliest mention of Humphrey Cole’s invention of the log. Cruden’s -_History of Gravesend_, 1843. - -[443] In Dexter’s _Congregationalism_, pp. 277-78, are citations of -English State Papers relating to this voyage and to journals of it. - -[444] Dexter, _Congregationalism_, p. 314. - -[445] Neal, _History of the Puritans_, iii. 347. - -[446] Preface to _Christian Institutions_. - -[447] Dexter, _Congregationalism_, pp. 395, 397. - -[448] A full and evidently impartial account of this dissension, its -method and its results, though anonymous, was published in London in -1575, under the title of _A Brieff discours off the troubles begonne at -Franckford, in Germany, Anno Domini 1554, Abowte the Booke of common -prayer and Ceremonies, and continued by the Englishe men there to -thende of Q. Maries Raigne, in the which discours the gentle reader -shall see the very originall and beginnenge off all the contention that -hath byn, and what was the cause off the same (no place given)_. This, -with an Introduction, was reprinted in London in 1846, as _A Brief -Discourse of the Troubles begun at Frankfort in the Year 1554, about -the Book of Common Prayer and Ceremonies_. - -[449] _Exhort. ad Castita_, c. 7. - -[450] _Village Communities_, p. 201. - -[451] In Morton’s _New England Memorial_. - -[452] Morton, p. 76. - -[453] New York, 1880. - -[454] The works of John Strype include _Historical Memorials_, six -volumes; _Annals of the Reformation_, seven volumes; and his _Lives_ -of Cranmer, Parker, Whitgift, Grindall, Aylmer, Cheke, and Smith, -published at Oxford, 1812-1828, which should be accompanied by a -_General Index_, by R. T. Lawrence, in two volumes. - -Gilbert Burnet’s _History of the Reformation of the Church of England_ -was originally published in London in three volumes in 1679, 1681, and -1715. There have been various editions since. - -[455] University Press, Cambridge. Cf. _The Zurich Letters._ - -[456] [Cf. the Critical Essay appended to the chapter on the “Pilgrim -Church” in the present volume.—ED.] - -[457] _The Laws of Ecclesiastical Polity_, London, 1594. The seventh -and eighth books did not appear till 1618; and the whole was issued -together in 1622. There have been various editions since. - -[458] _Literature of Europe_, ii. 166. - -[459] _Constitutional History of England._ - -[460] _The History of the Puritans, or Protestant Nonconformists: -from the Reformation in 1517 to the Revolution in 1688. Comprising an -Account of their Principles, their Attempts for a Further Reformation -in the Church, their Sufferings, and the Lives and Characters of their -Most Considerable Divines._ By Daniel Neal, M.A. Cf. Bohn’s edition of -Lowndes, p. 1655. - -[461] _The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the Commonwealth, -considered principally with Reference to the Influence of Church -Organization on the Spread of Christianity._ By Robert Barclay. London, -1876, 4º, 700 pp. - -[462] [See the chapter on “The Founding of Pennsylvania” in the present -volume.—ED.] - -[463] _A History of the Free Churches of England, from A. D. 1688 to A. -D. 1851._ By Herbert S. Skeats. London, 1868. - -[464] See the _Annual Congregational Year-Book_. - -[465] _Bampton Lectures_, p. 68. - -[466] Among the more important volumes of a historical character -prompted by the occasion above referred to, may be mentioned, _English -Puritanism, its Character and History, etc._ (by P. Bayne); _The Early -English Baptists_ (by B. Evans); _Church and State Two Hundred Years -Ago_ (by J. Stoughton); _and English Nonconformity_ (by R. Vaughan). - -[467] _Leaders of the Reformation; English Puritanism and its -Leaders,—Cromwell, Milton, Baxter, Bunyan_; and _Rational Theology and -Christian Philosophy in England in the Seventeenth Century._ These -works were published in 1859, 1861, and 1872, respectively, and there -have been later editions. - -[468] _Dissent in its Relations to the Church of England: Eight -Lectures, on the Bampton Foundation, preached before the University of -Oxford in 1871._ By George Herbert Curteis, M.A., London, 1872. - -[469] _History of Free Churches of England_, p. 14. - -[470] _Constitutional History_, chap. iv. - -[471] _The Church and Puritans: a Short Account of the Puritans; their -Ejection from the Church of England, and the Efforts to restore them._ -By D. Mountfield, M.A., Rector of Newport, Salop. London, 1881. - -[472] _The Organization of the early Christian Churches: Eight Lectures -delivered before the University of Oxford, in the year 1880. Bampton -Lectures._ By Edwin Hatch, M.A. London, 1881. - -[473] _Christian Institutions: Essays on Ecclesiastical Subjects._ By -Dean Stanley, of Westminster. London, 1881. - -[474] [Cf. also chapter ix.—ED.] - -[475] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ xviii. 20. - -[476] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ xii. 98. - -[477] _Calendar of Domestic State Papers_, Aug. 18, 1603. - -[478] _Historical Magazine_, iii. 358. - -[479] _Eighth Report of Royal Commission on Hist. MSS._, pt. 2, p. 45; -Hanbury’s _Memorials_, i. 368. - -[480] In the household of this Countess (widow of the fourteenth -Earl), Thomas Dudley, later one of the founders of Massachusetts, was -steward. The patentee did not go with the emigrants, and is never heard -of again. Another John Whincop was matriculated at Trinity College, -Cambridge, in July, 1618, graduated B.A. in 1622, was a member of the -Westminster Assembly in 1643, and died Rector of Clothall, Herts, May -6, 1653, in his fifty-second year. - -[481] [We only know this compact in the transcript given in _Mourt’s -Relation_, and in the copy which Bradford made of it in his MS. history. - -[Illustration] - -Its last surviving signer was John Alden, who died in Duxbury, Sept. -12, 1686, aged eighty-seven; though that passenger of the “Mayflower” -longest living was Mary, daughter of Isaac Allerton, who became the -wife of Elder Thomas Cushman (son of Robert Cushman), and she died in -1699, aged about ninety.—ED. - -[482] By New Style the 21st; through an unfortunate mistake originating -in the last century (Palfrey’s _History of New England_, i. 171) the -22d has been commonly adopted as the true date. - -[483] _Mourt’s Relation_, p. 21. Mr. S. H. Gay has suggested (_Atlantic -Monthly_, xlviii. 616) that this landing was not at Plymouth, but on -the shore more directly west of Clark’s Island (Duxbury or Kingston), -and that consequently the commemoration of a landing at Plymouth on -that day rests on a false foundation; but the Rev. Henry M. Dexter, -D.D., has conclusively shown (_Congregationalist_, Nov. 9, 1881) that -the soundings must have led the explorers, unless the deep-water -channels have unaccountably changed since then, directly to the -neighborhood of the rock which a chain of trustworthy testimony on the -spot identifies as the first landing-place of any of the “Mayflower” -company within Plymouth Harbor. Tradition divides the honor of being -the first to step on Plymouth Rock between John Alden and Mary Chilton, -but the date of their landing must have been subsequent to December 11. - -[484] [The burials of that first winter were made on what was later -known as Coale’s Hill, identical with the present terrace above the -rock. - -[Illustration] - -It perpetuates the name of one of the early comers.—ED. - -[485] Printed in 1854 in _Mass. Hist. Coll._ vol. xxxii, with -Introduction by Mr. Charles Deane; also separately (one hundred -copies). [The original parchment was discovered, in the early part of -this century, in the Land Office in Boston; and having been used by -Judge Davis when he edited Morton’s _Memorial_, was again lost sight -of till just before it fell to Mr. Deane to edit it. Besides the -autographs of the Duke of Lenox, the Marquis of Hamilton, the Earl of -Warwick, Lord Sheffield, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, it bore one other -signature, of which a remnant only remains. It is now at Plymouth.—ED.] - -[486] Bradford’s _History_, xi.; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, August, -1866, p. 345. - -[487] _Mass. Hist. Coll._, xxviii. 298. - -[488] [The main parts of it were also reprinted in the Congregational -Board’s edition of Morton, in 1855. There is a memoir of Hunter in -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. 300.—ED.] - -[489] Priest, Tinker and Soule, are names found in the records of -parishes near Scrooby (Palfrey’s _History of New England_, i. 160), -and it is not unlikely that Degory Priest, Thomas Tinker, and George -Sowle, of the “Mayflower,” may have come from this region. It is also -said by Mr. W. T. Davis (_Harper’s Magazine_, lxiv. 254, January, 1882, -“Who were the Pilgrims?”), that a William Butten’s baptism is found in -Austerfield, under date of Sept. 12, 1589. But it would be hazardous -to identify this man of thirty-one years with the “William Butten, a -youth, servant to Samuel Fuller,” who died on the “Mayflower’s” voyage -to America. It is also believed that Miles Standish was a scion of the -Standish family of Duxbury Hall, Lancashire. [This view is encouraged, -if not established, by the expressions of Standish’s own will, which -is printed in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, v. 335. The story of -Standish’s career has been more than once reviewed of late years, on -account of the efforts, not yet completed, to erect a tower to his -memory on Captain’s Hill, in Duxbury. Its proposed height is not yet -reached; and when completed, it will bear his effigy on its top. There -were _Proceedings_ printed to commemorate the consecration of the -ground, Aug. 17, 1871, and on laying the corner-stone, in 1872. It is -known that Standish was never of the Pilgrim communion; and “Was Miles -Standish a Romanist?” is discussed in _Mag. of Amer. Hist._, i. 390. -The inventory of his books is given in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -i. 54. Bartlett, _Pilgrim Fathers_, and the illustrated edition of -Longfellow’s _Poems_, 1880, give some views connected with the English -family. On the descendants of the Captain, see _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, 1873, p. 145; Winsor’s _Duxbury_; Savage’s _Dictionary_, etc. - -Of the origin of Carver, their first governor, nothing is known. Cf. N. -B. Shurtleff, in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1850, p. 105; 1863, -p. 62; and 1872, p. 333. The Howlands were long supposed to be his -descendants through the marriage of his daughter to the Pilgrim John -Howland, and the modern inscription on the latter’s monument on the -Burial Hill, at Plymouth, repeats a story seemingly disproved by the -recovery of Bradford’s manuscript history, which states that Howland -married a daughter of another Pilgrim, Edward Tilley. A recent revision -of the story, by W. T. Davis, in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Nov. -25, 1881, rather urging the traditional belief, was met by Charles -Deane, in _Ibid._, Dec. 7, 1881, who showed that John Howland, Jr., was -born in Plymouth, in 1626, and could not have sprung from an earlier -marriage of John, Sr., with Carver’s daughter. The decision turns upon -the identity of “Lieutenant Howland,” as mentioned by Sewall, being met -near Barnstable. It is barely possible that Joseph Howland, and not -John, Jr., was meant; but Joseph did not live at Barnstable, as John, -Jr. did. Cf. _Historical Magazine_, iv. 122, 251; and _New England -Historical and Genealogical Register_, 1860, p. 13, 1880, p. 193.—ED.] - -[490] [Cf. Mr. Deane’s memorandum, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -October, 1870, p. 403.—ED.] - -[491] [This book contains a full exposition of the influence which -the Plymouth Pilgrims exerted upon the New England Congregational -system. Cf. further Dr. Jas. S. Clark’s _Congregational Churches in -Massachusetts_, 1858; the Appendix to the Congregational Board’s -edition of Morton’s _Memorial_; and Dexter’s _Congregationalism_, p. -415.—ED.] - -[492] [Winslow’s tract was reissued unchanged in 1649, as _The Danger -of tolerating Levellers in a Civill State_. There are copies in the -Lenox, Charles Deane, and Carter-Brown libraries. A copy is worth, -perhaps, $100. Winslow’s report of Robinson’s sermon seems to have been -a reminiscence of his own, twenty-five years after the event. It is not -decided when it was delivered. It has usually been held to represent -advanced and liberal views; but Dr. Dexter dissents, and says that -“polity, and not dogma, is the keynote of the still noble farewell.” -See _Congregationalism_, etc., pp. 403, 409; and Palfrey’s _History of -New England_, i. 157. The whole subject of Robinson’s relation to the -Leyden congregation is treated by Dr. Dexter, p. 359; and of his union -with Johnson’s church at Amsterdam, on p. 318, note. The only copies of -the original edition of 1646 known to the Editor are in Dr. Dexter’s -and the Carter-Brown libraries.—ED.] - -[493] [Dr. O. W. Holmes has thrown a little light on contemporary life -in Leyden from _Scaligerana_, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ (June, 1874), -xiii. 315.—ED.] - -[494] See a memoir of Mr. Sumner, by R. C. Waterston, in the _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 189. also, a report of his speech at -Plymouth, in 1859, in the _Hist. Mag._, iii. 332; and in the _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1859, p. 341. - -[495] With the specific title: _John Robinson, Prediker der Leidsche -Brownistengemeente en grondlegster der Kolonie Plymouth_. Leiden, 1846. -[What is known of Robinson’s family and descendants can be learned from -the _New England Historical and Genealogical Register_, 1860, p. 17; -1866, pp. 151, 292. The question of the Rev. John Robinson, of Duxbury, -being a descendant, was set at rest negatively by Dr. Edward Robinson, -in his _Memoir of the Rev. William Robinson_, New York. 1859.—ED.] - -[496] The story of the manuscript and of its transmission to our times -is given by the editor of the present volume, in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, vol. xix.,—a paper also issued separately (75 Copies). - -[497] [They are also given in Steele’s _Chief of the Pilgrims_, p. 316; -in Neill’s _English Colonization_, ch. vi.; in Poor’s _Gorges_; and in -the English calendars, _Colonial_, i. 43.—ED.] - -[498] The Bibliographical Appendix to Dr. H. M. Dexter’s -_Congregationalism as seen in its Literature_, mentions nine of these -imprints, viz., nos. 459, 467, 470, 475, 476, 478, 481, 482, 495. -Three or four others are also known. See the _Brinley Catalogue_, -no. 530. [Brewster’s career has been made the subject of an extended -memoir, _Chief of the Pilgrims_, Philadelphia, 1857, as it is somewhat -unsatisfactorily called. It has merit in tracing the European existence -of the Pilgrim Church, but is unfortunately disfigured (p. 350) in a -minor part by some genealogical fabrications imposed upon the author, -the Rev. Ashbel Steele. (Cf. Savage’s _Genealogical Dictionary, sub_ -“Brewster.”) Dr. Dexter, _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1864, p. 18, -in examining the evidence for his birth, puts it in 1566-67; so that at -his death, in 1644, he was seventy-seven, or possibly seventy-eight. -See Mr. Neill, _Hist. Mag._, xvi. 69, and cf. Mr. Deane, _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xii. 98; also Poole’s _Index_, p. 160. - -The well-known trembling autograph of the Elder (given in fac-simile -on an earlier page) is one of the sights in the Record Office at -Plymouth, where it appears attached to a deed, as recorded,—a practice -not uncommon in the days when the colony was small. This was long -thought to be the only signature known, while it was a cause of some -surprise that no one of the four hundred volumes of his library (given -by title in his inventory,—_Plymouth Wills_, i. 53) had been identified -by bearing his autograph. Three of these books, however, have since -been found,—one a Latin Chrysostom, Basil, 1522, now in the Boston -Athenæum, bears his autograph, with the motto, “Hebel est omnis Adam,” -which is also found, as shown in the fac-simile in Steele’s _Chief of -the Pilgrims_, in another volume, similarly inscribed, now at Yale -College Library. The fact that the Athenæum volume bears evidence, in -another inscription, of having belonged to Thomas Prince, the grandson -of the Elder, and son of the governor of the colony of the same name, -and of his receiving it in July, 1644, while the Elder died in the -preceding April, would seem to indicate that the Pilgrim’s collection -of books was distributed among his relatives. The Rev. Dr. Dexter, -in his _Congregationalism_, gives a fac-simile of an autograph of -Brewster written at an earlier period than the others; and this is -found in a third volume belonging to Dr. Dexter, and numbered 211 in -his _Bibliography_. Hunter, in his _Founders of New Plymouth_, p. 86, -has shown how close a resemblance the autograph of James Brewster, the -master of the hospital near Bawtry, and friend of Archbishop Sandys, -bears to the Elder’s signature.—ED.] - -[499] [Dr. Punchard’s work was unfortunately left incomplete. See -_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1880, p. 325, and _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, xviii. 3. The painstaking student will doubtless compare these -works with Dr. Waddington’s _Hidden Church_ and _Cong. Hist._, in -which, however, Dr. Dexter seems to have little confidence. (Cf. his -_Congregationalism_, pp. 70, 201, 211, 262, 322, and his article in -the _Cong. Quarterly_, 1874.) The _Hidden Church_ was published in -1864, with an Introduction by E. N. Kirk. (Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, 1864, p. 219; and 1881, p. 195.) - -In the archives of the English Church at Amsterdam there is a document, -signed by Ant. Walæus and Festus Hommius, theological professors at -Leyden, dated May 25-26, 1628, testifying to Robinson’s exertions to -remove the schisms between the various Brownist congregations in the -Low Countries, and his resolution, upon discouragement, to remove -“to the West Indies, where he did not doubt to effect this object.” -A photo-lithographic copy of this paper has been issued (Muller’s -_Books on America_, 1877, no. 2,780). The contemporary rejoinders to -Robinson’s arguments can be seen in Samuel Rutherford’s _Due Rights of -Presbyteries_, London, 1644. - -The student will not neglect Hanbury’s _Historical Memorials relating -to the Independents_, London, 1639-44; R. Baillie’s _Anabaptism_, -London, 1647, and Catherine Chidley’s _Justification of the Independent -Churches_ (? 1650). The distinction between the Puritans and the -Pilgrims is maintained in Dr. Waddington’s books; in Dr. I. N. Tarbox’s -papers in the _Congregational Quarterly_, vol. xvii., and in the _Old -Colony Hist. Soc. Papers_, 1878; in an appendix, p. 443, to Punchard, -vol. iii.; in Benjamin Scott’s _Lecture_, London, 1866, reprinted in -the _Hist. Mag._, May, 1867, from which is mostly derived a paper in -_Scribner’s Monthly_, June, 1876. Scott also printed a lecture, “An -Hour with the Pilgrim Fathers and their Precursors,” in 1869. (Cf. -_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1871, p. 301; also, see _Hist. Mag._, -May and November, 1867; October, 1869; _Essex Institute Hist. Coll._, -vol. iv., by A. C. Goodell; besides Baylies, Palfrey, Barry, etc.) Dr. -Dexter, _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvii. 64, has pointed out a curious -instance of tampering with one of Robinson’s books. See further, _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, x. 393, and _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1859, p. -259.—ED.] - -[500] [This charge was first printed by Morton in his _Memorial_, -and the earliest mention of it known is in some papers of the Record -Office, London, printed in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, December, -1868, p. 385. Neill, in his _English Colonization_, p. 103, intimates -that Jones may have purposely guided his vessel to Cape Cod from an -understanding with Pierce and Gorges. Neill identifies the “Mayflower” -captain with Jones of the “Discovery,” a vessel despatched to Virginia. -(Cf. Young’s _Chronicles_, p. 102, and Palfrey’s _New England_, i. -163.) O’Callaghan, _New Netherland_, i. 80, rejects the bribe theory. -The name of Jones is preserved in Jones River, shown on the map of -Plymouth Bay on a previous page.—ED.] - -[501] [Our chief accounts of Bradford, other than from his own -writings, are derived from Mather’s _Magnalia_, and from Hunter’s -_Founders of New Plymouth_. Belknap, in his _American Biography_, gives -a judicious summary of what was then known, and there is a brief one in -Cheever. Besides what may be found in the general histories, the reader -can find other accounts in Tyler’s _American Literature_, i. 116; by -J. B. Moore in _Amer. Quart. Reg._ xiv. 155, and in his _Governors of -New Plymouth_, etc.; by W. F. Rae in _Good Words_, xxi. 337; in the -_Congregational Monthly_, ix. 337, 393. His will is in the _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, 1851, p. 385; and an account of his Bible in same, -1865, p. 12. For accounts of his descendants, see genealogy by G. M. -Fessenden in _Register_, 1850, pp. 39, 233; also, 1855, pp. 127, 218; -1860, pp. 174, 195. Cf. also Durrie’s _Index to American Genealogies_, -and Savage’s _Genealogical Dictionary_. - -Bradford’s views on the Separatist movement, and on church government, -are given in several “Dialogues between Old Men and Young Men;” one -of which, written in 1648, and copied in the Records by Morton, is -given by Dr. Young in his _Chronicles_, and another, probably written -in 1652, was printed with comments by Charles Deane in the _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, October, 1870, vol. ix. p. 396. See also the -Congregational Board’s edition of Morton’s _Memorial_. A letter of -Bradford to Governor Winthrop on the early relations of the Plymouth -Colony with the Bay, dated Feb. 6, 1631-32, is now in the possession -of Judge Chamberlain, of the Boston Public Library; and, with its -signatures of Bradford and his associates, it is the most precious -autograph document of the Pilgrims in private hands. It is printed in -_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, ii. 240, annotated by Charles Deane. -Some verses by Bradford, illustrating in a slender way the colony’s -early history, were referred to in his will, and were printed as a -fragment in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. 77, by Dr. Belknap. The original -manuscript came with Belknap’s papers to the Society,—_Proceedings_, -iii. 317. Other verses of a similar character were printed in 3 -_Collections_, vii. 27; still others are edited by Mr. Deane in -_Proceedings_, xi. 465.—ED.] - -[502] [Smith gave an abstract of Mourt in his _Generall Historie_; then -Purchas, vol. iv., condensed it; and this condensation was reprinted, -with notes, in 1802, by Dr. Freeman in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 203; -but in 1819 Dr. Freeman and Judge Davis procured from a copy in the -Philadelphia Library the parts omitted by Purchas in _Ibid._, xix. -26. (Cf. _Proceedings_, i. 279.) Dr. Young first printed it entire in -his _Chronicles_. Dr. Cheever, in 1848, gave it with disorderly and -homiletical editing in his _Journal of the Pilgrims_. Dr. Dexter used -Charles Deane’s copy. There are other copies in the Carter-Brown and S. -L. M. Barlow libraries. (Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 1,909; _Menzies -Catalogue_, no. 1,447; _Crowninshield Catalogue_, no. 742; and _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1849, p. 282, and 1866, p. 281.) Rich, in -his 1832 _Catalogue_, 164 and 171, priced a copy at £2 2_s._, and in -his 1844 _Catalogue_ at £1 8_s._; Quaritch recently held one at £36. -Doctors Young and Dexter agree that “G. Mourt” must represent George -Morton. A previous note has given Dr. Dexter as the best authority for -tracing the localities named in this journal. See, also, Freeman’s -_Cape Cod_ and De Costa’s _Footprints of Miles Standish_. - -Mourt makes no record of the landing from the “Mayflower” being upon a -_rock_, nor does he indicate the precise spot, or fix a commemorative -day. In an earlier note mention has been made of a recent controversy -on these points. Mr. Gay found an earlier opponent than Dr. Dexter in -Mr. William T. Davis, _Boston Daily Advertiser_, Nov. 17, 1881, to -which Mr. Gay replied, Nov. 30, 1881; and again Mr. Davis rejoined, -Dec. 3, 1881. As to the mistake of celebrating the 22d instead of the -21st December, which arose from the Committee of the Old Colony Club -adding for the change of style one day too many, a Committee of the -Pilgrim Society in 1850 recommended a change in the commemoration day; -but though for a few years followed, it has not effected a permanent -compliance, and by a recent vote of the Society the 22d has been -re-established. The 1850 Report was printed. (Cf. _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, iv. 350, 369) Mr. Gay, in the _Popular History of the -United States_, i. 393, takes another view of the mistake. It was in -1769 that the Plymouth people determined to institute a celebration, -and fixed upon the day, December 11, Old Style, when the exploring -party from the “Mayflower,” then in Provincetown harbor, first landed -on the mainland and explored it. - -Attempts have been made to trace the earlier and later career of -the “Mayflower.” Mr. Hunter, in an appendix to his _Founders of New -Plymouth_, p. 186, has shown how common the name was. She is thought to -have been identical with one of Winthrop’s fleet ten years later; but -the slaver “Mayflower,” with which she has been sometimes identified, -was a larger vessel. Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1871, p. 91, -and 1874, p. 50; _Calendar of State Papers_, Domestic Series, April 12, -1588. - -Of Samoset, the Indian whom the colonists first encountered after -landing, there are accounts in Dexter’s edition of Mourt’s _Relation_; -Sewall’s _Ancient Dominion of Maine_, p. 101; _Popham Memorial_, by -Professor Johnson, p. 297; Thornton’s _Pemaquid_, p. 54; and in _Maine -Hist. Coll._, v. 186. - -Mourt’s _Relation_ and Winslow’s _Good News_ give the earliest -accounts of the Indians in the Pilgrims’ neighborhood, who had been -nearly exterminated by a recent plague. (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -v. 130.) Of Massasoit and his family,—this chief being the nearest -sachem,—Fessenden’s _History of Warren, R. I._, gives an account. -See also E. W. Peirce’s _Indian History, Biography, and Genealogy -pertaining to the good Sachem Massasoit and his descendants_, North -Abington, 1878. Drake, in his _Book of the Indians_, book ii. chap. -ii., and in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1858, p. 1, examines -the colonists’ relations with the Indians. See _Congregational -Quarterly_, i. 129, for a paper, “Did the Pilgrims wrong the Indians?” -Their efforts to Christianize them are examined in the Appendix to the -Congregational Board’s edition of Morton’s _Memorial_. - -It was at Plymouth (1631-1633) that Roger Williams drew up his treatise -attacking the validity of the titles acquired under the patents -granted by the king, in accordance with the common-law principle -as understood at the time. Acceptance of his views as to the sole -validity of the Indian title would have disturbed the foundations of -the colony’s government; and it was not without satisfaction that the -authorities saw Williams return to the Bay, where his factious and -impracticable views on civil policy, quite as much or even more than -any views on theology, led to his subsequent banishment. The later -history of Williams was Massachusetts’ best vindication. Charles Deane -has thoroughly examined his position as regards the patent, with an -amplitude of references, in the Mass_. Hist. Soc. Proc._, February, -1873.—ED.] - -[503] [The bibliography of this famous discourse is traced in the -_N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg_, April, 1861, p. 169; and in the -_Hist. Mag._, ii. 344; iv. 57; v. 89. Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, v. -156. Dr. Dexter notes three copies,—his own, the Bodleian’s, and -Charles Deane’s. The sermon has been several times reprinted; is -given in part by Dr. Young; also in the _Cushman Genealogy_, and was -photo-lithographed (60 copies), in 1870, from Dr. Dexter’s copy, then -in Mr. Wiggin’s hands, with a historical and bibliographical preface -by Charles Deane. Dexter, _Congregationalism_, App., p. 30, gives the -reprints.—ED.] - -[504] [It was printed in London in 1624. There are copies in Charles -Deane’s and the Carter-Brown collections. Rich (1844), £1 8_s._ -Purchas, vol. iv., abridged it; and his abridgment was printed in -_Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 239, with omissions supplied in xix. 74; -cf. also _Proceedings_, i. 279. Young first printed it entire in his -_Chronicles_, from a copy formerly in Harvard College Library; it is -also in the Appendix of the Congregational Board’s edition of Morton’s -_Memorial_.—ED.] - -[505] [See a memoir of Judge Davis by Convers Francis, in 3 _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, x. 186.—ED.] - -[506] [The second edition, Boston, 1721, had a supplement by Josiah -Cotton, with changes of title, indicating perhaps successive -impressions. The third edition appeared in 1772, at Newport. In 1826 an -edition appeared at Plymouth, followed the same year by Judge Davis’s -at Boston. The last edition was issued by the Congregational Board in -1855, with notes and appendix of Bradford’s account of the church from -the Colony records, and Winslow’s visit to Massasoit, from his _Good -Newes_. The Harvard College copy of the 1669 edition has autographs -of “W. Stoughton” and “John Danforth.” The Prince Library copy is -imperfect, restored in manuscript, and has Prince’s notes. There were -different imprints to the 1721 edition, the Harvard copy reading, -“Reprinted for Daniel Henchman;” Charles Deane’s copy has “Reprinted -for Nicholas Boone;” otherwise the two seem to be alike. See _Brinley -Catalogue_, nos. 329, 330; Dexter’s _Congregationalism_, App. p. 94; -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi. 427; Tyler’s _American Literature_, i. -126.—ED.] - -[507] [Certain of the letters, being the correspondence between the -Plymouth and New Netherland Colonies in 1627, are reprinted in the _New -York Hist. Coll._, 2d series, vol. i. See an account of the MS. in -Cheever’s _Journal of the Pilgrims_, chap. xxiii.—ED.] - -[508] [_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 246, 279. S. G. Drake added a fifth -part and an index to Baylies’, when he reissued the remainder-sheets of -the original work, giving an account of the 1628 Kennebec patent, with -an old map of that region. See, also, for the Pilgrims’ experiences on -the Kennebec, R. H. Gardiner’s paper in the _Maine Hist. Coll._ ii., -and the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1855, p. 80, and 1871, pp. 201, -274; for their Penobscot experiences, J. E. Godfrey’s paper in _Maine -Hist. Coll._ vii. 29.—Ed.] - -[509] [An “Old Colony Historical Society,” whose seat is at Taunton, -began to publish papers of a Collection in 1878. The local aspect of -the colony’s history is traced in various town and parish histories, to -which clews will be found in F. B. Perkins’s _Check List of American -Local History_, Colburn’s _Massachusetts Bibliography_, and in the -historical sketch prefixed to the _Plymouth County Atlas_, Boston, 1879. - -These local histories usually contain more or less genealogical -information about the descendants of the “first comers,” as those -who came in the first three vessels (“Mayflower,” 180 tons, in 1620; -“Fortune,” 55 tons, in 1621; “Ann,” 140 tons, and “Little James,” 44 -tons, 1623) are distinctively called; and various family histories -have also traced the spread of Pilgrim blood throughout the American -States. Savage’s _Geneal. Dict. of N. E._, and the bibliographies of -American genealogies by Whitmore and Durrie, will indicate these. Dr. -N. B. Shurtleff published the long-accepted list of the “Mayflower” -passengers in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, i. 47 (also -separately privately printed); but several errors were corrected on the -recovery of the Bradford manuscript, and the true list is printed in -that _History_.—ED.] - -[510] [A memoir of Dr. Young by Chandler Robbins will be found in 4 -_Mass. Hist. Coll._, ii. 241.—ED.] - -[511] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1863, p. 366. - -[512] [A Dutch translation of this, published in 1859, may indicate the -interest still felt in the story in the land of their exile.—ED.] - -[513] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiii. 390. - -[514] See _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, i. 114. - -[515] See _Ibid._, iv. 367. - -[516] [It was remodelled in 1880, when a fragment of the rock, which -was taken from the larger portion in 1774, and after having been kept -before the Court House till 1834, when it was placed before this hall, -was taken back to its original site beneath the present monumental -canopy.—ED.] - -[517] The family tradition fixes the painting of it in 1651, and -Vandyke, to whom it has been assigned, died in 1541. See the _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, xv. 324, for a notice of an alleged portrait of -Miles Standish; also _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 65. - -[518] [See Dr. Waddington’s description of a picture in one of the -compartments of the Lords’ corridor at Westminster, representing -with some misconception the same scene. _Historical Magazine_, i. -149. Sargent’s picture of the landing at Plymouth, well known from -engravings, is in Pilgrim Hall. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, iv. -193.—ED.] - -[519] [This monument, after a design by Hammatt Billings, was -originally intended to be one hundred and fifty feet high; but it -was reduced nearly one-half, as the necessary subscriptions failed. -It bears a colossal figure of Faith, and four other typical figures -surrounding the base, not all of which are yet in place. _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, 1857, p. 283.—ED.] - -[520] [This well-known production is for the historical student much -disfigured by abundant anachronisms, which, as it happens, do not -conduce to the effect of the poem. _Crayon_, v. 356; _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._, April, 1882.—ED.] - -[521] [A collection of the minor commemorative poems, edited by -Zilpha H. Spooner, was published as _Poems of the Pilgrims_, Boston, -1882, with photographs of associated localities. Cf. _Boston Daily -Advertiser_, April 22, 1881.—ED.] - -[522] The stories of these two colonies are told respectively in -chapters v. and vi. - -[523] The records of the Council for New England frequently refer to -the subject of the renewal of their patent. Under the date of Aug. -6, 1622, we read: “Forasmuch as it has been ordered by the Lords of -his Majesty’s Privy Council that the Patent for New England shall be -renewed, as well for the amendment of some things therein contained as -for the necessary supply of what is found defective,” etc. Then follow -some minutes of additional changes desired by the patentees themselves. - -[524] [See Vol. IV. chap. iv.—ED.] - -[525] “Mr. Glanvyle moveth to speed the bill of fishing upon the coast -of America, the rather because Sir Ferdinand Gorge hath executed -a patent since the recess. Hath, by letters from the Lords of the -Council, stayed the ships ready to go forth. - -“Mr. Neale _accordant_, that Sir Ferdinando hath besides threatened to -send out ships to beat off from their free fishing, and restraineth the -ships, _ut supra_. - -“Sir Edward Coke, that the patent may be brought in; and Sir T. -Wentworth, that the party may be sent for. - -“Ordered, the patent shall be brought in to the Committee for -Grievances upon Friday next, and Sir Jo. Bowcer [Bourchier, one of -the patentees] and Sir Ferdinando his son, to be sent for, to be then -there, if he be in town, Sir Ferdinando himself being captain of -Portsmouth” (Plymouth). - -On the 24th, “Neale moveth again concerning ... restraint of fishing -upon the coasts of ... it may be brought in at the next ... for -grievances and the Com.... - -“Ordered, the patent, or in the default thereof [a copy?], shall be -considered of by the said com[mittee] in the afternoon. Sir Jo. Barr -[Bowcer?...] attend the said committee at that time.”—_Journal of the -House of Commons._ - -[526] See chapter viii. - -[527] Two parts of the territory were to be divided among the -patentees, and one third was to be reserved for public uses; but the -entire territory was to be formed into counties, baronies, hundreds, -etc. From every county and barony deputies were to be chosen to -consult upon the laws to be framed, and to reform any notable abuses; -yet these are not to be assembled but by order of the President and -Council of New England, who are to give life to the laws so to be made, -as those to whom it of right belongs. The counties and baronies were -to be governed by the chief and the officers under him, with a power -of high and low justice,—subject to an appeal, in some cases, to the -supreme courts. The lords of counties might also divide their counties -into manors and lordships, with courts for determining petty matters. -When great cities had grown up, they were to be made bodies politic -to govern their own private affairs, with a right of representation -by deputies or burgesses. The management of the whole affair was to -be committed to a general governor, to be assisted by the advice and -counsel of so many of the patentees as should be there resident, -together with the officers of State. There was to be a marshal for -matters of arms; an admiral for maritime business, civil and criminal; -and a master of ordnance for munition, etc. (Cf. the Council’s “Briefe -Relation,” in 2 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. 21-25; S. F. Haven’s Lecture -before the Massachusetts Historical Society, Jan. 15, 1869, on _The -History of the Grants_, etc., pp. 18, 19.) - -[528] Tradition has preserved the name of “Winter Harbor” there, and -this name appears on a map of the New England coast, which is one of -the collection known as Dudley’s _Arcano del Mare_, issued at Florence -in 1646, and of which a reduced fac-simile is given herewith. Dudley -was an expatriated Englishman, of the Earl of Leicester, and had a -romantic story, which has been told by Mr. Hale in the _Amer. Antiq. -Soc. Proc._, 1873. Dudley’s first wife had been a sister of Cavendish, -and he is otherwise connected with American exploration; but there is -no evidence that he had much other material for this map than Smith and -the Dutch. [Dudley and his cartographical labors are also brought under -notice in chap. ii. of the present volume, and in chap. ix. of Vol. -IV.—ED.] - -[529] Of thirty-six meetings recorded to have been held between May -31, 1622, and June 28, 1623, Sir F. Gorges was present at thirty-five -meetings; Sir Samuel Argall, thirty-three; Goche, treasurer, -twenty-two. The average attendance at a meeting was but four. One half -the patentees originally named in the grant never attended a meeting. - -[530] The record says that there was presented to the King “a plot of -all the coasts and lands of New England, divided into twenty parts, -each part containing two shares, and twenty lots containing the said -double shares, made up in little bales of wax, and the names of twenty -patentees by whom these lots were to be drawn.” The King drew for three -absent members, including Buckingham, who had gone to Spain. There were -eleven members present, who drew for themselves. Nine other lots were -drawn for absent members. - -[531] Yet it should be mentioned here that the grant to the Marquis, -afterward Duke, of Hamilton of land between the Connecticut River and -Narragansett, which lay dormant during his life, was claimed by his -heirs at the Restoration, and at a later period, but was not allowed. -The grant to the Earl of Sterling, between St. Croix and Sagadahoc, was -in 1663 sold by his heir to Lord Clarendon, and a charter for it was -granted next year to the Duke of York. - -[532] Palfrey’s _History of New England_, ii. 51-56. - -[533] Ibid. pp 57, 403-405; _Transactions of the American Antiquarian -Society_, iii. 281-300. - -[534] [See chap. x. of the present volume, and chap. x. of Vol. IV.—ED.] - -[535] See chapter x. - -[536] Hilton’s Point (Dover) about the year 1640 was called North-ham, -in compliment to Thomas Larkham, who in that year arrived there from -North-ham in England. Wiggin was governor here five years, George -Burdett two, John Underhill three, and Thomas Roberts one. - -[537] It is by virtue of this agreement that the lands are still held. - -[538] [The so-called Endicott Rock, with its inscription dated 1652, -fixed the northern limits of New Hampshire at the headwaters of the -Merrimac River, and as part of Massachusetts. Cf. _Granite Monthly_, v. -224; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, i. 311; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -xviii. 400; _New Hampshire Historical Collections_, iv. 194.—ED.] - -[539] Bacon, quoted by Palfrey, i. 535, 536. - -[540] [What purported to be a portrait of Haynes appeared in C. W. -Elliott’s _History of New England_; but it was later proved to be a -likeness of Fitz John Winthrop, and the plate was withdrawn. Cf. _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 213.—ED.] - -[541] At last, in 1696, what was termed “owning the covenant” was -first introduced into the church at Hartford. Under the influence of -the synod held in Boston in 1662 of Massachusetts churches alone, -the “Half-Way Covenant” had been adopted in that colony. A want of a -closer union among the churches was a growing feeling in the colony -of Connecticut not provided for by the Cambridge Platform; and the -Saybrook Platform, the result of a Connecticut synod held in 1708, -was an attempt to provide for this want. This ecclesiastical document -was printed in New London in 1710, in a small, thin volume called a -_Confession of Faith_, etc.; and is the first book, says Isaiah Thomas, -printed in Connecticut. Trumbull, i. 471, 482. - -[542] Palfrey’s _History of New England_, vol. iii. p. 238. - -[543] See Belknap, _History of New Hampshire_, i. 5. It was also -printed by Dr. Benj. Trumbull, _History of Connecticut_, vol. i. 1818, -App., from a copy furnished by Chalmers, under the impression that it -had been “never before published in America,” and has since appeared in -Brigham’s _Charter and Laws of New Plymouth_, pp. 1-18, Baylies’ _New -Plymouth_, i. 160, and in the _Popham Memorial_, pp. 110-118. - -[544] _Sabin’s Dictionary_, no. 52,619,—very rare. - -[545] [Dr. Haven also contributed to the _Memorial History of Boston_, -i. 87, a chapter on the subject of these early patents and grants. He -closed a valuable life Sept. 5, 1881. Cf. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -October, 1881, and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 4, 63.—ED.] - -[546] See _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, for October, 1868, pp. 34, 35; -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, May 1876, p. 364. - -[547] See _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._ for October, 1875, pp. 49-63. -Most of the grants of the Council are extant, either in the original -parchments or in copies; and many of them have been printed. Some -enterprising scholar will probably one day bring them all together in -one volume, with proper annotations. It would be a convenient manual of -reference. - -[548] The rare list of these names in duplicate inserted in some copies -of Smith’s tract may be seen in his _Generall Historie_, p. 206. [The -map itself, with some account of it and of Smith, may be found in -chapter vi. of the present volume.—ED.] - -[549] [See a previous page.—ED.] - -[550] See Hutchinson’s _History of Massachusetts_, i. 9; Belknap’s _New -Hampshire_, App. xv. - -[551] Bradford, _Plymouth Plantation_, pp. 89, 90; Brigham, _Charter -and Laws of New Plymouth_, pp. 36, 49, 50, 241; 1 _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, iii. 56-64. For the discussion of questions of European and -Aboriginal right to the soil, see Sullivan, _History of Land Titles -in Mass._, Boston, 1801, and John Buckley’s “Inquiry, etc.,” 1 _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, iv. 159. - -[552] But cf. _Magazine of American History_, 1883, p. 141; and Davis’s -_Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth_, p. 61. I should add here that it has -been recently suggested to me as a possible alternative, that this seal -is that of the Council for the Northern Colony of Virginia. - -[553] The name “Massachusetts,” so far as I have observed, is first -mentioned by Captain Smith, in his _Description of New England_, -1616. He spells the word variously, but he appears to use the term -“Massachuset” and “Massachewset” to denote the country, while he -adds a final s when he is speaking of the inhabitants. He speaks of -“Massachusets Mount” and “Massachusets River,” using the word also in -its possessive form; while in another place he calls the former “the -high mountain of Massachusit.” To this mountain, on his map, he gives -the English name of “Chevyot Hills.” Hutchinson (i. 460) supposes -the Blue Hills of Milton to be intended. He says that a small hill -near Squantum, the former seat of a great Indian sachem, was called -Massachusetts Hill, or Mount Massachusetts, down to his time. Cotton, -in his Indian vocabulary, says the word means “a hill in the form of -an arrow’s head.” See also Neal’s _New England_, ii. 215, 216. In the -Massachusetts charter the name is spelled in three or four different -ways, to make sure of a description of the territory. Cf. Letter of J. -H. Trumbull, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct. 21, 1867, p. 77; and -_Memorial History of Boston_, i. 37. - -[554] See S. F. Haven’s “Origin of the Massachusetts Company,” in -_Archæologia Americana_, vol. iii. - -[555] This matter is discussed by Dr. Haven in the Lecture above cited, -pp. 29, 30; and by the present writer in _Memorial History of Boston_, -i. 341-343, _note_. See also Gorges, _Briefe Narration_, pp. 40, 41. - -[556] It is printed in Hutchinson’s _Collection of Papers_, 1769; and -also in vol. i. of the _Colony Records_. - -[557] See 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vii. 159-161. - -[558] [In six volumes, royal quarto; cf. _Massachusetts Historical -Society Lectures_, p. 230; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1848, p. -105; and 1854, p. 369. They were published at $60, but they can be -occasionally picked up now at $25.—ED.] - -[559] [See Memoir and portrait in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -1870, p. 1; cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 113; and _Historical -Magazine_, xvii. 107.—ED.] - -[560] [Dr. Palfrey (vol. iii. p. vii) has pointedly condemned it, and -the arrangement will be found set forth in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, 1848, p. 105. Besides much manuscript material (not yet put -into print) at the State House, and in the Cabinet of the Historical -Society, and the usual local depositories, mention may be made of some -papers relating to New England recorded in the _Sparks Catalogue_, p. -215; and the numerous documents in the Egerton and other manuscripts, -in the British Museum, as brought out in its printed _Catalogues -of Manuscripts_, and Colonel Chester’s list of manuscripts in the -Bodleian, in _Historical Magazine_, xiv. 131. Mr. S. L. M. Barlow, -of New York, has an ancient copy of the Records of the Massachusetts -Company (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 36). - -Brodhead’s prefaces to the published records of New York indicated -the sources of early manuscript material in the different Government -offices of England, equally applicable to Massachusetts; but these -records have now been gathered into the public Record Office, some -account of which will be found in Mr. B. F. Stevens’s “Memorial,” -_Senate, Miscellaneous Documents_ no. 24, 47th Congress, 2d session, -and in the _London Quarterly_, April, 1871. It requires formality and -permission to examine these papers, only as they are later than 1760. -The calendaring and printing of them, begun in 1855, is now going on; -and Mr. Hale has described (in the _Christian Examiner_, May, 1861) -the work as planned and superintended by Mr. Sainsbury. Three of these -volumes already issued—_Calendar of State Papers, Colonial America_, -vol. i., 1574-1660; vol. v., 1661-1668; vol. vii., 1669—are of much -use to American students. Mr. F. S. Thomas, Secretary of the public -Record Office, issued in 1849 a _History of the State Paper Office and -View of the Documents therein Deposited_. Mr. C. W. Baird described -these depositories in London in the _Magazine of American History_, ii. -321.—ED.] - -[561] [A list of the publications of this Society, brought down, -however, no later than 1868, will be found in the _Historical -Magazine_, xiv. 99; and in 1871 Dr. S. A. Green issued a bibliography -of the Society, which was also printed in its _Proceedings_, xii. 2. -The first seven volumes of its first series of _Collections_ were -early reprinted. Each series of ten volumes has its own index. The -Society’s history is best gathered from its own _Proceedings_, the -publication of which was begun in 1855; but two volumes have also been -printed, covering the earlier years 1791-1854. The first of these -dates marks the founding of this the oldest historical society in -this country. Its founder, if one person can be so called, was Dr. -Jeremy Belknap, who was one of the earliest who gave the writing of -history in America a reputable character. His _Life_ has been written -by his granddaughter, Mrs. Jules Marcou, and the book is reviewed by -Francis Parkman in the _Christian Examiner_, xliv. 78; cf. _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 117; iii. 285; ix. 12; xiv. 37. His historical -papers are described by C. C. Smith in the _Unitarian Review_, vii. -604. The two principal societies working parallel with it in part, -though professedly of wider scope, are the American Antiquarian -Society, at Worcester (not to be confounded with the Worcester Society -of Antiquity,—a local antiquarian association), and the New England -Historic, Genealogical Society, in Boston. The former has issued the -_Archæologia Americana_ and _Proceedings_ (cf. _Historical Magazine_, -xiv. 107); while the latter has been the main support of the _New -England Historical and Genealogical Register_, which has published -an annual volume since 1847, and these have contained various data -for the history of the Society. Cf. 1855, p. 10; 1859, p. 266; 1861, -preface; 1862, p. 203; 1863, preface; 1870, p. 225; 1876, p. 184, and -reprinted as revised; 1879, preface, and p. 424, by E. B. Dearborn. -To these associations may be added the Essex Institute, of Salem, the -Connecticut Valley Historical Society (begun in 1876), the Dorchester -Antiquarian Society, the Old Colony Historical Society (cf. the chapter -on the Pilgrims),—all of which unite historical fellowship with -publication,—and the Prince Society, an organization for publishing -only, whose series of annotated volumes relating to early Massachusetts -history is a valuable one.—ED.] - -[562] It is a volume of great value, and brings from $10 to $15 at -sales. It is sometimes found lettered on the back as vol. iii. of the -_History_. A third edition of the _History_ was published in Boston in -1795, with poor type and poor paper. [A reprint of the _Papers_ was -made by the Prince Society in 1865. For other papers of Hutchinson, -see 2 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, x., and 3 Ibid., i.; cf. _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, 1865, P. 187. A controversy for many years existed -between the Historical Society and the State as to the custody of -a large mass of Hutchinson’s papers. This can be followed in the -Society’s _Proceedings_, ii. 438; x. 118, 321; xi. 335; xii. 249; xiii. -130, 217; and in _Massachusetts Senate Documents_, no. 187, of 1870. -These papers, mostly printed, are now at the State House.—ED.] - -[563] See _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 286, 397, 414; and xi. 148; also -a full account of Hutchinson’s publications in Ibid., February, 1857; -cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, xi. 22. A correspondence between Hutchinson -and Dr. Stiles, upon his history, is printed in _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, 1872, pp. 159, 230. - -[564] Cf. a Memoir of Minot, in _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. viii. - -[565] A fourth volume, carrying the record to 1741, was published in -1875; and since Dr. Palfrey’s death a fifth volume has been announced -for publication under the editing of his son. - -[566] Good copies of the original folio edition, with the map, bring -high prices. One of Brinley’s copies, said to be on large paper (though -the present writer has a copy by his side much larger), brought $110. -The Menzies copy (no. 1,353) sold for $125. See “The Light shed upon -Mather’s Magnalia by his Diary” in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, December, -1862, pp. 402-414; Moses Coit Tyler, _History of American Literature_, -ii. 80-83. Of the map, Dr. Douglass says (i. 362): “Dr. Cotton Mather’s -map of New England, New York, Jerseys, and Pennsylvania is composed -from some old rough drafts of the first discoveries, with obsolete -names not known at this time, and has scarce any resemblance of the -country. It may be called a very erroneous, antiquated map.” [See -Editor’s note following this chapter. For some notes on the Mather -Library, see _Memorial History of Boston_, vol. i. p. xviii. The -annexed portrait of Mather resembles the mezzotint, of which a reduced -fac-simile is given in the _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 208, and -which is marked COTTONUS MATHERUS, _Ætatis suæ LXV_, MDCCXXVII. _P. -Pelham ad vivum pinxit ab origine fecit et excud._ Its facial lines, -however, are stronger and more characteristic. It may be the reduction -made by Sarah Moorhead from the painting, thus mentioned by Pelham, -for the purpose of the engraving. It is to be observed, however, that -the surroundings of the portrait are different in the engraving. This -same outline, but reversed, characterizes a portrait of Mather, which -belongs to the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, and which is -said to be by Pelham. Paine’s _Portraits, etc., in Worcester_, no. 5; -W. H. Whitmore’s _Peter Pelham_, 1867, p. 6, where the Pelham engraving -is called the earliest yet found to be ascribed to that artist.—ED.] - -[567] See what Beverly says of him in the Preface to his _History of -Virginia_, 1722. The numerous maps in his book were made by Herman -Moll, a well-known cartographer of that day. Oldmixon’s name appears -only to the dedication prefixed to the first edition. - -[568] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, iii. nos. 281, 855; and 510, for the -Bishop of Winchester’s examination of Neal’s _History of the Puritans_. - -[569] [These supplementary parts have been reprinted in 2 _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, vii. It was republished in Boston in 1826, edited by Nathan -Hale. Mr. S. G. Drake, having some sheets of this edition on hand, -reissued it in 1852, with a new titlepage, and with a memoir of Prince -and some plates, etc., inserted. It has been again reprinted in Edward -Arber’s _English Garner_, 1877-80, vol. ii. Prince’s own copy, with his -manuscript notes, is noted in the _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 350. Mr. -Deane has several sheets of the original manuscript of this work.—ED.] - -[570] A memoir of Dr. Douglass, by T. L. Jennison, M.D., was published -in _Medical Communications of the Massachusetts Medical Society_, vol. -v. part ii., Boston, 1831. Cf. _Memorial History of Boston_, Index; -Sabin, v. 502; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, iii. 899. - -[571] [This is reprinted in full in Force’s _Tracts_, ii. It was -printed in 1630, and original copies are in Mr. Deane’s and in the -Lenox libraries; cf. also _Brinley Catalogue_, nos. 373, 2,704; -_Crowninshield Catalogue_, no. 744; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. -no. 371.—ED.] - -[572] [The Journal of Higginson, which is a relation of his voyage, -1629, is in Hutchinson’s _Collection of Papers_, and an imperfect -manuscript which that historian used is in the Cabinet of the -Historical Society. His _New England’s Plantation_ is reprinted in -Young’s _Chronicles_; in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Coll._, iii. 79; in Force’s -_Tracts_, vol. ii.; and in _Mass. Hist, Coll._, vol. i. The narrative -covers the interval from July to September, 1629, and three editions -were issued in 1630; the Lenox Library has the three, and Harvard -College Library has two,—one imperfect. Rich, _Catalogue_ (1832), nos. -186, 191; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 312; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. -ii. nos. 362, 363; _Menzies Catalogue_, no. 927 ($66.)—ED.] - -[573] [This, besides being in Young’s _Chronicles_, can be found in -Force’s _Tracts_, vol. ii., with notes by John Farmer; and in the _N. -H. Hist. Coll._, vol. iv., following a manuscript more extended than -the text given on its first appearance in print in _Massachusetts, or -the First Planters_; 1696, copies of which are noted in the Prince (p. -37) and Carter-Brown (vol. ii. no. 1,494) catalogues.—ED.] - -[574] [This tract was reprinted in Boston in 1865, and also in 3 _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, iii. There are copies of the original in Mr. Deane’s, -Harvard College, and the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. 379) libraries. -Cf. the editorial note at the end of chap. vi., and _Memorial History -of Boston_, i. p. 50.—ED.] - -[575] The volume was reissued in 1635, 1639, and 1764. The Prince -Society reprinted the volume in 1865, with a prefatory address by -the present writer. [Copies of the original edition are noted in the -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. no 421 (later editions, nos. 433, 469); -and _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 377. Cf. also Rich, _Catalogue_ (1832), -no. 296, and (1844) priced at £1 8_s._ Mr. Deane’s copy of the _first_ -edition has ninety-eight pages, besides the Indian words. The Rice -copy brought $200. Cf. _Menzies Catalogue_, no. 2,187. The second and -third editions had each eighty-three pages, besides an appendix of -Indian words. The 1764 edition has an anonymous introduction, perhaps -by Nathaniel Rogers (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, November, 1862) or James -Otis (Ibid., September, 1862). Mr. Deane reprints this preface.—ED.] - -[576] Mr. Charles Francis Adams, Jr., recently prepared a new edition -of Morton’s book for publication by the Prince Society. It is -accompanied by a memoir of Morton. - -[577] [There has been a strange amount of misdating in respect to this -book. The _Mondidier Catalogue_ (Henry Stevens) gives it, “Printed -by W. S. Stansby for Rob. Blount, 1625.” (Sabin, _Dictionary_, xii. -51,028.) The _Sunderland Catalogue_, iv. no. 8,684, gives it 1627,—a -date followed by Quaritch in a later catalogue. Cf. Rich, _Catalogue_ -(1832), no. 218; (1844), priced at £1 8_s._; Menzies, no. 1,440, $160; -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 443; _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 80. -It is included in Force’s _Tracts_, ii.—ED.] - -[578] His tract of twenty-three pages is entitled _A True Relation -of the Late Battell fought in New England between the English and -the Salvages_, etc., London, 1637. [There was a reissue in 1638 of -the first edition, and a second edition the same year, which last is -in Harvard College and the Prince libraries. There is an account of -Vincent by Hunter in 4 _Coll._, i. Cf. Rich (1832), _Catalogue_, no. -221; _Crowninshield Catalogue_, no. 766; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. -448, 461, 462; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,606.—ED.] - -[579] His tract was entitled, _Newes from America_, etc., London, 1638. -[There is a copy in Harvard College Library and in Charles Deane’s. Cf. -also, Rich (1832), no. 220, and _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 460, with -fac-simile of title.—ED.] - -[580] [It was again reprinted in a volume on the _Mohegan Case_ in -1796 (cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 2,085; Menzies, 1,338, $40); and -afterward, following Prince’s edition, in 2 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. -120; and in New York by Sabin, in 1869. Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, -no. 1,021. Cf. references on Mason in _Memorial History of Boston_, i. -253.—ED.] - -[581] It is also reprinted in some copies of Dodge’s edition of -Penhallow’s _Indian Wars_ Cincinnati, 1859. Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, -vii. 165; and accounts of Gardiner in Thompson’s _Long Island_, i. 305, -and 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, x. 173. - -[Illustration] - -Further references on the Pequot War will be found in _Memorial -History of Boston_, i. 255; and in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, May, -1860, will be found a letter from Jonathan Brewster describing its -outbreak.—ED. - -[582] [More extensive references will be found in _Memorial History of -Boston_, i. 176, and _Harvard College Library Bulletin_, no. 11, p. -287.—ED.] - -[583] See Hutchinson, i. 435. - -[584] [Ward is better known, however, by his _Simple Cobler of Aggawam -in America_, which passed through four editions in London in 1647,—a -rarity now worth six or seven pounds; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. -624; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, 2,351; _Menzies Catalogue_, no. 2,038, -etc. It was not reprinted in Boston till 1713, and again, edited by -David Pulsifer, in 1843. Mr. John Ward Dean published a good memoir of -Ward in 1868. The book in question is no further historical than that -it illustrates the length to which good people could go in vindication -of intolerance, in days when Antinomianism and other aggressive views -were troubling many.—ED.] - -[585] [The _Abstract_ is also in Force’s _Tracts_, iii. A note on -the bibliography of the subject will be found in _Memorial History -of Boston_, i. 145. Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, p. 108; _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, ii. 483; Sabin, no. 52,595. Mr. Deane has a copy.—ED.] - -[586] A list of books there printed from 1540 to 1599 may be seen in -the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 131-135. - -[587] [Something of its bibliographical history is told with references -in _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 458-460. Of two copies of the -original edition there mentioned, one, the Fiske copy, is now in the -Carter-Brown library (_Catalogue_, ii. 470); another, the Vanderbilt -copy, has since been burned in New York.—ED.] - -[588] For a list of Daye’s and Green’s books see Thomas’s _History of -Printing_, 2d ed.; and other references to the early history of the -press in New England will be found in _Memorial History of Boston_, i. -ch. 14. - -[589] It was reprinted in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii. A new edition, -with learned notes and an introduction by the editor, Dr. J. Hammond -Trumbull, was published in Boston in 1867. [A portion of the manuscript -is in the cabinet of the Historical Society, and a fac-simile of a -page of it is given herewith, together with the accompanying statement -on the manuscript in the hand of the learned Boston antiquary, James -Savage, of whom there is a memoir by G. S. Hillard in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xvi. 117. Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, i. 81. The -autograph of Lechford is from another source. The Ebeling copy is -certainly no longer unique, though the book is rare enough to have been -priced recently in London at $75. Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, x. 158; -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 506, 545; _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 322; -Menzies, no. 1,202. There is a note-book of Lechford preserved in the -American Antiquarian Society’s Cabinet.—ED.] - -[590] [A portrait of Cotton of somewhat doubtful authenticity, together -with references on his life, will be found in _Memorial History of -Boston_, i. 157.—ED.] - -[591] [The best bibliographical record of the books in Cotton’s -controversy with Williams, as indeed of most of the points of this -present essay, is the appendix of Dexter’s _Congregationalism_; a -briefer survey, grouping the books in their relations, is in _Memorial -History of Boston_, i. 172. See a later page under “Rhode Island.”—ED.] - -[592] This is the earliest edition of this famous book; and I know of -but two copies of it,—one before me, and one in the Thomason Library -in the British Museum. Mr. Arthur Ellis, in his _History of the First -Church in Boston_, has given a fac-simile of the titlepage. An edition -was printed at Cambridge in 1656, of which a copy is in the library of -the late George Livermore. - -[593] Palfrey, _New England_, ii. 184. - -[594] In 1725 the _Results of Three Synods ... of the Churches of -Massachusetts_, 1648, 1662, _and_ 1669, was reprinted in Boston. Cf. -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, iii. no. 362. - -[595] A copy of the rare first edition is in the library of the -American Antiquarian Society, from which twenty copies were reprinted -by Mr. Hoadly, Secretary of State of Connecticut, in 1858. The -important subject of this confederation is sufficiently illustrated in -a lecture by John Quincy Adams, in 1843, published in 3 _Mass. Hist. -Coll._, ix. 187. [See references to reprints of the articles, and notes -on the Confederacy in _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 299.—ED.] - -[596] Copies of Winslow’s book are very rare, and are worth probably -one hundred dollars or more, being rarely seen in the market. [There -are copies in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, ii. 600, with -fac-simile of title), and in Mr. Deane’s collection. The second edition -appears in the _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 691.—ED.] Gorton’s book, also -rare, has been reprinted by Judge Staples, with learned notes, in the -_Rhode Island Historical Society’s Collections_, vol. ii. [and is also -in Force’s _Tracts_, vol. iv. There are copies in the Prince, Charles -Deane, Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. 589, with a long note), and -Harvard College libraries. Cf. also Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vii. 352, and -_Brinley Catalogue_, no. 578.—ED.] While writing this note there has -come to my hand no. 17 of Mr. S. S. Rider’s _Rhode Island Historical -Tracts_, containing “A Defence of Samuel Gorton and the Settlers of -Shawomet,” by George A. Brayton. See other authorities noted in the -_Memorial History of Boston_, i. 171, and in Bartlett’s _Bibliography -of Rhode Island_. - -[597] Child’s book was reprinted in part in 2 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iv. -107. It was reprinted in 1869 by William Parsons Lunt, with notes by -W. T. R. Marvin. A copy of the original edition is in the library of -the Boston Athenæum, and in that of John Carter Brown (_Catalogue_, ii. -608), which also has a copy of Winslow’s _New England’s Salamander_ -(_Catalogue_, ii. 623), and there is another in Harvard College -Library. This is also reprinted in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ii. 110. The -Remonstrance and Petition of Child and others, and the Declaration in -answer thereto, may be seen in Hutchinson’s _Papers_, p. 188 _et seq_. - -[598] [For an account of this book and its history, and much relating -to the embodiment of the Indian speech in literary form, see Dr. J. H. -Trumbull’s chapter on “The Indian Tongue and the Literature fashioned -by Eliot and others,” in _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 465, with -references there noted.—ED.] - -[599] That part relating to the college was published in an early -volume of the _Collections_ of the Massachusetts Historical Society. - -[600] The originals of these tracts, with one exception, are in the -possession of the writer, and they are for the most part in the -Carter-Brown Library; and seven of them are published in 3 _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vol. iv. [Further bibliographical detail can be found in -Dr. Dexter’s _Congregationalism_; Sabin, _Dictionary_; Dr. Trumbull’s -_Brinley Catalogue_, p. 52; Field’s _Indian Bibliography; Memorial -History of Boston_, i. 265, etc.; and more or less of the titles -appear in the Menzies (nos. 1,475, 1,815, 1,816, 2,124, 2,125), -O’Callaghan (nos. 852, etc.), and Rich (1832, nos. 237, 261, 263, -273, 280, 287, 292, 304, 316, 355) catalogues. Some of these Eliot -tracts were used in compiling the postscript on the “Gospel’s Good -Successe in New England,” appended to a book _Of the Conversion of -... Indians_, London, 1650 (Sabin, xiii. 56,742). Eliot’s own _Briefe -Narrative_ (1670) of his labors has been reprinted in Boston, and in -the appendix of the reprint is a list of the writers on the subject. -Letters of Eliot, dated 1651-52, on his labors, are in the _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1882. For an alleged portrait of Eliot and -references, see _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 260, 261. A better -engraving has since appeared in the _Century Magazine_, 1883.—ED.] - - -[601] [Some copies of the second edition have a dedication to Robert -Boyle and the Company for the Propagation of the Gospel among the -Indians, signed by William Stoughton, Joseph Dudley, Peter Bulkley, and -Thomas Hinckley. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPHS CONNECTED WITH THE INDIAN BIBLE.] - -Eliot was assisted in this second edition by John Cotton, of Plymouth, -son of the Boston minister; and the type was in part set for both -editions by James Printer, an Indian taught to do the work. There is -a notice of Boyle by C. O. Thompson in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -April, 1882, p. 54; and one of the Society for Propagating the Gospel, -by G. D. Scull, in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, April, 1882, p. -157. Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, viii. 552. A portion of the original -manuscript records of the society (1655-1685) were described in -Stevens’s _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), no. 1,399, and brought in the -sale $265. The bibliographical history of the Indian Bible is given in -Dr. Trumbull’s chapter in the _Memorial History of Boston_, as before -noted.] - -[602] A copy is in the Carter-Brown Library, and another in the -possession of the writer. - -[603] See the list of Norton’s and Pynchon’s publications in Sabin’s -_Dictionary_. - -[604] _A journal of the Transactions and Occurrences in the Settlement -of Massachusetts and the other New-England Colonies, from the year 1630 -to 1644.... Now first published from a correct copy of the original -manuscript._ Hartford, 1790. - -[605] _The History of New England from 1630 to 1649. From his original -manuscripts. With Notes to illustrate the Civil and Ecclesiastical -concerns, the Geography, Settlement, and Institutions of the Country, -and the Lives and Manners of the principal Planters._ By James Savage. -Boston, 1825-26. 2 vols. New ed., with additions and corrections. -Boston, 1853. 2 vols. - -[606] [For other details and references see _Memorial History of -Boston_, i. p. xvii.—ED.] - -[607] A curious bibliographical question is connected with a later -issue of the volume as bound up with several of the Gorges tracts, -for the discussion of which see the Introduction to Mr. W. F. Poole’s -valuable edition of Johnson’s book, Andover, 1867, pp. li-vi; with -which cf. _North American Review_, January, 1868, pp. 323-328; and -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, June, 1881, pp. 432-35. [Geo. H. Moore -printed some strictures on Poole’s edition in _Historical Magazine_, -xiii. 87. Cf. Dexter’s _Congregationalism_; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -ii. 771, 851; and other references in _Memorial History of Boston_, i. -463.—ED.] - -[608] It was republished in fragmentary parts in several volumes of the -Massachusetts Historical Society’s _Collections_, second series. - -[609] It is reprinted in 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, vol. ii., from a copy -of the rare original in the Carter-Brown Library. - -[610] Charles Lamb speaks of the book in his _Elia_ under “A Quaker -Meeting.” - -[611] [The literature of the Quaker controversy is extensive and -intricate in its bearings. - -[Illustration] - -It can best be followed in Mr. J. Smith’s _Catalogue of Friends’ -Books_, and in his _Anti-Quakeriana_. Dr. Dexter’s _Congregationalism_, -and the _Brinley_ and _Carter-Brown Catalogues_ will assist the -student. The 1703 edition of Bishope’s _New England Judged_, abridged -in some ways and enlarged in others, contains also John Whiting’s -_Truth and Innocencey Defended_, which is an answer in part to portions -of Cotton Mather’s _Magnalia_; cf. also the note in _Memorial History -of Boston_, i. 187. There were a few of the prominent men at the -time who dared to protest boldly against the unwise actions of the -magistrates; and of such none were more prominent than James Cudworth, -of Plymouth Colony, and Robert Pike, of Salisbury. The conduct of the -latter has been commemorated in James S. Pike’s _New Puritan_, New -York, 1879.—ED. - -[612] For their titles see Thomas’s _History of Printing_, 2d ed. -vol. ii. pp. 313-315; the bibliographical list in Dr. H. M. Dexter’s -_Congregationalism_, whose work may also be consulted for a history -of the subject itself; Mather’s _Magnalia_, v. 64 _et seq._; Upham’s -_Ratio Disiplinæ_, p. 223; Trumbull’s _Connecticut_, chaps. xiii. and -xix. of vol. i.; Hutchinson, i. 223-24; Wisner’s _History of the Old -South Church in Boston_, pp. 5-7; Bacon’s _Discourses_, pp. 139-141. - -[613] [Mr. Tuckerman revised his notes and introduction in a reprint, -published by Veazie in Boston in 1865. The _Voyages_, which had been -reprinted in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, iii., was also reissued in 1865 in -a companion volume to the _Rarities_, the text being corrected from a -copy of the “second addition,” 1675, in Harvard College Library. The -earlier book usually brings £3 or £4, the later one from £5 to £10. -Both are in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 1,080, 1,104. Cf. Sabin, -ix. 340; Menzies, 1,104, 1,105.—ED.] - -[614] [It is further characterized in Vol. IV., chap. x.—ED.] - -[615] There are at least eight titles in this interesting list:— - -1. _The Present State of New England with respect to the Indian War_, -1675 (19 pages), purporting to be by a merchant of Boston. - -2. _A Briefe and True Narration of the late Wars_, 1675 (8 pages); cf. -Sabin, vol. xiii. nos. 52,616, 52,638. - -3. _A Continuation of the State of New England_, 1676 (20 pages). - -4. _A New and Further Narrative of the State of New England_, 1676 (14 -pages), signed N. T. - -5. _A True Account of the most considerable Occurences that have hapned -in the War_, 1676 (14 pages). - -6. _New England’s Tears for her present Miseries_, 1676 (14 pages). - -7. _News from New England_, 1676 (6 pages). Sabin only records one -copy; and of a second edition, 1676, there are copies in the British -Museum and Carter-Brown libraries. - -8. _The War in New England visibly Ended_, 1677 (6 pages), containing -news of the death of Philip, brought by Caleb More, master of a vessel -newly arrived from Rhode Island. - -[These tracts are all in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii., -and several are in Mr. Deane’s collection, and in Harvard College -Library. Rich supposed that nos. 1, 3, and 4 were written by the same -person. Five of them were reprinted by S. G. Drake in his _Old Indian -Chronicle_ in 1836, and again in 1867, with new notes; and no. 7 was -reprinted in 1850 by Drake, and in 1865 by Woodward. Sabin, xiii. 321, -322. - -These tracts are priced at twelve and eighteen shillings, and at -similarly high sums, even in Rich’s catalogues of fifty years ago. -Whenever they have occurred in sales of late years they have proved the -occasion of much competition and unusual prices. Cf. Stevens’s _Hist. -Coll._, i. 1523, 1524. - -Another contemporary account by a Rhode Island Quaker, as it is -thought, John Easton, was printed at Albany in 1858, as a _Narrative of -the Causes which led to Philip’s War_. Cf. Palfrey, iii. 180; Field, -_Indian Bibliography_, p. 479. - -Mr. Drake, whose name is closely associated with our Indian history, -was one of the foremost of American antiquaries for many years. There -is a memoir of him by W. B. Trask in _Potter’s American Monthly_, v. -729; and another in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, July, 1863, by -J. H. Sheppard, also separately issued. In 1874 he printed _Narrative -Remarks_, anonymously, embodying some personal grievances and notes of -his career, not pleasantly expressed. For his publications, see Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, v. 526, and Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, p. 452.—ED.] - -[Illustration] - -[616] John Foster had now set up a press in Boston, for the history of -which and its successors see _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 453. - -[617] [Rich in 1832, no. 368, priced it, either edition, at eighteen -shillings. It was a quarto of 51 pages. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -ii. 1,150; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, 1,022; _Brinley Catalogue_, -948, 5,531. It has of late years brought about $80. S. G. Drake -included this and the section of the _Magnalia_ on the war in his -_History of King Philip’s War_, 1862. Another book by Mather, _A -Relation of the Troubles which have hapned in New England_, etc., was -also printed in 1676, and traces the Indian wars from 1641, including -the causes of Philip’s War. Drake also reprinted this in 1864, as the -_Early History of New England_.—ED.] - -[618] [King Philip’s War, which was but the beginning of a long -series of wars which devastated the frontiers, may be said properly -to end with the treaty of Casco, April 12, 1678, which is preserved -in the _Massachusetts Archives_; though a continuation of hostilities -intervened till the treaty of Portsmouth, Sept. 8, 1685. Cf. Belknap’s -_New Hampshire_, p. 348.—ED.] - -[619] [Rich priced this book in 1832 (no. 375) at £1 10_s._,—an -extraordinary high sum for those days. I have seen the London edition -priced recently at £26, and $75; and the Boston edition in the Menzies -sale (no. 990) brought $200. It was reprinted in New England at least -six times (all spurious editions) between 1775 and 1814 (_Brinley -Catalogue_, 5,523, etc.; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 1,167, 1,168, -1,170); and S. G. Drake brought out an annotated edition in two volumes -in 1865. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, i. 252, 348; ii. 62. - -[Illustration] - -Perhaps the most popular book touching the events of the war was one -which was not published till 1716, from notes of Colonel Benjamin -Church, and compiled by that hero’s son, Thomas Church, and called -_Entertaining Passages relating to Philip’s War_. It is an extremely -scarce book, and has brought $400. (_Brinley Catalogue_, no. 383; -Sabin, _Dictionary_, no. 12,996; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iii. 293.) -A second edition, Newport, 1772, is said to have been edited by Dr. -Stiles, but it is not supposed he was privy to the fraud practised in -that edition of presenting an engraving of the portrait of Charles -Churchill, the English poet, with the addition of a powder-horn slung -over the shoulder, as a likeness of Church. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, xix. 243; also iii. 293; and _Hist. Mag._, December, 1868, pp. -27, 271.) Drake first reissued it in 1827, and made stereotype plates -of the book, and they have been much used since. He continued to use -the spurious portrait as late as 1857. Sabin, iv. 12,996; Brinley, no. -5,514. Dr. H. M. Dexter did all that is necessary for the text in his -edition (two volumes) in 1865-67. Another class of books growing out -of the war during its long continuance, particularly at the eastward, -is what collectors know as “captivities,” the most famous of which -is, perhaps, that of Mrs. Rowlandson, of Lancaster, printed in 1682. -The _Brinley Catalogue_, nos. 469, 5,540, etc., groups them, and they -are scattered through Field’s _Indian Bibliography_. The _Brinley -Catalogue_ also groups the works on the Indian wars of New England -(nos. 382, etc.); and a condensed exposition of the authorities on -Philip’s War will be found in the _Memorial History of Boston_, i. 327. -The local aspects of the war involve a very large amount of citation -and reference. What are known as the “Narragansett Townships” grew -out of the war. Before the troops marched from Dedham Plain, Dec. 9, -1675, they were promised “a gratuity of land beside their wages,” -and not till 1737 were the promises fulfilled, when 840 claimants or -their representatives met on Boston Common, and dividing themselves -into seven groups, they took possession of seven townships in Maine, -Massachusetts, and New Hampshire, granted by the General Court. _New -England Historical and Genealogical Register_, 1862, pp. 143, 216.—ED. - -[620] For reference to the recovery of the preface and other missing -lines, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 12, 38, 100; also, cf. i. -243; ii. 421; iii. 321. Hubbard, besides the above aid, had a large -number of official documents which he incorporated into his _History_. -Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, viii. 499; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. -730. - -[621] [Mr. Whitmore also epitomized the history with references in -the _Memorial History of Boston_, ii. chap. i. Cf. also _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, ii. 1,351, 1,370, 1,372, 1,388, 1,398, 1,400, 1,403, 1,408, -1,420, 1,421.—ED.] - -[622] A copy of Dudley’s commission (Oct. 8, 1685) has been recently -printed in 5 _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ix. 145. - -[623] [Dr. N. B. Shurtleff, an eager Boston antiquary, died in that -city, Oct. 17, 1874, and his library was sold at auction, Nov. 30, -1875, etc.—ED.] - -[624] The preface of the _Memorial History_ enumerates the sources of -Boston’s history. - -[625] [A law was placed on the statute book of Massachusetts in 1854, -by which towns may legally appropriate money for publishing their -histories. The authorities on the town system of New England are cited -in W. E. Foster’s _Reference Lists_, July, 1882.—ED.] - -[626] [The different keys to the genealogy of New England are indicated -in _Memorial History of Boston_, ii. Introduction.—ED.] - -[627] “Maine” took its name probably from the early designation, by -the sailors and fishermen, of the main land—that is, “the main,”—in -distinction from the numerous islands on the coast. See Weymouth’s -“Voyage,” in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 132, 151; Palfrey, i. 525; -_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, i. 371. The earliest use of the name, -officially employed, that I have met with, is in the grant to Gorges -and Mason of Aug. 10, 1622, which recites that the patentees, “by -consent of the President and Council, intend to name it the _Province -of Maine_.” See the _Popham Memorial Volume_, p. 122. This grant was -never made use of, but the name was inserted in the royal charter to -Gorges of April 3, 1639, which secured its future use. Sullivan’s -_Maine_, Appendix, 399. The territory had been previously included in -the European designations of Baccalaos and Norumbega. The Indian name -was Mavooshen. See Purchas, iv., 1873; _Maine Hist. Coll._, i. 16, 17. - -[628] These manuscripts were made use of by Dr. Belknap in writing his -_History of New Hampshire_, and are now all printed in the _Provincial -Papers_ of that State, vol. i., 1867, edited by the late Nathaniel -Bouton. - -[Illustration] - -The grant of Aug. 10, 1622, is printed in Poor’s _Ferdinando Gorges_, -from the _Colonial Entry Book_, p. 101, no. 59. An account of the -voyage of the barque “Warwick,” in 1630, which brought Captain Neal -to be governor for the Company, is given in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. -Reg._, 1867, p. 223. - -[629] Citations are made from them by Folsom in his _History of Saco -and Biddeford_, pp. 49-52. The original manuscript is among the old -county of York records at Alfred. The commission to Sir Ferdinando -Gorges as governor of New England, 1637, is printed in Poor’s _Gorges_, -p. 127. For his deed to Edgecombe, 1637, see _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -ii. 74. - -[630] See _Massachusetts Archives_, Miscellanies, i. 130. - -[631] These old Maine records have all been removed to the county town -of Alfred, and they have never been printed. Extracts from time to time -have been published, as by Folsom above, and by Willis in vol. i. of -his _History of Portland_, who gives a description, from Judge David -Sewall, of the manner in which the original records were made and kept. -The charter of incorporation of Acomenticus as a town, April 10, 1641, -and the charter of Gorgeana as a city, March 1, 1642, were among the -papers which Hazard found at old York, and printed in his _Collection_, -vol. i. Cf. “Sir Robert Carr in Maine,” in _Magazine of American -History_, September, 1882, p. 623; and a paper on Gorgeana in _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1881, p. 42. - -[632] [Cf. _Historical Magazine_, ii. 286, and Note B to chapter vi. of -the present volume.—ED.] - -[633] [Mr. Somerby, a native of Massachusetts, who died in London -in 1872, did much during a long sojourn in England to further the -interests of American antiquaries and genealogists. Cf. _N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, 1874, p. 340. Colonel Joseph L. Chester also for -many years filled a prominent place in similar work in England, till -his death in 1882. A portrait and notice of him by John T. Latting is -in the _New York Genealogical and Biographical Record_, 1882; also -issued separately: Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, January, 1883, -p. 106.—ED.] - -[634] [The deed to Usher as agent of Massachusetts, in 1677, and his -conveyance to Massachusetts are at the State House in Boston. Cf. -_Maine Hist. Coll._, ii. 257; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xi. 201.—ED.] - -[635] Mr. Folsom, a graduate of Harvard in 1822, was at this time -living in Saco. He subsequently removed to New York, became an active -member of the New York Historical Society, was minister at the Hague, -and died in Rome, Italy, in 1869. - -[636] Special mention should perhaps be made of the enumeration of -Maine titles in the _Brinley Catalogue_ no. 2,571, etc., and of several -town histories published since Mr. Willis wrote his Catalogue, which -in their treatment go back to the early period, namely, _History of -Augusta_, by James W. North; _History of Brunswick_, etc., by G. -A. Wheeler and H. W. Wheeler, 1878; _History of Castine_, by G. A. -Wheeler, Bangor, 1875; _History of Bristol, Bremen, and Pemaquid_, by -John Johnston, Albany, 1873; _History of Ancient Sheepscot and New -Castle_, by David Q. Cushman, Bath, 1882. Most of the local historical -literature can be picked out of F. B. Perkins’s _Check-List of American -Local History_. - -A volume entitled _Papers relating to Pemaquid_, collected from the -archives at Albany by Franklin B. Hough, was printed at Albany in 1856. -They relate to the condition of that part of the country when under -the colony of New York, and are of great value. Cf. also Mr. Hough’s -contributions in the _Maine Hist. Coll._, v. and vii. 127. Pemaquid as -a centre of historical interest is also illustrated in J. W. Thornton’s -_Ancient Pemaquid_; in Johnston’s papers in his _History of Bristol_, -etc.; in the Popham_ Memorial Volume_, p. 263; in _Maine Hist. Coll._, -vol. viii.; Vinton’s _Giles Memorial_, 1864; _Historical Magazine_, i. -132; _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1871, p. 131. [See also Vol. IV. -of this History.—ED.] - -[637] [The early history of this society is told by Mr. Willis in an -address printed in their _Collections_, vol. iv. Cf. also Note B at the -end of chapter vi. of the present volume.—ED.] - -[638] This collection, entitled _America painted to the Life_, passes -by the name of the _Gorges Tracts_. There are copies in Harvard College -Library, and noted in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 127; _Brinley -Catalogue_, nos. 308, 2,640 ($225.) Cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vii. -348; Rich’s _Catalogue_, no. 314; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. -432, and xix. 128; Stevens’s _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. -247. The relations of Gorges and Champernoun are discussed by C. W. -Tuttle in _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1874, p. 404. See further on -Champernoun in Ibid., 1873, p. 147; 1874, pp. 75, 318, 403. There is an -account of Gorges’ tomb at St. Bordeaux in the _Magazine of American -History_, August, 1882; and notes on his pedigree, in _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, 1861, p. 17; 1864, p. 287; 1872, p. 381; 1877, pp. 42, -44, 112.—ED. - -[639] [Captain Christopher Levett. His account was published in London -in 1628. The reprint in 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, viii. 164, was made from -a copy got in England by Sparks. The Maine Historical Society reprinted -it in their _Collections_, ii. 73 (1847); and the copy in the New York -Historical Society’s Library was then considered to be unique. The -_Huth Catalogue_, iii. 843, and _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. no. 338, -show original copies.—ED.] - -[640] [The principal contestants may be thus divided:— - -_Pro_,—_New Hampshire Historical Collections_, i.; Bell’s -_Wheelwright_; cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1869, p. 65. - -_Con_,—Farmer’s _Belknap_; Savage’s _Winthrop_; Palfrey’s _New -England_; and, besides Mr. Deane, the recorded opinions of Dr. Bouton, -Mr. C. W. Tuttle, Mr. J. A. Vinton; cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -1868, p. 479; 1874, pp. 343, 477; and _Historical Magazine_, i. 57; and -also a letter of Colonel Chester in the _Register_, 1868, p. 350. - -The deed is printed in the _Provincial Papers_, i. 56. Cotton Mather’s -original letter regarding it, dated March 3, 1708, is noted in the -_Brinley Catalogue_, no. 1,329. Belknap has printed it, and it is also -in the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1862, p. 349.—ED.] - -[641] Mason made no use of this grant; and no use had been made of his -grant of Mariana, of March 9, 1621/22, and that to him and Gorges of -Aug. 10, 1622; Hubbard’s _New England_, p. 614. - -[642] [Governor Bell discovered in 1870 what is known as the Hilton or -Squamscott patent, of March 12, 1629, and it is printed in the _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1870, p. 264; it was found not to agree as to -its bounds with Piscataqua patent. Jenness, in his _Notes_, contends -that Wiggin set up the title of Massachusetts to the territory under -the 1628/29 charter. It was the conclusion of Mr. C. W. Tuttle (a -studious explorer of New Hampshire history, who died July 18, 1881; cf. -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xix. 2, 11) that Bloody Point, being included -in both grants, became the cause of the trouble between Neale and -Wiggin, as told by Hubbard.—ED.] - -[643] Mason’s will, or a long extract from it, may be seen in Hazard, -i. 397-399, dated Nov. 26, 1635; also in _Provincial Papers_. These -papers last named are a publication of the State. The Rev. Dr. -Nathaniel Bouton, between 1867 and 1876, completed ten volumes of -Papers. They contain nothing before 1631; few from 1631 to 1686. Most -of the original papers between 1641 and 1679 are in the _Massachusetts -Archives_. The papers of interest in the present connection are in -vols. i. and ii. The series has since been resumed under another -editor, with the publication (1882) of the first part (A to F) of -documents relating to towns, 1680-1800. Very few of the papers, -however, are before 1700. Colonel A. H. Hoyt’s “Notes, Historical and -Bibliographical, on the Laws of New Hampshire,” are in _Amer. Antiq. -Soc. Proc._, April, 1876. Like most of the patents issued at the grand -division, Mason’s grant included ten thousand acres more of land on the -southeast part of Sagadahoc, “from henceforth to be called by the name -of Massonia.” - -[644] [John Farmer (1789-1838) and Jacob B. Moore (1797-1853). Each -did much for New Hampshire history. For an account of Farmer, see _N. -E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, i. 12, 15. He published a first volume -(Dover, 1831) of a projected new edition of Belknap’s _History of New -Hampshire_, from a copy “having the author’s last corrections.” Moore -was the father of the well-known historical student, Dr. George H. -Moore, of the Lenox Library.—ED.] - -[645] [Cf. C. K. Adams, _Manual of Historical Literature_, p. 549. -Mention has been made elsewhere of the Belknap Papers; cf. _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, March, 1858.—ED.] - -[646] [The reports of the Adjutant-General of the State, 1866 and 1868, -contained Mr. Chandler E. Potter’s _Military History of New Hampshire_, -from 1623 to 1861, issued separately at Concord in 1869. The histories -by Whiton (1834) and Barstow (1853) are of minor importance.] There -are many valuable histories of separate towns in New Hampshire, and I -cannot do better than refer to the “Bibliography of New Hampshire,” -in Norton’s _Literary Letter_, new series, no. i. pp. 8-30, by S. C. -Eastman. [A current periodical, _The Granite Monthly_, is devoting -much space to New Hampshire history; cf. Sabin, vol. xiii. no. 37,486, -etc.—ED.] - -[647] J. Hammond Trumbull, in _Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll._, ii. 8. [Dr. -Trumbull has compassed a large part of the field of the Indian -nomenclature of Connecticut in his _Indian Names of Places: ... in -Connecticut, etc._, Hartford, 1881. The fortunes of the natives of this -colony have been traced in J. W. De Forest’s _History of the Indians of -Connecticut_ (with a map of 1630), of which there have been successive -editions in 1850, 1853, and 1871. Of Uncas, the most famous of the -Mohegan chiefs, there is a pedigree, as made out in 1679, recorded in -the _Colony Records_, Deeds, iii. 312, and printed in _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, 1856, p. 227. The will of his son Joshua is in Ibid., -1859, p. 235. An agreement which Uncas made in 1681 with the whites is -in the _Public Records_, i. 309, and in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, x. -16. The warfare in 1642 between Uncas and Miantonomo, the chief of the -Narragansetts, and which ended with the latter’s death in captivity, -the English approving, is described by Winthrop and Hubbard; also in -Trumbull’s _Connecticut_, chap. 7; Arnold’s _Rhode Island_, chap. 4; -Palfrey’s _New England_, vol. ii. chap. 3; and it was the subject of -an historical address in 1842 by William L. Stone, called _Uncas and -Miantonomo_.—ED.] - -[648] _Massachusetts Colonial Records_, i. 170. - -[649] See _Connecticut Colonial Records_, i. 4. - -[650] J. Hammond Trumbull, as above, p. 15. - -[651] _New Haven Records._ - -[652] [Block, in 1614, had been the first to explore the river for the -Dutch; and both O’Callaghan (_New Netherland_, i. 169) and Brodhead -(New York, i. 235) set forth the prior right of the Dutch; cf. _N. E. -Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, vi. 368.—ED.] - -[653] [Roger Wolcott celebrated Winthrop’s agency in London, in 1662, -in a long poem, which was printed in Wolcott’s _Poetical Meditations_, -London, 1725, and in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._ Cf. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, iii. 369; Brinley Catalogue, no. 2,134.—ED.] - -[654] It had been printed by Trumbull in 1797, in the Appendix to the -first edition of his _History_, i. 528-533; and is repeated in the -second edition, 1818; cf. Dr. J. H. Trumbull’s _Historical Notes on the -Constitutions of Connecticut_, 1639-1878, published in 1873. Hinman -published a collection of _Letters of the Kings of England to the -Successive Governors_ (1635-1749). - -[655] Douglass’s _Summary_, ii. 160; Neal’s _New England_, 2d ed., i. -163; Trumbull’s 2d ed. 1818, i. 21; Hubbard, p. 310. - -[656] Trumbull, i. 28, from manuscripts of President Clap. This old -Connecticut patent has always been a mystery. Some of the colonists -of the Winthrop emigration to Massachusetts in 1630 were unfavorably -impressed on their arrival with the place selected for a plantation. -The sad mortality of the preceding winter was appalling, and they began -to cast their thoughts on a more southerly spot than Massachusetts -Bay. In a letter of John Humfrey, written from London, Dec. 9, 1636, -in reply to one just received from his brother-in-law, Isaac Johnson, -from the colony, he says, in speaking of Mr. Downing: “He is the only -man for Council that is heartily ours in the town; and yet, unless you -settle upon a good river and in a less snowy and cold place, I can see -no great edge on him to come unto us.” Further on he says, “My Lord -of Warwick will take a patent of that place you writ of for himself, -and so we may be bold to do there as if it were our own.” (4 _Mass. -Hist. Coll._, vi. 3, 4.) No further hint is given as to the location of -Warwick’s intended grant, and we have no contemporaneous record of any -patent having been taken by him at this time or later. The Earl was a -great friend of the Puritans. It was through him that the Massachusetts -patent was obtained; and the patent to the people of Plymouth was -signed by him alone, but in the name of the Council, and sealed with -their seal. - -The title to Connecticut was contested. On the grand division of 1635, -James, Marquis, afterward Duke, of Hamilton, received for his share -the territory between the Connecticut and Narragansett rivers, and -a copy of his feoffment was cited by Chalmers, as on record bearing -date April 22, 1635, that being the date which all the grants of that -final division bore. From a copy on the Connecticut files Mr. R. R. -Hinman, Secretary of State, published the deed in a volume of ancient -documents, at Hartford, in 1836. On the Restoration the heirs of the -Duke, in a petition to the King, asked to “be restored to their just -right,” and their claim was, in 1664, laid by the King’s commissioners -before the Connecticut authorities. These in their answer set up, in -the first place, the prior grant of Lord Say and Sele and others, which -Connecticut, as they alleged, had “purchased at a dear rate,” and which -had been recently ratified and confirmed by the King in their new -charter; then, secondly, a conquest from the natives; and, thirdly, -they claimed thirty years’ peaceable possession (Trumbull, i. 524, -530). At a period still later, the Earl of Arran, a grandson, applied -to King William for a hearing; and when in a formal manner several -patents were exhibited on the part of Connecticut, the Earl’s final -reply was, “that when they produced a grant from the Plymouth Council -to the Earl of Warwick, it should have an answer.” (Chalmers, pp. -299-301; Trumbull, i. 524.) - -Some entries in the recently recovered records of the Council for New -England tend to deepen the suspicion that the Earl of Warwick never -received the alleged grant from that body. It is true that the records -as preserved are not entire, and do not cover the year 1630, and for -the year 1631 they begin at November 4. But some later entries are very -significant. Under date of June 21, 1632, which is three months after -the date of the grant to Lord Say and Sele and associates, is this -entry: “The Secretary is to bring, against the next meeting, a rough -draft in paper of a patent for the E. of Warwick, from the river of the -Narrigants 10 leagues westward. Sir Ferd. Gorges will forthwith give -particular directions for the said patent.” At the next meeting, June -26, “The rough draft of a patent for the E. of Warwick was now read. -His Lordship, upon hearing the same, gave order that the grant should -be unto Rob. Lord Rich and his associates, A, B, etc. And it was agreed -by the Council that the limits of the said patent should be 30 English -miles westward, and 50 miles into the land northward, provided that it -did not prejudice any other patent formerly granted.” A committee was -appointed to take further order respecting this patent, and there is no -evidence that it was ever perfected or issued. This proposed grant, it -will be seen, covered in part the same territory previously included in -the grant above cited to Lord Say, Lord Brook, Lord Rich, and others by -the Earl of Warwick himself. - -Three days afterward some very singular orders were adopted by the -Council, indicating that there had been a serious disagreement with the -Earl, or that a feeling akin to suspicion, of which the Earl was the -object, had found a lodgment in that body. The Earl being president, -the meetings for some years had been held at “Warwick House in -Holborne.” At a meeting on the 29th of June, at which the Earl was not -present, “It was agreed that the E. of Warwick should be entreated to -direct a course for finding out what patents have been granted for New -England.” (Did not the Council keep a record of their grants?) Also, -“The Lord Great Chamberlain and the rest of the Council now present -sent their clerk unto the E. of Warwick for the Council’s great seal, -it being in his Lordship’s keeping.” Answer was brought that as soon as -his man Williams came in he would send it. It was then voted that the -meetings of the Council, which for some time, as I have already said, -had been held at Warwick House, should hereafter be held at Captain -Mason’s House, in Fenchurch Street. But the seal was not then sent, and -during the next five months two other formal applications were made for -it. In the mean time and thence after the records indicate the Earl’s -absence from the meetings, and finally Lord Gorges was chosen President -of the Council in his place. - -The patent to Lord Say and Sele, it may be added, was never formally -transferred to Connecticut. In the agreement of 1644/45 Fenwick -conveyed the fort and lands on the river, and promised to convey the -jurisdiction of all the lands between Narragansett River and Saybrook -Fort, “if it come into his power,”—which he seems never to have done, -though the authorities of Connecticut claimed that they had paid him -for it. For a long time the Connecticut authorities appear to have -had no copy of this patent, for they were often challenged to exhibit -it, and were not able to do so; though they say that a copy was shown -to the commissioners when the confederation of the colonies was -formed,—then of course in the possession of Fenwick; and in 1648 it -is referred to as having been recently seen. (Hazard, ii. 120, 123.) -A transcript of this patent was found in London by John Winthrop, -among the papers of Governor Hopkins, who died there in 1658. See -_Connecticut Colonial Records_, pp. 268, 568, 573, 574. - -[657] First edition, vol. i. Appendix v. and vi. See also Ibid., i. -149, 507-510, edition of 1818, with which compare _Connecticut Colonial -Records_, pp. 568, 573, 585. - -[658] Vol. i. p. 306; cf. Trumbull, i. 110; Hutchinson, i. 100, 101. - -[659] Vol. i. pp. 77-80, 509-563, 1-384. The twelve Capital Laws of the -Connecticut Colony, established in 1642, were taken almost literally -from the Body of Liberties of Massachusetts, established in 1641. The -preamble to the code of 1650, the paragraph following it, and many, if -not all, of the laws were taken from the Massachusetts Book of Laws -published in 1649. A copy of the constitution of 1639 was prefixed to -the Code. This was first printed in a small volume in 1822 at Hartford, -by Silas Andrus, called _The Code of 1650, being a Compilation of the -Earliest Laws and Orders of the General Court of Connecticut; also, -the Constitution, or Civil Compact, entered into and adopted by the -Towns of Windsor, Hartford, and Weathersfield, in 1638-39, to which is -added some Extracts from the Laws and Judicial Proceedings of New Haven -Colony commonly called Blue Laws_. There was an edition at Hartford in -1828, 1830, 1838, from the same plates; and in 1861 there appeared at -Philadelphia _A Collection of the Earliest Statutes, Edited with an -Introduction_, by Samuel W. Smucker. - -[660] Cf. also Trumbull, i. chap. viii.; Caulkins, _New London_, pp. -27-50. - -[661] Vol. i. pp. 259, 260, 404, 405. - -[662] Vol. i. 1, _et seq._; cf. Trumbull, i. chap. vi.; Hubbard, chap. -xlii. See also Davenport’s _Discourse about Civil Government in a New -Plantation_, Cambridge, 1663, probably written at this early period; -Leonard Bacon, _Thirteen Historical Discourses_, New Haven, 1839; and -Professor J. L. Kingsley, _Historical Discourse_, New Haven, 1838. - -[663] [Of Governor Eaton, the first governor of New Haven, there is a -memoir by J. B. Moore in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, ii. 467.—ED.] - -[664] A copy of the original edition is also in the Library of the -Boston Athenæum, not quite perfect. Two copies were in the sale of Mr. -Brinley’s library in 1879, and they brought, one $380, the other, not -perfect, $310. Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, in his learned Introduction -to his edition of _The True-Blue Laws of Connecticut and New Haven, -and the False Blue Laws Invented by the Rev. Samuel Peters_, etc., -Hartford, 1876, says: “Just when or by whom the acts and proceedings of -New Haven Colony were first stigmatized as _Blue Laws_ cannot now be -ascertained. The presumption, however, is strong that the name had its -origin in New York, and that it gained currency in Connecticut among -Episcopalian and other dissenters from the established church, between -1720 and 1750” (p. 24). He thinks that “blue” was a convenient epithet -for whatever “in colonial laws and proceedings looked over-strict, or -queer, or ‘puritanic’” (pp. 24, 27). - -Mr. Peters, of course, did not invent the name. He says of these laws: -“They consist of a vast multitude, and were very properly termed _Blue -Laws_, i.e., _bloody laws_.” In his _General History of Connecticut_, -London, 1781, Peters gives some forty-five of these laws as a sample of -the whole, “denominated _blue laws_ by the neighboring colonies,” which -“were never suffered to be printed.” The greater part of these probably -never had an existence as standing laws or otherwise. The archives -of the colony fail to reveal such, though we do not forget that the -jurisdiction records for nine years are lost. Peters’ laws have often -been reprinted, and appear in Mr. Trumbull’s volume above cited, along -with authentic documents relating to the foundation of Connecticut and -New Haven colonies, already referred to in this paper. (See Peters’ -_Connecticut_, pp. 63, 66; the _New-Englander_, April, 1871, art. “Blue -Laws;” and _Methodist Quarterly Review_, January, 1878.) - -It might be inferred from the conclusion of the titlepage (cited -above) of the small volume published by Silas Andrus, at Hartford, -in 1822, on bluish paper, bound in blue covers, with a frontispiece -representing a constable seizing a tobacco taker, which was stereotyped -and subsequently issued at different dates, that the book contained the -Peters’ laws; but what related to New Haven here were simply extracts -of a few laws and court orders from the records. The Blue Laws of -Peters were reprinted by J. W. Barber, in his _History and Antiquities -of New Haven_, 1831, with a note in which the old story is repeated, -that the term blue originated from the color of the paper in which -the first printed laws were stitched. They were also printed by Mr. -Hinman, formerly Secretary of the State of Connecticut, in 1838, in -a volume already cited, along with other valuable documents relating -to the colony, and with what he called the Blue Laws of Virginia, of -Barbadoes, of Maryland, New York, South Carolina, Massachusetts, and -Plymouth. - -Peters’ _Connecticut_ (1781) is now a scarce book. The copy in the -Menzies sale, no. 1,590, brought $125. Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. -2,088, etc. The interest in this apocryphal history of Connecticut and -in Peters’ Blue Laws was revived in modern times by the publication -in 1829 of a new edition of Peters’ _History_, in 12º., at New Haven, -with a preface and eighty-seven pages of supplementary notes. The -anonymous editor of the new edition was Sherman Croswell, son of the -Rev. Harry Croswell,—a recent graduate of Yale College, who furnished -the supplementary notes. Nearly all the type of this edition was set by -the late Joel Munsell, then a young man just twenty-one years of age. -Mr. Croswell subsequently went to Albany as co-editor with his cousin, -Edwin Croswell, of the _Albany Argus_. (Joel Munsell, _Manuscript -Note_; October, 1871.) Professor Franklin B. Dexter, of Yale College, -writes me under date of Feb. 20, 1883, respecting the enterprise of -publishing the new edition of Peters’ _History_: “I have heard that -the publisher, Dorus Clarke, used to say that he lost $2,000 by the -publication. Sherman Croswell was a young lawyer then living here, a -son of the Rev. Dr. Harry Croswell, and brother and classmate (Yale -College, 1822) of the more gifted Rev. William Croswell, of the Church -of the Advent in Boston. Sherman was born Nov. 10, 1802; removed to -Albany in 1831, and became an editor of the _Argus_ with his cousin, -Edwin Croswell; returned to New Haven in 1855, and died here March -4, 1859. I have repeatedly heard that he edited this publication, -though my authority has never been a very definite one. Munsell’s note -I should not hesitate to accept as far as this fact is concerned.” -Munsell inadvertently calls Sherman Croswell a brother of Edwin. A -spurious edition of this book was published in New York in 1877, edited -by a descendant of the author, S. J. McCormick. Cf. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, Oct. 22, 1877, and _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1877, p. 238. - -But New Haven was not the only New England colony whose laws were -satirized or burlesqued by those who did not sympathize with the strict -ways of the Puritan. John Josselyn, who visited the Massachusetts -Colony twice, in his account of the country published in 1674 professes -to give some of the laws of that colony. Some of those cited by him -are true, and some are false. Some were court orders or sentences -for crimes. One is similar to a law in Peters’ code: “For kissing a -woman in the street, though in the way of civil salute, whipping or a -fine” (p. 178). Of course there were at an early period in the colony -instances of ridiculous punishments awarded at the sole discretion of -the magistrate, of which the record in all cases may not be preserved, -and it is hazardous to deny, for that reason, that they ever took -place. The existence of standing laws are more easily ascertained. -Josselyn (p. 179) refers the reader to “their Laws in print.” During -his second visit to Massachusetts (1663-1671) he could have seen the -digest of 1649, and that of 1660. Of the first no copy is now extant, -but the Connecticut code of 1650, first printed in 1822, was perhaps -substantially a transcript of it. 3 _Mass. Hist. Coll._ viii. 214. -Josselyn probably never examined either of the Massachusetts digests. - -The notorious Edward Ward published, in 1699 a folio of sixteen pages, -entitled _A Trip to New England_, etc. (Carter-Brown, ii. 1580.) A -large part of it, where he speaks of “Boston and the Inhabitants,” -is abusive and scandalous. He enlarges upon Josselyn in the instance -cited, whose book he had seen. Mr. Drake and Dr. Shurtleff, in their -histories of Boston, both quote from it. No one would think of -believing “Ned Ward,” the editor of the _London Spy_, who was sentenced -more than once to stand in the pillory for his scurrility; yet for all -this he probably was as truthful, if not as pious, as Parson Peters of -a later generation. - -[665] See Trumbull, i. 297; _New Haven Colonial Records_, ii. 217, 238, -363; _Connecticut Colonial Records_, ii. 283, 303, 308, 324. - -[666] [See chap. x. of the present volume, and chap. ix. of Vol. -IV.—ED.] - -[667] See also Winthrop’s letter in _Connecticut Historical Society’s -Collections_, i. 52, and Secretary Clarke’s in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, xi. 344. The earnest protest of New Haven against the union, -till the time it really took place, may be seen in the records of that -colony from 1662 to 1665. - -[668] See also Hutchinson, i. 213-220; the lecture on _The Regicides -sheltered in New England_, Feb. 5, 1869, by Dr. Chandler Robbins, who -used the new materials published in a volume of “Mather Papers” in 4 -_Massachusetts Historical Society’s Collections_, vol. viii.; J. W. -Barber’s _History and Antiquities of New Haven_, etc., 1831. - -[669] Cf. Trumbull, _History_, i. 524, 526, 362, 363; Arnold’s _Rhode -Island_, vol. i., _passim_; Palfrey, _New England_, vol. ii. [An -elaborate monograph of the _Boundary Disputes of Connecticut_, by C. -W. Bowen, Boston, 1882, covers the original claims to the soil, and -the disputes with Rhode Island, Massachusetts, and New York. It is -illustrated with the Dutch map of 1616, an Indian map of 1630, and -various others.—ED.] - -[670] Copies are rare. A copy sold in the Brinley sale (no. 2,001) -for $300. Mr. Brinley issued a private reprint of it, following this -copy, in which he gave a fac-simile of the title and an historical -introduction. - -[671] [Cf. C. K. Adams’s _Manual of Historical Literature_, p. 552. -The author was the Rev. Benjamin Trumbull, D.D. (b. 1735; d. 1820). -The papers of Governor Jonathan Trumbull (b. 1710; d. 1785), bound -in twenty-three volumes, are in the library of the Massachusetts -Historical Society; and the writer of the present chapter is the -chairman of a committee preparing them for publication. Their chief -importance, however, is for the Revolutionary period. The papers were -procured in 1795, by Dr. Belknap, from the family of the Governor. One -volume (19th) was burned in 1825. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 85, -393.—ED.] - -[672] [Dr. Trumbull’s labors ceased, with the second volume after the -union; when, beginning with 1689, the editorial charge was taken by Mr. -Hoadly.—ED.] - -[673] Reference may here be made to a valuable note on the alleged -incident, as related by Dr. Benjamin Trumbull in 1797, which has for -so many years invested “The Charter Oak” with so much interest. See -Palfrey, iii. 542-544. Vol. iii. of the _Colonial Records_ contains a -valuable official correspondence relating to this period, and also the -“Laws enacted by Governor Andros and his Council,” for the colony, in -1687. - -[674] The first volume (1860) has reprints of Gershom Bulkeley’s _The -People’s Right to Election ... argued_, etc., 1869, following a rare -tract of Mr. Brinley on _Their Majesties’ Colony of Connecticut in New -England Vindicated_, 1694. A second volume of _Collections_ was issued -in 1870. - -[675] [The first, in 1865, contained a history of the colony, by Henry -White; an essay on its civil government, by Leonard Bacon; and others -on the currency of the colony, etc. In the second is a valuable sketch -of the life and writings of Davenport, by F. B. Dexter, and some notes -on Goffe and Whalley from the same source. The third includes J. R. -Trowbridge, Jr., on “The Ancient Maritime Interests of New Haven;” -Dr. Henry Bronson on “The early Government of Connecticut and the -Constitution of 1639;” and F. B. Dexter on “The Early Relations between -New Netherland and New England.”—ED.] - -[676] It has a map of New Haven in 1641. - -[677] [There is no considerable Connecticut bibliography of local -history; and F. B. Perkins’s _Check-List of American Local History_ -must be chiefly depended on; but the _Brinley Catalogue_, nos. -2,001-2,340, is very rich in this department. So also is Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, iv. 395, etc., for official and anonymous publications. -There are various miscellaneous references in Poole’s _Index_, p. 292. -E. H. Gillett has a long paper on “Civil Liberty in Connecticut” in the -_Historical Magazine_, July, 1868. Mr. R. R. Hinman’s _Early Puritan -Settlers of Connecticut_ was first issued in 1846-48 (366 pages), and -reissued (884 pages) in 1852-56. Cf. _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, -1870, p. 84. Savage’s _Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of -New England_, however, is the chief source of genealogical information -for the earliest comers.—ED.] - -[678] The official name of this State since 1663 is “Rhode Island and -Providence Plantations.” The Island of “Aquedneck,” its Indian name, -spelled in various ways, was so called till 1644, when the Court -ordered that henceforth it be “called the Isle of Rhodes, or Rhode -Island.” It is said that Block, the Dutch navigator, in 1614, gave the -island the name of “Roodt Eylandt,” from the prevalence of red clay in -some portions of its shores. There are traditions connecting the name -with Verrazano and the Isle of Rhodes in Asia Minor, which require no -further mention. See Arnold’s _Rhode Island_, i. 70; _Rhode Island -Colonial Records_, i. 127; Verrazano in 2 _N. Y. Hist. Coll._, i. 46; -Brodhead’s _New York_, i. 57, 58; _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, i. 367; J. -G. Kohl, in _Magazine of American History_, February, 1883. - -[679] In 1838 it was republished as vol. iv. of Rhode Island Historical -Society’s _Collections_, edited by Professor Romeo Elton, with notes, -and a memoir of the author, and reissued in Boston in 1843; cf. -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, iii. 600. - -[680] It was reprinted in 2 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ix. 166-203. It is -called “inaccurate” by Bancroft. - -[681] Cited by S. G. Arnold, _History of Rhode Island_, i. 124. - -[682] Bartlett’s _Bibliography of Rhode Island_, p. 204. - -[683] [A second edition was published in 1874; cf. C. K. Adams’s -_Manual of Historical Literature_, p. 552.—ED.] - -[684] John Pitman’s Discourse was delivered in August, 1836; Job -Durfee’s in January, 1847; and Zachariah Allen’s in April, 1876; and -another, by Mr. Allen, on “The Founding of Rhode Island,” in 1881. - -[685] The original edition of the _Key_ was issued in London in 1643. -_Brinley Catalogue_, no. 2,380. It is also reprinted in the _R. I. -Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. i. See an earlier page under “Massachusetts.” - -[686] It was at first intended to republish also such of the writings -of John Cotton, George Fox, and John Clarke as were connected with -Roger Williams, to be followed by the writings of Samuel Gorton and -Governor Coddington; but with the exception of two pieces by Cotton, -edited by R. A. Guild, the publications of the Club have been limited -to the writings of Williams. - -[687] He published an abridgment in 1804, which was reprinted in -Philadelphia, in 1844, with a memoir of the author, under the title of -_Church History of New England_, from 1620 to 1804. Backus was born in -1724, and died in 1806. - -[688] [Dr. Turner also read a paper—_Settlers of Aquedneck and Liberty -of Conscience_—before the Historical Society, in February, 1880, which -was published at Newport the same year.—ED.] - -[689] [Dr. Dexter a few years since recovered a lost tract by Williams, -_Christenings make not Christians_, 1645, which he found in the British -Museum, and edited for Rider’s _Historical Tracts_, no. 14, in 1881, -adding certain of Williams’s letters. Williams’s letter to George -Fox, 1672, in his controversy with the Quakers, is printed in the -_Historical Magazine_, ii. 56.—ED.] - -[690] [Sabin’s _Dictionary_, iv. 106; _Menzies Catalogue_, no. -392; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 729. It was reprinted -in 4 _Mass. Hist. Coll._, ii. pp. 1-113. Thomas Cobbett’s _Civil -Magistrates’ Power in Matters of Religion modestly debated_, London, -1653, was in part an answer to this “slanderous pamphlet” (_Prince -Catalogue_, no. 97-154). The character of Clarke and the influence of -his mission to England, wherein he procured the revocation of William -Coddington’s commission as governor, gave rise to a controversy between -George Bancroft and Josiah Quincy in relation to the misapprehension -of Grahame on the subject in his _History of the United States_; cf. -_Historical Magazine_, August, 1865 (ix. 233), and the references noted -in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 339. Coddington (of whom there is -an alleged portrait in the Council Chamber at Newport,—_N. E. Hist. -and Geneal. Reg._, 1873, p. 241) also had his controversy with the -Massachusetts authorities, and his side of the question is given in his -_Demonstration of True Love unto ... the rulers of the Massachusetts, -... by one who was once in authority with them, but always testified -against their persecuting spirit_, which was printed in 1674. _Menzies -Catalogue_, no. 422 ($36); _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. -1,101. See _Magazine of American History_, iii. 642; _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, April, 1882, p. 138.—ED.] - -[691] [A copy of the charter is in the _Massachusetts Archives_ -(Miscellaneous, i. 135), and it is printed in the _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._, 1857, p. 41. The discussion in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._ was by Mr. Deane and Colonel Thomas Aspinwall. The latter’s -contribution was also issued in Providence (2d ed.) in 1865, as -_Remarks on the Narragansett Patent_.—ED.] - -[692] Other digests followed in 1730, 1745, 1752, and 1767. - -[693] [Cf. Thomas T. Stone on _Roger Williams the Prophetic -Legislator_, Providence, 1872.—ED.] - -[694] [Cf. Mr. Whitehead’s chapter in the present volume.—ED.] - -[695] See chapter xi. - -[696] See chapter xi. - -[697] _The History of the Province of New York, from the first -Discovery to the year MDCCXXXII. To which is annexed a Description of -the Country, with a short Account of the Inhabitants, their Trade, -Religious and Political State, and the Constitution of the Courts of -Justice in that Colony._ By William Smith, A.M. London; MDCCLVII., 4º, -pp. 255. - -[698] [Of Smith and his History O’Callaghan (ii. 64) says “Smith knew -about as little of the history of New Netherland as many of his readers -of the present day.”—ED.] - -[699] [Cf. Mr. Fernow’s estimate of Smith in Vol. IV. Also, _Hist. -Mag._, xiv. 266.—ED.] - -[700] _The Natural, Statistical, and Civil History of the State of New -York_, in three volumes, by James Macauley. New York, 1829. 8º. - -[701] [Cf. Mr. Fernow’s estimate in Vol. IV.—ED.] - -[702] _History of the New Netherlands, Province of New York, and State -of New York, to the Adoption of the Federal Constitution._ In two -volumes. By William Dunlap. Printed for the author by Carter & Thorp, -New York, 1839-1840. 2 vols. 8º. - -[703] [Cf. Mr. Fernow’s estimate in Vol. IV.—ED.] - -[704] _History of the State of New York_, by John Romeyn Brodhead. -First period, 1609-1664. New York, 1853; second edition, 1859. Second -period, 1664-1691. New York, 1871. Harper & Brothers, New York. 2 vols. -8º. Mr. Brodhead was born Jan. 21, 1814, and died May 6, 1873. - -[705] [Cf. Mr. Fernow’s estimate of Brodhead in Vol. IV., where, in -the chapter on New Netherland, an examination is made of the labors of -Brodhead and others in amassing and arranging the documentary history -of the State.—ED.] - -[706] See also Bowden’s _Friends in America_, i. 309; Lamb’s _New -York_, i. 180; Valentine’s _Manual_, 1842-43, p. 147; Gay’s _Popular -History of the United States_, ii. 236. - -[707] There were later enlarged editions in 1680 and 1705, or of about -those dates. Muller, _Catalogue_ (1877), no. 3,389. - -[708] Cf. Mr. Fernow’s chapter in Vol. IV. It was afterwards followed -in part in Lotter’s map. (Asher’s _List_, no. 20.) - -[709] [See a chapter in Vol. IV. for the Dutch rule.—ED.] - -[710] [See this volume, chap. x., for the English Conquest.—ED.] - -[711] [See Vol. IV. for the Swedish rule.—ED.] - -[712] [See chapter ix.; and the full treatment of the struggle to -maintain the charter, given by Mr Deane, in the _Memorial History of -Boston_, i. 329.—ED.] - -[713] _East Jersey under the Proprietary Governments_, pp. 250, 251. - -[714] Leaming and Spicer’s _Grants and Concessions_, p. 493. - -[715] [See chapter x.—ED.] - -[716] It was entitled _A Brief Account of the Province of East Jersey -in America, published by the present Proprietors, for information of -all such persons who are or may be inclined to settle themselves, -families, and servants in that country_. - -[717] It was styled _A Brief Account of the Province of East New -Jersey in America. Published by the Scots’ Proprietors having interest -there, For the information of such as may have a desire to Transport -themselves or their Families thither; wherein the Nature and Advantage -of, and Interest in, a Forraign Plantation to this Country is -Demonstrated. Printed by_ JOHN REID. - -[718] Twenty-five copies were printed separately, bearing date 1867. -Sabin’s _Dictionary_, xiii. 53,079. _Alofsen Catalogue_, No. 823. - -[719] Vol. I. p. 226. - -[720] It was entitled _The Model of the Government of the Province of -East New Jersey in America; And Encouragements for such as Designs to -be concerned there. Published for Information of such as are desirous -to be Interested in that place_. - -[721] [The copies known are these: 1. New Jersey Historical Society. 2. -Harvard College Library. 3. John Carter Brown Library, Providence. 4. -William A. Whitehead, Newark. 5. J. A. King, Long Island. 6. British -Museum. 7. Huth Library, London. 8. Advocates’ Library, Edinburgh. 9. -Göttingen University. 10. Lenox Library, New York.—ED.] - -[722] The title, in full, is quite a correct table of contents, and -under the several headings is given very excellent advice as to the -course to be followed to insure success in the new settlements. It is -as follows: _Good Order Established in Pennsilvania and New Jersey in -America. Being a true Account of the Country, With its Produce and -Commodities there made, And the great Improvements that may be made by -means of Publick Store-houses for Hemp, Flax, and Linnen-Cloth; also, -the Advantages of a Publick School, the profits of a Publick Bank, and -the Probability of its arising, if those directions here laid down are -followed; With the advantages of publick Granaries. Likewise, several -other things needful to be understood by those that are or do intend to -be concerned in planting in the said Countries. All which is laid down -very plain in this small Treatise; it being easie to be understood by -any ordinary Capacity. To which the Reader is referred for his further -satisfaction. By_ THOMAS BUDD. _Printed in the year 1685_. - -[723] The title, which may also be considered a table of contents, was -as follows: _An Historical Description of the Province and Country of -West New Jersey in America. A short View of their Laws, Customs, and -Religions. As also the Temperament of the Air and Climate, The fatness -of the Soil, with the vast Produce of Rice, etc., the improvement of -the Lands as in England to Pasture, Meadows, etc. Their making great -quantities of Pitch and Tar, as also Turpentine, which proceeds from -the Pine Trees, with Rosen as clear as Gum Arabick, with particular -Remarks upon their Towns, Fairs, and Markets; with the great Plenty of -Oyl and Whale-Bone, made from the great number of whales they yearly -take: As also many other Profitable and New Improvements. Never made -Publick till now. By_ GABRIEL THOMAS. - -[This book is rare, and may be worth, when found, $200. Copies have -brought, however, $300 within ten years. _Griswold Catalogue_, Part -I. No. 851. It was reprinted in lithographic fac-simile in New York -in 1848 for Henry Austin Brady. One copy, on blue writing paper and -illustrated, was in the Griswold sale, No. 852.—ED.] - -[724] It was entitled _The Case put and decided. By George Fox, George -Whitehead, Stephen Crisp, and other the most Antient and Eminent -Quakers. Between Edward Billing, on the one part, and some West -Jersians, headed by Samuell Jenings, on the other part, In an Award -relating to the Government of their Province, wherein, because not -moulded to the Pallate of the said Samuell, the Light, the Truth, the -Justice, and Infallibility of these great Friends are arreigned by him -and his Accomplices. Also Several Remarks and Anniversations on the -same Award, setting forth the Premises. With some Reflections on the -Sensless Opposition of these Men against the present Governour, and -their daring Audatiousness in their presumptuous asserting an Authority -here over the Parliament of England. Published for the Information of -the Impartial and Considerate, particularly such as Worship God and -profess Christianity not in Faction and Hypocrisie, but in Truth and -Sincerity_. Ending with the texts Isa. xxx. 1, Isa. xlvii. 10, and [no -book given] v. 11. - -[725] He entitled it _Truth Rescued from Forgery and Falshood. Being An -Answer to a late Scurralous piece, Entituled The Case put and Decided, -etc.; Which Stole into the World without any known Author’s name -affixed thereto, And renders it the more like its Father, Who was a -Lyer and Murtherer from the Beginning. By_ SAMUEL JENINGS. - -[726] _A Journal of the Life, Travels, Sufferings, and Labour of -Love in the Work of the Ministry of that Worthy Elder and faithful -Servant of Jesus Christ, William Edmundson, Who departed this Life the -thirty-first of the sixth Month, 1712._ - -[727] It received the following title: _A Bill in the Chancery of New -Jersey, at the Suit of John, Earl of Stair, and others, Proprietors of -the Eastern-Division of New Jersey, against Benjamin Bond, and some -other Persons of Elizabeth-Town, distinguished as Clinker Lot Right -Men; With three large Maps, done from Copper Plates. To which is added -The Publications of the Council of Proprietors of East New Jersey, and -Mr. Nevill’s Speeches to the General Assembly, Concerning the Riots -committed in New Jersey, and the Pretences of the Rioters, and their -Seducers. These Papers will give a better Light into the History and -Constitution of New Jersey than any Thing hitherto published, the -Matters whereof have been chiefly collected from Records. Published by -Subscription: Printed by James Parker, in New York, 1747, and a few -Copies are to be Sold by him and Benjamin Franklin, in Philadelphia. -Price, bound, and Maps coloured, Three Pounds; plain and stitcht only, -Fifty Shillings, Proclamation Money_. - -[728] It is to be regretted that one who is styled by Smith, the -historian of New York, “a gentleman eminent in the law, and equally -distinguished for his humanity, generosity, great ability, and -honorable stations,” should never have had his biography written. -[Alexander’s own copy of the bill was sold in the Brinley sale, 1880, -No. 3591, and contained considerable manuscript additions in his -handwriting.—ED.] - -[729] The following is the title of the publication: _An Answer to a -Bill in the Chancery of New Jersey, at the suit of John, Earl of Stair, -and others, commonly called Proprietors of the Eastern Division of New -Jersey, against Benjamin Bond and others, claiming under the original -Proprietors and Associates, of Elizabeth-Town. To which is added: -Nothing either of The Publications of The Council of Proprietors of -East New-Jersey, or of The Pretences of the Rioters and their Seducers; -Except, so far as the Persons meant by Rioters Pretend Title against -the Parties to the above Answer; but a Great Deal of the Controversy, -Though Much Less of the History and Constitution of New Jersey than the -said Bill. Audi Alteram Partem. Published by Subscription. New York: -Printed and Sold by James Parker at the New Printing Office in Beaver -Street_. 1752, pp. 218, _folio_. - -[730] Of the minor publications meriting attention the following are -thought worthy of notice here:— - -_A Brief Vindication of the Purchassors Against the Proprietors in a -Christian Manner. 48 pages 20º. New York, 1746._ - -_An Answer to the Council of Proprietors’ two Publications, set forth -at Perth Amboy the 25th of March, 1746, and the 25th of March, 1747. As -also some observations on Mr. Nevill’s Speech to the House of Assembly -in relation to a Petition presented to the House of Assembly, met -at Trentown, in the Province of New Jersey, in May, 1746. New York: -Printed and sold by the Widow Catharine Zenger, 1747_. _Folio_, pp. 13. -This is very rare, only two copies known. - -_A Pocket Commentary of the first settling of New Jersey by the -Europeans; and an Account or fair detail of the original Indian East -Jersey Grants, and other rights of the like tenor in East New Jersey. -Digested in order. New York: Printed by Samuel Parker. 1759. 8º._ - -To these may be added the following of an earlier date:— - -_A further account of New Jersey in an Abstract of Letters lately writ -from thence by several inhabitants there resident, 1676._ This has been -reprinted in fac-simile by Mr. Brinton Coxe. - -_The true state of the case between John Fenwick, Esq., and John -Eldridge and Edmund Warner, concerning Mr. Fenwick’s Ten Parts of -his land in West New Jersey in America_. London, 1677; Philadelphia, -reprinted 1765. A copy is in the Pennsylvania Historical Society’s -Library, as I am informed by Mr. F. D. Stone, the librarian. - -_An Abstract or Abbreviation of some few of the many (Later and Former) -Testimony from the inhabitants of New Jersey and other eminent persons -who have wrote particularly Concerning that Place._ London, 1681. 4º. -32 pp. Several of these letters, between 1677 and 1680, are printed in -Smith’s _History_. The preface and whole tenor of the publication shows -that rumors published in London were having a detrimental effect. There -is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library. - -_Proposals by the Proprietors of East New Jersey in America for the -building of a town on Amboy Point, and for the disposition of Lands in -that Province._ London, 1682, 4º. 6 pp. - -[731] _The History of the Colony of Nova-Cæsaria, or New Jersey: -containing an account of its First Settlement, progressive -improvements, the original and present Constitution, and other events, -to the year 1721, with some particulars since; and a short view of its -present state. By_ SAMUEL SMITH, _Burlington, in New Jersey. Printed -and sold by James Parker. Sold also by David Hall, in Philadelphia, -MDCCLXV. 8º_. [Smith was born in 1720, and died in 1776. This edition -is a rare book, and may be worth $25.00. Copies have brought much -higher sums.—ED.] - -[732] As late as 1877, a second edition was published without any -alteration,—a questionable proceeding, but evincing the estimation in -which the work is held at the present day. [It was issued by William -S. Sharp at Trenton, and contains a brief memoir of the author by his -nephew, the late John Jay Smith, of Germantown, Pennsylvania.—ED.] - -[733] It is entitled _The Grants, Concessions, and Original -Constitutions of the Province of New Jersey: The Acts Passed during the -Proprietary Governments, and other material Transactions before the -Surrender thereof to Queen Anne; The Instrument of Surrender, and Her -formal acceptance thereof; Lord Cornbury’s Commission and Instructions -consequent thereon. Collected by some Gentlemen employed by the -General Assembly, And afterwards Published by Vertue of an Act of the -Legislature of the said Province. With proper Tables, alphabetically -digested, containing the principal Matters in the Book. By_ AARON -LEAMING _and_ JACOB SPICER. _Philadelphia: Printed by W Bradford, -Printer to the King’s Most Excellent Majesty for the Province of New -Jersey._ Small folio, pp. 763. The date of printing does not appear -upon the titlepage; but it is presumed to have been in 1758. - -[734] Since this notice of the book was written a new edition of it -has unexpectedly appeared, printed by Honeyman & Co., Somerville, New -Jersey. - -[735] _Documents relating to the Colonial History of the State of New -Jersey. [First Series.] Edited by_ WILLIAM A. WHITEHEAD. _Vol. I. -1631-1687. Newark: Daily Journal Establishment. 1880. 8º._ Succeeding -volumes cover a period later than that which now occupies us. - -[736] Its full title was _East Jersey under the Proprietary -Governments; a Narrative of Events connected with the settlement and -progress of the Province, until the Surrender of the Government to the -Crown in 1702. Drawn principally from original sources. By_ WILLIAM A. -WHITEHEAD. _With an appendix containing The Model of the Government of -East New Jersey in America. By_ GEORGE SCOT, _of Pitlochie. Now first -reprinted from the original edition of 1685. 8º_. pp. 341. A second -edition, revised and enlarged, making a volume of 486 pages, with a -large number of fac-simile autographs, was published in 1875. [It was -also published separate from the _Collections_. It contained a map of -New Jersey, 1656, following Vanderdonck’s, and another of East Jersey, -with the settlements of about 1682, marked by Mr. Whitehead.—ED.] - -[737] On the family of Sir Edmund Plowden, see Burke’s _Commoners_ and -_Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland_, under “Plowden;” Baker’s -_Northamptonshire_, under “Fermor;” the _Visitation of Oxfordshire_, -published by the Harleian Society, and other works cited below, -particularly _Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus_, -by Henry Foley, S. J. (London, 1875-1882), especially vol. iv. pp. 537 -_et seq._ - -[738] On this point, see Father Foley’s _Records_, just mentioned, and -“A Missing Page of Catholic American History,—New Jersey colonized by -Catholics,” by the Rev. R. L. Burtsell, D.D., in the _Catholic World_ -for November, 1880 (xxxii. 204 _et seq._, New York, 1881). Sir Edmund -Plowden was not so stanch in his adherence to his faith as was his -illustrious grandfather, for in 1635 he is said (temporarily, at least) -to have counterfeited conformity in religion. See “Sir Edmund Plowden -in the Fleet,” by the Rev. Edward D. Neill, in the _Pennsylvania -Magazine_, v. 424 _et seq._, an article which “furnishes some facts -relative to the career of Sir Edmund Plowden just before he left -England for Virginia,” from “the calendars of British State papers -during the reign of Charles the First.” - -[739] See “Sir Edmund Plowden or Ployden,” by “Albion,” in _Notes -and Queries_, iv. 319 _et seq._ (London, 1852), containing so many -statements not elsewhere met with as to have provoked a series of -pertinent queries from the late Sebastian F. Streeter, Secretary of the -Maryland Historical Society, Ibid., ix. 301-2 (London, 1854), several -of which, unfortunately, are still unanswered. - -[740] The petitions and warrant mentioned, with a paper entitled -“The Commodities of the Island called Manati ore Long Isle within -the Continent of Virginia,” extracted from Strafford’s _Letters and -Despatches_ (i. 72) and _Colonial Papers_ (vol. vi. nos. 60, 61), in -the Public Record Office at London, are given in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, 1869, pp. 213 _et seq._ (New York, 1870). “Between this period -and 1634,” according to “Albion,” “Sir Edmund was engaged in fulfilling -the conditions of the warrant by carrying out the colonization by -indentures, which were executed and enrolled in Dublin, and St. Mary’s, -in Maryland, in America. In Dublin the parties were Viscount Muskerry, -100 planters; Lord Monson, 100 planters; Sir Thomas Denby, 100 -planters; Captain Clayborne (of American notoriety), 50; Captain Balls; -and amounting in all to 540 colonizers, beside others in Maryland, -Virginia, and New England.” The same persons, with “Lord Sherrard” -and “Mr. Heltonhead” and his brother, are named as lessees under the -charter of New Albion, in Varlo’s _Floating Ideas of Nature_, ii. 13, -hereafter spoken of. - -[741] “Confirmed,” says “Albion,” “24th July, 1634.” The Latin original -of this charter may be seen in the _Pennsylvania Magazine_, vol. vii. -p. 50 _et seq._ (Philadelphia, 1883), with an Introductory Note by the -writer, embracing Printz’s account of Plowden, extracts from the wills -of Sir Edmund and Thomas Plowden, and a portion of Varlo’s pamphlet, -hereafter referred to. - -[742] So “Albion.” - -[743] Printed in Rymer’s _Fœdera_, xix. 472 _et seq._, A.D. 1633, -and reprinted in Ebenezer Hazard’s _Historical Collections_, i. 335 -_et seq._, Philadelphia, 1792. For biographical accounts of Yong -and Evelin, see _Memoir and Letters of Captain W. Glanville Evelyn_ -(Oxford, 1879), and _The Evelyns in America_ (Ibid., 1881), both edited -and annotated by G. D. Scull; cf. also “Robert Evelyn, Explorer of -the Delaware,” by the Rev. E. D. Neill, in the _Historical Magazine_, -second series, vol. iv. pp. 75, 76; and Neill’s _Founders of Maryland_, -p. 54, note. - -[744] These facts are stated in letters from Yong to Sir Tobie -Matthew, referred to in the chapter on Maryland, which also contains a -fac-simile of the signature of Thomas Yong. - -[745] _Direction for Adventurers, and true description of the -healthiest, pleasantest, and richest Plantation of New Albion, in North -Virginia, in a letter from Mayster Robert Eveline, that lived there -many years._ Small 4º. (“Liber rarissimus,” Allibone.) It was reprinted -in chapter iii. of Plantagenet’s _Description of New Albion_, hereafter -mentioned. - -[746] So Beauchamp Plantagenet. - -[747] Before the Committee of Trade. See Samuel Hazard’s _Annals of -Pennsylvania_, p. 109. - -[748] With regard to whom see Vol. IV., chapter on “New Sweden.” - -[749] Hazard’s _Annals_, pp. 109, 110, citing “Albany Records,” iii. -224. - -[750] “Sir Edmund Plowden,” by the Rev. Edward D. Neill, _Pennsylvania -Magazine of History_, v. 206 _et seq._, citing “Manuscript records of -Maryland, at Annapolis.” - -[751] Printed at the end of _Kolonien Nya Sveriges Grundläggning_, -1637-1642, af C. T. Odhner (Stockholm, 1876), referred to in Vol. IV., -chapter on “New Sweden.” The “former communications” spoken of in it -cannot be found, although they have been diligently sought for, on -behalf of the writer, in Sweden. - -[752] Accomack and Kecoughtan (as it is usually spelled by English -writers), the present Hampton. The diverse orthography of the text -conforms to the original. The places are noted on contemporary maps. - -[753] Cited in Vol. IV., chapter on “New Sweden.” John Romeyn Brodhead, -in his _History of the State of New York_, i. 381, 484, mentions -Plowden’s visits to Manhattan as occurring in 1643 and 1648. - -[754] Scull’s _Evelyns in America_, p. 361 _et seq._ The lawyers -referred to were Henry Clerk and Arthur Turner, serjeants-at-law, and -Arthur Ducke, Thomas Ryves, Robert Mason, William Merricke, Giles -Sweit, Robert King, and William Turner, doctors of laws; of whom, says -the editor, two at least, Ducke and Ryves, are “recognized as very -able and learned lawyers in their day.” The rest, as well as Bysshe, -speak of the letters patent as “under the Great Seal of Ireland.” I -am informed by Mr. Scull that the documents mentioned constitute a -manuscript folio volume now in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. - -[755] _A Description of the Province of New Albion. And a Direction -for Adventurers with small stock to get two for one, and good land -freely: And for Gentlemen, and all Servants, Labourers, and Artificers -to live plentifully. And a former Description reprinted of the -healthiest, pleasantest, and richest Plantation of New Albion in -North Virginia, proved by thirteen witnesses. Together with a Letter -from Master Robert Evelin, that lived there many years, shewing the -particularities, and excellency thereof. With a briefe of the charge -of victuall, and necessaries, to transport and buy stock for each -Planter, or Labourer, there to get his Master £50 per Annum, or more -in twelve trades, at £10 charges onely a man. Printed in the Year -1648._ Small 4º, 32 pp. (Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. v. no. 19,724.) -On the _verso_ of the titlepage (reproduced here from the copy of the -book in the Philadelphia Library) appear: “The Order, Medall, and -Riban of the Albion Knights, of the Conversion of 23 Kings, their -support;” the medal (given also in Mickle’s _Reminiscences of Old -Gloucester_) bearing on its face a coroneted effigy of Sir Edmund -Plowden, surrounded by the legend, ‘EDMUNDUS. COMES. PALATINUS. ET. -GUBER. N. ALBION,’ and on the reverse two coats of arms impaled; the -dexter, those of the Province of New Albion, namely, the open Gospel, -surmounted by a hand dexter issuing from the partiline grasping a -sword erect, surmounted by a crown; the sinister, those of Plowden -himself, a _fesse dancettée_ with two _fleurs-de-lis_ on the upper -points; supporters, two bucks rampant gorged with crowns,—the whole -surmounted by the coronet of an Earl Palatine, and encircled with -the motto, ‘SIC SUOS VIRTUS BEAT;’ and the order consisting of this -achievement encircled by twenty-two heads couped and crowned, held up -by a crowned savage kneeling,—the whole surrounded with the legend, -‘DOCEBO INIQUOS VIAS TUAS, ET IMPII AD TE CONVERTENTUR.’ These -engravings are accompanied by Latin mottoes and English verses on -“Ployden” and “Albion’s Arms.” The work is the subject of an essay -entitled “An Examination of Beauchamp Plantagenet’s Description of the -Province of New Albion,” by John Penington, in the _Memoirs of the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. iv. pt. i. pp. 133 _et seq._ -(Philadelphia, 1840), for which the writer is very justly censured -by a reviewer in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for August, 1840, in -these terms: “He has shown himself not unskilful in throwing ridicule -upon the exaggerations and falsifications with which (as unhappily -has been generally the case with such compositions in all ages) the -prospectus of Ployden, or Plowden, abounds; but he has failed in the -more difficult task of separating truth from falsehood.” The same -critic says: “It is clear to us that the pamphlet was issued with the -consent, and probably at the procuration and charges, of Sir Edmund -Ployden;” and he attempts to throw some light upon the personality of -the author, whose name of “Plantagenet,” undoubtedly, is fictitious. -Besides the copy of the _Description of New Albion_ in the Philadelphia -Library, there is another in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, -vol. ii. no. 649), at Providence; three are mentioned by Mr. Penington -as included in private libraries; and two, says the writer in the -_Gentleman’s Magazine_, are preserved in the British Museum. The book -was reprinted from the Philadelphia copy in _Tracts and Other Papers_ -collected by Peter Force, vol. ii. no. 7 (Washington, 1838), and again -reprinted from Force in Scull’s _Evelyns in America_, p. 67 _et seq._ -The citations in the text are taken directly from the Philadelphia -and Carter-Brown copies, which will account for some variations from -these occasionally inaccurate reprints. A second edition of the -original is mentioned by Lowndes as published in 1650. See the _Huth -Catalogue_, which says: “The original edition was doubtless published -at Middleburgh in 1641 or 1642.” - -[756] An intimacy which authorized Plantagenet to speak thus of the -Earl Palatine: “I found his conversation as sweet and winning, as grave -and sober, adorned with much Learning, enriched with sixe Languages, -most grounded and experienced in forain matters of State policy, and -government, trade, and sea voyages, by 4 years travell in Germany, -France, Italy, and Belgium, by 5 years living an Officer in Ireland, -and this last 7 years in America.” “Sir Edmund Plowden,” says “Albion,” -“was not inferior to any of his co-governors in ability, fortune, -position, or family.” - -[757] Reproduced in Heylin’s _Cosmographie_, in Philips’s enlarged -edition of Speed’s _Prospect of the Most Famous Parts of the World_, in -Stith’s _History of Virginia_ (Williamsburg, 1747), and in the _Pocket -Commentary of the first Settling of New Jersey by the Europeans_ (New -York, 1759). Compare “Councells Opinions concerning Coll. Nicholls -pattent and Indian purchases,” in _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, xiii. 486, -487 (Albany, 1881). On certain of these points, see “Expedition of -Captain Samuel Argall,” by George Folsom, in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -second series, i. 333 _et seq._ (New York, 1841), and Brodhead’s -_History of the State of New York_, i. 54, 55, 140, and notes E and F. - -[758] See _Sketches of the Primitive Settlements on the River -Delaware_, by James N. Barker (Philadelphia, 1827), Penington’s work -already cited, and “An Inquiry into the Location of Mount Ployden, -the Seat of the Raritan King,” by the Rev. George C. Schanck, in _New -Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi. 25 _et seq._ (Newark, N. J., 1853). -According to Plantagenet, “The bounds is a thousand miles compasse, of -this most temperate, rich Province, for our South bound is Maryland -North bounds, and beginneth at Aquats or the Southermost or first Cape -of Delaware Bay in thirty-eight and forty minutes, and so runneth -by, or through, or including Kent Isle, through Chisapeack Bay to -Pascatway, including the fals of Pawtomecke river to the head or -Northermost branch of that river, being three hundred miles due West; -and thence Northward to the head of Hudson’s river fifty leagues, and -so down Hudson’s river to the Ocean, sixty leagues; and thence by -the Ocean and Isles a crosse Delaware Bay to the South Cape, fifty -leagues; in all seven hundred and eighty miles. Then all Hudson’s -river, Isles, Long Isle, or Pamunke, and all Isles within ten leagues -of the said Province being; and note Long Isle alone is twenty broad, -and one hundred and eighty miles long, so that alone is four hundred -miles compasse.” These limits of New Albion, as given in Smith’s -_History of New Jersey_, are cited by the Rev. William Smith, D.D., -in _An Examination of the Connecticut Claim to Lands in Pennsylvania_ -(Philadelphia, 1774), with the remark, page 83: “This Grant, which was -intended to include all the Dutch Claims, was the Foundation of the -Duke of York’s Grant.” - -[759] Domestic Interregnum, Entry Book, xcii. 108, 159, 441. Reprinted -in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._ 1869, pp. 221-22. - -[760] Reproduced herewith from a copy in the possession of John -Cadwalader, Esq., of Philadelphia. It will be seen that Mr. Penington -was correct in his account of this map, _op. cit._, notwithstanding the -criticisms of the reviewer of his work in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, -which were based not on this, but on a similar map in _The Discovery of -New Britaine_ (London, 1651), in the British Museum, collated by “John -Farrer, Esq.” Cf. Editorial Note A, following chapter v. - -[761] Neill’s _Sir Edmund Plowden_, before cited. - -[762] The document is on file in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, -London, and has two seals attached to it,—described by “Albion” as Sir -Edmund’s “private seal of the Plowdens, and his Earl’s with supporters, -signed ‘Albion,’ the same as is given in Beauchamp Plantagenet’s _New -Albion_.” The extracts in the text were copied from the original will -by a London correspondent of the writer. - -[763] Extract courteously made from the original at Somerset House, -London, by the same correspondent. This gentleman assures me that, -notwithstanding the declaration of “Albion” to the contrary, the will -contains “no allusion whatever to the death of anybody at the hands of -American Indians.” - -[764] In his manuscript Journal, preserved in Sweden. - -[765] See _Doc. Col. Hist. N. Y._, ii. 82, 92. - -[766] In these terms: “A Commission was granted to Sir Edmund -Ploydon for planting and possessing the more Northern parts [of New -Netherland], which lie towards New England, by the name of New Albion.” -Similarly (following Heylin) the _Pocket Commentary of the first -Settling of New Jersey_. - -[767] Maps of “New England and New York” and “Virginia and Maryland,” -in this work, name the region on the west side of the Delaware south of -the Schuylkill “Aromaninck,” which was understood by Mr. Neill to be -the “Eriwomeck” of Yong and Evelin, placed, therefore, at that point -by him in articles in the _Historical Magazine_ and the _Pennsylvania -Magazine of History_, before referred to. “Aromanink” is given on -another map, one of Visscher’s (from which these in Speed’s work were -partly derived), agreeing with several of the period in assigning -“Ermomex” (quite as likely the true “Eriwomeck”) to the eastern side of -the Delaware. Modern historians of New Jersey, following a statement of -Evelin, place Yong’s Fort near Pensaukin Creek. - -[768] For information with regard to this family, see Note B to -Mr. Henry C. Murphy’s translation of “The Representation of New -Netherland,” _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, second series, ii. 323 _et -seq._ (New York, 1849), and the Rev. Dr. Burtsell’s article, already -quoted. The latter lays particular stress upon the devout fidelity to -the Catholic Church of the kinsfolk of the Earl Palatine of New Albion, -whether in England or America, and intimates the Catholic character of -Sir Edmund Plowden’s projected colony. - -[769] In 8º, 30 pp., with the following titlepage: _The Finest Part -of America. To be Sold, or Lett, From Eight Hundred to Four Thousand -Acres, in a Farm, All that Entire Estate, called Long Island, in New -Albion, Lying near New York: Belonging to the Earl Palatine of Albion, -Granted to His Predecessor, Earl Palatine of Albion, By King Charles -the First._ [asterism] _The Situation of Long Island is well known, -therefore needs no Description here. New Albion is a Part of the -Continent of Terra Firma, described in the Charter to begin at Cape -May; from thence Westward 120 Miles, running by the River Delaware, -closely following its Course by the North Latitude, to a certain -Rivulet there arising from a Spring of Lord Baltimore’s, in Maryland; -to the South from thence, taking its Course into a Square, bending to -the North by a Right Line 120 Miles; from thence also into a Square -inclining to the East in a right Line 120 Miles to the River and Port -of Reacher Cod, and descends to a Savannah or Meadow, turning and -including the Top of Sandy Hook; from thence along the Shore to Cape -May, where it began, forming a Square of 120 Miles of good Land. Long -Island is mostly improved and fit for a Course of Husbandry. N.B.—Great -Encouragement will be given to improving Tenants, by letting the Lands -very cheap, on Leases of Lives, renewable for ever_. _Letters (Post -paid) signed with real Names, directed for F. P., at Mr. Reynell’s -Printing-Office, No. 21, Piccadilly, near the Hay-Market, will be -answered, and the Writer directed where he may be treated with, -relative to the Conditions of Sale, Charter, Title Deeds, a Map, with -the Farms allotted thereon, etc., etc. Just Published, and may be had -as above (Price One Shilling), A True Copy of the Above Charter, With -the Conditions of Letting, or Selling the Land, and other Articles -relating thereto_. A copy of this rare tract (that collated by Sabin, -and consulted by the writer) is owned by Mr. Charles H. Kalbfleisch, -of New York; others are mentioned in Mr. Whitehead’s _East Jersey -under the Proprietors_ (2d ed.), p. 11, _note_, as belonging to the -late John Ruthurfurd, of Newark, N. J., and the late Henry C. Murphy, -of New York. The copy formerly pertaining to Varlo’s counsellor, -William Rawle, long since passed out of the possession of his family. -Of the contents of the book mentioned in the text, the translation -of the charter and the lease and release were reprinted in Hazard’s -_Historical Collections_, i. 160 _et seq._; the address is given (with -the error “Sir Edward” for “Sir Edmund Plowden”) in a “parergon” to -Penington’s essay; and the conditions for letting or selling land -appear in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, vii. 54, as before -intimated. - -[770] “The Proclamation,” says Mr. Murphy, “has not been republished. -The only copy which we know of is the one for the use of which we are -indebted to the kindness of the Hon. Peter Force, of Washington.” - -[771] Notice was also given that “True copies in Latin and English of -the original charter registered in Dublin, authenticated under the hand -and seal of the Lord Mayor of Dublin, 1784, may be seen, by applying to -Captain Cope, at the State Arms Tavern, New York.” - -[772] An account of Varlo’s “Tour through America” was given in his -_Nature Displayed_, p. 116 _et seq._ (London, 1794), and was reprinted -(with slight variations of phrase) in his _Floating Ideas of Nature_, -ii. 53 _et seq._, London, 1796. A copy of the former book is in the -Mercantile Library of Philadelphia, and one of the latter is in the -Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. - -[773] The letters appear in the _Floating Ideas of Nature_, ii. 9 _et -seq._ - -[774] The authorities cited in this paper contain, it is believed, -all the facts in print concerning New Albion, although the subject is -mentioned in all the general and in many of the local annals of New -Jersey, as well as in several histories of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and -New York. - -[775] See chapter ix. - -[776] As early as 1658 Josiah Coale and Thomas Thurston visited the -Susquehanna Indians. They were received with great kindness, and spent -some weeks with the red men, travelling over two hundred miles in their -company. Coale also visited the tribes of Martha’s Vineyard and others -of Massachusetts. He returned to them after being liberated from prison -at Sandwich, and was told by a chief: “The Englishmen do not love -Quakers, but the Quakers are honest men and do no harm; and this is no -Englishman’s sea or land, and the Quakers shall come here and welcome.” -Of this early teacher Penn wrote: “Therefore shall his memorial remain -as a sweet oyntment with the Righteous, and time shall never blot him -out of their remembrance.” Fox had several meetings with the Indians, -and at one he says, “They sat very grave and sober, and were all very -attentive, beyond many called Christians.” After Fox’s return to -England, his interest in the Indians continued, and in 1681 he wrote to -the Burlington Meeting to invite the Indians to worship with them. It -was thus that the way was prepared for the peaceful settlement of West -Jersey and Pennsylvania. - -[777] [See Mr. Whitehead’s chapter in the present volume.—ED.] - -[778] _An Abstract or Abbreviation of some Few of the Many (Latter and -Former) Testimonys from the Inhabitants of New Jersey_, etc. London, -1681. - -[779] [The history of the Swedish period is told in Vol. IV.—ED.] - -[780] _History of Chester County, Pa._, by Judge J. Smith Futhey and -Gilbert Cope, p. 18. - -[781] The courts were of three different kinds: namely, the County -Courts, Orphans’ Courts, and Provincial Court. The County Courts sat -at irregular intervals during the year, and were composed of justices -of the peace, commissioned from time to time, the number of whom -varied with the locality, the press of business, or the caprice of -the government. They had jurisdiction to try criminal offences of -inferior grades, and all civil causes except where the title to land -was in controversy. In proper cases they exercised a distinct equity -jurisdiction, which seems, however, to have been excessively irritating -to the people. In many instances they were materially assisted in their -labors by boards of peacemakers, who were annually appointed to settle -controversies, and who performed pretty nearly the same functions as -modern arbitrators. The Justices of the County Courts sat also in the -Orphans’ Courts, which were established in every county to control and -distribute the estates of decedents. For some cause now imperfectly -understood, the conduct of the early Orphans’ Courts was exceedingly -unsatisfactory, and their practice so irregular that but little can be -gleaned respecting them. - -The Provincial Court, which was established in 1684, was composed of -five, afterwards of three, judges, who were always among the most -considerable men in the province. They had jurisdiction in cases of -heinous or enormous crimes, and also in all cases where the title to -land was in controversy. An appeal also lay to this court from the -County and Orphans’ Courts, in all cases where it was thought that -injustice had been done. - -[782] In 1700 the admiralty jurisdiction was done away with by the -establishment of a regular vice-admiralty court in the province. - -[783] Manuscript note furnished by Lawrence Lewis, Jr., Esq. - -[784] [See the Maryland view of this controversy in chap. xiii.—ED.] - -[785] This must not be confused with the present Cape Henlopen, which -was in 1760 called Cape Cornelius. The line was eventually run from -a point known as “The False Cape,” about twenty-three or twenty-four -miles south of the present Cape Henlopen. - -[786] While in America, Penn made other purchases from the Indians. One -purchase from the Five Nations for land on the Susquehanna was delayed -until after the limits between Pennsylvania and Maryland were settled, -when it was consummated in 1696, through the agency of Governor Dongan -of New York, and confirmed by the Indians in 1701. - -[787] Manuscript note furnished by Samuel W. Pennypacker, Esq. - -[788] [There is a contemporary map showing the laying out of -Philadelphia by Holme (concerning which much will be found in John -Reed’s _Explanation of the Map of Philadelphia_, 1774), and also a part -of Harris’s map of Pennsylvania, which gives the location of Pennsbury -Manor, Penn’s country house, in Bucks County, four miles above Bristol, -on the Delaware, which was built during Penn’s first visit, on land -purchased by Markham of the Indians. See the view in Gay’s _Popular -History of the United States_, iii. 174.—ED.] - -[789] Their frames were logs; they were thirty feet long and eighteen -wide, with a partition in the middle forming two rooms, one of which -could be again divided. They were covered with clapboards, which were -“rived feather-edged.” They were lined and filled in. The floor of the -lower rooms was the ground; that of the upper was of clapboards. These -houses, he said, would last ten years; but some persons, even in the -villages, had built much better. The house built for James Claypoole -was about such as we have described. It had, however, a good cellar, -but no chimney. He said it looked like a barn. - -[790] _Some Account of the Province of Pennsilvania in America, Lately -Granted under the Great Seal of England To William Penn, etc., Together -with Priviledges and Powers necessary to the well-governing thereof. -Made public for the Information of such as are or may be disposed to -Transport Themselves or Servants into those Parts._ London: Printed and -Sold by Benjamin Clark, etc., 1681. - -See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,225; _Rice Catalogue_, -no. 1,753. There is a copy in Harvard College Library, from which the -accompanying fac-simile of title is taken. The chief portion of it -is reprinted in Hazard’s _Annals of Pennsylvania_, p. 505; Hazard’s -_Register of Pennsylvania_, i. 305. - -In this pamphlet we have the origin of the quit-rents, which gave -considerable uneasiness in the province. It gives also a picture of the -social condition of England. - -[791] _Een Kort Bericht van de Provintie ofte Landschap Pennsylvania -genaemt; leggende in America; Nu onlangs onder het groote Zegel -van Engeland gegeven aan William Penn, etc._ Rotterdam: Pieter van -Wynbrugge, 1681, 4º, 24 pp. See _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. -1,227; Trömel, _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 381. - -A copy of this was sold at the Stevens sale (no. 619) in 1881 for £10 -5_s._ - -[792] _Eine nachricht wegen der Landschaft Pennsylvania in America: -welche jungstens unter dem Grossen Siegel in Engelland an William Penn, -etc._ Amsterdam: Christoff Cunraden, 4º, 31 pp. _See Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,226. A copy is in the Philadelphia Library. -(Loganian, no. Q, 1,262.) [Harrassowitz of Leipzig, in recently -advertising a copy (28 marks) with the imprint, Frankfort, 1683, says -that it originally formed a part of the _Diarium Europæum_, and was -never published separately.—ED.] - -[793] _Recit de l’Estat Present des Celebres Colonies de la Virgine, de -Marie-Land, de la Caroline, du nouveau Duché d’York, de Pennsylvania, -et de la Nouvelle Angleterre, situées dans l’Amerique septentrionale, -etc._ Rotterdam: Reinier Leers, 4º, 43 pp. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -vol. ii. no. 1,230; Leclerc’s _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 1,324. - -[794] _A Brief Account of the Province of Pennsylvania, lately granted -by the King, under the Great Seal of England, to William Penn and his -Heirs and Assigns._ London: Printed by Benjamin Clark, in George-Yard -in Lombard Street, 4º; also abridged and issued in folio, without place -or date. - -There is a copy in Harvard College Library. Cf. Smith’s _Catalogue -of Friends’ Books_, and _Rëcuel de Diverses pieces concernant la -Pensylvanie_. See _infra_, p. 31. - -[795] _Plantation Work the Work of this Generation. Written in -True-Love To all such as are weightily inclined to Transplant -themselves and Families to any of the English Plantations in America. -The Most material Doubts and Objections against it being removed, they -may more cheerfully proceed to the Glory and Renown of the God of the -whole Earth, who in all undertakings is to be looked unto, Praised, -and Feared for Ever. Aspice venturo lætetur ut India Sêclo._ London: -Printed for Benjamin Clark, in George-Yard in Lombard Street, 1682, 4º, -18 pp. and title. - -Copies of the tract are in the Carter-Brown Library, vol. ii. 1,252, -Friends’ Library, Philadelphia, and in that of the Historical Society -of Pennsylvania. - -[796] _The Frame of the Government of the Province of Pennsilvania -in America: Together with certain Laws agreed upon in England by the -Governour and divers Free Men of the aforesaid Province._ Folio, 11 -pp., 1682. - -Penn’s copy of the above, with his bookplate, is in the library of the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It was purchased at the Stevens -sale in 1881 for £10 5_s._ (Stevens’s _Historical Collection_, no. 623; -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,251.) There is another copy in -Harvard College Library, from which the annexed fac-simile of title is -taken. Later editions of the _Frame_, containing the alterations made -in 1683, are spoken of on a subsequent page. - -[797] _Information and Direction To Such Persons as are inclined -to America, more Especially Those related to the Province of -Pennsylvania._ Folio, 4 pp. - -The title of this tract is given in Smith’s _Catalogue of Friends’ -Books_, under date of 1681. It is reprinted, with a fac-simile of the -half-title, in _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, iv. 329, from a -copy in possession of Mr. Henry C. Murphy. An edition was published at -Amsterdam in 1686, which is given on a following page. - -[798] There is a copy of the original tract in Harvard College Library. -Its title is as follows,— - -_The Articles, Settlement, and Offices of the Free Society of Traders -in Pennsilvania: Agreed upon by divers Merchants and others for the -better Improvement and Government of Trade in that Province._ London: -Printed for Benjamin Clark, folio, 14 pp., 1682. - -[799] Copies of it are in the British Museum and in the Friends’ -Library, London. It is reprinted in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of -History_, vi. 176, from a transcript obtained from the British Museum. - -[800] _A Letter from William Penn, Proprietary and Governour of -Pennsylvania in America, to the Committee of the Free Society of -Traders of that Province, residing in London. To which is added An -Account of the City of Philadelphia, etc._ Printed and Sold by Andrew -Sowle, at the Crooked-Billet in Holloway Lane in Shoreditch, and at -several Stationers’ in London, folio, 10 pp., 1683. - -A copy of the edition, with list of property holders, is in the Library -of the New York Historical Society. It has been lately reprinted by -Coleman, of London. Copies of the edition, which does not contain -the list of purchasers, are in the Philadelphia Library and in the -Historical Society of Pennsylvania. It is reprinted in Proud’s _History -of Pennsylvania_, i. 246; Hazard’s _Register of Pennsylvania_, i. 432; -Janney’s _Life of Penn_, p. 238; and in the various editions of Penn’s -collected _Works_. Menzies’ copy sold for $65. Harvard College Library -has a copy without the list; another is in the Carter-Brown Library. -Cf. Rich’s _Catalogue_ of 1832, no. 403. - -[801] _Missive van William Penn, Eygenaar en Gouverneur van -Pennsylvania, in America. Geschreven aan de Commissarissen van de -Vrye Societeyt der Handelaars, op de selve Provintie, binnen London -resideerende. Waar by noch gevoeght is een Beschrijving van de -Hooft-Stadt Philadelphia, etc._ Amsterdam: Gedrukt voor Jacob Claus, -1684, 4º, 23 pp. - -A copy is in the Carter-Brown Library, _Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,293, -and in the _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,816 ($20). The one in the -Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania lacks the map. It -contains, in addition to what is in the London edition, a letter from -Thomas Paschall, dated from Philadelphia, Feb. 10, 1683 (N. S.), the -first, we believe, dated from that locality. This letter will be found -translated in _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, vi. 322. - -[802] _Beschreibung der in America new-erfunden Provinz Pensylvanien. -Derer Inwohner Gesetz Arth Sitten und Gebrauch: auch samlicher reviren -des Landes sonderlich der haupt-stadt Philadelphia._ (Hamburg.) Henrich -Heuss, 1684, 4º, 32 pp. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,295. - -[803] _Recüeil de Diverses pieces concernant la Pensylvanie._ A La -Haye: Chez Abraham Troyel, 1684, 18º, 118 pp. - -Of the copy in the Carter-Brown Library, Mr. J. R. Bartlett, its -curator, writes that it is the same with the German. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,295. Another copy is in the possession -of a member of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania; cf. Stevens, -_Historical Collection_, no. 1,539. - -[804] _Twee Missiven geschreven uyt Pensilvania, d’ Eene door een -Hollander, woonachtig in Philadelfia, d’ Ander door een Switser, -woonachtig in German Town, Dat is Hoogduytse Stadt. Van den 16 en 26 -Maert, 1684, Nieuwe Stijl._ Tot Rotterdam, by Pieter van Alphen, anno -1684, 2 leaves, small 4º. - -[805] See Mr. Whitehead’s chapter in the present volume, and Proud’s -_History of Pennsylvania_, i. 226. - -[806] We are unable to give any information additional to that -furnished by Mr. Whitehead, except that a copy of this tract sold -for $160 at the Brinley sale, and that the original edition can be -found in the Carter-Brown, Lenox, Historical Society of Pennsylvania, -and Friends’ (of Philadelphia) libraries; cf. _Historical Magazine_, -vi. 265, 304. A biographical sketch of Budd will be found in Mr. -Armstrong’s introduction to the work as published in Gowan’s -_Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 4. - -[807] _Missive van Cornelis Bom Geschreven uit de Stadt Philadelphia -in de Provintie van Pennsylvania Leggende op d’ vostzyde van de Zuyd -Revier van Nieuw Nederland Verhalende de groote Voortgank van deselve -Provintie Waerby komt de Getuygenis van Jacob Telner van Amsterdam._ -Tot Rotterdam, gedrukt by Pieter van Wijnbrugge, in de Leeuwestraet, -1685. - -The title we give is from a copy in the “Library of the Archives” of -the Moravians, Bethlehem, Pa. - -[808] _A Further Account of the Province of Pennsylvania and its -Improvements. For the Satisfaction of those that are Adventurers and -enclined to be so._ No titlepage. Signed “William Penn, Worminghurst -Place, 12th of the 10 month, 1685.” - -_Tweede Bericht ofte Relaas van William Penn, Eygenaar en Gouverneur -van de Provintie van Pennsylvania, in America, etc._ Amsterdam: By -Jacob Claus, 4º, 20 pp. - -Copies of all three editions are in the Carter-Brown Collection. -(_Catalogue_, ii. 1, 320-22). The two English editions are in the -possession of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Extracts from -it are given in Blome’s _Present State of His Majesties Isles and -Territories in America_, London, 1687, pp. 122-134. We do not think -that the work has ever been reprinted. Trömel, _Bibliotheca Americana_, -no. 390, gives the Dutch edition. - -[809] _Nader Informatie en Bericht voor die gene die genegen zijn, -om zich na America te begeeven, en in de Provincie van Pensylvania -Geinteresseerd zijn, of zich daar zocken neder te zetten. Mit -een Voorreden behelzende verscheydene aanmerkelzjke zaken vanden -tegenwoordige toestand, en Regeering dier Provincie; Novit voor -dezen in druk geweest: maar nu eerst uytgegeven door Robert Webb -t’ Amsterdam._ By Jacob Claus, 1686, 4º, i+11 pp. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,332. - -[810] _A Letter from Doctor More, with Passages out of several Letters -from Persons of Good Credit, Relating to the State and Improvement of -the Province of Pennsilvania._ Published to prevent false Reports. -Printed in the Year 1687. - -It is reprinted in _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, iv. 445, from a -copy in the Carter-Brown Library, _Catalogue_, vol. ii. no. 1,339. - -[811] _Some Letters and an Abstract of Letters from Pennsylvania, -Containing the State and Improvement of that Province. Published to -prevent Mis-Reports._ Printed and Sold by Andrew Sowe, at the Crooked -Billott in Holloway Lane in Shoreditch, 1691, 4º, 12 pp. - -Penn’s copy is in the Library of the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania; see _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 1,423. It is reprinted -in _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, iv. 189. - -[812] _A Short Description of Pennsilvania, or, A Relation What things -are known, enjoyed, and like to be discovered in the said Province._ -[Imperfect.] By Richard Frame. Printed and sold by William Bradford in -Philadelphia, 1692, 4º, 8 pp. - -But one copy is known to have survived, and it is preserved in the -Philadelphia Library. A small edition was printed in fac-simile, in -1867, on the Oakwood Press, a private press of “S. J. Hamilton” (the -late Dr. James Slack). Its introduction is in the form of a letter by -Horatio Gates Jones, Esq. - -[813] _Copia Eines Send-Schriebens ausz der neuen Welt, betreffend -die Erzehlung einer gefäherlichen Schifffarth, und glücklichen -Anländung etlicher Christlichen Reisegefehrten, welche zu dem Ende -diese Wallfahrt angetratten, den Glauben an Jesum Christum allda -Ausz-zubreiten._ Gedruckt im Jahr 1695, 4º, 11 pp. - -A copy was purchased by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania at the -Stevens sale in 1881 for £26. It has been translated by Professor -Oswald Seidensticker for publication in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of -History_. Professor Seidensticker inclines to the belief that it was -written by Daniel Falkner. - -[814] There are two copies of the book in Harvard College Library; -from the map in one the annexed fac-simile is taken. Cf. Wharton’s -paper on provincial literature in _Hist. Soc. Mem._, i. 119; and the -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii. 1,550. - -[815] _Umstandige Geographische Beschreibung Der zu -allerletzt-erfundenen Provintz Pensylvaniæ, In denen End Grantzen -Americæ In der West-Welt gelegen durch Franciscum Danielem Pastorium, -etc. Vattern Melchiorem Adamum Pastorium, und andere gute Freunde._ -Franckfurt und Leipzig. Zu finden bey Andreas Otto, 1700, 16º, 140 pp. - -The Harvard College copy is dated 1704; cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. -3,077; and _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 1,807, with a _Continuatio_ of -1702 ($43 00). - -[816] _Curieuse Nachricht von Pensylvania in Norden-America welche auf -Begehren guter Freunde, etc._ Von Daniel Falknern, Professore, Burgern -und Pilgrim allda. Franckfurt und Leipzig. Zu finden bey Andreas Otto, -Buchhandlern, 1702, 16º, 58 pp. - -[817] It is worth while to make record of two tracts of this early -period whose titles might deceive the student with the belief that they -pertained to the subject, but they do not. The first is a burlesque -indorsement of the Protestant Reconciler, entitled _Three Letters of -Thanks to the Protestant Reconciler_: _1. From the Anabaptists at -Munster; 2. From the Congregations in New England; 3. From the Quakers -in Pennsylvania._ London: Benjamin Took, 1683, 4º, 26 pp. - -The other is a Letter to _William Penn, with His Answer_, London, -1688, 4º, 10 pp; again the same year in 20 pp.; and in Dutch, 16 pp., -Amsterdam, 1689. - -This letter, by Sir William Popple, is addressed “To the Honourable -William Penn, Esq., Proprietor and Governor of Pennsylvania.” It is a -friendly criticism on his conduct while living in England, after his -return from America. It has nothing to do with his province but is of -a biographical nature. Proud prints the correspondence in his _History -of Pennsylvania_ (i. 314). It has been catalogued as connected with the -history of the province. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. ii., nos. -1,363 and 1,390. Both of the London editions are in the possession of -the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. - -The student may also need to be warned against a forged letter of -Cotton Mather, about a plot to capture Penn. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -1870, p. 329. - -[818] _A Journal or Historical Account of his Life, Travels, -Sufferings, etc._ London, 1694, folio. Again, London, 1709; 1765; 7th -ed., 1852, with notes by Wilson Armistead. Allibone’s _Dictionary_, i. -625; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vi. 25, 352. - -[819] London, 1713; Dublin, 1715; London, 1715, 1777; Dublin, 1820; and -in two different Friends’ libraries, 1833 and 1838. Sabin, vi. 21,873. - -[820] _Apology for the Church and People of God called in derision -Quakers; Wherein they are vindicated from those that accuse them of -Disorder and Confusion on the one hand, and from such as calumniate -them with Tyranny and Imposition on the other; shewing that as -the true and pure Principles of the Gospel are restored by their -Testimony, so is also the ancient apostolick order of the Church of -Christ re-established among them, and settled upon its Right Basis and -Foundation._ By Robert Barclay, London, 1676, 1 vol., 4º. - -There have been various later editions in English and German. Masson -calls this book by far the best-reasoned exposition of the sect’s early -principles. - -[821] _A Collection of the Sufferings of the People called Quakers, for -the testimony of a good Conscience._ London, 1753, 2 vols., folio. - -[822] _The History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress of the -Christian People called Quakers, intermixed with several remarkable -occurrences. Written originally in Low Dutch by W. S., and by himself -translated into English._ London, 1722, folio, 752 pp. There are later -editions,—London, 1725; Philadelphia, 1725; Burlington, N. J., 1775; -again, 1795, 1799-1800; Philadelphia, 1811; again, 1833, in Friends’ -Library; New York, 1844, etc. The Philadelphia edition of 1725 bears -the imprint of Samuel Keimer. It was this book which Franklin, in his -_Autobiography_, tells us he and Meredith worked upon just after they -had established themselves in business. Forty sheets, he says, were -from their press. - -[823] [This was published at Amsterdam in 1696, and was translated into -English, with a letter by George Keith, vindicating himself, the same -year; and also into German. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, v. 17,584. The next -year (1797) Francis Bugg’s _Picture of Quakerism_ was printed as “A -modest Corrective of Gerrard Croese” (Sabin, iii. 9,072); Bugg having, -since about 1684, joined their opponents. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. -3,503.—ED.] - -[824] _Portraiture of Quakerism_, 3 vols., London, 1806; New York, same -date. - -[825] Four vols., Philadelphia, 1860-67. - -[826] London, 1876. - -[827] _An Examen of Parts relating to the Society of Friends in a -recent work by Robert Barclay, entitled, etc._ Philadelphia, 1876. - -[828] See also _Brinley Catalogue,_ no. 3,479, for a variety of titles; -and Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. 2017. - -[829] It may not, however, be out of place to mention here the chief -reasons on which the followers of Fox base their objections to the -manner in which it is customary to speak of the first Quakers who -visited New England. It is generally represented that it was the -behavior of these early ministers which caused their persecution; but -before a European Quaker had set foot on Massachusetts the court had -denounced them, and in October, 1656, a law was passed which spoke of -them as a “cursed sect of heretickes.” It is also customary to speak -of the executions of Quakers in Boston in connection with certain -acts of indecency committed by women who were either laboring under -mental aberrations or believed that they were fulfilling a divine -command, leaving on the mind of the reader the impression that the -capital law was called into existence to correct such abuses. No -such acts were committed until after the capital law had fallen into -disuse. Nor is it clear, from printed authorities, that the death -penalty was only inflicted after every possible means had been tried -by the Massachusetts authorities to rid themselves of their unwelcome -visitors. The language of the law of 1658, which declared that if a -banished Quaker returned he or she should suffer death, does not show -that it supplemented that of 1657, by which punishments increasing in -severity were visited on Quakers upon their first, second, and third -return. Neither will the practice under the law of 1658 justify this -interpretation. The penalties of the law of 1657 had not been exhausted -in the cases of Mary Dyer, William Robinson, Marmaduke Stevenson, and -William Ledera, when they were hanged. - -[830] See _Memoirs of Long Island Historical Society_, vol. i. - -[831] London, 1726, 2 vols., folio; London, 1771, 1 vol., royal folio; -London, 1782, 5 vols., 8º; London, 1825, 3 vols., 8º. - -[832] A list of the most important of these, with references to where -they will be found, is printed in _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, -vi. 368. - -[833] London, 1813, 2 vols.; Dover, N. H., 1820; new edition, with -preface by Forster, 1849. It is reviewed by Jeffrey in _Edinburgh -Review_, xxi. 444. - -[834] Philadelphia, 1852; cf. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. ix. p. 221. -Mr. Janney was appointed Indian Agent by President Grant, 1869. He died -April 30, 1880. - -[835] London, 1851; again, 1856. It is reviewed in the _Edinburgh -Review_, xciv. 229, and _Christian Observer_, li. 818. - -[836] Two vols., 1791. It is of some interest to note another French -life by C. Vincent, Paris, 1877, and a Dutch life by H. van Lil, -Amsterdam, 1820-25, 2 vols. - -[837] 1. ANSWERS TO MACAULAY.—_Defence of William Penn from Charges, -etc., of T. B. Macaulay_, by Henry Fairbairn. Philadelphia, 1849, 8º, -38 pp. - -2. _William Penn and T. B. Macaulay_, by W. E. Forster. Revised for the -American edition by the author. Philadelphia, 1850, 8º, 48 pp. This -first appeared as an Introduction to an edition of Clarkson’s _Life of -W. Penn_, London, 1850. - -3. _William Penn_, par L. Vullieum. Paris, 1855, 8º, 83 pp. - -4. _Inquiry into the Evidence relating to the Charges brought by Lord -Macaulay against W. Penn_, by John Paget. Edinburgh, 1858, 12º, 138 -pp. Cf. also _Westminster Review_, liv. 117; and _Eclectic Magazine_, -xxiii. 115; xxxix. 120. Sabin’s _Dictionary_, 49,743. - -ADDITIONAL WORKS.—_Memorials of the Life and Times of_ [Admiral] _Sir -W. Penn_, by Granville Penn. London, 1833, 2 vols. 8º. Cf. also P. S. -P. Conner’s _Sir William Penn_, Philadelphia, 1876, and “The Father of -Penn not a Baptist,” in _Historical Magazine_, xvi. 228. - -“The Private Life and Domestic Habits of W. Penn,” by Joshua F. Fisher, -in the _Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. iii. -part ii. p. 65 (1836); published also separately. - -“Memoir of Part of the Life of W. Penn,” by Mr. Lawton, a -contemporaneous writer, in Ibid., p. 213. - -“Fragments of an Apology for Himself,” by W. Penn, in Ibid., p. 233. - -“Penn and Logan Correspondence.” Edited by Edward Armstrong, in vols. -ix. and x. of _Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania_. -These volumes cover only the years between 1700 and 1711; they also -contain Mr. J. J. Smith’s Memoir of the Penn Family, reprinted in -_Lippincott’s Magazine_, v. 149. Cf. _Magazine of American History_, -ii. 437; also James Coleman’s _Pedigree and General Notes of the Penn -Family_, 1871. - -“William Penn’s Travels in Holland and Germany,” by Oswald -Seidensticker. See _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, ii. 237. Penn’s -journal of these travels will be found in his collected works. - -_The Penns and the Penningtons_, and _The Fells of Swarthmore Hall_, -by Maria Webb, are two interesting books throwing light on the Quaker -society in which Penn moved. - -_Calvert and Penn; or, the Growth of Civil and Religious Liberty in -America_, by Brantz Mayer. Delivered before the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania, April 8, 1852. Baltimore, 1852, 8º, 49 pp. - -John Stoughton’s _William Penn, the Founder of Pennsylvania_. London, -1882. This book, called out by the Bi-Centenary of Pennsylvania, is -founded on the standard Lives, but adds some new matter. - -[838] Coleman, James, bookseller. _Catalogue of Original Deeds, -Charters, Copies of Royal Grants, petitions, Original Letters, etc., -of William Penn and his Family._ July, 1870. Also Supplement. London, -1870, 8º, 32, 12 pp. - -Also see _The Penn Papers_. _Description of a large Collection of -Original Letters, Manuscript Documents, Charters, Grants, Printed -Papers, rare Books and Pamphlets relating to the Celebrated William -Penn, to the early History of Pennsylvania, and incidentally to other -parts of America, dating from the latter part of the 17th to the end of -the 18th century, lately in the possession of a surviving descendant of -William Penn, now the property of Edward G. Allen._ London, 1870. - -Also see _Original Deeds and Charters, State and Boundary Documents, -Letters, Maps, and Charts, also Books and Papers relating to America, -the Penn Family, and the Quakers, many of them from the Penn Library_. -July, 1876. London, 1876, 8º, 24 pp. - -[839] The published address delivered upon their presentation to the -Historical Society is entitled _Proceedings of the Historical Society -of Pennsylvania on the Presentation of the Penn Papers, and Address -of Craig Biddle_, March 10, 1873, Philadelphia, 1873, 8º, 30 pp. Cf. -_Catalogue of Paintings, etc., belonging to the Pennsylvania Historical -Society_, no. 177. - -[840] Mr. Whitehead informs me that the papers in the Library of the -New Jersey Historical Society consist of 17 parts (no. 10 missing), and -are called, “The History of the Colonies of New Jersey and Pennsylvania -in America. From the time of their first discovery to the year 1721. -Together with an Appendix containing several occurrences that have -happened since, down to the present time. Undertaken at the desire of -the Yearly Meeting of the people called Quakers, of the said Colonies, -and published by their order. By——. Psal. cv. 12. 13. 14, when they -were but a few, etc.” Several of the passages, marked “Transfer to -History of Friends,” correspond to the Philadelphia manuscript, which -is apparently the portion designated as the second part in the author’s -scheme, as thus detailed by himself in the New Jersey manuscript: “The -History of the Province of Pennsylvania in two parts. Part I. The time -and manner of the grants of territories, the arrival of settlers, a -general view of the original state of the country and of the public -proceedings in legislation, and other matters for the first forty years -after the settlement made under William Penn. Part II. The introduction -and some account of the religious progress of the people called Quakers -therein, including the like account respecting the same people in New -Jersey as constituting one Yearly Meeting.” - -[841] _The History of Pennsylvania in North America, from ... 1681 -till after the year 1742, with an Introduction respecting the Life of -W. Penn, ... the Religious Society of the People called Quakers, with -the First Rise ... of West New Jersey, and ... the Dutch and Swedes in -Delaware; to which is added a Brief Description of the said Province_, -1760-1770. Philadelphia, 1797-1798. - -[842] A biographical notice of him by the Rev. Charles West Thomson -will be found in vol. i. of the _Memoirs of the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania_ (2d ed. p. 417), together with some verses which show -the sympathies of a Loyalist. He was born in 1728, and died in 1813. A -Portrait after a pencil sketch is noted in the _Catalogue of Paintings, -etc., belonging to the Pennsylvania Historical Society_, no. 86. - -[843] Philadelphia, 1829. - -[844] London, 1854; vol. i. appearing in 1850. The work was never -completed. - -[845] Harrisburg, 1876; 2d ed., Philadelphia, 1880. - -[846] London, 1757, 2 vols., 8º. - -[847] London, 1770, 2 Vols., 8º. - -[848] [This book has passed through several editions,—1830, with -lithographic illustrations; 1844, 1850, 1857, and 1868, with woodcuts. -A tribute to Mr. Watson (who was born June 13, 1779, and died Dec. -23, 1861), by Charles Deane, is in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. -207; and Benjamin Dorr published _A Memoir of John Fanning Watson_, -Philadelphia, 1861, with a portrait. Mr. Willis P. Hazard’s _Annals -of Philadelphia_, 1879, supplements Mr. Watson’s book. The local -antiquarian interest will be abundantly satisfied with Mr. Townsend -Ward’s papers on the old landmarks of the town, which have appeared -in the _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, though much in them -necessarily fails of association with the early years with which we -are dealing. This is likewise true of Thompson Westcott’s _Historic -Buildings of Philadelphia_, 1877; cf. the papers on old Philadelphia in -_Harper’s Monthly_, 1876; cf. _An Explanation of the Map of the City -and Liberties of Philadelphia_. By John Reed. Philadelphia, 1794 and -1846.—ED.] - -[849] Philadelphia, 1867, 12º, 379 pp. - -[850] Norristown, 1859. - -[851] Philadelphia, 1862. See Memoir of Dr. Smith in _Pennsylvania Mag. -of Hist._, vi. 182. - -[852] Philadelphia, 1877. - -[853] Doylestown, Pa., 1876, 8º, 875 + 54 pp. - -[854] It is unfortunate that a book of such merit should have been -given to the public in so objectionable a form. It is a 4º, 782 + -44 pages (Philadelphia, 1881), profusely illustrated with pictures -calculated to gratify the vanity of living persons and to mislead -students as to the value of the work. - -[855] _Annals of Pennsylvania, from the Discovery of the Delaware_, by -Samuel Hazard, 1609-1682, Philadelphia, 1850, 8º, 664 pp. An excellent -compilation, containing nearly all the documentary information on the -subject, arranged in chronological order. - -A catalogue of the papers relating to Pennsylvania and Delaware in -the State-Paper Office, London, was printed in the _Memoirs of the -Pennsylvania Historical Society_, vol. iv. part ii. p. 236. - -[856] _Votes and Proceedings of the House of Representatives of the -Province of Pennsylvania. Beginning the Fourth Day of December, 1682._ -Volume the First, in Two Parts. Philadelphia, 1752. This collection was -continued down to the Revolution. It is contained in six folio volumes. -The first three are from the press of Franklin and Hall. They are -always known as “Votes of the Assembly.” - -[857] The first ten volumes of the series known as the _Colonial -Records_ bear the title of _Minutes of the Provincial Council of -Pennsylvania, from the Organization_ [1683] _to the Termination of -the Proprietary Government_; the last six: _Minutes of the Supreme -Executive Council of Pennsylvania from its Organization to the -Termination of the Revolution_. They contain, however, the Minutes -down to 1790. The publication of this series was begun by the State in -1837, the American Philosophical Society and the Historical Society of -Pennsylvania having petitioned the Legislature to adopt measures for -this end. After three volumes were issued (Harrisburg, 1838-1840) the -publication was suspended. In 1851, at the request of the Historical -Society, the matter was again brought before the Legislature by Edward -Armstrong, Esq., a member of the Society, then a delegate to the -Legislature. The sixteen volumes of the _Colonial Records_ and twelve -of the _Pennsylvania Archives_ were issued between the years 1852 and -1856. The volumes issued in 1838-1840 were reprinted in 1852, and an -index volume to both works in 1860. The latter does not apply to the -volume of the Records published in 1838-1840. - -[858] _Pennsylvania Archives, selected and arranged from Original -Documents in the Office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth._ -By Samuel Hazard, Commencing 1664. 12 vols., 8º. Harrisburg and -Philadelphia, 1852-1856. To Mr. Samuel Hazard, who was also the author -of the _Annals of Pennsylvania_ and publisher of _Hazard’s Register of -Pennsylvania_ (16 vols., 8º, Philadelphia, 1828-1835), the students of -history are greatly indebted for the preservation of some of the most -important documents relating to the history of the State. - -[859] _Charter to William Penn and Laws of the Province of -Pennsylvania, 1682 and 1700; preceded by Duke of York’s Laws in Force -from the year 1676 to the year 1682. Published under the direction of -John Blair Linn, Sec. of Commonwealth, Compiled and edited by Staughton -George, Benjamin M. Nead, and Thomas McCamant._ Harrisburg, 1879, 8º, -614 pp. - -Appendix A of this volume contains a compilation of the laws, etc., -establishing the Courts of Judicature; it is by Staughton George. -Appendix B contains Historical Notes of the Early Government and -Legislative Councils and Assemblies of Pennsylvania; it is by Mr. Nead. -Both are valuable pieces of work; but we do not agree with Mr. Nead -that the laws printed and agreed upon in England, and the written ones -prepared by Penn and submitted to the Assembly that met at Upland, -December, 1682, were both passed. The passage in Penn’s letter of Dec. -16, 1682, which reads, “the laws were agreed upon more fully worded,” -indicates that the printed series was superseded by the written one. - -[860] _Laws of Pennsylvania._ Philadelphia, 1810 (Beoren’s edition). -The second volume of this edition contains an elaborate “note” on -land-titles; it will be found on pp. 105-261. It was prepared by Judge -Charles Smith. - -_View of the Land-Laws of Pennsylvania, with Notes of its Early History -and Legislation._ By Thomas Sargeant. Philadelphia, 1838, 8º, xiii + -203 pp. - -_Address before the Law Academy._ By Peter McCall. Philadelphia, 1838. -A valuable historical essay. - -_Essay on the History and Nature of Original Titles of Land in -Pennsylvania._ By Charles Huston. Philadelphia, 1849, 8º, xx + 484 pp. - -_Syllabus of Law of Land-Office Titles in Pennsylvania._ By Joel Jones. -Philadelphia, 1850, 12º, xxiv + 264. - -_The Common Law of Pennsylvania._ By George Sharswood. A lecture before -the Law Academy. Philadelphia, 1856. - -_Equity in Pennsylvania._ A lecture before the Law Academy of -Philadelphia, Feb. 11, 1868. By William Henry Rawle. With an Appendix, -being the _Register Book of Governor Keith’s Court of Chancery_. -Philadelphia, 1868, 8º, 93 + 46 pp. - -_A Practical Treatise on the Law of Ground-Rents in Pennsylvania._ By -Richard M. Cadwalader. Philadelphia, 1879, 8º, 356 pp. - -_An Essay on Original Land-Titles in Philadelphia._ By Lawrence Lewis, -Jr. Philadelphia, 1880, 8º, 266 pp. - -_The Courts of Pennsylvania in the Seventeenth Century._ Read before -the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, March 14, 1881. By Lawrence -Lewis, Jr. See _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, v. 141, also, -separately. - -_Some Contrasts in the Growth of Pennsylvania and English Law._ A -Lecture before the Law Department of the University of Pennsylvania, -Oct. 3, 1881. By William Henry Rawle. Philadelphia, 1881, 8º, 78 pp., -2d ed., 32 pp., 1882. - -[861] A number of addresses were delivered before this Society. That of -J. N. Barker, delivered in 1827, is the most valuable of the series, -and is entitled _Sketches of the Primitive Settlements of the River -Delaware_, Philadelphia, 1828. - -[862] That no doubt should exist regarding the accuracy of these dates, -we have had Penn’s letter to the Lords of Plantation in the State-Paper -Office, London, examined, and in it the 24th is clearly written. This -is confirmed by the original draft of his letter to the Free Society of -Traders, in which the same date of arrival is given. The “New Castle -County old Records transcribed,” quoted by Hazard, give the 27th as -the time of his arrival before that town, and the 28th as the day on -which he took official possession. These statements are verified by the -Breviate of Penn vs. Lord Baltimore, in which the original Newcastle -Records appear to have been quoted, since the volumes and folios -referred to differ from those given by Hazard. - -[863] This conclusion has been reached by examining the evidence we -have in strict chronological order. There is nothing to show that Penn -met the Indians in council until May, 1683. At this conference the -Indians either failed to understand him, or refused to sell him land. -His next meeting with them was on June 23, 1683. He then purchased land -from them, and the promises of friendship quoted on a former page were -exchanged. It is a significant fact that while there is scarcely any -allusion to the Indians in his letters prior to the meeting of June 23, -subsequent to that time they are full of descriptions of them, and of -accounts of his intercourse with them. - -[864] [The elm-tree known as the Treaty-tree which was long venerated -as the one under which the interview was held, was blown down in 1810, -and a picture of it taken in 1809 is preserved in the Historical -Society. (Cf. _Catalogue of Paintings, etc., belonging to the -Historical Society_, no. 167. Cf. views in Gay’s _Popular History of -the United States_, ii. 493; Watson’s _Annals of Philadelphia_; one -of the latter part of the last century in _Pennsylvania Magazine of -History_, iv. 186.) For the monument on the spot, see Lossing’s _Field -Book of the Revolution_, ii. 254. It is well known that Benjamin -West made the scene of the treaty the subject of a large historical -painting. The original first deed given by the Indians to Markham is in -the possession of the Historical Society. Cf. _Catalogue of Paintings, -etc., belonging to the Historical Society_, no. 174. - -William Rawle’s address before the Pennsylvania Historical Society in -1825 was upon Penn’s method of dealing with the Indians as compared -with the customs obtaining in the other colonies. (Cf. _Historical -Magazine_, vi. 64.) Fac-similes of the marks of many Indian chiefs, -as put to documents from 1682 to 1785, are given in _Pennsylvania -Archives_, vol. i.—ED.] - -[865] [Cf. also _Pennsylvania Archives_, 2d series, vol. vii. There -is a map illustrating the boundary dispute in _Pennsylvania Archives_ -(1739), i. 595; cf. Neill’s _Terra Maria_, chap. v., Hazard’s _Register -of Pennsylvania_, ii. 200, and Mr. Brantley’s chapter in the present -volume.—ED.] - -[866] S. R. Gardiner’s _Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage_, i. -164. - -[867] S. R. Gardiner’s _Personal Government of Charles I._, ii. 290. - -[868] In the Maryland Historical Society are preserved the original -manuscript records of courts baron and leet held in St. Clement’s manor -at different times from 1659 to 1672.] - -[869] _Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus._ -London, 1878, iii. 362. - -[870] [See _Memorial History of Boston_, i. p. 278.—ED.] - -[871] At a session of the Assembly held in Januuary, 1648, an incident -occurred which annalists have generally deemed worthy of mention as the -first instance of a demand of political rights for women. Miss Margaret -Brent—who was the administratix of Governor Calvert, and as such held -to be the attorney, in fact, of Lord Baltimore—applied to the Assembly -to have a vote in the House for herself, and another as his lordship’s -attorney. - -[Illustration] - -Upon the refusal of her demand, the lady protested in form against all -the proceedings of the House. The Assembly afterwards defended her -from the censures passed by Lord Baltimore upon her management of his -affairs in the Province. - -[872] [See Vol. IV.—ED.] - -[873] See chapter x.—ED. - -[874] See chapter xii.—ED. - -[875] [It is reprinted in the _Magazine of American History_, i. -118.—ED.] - -[876] A copy of the original, which is very rare, is in the British -Museum. It was reprinted by Munsell, of Albany, as No. 1 of Shea’s -_Early Southern Tracts_. [It is suggested in the preface of the -reprint, which was edited by Colonel Brantz Mayer, that it “was -perhaps prepared by Cecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, from the letters -of his brothers, Leonard and George Calvert, who went out with the -expedition.” It was also reprinted in the _Historical Magazine_, -October, 1865—ED.] - -[877] This second tract was reprinted by Sabin, of New York, in 1865 -[under the editing of Francis L. Hawks. A perfect copy should have a -map, engraved by T. Cecill, “Noua Terræ-Mariæ tabula.” It is often -wanting, as in the Harvard College copy; it is, however, in the -Library of Congress copy. Sabin reproduced it full size, and a reduced -fac-simile of it is given in Scharf’s _History of Maryland_, i. 259. -Another is given in the text. The _Chalmers Catalogue_ says that at the -time of the boundary disputes between Maryland and Pennsylvania the -only copy to be found was in the Sir Hans Sloane Collection. See the -_Sparks Catalogue_, and the _Huth Catalogue_, iii. 926.—ED.] - -[878] [Dr. Dalrymple was born in Baltimore, in 1817, and was for -twenty-four years the Corresponding Secretary of the Maryland -Historical Society. He is said to have possessed the largest private -library (over 14,000 volumes) south of Pennsylvania. He died Oct. 30, -1881.—_Necrology_ (1881) _of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of -Philadelphia_.—ED.] - -[879] [In 1844 Georgetown College presented to the Maryland Historical -Society a copy of McSherry’s transcript of the _Relatio Itineris_; and -in 1847 Dr. N. C. Brooks made a translation from this copy, which was -later printed in _Force’s Tracts_, iv. No. 12. The Latin text, with a -revision of Brooks’s version, was printed privately in the _Woodstock -Letters_, in 1872. Two years later (1874) the Maryland Historical -Society reprinted it as stated in the text, following, however, the -original McSherry transcript, which had been transferred to Loyola -College, Baltimore. This, however, then wanted the concluding pages, -but in 1875 the whole was found, which necessitated the printing of -a supplement to the _Fund Publication_ of the Society (No. 7) which -contained it. The later version of Converse is largely reprinted in -Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. 69, etc. - -Various accounts of Father White have been printed: B. U. Campbell’s -in the _Metropolitan Catholic Almanac_, 1841, and in the _United -States Catholic Magazine_, vol. vii. Mr. Campbell also read before -the Historical Society a paper on _Early Missions in Maryland_, and -printed a chapter on the same subject in the _United States Catholic -Magazine_ in 1846. There is also an account of Father White, by Richard -H. Clarke, in the _Baltimore Metropolitan_, iv. (1856), and a sketch -in the _Woodstock Letters_. Upon all these is based the account in the -_Fund Publication_ already mentioned. Other accounts of the Maryland -missions may be found in Shea’s _Early Catholic Missions_; and in Henry -Foley’s _Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus_, -London, 1878, vol. iii. Mr. Neill has used this last in his tract, -_Light Thrown by the Jesuits upon Hitherto Obscure Points of Early -Maryland History_, Minneapolis. See also his _Eng. Col._, ch. xv.—ED.] - -[880] Reprinted in Force’s _Historical Tracts_, vol. ii. There is a -copy of it in Harvard College Library. - -[881] The documents transmitted by Bennett and Matthews to the -Protector, during their contest with Lord Baltimore in 1656, may be -found in Thurloe’s _State Papers_, v. 482-486. Copies of Strong’s and -Langford’s rare tracts are in the Boston Athenæum. - -[882] Reprinted in Force’s _Historical Tracts_, vol. iii. There is a -copy of it in Harvard College Library. See Sabin, viii. 30276. - -[883] Reprinted in Gowan’s _Bibliotheca Americana_, No. 5. New -York, 1869. [This edition has a map, with introduction and notes by -John Gilmary Shea. It has again been reissued as one of the _Fund -Publications_ of the Maryland Historical Society.—ED.] - -[884] It is reprinted in Scharf’s _Maryland_, i. 174. - -[885] [The early Quakers of Maryland have been the subject of two -publications of the Historical Society: one by J. Saurin Norris, issued -in 1862; and the other, Dr. Samuel A. Harrison’s _Wenlock Christison -and the early Friends in Talbot County_, 1878. See also Neill’s _Terra -Mariæ_, ch. iv. On Wenlock Christison see _Memorial History of Boston_, -i. 187.—ED.] - -[886] This manuscript volume is in the possession of the Maryland -Historical Society. An Index to the Calendar was printed in 1861. - -[887] In 1860 another valuable report to the governor on the condition -of the public records was made by the Rev. Ethan Allen, D. D. - -[888] Cf. Preface to Alexander’s Calendar. - -[889] Published in the Master of the Rolls series. [The Peabody Index -is described in Lewis Mayer’s account of the library, 1854.—ED.] - -[890] The Maryland Historical Society has a manuscript copy of some of -the Sloane manuscripts in the British Museum, pertaining to the first -Lord Baltimore and Maryland. Mr. Alexander gave to the State Library at -Annapolis some of the manuscripts relating to Maryland in Sion College, -London. A number of the Maryland papers in the state-paper office have -been published in Scharf’s _History of Maryland_, and in the _Report -on the Virginia and Maryland Boundary Line, 1873_. The Journal of the -Dutch Embassy to Maryland in 1659, and some of the communications -between the Maryland Council and the Dutch at New Amstel have been -published in _Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State -of New York_, ii. 84 _et seq._ The _1880 Index_, p. 246, to accessions -of manuscripts in the British Museum shows various papers of Cecil -Calvert. - -[891] A description of the occupations of the planters of Maryland, -and of the culture of tobacco by them in the year 1680, is contained -in the “Journal of a voyage to New York and a Tour in several of the -American colonies,” by Jaspar Dankers and Peter Sluyter, published in -the _Memoirs of the Long Island Historical Society_, vol. i. pp. 194, -214-216, 218-221. - -[892] An article in _Lippincott’s Magazine_ for July, 1871, describes -the topography and the present condition of St. Mary’s. - -[893] There is a fine portrait of the first Lord Baltimore in the -gallery of the Earl of Verulam at Glastonbury, England. It was painted -by Mytens, court painter to James I. An engraving from it is in the -possession of the Maryland Historical Society. In 1882 a copy of this -portrait was presented to the State of Maryland by John W. Garrett, -Esq. It is engraved in McSherry’s _Maryland_, p. 21, as from an -original in the great gallery of Sir Francis Bacon; and again in S. -H. Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 485. An engraved -portrait of Cecilius, second Lord Baltimore, at the age of fifty-one, -made by Blotling, in 1657, is in the possession of the Maryland -Historical Society. Engravings of these portraits of the two lords are -given in the present chapter. - -The Baltimore arms are those of Calverts, quartered with Crosslands. -The Calvert arms are barry of six, or and sable, over all a bend -counterchanged. Crosslands: quarterly, argent and gules, over all a -cross bottony counterchanged. Lord Baltimore used: quarterly, first and -fourth paly of six, or and sable, a bend counterchanged; second and -third, quarterly, argent and gules, a cross bottony counterchanged. -_Crest_: on a ducal coronet proper, two pennons, the dexter or, the -sinister sable; the staves, gules. _Supporters_: two leopards, guardant -coward, proper. _Motto: Fatti maschii, parole femine._ - -The first great seal of the Province was lost during Ingle’s Rebellion; -and in 1648 the Proprietary sent out another seal, slightly different. -This seal had engraven on one side the figure of the Proprietary in -armor on horseback, with drawn sword and a helmet with a great plume -of feathers, the trappings being adorned with the family arms. The -inscription round about this side was: _Cecilius absolutus dominus -Terra Mariæ et Avaloniæ Baro de Baltimore_. On the other side of the -seal was engraven a scutcheon with the family arms; namely, six pieces -impaled with a band dexter counterchanged, quartered with a cross -bottony, and counterchanged; the whole scutcheon being supported with -a fisherman on one side and a ploughman on the other (in the place of -the family leopards), standing upon a scroll, whereon the Baltimore -motto was inscribed; namely, _Fatti maschii, parole femine_. Above the -scutcheon was a count-palatine’s cap, and over that a helmet, with the -crest of the family arms; namely, a ducal crown with two half bannerets -set upright. Behind the scutcheon and supporters was engraven a large -ermine mantle, and the inscription about this side of the seal was, -_Scuto bonæ voluntatis tuæ coronasti nos_. In 1657 Lord Baltimore -sent out another seal, similar in design, which was used till 1705. -Subsequent changes were made in the seal and arms of the Province and -State, but in 1876 the last described side of the Great Seal sent out -in 1648 was adopted as the arms of Maryland. A full account of the -pedigree of the Calverts will be found in _An Appeal to the citizens of -Maryland, from the legitimate descendants of the Baltimore family_, by -Charles Browning, Baltimore, 1821. [Fuller’s _Worthies of England_ and -Anthony Wood’s _Athenæ Oxoniensis_ give us important facts regarding -the first Lord Baltimore. See John G. Morris’s _The Lords Baltimore, -1874_, No. 8 of the _Fund Publications_ of the Historical Society; and -Neill’s _English Colonization in North America_, ch. xi.—ED.] - -[894] [He undertook it at the instance of Sir John Dalrymple. See his -chapters ix. and xv. See, also, his _Introduction to the History of the -Revolt of the American Colonies_. Chalmers had come to Maryland in 1763 -to give legal assistance to an uncle in pursuing a land claim. Many of -his papers were bought at his sale by Sparks, and are now in Harvard -College Library.—ED.] - -[895] [Compare George William Brown’s _Origin and Growth of Civil -Liberty in Maryland_, a discourse before the Historical Society in -1850. And Brantz Mayer’s _Calvert and Penn_,—a discourse before the -Pennsylvania Historical Society in 1852.—ED.] - -[896] [Bozman was born in 1757 and died in 1823. He had published in -1811 a preliminary _Sketch of the History of Maryland during the three -first years after its Settlement_. Some of the old records, supposed to -have been lost since he used them, were found at Annapolis in 1875, and -serve to show the accuracy with which he copied them. Gay’s _Popular -History of the United States_, i. 515.—ED.] - -[897] New Series, vol. ix. - -[898] [Following Chalmers, it had been often stated that the Assembly -of 1649 was Catholic by majority; but four or five years before this -publication of Davis, Mr. Sebastian F. Streeter, in his _Maryland -Two Hundred Years Ago_, had claimed that the Assembly which passed -the Toleration Act was by majority Protestant, for which, so late as -January, 1869, he was taken to task in the _Southern Review_ by Richard -McSherry, M.D., who reprinted his paper in his _Essays and Lectures_. -The question of the relations of Protestant and Catholic to the spirit -of toleration is discussed by E. D. Neill, in his “Lord Baltimore and -Toleration in Maryland,” in the _Contemporary Review_, September, 1876; -by B. F. Brown, in his _Early Religious History of Maryland: Maryland -not a Roman Catholic Colony_, 1876; in “Early Catholic Legislation, -1634-49, on Religious Freedom,” in the _New Englander_, November, 1878. -The Rev. Ethan Allen, in his _Who were the Early Settlers of Maryland?_ -published by the Historical Society in 1865, aimed to show that the -vast majority were Protestant. Kennedy also had asserted that the -Assembly of 1649 was Protestant.—ED.] - -[899] [He says in his preface that he picked up his threads from the -printed sources in the Library of Congress while he was one of the -Secretaries of President Johnson.—ED.] - -[900] [The principal of Mr. Neill’s other contributions are _The -Founders of Maryland as portrayed in Manuscripts, Provincial Records, -and early Documents_, published by Munsell, of Albany, in 1876; and -_English Colonization of America_, chapters xi., xii., and xiii., where -he first printed Captain Henry Fleet’s Journal of 1631. Streeter, in -his Papers, etc., gives an account of Fleet.—Mr. Neill also printed -_Maryland not a Roman Catholic Colony_, Minneapolis, 1875.—ED.] - -[901] A manuscript copy of this charter, both in Latin and English, -is in the Maryland Historical Society. Many writers, including the -Rev. E. D. Neill, so late as 1871, in his _English Colonization in -the Seventeenth Century_, have made the mistake of supposing that the -charter of Maryland was copied from the charter of Carolina, granted -in 1629 to Sir Robert Heath. The last two named charters were both -copied from the charter of Avalon, issued in 1623. [The Maryland -charter of June 20, 1632, is printed by Scharf, i. 53, following Thomas -Bacon’s translation, as given in his edition of the Laws, Annapolis, -1765; where is also the original Latin, which is likewise in Hazard’s -_Collection_, i. 327. Lord Baltimore had printed it in London, in 1723, -in a collection of the Acts, 1692-1715,—an edition which Bacon had -never found in the Province. See the _Brinley Catalogue_, No. 3657. -The Philadelphia Library has an edition printed in Philadelphia in -1718.—ED.] - -[902] [The Rev. John G. Morris, D.D., began a Bibliography of Maryland -in the _Historical Magazine_ (April and May, 1870), but it was never -carried beyond “Baltimore.” If a topical index is furnished to -Sabin’s _Dictionary_, when completed, it may supply the deficiency; -but in the mean time the articles “Baltimore” and “Maryland” can be -consulted. Of the local works references may be made to a few: George -A. Hanson’s _Old Kent_, 1876, is largely genealogical, and not lucidly -arranged. T. W. Griffith published in 1821 his _Sketches of the Early -History of Maryland_, and in 1841 his _Annals of Baltimore_. J. T. -Scharf published his _Chronicles of Baltimore_ in 1874. David Ridgely -published in 1841 his _Annals of Annapolis_ (1649-1872). Rev. Ethan -Allen’s _Historical Notes of St. Ann’s Parish_ (1649-1857), appeared in -1857; and George Johnstone’s _History of Cecil County_ in 1881.—ED.] - -[903] [Mr. Kennedy’s reply appeared in the _United States Catholic -Magazine_, and Mr. Michael Courtney Jenkins printed a rejoinder in the -same number.—ED.] - -[904] [Mr. Gladstone was answered by Dr. Richard H. Clarke, in the -_Catholic World_, December, 1875, in a paper which was later issued as -a pamphlet, with the title, _Mr. Gladstone and Maryland Toleration_. -Mr. Gladstone had reissued his _Vaticanism_ essays with a preface, -styling the book, _Rome and the Newest Fashions in Religion_, in which -he reiterated his arguments. - -It is perhaps largely owing to the deficiency of early personal -narratives bearing upon Maryland history and throwing light upon -character, that there is so much diversity of opinion regarding the -interpretation to be put on the charter as an instrument inculcating -toleration. The shades of dissent, too, are marked. Hildreth, -_History of the United States_, says, “There is not the least hint -of any toleration in religion not authorized by the law of England.” -Henry Cabot Lodge, _Short History of the English Colonies_, p. 96, -says, “There is no toleration about the Maryland charter.” Some -light regarding Calvert, on the side of doubt, may be gathered from -Gardiner’s _Prince Charles and the Spanish Marriage_. - -In Baltimore’s controversy with Clayborne, the side of the latter -has been espoused by Mr. Streeter in his _Life and Colonial Times of -William Claiborne_, which he has left in manuscript, and of which an -abstract of the part relating to Clayborne’s Rebellion is given by Mr. -S. M. Allen in the _New England Historical and Genealogical Register_, -April, 1873. Mr. Streeter was of New England origin, a graduate of -Harvard (1831), and had removed to Richmond in 1835, and to Baltimore -the following year, where he had been one of the founders, and was -long the Recording Secretary of the Maryland Historical Society. He -contributed also in 1868 to its _Fund Publication_ (No. 2), _The First -Commander of Kent Island_,—an account of George Evelin, under whose -administration the island passed into Calvert’s control. This tract has -been reprinted in G. D. Scull’s _Evelyns in America_, privately printed -at Oxford (England), 1881. Streeter’s “Fall of the Susquehannocks,” a -chapter of Maryland’s Indian history, 1675, appeared in the _Historical -Magazine_, March, 1857, being an extract only from a voluminous -manuscript work by him on the Susquehannocks.—ED.] - -[905] [Lewis Mayer published an account of its library, cabinets, and -gallery in 1854; and No. 1 of its _Fund Publications_ is Brantz Mayer’s -_History, Possessions, and Prospects of the Society_, 1867.—ED.] - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -—Obvious errors were corrected. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. 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