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diff --git a/old/50883-0.txt b/old/50883-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index e4409f7..0000000 --- a/old/50883-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,41852 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Narrative and Critical History of America, -Vol. II (of 8), by Various, Edited by Justin Winsor - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. II (of 8) - Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century - - -Author: Various - -Editor: Justin Winsor - -Release Date: January 9, 2016 [eBook #50883] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. II (OF 8)*** - - -E-text prepared by Giovanni Fini, Dianna Adair, Bryan Ness, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries -(https://archive.org/details/americana) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file - which includes the more than 300 original illustrations. - See 50883-h.htm or 50883-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/50883/50883-h/50883-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/50883/50883-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive/American Libraries. See - https://archive.org/details/narrcrithistamerica02winsrich - - -Transcriber’s note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - A carat character is used to denote superscription. A - single character following the carat is superscripted - (example: XV^e). Multiple superscripted characters are - enclosed by curly brackets (example: novam^{te}). - - - - - -Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America -from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century - - -[Illustration] - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -Edited by - -JUSTIN WINSOR - -Librarian of Harvard University -Corresponding Secretary Massachusetts Historical Society - -VOL. II - - - - - - - - -Boston and New York -Houghton, Mifflin and Company -The Riverside Press, Cambridge - -Copyright, 1886, -by Houghton, Mifflin and Company. -All rights reserved. - - - - - CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. - -[_The Spanish arms on the title are copied from the titlepage of -Herrera._] - - - INTRODUCTION. PAGE - - DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF EARLY SPANISH-AMERICAN HISTORY. _The - Editor_ i - - - CHAPTER I. - - COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. _The Editor_ 1 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Columbus’ Armor, 4; Parting of Columbus with - Ferdinand and Isabella, 6; Early Vessels, 7; Building a Ship, - 8; Course of Columbus on his First Voyage, 9; Ship of Columbus’ - Time, 10; Native House in Hispaniola, 11; Curing the Sick, - 11; The Triumph of Columbus, 12; Columbus at Hispaniola, 13; - Handwriting of Columbus, 14; Arms of Columbus, 15; Fruit-trees - of Hispaniola, 16; Indian Club, 16; Indian Canoe, 17, 17; - Columbus at Isla Margarita, 18; Early Americans, 19; House in - which Columbus died, 23. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 24 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Ptolemy, 26, 27; Albertus Magnus, 29; Marco - Polo, 30; Columbus’ Annotations on the _Imago Mundi_, 31; on - Æneas Sylvius, 32; the Atlantic of the Ancients, 37; Prince - Henry the Navigator, 39; his Autograph, 39; Sketch-map of - Portuguese Discoveries in Africa, 40; Portuguese Map of the Old - World (1490), 41; Vasco da Gama and his Autograph, 42; Line of - Demarcation (Map of 1527), 43; Pope Alexander VI., 44. - - NOTES 46 - - A, First Voyage, 46; B, Landfall, 52; C, Effect of the - Discovery in Europe, 56; D, Second Voyage, 57; E, Third Voyage, - 58; F, Fourth Voyage, 59; G, Lives and Notices of Columbus, - 62; H, Portraits of Columbus, 69; I, Burial and Remains of - Columbus, 78; J, Birth of Columbus, and Accounts of his Family, - 83. - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Fac-simile of first page of Columbus’ Letter, - No. III., 49; Cut on reverse of Title of Nos. V. and VI., 50; - Title of No. VI., 51; The Landing of Columbus, 52; Cut in - German Translation of the First Letter, 53; Text of the German - Translation, 54; the Bahama Group (map), 55; Sign-manuals - of Ferdinand and Isabella, 56; Sebastian Brant, 59; Map of - Columbus’ Four Voyages, 60, 61; Fac-simile of page in the - Glustiniani Psalter, 63; Ferdinand Columbus’ Register of Books, - 65; Autograph of Humboldt, 68; Paulus Jovius, 70. Portraits - of Columbus,—after Giovio, 71; the Yanez Portrait, 72; after - Capriolo, 73; the Florence picture, 74; the De Bry Picture, - 75; the Jomard Likeness, 76; the Havana Medallion, 77; Picture - at Madrid, 78; after Montanus, 79; Coffer and Bones found in - Santo Domingo, 80; Inscriptions on and in the Coffer, 81, 82; - Portrait and Sign-manual of Ferdinand of Spain, 85; Bartholomew - Columbus, 86. - - POSTSCRIPT 88 - - THE EARLIEST MAPS OF THE SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES. - _The Editor_ 93 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Early Compass, 94; Astrolabe of Regiomontanus, - 96; Later Astrolabe, 97; Jackstaff, 99; Backstaff, 100; - Pirckeymerus, 102; Toscanelli’s Map, 103; Martin Behaim, 104; - Extract from Behaim’s Globe, 105; Part of La Cosa’s Map, - 106; of the Cantino Map, 108; Peter Martyr Map (1511), 110; - Ptolemy Map (1513), 111; Admiral’s Map (1513), 112; Reisch’s - Map (1515), 114; Ruysch’s Map (1508), 115; Stobnicza’s Map - (1512), 116; Schöner, 117; Schöner’s Globe (1515), 118; (1520), - 119; Tross Gores (1514-1519), 120; Münster’s Map (1532), 121; - Sylvanus’ Map (1511), 122; Lenox Globe, 123; Da Vinci Sketch of - Globe, 124, 125, 126; Carta Marina of Frisius (1525), 127; - Coppo’s Map (1528), 127. - - - CHAPTER II. - - AMERIGO VESPUCCI. _Sydney Howard Gay_ 129 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Fac-simile of a Letter of Vespucci, 130; - Autograph of Amerrigo Vespuche, 138; Portraits of Vespucci, - 139, 140, 141. - - NOTES ON VESPUCIUS AND THE NAMING OF AMERICA. _The Editor_ 153 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Title of the Jehan Lambert edition of the - _Mundus Novus_, 157; first page of Vorsterman’s _Mundus Novus_, - 158; Title of _De Ora Antarctica_, 159; title of _Von der neu - gefunden Region_, 160; Fac-simile of its first page, 161; - Ptolemy’s World, 165; Title of the _Cosmographiæ Introductio_, - 167; Fac-simile of its reference to the name of America, 168; - the Lenox Globe (American parts), 170; Title of the 1509 - edition of the _Cosmographiæ Introductio_, 171; title of the - _Globus Mundi_, 172; Map of Laurentius Frisius in the Ptolemy - of 1522, 175; American part of the Mercator Map of 1541, 177; - Portrait of Apianus, 179. - - BIBLIOGRAPHY OF POMPONIUS MELA, SOLINUS, VADIANUS, AND APIANUS. - _The Editor_ 180 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Pomponius Mela’s World, 180; Vadianus, 181; Part - of Apianus’ Map (1520), 183; Apianus, 185. - - - CHAPTER III. - - THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. _Edward Channing_ 187 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Hispaniola, 188; Castilia del Oro, 190; - Cartagena, 192; Balbóa, 195; Havana, 202. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 204 - - ILLUSTRATION: Juan de Grijalva, 216. - - THE EARLY CARTOGRAPHY OF THE GULF OF MEXICO AND ADJACENT PARTS. - _The Editor_ 217 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of the Pacific (1518), 217; of the Gulf of - Mexico (1520), 218; by Lorenz Friess (1522), 218; by Maiollo - (1527), 219; by Nuño Garcia de Toreno (1527), 220; by Ribero - (1529), 221; The so-called Lenox Woodcut (1534), 223; Early - French Map, 224; Gulf of Mexico (1536), 225; by Rotz (1542), - 226; by Cabot (1544), 227; in Ramusio (1556), 228; by Homem - (1558), 229; by Martines (1578), 229; of Cuba, by Wytfliet - (1597), 230. - - - CHAPTER IV. - - ANCIENT FLORIDA. _John G. Shea_ 231 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Ponce de Leon, 235; Hernando de Soto, 252; - Autograph of De Soto, 253; of Mendoza, 254; Map of Florida - (1565), 264; Site of Fort Caroline, 265; View of St. Augustine, - 266; Spanish Vessels, 267; Building of Fort Caroline, 268; Fort - Caroline completed, 269; Map of Florida (1591), 274; Wytfliet’s - Map (1597), 281. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 283 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of Ayllon’s Explorations, 285; Autograph of - Narvaez, 286; of Cabeza de Vaca, 287; of Charles V., 289; of - Biedma, 290; Map of the Mississippi (sixteenth century), 292; - Delisle’s Map, with the Route of De Soto, 294, 295. - - - CHAPTER V. - - LAS CASAS, AND THE RELATIONS OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE INDIANS. - _George E. Ellis_ 299 - - CRITICAL ESSAY 331 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Las Casas, 332; his Autograph, 333; Titlepages - of his Tracts, 334, 336, 338; Fac-simile of his Handwriting, - 339. - - EDITORIAL NOTE 343 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of Motolinia, 343; Title of Oviedo’s - _Natural Hystoria_ (1526), 344; Arms of Oviedo, 345; his - Autograph, 346; Head of Benzoni, 347. - - - CHAPTER VI. - - CORTÉS AND HIS COMPANIONS. _The Editor_ 349 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Velasquez, 350; Cannon of Cortés’ time, 352; - Helps’s Map of Cortés’ Voyage, 353; Cortés and his Arms, 354; - Gabriel Lasso de la Vega, 355; Cortés, 357; Map of the March - of Cortés, 358; Cortés, 360; Montezuma, 361, 363; Map of - Mexico before the Conquest, 364; Pedro de Alvarado, 366; his - Autograph, 367; Helps’s Map of the Mexican Valley, 369; Tree of - Triste Noche, 370; Charles V., 371, 373; his Autograph, 372; - Wilson’s Map of the Mexican Valley, 374; Jourdanet’s Map of - the Valley, _colored_, 375; Mexico under the Conquerors, 377; - Mexico according to Ramusio, 379; Cortés in Jovius, 381; his - Autograph, 381; Map of Guatemala and Honduras, 384; Autograph - of Sandoval, 387; his Portrait, 388; Cortés after Herrera, 389; - his Armor, 390; Autograph of Fuenleal, 391; Map of Mexico after - Herrera, 392; Acapulco, 394; Full-length Portrait of Cortés, - 395; Likeness on a Medal, 396. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 397 - - ILLUSTRATION: Autograph of Icazbalceta, 397. - - NOTES 402 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Cortés before Charles V., 403; Cortés’ Map of - the Gulf of Mexico, 404; Title of the Latin edition of his - Letters (1524), 405; Reverse of its Title, 406; Portrait of - Clement VII., 407; Autograph of Gayangos, 408; Lorenzana’s - Map of Spain, 408; Title of _De insulis nuper inventis_, 409; - Title of Gomara’s _Historia_ (1553), 413; Autograph of Bernal - Diaz, 414; of Sahagun, 416; Portrait of Solis, 423; Portrait of - William H. Prescott, 426. - - DISCOVERIES ON THE PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA. - _The Editor_ 431 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map from the Sloane Manuscripts (1530), 432; - from Ruscelli (1544), 432; Nancy Globe, 433; from Ziegler’s - _Schondia_ (1532), 434; Carta Marina (1548), 435; Vopellio’s - Map (1556), 436; Titlepage of Girava’s _Cosmographia_, 437; - Furlani’s Map (1560), 438; Map of the Pacific (1513), 440; - Cortés’ Map of the California Peninsula, 442; Castillo’s Map of - the California Gulf (1541), 444; Map by Homem (1540), 446; by - Cabot (1544), 447; by Freire (1546), 448; in Ptolemy (1548), - 449; by Martines (155-?), 450; by Zaltieri (1566), 451; by - Mercator (1569), 452; by Porcacchi (1572), 453; by Furlani - (1574), 454; from Molineaux’ Globe (1592), 455; a Spanish - Galleon, 456; Map of the Gulf of California by Wytfliet (1597), - 458; of America by Wytfliet (1597), 459; of Terre de Iesso, - 464; of the California Coast by Dudley (1646), 465; Diagram of - Mercator’s Projection, 470. - - - CHAPTER VII. - - EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. _Henry W. Haynes_ 473 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of Coronado, 481; Map of his - Explorations, 485; Early Drawings of the Buffalo, 488, 489. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 498 - - EDITORIAL NOTE 503 - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF PERU AND CHILI. - _Clements R. Markham_ 505 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Indian Rafts, 508; Sketch-maps of the Conquest - of Peru, 509, 519; picture of Embarkation, 512; Ruge’s Map - of Pizarro’s Discoveries, 513; Native Huts in Trees, 514; - Atahualpa, 515, 516; Almagro, 518; Plan of Ynca Fortress near - Cusco, 521; Building of a Town, 522; Gabriel de Rojas, 523; - Sketch-map of the Conquest of Chili, 524; Pedro de Valdivia, - 529, 530; Pastene, 531; Pizarro, 532, 533; Vaca de Castro, - 535; Pedro de la Gasca, 539, 540; Alonzo de Alvarado, 544; - Conception Bay, 548; Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, 550; Peruvians - worshipping the Sun, 551; Cusco, 554; Temple of Cusco, 555; - Wytfliet’s Map of Peru, 558; of Chili, 559; Sotomayor, 562; - Title of the 1535 Xeres, 565. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 563 - - ILLUSTRATION: Title of the 1535 Xeres, 565. - - EDITORIAL NOTES 573 - - ILLUSTRATION: Prescott’s Library, 577. - - THE AMAZON AND ELDORADO. _The Editor_ 579 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada, 580; Sketch-map, - 581; Castellanos, 583; Map of the Mouths of the Orinoco, 586; - De Laet’s Map of Parime Lacus, 588. - - - CHAPTER IX. - - MAGELLAN’S DISCOVERY. _Edward E. Hale_ 591 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Autograph of Magellan, 592; Portraits of - Magellan, 593, 594, 595; Indian Beds, 597; South American - Cannibals, 598; Giant’s Skeleton at Porto Desire, 602; - Quoniambec, 603; Pigafetta’s Map of Magellan’s Straits, 605; - Chart of the Pacific, showing Magellan’s Track, 610; Pigafetta’s - Map of the Ladrones, 611. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 613 - - - INDEX 619 - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - -BY THE EDITOR. - -DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF EARLY SPANISH-AMERICAN HISTORY. - - -THE earliest of the historians to use, to any extent, documentary -proofs, was Herrera, in his _Historia general_, first published in -1601.[1] As the official historiographer of the Indies, he had the best -of opportunities for access to the great wealth of documents which the -Spanish archivists had preserved; but he never distinctly quotes them, -or says where they are to be found.[2] It is through him that we are -aware of some important manuscripts not now known to exist.[3] - -The formation of the collections at Simancas, near Valladolid, -dates back to an order of Charles the Fifth, Feb. 19, 1543. New -accommodations were added from time to time, as documents were removed -thither from the bureaus of the Crown Secretaries, and from those -of the Councils of Seville and of the Indies. It was reorganized by -Philip II., in 1567, on a larger basis, as a depository for historical -research, when masses of manuscripts from other parts of Spain -were transported thither;[4] but the comparatively small extent of -the Simancas Collection does not indicate that the order was very -extensively observed; though it must be remembered that Napoleon made -havoc among these papers, and that in 1814 it was but a remnant which -was rearranged.[5] - -Dr. Robertson was the earliest of the English writers to make even -scant use of the original manuscript sources of information; and such -documents as he got from Spain were obtained through the solicitation -and address of Lord Grantham, the English ambassador. Everything, -however, was grudgingly given, after being first directly refused. It -is well known that the Spanish Government considered even what he did -obtain and make use of as unfit to be brought to the attention of their -own public, and the authorities interposed to prevent the translation -of Robertson’s history into Spanish. - -In his preface Dr. Robertson speaks of the peculiar solicitude with -which the Spanish archives were concealed from strangers in his time; -and he tells how, to Spanish subjects even, those of Simancas were -opened only upon a royal order. Papers notwithstanding such order, -he says, could be copied only by payment of fees too exorbitant to -favor research.[6] By order of Fernando VI., in the last century, a -collection of selected copies of the most important documents in the -various depositories of archives was made; and this was placed in the -Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid. - -In 1778 Charles III. ordered that the documents of the Indies in the -Spanish offices and depositories should be brought together in one -place. The movement did not receive form till 1785, when a commission -was appointed; and not till 1788, did Simancas, and the other -collections drawn upon, give up their treasures to be transported to -Seville, where they were placed in the building provided for them.[7] - -Muñoz, who was born in 1745, was commissioned in 1779 by the King -with authority[8] to search archives, public and family, and to write -and publish a _Historia del nuevo mundo_. Of this work only a single -volume,[9] bringing the story down to 1500, was completed, and it was -issued in 1793. Muñoz gave in its preface a critical review of the -sources of his subject. In the prosecution of his labor he formed -a collection of documents, which after his death was scattered; -but parts of it were, in 1827, in the possession of Don Antonio de -Uguina,[10] and later of Ternaux. The Spanish Government exerted -itself to reassemble the fragments of this collection, which is now, -in great part, in the Academy of History at Madrid,[11] where it has -been increased by other manuscripts from the archives at Seville. -Other portions are lodged, however, in ministerial offices, and the -most interesting are noted by Harrisse in his _Christophe Colomb_.[12] -A paper by Mr. J. Carson Brevoort on Muñoz and his manuscripts is in -the _American Bibliopolist_ (vol. viii. p. 21), February, 1876.[13] An -English translation of Muñoz’s single volume appeared in 1797, with -notes, mostly translated from the German version by Sprengel, published -in 1795. Rich had a manuscript copy made of all that Muñoz wrote of his -second volume (never printed), and this copy is noted in the _Brinley -Catalogue_, no. 47.[14] - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF MUÑOZ.] - -“In the days of Muñoz,” says Harrisse in his _Notes on Columbus_, p. -1, “the great repositories for original documents concerning Columbus -and the early history of Spanish America were the Escurial, Simancas, -the Convent of Monserrate, the colleges of St. Bartholomew and Cuenca -at Salamanca, and St. Gregory at Valladolid, the Cathedral of Valencia, -the Church of Sacro-Monte in Granada, the convents of St. Francis -at Tolosa, St. Dominick at Malaga, St. Acacio, St. Joseph, and St. -Isidro del Campo at Seville. There may be many valuable records still -concealed in those churches and convents.” - -The originals of the letters-patent, and other evidences of privileges -granted by the Spanish monarchs to Columbus, were preserved by him, -and now constitute a part of the collection of the Duke of Veraguas, -in Madrid. In 1502 Columbus caused several attested copies of them -and of a few other documents to be made, raising the number of papers -from thirty-six to forty-four. His care in causing these copies to be -distributed among different custodians evinces the high importance -which he held them to have, as testimonials to his fame and his -prominence in the world’s history. One wishes he could have had a like -solicitude for the exactness of his own statements. Before setting out -on his fourth voyage, he intrusted one of these copies to Francesco -di Rivarolo, for delivery to Nicoló Odérigo, the ambassador of Genoa, -in Madrid. From Cadiz shortly afterwards he sent a second copy to the -same Odérigo. In 1670 both of these copies were given, by a descendant -of Odérigo, to the Republic of Genoa. They subsequently disappeared -from the archives of the State, and Harrisse[15] has recently found -one of them in the archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at -Paris. The other was bought in 1816 by the Sardinian Government, at a -sale of the effects of Count Michael-Angelo Cambiasi. After a copy had -been made and deposited in the archives at Turin, this second copy was -deposited in a marble custodia, surmounted by a bust of Columbus, and -placed in the palace of the Doges in Genoa.[16] These documents, with -two of the letters addressed (March 21, 1502, and Dec. 27, 1504)[17] -to Odérigo, were published in Genoa in 1823 in the _Codice diplomatico -Colombo-Americano_, edited with a biographical introduction by Giovanni -Battista Spotorno.[18] A third letter (April 2, 1502), addressed to the -governors of the Bank of St. George, was not printed by Spotorno, but -was given in English in 1851 in the _Memorials of Columbus_ by Robert -Dodge, published by the Maryland Historical Society.[19] - -The State Archives of Genoa were transferred from the Ducal Palace, in -1817, to the Palazzetto, where they now are; and Harrisse’s account[20] -of them tells us what they do not contain respecting Columbus, rather -than what they do. We also learn from him something of the “Archives -du Notariat Génois,” and of the collections formed by the Senator -Federico Federici (d. 1647), by Gian Battista Richeri (_circa_ 1724), -and by others; but they seem to have afforded Harrisse little more than -stray notices of early members of the Colombo family. - -Washington Irving refers to the “self-sustained zeal of one of the last -veterans of Spanish literature, who is almost alone, yet indefatigable, -in his labors in a country where at present literary exertion meets -with but little excitement or reward.” Such is his introduction of -Martin Fernandez de Navarrete,[21] who was born in 1765, and as a -young man gave some active and meritorious service in the Spanish -navy. In 1789 he was forced by ill-health to abandon the sea. He then -accepted a commission from Charles IV. to examine all the depositories -of documents in the kingdom, and arrange the material to be found in -illustration of the history of the Spanish navy.[22] This work he -continued, with interruptions, till 1825, when he began at Madrid the -publication of his _Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos que -hicieron por mar los Españoles desde fines del siglo XV._,[23] which -reached an extent of five volumes, and was completed in 1837. It put -in convenient printed form more than five hundred documents of great -value, between the dates of 1393 and 1540. A sixth and seventh volume -were left unfinished at his death, which occurred in 1844, at the age -of seventy-eight.[24] His son afterward gathered some of his minor -writings, including biographies of early navigators,[25] and printed -(1848) them as a _Coleccion de opúsculos_; and in 1851 another of his -works, _Biblioteca maritima Española_, was printed at Madrid in two -volumes.[26] - -The first two volumes of his collection (of which volumes there was -a second edition in 1858) bore the distinctive title, _Relaciones, -cartas y otros documentos, concernientes á los cuatro viages que -hizo el Almirante D. Cristóbal Colon para el descubrimiento de las -Indias occidentales, and Documentos diplomáticos_. Three years later -(1828) a French version of these two volumes appeared at Paris, which -Navarrete himself revised, and which is further enriched with notes by -Humboldt, Jomard, Walckenaer, and others.[27] This French edition is -entitled: _Relation des quatres voyages entrepris par Ch. Colomb pour -la découverte du Nouveau Monde de 1492 à 1504, traduite par Chalumeau -de Vernéuil? et de la Roquette_. It is in three volumes, and is worth -about twenty francs. An Italian version, _Narrazione dei quattro -viaggi_, etc., was made by F. Giuntini, and appeared in two volumes at -Prato in 1840-1841.[28] - -Navarrete’s literary labors did not prevent much conspicuous service -on his part, both at sea and on land; and in 1823, not long before -he published his great Collection, he became the head of the Spanish -hydrographic bureau.[29] After his death the Spanish Academy printed -(1846) his historical treatise on the Art of Navigation and kindred -subjects (_Disertacion sobre la historia de la náutica_[30]), which was -an enlargement of an earlier essay published in 1802. - -While Navarrete’s great work was in progress at Madrid, Mr. Alexander -H. Everett, the American Minister at that Court, urged upon Washington -Irving, then at Bordeaux, the translation into English of the new -material which Navarrete was preparing, together with his Commentary. -Upon this incentive Irving went to Madrid and inspected the work, which -was soon published. His sense of the popular demand easily convinced -him that a continuous narrative, based upon Navarrete’s material,—but -leaving himself free to use all other helps,—would afford him better -opportunities to display his own graceful literary skill, and more -readily to engage the favor of the general reader. Irving’s judgment -was well founded; and Navarrete never quite forgave him for making a -name more popularly associated with that of the great discoverer than -his own.[31] Navarrete afforded Irving at this time much personal help -and encouragement. Obadiah Rich, the American Consul at Valencia, under -whose roof Irving lived, furnished him, however, his chief resource in -a curious and extensive library. To the Royal Library, and to that of -the Jesuit College of San Isidro, Irving also occasionally resorted. -The Duke of Veraguas took pleasure in laying before him his own family -archives.[32] The result was the _Life and Voyages of Christopher -Columbus_; and in the Preface, dated at Madrid in 1827,[33] Irving made -full acknowledgment of the services which had been rendered to him. -This work was followed, not long after, by the _Voyages and Discoveries -of the Companions of Columbus_; and ever since, in English and other -languages, the two books have kept constant company.[34] - -Irving proved an amiable hero-worshipper, and Columbus was pictured -with few questionable traits. The writer’s literary canons did not -call for the scrutiny which destroys a world’s exemplar. “One of the -most salutary purposes of history,” he says, “is to furnish examples -of what human genius and laudable enterprise may accomplish,”—and such -brilliant examples must be rescued from the “pernicious erudition” of -the investigator. Irving’s method at least had the effect to conciliate -the upholders of the saintly character of the discoverer; and the -modern school of the De Lorgues, who have been urging the canonization -of Columbus, find Irving’s ideas of him higher and juster than those of -Navarrete. - - * * * * * - -Henri Ternaux-Compans printed his _Voyages, relations, et mémoires -originaux pour servir à l’histoire de la dècouverte de l’Amérique_, -between 1837 and 1841.[35] This collection included rare books and -about seventy-five original documents, which it is suspected may -have been obtained during the French occupation of Spain. Ternaux -published his _Archives des voyages_, in two volumes, at Paris in -1840;[36] a minor part of it pertains to American affairs. Another -volume, published at the same time, is often found with it,—_Recueil -de documents et mémoires originaux sur l’histoire des possessions -Espagnoles dans l’Amérique_, whose contents, it is said, were derived -from the Muñoz Collection. - -The Academy of History at Madrid began in 1842 a series of documentary -illustrations which, though devoted to the history of Spain in general -(_Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de España_), -contains much matter of the first importance in respect to the history -of her colonies.[37] Navarrete was one of the original editors, but -lived only to see five volumes published. Salvá, Baranda, and others -have continued the publication since, which now amounts to eighty -volumes, of which vols. 62, 63, and 64 are the famous history of Las -Casas, then for the first time put in print. - -In 1864 a new series was begun at Madrid,—_Coleccion de documentos -inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de -las posesiones Españolas en América y Oceania, sacados, en su mayor -parte, del Real Archivo de Indias_. Nearly forty volumes have thus far -been published, under the editing of Joaquin F. Pacheco, Francisco de -Cárdenas, and Luis Torres de Mendoza at the start, but with changes -later in the editorial staff.[38] - -Mr. E. G. Squier edited at New York in 1860 a work called _Collection -of Rare and Original Documents and Relations concerning the Discovery -and Conquest of America, chiefly from the Spanish Archives, in the -original, with Translations, Notes, Maps, and Sketches_. There was -a small edition only,—one hundred copies on small paper, and ten on -large paper.[39] This was but one of a large collection of manuscripts -relative to Central America and Mexico which Mr. Squier had collected, -partly during his term as _chargé d’affaires_ in 1849. Out of these -he intended a series of publications, which never went beyond this -first number. The collection “consists,” says Bancroft,[40] “of -extracts and copies of letters and reports of _audiencias_, governors, -bishops, and various governmental officials, taken from the Spanish -archives at Madrid and from the library of the Spanish Royal Academy of -History, mostly under the direction of the indefatigable collector, Mr. -Buckingham Smith.” - -Early Spanish manuscripts on America in the British Museum are noted in -its _Index to Manuscripts_, 1854-1875, p. 31; and Gayangos’ _Catalogue -of Spanish Manuscripts in the British Museum_, vol. ii., has a section -on America.[41] - -Regarding the chances of further developments in depositories of -manuscripts, Harrisse, in his _Notes on Columbus_,[42] says: “For the -present the historian will find enough to gather from the Archivo -General de Indias in the Lonja at Seville, which contains as many as -forty-seven thousand huge packages, brought, within the last fifty -years, from all parts of Spain. But the richest mine as yet unexplored -we suppose to be the archives of the monastic orders in Italy; as -all the expeditions to the New World were accompanied by Franciscan, -Dominican, Benedictine, and other monks, who maintained an active -correspondence with the heads of their respective congregations. The -private archives of the Dukes of Veraguas, Medina-Sidonia, and Del -Infantado, at Madrid, are very rich. There is scarce anything relating -to that early period left in Simancas; but the original documents in -the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon are all intact”[43] - -Among the latest contributions to the documentary history of the -Spanish colonization is a large folio, _Cartas de Indias, publicalas -por primera vez el ministerio de fomento_, issued in Madrid in 1877 -under the auspices of the Spanish Government. It contains one hundred -and eight letters,[44] covering the period 1496 to 1586, the earliest -date being a supposed one for a letter of Columbus which is without -date. The late Mr. George Dexter,[45] who has printed[46] a translation -of this letter (together with one of another letter, Feb. 6, 1502, -and one of Vespucius, Dec. 9, 1508), gives his reasons for thinking the -date should be between March 15 and Sept. 25, 1493.[47] - -At Madrid and Paris was published, in 1883, a single octavo -volume,—_Costa-Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo XVI., su historia -y sus limítes segun los documentos del Archivo de Indias de Sevilla, -del de Simancas, etc., recogidos y publicados con notas y aclaraciones -históricas y geográficas, por D. Manuel M. de Peralta_. - -The more special and restricted documentary sources are examined in the -successive chapters of the present volume. - - - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL - -HISTORY OF AMERICA. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -COLUMBUS AND HIS DISCOVERIES. - -BY JUSTIN WINSOR, - -_The Editor._ - - -BEYOND his birth, of poor and respectable parents, we know nothing -positively about the earliest years of Columbus. His father was -probably a wool-comber. The boy had the ordinary schooling of his time, -and a touch of university life during a few months passed at Pavia; -then at fourteen he chose to become a sailor. A seaman’s career in -those days implied adventures more or less of a piratical kind. There -are intimations, however, that in the intervals of this exciting life -he followed the more humanizing occupation of selling books in Genoa, -and perhaps got some employment in the making of charts, for he had a -deft hand at design. We know his brother Bartholomew was earning his -living in this way when Columbus joined him in Lisbon in 1470. Previous -to this there seems to be some degree of certainty in connecting him -with voyages made by a celebrated admiral of his time bearing the -same family name, Colombo; he is also said to have joined the naval -expedition of John of Anjou against Naples in 1459.[48] Again, he may -have been the companion of another notorious corsair, a nephew of the -one already mentioned, as is sometimes maintained; but this sea-rover’s -proper name seems to have been more likely Caseneuve, though he was -sometimes called Coulon or Colon.[49] - -Columbus spent the years 1470-1484 in Portugal. It was a time when the -air was filled with tales of discovery. The captains of Prince Henry -of Portugal had been gradually pushing their ships down the African -coast and in some of these voyages Columbus was a participant. To one -of his navigators Prince Henry had given the governorship of the Island -of Porto Santo, of the Madeira group. To the daughter of this man, -Perestrello,[50] Columbus was married; and with his widow Columbus -lived, and derived what advantage he could from the papers and charts -of the old navigator. There was a tie between his own and his wife’s -family in the fact that Perestrello was an Italian, and seems to have -been of good family, but to have left little or no inheritance for his -daughter beyond some property in Porto Santo, which Columbus went to -enjoy. On this island Columbus’ son Diego was born in 1474. - -It was in this same year (1474) that he had some correspondence with -the Italian _savant_, Toscanelli, regarding the discovery of land -westward. A belief in such discovery was a natural corollary of the -object which Prince Henry had had in view,—by circumnavigating Africa -to find a way to the countries of which Marco Polo had given golden -accounts. It was to substitute for the tedious indirection of the -African route a direct western passage,—a belief in the practicability -of which was drawn from a confidence in the sphericity of the earth. -Meanwhile, gathering what hope he could by reading the ancients, by -conferring with wise men, and by questioning mariners returned from -voyages which had borne them more or less westerly on the great ocean, -Columbus suffered the thought to germinate as it would in his mind for -several years. Even on the voyages which he made hither and thither for -gain,—once far north, to Iceland even, or perhaps only to the Faröe -Islands, as is inferred,—and in active participation in various warlike -and marauding expeditions, like the attack on the Venetian galleys -near Cape St. Vincent in 1485,[51] he constantly came in contact with -those who could give him hints affecting his theory. Through all these -years, however, we know not certainly what were the vicissitudes which -fell to his lot.[52] - -It seems possible, if not probable, that Columbus went to Genoa and -Venice, and in the first instance presented his scheme of western -exploration to the authorities of those cities.[53] He may, on the -other hand; have tried earlier to get the approval of the King of -Portugal. In this case the visit to Italy may have occurred in the year -following his departure from Portugal, which is nearly a blank in the -record of his life. De Lorgues believes in the anterior Italian visit, -when both Genoa and Venice rejected his plans; and then makes him live -with his father at Savone, gaining a living by constructing charts, and -by selling maps and books in Genoa. - -It would appear that in 1484 Columbus had urged his views upon the -Portuguese King, but with no further success than to induce the -sovereign to despatch, on other pretences, a vessel to undertake the -passage westerly in secrecy. Its return without accomplishing any -discovery opened the eyes of Columbus to the deceit which that monarch -would have put upon him, and he departed from the Portuguese dominions -in not a little disgust.[54] - -The death of his wife had severed another tie with Portugal; and taking -with him his boy Diego, Columbus left, to go we scarcely know whither, -so obscure is the record of his life for the next year. Muñoz claims -for this period that he went to Italy. Sharon Turner has conjectured -that he went to England; but there seems no ground to believe that he -had any relations with the English Court except by deputy, for his -brother Bartholomew was despatched to lay his schemes before Henry -VII.[55] Whatever may have been the result of this application, no -answer seems to have reached Columbus until he was committed to the -service of Spain. - -It was in 1485 or 1486—for authorities differ[56]—that a proposal was -laid by Columbus before Ferdinand and Isabella; but the steps were -slow by which he made even this progress. We know how, in the popular -story, he presented himself at the Franciscan Convent of Santa María -de la Rábida, asking for bread for himself and his boy. This convent -stood on a steep promontory about half a league from Palos, and was -then in charge of the Father Superior Juan Perez de Marchena.[57] The -appearance of the stranger first, and his talk next, interested the -Prior; and it was under his advice and support after a while—when -Martin Alonzo Pinzon, of the neighboring town of Palos, had espoused -the new theory—that Columbus was passed on to Cordova, with such claims -to recognition as the Prior of Rabidá could bestow upon him. - -It was perhaps while success did not seem likely here, in the midst -of the preparations for a campaign against the Moorish kings, that -his brother Bartholomew made his trip to England.[58] It was also in -November, 1486, it would seem, that Columbus formed his connection with -Beatrix Enriquez, while he was waiting in Cordova for the attention of -the monarch to be disengaged from this Moorish campaign. - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS’ ARMOR. - -This follows a cut in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_, p. 245. The armor is in the Collection in the Royal -Palace at Madrid.] - -Among those at this time attached to the Court of Ferdinand and -Isabella was Alexander Geraldinus, then about thirty years old. He -was a traveller, a man of letters, and a mathematician; and it was -afterward the boast of his kinsman, who edited his _Itinerarium ad -regiones sub æquinoctiali plaga constitutas_[59] (Rome, 1631), that -Geraldinus, in one way and another, aided Columbus in pressing his -views upon their Majesties. It was through Geraldinus’ influence, or -through that of others who had become impressed with his views, that -Columbus finally got the ear of Pedro Gonzales de Mendoza, Archbishop -of Toledo. The way was now surer. The King heeded the Archbishop’s -advice, and a council of learned men was convened, by royal orders, at -Salamanca, to judge Columbus and his theories. Here he was met by all -that prejudice, content, and ignorance (as now understood, but wisdom -then) could bring to bear, in the shape of Scriptural contradictions of -his views, and the pseudo-scientific distrust of what were thought mere -visionary aims. He met all to his own satisfaction, but not quite so -successfully to the comprehension of his judges. He told them that he -should find Asia that way; and that if he did not, there must be other -lands westerly quite as desirable to discover. No conclusion had been -reached when, in the spring of 1487, the Court departed from Cordova, -and Columbus found himself left behind without encouragement, save in -the support of a few whom he had convinced,—notably Diego de Deza, a -friar destined to some ecclesiastical distinction as Archbishop of -Seville. - -During the next five years Columbus experienced every vexation -attendant upon delay, varied by participancy in the wars which the -Court urged against the Moors, and in which he sought to propitiate -the royal powers by doing them good service in the field. At last, -in 1491, wearied with excuses of pre-occupation and the ridicule of -the King’s advisers, Columbus turned his back on the Court and left -Seville,[60] to try his fortune with some of the Grandees. He still -urged in vain, and sought again the Convent of Rabida. Here he made a -renewed impression upon Marchena; so that finally, through the Prior’s -interposition with Isabella, Columbus was summoned to Court. He arrived -in time to witness the surrender of Granada, and to find the monarchs -more at liberty to listen to his words. There seemed now a likelihood -of reaching an end of his tribulations; when his demand of recognition -as viceroy, and his claim to share one tenth of all income from the -territories to be discovered, frightened as well as disgusted those -appointed to negotiate with him, and all came once more to an end. -Columbus mounted his mule and started for France. Two finance ministers -of the Crown, Santangel for Arragon and Quintanilla for Castile, had -been sufficiently impressed by the new theory to look with regret on -what they thought might be a lost opportunity. Isabella was won; and a -messenger was despatched to overtake Columbus. - -The fugitive returned; and on April 17, 1492, at Santa Fé, an agreement -was signed by Ferdinand and Isabella which gave Columbus the office -of high-admiral and viceroy in parts to be discovered, and an income -of one eighth of the profits, in consideration of his assuming one -eighth of the costs. Castile bore the rest of the expense; but Arragon -advanced the money,[61] and the Pinzons subscribed the eighth part for -Columbus. - -The happy man now solemnly vowed to use what profits should accrue -in accomplishing the rescue of the Holy Sepulchre from the Moslems. -Palos, owing some duty to the Crown, was ordered to furnish two armed -caravels, and Columbus was empowered to fit out a third. On the 30th -of April the letters-patent confirming his dignities were issued. His -son Diego was made a page of the royal household. On May 12 he left the -Court and hastened towards Palos. Here, upon showing his orders for -the vessels, he found the town rebellious, with all the passion of a -people who felt that some of their number were being simply doomed to -destruction beyond that Sea of Darkness whose bounds they knew not. -Affairs were in this unsatisfactory condition when the brothers Pinzon -threw themselves and their own vessels into the cause; while a third -vessel, the “Pinta,” was impressed,—much to the alarm of its owners and -crew. - -[Illustration: PARTING OF COLUMBUS WITH FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. - -Fac-simile of the engraving in Herrera. It originally appeared in De -Bry, part iv.] - -[Illustration: EARLY VESSELS. - -This representation of the vessels of the early Spanish navigators is -a fac-simile of a cut in Medina’s _Arte de navegar_, Valladolid, 1545, -which was re-engraved in the Venice edition of 1555. Cf. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, vol. i. nos. 137, 204; Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_, pp. 240, 241; Jurien de la Gravière’s _Les marins -du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_, vol. i. pp. 38, 151. In the variety of -changes in methods of measurement it is not easy to find the equivalent -in tonnage of the present day for the ships of Columbus’s time. Those -constituting his little fleet seem to have been light and swift vessels -of the class called caravels. One had a deck amidships, with high -forecastle and poop, and two were without this deck, though high, and -covered at the ends. Captain G. V. Fox has given what he supposes -were the dimensions of the larger one,—a heavier craft and duller -sailer than the others. He calculates for a hundred tons,—makes her -sixty-three feet over all, fifty-one feet keel, twenty feet beam, and -ten and a half feet draft of water. She carried the kind of gun termed -lombards, and a crew of fifty men. _U. S. Coast Survey Report_, 1880, -app. 18; _Becher’s Landfall of Columbus_; A. Jal’s _Archéologie navale_ -(Paris, 1840); Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xv.; H. H. Bancroft, _Central -America_, i. 187; _Das Ausland_, 1867, p. 1. There are other views of -the ships of Columbus’ time in the cuts in some of the early editions -of his Letters on the discovery. See notes following this chapter.] - -And so, out of the harbor of Palos,[62] on the 3d of August, 1492, -Columbus sailed with his three little vessels. The “Santa Maria,” which -carried his flag, was the only one of the three which had a deck, while -the other two, the “Niña” and the “Pinta,” were open caravels. The two -Pinzons commanded these smaller ships,—Martin Alonzo the “Pinta”, and -Vicente the “Niña.” - -[Illustration: BUILDING A SHIP. - -This follows a fac-simile, given in Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_ p. 240, of a cut in Bernhardus de Breydenbach’s -_Peregrinationes_, Mainz, 1486.] - -The voyage was uneventful, except that the expectancy of all quickened -the eye, which sometimes saw over-much, and poised the mind, which -was alert with hope and fear. It has been pointed out how a westerly -course from Palos would have discouraged Columbus with head and -variable winds. Running down to the Canaries (for Toscanelli put those -islands in the latitude of Cipango), a westerly course thence would -bring him within the continuous easterly trade-winds, whose favoring -influence would inspirit his men,—as, indeed, was the case. Columbus, -however, was very glad on the 22d of September to experience a west -wind, just to convince his crew it was possible to have, now and then, -the direction of it favorable to their return. He had proceeded, as he -thought, some two hundred miles farther than the longitude in which he -had conjectured Cipango to be, when the urging of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, -and the flight of birds indicating land to be nearer in the southwest, -induced him to change his course in that direction.[63] - -[Illustration: COURSE OF COLUMBUS ON FIRST VOYAGE. - -This follows a map given in _Das Ausland_, 1867, p. 4, in a paper on -Columbus’ Journal, “Das Schiffsbuch des Entdeckers von Amerika.” The -routes of Columbus’ four voyages are marked on the map accompanying the -_Studi biografici e bibliografici_ published by the Società Geografica -Italiana in 1882. Cf. also the map in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 155, -reproduced on a later page.] - -About midnight between the 11th and 12th of October, Columbus on the -lookout thought he saw a light moving in the darkness. He called a -companion, and the two in counsel agreed that it was so.[64] At about -two o’clock, the moon then shining, a mariner on the “Pinta” discerned -unmistakably a low sandy shore. In the morning a landing was made, and, -with prayer[65] and ceremony, possession was taken of the new-found -island in the name of the Spanish sovereigns. - -[Illustration: SHIP OF COLUMBUS’S TIME. - -This follows a fac-simile, given in Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_, p. 241, of a cut in Bernhardus de Breydenbach’s -_Peregrinationes_, Mainz, 1486.] - -On the third day (October 14) Columbus lifted anchor, and for ten days -sailed among the minor islands of the archipelago; but struck the -Cuban coast on the 28th.[66] Here the “Pinta,” without orders from -the Admiral, went off to seek some gold-field, of which Martin Alonzo -Pinzon, its commander, fancied he had got some intimation from the -natives. Pinzon returned bootless; but Columbus was painfully conscious -of the mutinous spirit of his lieutenant.[67] The little fleet next -found Hayti (Hispaniæ insula,[68] as he called it), and on its northern -side the Admiral’s ship was wrecked. Out of her timbers Columbus built -a fort on the shore, called it “La Navidad,” and put into it a garrison -under Diego de Arana.[69] - -[Illustration: NATIVE HOUSE IN HISPANIOLA. - -Fac-simile of a cut in Oviedo, edition of 1547, fol. lix. There is -another engraving in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 124. Cf. also Ramusio, -_Nav. et Viaggi_, iii.] - -With the rest of his company and in his two smaller vessels, on the -4th of January, 1493, Columbus started on his return to Spain. He ran -northerly to the latitude of his destination, and then steered due -east. He experienced severe weather, but reached the Azores safely; -and then, passing on, entered the Tagus and had an interview with the -Portuguese King. Leaving Lisbon on the 13th, he reached Palos on the -15th of March, after an absence of over seven months. - -[Illustration: CURING THE SICK. - -This is Benzoni’s sketch of the way in which the natives cure and tend -their sick at Hispaniola. Edition of 1572, p. 56.] - -He was received by the people of the little seaport with acclamations -and wonder; and, despatching a messenger to the Spanish Court at -Barcelona, he proceeded to Seville to await the commands of the -monarchs. He was soon bidden to hasten to them; and with the triumph of -more than a conqueror, and preceded by the bedizened Indians whom he -had brought with him, he entered the city and stood in the presence -of the sovereigns. He was commanded to sit before them, and to tell -the story of his discovery. This he did with conscious pride; and not -forgetting the past, he publicly renewed his previous vow to wrest the -Holy Sepulchre from the Infidel. - -[Illustration: THE TRIUMPH OF COLUMBUS. - -This is a reduction of a fac-simile by Pilinski, given in Margry’s -_Les Navigations Françaises_, p. 360,—an earlier reproduction having -been given by M. Jal in _La France maritime_. It is also figured in -Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 139. The original sketch, by Columbus -himself, was sent by him from Seville in 1502, and is preserved in -the city hall at Genoa. M. Jal gives a description of it in his _De -Paris à Naples_, 1836, i. 257. The figure sitting beside Columbus is -Providence; Envy and Ignorance are hinted at as monsters following in -his wake; while Constancy, Tolerance, the Christian Religion, Victory, -and Hope attend him. Above all is the floating figure of Fame blowing -two trumpets, one marked “Genoa,” the other “Fama Columbi.” Harrisse -(_Notes on Columbus_, p. 165) says that good judges assign this picture -to Columbus’s own hand, though none of the drawings ascribed to him -are authentic beyond doubt; while it is very true that he had the -reputation of being a good draughtsman. Feuillet de Conches (_Revue -contemporaine_, xxiv. 509) disbelieves in its authenticity. The usual -signature of Columbus is in the lower left-hand corner of the above -sketch, the initial letters in which have never been satisfactorily -interpreted; but perhaps as reasonable a guess as any would make -them stand for “SERVUS SUPPLEX ALTISSIMI SALVATORIS—CHRISTUS, MARIA, -YOSEPH—_Christo ferens_.” Others read, “SERVIDOR SUS ALTEZAS SACRAS, -CHRISTO, MARIA, YSABEL [_or_ YOSEPH].” The “Christo ferens” is -sometimes replaced by “_El Almirante_.” The essay on the autograph -in the _Cartas de Indias_ is translated in the _Magazine of American -History_, Jan., 1883, p. 55. Cf. Irving, app. xxxv. Ruge, _Geschichte -des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 317; _Massachusetts Historical -Society Proceedings_, xvi. 322, etc.] - -The expectation which had sustained Columbus in his voyage, and which -he thought his discoveries had confirmed, was that he had reached the -western parts of India or Asia; and the new islands were accordingly -everywhere spoken of as the West Indies, or the New World. - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS AT HISPANIOLA. - -Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, who follows DeBry.] - -[Illustration: HANDWRITING OF COLUMBUS. - -Last page of an autograph letter preserved in the Colombina Library at -Seville, following a photograph in Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, p. -218.] - -The ruling Pope, Alexander VI., was a native Valencian; and to him -an appeal was now made for a Bull, confirming to Spain and Portugal -respective fields for discovery. This was issued May 4, 1493, fixing -a line, on the thither side of which Spain was to be master; and on -the hither side, Portugal. This was traced at a meridian one hundred -leagues west of the Azores and Cape de Verde Islands, which were -assumed to be in the same longitude practically. The thought of future -complications from the running of this line to the antipodes does -not seem to have alarmed either Pope or sovereigns; but troubles on -the Atlantic side were soon to arise, to be promptly compounded by a -convention at Tordesillas, which agreed (June 4, ratified June 7, 1494) -to move the meridian line to a point three hundred and seventy leagues -west of the Cape de Verde Islands,—still without dream of the destined -disputes respecting divisions on the other side of the globe.[70] - -[Illustration: ARMS OF COLUMBUS. - -As given in Oviedo’s _Coronica_, 1547, fol. x., from the Harvard -College copy. There is no wholly satisfactory statement regarding the -origin of these arms, or the Admiral’s right to bear them. It is the -quartering of the royal lion and castle, for Arragon and Castile, with -gold islands in azure waves. Five anchors and the motto, - - “A [_or_ POR] CASTILLA Y A [_or_ POR] LEON NUEVO MUNDO DIO [_or_ - HALLO] COLON,” - -were later given or assumed. The crest varies in the Oviedo (i. cap. -vii.) of 1535.] - -Thus everything favored Columbus in the preparations for a second -voyage, which was to conduct a colony to the newly discovered lands. -Twelve hundred souls were embarked on seventeen vessels, and among them -persons of consideration and name in subsequent history,—Diego, the -Admiral’s brother, Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Ojeda, and La Cosa, with -the Pope’s own vicar, a Benedictine named Buil, or Boil. - -[Illustration: FRUIT-TREES OF HISPANIOLA. - -This is Benzoni’s sketch, edition of 1572, p. 60.] - -Columbus and the destined colonists sailed from Cadiz on the 25th of -September. The ships sighted an island on the 3d of November, and -continuing their course among the Caribbee Islands, they finally -reached La Navidad, and found it a waste. It was necessary, however, -to make a beginning somewhere; and a little to the east of the ruined -fort they landed their supplies and began the laying out of a city, -which they called Isabella.[71] Expeditions were sent inland to find -gold. The explorers reported success. Twelve of the ships were sent -home with Indians who had been seized; and these ships were further -laden with products of the soil which had been gathered. Columbus -himself went with four hundred men to begin work at the interior mines; -but the natives, upon whom he had counted for labor, had begun to -fear enslavement for this purpose, and kept aloof. So mining did not -flourish. Disease, too, was working evil. Columbus himself had been -prostrated; but he was able to conduct three caravels westward, when he -discovered Jamaica. On this expedition he made up his mind that Cuba -was a part of the Asiatic main, and somewhat unadvisedly forced his men -to sign a paper declaring their own belief to the same purport.[72] - -[Illustration: INDIAN CLUB. - -As given in Oviedo, edition of 1547, fol. lxi.] - -Returning to his colony, the Admiral found that all was not going well. -He had not himself inspired confidence as a governor, and his fame as -an explorer was fast being eclipsed by his misfortunes as a ruler. -Some of his colonists, accompanied by the papal vicar, had seized -ships and set sail for home. The natives, emboldened by the cruelties -practised upon them, were laying siege to his fortified posts. As an -offset, however, his brother Bartholomew had arrived from Spain with -three store-ships; and later came Antonio de Torres with four other -ships, which in due time were sent back to carry some samples of gold -and a cargo of natives to be sold as slaves. The vessels had brought -tidings of the charges preferred at Court against the Admiral, and his -brother Diego was sent back with the ships to answer these charges -in the Admiral’s behalf. Unfortunately Diego was not a man of strong -character, and his advocacy was not of the best. - -[Illustration: INDIAN CANOE. - -As depicted in Oviedo, edition of 1547, fol. lxi. There is another -engraving in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 106, called “Pirogue -Indienne.”] - -[Illustration: INDIAN CANOE. - -Benzoni gives this drawing of the canoes of the coast of the Gulf of -Paria and thereabout. Edition of 1572, p. 5.] - -In March (1495) Columbus conducted an expedition into the interior to -subdue and hold tributary the native population. It was cruelly done, -as the world looks upon such transactions to-day. - -Meanwhile in Spain reiteration of charges was beginning to shake the -confidence of his sovereigns; and Juan Aguado, a friend of Columbus, -was sent to investigate. He reached Isabella in October,—Diego, the -Admiral’s brother, accompanying him. Aguado did not find affairs -reassuring; and when he returned to Spain with his report in March -(1496), Columbus thought it best to go too, and to make his excuses or -explanations in person. They reached Cadiz in June, just as Niño was -sailing with three caravels to the new colony. - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS AT ISLA MARGARITA. - -Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera.] - -Ferdinand and Isabella received him kindly, gave him new honors, -and promised him other outfits. Enthusiasm, however, had died out, -and delays took place. The reports of the returning ships did not -correspond with the pictures of Marco Polo, and the new-found world was -thought to be a very poor India after all. Most people were of this -mind; though Columbus was not disheartened, and the public treasury was -readily opened for a third voyage. - -[Illustration: AMERICANS. - -This is the earliest representation which we have of the natives of the -New World, showing such as were found by the Portuguese on the north -coast of South America. It has been supposed that it was issued in -Augsburg somewhere between 1497 and 1504, for it is not dated. The only -copy ever known to bibliographers is not now to be traced. Stevens, -_Recoll. of James Lenox_, p. 174. It measures 13½ × 8½ inches, -with a German title and inscription, to be translated as follows:— - -“This figure represents to us the people and island which have been -discovered by the Christian King of Portugal, or his subjects. The -people are thus naked, handsome, brown, well-shaped in body; their -heads, necks, arms, private parts, feet of men and women, are a little -covered with feathers. The men also have many precious stones on -their faces and breasts. No one else has anything, but all things are -in common. And the men have as wives those who please them, be they -mothers, sisters, or friends; therein make they no distinction. They -also fight with each other; they also eat each other, even those who -are slain, and hang the flesh of them in the smoke. They become a -hundred and fifty years of age, and have no government.” - -The present engraving follows the fac-simile given in Stevens’s -_American Bibliographer_, pp. 7, 8. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,031; vol. -v. no. 20,257; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 20.] - -Coronel sailed early in 1498 with two ships, and Columbus followed -with six, embarking at San Lucar on the 30th of May. He now discovered -Trinidad (July 31), which he named either from its three peaks, or -from the Holy Trinity; struck the northern coast of South America,[73] -and skirted what was later known as the Pearl coast, going as far -as the Island of Margarita. He wondered at the roaring fresh waters -which the Orinoco pours into the Gulf of Pearls, as he called it, and -he half believed that its exuberant tide came from the terrestrial -paradise.[74] He touched the southern coast of Hayti on the 30th of -August. Here already his colonists had established a fortified post, -and founded the town of Santo Domingo. His brother Bartholomew had -ruled energetically during the Admiral’s absence, but he had not -prevented a revolt, which was headed by Roldan. Columbus on his arrival -found the insurgents still defiant, but was able after a while to -reconcile them, and he even succeeded in attaching Roldan warmly to his -interests. - -Columbus’ absence from Spain, however, left his good name without -sponsors; and to satisfy detractors, a new commissioner was sent -over with enlarged powers, even with authority to supersede Columbus -in general command, if necessary. This emissary was Francisco de -Bobadilla, who arrived at Santo Domingo with two caravels on the 23d -of August, 1500, finding Diego in command, his brother the Admiral -being absent. An issue was at once made. Diego refused to accede to -the commissioner’s orders till Columbus returned to judge the case -himself; so Bobadilla assumed charge of the Crown property violently, -took possession of the Admiral’s house, and when Columbus returned, he -with his brother was arrested and put in irons. In this condition the -prisoners were placed on shipboard, and sailed for Spain. The captain -of the ship offered to remove the manacles; but Columbus would not -permit it, being determined to land in Spain bound as he was; and so -he did. The effect of his degradation was to his advantage; sovereigns -and people were shocked at the sight; and Ferdinand and Isabella -hastened to make amends by receiving him with renewed favor. It was -soon apparent that everything reasonable would be granted him by the -monarchs, and that he could have all he might wish, short of receiving -a new lease of power in the islands, which the sovereigns were -determined to see pacified at least before Columbus should again assume -government of them. The Admiral had not forgotten his vow to wrest the -Holy Sepulchre from the Infidel; but the monarchs did not accede to his -wish to undertake it. Disappointed in this, he proposed a new voyage; -and getting the royal countenance for this scheme, he was supplied with -four vessels of from fifty to seventy tons each,—the “Capitana,” the -“Santiago de Palos,” the “Gallego,” and the “Vizcaino.” He sailed from -Cadiz May 9, 1502, accompanied by his brother Bartholomew and his son -Fernando. The vessels reached San Domingo June 29. - -Bobadilla, whose rule of a year and a half had been an unhappy one, had -given place to Nicholás de Ovando; and the fleet which brought the new -governor,—with Maldonado, Las Casas, and others,—now lay in the harbor -waiting to receive Bobadilla for the return voyage. Columbus had been -instructed to avoid Hispaniola; but now that one of his vessels leaked, -and he needed to make repairs, he sent a boat ashore, asking permission -to enter the harbor. He was refused, though a storm was impending. He -sheltered his vessels as best he could, and rode out the gale. The -fleet which had on board Bobadilla and Roldan, with their ill-gotten -gains, was wrecked, and these enemies of Columbus were drowned. The -Admiral found a small harbor where he could make his repairs; and then, -July 14, sailed westward to find, as he supposed, the richer portions -of India in exchange for the barbarous outlying districts which others -had appropriated to themselves. He went on through calm and storm, -giving names to islands,—which later explorers re-named, and spread -thereby confusion on the early maps. He began to find more intelligence -in the natives of these islands than those of Cuba had betrayed, and -got intimations of lands still farther west, where copper and gold were -in abundance. An old Indian made them a rough map of the main shore. -Columbus took him on board, and proceeding onward a landing was made on -the coast of Honduras August 14. Three days later the explorers landed -again fifteen leagues farther east, and took possession of the country -for Spain. Still east they went; and, in gratitude for safety after -a long storm, they named a cape which they rounded Gracias á Dios,—a -name still preserved at the point where the coast of Honduras begins to -trend southward. Columbus was now lying ill on his bed, placed on deck, -and was half the time in revery. Still the vessels coasted south. They -lost a boat’s crew in getting water at one place; and tarrying near -the mouth of the Rio San Juan, they thought they got from the signs -of the natives intelligence of a rich and populous country over the -mountains inland, where the men wore clothes and bore weapons of steel, -and the women were decked with corals and pearls. These stories were -reassuring; but the exorcising incantations of the natives were quite -otherwise for the superstitious among the Spaniards. - -They were now on the shores of Costa Rica, where the coast trends -southeast; and both the rich foliage and the gold plate on the necks of -the savages enchanted the explorers. They went on towards the source -of this wealth, as they fancied. The natives began to show some signs -of repulsion; but a few hawk’s-bells beguiled them, and gold plates -were received in exchange for the trinkets. The vessels were now within -the southernmost loop of the shore, and a bit of stone wall seemed -to the Spaniards a token of civilization. The natives called a town -hereabouts Veragua,—whence, years after, the descendants of Columbus -borrowed the ducal title of his line. In this region Columbus dallied, -not suspecting how thin the strip of country was which separated him -from the great ocean whose farther waves washed his desired India. -Then, still pursuing the coast, which now turned to the northeast, he -reached Porto Bello, as we call it, where he found houses and orchards. -Tracking the Gulf side of the Panama isthmus, he encountered storms -that forced him into harbors, which continued to disclose the richness -of the country.[75] - -It became now apparent that they had reached the farthest spot of -Bastidas’ exploring, who had, in 1501, sailed westward along the -northern coast of South America. Amid something like mutinous cries -from the sailors, Columbus was fain to turn back to the neighborhood of -Veragua, where the gold was; but on arriving there, the seas, lately -so fair, were tumultuous, and the Spaniards were obliged to repeat the -gospel of Saint John to keep a water-spout, which they saw, from coming -their way,—so Fernando says in his Life of the Admiral. They finally -made a harbor at the mouth of the River Belen, and began to traffic -with the natives, who proved very cautious and evasive when inquiries -were made respecting gold-mines. Bartholomew explored the neighboring -Veragua River in armed boats, and met the chief of the region, with -retainers, in a fleet of canoes. Gold and trinkets were exchanged, as -usual, both here and later on the Admiral’s deck. Again Bartholomew led -another expedition, and getting the direction—a purposely false one, -as it proved—from the chief in his own village, he went to a mountain, -near the abode of an enemy of the chief, and found gold,—scant, -however, in quantity compared with that of the crafty chief’s own -fields. The inducements were sufficient, however, as Columbus thought, -to found a colony; but before he got ready to leave it, he suspected -the neighboring chief was planning offensive operations. An expedition -was accordingly sent to seize the chief, and he was captured in his own -village; and so suddenly that his own people could not protect him. -The craft of the savage, however, stood him in good stead; and while -one of the Spaniards was conveying him down the river in a boat, he -jumped overboard and disappeared, only to reappear, a few days later, -in leading an attack on the Spanish camp. In this the Indians were -repulsed; but it was the beginning of a kind of lurking warfare that -disheartened the Spaniards. Meanwhile Columbus, with the ship, was -outside the harbor’s bar buffeting the gales. The rest of the prisoners -who had been taken with the chief were confined in his forecastle. -By concerted action some of them got out and jumped overboard, while -those not so fortunate killed themselves. As soon as the storm was -over, Columbus withdrew the colonists and sailed away. He abandoned one -worm-eaten caravel at Porto Bello, and, reaching Jamaica, beached two -others. - -A year of disappointment, grief, and want followed. Columbus clung to -his wrecked vessels. His crew alternately mutinied at his side, and -roved about the island. Ovando, at Hispaniola, heard of his straits, -but only tardily and scantily relieved him. The discontented were -finally humbled; and some ships, despatched by the Admiral’s agent in -Santo Domingo, at last reached him, and brought him and his companions -to that place, where Ovando received him with ostentatious kindness, -lodging him in his house till Columbus departed for Spain, Sept. 12, -1504. - -On the 7th of November the Admiral reached the harbor of San Lucar. -Weakness and disease later kept him in bed in Seville, and to his -letters of appeal the King paid little attention. He finally recovered -sufficiently to go to the Court at Segovia, in May, 1505; but -Ferdinand—Isabella had died Nov. 26, 1504—gave him scant courtesy. With -a fatalistic iteration, which had been his error in life, Columbus -insisted still on the rights which a better skill in governing -might have saved for him; and Ferdinand, with a dread of continued -maladministration, as constantly evaded the issue. While still hope -was deferred, the infirmities of age and a life of hardships brought -Columbus to his end; and on Ascension Day, the 20th of May, 1506, he -died, with his son Diego and a few devoted friends by his bedside. - -[Illustration: HOUSE IN WHICH COLUMBUS DIED. - -This follows an engraving in Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_, p. 313, taken from a photograph. The house is in -Valladolid.] - -The character of Columbus is not difficult to discern. If his mental -and moral equipoise had been as true, and his judgment as clear, as his -spirit was lofty and impressive, he could have controlled the actions -of men as readily as he subjected their imaginations to his will, and -more than one brilliant opportunity for a record befitting a ruler -of men would not have been lost. The world always admires constancy -and zeal; but when it is fed, not by well-rounded performance, but -by self-satisfaction and self-interest, and tarnished by deceit, we -lament where we would approve. Columbus’ imagination was eager, and -unfortunately ungovernable. It led him to a great discovery, which he -was not seeking for; and he was far enough right to make his error more -emphatic. He is certainly not alone among the great men of the world’s -regard who have some of the attributes of the small and mean. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -It would appear, from documents printed by Navarrete, that in 1470 -Columbus was brooding on the idea of land to the west. It is not at all -probable that he would himself have been able to trace from germ to -flower the conception which finally possessed his mind.[76] The age was -ripened for it; and the finding of Brazil in 1500 by Cabral showed how -by an accident the theory might have become a practical result at any -time after the sailors of Europe had dared to take long ocean voyages. -Columbus grew to imagine that he had been independent of the influences -of his time; and in a manuscript in his own hand, preserved in the -Colombina Library at Seville, he shows the weak, almost irresponsible, -side of his mind, and flouts at the grounds of reasonable progress -which many others besides himself had been making to a belief in the -feasibility of a western passage. In this unfortunate writing he -declares that under inspiration he simply accomplished the prophecy -of Isaiah.[77] This assertion has not prevented saner and later -writers[78] from surveying the evidences of the growth of the belief -in the mind, not of Columbus only, but of others whom he may have -impressed, and by whom he may have been influenced. The new intuition -was but the result of intellectual reciprocity. It needed a daring -exponent, and found one. - -The geographical ideas which bear on this question depend, of course, -upon the sphericity of the earth.[79] This was entertained by the -leading cosmographical thinkers of that age,—who were far however from -being in accord in respect to the size of the globe. Going back to -antiquity, Aristotle and Strabo had both taught in their respective -times the spherical theory; but they too were widely divergent upon -the question of size,—Aristotle’s ball being but mean in comparison -with that of Strabo, who was not far wrong when he contended that -the world then known was something more than one third of the actual -circumference of the whole, or one hundred and twenty-nine degrees, -as he put it; while Marinus, the Tyrian, of the opposing school, and -the most eminent geographer before Ptolemy, held that the extent of -the then known world spanned as much as two hundred and twenty-five -degrees, or about one hundred degrees too much.[80] Columbus’ -calculations were all on the side of this insufficient size.[81] He -wrote to Queen Isabella in 1503 that “the earth is smaller than people -suppose.” He thought but one seventh of it was water. In sailing a -direct western course his expectation was to reach Cipango after having -gone about three thousand miles. This would actually have brought him -within a hundred miles or so of Cape Henlopen, or the neighboring -coast; while if no land had intervened he would have gone nine -thousand eight hundred miles to reach Japan, the modern Cipango.[82] -Thus Columbus’ earth was something like two thirds of the actual -magnitude.[83] It can readily be understood how the lesser distance was -helpful in inducing a crew to accompany Columbus, and in strengthening -his own determination. - -Whatever the size of the earth, there was far less palpable reason -to determine it than to settle the question of its sphericity. The -phenomena which convince the ordinary mind to-day, weighed with -Columbus as they had weighed in earlier ages. These were the hulling -down of ships at sea, and the curved shadow of the earth on the moon in -an eclipse. The law of gravity was not yet proclaimed, indeed; but it -had been observed that the men on two ships, however far apart, stood -perpendicular to their decks at rest. - -Columbus was also certainly aware of some of the views and allusions -to be found in the ancient writers, indicating a belief in lands lying -beyond the Pillars of Hercules.[84] He enumerates some of them in the -letter which he wrote about his third voyage, and which is printed in -Navarrete. The Colombina Library contains two interesting memorials of -his connection with this belief. One is a treatise in his own hand, -giving his correspondence with Father Gorricio, who gathered the -ancient views and prophecies;[85] and the other is a copy of Gaietanus’ -edition of Seneca’s tragedies, published indeed after Columbus’ death, -in which the passage of the _Medea_, known to have been much in -Columbus’ mind, is scored with the marginal comment of Ferdinand, his -son, “Hæc prophetia expleta ē per patrē meus cristoforū colō almirātē -anno 1492.”[86] Columbus, further, could not have been unaware of -the opposing theories of Ptolemy and Pomponius Mela as to the course -in which the further extension of the known world should be pursued. -Ptolemy held to the east and west theory, and Mela to the northern and -southern view. - -[Illustration: PTOLEMY. - -Fac-simile of a cut in _Icones sive imagines vivæ literis cl. virorum -... cum elogiis variis per Nicolaum Reusnerum. Basiliæ, CIƆ IƆ XIC_, -Sig. A. 4.] - -The Angelo Latin translation of Ptolemy’s Greek _Geographia_ had served -to disseminate the Alexandrian geographer’s views through almost the -whole of the fifteenth century, for that version had been first made -in 1409. In 1475 it had been printed, and it had helped strengthen the -arguments of those who favored a belief in the position of India as -lying over against Spain. Several other editions were yet to be printed -in the new typographical centres of Europe, all exerting more or less -influence in support of the new views advocated by Columbus.[87] Five -of these editions of Ptolemy appeared during the interval from 1475 to -1492. Of Pomponius Mela, advocating the views of which the Portuguese -were at this time proving the truth, the earliest printed edition had -appeared in 1471. Mela’s treatise, _De situ orbis_, had been produced -in the first century, while Ptolemy had made his views known in the -second; and the age of Vasco da Gama, Columbus, and Magellan were to -prove the complemental relations of their respective theories. - -[Illustration: PTOLEMY. - -Fac-simile of cut in _Icones sive imagines virorum literis illustrium -... ex secunda recognitione Nicolai Reusneri. Argentorati, CIƆ IƆ XC_, -p. 1. The first edition appeared in 1587. Brunet, vol. iv., col. 1255, -calls the editions of 1590 and Frankfort, 1620, inferior.] - -[Illustration: ALBERTUS MAGNUS. - -Fac-simile of cut in Reusner’s _Icones_, Strasburg, 1590, p. 4. There -is another cut in Paulus Jovius’s _Elogia virorum litteris illustrium_, -Basle, 1575, p. 7 (copy in Harvard College Library).] - -[Illustration: MARCO POLO. - -This follows an engraving in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_, p. 53. The original is at Rome. There is a copy of an -old print in Jules Verne’s _Découverte de la Terre_.] - -It has been said that Macrobius, a Roman of the fifth century, in a -commentary on the _Dream of Scipio_, had maintained a division of the -globe into four continents, of which two were then unknown. In the -twelfth century this idea had been revived by Guillaume de Conches -(who died about 1150) in his _Philosophia Minor_, lib. iv. cap. 3. -It was again later further promulgated in the writings of Bede and -Honoré d’Autun, and in the _Microcosmos_ of Geoffroy de Saint-Victor,—a -manuscript of the thirteenth century still preserved.[88] It is not -known that this theory was familiar to Columbus. The chief directors -of his thoughts among anterior writers appear to have been, directly -or indirectly, Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon, and Vincenzius of -Beauvais;[89] and first among them, for importance, we must place the -_Opus Majus_ Of Roger Bacon, completed in 1267. It was from Bacon that -Petrus de Aliaco, Or Pierre d’Ailly (b. 1340; d. 1416 or 1425), in his -_Ymago mundi_, borrowed the passage which, in this French imitator’s -language, so impressed Columbus.[90] - -[Illustration: ANNOTATIONS BY COLUMBUS. - -On a copy of Pierre d’Ailly’s _Imago mundi_, preserved in the Colombina -Library at Seville, following a photograph in Harrisse’s _Notes on -Columbus_, p. 84.] - -An important element in the problem was the statements of Marco -Polo regarding a large island, which he called Cipango, and which -he represented as lying in the ocean off the eastern coast of Asia. -This carried the eastern verge of the Asiatic world farther than the -ancients had known; and, on the spherical theory, brought land nearer -westward from Europe than could earlier have been supposed. It is -a question, however, if Columbus had any knowledge of the Latin or -Italian manuscripts of Marco Polo,—the only form in which anybody could -have studied his narrative before the printing of it at Nuremberg in -1477, in German, a language which Columbus is not likely to have known. -Humboldt has pointed out that neither Columbus nor his son Ferdinand -mentions Marco Polo; still we know that he had read his book. Columbus -further knew, it would seem, what Æneas Sylvius had written on Asia. -Toscanelli had also imparted to him what he knew. A second German -edition of Marco Polo appeared at Augsburg in 1481. In 1485, with the -_Itinerarius_ of Mandeville,[91] published at Zwolle, the account—“De -regionibus orientalibus”—of Marco Polo first appeared in Latin, -translated from the original French, in which it had been dictated. It -was probably in this form that Columbus first saw it.[92] There was a -separate Latin edition in 1490.[93] - -The most definite confirmation and encouragement which Columbus -received in his views would seem to have come from Toscanelli, in -1474. This eminent Italian astronomer, who was now about seventy-eight -years old, and was to die, in 1482, before Columbus and Da Gama had -consummated their discoveries, had reached a conclusion in his own -mind that only about fifty-two degrees of longitude separated Europe -westerly from Asia, making the earth much smaller even than Columbus’ -inadequate views had fashioned it; for Columbus had satisfied himself -that one hundred and twenty degrees of the entire three hundred and -sixty was only as yet unknown.[94] With such views of the inferiority -of the earth, Toscanelli had addressed a letter to Martinez, a -prebendary of Lisbon, accompanied by a map professedly based on -information derived from the book of Marco Polo.[95] When Toscanelli -received a letter of inquiry from Columbus, he replied by sending a -copy of this letter and the map. As the testimony to a western passage -from a man of Toscanelli’s eminence, it was of marked importance in the -conversion of others to similar views.[96] - -It has always been a question how far the practical evidence of chance -phenomena, and the absolute knowledge, derived from other explorers, -bearing upon the views advocated by Columbus, may have instigated or -confirmed him in his belief. There is just enough plausibility in some -of the stories which are cited to make them fall easily into the pleas -of detraction to which Columbus has been subjected. - -[Illustration: ANNOTATIONS BY COLUMBUS. - -On a copy of the _Historia rerum ubique gestarum_ of Æneas Sylvius, -preserved in the Colombina Library at Seville, following a photograph -in Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, appendix.] - -A story was repeated by Oviedo in 1535 as an idle rumor, adopted by -Gomara in 1552 without comment, and given considerable currency in 1609 -by Garcilasso de la Vega, of a Spanish pilot,—Sanches, as the name -is sometimes given,—who had sailed from Madeira, and had been driven -west and had seen land (Hispaniola, it is inferred), and who being -shipwrecked had been harbored by Columbus in his house. Under this roof -the pilot is said to have died in 1484, leaving his host the possessor -of his secret. La Vega claimed to have received the tale from his -father, who had been at the Court of Spain in the time of Ferdinand and -Isabella. Oviedo repeated it, but incredulously;[97] and it was later -told by Gomara, Acosta, Eden, and others. Robertson,[98] Irving,[99] -and most later writers find enough in the indecision and variety of -its shapes to discard it altogether. Peter Martyr, Bernaldez, and -Herrera make no mention of it. It is singular, however, that Ferdinand -de Galardi, in dedicating his _Traité politique des abassadeurs_, -published at Cologne in 1666, to a descendant of Columbus, the Duke of -Veraguas, mentions the story as an indisputable fact;[100] and it has -not escaped the notice of querulous writers even of our day.[101] - -Others have thought that Columbus, in his voyage to Thule or -Iceland,[102] in February, 1477, could have derived knowledge of the -Sagas of the westerly voyages of Eric the Red and his countrymen.[103] -It seems to be true that commercial relations were maintained between -Iceland and Greenland for some years later than 1400; but if Columbus -knew of them, he probably shared the belief of the geographers of his -time that Greenland was a peninsula of Scandinavia.[104] - -The extremely probable and almost necessary pre-Columbian knowledge -of the northeastern parts of America follows from the venturesome -spirit of the mariners to those seas for fish and traffic, and from -the easy transitions from coast to coast by which they would have -been lured to meet the more southerly climes. The chances from such -natural causes are quite as strong an argument in favor of the early -Northmen venturings as the somewhat questionable representations -of the Sagas.[105] There is the same ground for representing, and -similar lack of evidence in believing, the alleged voyage of Joāo Vas -Costa Cortereal to the Newfoundland banks in 1463-1464. Barrow finds -authority for it in Cordeyro, who gives, however, no date in his -_Historia Insulana das Ilhas a Portugal_, Lisbon, 1717; but Biddle, in -his _Cabot_, fails to be satisfied with Barrow’s uncertain references, -as enforced in his _Chronological History of Voyages into the Arctic -Regions_, London, 1818.[106] - -Another of these alleged northern voyagers was a Polish navigator, John -Szkolny,—a name which we get in various Latinized or other forms, as -Scolve, Skolnus, Scolvus, Sciolvus, Kolno, etc.,—who is said to have -been on the Labrador coast in 1476, while in the service of Denmark. -It is so stated by Wytfliet,[107] Pontanus,[108] and Horn.[109] De -Costa cites what is known as the Rouen globe, preserved in Paris, -and supposed to belong to about 1540, as showing a legend of Skolnus -reaching the northwest coast of Greenland in 1476.[110] Hakluyt quotes -Gemma Frisius and Girava. Gomara, in 1553, and Herrera, in 1601, barely -refer to it.[111] - -There is also a claim for a Dieppe navigator, Cousin, who, bound for -Africa, is said to have been driven west, and reached South America -in 1488-1489. The story is told by Desmarquets in his _Mémoires -chronologiques pour servir à l’histoire de Dieppe_, i. 92, published at -Paris, 1785. Major, giving the story an examination, fully discredits -it.[112] - -There remains the claim for Martin Behaim, the Nuremberg cosmographer -and navigator, which rests upon a passage in the Latin text of the -so-called _Nuremberg Chronicle_[113] which states that Cam and Behaim, -having passed south of the equator, turned west and (by implication) -found land. The passage is not in the German edition of the same year, -and on reference to the manuscript of the book (still preserved in -Nuremberg) the passage is found to be an interpolation written in a -different hand.[114] It seems likely to have been a perversion or -misinterpretation of the voyage of Diego Cam down the African coast in -1489, in which he was accompanied by Behaim. That Behaim himself did -not put the claim forward, at least in 1492, seems to be clear from the -globe, which he made in that year, and which shows no indication of the -alleged voyage. The allegation has had, however, some advocates; but -the weight of authority is decidedly averse, and the claim can hardly -be said to have significant support to-day.[115] - -It is unquestionable that the success of the Portuguese in discovering -the Atlantic islands and in pushing down the African coast, sustained -Columbus in his hope of western discovery, if it had not instigated -it.[116] The chance wafting of huge canes, unusual trunks of trees, and -even sculptured wood and bodies of strange men, upon the shores of the -outlying islands of the Azores and Madeira, were magnified as evidences -in his mind.[117] When at a later day he found a tinned iron vessel in -the hands of the natives of Guadeloupe, he felt that there had been -European vessels driven along the equatorial current to the western -world, which had never returned to report on their voyages. - -Of the adventurous voyages of which record was known there were enough -to inspire him; and of all the mysteries of the Sea of Darkness,[118] -which stretched away illimitably to the west, there were stories more -than enough. Sight of strange islands had been often reported; and the -maps still existing had shown a belief in those of San Brandan[119] and -Antillia,[120] and of the Seven Cities founded in the ocean waste by -as many Spanish bishops, who had been driven to sea by the Moors.[121] - -The Fortunate Islands[122] (Canaries) of the ancients—discovered, it is -claimed, by the Carthaginians[123]—had been practically lost to Europe -for thirteen hundred years, when, in the beginning of the fifteenth -century (1402), Juan de Béthencourt led his colony to settle them.[124] -They had not indeed been altogether forgotten, for Marino Sanuto -in 1306 had delineated them on a map given by Camden, though this -cartographer omitted them on later charts. Traders and pirates had also -visited them since 1341, but such acquaintance had hardly caused them -to be generally known.[125] - -[Illustration: THE ATLANTIC OF THE ANCIENTS AS MAPPED BY LELEWEL. - -This is part of a map of the ancient world given in Lelewel’s _Die -Entdeckung der Carthager und Griechen auf dem Atlantischen Ocean_, -Berlin, 1831.] - -The Canaries, however, as well as the Azores, appear in the well-known -portolano of 1351,[126] which is preserved in the Biblioteca -Mediceo-Laurenziana in Florence. A chart of the Brothers Pizigani, -dated in 1367, gives islands which are also identified with the -Canaries, Azores, and Madeira;[127] and the Canaries also appear on -the well-known Catalan mappemonde of 1375.[128] These Atlantic islands -are again shown in a portolano of a period not much later than 1400, -which is among the Egerton manuscripts in the British Museum, and is -ascribed to Juan da Napoli;[129] and in 1436 they are conspicuous on -the detailed sea-chart of Andrea Bianco. This portolano has also two -islands on the extreme western verge of the sheet,—“Antillia” and “De -la man Satanaxio,” which some have claimed as indicating a knowledge -of the two Americas.[130] It was a map brought in 1428 from Venice by -Dom Pedro,—which, like the 1351 map, showed the Azores,—that induced -Prince Henry in 1431 to despatch the expedition which rediscovered -those islands; and they appear on the Catalan map, which Santarem (pl. -54) describes as “Carte de Gabriell de Valsequa, faite à Mallorcha en -1439.” It was in 1466 that the group was colonized, as Behaim’s globe -shows.[131] - -The Madeira group was first discovered by an Englishman,—Machin, or -Macham,—in the reign of Edward III. (1327-1378). The narrative, put -into shape for Prince Henry of Portugal by Francisco Alcaforado, one of -his esquires, was known to Irving in a French translation published in -1671, which Irving epitomizes.[132] The story, somewhat changed, is -given by Galvano, and was copied by Hakluyt;[133] but, on account of -some strangeness and incongruities, it has not been always accepted, -though Major says the main recital is confirmed by a document quoted -from a German collection of voyages, 1507, by Dr. Schmeller, in the -Memoirs of the Academy of Science at Munich, 1847, and which, secured -for Major by Kunstmann, is examined by him in his _Prince Henry_.[134] -The group was rediscovered by the Portuguese in 1418-1420.[135] Prince -Henry had given the command of Porto Santo to Perestrello; and this -captain, in 1419, observing from his island a cloud in the horizon, -found, as he sailed to it, the island now called Madeira. It will be -remembered that it was the daughter of Perestrello whom Columbus at a -later day married.[136] - -It was not till 1460[137] that the Cape De Verde Islands were found, -lying as they do well outside of the route of Prince Henry’s vessels, -which were now following down the African coast, and had been pursuing -explorations in this direction since 1415. - -There have been claims advanced by Margry in his _Les navigations -Françaises et la révolution maritime du XIV^e au XVI^e siècle, d’après -les documents inédits tirés de France, d’Angleterre, d’Espagne, et -d’Italie_, pp. 13-70, Paris, 1867, and embraced in his first section -on “Les marins de Normandie aux côtes de Guinée avant les Portugais,” -in which he cites an old document, said to be in London, setting forth -the voyage of a vessel from Dieppe to the coast of Africa in 1364. -Estancelin had already, in 1832, in his _Navigateurs Normands en -Afrique_, declared there were French establishments on the coast of -Guinea in the fourteenth century,—a view D’Avezac says he would gladly -accept if he could. Major, however, failed to find, by any direction -which Margry could give him, the alleged London document, and has -thrown—to say the least—discredit on the story of that document as -presented by Margry.[138] - -[Illustration: PRINCE HENRY. - -This follows a portrait in a contemporary manuscript chronicle, now -in the National Library at Paris, which Major, who gives a colored -fac-simile of it, calls the only authentic likeness, probably taken -in 1449-1450, and representing him in mourning for the death of his -brother Dom Pedro, who died in 1449. There is another engraving of -it in Jules Verne’s _La Découverte de la Terre_, p. 112. Major calls -the portrait in Gustave de Veer’s Life of Prince Henry, published at -Dantzig, in 1864, a fancy one. The annexed autograph of the Prince is -the equivalent of IFFANTE DOM ANRIQUE. - -Illustration - -Prince Henry, who was born March 4, 1394, died Nov 15, 1463. He was -the third son of John I. of Portugal; his mother was a daughter of John -of Gaunt, of England.] - -The African explorations of the Portuguese are less visionary, and, as -D’Avezac says, the Portuguese were the first to persevere and open the -African route to India.[139] - -The peninsular character of Africa—upon which success in this -exploration depended—was contrary to the views of Aristotle, -Hipparchus, and Ptolemy, which held to an enclosed Indian Ocean, formed -by the meeting of Africa and Asia at the south.[140] The stories -respecting the circumnavigation of Africa by the ancients are lacking -in substantial proof; and it seems probable that Cape Non or Cape -Bojador was the limit of their southern expeditions.[141] Still, this -peninsular character was a deduction from imagined necessity rather -than a conviction from fact. It found place on the earliest maps of the -revival of geographical study in the Middle Ages. It is so represented -in the map of Marino Sanuto in 1306, and in the Lorentian portolano of -1351. Major[142] doubts if the Catalan map of 1375 shows anything more -than conjectural knowledge for the coasts beyond Bojador. - -Of Prince Henry—the moving spirit in the African enterprise of the -fifteenth century—we have the most satisfactory account in the _Life of -Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator, and its Results ... -from Authentic Contemporary Documents_, by Richard Henry Major, London, -1868,[143]—a work which, after the elimination of the controversial -arguments, and after otherwise fitting it for the general reader, was -reissued in 1877 as _The Discoveries of Prince Henry the Navigator_. -These works are the guide for the brief sketch of these African -discoveries now to be made, and which can be readily followed on the -accompanying sketch-map.[144] - -[Illustration: SKETCH-MAP OF THE PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES IN AFRICA. - -Cf. Heinrich Wuttke’s “Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten -hälfte des Mittelalters: Die Karten der Seefahrenden Völker süd -Europas bis zum ersten Druck der Erdbeschreibung des Ptolemäus,” in -the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870; J. Codine’s -“Découverte de la côte d’Afrique par les Portugais pendant les années, -1484-1488,” in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, -1876; Vivien de Saint-Martin’s _Histoire de la géographie et des -découvertes géographiques, depuis les temps les plus reculés jusqu’à -nos jours_, p. 298, Paris, 1873; Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_, p. 81; Clarke’s _Progress of Maritime Discovery_, -p. 140; and G. T. Raynal’s _Histoire philosophique et politique des -établissemens et du commerce des Européens dans les deux Indes_, -Geneva, 1780; Paris, 1820. Paulitschke’s _Afrika-literatur in der Zeit -von 1500 bis_ 1750, Vienna, 1882, notes the earliest accounts.] - -Prince Henry had been with his father at the capture of Ceuta, opposite -Gibraltar, in 1415, when the Portuguese got their first foothold in -Africa. In 1418 he established a school of nautical observation at -Sagres,[145] the southwestern promontory of his father’s kingdom, and -placed the geographer, Jayme,[146] of Majorca, in charge of it. The -Prince at once sent out his first expedition down the Barbary coast; -but his vessel, being driven out of its course, discovered the Island -of Porto Santo. Expedition after expedition reached, in successive -years, the vicinity of Cape Bojador; but an inexpressible dread of the -uncertainty beyond deferred the passage of it till 1434. Cape Blanco -was reached in 1445; Cape Verde shortly after; and the River Gambia in -1447. - -Cadamosto and his Venetians pushed still farther, and saw the Southern -Cross for the first time.[147] Between 1460 and 1464 they went beyond -Cape Mesurado. Prince Henry dying in 1463, King Alfonso, in 1469, -farmed out the African commerce, and required five hundred miles to be -added yearly to the limit of discovery southward. Not long after, Diego -Cam reached the Congo coast, Behaim accompanying him. In 1487, after -seventy years of gradual progress down six thousand miles of coast, -southward from Cape Non, the Portuguese under Diaz reached the Stormy -Cape,—later to be called the Cape of Good Hope. He but just rounded it -in May, and in December he was in Portugal with the news. Bartholomew, -the brother of Columbus, had made the voyage with him.[148] The -rounding of the Cape was hardly a surprise; for the belief in it was -firmly established long before. In 1457-1459, in the map of Fra Mauro, -which had been constructed at Venice for Alonzo V., and in which Bianco -assisted, the terminal cape had been fitly drawn.[149] - -[Illustration: PORTUGUESE MAP, 1490. - -This map follows a copy in the Kohl Collection (no. 23), after the -original, attached to a manuscript theological treatise in the British -Museum. An inscription at the break in the African coast says that to -this point the Portuguese had pushed their discoveries in 1489; and as -it shows no indication of the voyages of Columbus and Da Gama, Kohl -places it about 1490. It may be considered as representing the views -current before these events, Asia following the Ptolemean drafts. The -language of the map being partly Italian and partly Portuguese, Kohl -conjectures that it was made by an Italian living in Lisbon; and he -points out the close correspondence of the names on the western coast -of Africa to the latest Portuguese discoveries, and that its contour is -better than anything preceding.] - -[Illustration: HO COMDE ALMIRANTE (_Da Gama’s Autograph_).] - -[Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA. - -This follows the engravings in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_, p. 111, and in Stanley’s _Da Gama_, published by the -Hakluyt Society. The original belongs to the Count de Lavradio. Another -portrait, with a view of Calicut, is given in Lafitau’s _Découvertes -des Portugais_, Paris, 1734, iii. 66.] - -Such had been the progress of the Portuguese marine, in exemplification -of the southerly quest called for by the theory of Pomponius Mela, when -Columbus made his westerly voyage in 1492 and reached, as he supposed, -the same coast which the Portuguese were seeking to touch by the -opposite direction.[150] In this erroneous geographical belief Columbus -remained as long as he lived,—a view in which Vespucius and the earlier -navigators equally shared;[151] though some, like Peter Martyr,[152] -accepted the belief cautiously. We shall show in another place how -slowly the error was eradicated from the cartography of even the latter -part of the sixteenth century. - -During the interval when Columbus was in Spain, between his second -and third voyages, Vasco da Gama sailed from Lisbon, July 8, 1497, -to complete the project which had so long animated the endeavors of -the rival kingdom. He doubled the Cape of Good Hope in Nov. 1497, and -anchored at Calicut, May 20, 1498,—a few days before Columbus left San -Lucar on his third voyage. In the following August, Da Gama started on -his return; and after a year’s voyage he reached Lisbon in August, 1498. - -[Illustration: THE LINE OF DEMARCATION (_Spanish claim_, 1527). - -This is the outline of the anonymous map of 1527, sometimes ascribed -to Ferdinand Columbus, but held by Harrisse to be the work of Nuña -Garcia de Toreno. It was an official map of the Spanish Hydrographical -Office, and gives the Spanish view of the meridian on which the line -of demarcation ran. It follows a copy in the Kohl Collection, no. 38. -The line is similarly drawn on the Ribero map of 1529. The Portuguese -view is shown in the Cantino map of 1502, and in what is known as the -Portuguese chart of 1514-1520.] - -The Portuguese had now accomplished their end. The _éclat_ with which -it would have been received had not Columbus opened, as was supposed, -a shorter route, was wanting; and Da Gama, following in the path marked -for him, would have failed of much of his fame but for the auspicious -applause which Camoens created for him in the _Lusiad_.[153] - -[Illustration: ALEXANDER VI. - -This follows the cut in the _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, xxvii. 500, -representing a bust in the Berlin Museum.] - -Da Gama at Calicut and Columbus at Cuba gave the line of demarcation -of Alexander VI. a significance that was not felt to be impending, -five years earlier, on the 3d and 4th of May, 1493, when the Papal -Bull was issued.[154] This had fixed the field of Spanish and -Portuguese exploration respectively west and east of a line one hundred -leagues[155] west of the Azores, following a meridian at a point where -Columbus had supposed the magnetic needle[156] pointed to the north -star.[157] The Portuguese thought that political grounds were of more -consideration than physical, and were not satisfied with the magnet -governing the limitation of their search. They desired a little more -sea-room on the Atlantic side, and were not displeased to think that a -meridian considerably farther west might give them a share of the new -Indies south and north of the Spanish discoveries; so they entered -their protest against the partition of the Bull, and the two Powers -held a convention at Tordesillas, which resulted, in June, 1494, in -the line being moved two hundred and seventy leagues westerly.[158] -No one but vaguely suspected the complication yet to arise about this -same meridian, now selected, when the voyage of Magellan should bring -Spaniard and Portuguese face to face at the Antipodes. This aspect -of the controversy will claim attention elsewhere.[159] From this -date the absolute position of the line as theoretically determined, -was a constant source of dispute, and the occasion of repeated -negotiations.[160] - -[Illustration: Justin Winsor] - - -NOTES. - -A. FIRST VOYAGE.—As regards the first voyage of Columbus there has -come down to us a number of accounts, resolvable into two distinct -narratives, as originally proceeding from the hand of Columbus -himself,—his Journal, which is in part descriptive and in part log, -according to the modern understanding of this last term; and his -Letters announcing the success and results of his search. The fortunes -and bibliographical history of both these sources need to be told: - -JOURNAL.—Columbus himself refers to this in his letter to Pope -Alexander VI. (1503) as being kept in the style of Cæsar’s -_Commentaries_; and Irving speaks of it as being penned “from day -to day with guileless simplicity.” In its original form it has not -been found; but we know that Las Casas used it in his _Historia_, and -that Ferdinand Columbus must have had it before him while writing -what passes for his Life of his father. An abridgment of the Journal -in the hand of Las Casas, was discovered by Navarrete, who printed -it in the first volume of his _Coleccion_ in 1825; it is given in a -French version in the Paris edition of the same (vol. ii.), and in -Italian in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_, 1864. Las Casas says of his -abstract, that he follows the very words of the Admiral for a while -after recording the landfall; and these parts are translated by Mr. -Thomas, of the State Department at Washington, in G. A. Fox’s paper -on “The Landfall” in the _Report of the Coast Survey_ for 1880. The -whole of the Las Casas text, however, was translated into English, at -the instigation of George Ticknor, by Samuel Kettell, and published -in Boston as _A Personal Narrative of the First Voyage_ in 1827;[161] -and it has been given in part, in English, in Becher’s _Landfall of -Columbus_. The original is thought to have served Herrera in his -_Historia General_.[162] - -LETTERS.—We know that on the 12th of February, 1493, about a week -before reaching the Azores on his return voyage, and while his ship -was laboring in a gale, Columbus prepared an account of his discovery, -and incasing the parchment in wax, put it in a barrel, which he threw -overboard. That is the last heard of it. He prepared another account, -perhaps duplicate, and protecting it in a similar way, placed it on his -poop, to be washed off in case his vessel foundered. We know nothing -further of this account, unless it be the same, substantially, with -the letters which he wrote just before making a harbor at the Azores. -One of these letters, at least, is dated off the Canaries; and it is -possible that it was written earlier on the voyage, and post-dated, in -expectation of his making the Canaries; and when he found himself by -stress of weather at the Azores, he neglected to change the place. The -original of neither of these letters is known. - -One of them was dated Feb. 15, 1493, with a postscript dated March 4 -(or 14, copies vary, and the original is of course not to be reached; -4 would seem to be correct), and is written in Spanish, and addressed -to the “Escribano de Racion,” Luis de Santangel, who, as Treasurer -of Aragon, had advanced money for the voyage. Columbus calls this a -second letter; by which he may mean that the one cast overboard was the -first, or that another, addressed to Sanchez (later to be mentioned), -preceded it. There was at Simancas, in 1818, an early manuscript copy -of this letter, which Navarrete printed in his _Coleccion_, and Kettell -translated into English in his book (p. 253) already referred to.[163] - -In 1852 the Baron Pietro Custodi left his collection of books to the -Biblioteca Ambrosiana at Milan; and among them was found a printed -edition of this Santangel letter, never before known, and still -remaining unique. It is of small quarto, four leaves, in semi-gothic -type, bearing the date of 1493,[164] and was, as Harrisse and Lenox -think, printed in Spain,—Major suggests Barcelona, but Gayangos thinks -Lisbon. It was first reprinted at Milan in 1863, with a fac-simile, -and edited by Cesare Correnti, in a volume, containing other letters -of Columbus, entitled, _Lettere autografe edite ed inedite di -Cristoforo Colombo_.[165] From this reprint Harrisse copied it, and -gave an English translation in his _Notes on Columbus_, p. 89, drawing -attention to the error of Correnti in making it appear on his titlepage -that the letter was addressed to “Saxis,”[166] and testifying that, by -collation, he had found but slight variation from the Navarrete text. -Mr. R. H. Major also prints the Ambrosian text in his _Select Letters -of Columbus_, with an English version appended, and judges the Cosco -version could not have been made from it. Other English translations -may be found in Becher’s _Landfall of Columbus_, p. 291, and in -French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, 2d series, -ii. 145. - -In 1866 a fac-simile edition (150 copies) of the Ambrosian copy -was issued at Milan, edited by Gerolamo d’Adda, under the title of -_Lettera in lingua Spagnuola diretta da Cristoforo Colombo a Luis de -Santangel_.[167] Mr. James Lenox, of New York, had already described -it, with a fac-simile of the beginning and end, in the _Historical -Magazine_ (vol. viii. p. 289, September, 1864, April, 1865); and this -paper was issued separately (100 copies) as a supplement to the Lenox -edition of Scyllacius. Harrisse[168] indicates that there was once a -version of this Santangel letter in the Catalan tongue, preserved in -the Colombina Library at Seville. - -A few years ago Bergenroth found at Simancas a letter of Columbus, -dated at the Canaries, Feb. 15, 1493, with a postscript at Lisbon, -March 14, addressed to a friend, giving still another early text, but -adding nothing material to our previous knowledge. A full abstract is -given in the _Calendar of State Papers relating to England and Spain_, -p. 43. - -A third Spanish text of a manuscript of the sixteenth century, said -to have been found in the Colegio Mayor de Cuenca, was made known -by Varnhagen, the Minister of Brazil to Portugal, who printed it at -Valencia in 1858 as _Primera epistola del Almirante Don Christóbal -Colon_, including an account “de una nueva copia de original -manuscrito.” The editor assumed the name of Volafan, and printed one -hundred copies, of which sixty were destroyed in Brazil.[169] This -letter is addressed to Gabriel Sanchez, and dated “sobre la isla de Sa. -Maria, 18 de Febrero;” and is without the postscript of the letters -of Feb. 15. It is almost a verbatim repetition of the Simancas text. -A reprint of the Cosco text makes a part of the volume; and it is the -opinion of Varnhagen and Harrisse that the Volafan text is the original -from which Cosco translated, as mentioned later. - -Perhaps still another Spanish text is preserved and incorporated, as -Muñoz believed, by the Cura de los Palacios, Andrés Bernaldez, in his -_Historia de los reyes católicos_ (chap. cxviii). This book covers the -period 1488-1513; has thirteen chapters on Columbus, who had been the -guest of Bernaldez after his return from his second voyage, in 1496, -and by whom Columbus is called “mercador de libros de estampa.” The -manuscript of Bernaldez’s book long remained unprinted in the Royal -Library at Madrid. Irving used a manuscript copy which belonged to -Obadiah Rich.[170] Prescott’s copy of the manuscript is in Harvard -College Library.[171] Humboldt[172] used it in manuscript. It was at -last printed at Granada in 1856, in two volumes, under the editing of -Miguel Lafuente y Alcántara.[173] It remains, of course, possible that -Bernaldez may have incorporated a printed Spanish text, instead of the -original or any early manuscript, though Columbus is known to have -placed papers in his hands. - -The text longest known to modern students is the poor Latin rendering -of Cosco, already referred to. While but one edition of the original -Spanish text appeared presumably in Spain (and none of Vespucius and -Magellan), this Latin text, or translations of it, appeared in various -editions and forms in Italy, France, and Germany, which Harrisse -remarks[174] as indicating the greater popular impression which the -discovery of America made beyond Spain than within the kingdom; and the -monthly delivery of letters from Germany to Portugal and the Atlantic -islands, at this time, placed these parts of Europe in prompter -connection than we are apt to imagine.[175] News of the discovery was, -it would seem, borne to Italy by the two Genoese ambassadors, Marchesi -and Grimaldi, who are known to have left Spain a few days after the -return of Columbus.[176] The Spanish text of this letter, addressed -by Columbus to Gabriel or Raphael Sanchez, or Sanxis, as the name of -the Crown treasurer is variously given, would seem to have fallen -into the hands of one Aliander de Cosco, who turned it into Latin, -completing his work on the 29th of April. Harrisse points out the error -of Navarrete and Varnhagen in placing this completion on the 25th, -and supposes the version was made in Spain. Tidings of the discovery -must have reached Rome before this version could have got there; for -the first Papal Bull concerning the event is dated May 3. Whatever the -case, the first publication, in print, of the news was made in Rome -in this Cosco version, and four editions of it were printed in that -city in 1493. There is much disagreement among bibliographers as to -the order of issue of the early editions. Their peculiarities, and the -preference of several bibliographers as to such order, is indicated in -the following enumeration, the student being referred for full titles -to the authorities which are cited:— - - I. _Epistola Christofori Colom_ [1493]. Small quarto, four leaves - (one blank), gothic, 33 lines to a page. Addressed to Sanchis. Cosco - is called Leander. Ferdinand and Isabella both named in the title. - The printer is thought to be Plannck, from similarity of type to work - known to be his. - - Major calls this the _editio princeps_, and gives elaborate reasons - for his opinion (_Select Letters of Columbus_, p. cxvi). J. R. - Bartlett, in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 5, also puts - it first; so does Ternaux. Varnhagen calls it the second edition. It - is put the third in order by Brunet (vol. ii. col. 164) and Lenox - (_Scyllacius_, p. xliv), and fourth by Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, - p. 121; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 4). - - There are copies in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, and Huth (_Catalogue_, i. - 336) libraries; in the Grenville (_Bibl. Gren._, p. 158) and King’s - Collections in the British Museum; in the Royal Library at Munich; - in the Collection of the Duc d’Aumale at Twickenham; and in the - Commercial Library at Hamburg.[177] The copy cited by Harrisse was - sold in the Court Collection (no. 72) at Paris in 1884. - - II. _Epistola Christofori Colom, impressit Rome, Eucharius Argenteus_ - [Silber], _anno dñi MCCCCXCIII_. Small quarto, three printed leaves, - gothic type, 40 lines to the page. Addressed to Sanches. Cosco is - called Leander. Ferdinand and Isabella both named. - - Major, who makes this the second edition, says that its deviations - from No. I. are all on the side of ignorance. Varnhagen calls it the - _editio princeps_. Bartlett (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 6) puts it - second. Lenox (_Scyllacius_, p. xlv) calls it the fourth edition. It - is no. 3 of Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 3; _Notes on Columbus_, - p. 121). Graesse errs in saying the words “Indie supra Gangem” are - omitted in the title. - - There are copies in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Huth (_Catalogue_, i. - 336), and Grenville (_Bibl. Gren._, p. 158) Libraries. It has been - recently priced at 5,000 francs. Cf. _Murphy Catalogue_, 629. - - III. _Epistola Christofori Colom._ Small quarto, four leaves, 34 - lines, gothic type. Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is called Aliander. - Ferdinand only named. - - This is Major’s third edition. It is the _editio princeps_ of - Harrisse, who presumes it to be printed by Stephanus Plannck at Rome - (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 117; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, vol. i.); and he - enters upon a close examination to establish its priority. It is - Lenox’s second edition (_Scyllacius_, p. xliii). Bartlett places it - third. - - There are copies in the Barlow (formerly the Aspinwall copy) Library - in New York; in the General Collection and Grenville Library of the - British Museum; and in the Royal Library at Munich. In 1875 Mr. S. - L. M. Barlow printed (50 copies) a fac-simile of his copy, with a - Preface, in which he joins in considering this the first edition with - Harrisse, who (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 101) gives a careful reprint of - it. - - IV. _De insulis inventis_, etc. Small octavo, ten leaves, 26 and 27 - lines, gothic type. The leaf before the title has the Spanish arms on - the recto. There are eight woodcuts, one of which is a repetition. - Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is called Aliender. Ferdinand only named. - The words “Indie supra Gangem” are omitted in the title. - - This is Major’s fourth edition. Lenox makes it the _editio princeps_ - (as does Brunet), and gives fac-similes of the woodcuts in his - _Scyllacius_, p. xxxvi. Bossi supposed the cuts to have been a part of - the original manuscript, and designed by Columbus.[178] Harrisse calls - it the second in order, and thinks Johannes Besicken may have been - the printer (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 2), though it is usually ascribed to - Plannck, of Rome. It bears the arms of Granada; but there was no press - at that time in that city, so far as known, though Brunet seems to - imply it was printed there. - - The only perfect copy known is one formerly the Libri copy, now in - the Lenox Library, which has ten leaves. The Grenville copy (_Bibl. - Gren._, p. 158), and the one which Bossi saw in the Brera at Milan, - now lost, had only nine leaves. - - Hain (_Repertorium_, no. 5,491) describes a copy which seems to - lack the first and tenth leaves; and it was probably this copy - (Royal Library, Munich) which was followed by Pilinski in his Paris - fac-simile (20 copies in 1858), which does not reproduce these leaves, - though it is stated by some that the defective British Museum copy was - his guide. Bartlett seems in error in calling this fac-simile a copy - of the Libri-Lenox copy.[179] - - [Illustration: COLUMBUS’ LETTER NO. III.] - - =V.= _Epistola de insulis de novo repertis_, etc. Small quarto, four - leaves, gothic, 39 lines; woodcut on verso of first leaf. Printed - by Guy Marchand in Paris, about 1494. Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is - called Aliander. Ferdinand only named. - - This is Lenox’s (_Scyllacius_, p. xlv.), Major’s, and Harrisse’s fifth - (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 122; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 5) edition. - - The Ternaux copy, now in the Carter-Brown Library, was for some - time supposed to be the only copy known; but Harrisse says the text - reprinted by Rosny in Paris, in 1865, as from a copy in the National - Library at Paris, corresponds to this. This reprint (125 copies) is - entitled, _Lettre de Christophe Colomb sur la découverte du nouveau - monde. Publiée d’après la rarissime version Latine conservée à la - Bibliothèque Impériale. Traduite en Français, commentée_ [etc.] - _par Lucien de Rosny_. Paris: J. Gay, 1865, 44 pages octavo. This - edition was published under the auspices of the “Comité d’Archéologie - Américaine.”[180] - - [Illustration: REVERSE OF TITLE OF NOS. V. AND VI.] - - - =VI.= _Epistola de insulis noviter repertis_, etc. Small quarto, - four leaves, gothic, 39 lines; woodcut on verso of first leaf. Guiot - Marchant, of Paris, printer. Addressed to Sanxis. Cosco is called - Aliander. Ferdinand only named. - - This is Major’s sixth edition; Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p. - 122; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 6) and Lenox (_Scyllacius_, p. xlvii) - also place it sixth. There are fac-similes of the engraved title in - Harrisse, Lenox, and Stevens’s _American Bibliographer_, p. 66. - - There are copies in the Carter-Brown, Bodleian (Douce), and University - of Göttingen libraries; one is also shown in the _Murphy Catalogue_, - no. 630. - - John Harris, Sen., made a fac-simile edition of five copies, one of - which is in the British Museum. - - - =VII.= _Epistola Cristophori Colom_, etc. Small quarto, four leaves, - gothic, 38 lines. Addressed to Sanxis. Th. Martens is thought to be - the printer. - - This edition has only recently been made known. Cf. Brunet, - _Supplément_, col. 276. The only copy known is in the Bibliothèque - Royale at Brussels. - -The text of all these editions scarcely varies, except in the use of -contracted letters. Lenox’s collation was reprinted, without the cuts, -in the _Historical Magazine_, February, 1861. Other bibliographical -accounts will be found in Graesse, _Trésor_; _Bibliotheca -Grenvilliana_, i. 158; Sabin, _Dictionary_, iv. 274; and by J. H. -Hessels in the _Bibliophile Belge_, vol. vi. The cuts are also in part -reproduced in some editions of Irving’s _Life of Columbus_, and in the -_Vita_, by Bossi.[181] - -In 1494 this Cosco-Sanchez text was appended to a drama on the -capture of Granada, which was printed at Basle, beginning _In laudem -Serenissimi Ferdinandi_, and ascribed to Carolus Veradus. The “De -insulis nuper inventis” is found at the thirtieth leaf (_Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, no. 15; Lenox’s _Scyllacius_, p. xlviii; Major, no. -7; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 13). There are copies in the -Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Lenox libraries.[182] - -By October, in the year of the first appearance (1493) of the -Cosco-Sanchez text, it had been turned into _ottava rima_ by Guiliano -Dati, a popular poet, to be sung about the streets, as is supposed; and -two editions of this verse are now known. The earliest is in quarto, -black letter, two columns, and was printed in Florence, and called -_Questa e la Hystoria ... extracte duna Epistola Christofano Colombo_. -It was in four leaves, of coarse type and paper; but the second and -third leaves are lacking in the unique copy, now in the British Museum, -which was procured in 1858 from the Costabile sale in Paris.[183] - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS’ LETTER NO. VI.] - -The other edition, dated one day later (Oct. 26, 1493), printed also at -Florence, and called _La Lettera dell’isole_, etc., is in Roman type, -quarto, four leaves, two columns, with a woodcut title representing -Ferdinand on the European, and Columbus on the New World shore of the -ocean.[184] The copy in the British Museum was bought for 1,700 francs -at the Libri sale in Paris; and the only other copy known is in the -Trivulgio Library at Milan. - -In 1497 a German translation, or adaptation, from Cosco’s Latin was -printed by Bartlomesz Küsker at Strasburg, with the title _Eyn schön -kübsch lesen von etlichen inszlen die do in kurtzen zyten funden synd -durch dē künig von hispania, und sagt vō groszen wunderlichen dingen -die in dē selbē inszlen synd_. It is a black-letter quarto of seven -leaves, with one blank, the woodcut of the title being repeated on -the verso of the seventh leaf.[185] There are copies in the Lenox -(Libri copy) and Carter-Brown libraries; in the Grenville and Huth -collections; and in the library at Munich. - -The text of the Cosco-Sanchez letter, usually quoted by the early -writers, is contained in the _Bellum Christianorum Principum_ of -Robertus Monarchus, printed at Basle in 1533.[186] - -[Illustration: THE LANDING OF COLUMBUS.] - -B. LANDFALL.—It is a matter of controversy what was Guanahani, the -first land seen by Columbus. The main, or rather the only, source -for the decision of this question is the Journal of Columbus; and it -is to be regretted that Las Casas did not leave unabridged the parts -preceding the landfall, as he did those immediately following, down -to October 29. Not a word outside of this Journal is helpful. The -testimony of the early maps is rather misleading than reassuring, so -conjectural was their geography. - -[Illustration: CUT IN THE GERMAN TRANSLATION OF THE FIRST LETTER OF -COLUMBUS (TITLE).] - -It will be remembered that land was first seen two hours after -midnight; and computations made for Fox show that the moon was near -the third quarter, partly behind the observer, and would clearly -illuminate the white sand of the shore, two leagues distant. From -Columbus’s course there were in his way, as constituting the Bahama -group,—taking the enumeration of to-day, and remembering that the sea -may have made some changes,—36 islands, 687 cays, and 2,414 rocks. By -the log, as included in the Journal, and reducing his distance sailed -by dead reckoning—which then depended on observation by the eye alone, -and there were also currents to misguide Columbus, running from nine -to thirty miles a day, according to the force of the wind—to a course -west, 2° 49′ south, Fox has shown that the discoverer had come 3,458 -nautical miles. Applying this to the several islands claimed as the -landfall, and knowing modern computed distances, we get the following -table:— - - ┌────────────────┬────────────────┬────────┬────────┐ - │ │ │ │ An │ - │ Islands. │ Course. │ Miles. │ Excess │ - │ │ │ │ of │ - ├────────────────┼────────────────┼────────┼────────┤ - │ To Grand Turk │ W. 8° 1′ S. │ 2834 │ 624 │ - │ Mariguana │ W. 6° 37′ S. │ 3032 │ 426 │ - │ Watling │ W. 4° 38′ S. │ 3105 │ 353 │ - │ Cat │ W. 4° 20′ S. │ 3141 │ 317 │ - │ Samana │ W. 5° 37′ S. │ 3072 │ 387 │ - └────────────────┴────────────────┴────────┴────────┘ - -Columbus speaks of the island as being “small,” and again as “pretty -large” (_bien grande_). He calls it very level, with abundance of -water, and a very large lagune in the middle; and it was in the last -month of the rainy season, when the low parts of the islands are -usually flooded. - -Some of the features of the several islands already named will now be -mentioned, together with a statement of the authorities in favor of -each as the landfall. - -SAN SALVADOR, OR CAT.—This island is forty-three miles long by about -three broad, with an area of about one hundred and sixty square miles, -rising to a height of four hundred feet, the loftiest land in the -group, and with no interior water. It is usual in the maps of the -seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to identify this island with the -Guanahani of Columbus. It is so considered by Catesby in his _Natural -History of Carolina_ (1731); by Knox in his _Collection of Voyages_ -(1767); by De la Roquette in the French version of Navarrete, vol. -ii. (1828); and by Baron de Montlezun in the _Nouvelles annales des -voyages_, vols. x. and xii. (1828-1829). Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, -of the United States Navy, worked out the problem for Irving; and this -island is fixed upon in the latter’s _Life of Columbus_, app. xvi., -editions of 1828 and 1848. Becher claims that the modern charts used by -Irving were imperfect; and he calls “not worthy to be called a chart” -the La Cosa map, which so much influenced Humboldt in following Irving, -in his _Examen critique_ (1837), iii. 181, 186-222. - -[Illustration: GERMAN TRANSLATION OF THE FIRST LETTER OF COLUMBUS -(TEXT).] - -WATLING’S.—This is thirteen miles long by about six broad, containing -sixty square miles, with a height of one hundred and forty feet, -and having about one third its area of interior water. It was first -suggested by Muñoz in 1793. Captain Becher, of the Royal Navy, -elaborated the arguments in favor of this island in the _Journal of -the Royal Geographical Society_, xxvi. 189, and _Proceedings_, i. 94, -and in his _Landfall of Columbus on his First Voyage to America_, -London, 1856. Peschel took the same ground in his _Geschichte des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (1858). R. H. Major’s later opinion is in -support of the same views, as shown by him in the _Journal of the Royal -Geographical Society_ (1871), xvi. 193, and _Proceedings_, xv. 210. Cf. -_New Quarterly Review_, October, 1856. - -Lieut. J. B. Murdock, U. S. N., in a paper on “The Cruise of Columbus -in the Bahamas, 1492,” published in the _Proceedings_ (April, 1884, -p. 449) of the United States Naval Institute vol. x, furnishes a -new translation of the passages in Columbus’ Journal bearing on the -subject, and made by Professor Montaldo of the Naval Academy, and -repeats the map of the modern survey of the Bahamas as given by Fox. -Lieutenant Murdock follows and criticises the various theories afresh, -and traces Columbus’ track backward from Cuba, till he makes the -landfall to have been at Watling’s Island. He points out also various -indications of the Journal which cannot be made to agree with any -supposable landfall. - -[Illustration: THE BAHAMA GROUP. - -This map is sketched from the chart, made from the most recent surveys, -in the United States Coast-Survey and given in Fox’s monograph, -with the several routes marked down on it. Other cartographical -illustrations of the subject will be found in Moreno’s maps, made -for Navarrete’s _Coleccion_ in 1825 (also in the French version); in -Becher’s paper in the _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, -xxvi. 189, and in his _Landfall of Columbus_; in Varnhagen’s _Das -wahre Guanahani_; in Major’s paper in the _Journal of the Royal -Geographical Society_, 1871, and in his second edition of the _Select -Letters_, where he gives a modern map, with Herrera’s map (1601) and a -section of La Cosa’s; in G. B. Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_, p. 214; -and in the section, “Wo liegt Guanahani?” of Ruge’s _Geschichte des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 248, giving all routes, except that -offered by Fox. See further on the subject R. Pietschmann’s “Beiträge -zur Guanahani-Frage,” in the _Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche -Geographie_ (1880), i. 7, 65, with map; and A. Breusing’s “Geschichte -der Kartographie,” in Ibid., ii. 193.] - - -GRAND TURK.—Its size is five and one half by one and a quarter miles, -with an area of seven square miles; its highest part seventy feet; and -one third of its surface is interior water. Navarrete first advanced -arguments in its favor in 1825, and Kettell adopted his views in the -Boston edition of the _Personal Narrative of Columbus_. George Gibbs -argued for it in the _New York Historical Society’s Proceedings_ -(1846), p. 137, and in the _Historical Magazine_ (June, 1858), ii. 161. -Major adopted such views in the first edition (1847) of his _Select -Letters of Columbus_. - -MARIGUANA.—It measures twenty-three and one half miles long by an -average of four wide; contains ninety-six square miles; rises one -hundred and one feet, and has no interior water. F. A. de Varnhagen -published at St. Jago de Chile, in 1864, a treatise advocating this -island as _La verdadera Guanahani_, which was reissued at Vienna, in -1869, as _Das wahre Guanahani des Columbus_.[187] - -SAMANA, OR ATTWOOD’S CAY.—This is nine miles long by one and a half -wide, covering eight and a half square miles, with the highest ridge -of one hundred feet. It is now uninhabited; but arrow-heads and other -signs of aboriginal occupation are found there. The Samana of the early -maps was the group now known as Crooked Island. The present Samana has -been recently selected for the landfall by Gustavus V. Fox, in the -_United States Coast Survey Report_, 1880, app. xviii.,—“An attempt to -solve the problem of the first landing-place of Columbus in the New -World.” He epitomized this paper in the _Magazine of American History_ -(April, 1883), p. 240. - -[Illustration: SIGN-MANUALS OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA.] - - -=C.= EFFECT OF THE DISCOVERY IN EUROPE.—During the interval between the -return of Columbus from his first voyage and his again treading the -soil of Spain on his return from the second, 1494, we naturally look -for the effect of this astounding revelation upon the intelligence of -Europe. To the Portuguese, who had rejected his pleas, there may have -been some chagrin. Faria y Sousa, in his _Europa Portuguesa_, intimates -that Columbus’ purpose in putting in at the Tagus was to deepen the -regret of the Portuguese at their rejection of his views; and other -of their writers affirm his overbearing manner and conscious pride of -success. The interview which he had with John II. is described in -the _Lyuro das obras de Garcia de Resende_.[188] Of his reception by -the Spanish monarchs at Barcelona,[189] we perhaps, in the stories -of the historians, discern more embellishments than Oviedo, who was -present, would have thought the ceremony called for. George Sumner (in -1844) naturally thought so signal an event would find some record in -the “Anals consulars” of that city, which were formed to make note of -the commonest daily events; but he could find in them no indication -of the advent of the discoverer of new lands.[190] It is of far more -importance for us that provision was soon made for future records in -the establishment of what became finally the “Casa de la Contratacion -de las Indias,” at this time put in charge of Juan de Fonseca, who -controlled its affairs throughout the reign of Ferdinand.[191] We -have seen how apparently an eager public curiosity prompted more -frequent impressions of Columbus’ letter in other lands than in Spain -itself; but there was a bustling reporter at the Spanish Court fond -of letter-writing, having correspondents in distant parts, and to him -we owe it, probably, that the news spread to some notable people. -This was Peter Martyr d’Anghiera. He dated at Barcelona, on the -ides of May, a letter mentioning the event, which he sent to Joseph -Borromeo; and he repeated the story in later epistles, written in -September, to Ascanio Sforza, Tendilla, and Talavera.[192] There is -every reason to suppose that Martyr derived his information directly -from Columbus himself. He was now probably about thirty-seven years -old, and he had some years before acquired such a reputation for -learning and eloquence that he had been invited from Italy (he was a -native of the Duchy of Milan) to the Spanish Court. His letters, as -they have come down to us, begin about five years before this,[193] -and it is said that just at this time (1493) he began the composition -of his Decades. Las Casas has borne testimony to the value of the -Decades for a knowledge of Columbus, calling them the most worthy -of credit of all the early writings, since Martyr got, as he says, -his accounts directly from the Admiral, with whom he often talked. -Similar testimony is given to their credibleness by Carbajal, Gomez, -Vergara, and other contemporaries.[194] Beginning with Muñoz, there -has been a tendency of late years to discredit Martyr, arising from -the confusion and even negligence sometimes discernible in what he -says. Navarrete was inclined to this derogatory estimate. Hallam[195] -goes so far as to think him open to grave suspicion of negligent and -palpable imposture, antedating his letters to appear prophetic. On the -other hand, Prescott[196] contends for his veracity, and trusts his -intimate familiarity with the scenes he describes. Helps interprets the -disorder of his writings as a merit, because it is a reflection of his -unconnected thoughts and feelings on the very day on which he recorded -any transactions.[197] - -What is thought to be the earliest mention in print of the new -discoveries occurs in a book published at Seville in 1493.—_Los -tratados del Doctor Alonso Ortiz_. The reference is brief, and is -on the reverse of the 43d folio.[198] Not far from the same time -the Bishop of Carthagena, Bernardin de Carvajal, then the Spanish -ambassador to the Pope, delivered an oration in Rome, June 19, 1493, in -which he made reference to the late discovery of unknown lands towards -the Indies.[199] These references are all scant; and, so far as we -know from the records preserved to us, the great event of the age made -as yet no impression on the public mind demanding any considerable -recognition. - - -=D.= SECOND VOYAGE (_Sept._ 25, 1493, _to June_ 11, 1496).—First among -the authorities is the narrative of Dr. Chanca, the physician of the -Expedition. The oldest record of it is a manuscript of the middle of -the sixteenth century, in the Real Academia de la Historia at Madrid. -From this Navarrete printed it for the first time,[200] under the title -of “Segundo Viage de Cristobal Colon,” in his _Coleccion_, i. 198. - -Not so directly cognizant of events, but getting his information at -second hand from Guglielmo Coma,—a noble personage in Spain,—was -Nicolas Scyllacius, of Pavia, who translated Coma’s letters into -Latin, and published his narrative, _De insulis meridiani atque indici -maris nuper inventis_, dedicating it to Ludovico Sforza, at Pavia -(Brunet thinks Pisa), in 1594 or 1595. Of this little quarto there -are three copies known. One is in the Lenox Library; and from this -copy Mr. Lenox, in 1859, reprinted it sumptuously (one hundred and two -copies[201]), with a translation by the Rev. John Mulligan. In Mr. -Lenox’s Introduction it is said that his copy had originally belonged -to M. Olivieri, of Parma, and then to the Marquis Rocca Saporiti, -before it came into Mr. Lenox’s hands, and that the only other copy -known was an inferior one in the library of the Marquis Trivulzio at -Milan. This last copy is probably one of the two copies which Harrisse -reports as being in the palace library at Madrid and in the Thottiana -(Royal Library) at Copenhagen, respectively.[202] Scyllacius adds a few -details, current at that time, which were not in Coma’s letters, and -seems to have interpreted the account of his correspondent as implying -that Columbus had reached the Indies by the Portuguese route round the -Cape of Good Hope. Ronchini has conjectured that this blunder may have -caused the cancelling of a large part of the edition, which renders the -little book so scarce; but Lenox neatly replies that “almost all the -contemporaneous accounts are equally rare.” - -Another second-hand account—derived, however, most probably from the -Admiral himself—is that given by Peter Martyr in his first Decade, -published in 1511, and more at length in 1516.[203] - -Accompanying Columbus on this voyage was Bernardus Buell, or Boil, a -monk of St. Benoit, in Austria, who was sent by Pope Alexander VI as -vicar-general of the new lands, to take charge of the measures for -educating and converting the Indians.[204] It will be remembered he -afterward became a caballer against the Admiral. What he did there, -and a little of what Columbus did, one Franciscus Honorius Philoponus -sought to tell in a very curious book, _Nova typis transacta navigatio -novi orbis Indiæ occidentalis_,[205] which was not printed till 1621. -It is dedicated to Casparus Plautius, and it is suspected that he is -really the author of the book, while he assumed another name, more -easily to laud himself. Harrisse describes the book as having “few -details of an early date, mixed with much second-hand information of a -perfectly worthless character.” - -So far as we know, the only contemporary references in a printed book -to the new discoveries during the progress of the second voyage, or in -the interval previous to the undertaking of the third voyage, in the -spring of 1498, are these: The _Das Narrenschiff_ (Ship of Fools) of -Sebastian Brant, a satire on the follies of society, published at Basle -in 1494,[206] and reprinted in Latin in 1497, 1498, and in French in -1497, 1498, and 1499,[207] has a brief mention of the land previously -unknown, until Ferdinand discovered innumerable people in the great -Spanish ocean. Zacharias Lilio, in his _De origine et laudibus -scientiarum_, Florence, 1496,[208] has two allusions. In 1497 Fedia -Inghirami, keeper of the Vatican Archives, delivered a funeral oration -on Prince John, son of Ferdinand and Isabella, and made a reference -to the New World. The little book was probably printed in Rome. There -is also a reference in the _Cosmographia_ of Antonius Nebrissensis, -printed in 1498.[209] - -[Illustration: SEBASTIAN BRANT. - -Fac-simile of cut in Reusner’s _Icones_, Strasburg, 1590.] - -=E.= THIRD VOYAGE (_May_ 30, 1498, _to Nov._ 20, 1500).—Our knowledge -of this voyage is derived at first hand from two letters of Columbus -himself, both of which are printed by Navarrete, and by Major, with a -translation. The first is addressed to the sovereigns, and follows a -copy in Las Casas’s hand, in the Archives of the Duque del Infantado. -The other is addressed to the nurse of Prince John, and follows a copy -in the Muñoz Collection in the Real Academia at Madrid, collated with a -copy in the Columbus Collection at Genoa, printed by Spotorno.[210] - -[Illustration: MAP OF COLUMBUS’ FOUR VOYAGES (WESTERN PART). - -A reproduction of the map in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 179.] - -[Illustration: MAP OF COLUMBUS’ FOUR VOYAGES (EASTERN PART.) - -A reproduction of the map in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 178.] - -=F.= FOURTH VOYAGE (_May_ 9, 1502, _to Nov._ 7, 1504).—While at -Jamaica Columbus wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella a wild, despondent -letter,[211] suggestive of alienation of mind. It brings the story of -the voyage down only to July 7, 1503, leaving four months unrecorded. -Pinelo says it was printed in the Spanish, as he wrote it; but no such -print is known.[212] Navarrete found in the King’s private library, -at Madrid, a manuscript transcript of it, written, apparently, about -the middle of the sixteenth century; and this he printed in his -_Coleccion_.[213] It was translated into Italian by Costanzo Bayuera, -of Brescia, and published at Venice, in 1505, as _Copia de la lettera -per Colombo mandata_.[214] Cavaliere Morelli, the librarian of St. -Mark’s, reprinted it, with comments, at Bassano, in 1810, as _Lettera -rarissima di Cristoforo Colombo_.[215] Navarrete prints two other -accounts of this voyage,—one by Diego Porras;[216] the other by Diego -Mendez, given in his last will, preserved in the Archives of the Duke -of Veraguas.[217] - -While Columbus was absent on this voyage, as already mentioned, -Bergomas had recorded the Admiral’s first discoveries.[218] - - -=G.= LIVES AND NOTICES OF COLUMBUS.—Ferdinand Columbus—if we accept -as his the Italian publication of 1571—tells us that the fatiguing -career of his father, and his infirmities, prevented the Admiral -from writing his own life. For ten years after his death there were -various references to the new discoveries, but not a single attempt -to commemorate, by even a brief sketch, the life of the discoverer. -Such were the mentions in the _Commentariorum urbanorum libri_ of -Maffei,[219] published in 1506, and again in 1511; in Walter Ludd’s -_Speculi orbis_, etc.;[220] in F. Petrarca’s _Chronica_;[221] and -in the _Oratio_[222] of Marco Dandolo (Naples),—all in 1507. In the -same year the narrative in the _Paesi novamente retrovati_ (1507) -established an account which was repeated in later editions, and -was followed in the _Novus orbis_ of 1532. The next year (1508) we -find a reference in the _Oratio_[223] of Fernando Tellez at Rome; -in the _Supplementi de le chroniche vulgare, novamente dal frate -Jacobo Phillipo al anno 1503 vulgarizz. per Francesco C. Fiorentino_ -(Venice);[224] in Johannes Stamler’s _Dyalogus_;[225] in the Ptolemy -published at Rome with Ruysch’s map; and in the _Collectanea_[226] of -Baptista Fulgosus, published at Milan. - -In 1509 there is reference to the discoveries in the _Opera nova_ of -the General of the Carmelites, Battista Mantuanus.[227] Somewhere, from -1510 to 1519, the _New Interlude_[228] presented Vespucius to the -English public, rather than Columbus, as the discoverer of America, as -had already been done by Waldseemüller at St. Dié. - -[Illustration: THE GIUSTINIANI PSALTER. - -Fac-simile of a portion of the page of Giustiniani Psalter, which shows -the beginning of the marginal note on Columbus.] - -In 1511 Peter Martyr, in his first Decade, and Sylvanus, in his -annotations of Ptolemy, drew attention to the New World; as did also -Johannes Sobrarius in his _Panegyricum carmen de gestis heroicis divi -Ferdinandi_ _Catholici_.[229] The Stobnicza (Cracow) Appendix to -Ptolemy presented a new map of the Indies in 1512; and the _Chronicon_ -of Eusebius, of the same date, recorded the appearance of some of the -wild men of the West in Rouen, brought over by a Dieppe vessel. Some -copies, at least, of Antonio de Lebrija’s edition of _Prudentii opera_, -printed at Lucca, 1512, afford another instance of an early mention -of the New World.[230] Again, in 1513, a new edition of Ptolemy gave -the world what is thought to have been a map by Columbus himself; and -in the same year there was a _Supplementum supplementi_ of Jacobo -Philippo, of Bergomas.[231] In 1514 the _De natura locorum_ (Vienna), -of Albertus Magnus, points again to Vespucius instead of Columbus;[232] -but Cataneo, in a poem on Genoa,[233] does not forget her son, Columbus. - -These, as books have preserved them for us, are about all the -contemporary references to the life of the great discoverer for the -first ten years after his death.[234] In 1516, where we might least -expect it, we find the earliest small gathering of the facts of his -life. In the year of Columbus’ death, Agostino Giustiniani had begun -the compilation of a polyglot psalter, which was in this year (1516) -ready for publication, and, with a dedication to Leo X., appeared in -Genoa. The editor annotated the text, and, in a marginal note to verse -four of the nineteenth Psalm, we find the earliest sketch of Columbus’ -life. Stevens[235] says of the note: “There are in it several points -which we do not find elsewhere recorded, especially respecting the -second voyage, and the survey of the south side of Cuba, as far as -Evangelista, in May, 1494. Almost all other accounts of the second -voyage, except that of Bernaldez, end before this Cuba excursion began.” - -Giustiniani, who was born in 1470, died in 1536, and his _Annali di -Genoa_[236] was shortly afterward published (1537), in which, on folio -ccxlix, he gave another account of Columbus, which, being published -by his executors with his revision, repeated some errors or opinions -of the earlier Psalter account. These were not pleasing to Ferdinand -Columbus,[237] the son of the Admiral,—particularly the statement that -Columbus was born of low parentage,—“vilibus ortus parentibus.” Stevens -points out how Ferdinand accuses Giustiniani of telling fourteen lies -about the discoverer; “but on hunting them out, they all appear to be -of trifling consequence, amounting to little more than that Columbus -sprang from humble parents, and that he and his father were poor, -earning a livelihood by honest toil.”[238] - -To correct what, either from pride or from other reasons, he considered -the falsities of the Psalter, Ferdinand was now prompted to compose -a Life of his father,—or at least such was, until recently, the -universal opinion of his authorship of the book. As to Ferdinand’s own -relations to that father there is some doubt, or pretence of doubt, -particularly on the part of those who have found the general belief -in, and pretty conclusive evidence concerning, the illegitimacy of -Ferdinand an obstacle in establishing the highly moral character which -a saint, like Columbus, should have.[239] - -Ferdinand Columbus, or Fernando Colon, was born three or four years -before his father sailed on his first voyage.[240] His father’s favor -at Court opened the way, and in attendance upon Prince Juan and Queen -Isabella he gained a good education. When Columbus went on his fourth -voyage, in 1502, the boy, then thirteen years of age, accompanied his -father. It is said that he made two other voyages to the New World; -but Harrisse could only find proof of one. His later years were passed -as a courtier, in attendance upon Charles V. on his travels, and in -literary pursuits, by which he acquired a name for learning. He had -the papers of his father,[241] and he is best known by the Life of -Columbus which passes under his name. If it was written in Spanish, it -is not known in its original form, and has not been traced since Luis -Colon, the Duque de Veraguas, son of Diego, took the manuscript to -Genoa about 1568. There is some uncertainty about its later history; -but it appeared in 1571 at Venice in an Italian version made by Alfonzo -de Ulloa, and was entitled _Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo; nelle -quali s’ ha particolare & vera relatione della vita, & de’ fatti -dell’Ammiraglio D. Christoforo Colombo, suo padre_. It is thought that -this translation was made from an inaccurate copy of the manuscript, -and moreover badly made. It begins the story of the Admiral’s life with -his fifty-sixth year, or thereabout; and it has been surmised that an -account of his earlier years—if, indeed, the original draft contained -it—was omitted, so as not to obscure, by poverty and humble station, -the beginnings of a luminous career.[242] Ferdinand died at Seville, -July 12, 1539,[243] and bequeathed, conditionally, his library to the -Cathedral. The collection then contained about twenty thousand volumes, -in print and manuscript; and it is still preserved there, though, -according to Harrisse, much neglected since 1709, and reduced to about -four thousand volumes. It is known as the Biblioteca Colombina.[244] -Spotorno says that this Luis Colon, a person of debauched character, -brought this manuscript in the Spanish language to Genoa, and left it -in the hands of Baliano de Fornari, from whom it passed to another -patrician, Giovanni Baptista Marini, who procured Ulloa to make the -Italian version in which it was first published.[245] - -Somewhat of a controversial interest has been created of late years by -the critiques of Henry Harrisse on Ferdinand Columbus and his Life of -his father, questioning the usually accepted statements in Spotorno’s -introduction of the _Codice_ of 1823. Harrisse undertakes to show -that the manuscript was never in Don Luis’ hands, and that Ferdinand -could not have written it. He counts it as strange that if such a -manuscript existed in Spain not a single writer in print previous to -1571 refers to it. “About ten years ago,” says Henry Stevens,[246] “a -society of Andalusian bibliographers was formed at Seville. Their first -publication was a fierce Hispano-French attack on the authenticity of -the Life of Columbus by his second son, Ferdinand, written by Henri -Harrisse in French, and translated by one of the Seville bibliófilos, -and adopted and published by the Society. The book [by Columbus’ son] -is boldly pronounced a forgery and a fraud on Ferdinand Columbus. -Some fifteen reasons are given in proof of these charges, all of -which, after abundant research and study, are pronounced frivolous, -false, and groundless.” Such is Mr. Stevens’s view, colored or not by -the antipathy which on more than one occasion has been shown to be -reciprocal in the references of Stevens and Harrisse, one to the other, -in sundry publications.[247] The views of Harrisse were also expressed -in the supplemental volume of his _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, -published as _Additions_ in 1872. In this he says, regarding the -Life of Columbus: “It was not originally written by the son of the -bold navigator; and many of the circumstances it relates have to be -challenged, and weighed with the utmost care and impartiality.” - -The authenticity of the book was ably sustained by D’Avezac before the -French Academy in a paper which was printed in 1873 as _Le livre de -Ferdinand Colomb: Revue critique des allégations proposées contre son -authenticité_. Harrisse replied in 1875 in a pamphlet of fifty-eight -pages, entitled _L’histoire de C. Colomb attribuée à son fils Fernand: -Examen critique du mémoire lu par M. d’Avezac à l’Académie_, 8, 13, _22 -Août, 1873_. There were other disputants on the question.[248] - -The catalogue of the Colombina Library as made by Ferdinand shows -that it contained originally a manuscript Life of the Admiral written -about 1525 by Ferdinand Perez de Oliva, who presumably had the aid of -Ferdinand Columbus himself; but no trace of this Life now exists,[249] -unless, as Harrisse ventures to conjecture, it may have been in some -sort the basis of what now passes for the work of Ferdinand. - - * * * * * - -For a long time after the _Historie_ of 1571 there was no considerable -account of Columbus printed. Editions of Ptolemy, Peter Martyr, Oviedo, -Grynæus, and other general books, made reference to his discoveries; -but the next earliest distinct sketch appears to be that in the _Elogia -virorum illustrium_ of Jovius, printed in 1551 at Florence, and the -Italian version made by Domenichi, printed in 1554.[250] Ramusio’s -third volume, in 1556, gave the story greater currency than before; but -such a book as Cunningham’s _Cosmographical Glasse_, in its chapter -on America, utterly ignores Columbus in 1559.[251] We get what may -probably be called the hearsay reports of Columbus’ exploits in the -_Mondo nuovo_ of Benzoni, first printed at Venice in 1565. There was -a brief memorial in the _Clarorum Ligurum elogia_ of Ubertus Folieta, -published at Rome in 1573.[252] In 1581 his voyages were commemorated -in an historical poem, _Laurentii Gambaræ Brixiani de navigatione -Christophori Columbi_, published at Rome.[253] Boissard, of the De Bry -coterie at Frankfort in 1597, included Columbus in his _Icones virorum -illustrium_;[254] and Buonfiglio Costanzo, in 1604, commemorated him in -the _Historia Siciliana_, published at Venice.[255] - -Meanwhile the story of Columbus’ voyages was told at last with all the -authority of official sanction in the _Historia general_ of Herrera. -This historian, or rather annalist, was born in 1549, and died in -1625;[256] and the appointment of historiographer given him by Philip -II. was continued by the third and fourth monarchs of that name. There -has been little disagreement as to his helpfulness to his successors. -All critics place him easily first among the earlier writers; and -Muñoz, Robertson, Irving, Prescott, Ticknor, and many others have -united in praise of his research, candor, and justness, while they -found his literary skill compromised in a measure by his chronological -method. Irving found that Herrera depended so much on Las Casas that it -was best in many cases to go to that earlier writer in preference;[257] -and Muñoz thinks only Herrera’s judicial quality preserved for him -a distinct character throughout the agglutinizing process by which -he constructed his book. His latest critic, Hubert H. Bancroft,[258] -calls his style “bald and accurately prolix, his method slavishly -chronological,” with evidence everywhere in his book of “inexperience -and incompetent assistance,” resulting in “notes badly extracted, -discrepancies, and inconsistencies.” The bibliography of Herrera is -well done in Sabin.[259] - -Herrera had already published (1591) a monograph on the history of -Portugal and the conquest (1582-1583) of the Azores, when he produced -at Madrid his great work, _Historia general de los hechos de los -Castellanos_, in eight decades, four of which, in two volumes, were -published in 1601, and the others in 1615.[260] It has fourteen maps; -and there should be bound with it, though often found separate, a ninth -part, called _Description de las Indias occidentales_.[261] Of the -composite work, embracing the nine parts, the best edition is usually -held to be one edited by Gonzales Barcia, and supplied by him with an -index, which was printed in Madrid during 1727, 1728, 1729, and 1730, -so that copies are found with all those dates, though it is commonly -cited as of 1730.[262] - - * * * * * - -The principal chronicles of Spanish affairs in the seventeenth century -contributed more or less to Columbus’ fame;[263] and he is commemorated -in the Dutch compilation of Van den Bos, _Leven en Daden der -Zeehelden_, published at Amsterdam in 1676, and in a German translation -in 1681.[264] - -There were a hundred years yet to pass before Robertson’s _History -of America_ gave Columbus a prominence in the work of a historian of -established fame; but this Scotch historian was forced to write without -any knowledge of Columbus’ own narratives. - -In 1781 the earliest of the special Italian commemorations appeared -at Parma, in J. Durazzo’s _Elogi storici_ on Columbus and Doria.[265] -Chevalier de Langeac in 1782 added to his poem, _Colomb dans les fers à -Ferdinand et Isabelle_, a memoir of Columbus.[266] - -[Illustration] - -The earliest commemoration in the United States was in 1792, on the -three hundredth anniversary of the discovery, celebrated by the -Massachusetts Historical Society, when Dr. Jeremy Belknap delivered -an historical discourse,[267] included later with large additions -in his well-known _American Biography_. The unfinished history of -Muñoz harbingered, in 1793, the revival in Europe of the study of his -career. Finally, the series of modern Lives of Columbus began in 1818 -with the publication at Milan of Luigi Bossi’s _Vita di Cristoforo -Colombo, scritta e corredata di nuove osservazioni_.[268] In 1823 the -introduction by Spotorno to the _Codice_, and in 1825 the _Coleccion_ -of Navarrete, brought much new material to light; and the first to -make use of it were Irving, in his _Life of Columbus_, 1828,[269] and -Humboldt, in his _Examen critique de l’histoire de la géographie du -nouveau continent_, published originally, in 1834, in a single volume; -and again in five volumes, between 1836 and 1839.[270] “No one,” says -Ticknor,[271] “has comprehended the character of Columbus as Humboldt -has,—its generosity, its enthusiasm, its far-reaching visions, which -seemed watchful beforehand for the great scientific discovery of the -sixteenth century.” Prescott was warned by the popularity of Irving’s -narrative not to attempt to rival him; and his treatment of Columbus’ -career was confined to such a survey as would merely complete the -picture of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.[272] - -In 1844 there came the first intimation of a new style of biography,—a -protest against Columbus’ story being longer told by his natural -enemies, as all who failed to recognize his pre-eminently saintly -character were considered to be. There was a purpose in it to make the -most possible of all his pious ejaculations, and of his intention, -expressed in his letter to the Pope in 1502, to rescue the Holy City -from the infidel, with his prospective army of ten thousand horse -and a hundred thousand foot. The chief spokesman of this purpose has -been Roselly de Lorgues. He first shadowed forth his purpose in his -_La croix dans les deux mondes_ in 1844. It was not till 1864 that -he produced the full flower of his spirit in his _Christophe Colomb, -Histoire de sa vie et de ses voyages d’après des documents authentiques -tirés d’Espagne et d’Italie_.[273] This was followed, in 1874, by his -_L’ambassadeur de Dieu et le Pape Pie IX._ All this, however, and much -else by the abetters of the scheme of the canonization of Columbus -which was urged on the Church, failed of its purpose; and the movement -was suspended, for a while at least, because of an ultimate adverse -determination.[274] - -Of the other later lives of Columbus it remains to mention only the -most considerable, or those of significant tendency. - -The late Sir Arthur Helps wrote his _Spanish Conquest of America_ -with the aim of developing the results—political, ethnological, and -economic—of the conquest, rather than the day-by-day progress of -events, and with a primary regard to the rise of slavery. His _Life -of Columbus_ is simply certain chapters of this larger work excerpted -and fitted in order.[275] Mr. Aaron Goodrich, in _A History of the -so-called Christopher Columbus_, New York, 1874, makes a labored and -somewhat inconsiderate effort, characterized by a certain peevish air, -to prove Columbus the mere borrower of others’ glories.[276] - -In French, mention may be made of the Baron de Bonnefoux’s _Vie de -Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1853,[277] and the Marquis de Belloy’s -_Christophe Colomb et la découverte du Nouveau Monde_, Paris, 1864.[278] - -In German, under the impulse given by Humboldt, some fruitful labors -have been given to Columbus and the early history of American -discovery; but it is only necessary to mention the names of -Forster,[279] Peschel,[280] and Ruge.[281] - - -=H.= PORTRAITS OF COLUMBUS.—Of Columbus there is no likeness whose -claim to consideration is indisputable. We have descriptions of his -person from two who knew him,—Oviedo and his own son Ferdinand; we have -other accounts from two who certainly knew his contemporaries,—Gomara -and Benzoni; and in addition we possess the description given by -Herrera, who had the best sources of information. From these we learn -that his face was long, neither full nor thin; his cheek-bones rather -high; his nose aquiline; his eyes light gray; his complexion fair, and -high colored. His hair, which was of light color before thirty, became -gray after that age. In the _Paesi novamente retrovati_ of 1507 he is -described as having a ruddy, elongated visage, and as possessing a -lofty and noble stature.[282] - -[Illustration: PAULUS JOVIUS. - -Fac-simile of cut in Reusner’s _Icones_, Basle, 1589. There is another -cut in _Pauli Jovii elogia virorum bellica virtute illustrium_, Basle, -1575 (copy in Harvard College Library).] - -These are the test with which to challenge the very numerous so-called -likenesses of Columbus; and it must be confessed not a single one, when -you take into consideration the accessories and costume, warrants us in -believing beyond dispute that we can bring before us the figure of the -discoverer as he lived. Such is the opinion of Feuillet de Conches, who -has produced the best critical essay on the subject yet written.[283] - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS (after Giovio). - -Fac-simile of the woodcut in Paolo Giovio’s _Elogia virorum bellica -virtute illustrium_ (Basle, 1596), p. 124. There are copies in the -Boston Athenæum and Boston Public Library. It is also copied in -Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 81, from whom Hazard (_Santo Domingo_, -New York, 1873, p. 7) takes it. The 1575 edition is in Harvard -College Library, and the same portrait is on p. 191. This cut is also -re-engraved in Jules Verne’s _La découverte de la terre_, p. 113.] - -A vignette on the map of La Cosa, dated 1500, represents Saint -Christopher bearing on his shoulders the infant Christ across a -stream. This has been considered symbolical of the purpose of Columbus -in his discoveries; and upholders of the movement to procure his -canonization, like De Lorgues, have claimed that La Cosa represented -the features of Columbus in the face of Saint Christopher. It has also -been claimed that Herrera must have been of the same opinion, since the -likeness given by that historian can be imagined to be an enlargement -of the head on the map. This theory is hardly accepted, however, by the -critics.[284] - -[Illustration: THE YANEZ COLUMBUS (_National Library, Madrid_). - -This picture was prominently brought before the Congress of -Américanistes which assembled at Madrid in 1881, and not, it seems, -without exciting suspicion of a contrived piece of flattery for -the Duke of Veraguas, then presiding over this same congress. Cf. -Cortambert, _Nouvelle histoire des voyages_, p. 40.] - -Discarding the La Cosa vignette, the earliest claimant now known is -an engraving published in the _Elogia virorum illustrium_ (1575)[285] -of Paolo Giovio (Paulus Jovius, in the Latin form). This woodcut is -thought to have been copied from a picture which Jovius had placed in -the gallery of notable people which he had formed in his villa at Lake -Como. That collection is now scattered, and the Columbus picture cannot -be traced; but that there was a portrait of the discoverer there, we -know from the edition of Vasari’s _Lives of the Painters_ printed by -Giunti at Florence (1568), wherein is a list of the pictures, which -includes likenesses of Vespucius, Cortes, and Magellan, besides that -of “Colombo Genovese.” This indicates a single picture; but it is -held by some that Jovius must have possessed two pictures, since this -woodcut gives Columbus the garb of a Franciscan, while the painting in -the gallery at Florence, supposed also to follow a picture belonging -to Jovius, gives him a mantle. A claim has been made that the original -Jovius portrait is still in existence in what is known as the Yanez -picture, now in the National Library in Madrid, which was purchased -of Yanez in Granada in 1763. It had originally a close-fitting tunic -and mantle, which was later painted over so as to show a robe and fur -collar. This external painting has been removed; and the likeness bears -a certain resemblance to the woodcut and to the Florence likeness. The -Yanez canvas is certainly the oldest in Spain; and the present Duque de -Veraguas considers it the most authentic of all the portraits.[286] The -annexed cut of it is taken from an engraving in Ruge’s _Geschichte des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (p. 235). It bears the inscription shown -in the cut.[287] - -The woodcut (1575) already mentioned passes as the prototype of another -engraving by Aliprando Capriolo, in the _Ritratti di cento capitani -illustri_, published at Rome in 1596.[288] - -The most interesting of all pictures bearing a supposed relation to the -scattered collection at Lake Como is in the gallery at Florence, which -is sometimes said to have been painted by Cristofano dell’Altissimo, -and before the year 1568. A copy of it was made for Thomas Jefferson -in 1784, which was at Monticello in 1814; and, having been sent to -Boston to be disposed of, became the property of Israel Thorndike, and -was by him given to the Massachusetts Historical Society, in whose -gallery it now is; and from a photograph of it the cut (p. 74) has been -engraved.[289] It is perhaps the most commonly accepted likeness in -these later years.[290] - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS (_after Capriolo_). - -This is a reproduction of the cut in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 85. -It is also copied in Carderera, and in the _Magasin pittoresque_, -troisième année, p. 316.] - -After the woodcut of 1575, the next oldest engraved likeness of -Columbus is the one usually called the De Bry portrait. It shows a -head with a three-cornered cap, and possesses a Dutch physiognomy,—its -short, broad face not corresponding with the descriptions which we -find in Oviedo and the others. De Bry says that the original painting -was stolen from a saloon in the Council for the Indies in Spain, and, -being taken to the Netherlands, fell into his hands. He claims that it -was painted from life by order of Ferdinand, the King. De Bry first -used the plate in Part V. of his _Grands Voyages_, both in the Latin -and German editions, published in 1595, where it is marked as engraved -by Jean de Bry. It shows what seem to be two warts on the cheek, which -do not appear in later prints.[291] Feuillet de Conches describes a -painting in the Versailles gallery like the De Bry, which has been -engraved by Mercuri;[292] but it does not appear that it is claimed as -the original from which De Bry worked.[293] - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS (_the Jefferson copy of the Florence picture_).] - -Jomard, in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ (3d series), iii. -370, printed his “Monument à Christophe Colomb: son portrait,”[294] in -explanation and advocacy of a Titianesque canvas which he had found at -Vicenza, inscribed “Christophorus Columbus.” - -[Illustration: THE DE BRY PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS.] - -He claimed that the features corresponded to the written descriptions -of Columbus by his contemporaries and accounted for the Flemish ruff, -pointed beard, gold chain, and other anachronous accessories, by -supposing that these had been added by a later hand. These adornments, -however, prevented Jomard’s views gaining any countenance, though he -seems to have been confident in his opinion. Irving at the time records -his scepticism when Jomard sent him a lithograph of it. Carderera and -Feuillet de Conches both reject it. - -[Illustration: JOMARD’S PICTURE OF COLUMBUS. - -This is a reproduction of the cut in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 87.] - -A similar out-of-date ruff and mustache characterize the likeness at -Madrid associated with the Duke of Berwick-Alba, in which the finery -of a throne makes part of the picture. The owner had a private plate -engraved from it by Rafael Esteve, a copy of which, given by the -engraver to Obadiah Rich, who seems to have had faith in it, is now in -the Lenox Library.[295] - -A picture belonging to the Duke of Veraguas is open to similar -objections,—with its beard and armor and ruff; but Muñoz adopted it for -his official history, the plate being drawn by Mariano Maella.[296] - -A picture of a bedizened cavalier, ascribed to Parmigiano (who was -three years old when Columbus died), is preserved in the Museo -Borbonico at Naples, and is, unfortunately, associated in this country -with Columbus, from having been adopted by Prescott for his _Ferdinand -and Isabella_,[297] and from having been copied for the American -Antiquarian Society.[298] It was long since rejected by all competent -critics. - -A picture in the Senate chamber (or lately there) at Albany was given -to the State of New York in 1784 by Mrs. Maria Farmer, a granddaughter -of Governor Jacob Leisler, and was said to have been for many years -in that lady’s family.[299] There are many other scattered alleged -likenesses of Columbus, which from the data at hand it has not been -easy to link with any of those already mentioned.[300] - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS.—THE HAVANA MEDALLION. - -Reproduced from a cut in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 188.] - -The best known, probably, of the sculptured effigies of Columbus is the -bust of Peschiera, which was placed in 1821 at Genoa on the receptacle -of the Columbus manuscripts.[301] The artist discarded all painted -portraits of Columbus, and followed the descriptions of those who had -known the discoverer.[302] - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS. - -This is copied from one given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_, p. 234, which follows a photograph of the painting in -the Ministry of Marine at Madrid.] - -The most imposing of all the memorials is the monument at Genoa erected -in 1862 after a design by Freccia, and finished by Michel Canzio.[303] - - -=I.= BURIAL AND REMAINS OF COLUMBUS.—There is no mention of the death -of Columbus in the Records of Valladolid. Peter Martyr, then writing -his letters from that place, makes no reference to such an event. It -is said that the earliest contemporary notice of his death is in an -official document, twenty-seven days later, where it is affirmed that -“the said Admiral is dead.”[304] The story which Irving has written of -the successive burials of Columbus needs to be rewritten; and positive -evidence is wanting to show that his remains were placed first, as -is alleged, in a vault of the Franciscans at Valladolid. The further -story, as told by Irving, of Ferdinand’s ordering the removal of his -remains to Seville seven years later, and the erection of a monument, -is not confirmed by any known evidence.[305] From the tenor of Diego’s -will in March, 1509, it would seem that the body of Columbus had -already been carried to Seville, and that later, the coffins of his son -Diego and of his brother Bartholomew were laid in Seville beside him, -in the _cuevas_, or vaults of the Carthusians. Meanwhile the Cathedral -in Santo Domingo was begun,—not to be completed till 1540; and in this -island it had been the Admiral’s wish to be buried. - -[Illustration: COLUMBUS (_from Montanus_).] - -His family were desirous of carrying out that wish; but it seemed to -require three royal orders to make good the project, and overcome -objections or delays. These orders were dated June 2, 1537, Aug. -22, 1539, and Nov. 5, 1540.[306] It has been conjectured from the -language of Ferdinand Columbus’ will, in 1539, that the remains were -still in the _cuevas_; and it is supposed that they were carried -to Santo Domingo in 1541,—though, if so, there is no record of -their resting-place from 1536,—when they are said, in the Convent’s -Records,[307] to have been delivered up for transportation. The -earliest positive mention of their being in the Cathedral at Santo -Domingo is in 1549;[308] and it is not till the next century that -we find a positive statement that the remains of Diego were also -removed.[309] Not till 1655 does any record say that the precise spot -in the Cathedral containing the remains was known, and not till 1676 -do we learn what that precise spot was,—“on the right of the altar.” -In 1683 we first learn of “a leaden case in the sanctuary, at the side -of the platform of the high altar, with the remains of his brother Don -Luis on the other side, according to the tradition of the aged in this -island.”[310] The book from which this is extracted[311] was published -in Madrid, and erred in calling Luis a brother instead of grandson, -whose father, Diego, lying beside the Admiral, seems at the time to -have been forgotten.[312] - -[Illustration: COFFER AND BONES. - -This follows an engraving given in John G. Shea’s “Where are the -Remains of Columbus?” in _Magazine of American History_, January, 1883, -and separately. There are other engravings in Tejera, pp. 28, 29, and -after a photograph in the _Informe de la Real Academia_, p. 197. The -case is 16⅝ x 8½ x 8⅛ inches.] - -Just a century later, in 1783, Moreau de Saint-Méry, prefacing his -_Description topographique_ of Santo Domingo,[313] sought more -explicit information, and learned that, shortly before his inquiry, -the floor of the chancel had been raised so as to conceal the top of -the vault, which was “a case of stone” (containing the leaden coffin), -on the “Gospel side of the sanctuary.” This case had been discovered -during the repairs, and, though “without inscription, was known from -uninterrupted and invariable tradition to contain the remains of -Columbus;” and the Dean of the Chapter, in certifying to this effect, -speaks of the “leaden urn as a little damaged, and containing several -human bones;” while he had also, some years earlier, found on “the -Epistle side” of the altar a similar stone case, which, according to -tradition, contained the bones of the Admiral’s brother.[314] - -A few years later the treaty of Basle, July 22, 1795, gave to France -the half of Santo Domingo still remaining to Spain; and at the cost -of the Duke of Veraguas, and with the concurrence of the Chapter of -the Cathedral, the Spanish General, Gabriel de Aristazabal, somewhat -hurriedly opened a vault on the left of the altar, and, with due -ceremony and notarial record,[315] took from it fragments of a leaden -case and some human bones, which were unattested by any inscription -found with them. The relics were placed in a gilt leaden case, and -borne with military honors to Havana.[316] It is now claimed that these -remains were of Diego, the son, and that the vault then opened is still -empty in the Cathedral, while the genuine remains of Columbus were left -undisturbed. - -In 1877, in making some changes about the chancel, on the right of the -altar, the workmen opened a vault, and found a leaden case containing -human bones, with an inscription showing them to be those of Luis, the -grandson. This led to a search on the opposite, or “Gospel, side” of -the chancel, where they found an empty vault, supposed to be the one -from which the remains were taken to Havana. Between this and the side -wall of the building, and separated from the empty vault by a six-inch -wall, was found another cavity, and in it a leaden case. There seem to -have been suitable precautions taken to avoid occasion for imputations -of deceit, and with witnesses the case was examined.[317] In it were -found some bones and dust, a leaden bullet,[318] two iron screws, which -fitted the holes in a small silver plate found beneath the mould in the -bottom of the case.[319] This casket bore on the outside, on the front, -and two ends—one letter on each surface—the letters C. C. A. On the top -was an inscription here reduced:— - -[Illustration] - -This inscription is supposed to mean “Discoverer of America, first -Admiral.” Opening the case, which in this situation presented the -appearance shown in the cut on page 80, the under surface of the lid -was found to bear the following legend:— - -[Illustration] - -This legend is translated, “Illustrious and renowned man, Christopher -Columbus.”[320] A fac-simile of the inscription found on the small -silver plate is given on page 82, the larger of which is understood -to mean “A part of the remains of the first Admiral, Don Christopher -Columbus, discoverer.”[321] The discovery was made known by the -Bishop, Roque Cocchia, in a pastoral letter,[322] and the news spread -rapidly.[323] The Spanish King named Señor Antonio Lopez Prieto, of -Havana, to go to Santo Domingo, and, with the Spanish consul, to -investigate. Prieto had already printed a tract, which went through two -editions, _Los restos de Colon: exámen histórico-critico_, Havana, 1877. - -[Illustration] - -In March, 1878, he addressed his Official Report to the Captain-general -of Cuba, which was printed in two editions during the same year, -as _Informe sobre los restos de Colon_. It was an attack upon the -authenticity of the remains at Santo Domingo. Later in the same year, -Oct. 14, 1878, Señor Manuel Colmeiro presented, in behalf of the -Royal Academy of History of Madrid, a report to the King, which was -printed at Madrid in 1879 as _Los restos de Colon: informe de la Real -Academia de la Historia_, etc. It reinforced the views of Prieto’s -Report; charged Roque Cocchia with abetting a fraud; pointed to the -A (America) of the outside inscription as a name for the New World -which Spaniards at that time never used;[324] and claimed that the -remains discovered in 1877 were those of Christopher Columbus, the -grandson of the Admiral, and that the inscriptions had been tampered -with, or were at least much later than the date of reinterment in the -Cathedral.[325] Besides Bishop Roque Cocchia, the principal upholder of -the Santo Domingo theory has been Emiliano Tejera, who published his -_Los restos de Colon en Santo Domingo_ in 1878, and his _Los dos restos -de Cristóbal Colon_ in 1879, both in Santo Domingo. Henry Harrisse, -under the auspices of the “Sociedad de Bibliófilos Andaluces,” printed -his _Los restos de Don Cristóval Colon_ at Seville in 1878, and his -_Les sépultures de Christophe Colomb: revue critique du premier rapport -officiel publié sur ce sujet_, the next year (1879) at Paris.[326] -From Italy we have Luigi Tommaso Belgrano’s _Sulla recente scoperta -delle ossa di Colombo_ (Genoa, 1878). One of the best and most -recent summaries of the subject is by John G. Shea in the _Magazine -of American History_, January, 1883; also printed separately, and -translated into Spanish. Richard Cortambert (_Nouvelle histoire des -voyages_, p. 39) considers the Santo Domingo theory overcome by the -evidence. - - -=J.= DATE AND PLACE OF BIRTH OF COLUMBUS, AND ACCOUNTS OF HIS -FAMILY.—The year and place of Columbus’ birth, and the station into -which he was born, are questions of dispute. Harrisse[327] epitomizes -the authorities upon the year of his nativity. Oscar Peschel reviews -the opposing arguments in a paper printed in _Ausland_ in 1866.[328] -The whole subject was examined at greater length and with great care -by D’Avezac before the Geographical Society of Paris in 1872.[329] -The question is one of deductions from statements not very definite, -nor wholly in accord. The extremes of the limits in dispute are about -twenty years; but within this interval, assertions like those of -Ramusio[330] (1430) and Charlevoix[331] (1441) may be thrown out as -susceptible of no argument.[332] - -In favor of the earliest date—which, with variations arising from -the estimates upon fractions of years, may be placed either in 1435, -1436, or 1437—are Navarrete, Humboldt, Ferdinand Höfer,[333] Émile -Deschanel,[334] Lamartine,[335] Irving, Bonnefoux, Roselly de Lorgues, -l’Abbé Cadoret, Jurien de la Gravière,[336] Napione,[337] Cancellieri, -and Cantù.[338] This view is founded upon the statement of one who -had known Columbus, Andres Bernaldez, in his _Reyes católicos_, that -Columbus was about seventy years old at his death, in 1506. - -The other extreme—similarly varied from the fractions between 1455 and -1456—is taken by Oscar Peschel,[339] who deduces it from a letter of -Columbus dated July 7, 1503, in which he says that he was twenty-eight -when he entered the service of Spain in 1484; and Peschel argues that -this is corroborated by adding the fourteen years of his boyhood, -before going to sea, to the twenty-three years of sea-life which -Columbus says he had had previous to his voyage of discovery, and -dating back from 1492, when he made this voyage. - -A middle date—placed, according to fractional calculations, variously -from 1445 to 1447—is held by Cladera,[340] Bossi, Muñoz, Casoni,[341] -Salinerio,[342] Robertson, Spotorno, Major, Sanguinetti, and Canale. -The argument for this view, as presented by Major, is this: It was in -1484, and not in 1492, that this continuous sea-service, referred to by -Columbus, ended; accordingly, the thirty-seven years already mentioned -should be deducted from 1484, which would point to 1447 as the year of -his birth,—a statement confirmed also, as is thought, by the assertion -which Columbus makes, in 1501, that it was forty years since he began, -at fourteen, his sea-life. Similar reasons avail with D’Avezac, whose -calculations, however, point rather to the year 1446.[343] - - * * * * * - -A similar uncertainty has been made to appear regarding the place of -Columbus’ birth. Outside of Genoa and dependencies, while discarding -such claims as those of England,[344] Corsica,[345] and Milan,[346] -there are more defensible presentations in behalf of Placentia -(Piacenza), where there was an ancestral estate of the Admiral, whose -rental had been enjoyed by him and by his father;[347] and still more -urgent demands for recognition on the part of Cuccaro in Montferrat, -Piedmont, the lord of whose castle was a Dominico Colombo,—pretty well -proved, however, not to have been the Dominico who was father of the -Admiral. It seems certain that the paternal Dominico did own land in -Cuccaro, near his kinspeople, and lived there as late as 1443.[348] - -In consequence of these claims, the Academy of Sciences in Genoa named -a commission, in 1812, to investigate them; and their report,[349] -favoring the traditional belief in Genoa as the true spot of Columbus’ -birth, is given in digest in Bossi.[350] The claim of Genoa seems to -be generally accepted to-day, as it was in the Admiral’s time by Peter -Martyr, Las Casas, Bernaldez, Giustiniani, Geraldini, Gallo, Senaraya, -and Foglietto.[351] Columbus himself twice, in his will (1498), says -he was born in Genoa; and in the codicil (1506) he refers to his -“beloved country, the Republic of Genoa.” Ferdinand calls his father -“a Genoese.”[352] Of modern writers Spotorno, in the Introduction to -the _Codice diplomatico Colombo-Americano_ (1823), and earlier, in his -_Della origine e della patria di Colombo_ (1819), has elaborated the -claim, with proofs and arguments which have been accepted by Irving, -Bossi, Sanguinetti, Roselly, De Lorgues, and most other biographers and -writers. - -There still remains the possibility of Genoa, as referred to by -Columbus and his contemporaries, signifying the region dependent on -it, rather than the town itself; and with this latitude recognized, -there are fourteen towns, or hamlets as Harrisse names them,[353] which -present their claims.[354] - - * * * * * - -Ferdinand Columbus resented Giustiniani’s statement that the Admiral -was of humble origin, and sought to connect his father’s descent -with the Colombos of an ancient line and fame; but his disdainful -recognition of such a descent is, after all, not conducive to a belief -in Ferdinand’s own conviction of the connection. - -[Illustration: FERDINAND OF SPAIN. - -This follows an ancient medallion as engraved in Buckingham Smith’s -_Coleccion_. Cf. also the sign-manual on p. 56.] - -There seems little doubt that his father[355] was a wool-weaver or -draper, and owned small landed properties, at one time or another, in -or not far from Genoa;[356] and, as Harrisse infers, it was in one of -the houses on the Bisagno road, as you go from Genoa, that Columbus was -perhaps born.[357] - -[Illustration: BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. - -This is a fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera (Barcia’s edition). -There is a vignette likeness on the title of vol i., edition of 1601. -Navarrete’s Memoir of Bartholomew Columbus is in the _Coleccion de -documentos inéditos_, vol. xvi.] - -The pedigree (p. 87) shows the alleged descent of Columbus, as a -table in Spotorno’s _Della origine e della patria di Colombo_, -1819, connects it with other lines, whose heirs at a later day were -aroused to claim the Admiral’s honors; and as the usual accounts of -his immediate descendants record the transmission of his rights. After -Columbus’ death, his son Diego demanded the restitution of the offices -and privileges[358] which had been suspended during the Admiral’s later -years. - -[Illustration: GENEALOGICAL TABLE.] - -He got no satisfaction but the privilege of contending at law with -the fiscal minister of the Crown, and of giving occasion for all the -latent slander about the Admiral to make itself heard. The tribunal -was the Council of the Indies; the suit was begun in 1508, and lasted -till 1527. The documents connected with the case are in the Archives -of the Indies. The chief defence of the Crown was that the original -convention was against law and public policy, and that Columbus, after -all, did not discover _Terra firma_, and for such discovery alone -honors of this kind should be the reward. Diego won the Council’s vote; -but Ferdinand, the King, hesitated to confirm their decision. Meanwhile -Diego had married a niece of the Duke of Alva, the King’s favorite, and -got in this way a royal grant of something like vice-royal authority -in the Indies, to which he went (1509) with his bride, prepared for -the proper state and display. His uncles, Bartholomew and Diego, as -well as Ferdinand Columbus, accompanied him. The King soon began to -encroach on Diego’s domain, creating new provinces out of it.[359] It -does not belong to this place to trace the vexatious factions which, -through Fonseca’s urging, or otherwise created, Diego was forced to -endure, till he returned to Spain, in 1515, to answer his accusers. -When he asked of the King a share of the profits of the Darien coast, -his royal master endeavored to show that Diego’s father had never been -on that coast. After Ferdinand’s death (Jan. 23, 1516), his successor, -Charles V., acknowledged the injustice of the charges against Diego, -and made some amends by giving him a viceroy’s functions in all -places discovered by his father. He was subjected, however, to the -surveillance of a supervisor to report on his conduct, upon going to -his government in 1520.[360] In three years he was again recalled for -examination, and in 1526 he died. Don Luis, who succeeded to his father -Diego, after some years exchanged, in 1556, his rights of vice-royalty -in the Indies for ten thousand gold doubloons and the title of Duque -de Veraguas (with subordinate titles), and a grandeeship of the first -rank;[361] the latter, however, was not confirmed till 1712. - -His nephew Diego succeeded to the rights, silencing those of the -daughter of Don Luis by marrying her. They had no issue; and on his -death, in 1578, various claimants brought suit for the succession -(as shown in the table), which was finally given, in 1608, to the -grandson of Isabella, the granddaughter of Columbus. This suit led to -the accumulation of a large amount of documentary evidence, which was -printed.[362] The vexations did not end here, the Duke of Berwick still -contesting; but a decision in 1790 confirmed the title in the present -line. The revolt of the Spanish colonies threatened to deprive the Duke -of Veraguas of his income; but the Spanish Government made it good by -charging it upon the revenues of Cuba and Porto Rico, the source of the -present Duke’s support.[363] - - -POSTSCRIPT. - -After the foregoing chapter had been completed, there came to hand the -first volume of _Christophe Colomb, son origine, sa vie, ses voyages, -sa famille, et ses descendants, d’après des documents inédits tirés -des Archives de Gênes, de Savone, de Séville, et de Madrid, études -d’histoire critique par Henry Harrisse_, Paris, 1884. - -The book is essentially a reversal of many long-established views -regarding the career of Columbus. The new biographer, as has been -shown, is not bound by any respect for the Life of the Admiral which -for three hundred years has been associated with the name of Ferdinand -Columbus. The grounds of his discredit of that book are again asserted; -and he considers the story as given in Las Casas as much more likely -to represent the prototype both of the _Historia general_ of this last -writer and of the _Historie_ of 1571, than the mongrel production which -he imagines this Italian text of Ulloa to be, and which he accounts -utterly unworthy of credit by reason of the sensational perversions -and additions with which it is alloyed by some irresponsible editor. -This revolutionary spirit makes the critic acute, and sustains him in -laborious search; but it is one which seems sometimes to imperil his -judgment. He does not at times hesitate to involve Las Casas himself -in the same condemnation for the use which, if we understand him, -Las Casas may be supposed, equally with the author or editor of the -_Historie_, to have made of their common prototype. That any received -incident in Columbus’ career is only traceable to the _Historie_ is -sufficient, with our critic, to assign it to the category of fiction. - -This new Life adds to our knowledge from many sources; and such points -as have been omitted or slightly developed in the preceding chapter, -or are at variance with the accepted views upon which that chapter has -been based, it may be well briefly to mention. - -The frontispiece is a blazon of the arms of Columbus, “du cartulaire -original dressé sous ses yeux à Seville en 1502,” following a -manuscript in the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs at -Paris. The field of the quarter with the castle is red; that of the -lion is silver; that of the anchors is blue; the main and islands are -gold, the water blue. It may be remarked that the disposition of these -islands seems to have no relation to the knowledge then existing of the -Columbian Archipelago. Below is a blue bend on a gold field, with red -above (see the cut, _ante_, p. 15). - -In writing in his Introduction of the sources of the history of -Columbus, Harrisse says that we possess sixty-four memoirs, letters, -or extracts written by Columbus, of which twenty-three are preserved -in his own autograph. Of these sixty-four, only the _Libro de las -profecias_ has not been printed entire, if we except a _Memorial -que presentó Cristóbal Colon á los Reyes Catolicos sobre las cosas -necesarias para abastecer las Indias_ which is to be printed for the -first time by Harrisse, in the appendix of his second volume. Las -Casas’ transcript of Columbus’ _Journal_ is now, he tells us, in the -collection of the Duque d’Osuna at Madrid. The copy of Dr. Chanca’s -relation of the second voyage, used by Navarrete, and now in the -Academy of History at Madrid, belonged to a collection formed by -Antonio de Aspa. The personal papers of Columbus, confided by him to -his friend Gaspar Gorricio, were preserved for over a century in an -iron case in the custody of monks of Las Cuevas; but they were, on -the 15th of May, 1609, surrendered to Nuño Gelves, of Portugal, who -had been adjudged the lawful successor of the Admiral. Such as have -escaped destruction now constitute the collection of the present Duque -de Veraguas; and of them Navarrete has printed seventy-eight documents. -Of the papers concerning Columbus at Genoa, Harrisse finds only one -anterior to his famous voyage, and that is a paper of the Father -Dominico Colombo, dated July 21, 1489, of whom such facts as are known -are given, including references to him in 1463 and 1468 in the records -of the Bank of St. George in Genoa. Of the two letters of 1502 which -Columbus addressed to the Bank, only one now exists, as far as Harrisse -could learn, and that is in the Hôtel de Ville. Particularly in regard -to the family of Columbus, he has made effective use of the notarial -and similar records of places where Columbus and his family have lived. -But use of depositions for establishing dates and relationship imposes -great obligation of care in the identification of the persons named; -and this with a family as numerous as the Colombos seem to have been, -and given so much to the repeating of Christian names, is more than -usually difficult. In discussing the evidence of the place and date -of Columbus’ birth (p. 137), as well as tracing his family line (pp. -160 and 166), the conclusion reached by Harrisse fixes the humble -origin of the future discoverer; since he finds Columbus’ kith and -kin of the station of weavers,—an occupation determining their social -standing as well in Genoa as in other places at that time. The table -which is given on a previous page (_ante_, p. 87) shows the lines -of supposable connection, as illustrating the long contest for the -possession of the Admiral’s honors. His father’s father, it would seem, -was a Giovanni Colombo (pp. 167-216), and he the son of a certain Luca -Colombo. Giovanni lived in turn at Terrarossa and Quinto. Domenico, -the Admiral’s father, married Susanna Fontanarossa, and removed to -Genoa between 1448 and 1551, living there afterward, except for the -interval 1471-1484, when he is found at Savona. He died in Genoa not -far from 1498. We are told (p. 29) how little the Archives of Savona -yield respecting the family. Using his new notarial evidence mainly, -the critic fixes the birth of Columbus about 1445 (pp. 223-241); and -enforces a view expressed by him before, that Genoa as the place of -Columbus’ birth must be taken in the broader sense of including the -dependencies of the city, in one of which he thinks Columbus was born -(p. 221) in that humble station which Gallo, in his “De navigatione -Columbi,” now known to us as Printed in Muratori (xxiii. 301), was -the first to assert. Giustiniani, in his Psalter-note, and Senarega, -in his “De rebus Genuensibus” (Muratori, xxiv. 354) seem mainly to -have followed Gallo on this point. There is failure (p. 81) to find -confirmation of some of the details of the family as given by Casoni -in his _Annali della republica di Genova_ (1708, and again 1799). In -relation to the lines of his descendants, there are described (pp. -49-60) nineteen different memorials, bearing date between 1590 and -1792—and there may be others—which grew out of the litigations in which -the descent of the Admiral’s titles was involved. - -The usual story, told in the _Historie_, of Columbus’ sojourn at the -University of Pavia is discredited, chiefly on the ground that Columbus -himself says that from a tender age he followed the sea (but Columbus’ -statements are often inexact), and from the fact that in cosmography -Genoa had more to teach him than Pavia. Columbus is also kept longer -in Italy than the received opinion has allowed, which has sent him -to Portugal about 1470; while we are now told—if his identity is -unassailable—that he was in Savona as late as 1473 (pp. 253-254). - -Documentary Portuguese evidence of Columbus’ connection with Portugal -is scant. The Archivo da Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, which Santarem -searched in vain for any reference to Vespucius, seem to be equally -barren of information respecting Columbus, and they only afford a few -items regarding the family of the Perestrellos (p. 44). - -The principal contemporary Portuguese chronicle making any reference -to Columbus is Ruy de Pina’s _Chronica del Rei Dom João II._, which is -contained in the _Colleccão de livros ineditos de historia Portugueza_, -published at Lisbon in 1792 (ii. 177), from which Garcia de Resende -seems to have borrowed what appears in his _Choronica_, published at -Lisbon in 1596; and this latter account is simply paraphrased in the -_Decada primeira do Asia_ (Lisbon, 1752) of João de Barros, who, born -in 1496, was too late to have personal knowledge of earlier time of the -discoveries. Vasconcellos’ _Vida y acciones del Rey D. Juan al segundo_ -(Madrid, 1639) adds nothing. - -The statement of the _Historie_ again thrown out, doubt at least is -raised respecting the marriage of Columbus with Philippa, daughter of -Bartholomeu Perestrello; and if the critic cannot disprove such union, -he seems to think that as good, if not better, evidence exists for -declaring the wife of Columbus to have been the daughter of Vasco Gil -Moniz, of an old family, while it was Vasco Gill’s sister Isabel who -married the Perestrello in question. The marriage of Columbus took -place, it is claimed there is reason to believe, not in Madeira, as -Gomara and others have maintained, but in Lisbon, and not before 1474. -Further, discarding the _Historie_, there is no evidence that Columbus -ever lived at Porto Santo or Madeira, or that his wife was dead when he -left Portugal for Spain in 1484. If this is established, we lose the -story of the tie which bound him to Portugal being severed by the death -of his companion; and the tale of his poring over the charts of the -dead father of his wife at Porto Santo is relegated to the region of -fable. - -We have known that the correspondence of Toscanelli with the monk -Martinez took place in 1474, and the further communication of the -Italian _savant_ with Columbus himself has always been supposed to have -occurred soon after; but reasons are now given for pushing it forward -to 1482. - -The evidences of the offers which Columbus made, or caused to be made, -to England, France, and Portugal,—to the latter certainly, and to -the two others probably,—before he betook himself to Spain, are also -reviewed. As to the embassy to Genoa, there is no trace of it in the -Genoese Archives and no earlier mention of it than Ramusio’s; and no -Genoese authority repeats it earlier than Casoni in his _Annali di -Genova_, in 1708. This is now discredited altogether. No earlier writer -than Marin, in his _Storia del commercio de’ Veneziani_ (vol. vii. -published 1800), claims that Columbus gave Venice the opportunity of -embarking its fortunes with his; and the document which Pesaro claimed -to have seen has never been found. - -There is difficulty in fixing with precision the time of Columbus’ -leaving Portugal, if we reject the statements of the _Historie_, which -places it in the last months of 1484. Other evidence is here presented -that in the summer of that year he was in Lisbon; and no indisputable -evidence exists, in the critic’s judgment, of his being in Spain till -May, 1487, when a largess was granted to him. Columbus’ own words would -imply in one place that he had taken service with the Spanish monarchs -in 1485, or just before that date; and in another place that he had -been in Spain as early as January, 1484, or even before,—a time when -now it is claimed he is to be found in Lisbon. - -The pathetic story of the visit to Rábida places that event at a -period shortly after his arriving in Spain; and the _Historie_ tells -also of a second visit at a later day. It is now contended that the -two visits were in reality one, which occurred in 1491. The principal -argument to upset the _Historie_ is the fact that Juan Rodriguez -Cabezudo, in the lawsuit of 1513, testified that it was “about -twenty-two years” since he had lent a mule to the Franciscan who -accompanied Columbus away from Rábida! - -With the same incredulity the critic spirits away (p. 358) the junto of -Salamanca. He can find no earlier mention of it than that of Antonio -de Remesal in his _Historia de la Provincia de S. Vincente de Chyapa_, -published in Madrid in 1619; and accordingly asks why Las Casas, from -whom Remesal borrows so much, did not know something of this junto? -He counts for much that Oviedo does not mention it; and the Archives -of the University at Salamanca throw no light. The common story he -believes to have grown out of conferences which probably took place -while the Court was at Salamanca in the winter of 1486-1487, and which -were conducted by Talavera; while a later one was held at Santa Fé late -in 1491, at which Cardinal Mendoza was conspicuous. - -Since Alexander Geraldinus, writing in 1522, from his own acquaintance -with Columbus, had made the friar Juan Perez, of Rábida, and Antonio -de Marchena, who was Columbus’ steadfast friend, one and the same -person, it has been the custom of historians to allow that Geraldinus -was right. It is now said he was in error; but the critic confesses -he cannot explain how Gomara, abridging from Oviedo, changes the -name of Juan Perez used by the latter to Perez de Marchena, and this -before Geraldinus was printed. Columbus speaks of a second monk who -had befriended him; and it has been the custom to identify this one -with Diego de Deza, who, at the time when Columbus is supposed to have -stood in need of his support, had already become a bishop, and was not -likely, the critic thinks, to have been called a monk by Columbus. The -two friendly monks in this view were the two distinct persons Juan -Perez and Antonio de Marchena (p. 372). - -The interposition of Cardinal Mendoza, by which Columbus secured the -royal ear, has usually been placed in 1486. Oviedo seems to have been -the source of subsequent writers on the point; but Oviedo does not fix -the date, and the critic now undertakes to show (p. 380) that it was -rather in the closing months of 1491. - -Las Casas charges Talavera with opposing the projects of Columbus: -we have here (p. 383) the contrary assertion; and the testimony of -Peter Martyr seems to sustain this view. So again the new biographer -measurably defends, on other contemporary evidence, Fonseca (p. 386) -as not deserving the castigations of modern writers; and all this -objurgation is considered to have been conveniently derived from the -luckless _Historie_ of 1571. - -The close student of Columbus is not unaware of the unsteady character -of much of the discoverer’s own testimony on various points. His -imagination was his powerful faculty; and it was as wild at times as -it was powerful, and nothing could stand in the way of it. No one has -emphasized the doleful story of his trials and repressions more than -himself, making the whole world, except two monks, bent on producing -his ignominy; and yet his biographer can pick (p. 388) from the -Admiral’s own admissions enough to show that during all this time he -had much encouragement from high quarters. The critic is not slow to -take advantage of this weakness of Columbus’ character, and more than -once makes him the strongest witness against himself. - -It is now denied that the money advanced by Santangel was from the -treasury of Aragon. On the contrary, the critic contends that the -venture was from Santangel’s private resources; and he dismisses -peremptorily the evidence of the document which Argensola, in his -_Anales de Aragon_ (Saragossa, 1630), says was preserved in the -archives of the treasury of Aragon. He says a friend who searched at -Barcelona in 1871, among the “Archivo general de la Corona de Aragon,” -could not find it. - -Las Casas had first told—guardedly, to be sure—the story of the -Pinzons’ contributing the money which enabled Columbus to assume an -eighth part of the expense of the first voyage; but it is now claimed -that the assistance of that family was confined to exerting its -influence to get Columbus a crew. It is judged that the evidence is -conclusive that the Pinzons did not take pecuniary risk in the voyage -of 1492, because only their advances of this sort for the voyage of -1499 are mentioned in the royal grant respecting their arms. But such -evidence is certainly inconclusive; and without the evidence of Las -Casas it must remain uncertain whence Columbus got the five hundred -thousand maravedis which he contributed to the cost of that momentous -voyage. - -The world has long glorified the story in the _Historie_ of 1571 about -the part which the crown jewels, and the like, played in the efforts -of Isabella to assist in the furnishing of Columbus’ vessels. Peter -Martyr, Bernaldez, and others who took frequent occasion to sound the -praises of her majesty, say nothing of it; and, as is now contended, -for the good reason that there was no truth in the story, the jewels -having long before been pledged in the prosecution of the war with the -Moors. - -It is inferred (p. 417) from Las Casas that his abridgment of -Columbus’ Journal was made from a copy, and not from the original -(Navarrete, i. 134); and Harrisse says that from two copies of this -abridgment, preserved in the collection of the Duque d’Osuna at -Madrid, Varnhagen printed his text of it which is contained in his -_Verdadera Guanahani_. This last text varies in some places from that -in Navarrete, and Harrisse says he has collated it with the Osuna -copies without discovering any error. He thinks, however, that the -_Historie_ of 1571, as well as Las Casas’ account, is based upon the -complete text; and his discrediting of the _Historie_ does not prevent -him in this case saying that from it, as well as from Las Casas, a few -touches of genuineness, not of importance to be sure, can be added to -the narrative of the abridgment. He also points out that we should -discriminate as to the reflections which Las Casas intersperses; but he -seems to have no apprehension of such insertions in the _Historie_ in -this particular case. - -The Ambrosian text of the first letter is once more reprinted (p. 419), -accompanied by a French translation. In some appended notes the critic -collates it with the Cosco version in different shapes, and with that -of Simancas. He also suggests that this text was printed at Barcelona -toward the end of March, 1493, and infers that it may have been in this -form that the Genoese ambassadors took the news to Italy when they left -Spain about the middle of the following month. - -The closing chapter of this first volume is on the question of the -landfall. The biographer discredits attempts to settle the question -by nautical reasoning based on the log of Columbus, averring that the -inevitable inaccuracies of such records in Columbus’ time is proved by -the widely different conclusions of such experienced men as Navarrete, -Becher, and Fox. He relies rather on Columbus’ description and on that -in Las Casas. The name which the latter says was borne in his day by -the island of the landfall was “Triango;” but the critic fails to find -this name on any earlier map than that first made known in the _Cartas -de Indias_ in 1877. To this map he finds it impossible to assign an -earlier date than 1541, since it discloses some reminders of the -expedition of Coronado. He instances other maps in which the name in -some form appears attached to an island of the Bahamas,—as in the Cabot -mappemonde of 1544 (Triangula), the so-called Vallard map (Triango), -that of Gutierrez in 1550 (Trriango), that of Alonso de Santa Cruz in -his _Islario_ of 1560 (Triangulo). Unfortunately on some of the maps -Guanahani appears as well as the name which Las Casas gives. Harrisse’s -solution of this conjunction of names is suggested by the fact that in -the Weimar map of 1527 (see sketch, _ante_, p. 43) an islet “Triango” -lies just east of Guanahani, and corresponds in size and position to -the “Triangula” of Cabot and the “Triangulo” of Santa Cruz. Guanahani -he finds to correspond to Acklin Island, the larger of the Crooked -Island group (see map, _ante_, p. 55); while the Plana Cays, shown -east of it, would stand for “Triango.” Columbus, with that confusion -which characterizes his writings, speaks in one place of his first land -being an “isleta,” and in another place he calls it an “isla grande.” -This gives the critic ground for supposing that Columbus saw first the -islet, the “Triango” of Las Casas, or the modern “Plana Cays,” and that -then he disembarked on the “isla grande,” which was Acklin Island. So -it may be that Columbus’ own confused statement has misled subsequent -writers. If this theory is not accepted, Fox, in selecting Samana, has, -in the critic’s opinion, come nearer the truth than any other. - - - - -THE EARLIEST MAPS - -OF THE - -SPANISH AND PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -THE enumeration of the cartographical sources respecting the -discoveries of the earlier voyagers began with the list, “Catalogus -auctorum tabularum geographicarum, quotquot ad nostram cognitionem -hactenus pervenere; quibus addidimus, ubi locorum, quando et a quibus -excusi sunt,” which Ortelius in 1570 added to his _Theatrum orbis -terrarum_, many of whose titles belong to works not now known. Of maps -now existing the best-known enumerations are those in the _Jean et -Sébastian Cabot_ of Harrisse; the _Mapoteca Colombiana_ of Uricoechea; -the _Cartografia Mexicana_ of Orozco y Berra, published by the Mexican -Geographical Society; and Gustavo Uzielli’s _Elenco descritto degli -Atlanti, planisferi e carte nautiche_, originally published in 1875, -but made the second volume, edited by Pietro Amat, of the new edition -of the _Studi biografici e bibliografici della Società Geografica -Italiana_, Rome, 1882, under the specific title of _Mappamondi, carte -nautiche, portolani ed altri monumenti cartografici specialmente -Italiani dei secoli XIII-XVII_.[364] - - * * * * * - -The Editor has printed in the _Harvard University Bulletin_ a -bibliography Of Ptolemy’s geography, and a calendar, with additions and -annotations, of the Kohl collection of early maps, belonging to the -Department of State at Washington, both of which contributions called -for enumerations of printed and manuscript maps of the early period, -and included their reproductions of later years. - -The development of cartography is also necessarily made a part of -histories of geography like those of Santarem, Lelewel, St.-Martin, -and Peschel; but their use of maps hardly made chronological lists of -them a necessary part of their works. Santarem has pointed out how -scantily modern writers have treated of the cartography of the Middle -Ages previous to the era of Spanish discovery; and he enumerates such -maps as had been described before the appearance of his work, as well -as publications of the earlier ones after the Spanish discovery.[365] - -To what extent Columbus had studied the older maps from the time when -they began to receive a certain definiteness in the fourteenth century, -is not wholly clear, nor how much he knew of the charts of Marino -Sanuto, of Pizignani, and of the now famous Catalan map of that period; -but it is doubtless true that the maps of Bianco (1436) and Mauro -(1460) were well known to him.[366] “Though these early maps and charts -of the fifteenth century,” says Hallam,[367] “are to us but a chaos of -error and confusion, it was on them that the patient eye of Columbus -had rested through long hours of meditation, while strenuous hope and -unsubdued doubt were struggling in his soul.” - -[Illustration: EARLY COMPASS. - -This follows the engraving in Pigafetta’s _Voyage_ and in the work of -Jurien de la Gravière. The main points were designated by the usual -names of the winds, _Levante_, east; _Sirocco_, southeast, etc.] - -A principal factor in the development of map-making, as of navigation, -had been the magnet. It had been brought from China to the eastern -coast of Africa as early as the fourth century, and through the -Arabs[368] and Crusaders it had been introduced into the Mediterranean, -and was used by the Catalans and Basques in the twelfth century, a -hundred years or more before Marco Polo brought to Europe his wonderful -stories.[369] In that century even it had become so familiar a sight -that poets used it in their metaphors. The variation of its needle -was not indeed unknown long before Columbus, but its observation in -mid-ocean in his day gave it a new significance. The Chinese had -studied the phenomenon, and their observations upon it had followed -shortly upon the introduction of the compass itself to Western -knowledge; and as early as 1436 the variation of the needle was -indicated on maps in connection with places of observation.[370] - -The earliest placing of a magnetic pole seems due to the voyage of -Nicholas of Lynn, whose narrative was presented to Edward III. of -England. This account is no longer known,[371] though the title of it, -_Inventio fortunata_, is preserved, with its alleged date of 1355. -Cnoyen, whose treatise is not extant, is thought to have got his -views about the regions of the north and about the magnetic pole from -Nicholas of Lynn,[372] while he was in Norway in 1364; and it is from -Cnoyen that Mercator says he got his notion of the four circumpolar -islands which so long figured in maps of the Mercator and Finæus -school. In the Ruysch map (1508) we have the same four polar islands, -with the magnetic pole placed within an insular mountain north of -Greenland. Ruysch also depended on the _Inventio fortunata_. Later, -by Martin Cortes in 1545, and by Sanuto in 1588, the pole was placed -farther south.[373] - -Ptolemy, in the second century, accepting the generally received -opinion that the world as known was much longer east and west than -north and south, adopted with this theory the terms which naturally -grew out of this belief, _latitude_ and _longitude_, and first -instituted them, it is thought, in systematic geography.[374] - -Pierre d’Ailly, in his map of 1410,[375] in marking his climatic -lines, had indicated the beginnings, under a revival of geographical -inquiry, of a systematic notation of latitude. Several of the early -Ptolemies[376] had followed, by scaling in one way and another -the distance from the equator; while in the editions of 1508 and -1511 an example had been set of marking longitude. The old Arabian -cartographers had used both latitude and longitude; but though there -were some earlier indications of the adoption of such lines among the -European map-makers, it is generally accorded that the scales of such -measurements, as we understand them, came in, for both latitude and -longitude, with the map which Reisch in 1503 annexed to his _Margarita -philosophica_.[377] - -Ptolemy had fixed his first meridian at the Fortunate Islands -(Canaries), and in the new era the Spaniards, with the sanction of -the Pope, had adopted the same point; though the Portuguese, as if in -recognition of their own enterprise, had placed it at Madeira,—as is -shown in the globes of Behaim and Schöner, and in the map of Ruysch. -The difference was not great; the Ptolemean example prevailed, however, -in the end.[378] - -In respect to latitude there was not in the rude instruments of the -early navigators, and under favorable conditions, the means of closely -approximate accuracy. In the study which the Rev. E. F. Slafter[379] -has made on the average extent of the error which we find in the -records of even a later century, it appears that while a range of -sixty geographical miles will probably cover such errors in all cases, -when observations were made with ordinary care the average deviation -will probably be found to be at least fifteen miles. The fractions -of degrees were scarcely ever of much value in the computation, -and the minute gradation of the instruments in use were subject -to great uncertainty of record in tremulous hands. It was not the -custom, moreover, to make any allowance for the dip of the horizon, -for refraction or for the parallax; and when, except at the time of -the equinox, dependence had to be placed upon tables of the sun’s -declination, the published ephemerides, made for a series of years, -were the subjects of accumulated error.[380] - -[Illustration: REGIOMONTANUS’ ASTROLABE. - -This cut follows the engravings in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_, p. 106, and in Ghillany’s _Ritter Behaim_, p. 40. -Cf. Von Murr, _Memorabilia bibliothecarum Norimbergensium_, i. 9.] - -With these impediments to accurate results, it is not surprising that -even errors of considerable extent crept into the records of latitude, -and long remained unchallenged.[381] Ptolemy, in A. D. 150, had placed -Constantinople two degrees out of the way; and it remained so on maps -for fourteen hundred years. In Columbus’ time Cuba was put seven -or eight degrees too far north; and under this false impression the -cartography of the Antilles began. - -The historic instrument for the taking of latitude was the astrolabe, -which is known to have been in use by the Majorcan and Catalanian -sailors in the latter part of the thirteenth century; and it is -described by Raymond Lullius in his _Arte de navegar_ of that -time.[382] Behaim, the contemporary of Columbus, one of the explorers -of the African coast, and a pupil of Regiomontanus, had somewhat -changed the old form of the astrolabe in adapting it for use on -shipboard. This was in 1484 at Lisbon, and Behaim’s improvement was -doubtless what Columbus used. Of the form in use before Behaim we -have that (said to have belonged to Regiomontanus) in the cut on page -96; and in the following cut the remodelled shape which it took after -Behaim. - -[Illustration: LATER ASTROLABE. - -This cut follows an engraving (_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, iii. 178) after -a photograph of one used by Champlain, which bears the Paris maker’s -date of 1603. There is another cut of it in Weise’s _Discoveries of -America_, p. 68. Having been lost by Champlain in Canada in 1613, it -was ploughed up in 1867 (see Vol. IV. p. 124; also _Canadian Monthly_, -xviii. 589). The small size of the circle used in the sea-instrument -to make it conveniently serviceable, necessarily operated to make -the ninety degrees of its quarter circle too small for accuracy in -fractions. On land much larger circles were sometimes used; one was -erected in London in 1594 of six feet radius. The early books on -navigation and voyages frequently gave engravings of the astrolabe; -as, for instance, in Pigafetta’s voyage (Magellan), and in the -_Lichte der Zee-Vaert_ (Amsterdam, 1623), translated as _The Light -of Navigation_ (Amsterdam, 1625). The treatise on navigation which -became the most popular with the successors of Columbus was the work -of Pedro de Medina (born about 1493), called the _Arte de navegar_, -published in 1545 (reprinted in 1552 and 1561), of which there were -versions in French (1554, and Lyons, 1569, with maps showing names on -the coast of America for the first time), Italian (1555 with 1554, at -end; _Court Catalogue_, no. 235), German (1576), and English (1591). -(Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 266.) Its principal rival was -that of Martin Cortes, _Breve compendio de la sphera y de la arte de -navegar_, published in 1551. In Columbus’ time there was no book of -the sort, unless that of Raymond Lullius (1294) be considered such; -and not till Enciso’s _Suma de geografia_ was printed, in 1519, had -the new spirit instigated the making of these helpful and explanatory -books. The _Suma de geografia_ is usually considered the first book -printed in Spanish relating to America. Enciso, who had been practising -law in Santo Domingo, was with Ojeda’s expedition to the mainland in -1509, and seems to have derived much from his varied experience; and -he first noticed at a later day the different levels of the tides on -the two sides of the isthmus. The book is rare; Rich in 1832 (no. 4) -held it at £10 10_s._ (Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, 171; _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, nos. 97, 153, 272,—there were later editions in 1530 -and 1546,—Sabin, vol. vi. no. 22,551, etc.; H. H. Bancroft, _Central -America_, i. 329, 339; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 58, with a fac-simile -of the title: _Cat. Hist. do Brazil, Bibl. Nac. do Rio de Janeiro_, no. -2.) Antonio Pigafetta in 1530 produced his _Trattato di navigazione_; -but Medina and Cortes were the true beginners of the literature of -seamanship. (Cf. Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p. 116, and the list of such -publications given in the _Davis Voyages_, p. 342, published by the -Hakluyt Society, and the English list noted in Vol. III. p. 206, of the -present _History_.) There is an examination of the state of navigation -in Columbus’ time in Margry’s _Navigations Françaises_, p. 402, and in -M. F. Navarrete’s _Sobre la historia de la náutica y de las ciencias -matemáticas_, Madrid, 1846,—a work now become rare. - -The rudder, in place of two paddles, one on each quarter, had come into -use before this time; but the reefing of sails seems not yet to have -been practised. (Cf. _De Gama’s Voyages_, published by the Hakluyt -Society, p. 242.) Columbus’ record of the speed of his ship seems to -have been the result of observation by the unaided eye. The log was not -yet known; the Romans had fixed a wheel to the sides of their galleys, -each revolution of which threw a pebble into a tally-pot. The earliest -description which we have in the new era of any device of the kind is -in connection with Magellan’s voyage; for Pigafetta in his Journal -(January, 1521), mentions the use of a chain at the hinder part of the -ship to measure its speed. (Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 631; -v. 56.) The log as we understand it is described in 1573 in Bourne’s -_Regiment of the Sea_, nothing indicating the use of it being found -in the earlier manuals of Medina, Cortes, and Gemma Frisius. Humfrey -Cole is said to have invented it. Three years later than this earliest -mention, Eden, in 1576, in his translation of Taisnier’s _Navigatione_, -alludes to an artifice “not yet divulgate, which, placed in the pompe -of a shyp, whyther the water hath recourse, and moved by the motion of -the shypp, with wheels and weyghts, doth exactly shewe what space the -shyp hath gone” (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. no. 310),—a reminiscence -of the Roman side-wheels, and a reminder of the modern patent-log. Cf. -article on “Navigation” in _Encyclopedia Britannica_, ninth ed. vol. -xvii.] - -An instrument which could more readily adapt itself to the swaying -of the observer’s body in a sea-way, soon displaced in good measure -the astrolabe on shipboard. This was the cross-staff, or jackstaff, -which in several modified forms for a long time served mariners as -a convenient help in ascertaining the altitude of the celestial -bodies. Precisely when it was first introduced is not certain; but the -earliest description of it which has been found is that of Werner in -1514. Davis, the Arctic navigator, made an improvement on it; and his -invention was called a backstaff. - -While the observations of the early navigators in respect to latitude -were usually accompanied by errors, which were of no considerable -extent, their determinations of longitude, when attempted at all, -were almost always wide of the truth,[383]—so far, indeed, that their -observations helped them but little then to steer their courses, -and are of small assistance now to us in following their tracks. It -happened that while Columbus was at Hispaniola on his second voyage, -in September, 1494, there was an eclipse of the moon.[384] Columbus -observed it; and his calculations placed himself five hours and a half -from Seville,—an error of eighteen degrees, or an hour and a quarter -too much. The error was due doubtless as much to the rudeness of his -instruments as to the errors of the lunar tables then in use.[385] - -[Illustration: THE JACKSTAFF.] - -The removal of the Line of Demarcation from the supposed meridian -of non-variation of the needle did not prevent the phenomena of -terrestrial magnetism becoming of vast importance in the dispute -between the Crowns of Spain and Portugal. It characterizes the -difference between the imaginative and somewhat fantastic quality -of Columbus’ mind and the cooler, more practical, and better -administrative apprehension of Sebastian Cabot, that while each -observed the phenomenon of the variation of the needle, and each -imagined it a clew to some system of determining longitude, to -Columbus it was associated with wild notions of a too-ample revolution -of the North Star about the true pole.[386] It was not disconnected -in his mind from a fancy which gave the earth the shape of a pear; so -that when he perceived on his voyage a clearing of the atmosphere, he -imagined he was ascending the stem-end of the pear; where he would find -the terrestrial paradise.[387] To Cabot the phenomenon had only its -practical significance; and he seems to have pondered on a solution of -the problem during the rest of his life, if, as Humboldt supposes, the -intimations of his death-bed in respect to some as yet unregistered -way of discovering longitude refer to his observations on the magnetic -declination.[388] - -The idea of a constantly increasing declination east and west from a -point of non-variation, which both Columbus and Cabot had discovered, -and which increase could be reduced to a formula, was indeed partly -true; except, as is now well known, the line of non-variation, instead -of being a meridian, and fixed, is a curve of constantly changing -proportions.[389] - -[Illustration: THE BACKSTAFF.] - -The earliest variation-chart was made in 1530 by Alonzo de Santa -Cruz;[390] and schemes of ascertaining longitude were at once based -on the observations of these curves, as they had before been made -dependent upon the supposed gradation of the change from meridian to -meridian, irrespective of latitude.[391] Fifty years later (1585), -Juan Jayme made a voyage with Gali from the Philippine Islands to -Acapulco to test a “declinatorum” of his own invention.[392] But -this was a hundred years (1698-1702) before Halley’s Expedition was -sent,—the first which any government fitted out to observe the forces -of terrestrial magnetism;[393] and though there had been suspicions of -it much earlier, it was not till 1722 that Graham got unmistakable data -to prove the hourly variation of the needle.[394] - -The earliest map which is distinctively associated with the views -which were developing in Columbus’ mind was the one which Toscanelli -sent to him in 1474. It is said to have been preserved in Madrid in -1527;[395] and fifty-three years after Columbus’ death, when Las Casas -was writing his history, it was in his possession.[396] We know that -this Italian geographer had reduced the circumference of the globe to -nearly three quarters of its actual size, having placed China about six -thousand five hundred miles west of Lisbon, and eleven thousand five -hundred miles east. Japan, lying off the China coast, was put somewhere -from one hundred degrees to one hundred and ten degrees west of Lisbon; -and we have record that Martin Pinzon some years later (1491) saw a map -in Rome which put Cipango (Japan) even nearer the European side.[397] - -[Illustration: PIRCKEYMERUS. - -Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner’s _Icones_, Strasburg, 1590, p. 42. -This well-known cosmographical student was one of the collaborators -of the series of the printed Ptolemies, beginning with that of 1525. -There is a well-known print of Pirckeymerus by Albert Dürer, 1524, -which is reproduced in the _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, xix. 114. Cf. -Friedrich Campe’s _Zum Andenken Wilibald Pirkheimers, Mitglieds des -Raths zu Nürnberg_ (Nürnberg, 58 pp., with portrait), and _Wilibald -Pirkheimer’s Aufenthalt zu Neunhof, von ihm selbst geschildert; nebst -Beiträgen zu dem Leben und dem Nachlasse seiner Schwestern und Töchter, -von Moritz Maximilian Meyer_ (Nürnberg, 1828).] - -A similar view is supposed to have been presented in the map which -Bartholomew Columbus took to England in 1488;[398] but we have no trace -of the chart itself.[399] - -[Illustration: TOSCANELLI’S MAP. - -This is a restoration of the map as given in _Das Ausland_, 1867, p. 5. -The language of the original was doubtless Latin. Another restoration -is given in St. Martin’s _Atlas_, pl. ix.] - -It has always been supposed that in the well-known globe of Martin -Behaim we get in the main an expression of the views held by -Toscanelli, Columbus, and other of Behaim’s contemporaries, who -espoused the notion of India lying over against Europe. - -[Illustration: MARTIN BEHAIM. - -This cut follows the engravings in Ghillany’s _Behaim_, and in Ruge’s -_Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 105.] - -Eratosthenes, accepting the spherical theory, had advanced the -identical notion which nearly seventeen hundred years later impelled -Columbus to his voyage. He held the known world to span one third of -the circuit of the globe, as Strabo did at a later day, leaving an -unknown two thirds of sea; and “if it were not that the vast extent of -the Atlantic Sea rendered it impossible, one might even sail from the -coast of Spain to that of India along the same parallel.”[400] - -Behaim had spent much of his life in Lisbon and the Azores, and was -a friend of Columbus. He had visited Nuremberg, probably on some -family matters arising out of the death of his mother in 1487. While -in this his native town, he gratified some of his townspeople by -embodying in a globe the geographical views which prevailed in the -maritime countries; and the globe was finished before Columbus had -yet accomplished his voyage. The next year (1493) Behaim returned -to Portugal; and after having been sent to the Low Countries on a -diplomatic mission, he was captured by English cruisers and carried to -England. Escaping finally, and reaching the Continent, he passes from -our view in 1494, and is scarcely heard of again. - -[Illustration: SECTION OF BEHAIM’S GLOBE. - -This globe is made of papier-maché, covered with gypsum, and over -this a parchment surface received the drawing; it is twenty inches -in diameter. It having fallen into decay, the Behaim family in -Nuremberg caused it to be repaired in 1825. In 1847 a copy was made -of it for the Dépôt Géographique (National Library) at Paris; the -original is now in the city hall at Nuremberg. The earliest known -engraving of it is in J. G. Doppelmayr’s _Historische Nachricht von den -nürnbergischen Mathematikern und Künstlern_ (1730), which preserved -some names that have since become illegible (Stevens, _Historical -Collection_, vol. i. no. 1,396). Other representations are given in -Jomard’s _Monuments de la géographie_; Ghillany’s _Martin Behaim_ -(1853) and his _Erdglobus des Behaim und der des Schöner_ (1842); C. -G. von Murr’s _Diplomatische Geschichte des Ritters Behaim_ (1778, and -later editions and translations); Cladera’s _Investigaciones_ (1794); -Amoretti’s translation of Pigafetta’s _Voyage de Magellan_ (Paris, -1801); Lelewel’s _Moyen-âge_ (pl. 40; also see vol. ii. p. 131, and -_Epilogue_, p. 184); Saint-Martin’s _Atlas_; Santarem’s _Atlas_, pl. -61; the _Journal_ of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xviii.; -Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_; Irving’s _Columbus_ (some editions); -Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 103; Barnes’ _Popular -History of the United States_; _Harpers’ Monthly_, vol. xlii.; H. H. -Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 93. Ruge, in his _Geschichte des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 230, reproduces the colored fac-simile -in Ghillany, and shows additionally upon it the outline of America in -its proper place. The sketch in the text follows this representation. -Cf. papers on Behaim and his globe (besides those accompanying -the engravings above indicated) in the _Journal_ of the American -Geographical Society (1872), iv. 432, by the Rev. Mytton Maury; in -the publications of the Maryland Historical Society by Robert Dodge -and John G. Morris; in the _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde_ -(Dresden, 1866), p. 59. Peschel, in his _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_ -(1858), p. 90, and in the new edition edited by Ruge, has a lower -opinion of Behaim than is usually taken.] - -Of Columbus’ maps it is probable that nothing has come down to us -from his own hand.[401] Humboldt would fain believe that the group -of islands studding a gulf which appears on a coat-of-arms granted -Columbus in May, 1493, has some interest as the earliest of all -cartographical records of the New World; but the early drawings of the -arms are by no means constant in the kind of grouping which is given -to these islands.[402] Queen Isabella, writing to the Admiral, Sept. -5, 1493, asks to see the marine chart which he had made; and Columbus -sent such a map with a letter.[403] We have various other references -to copies of this or similar charts of Columbus. Ojeda used such a one -in following Columbus’ route,[404] as he testified in the famous suit -against the heirs of Columbus. Bernardo de Ibarra, in the same cause, -said that he had seen the Admiral’s chart, and that he had heard of -copies of it being used by Ojeda, and by some others.[405] It is known -that about 1498 Columbus gave one of his charts to the Pope, and one -to René of Lorraine. Angelo Trivigiano, secretary of the Venetian -Ambassador to Spain, in a letter dated Aug. 21, 1501, addressed to -Dominico Malipiero, speaks of a map of the new discoveries which -Columbus had.[406] - -[Illustration: LA COSA, 1500.] - -Three or four maps at least have come down to us which are supposed to -represent in some way one or several of these drafts by Columbus. The -first of these is the celebrated map of the pilot Juan de la Cosa,[407] -dated in 1500, of which some account, with a heliotype fac-simile of -the American part of the map, is given in another place.[408] After the -death (April 27, 1852) of Walckenaer (who had bought it at a moderate -cost of an ignorant dealer in second-hand articles), it was sold at -public auction in Paris in the spring of 1853, when Jomard failed to -secure it for the Imperial Library in Paris, and it went to Spain, -where, in the naval museum at Madrid, it now is. - -Of the next earliest of the American maps the story has recently been -told with great fulness by Harrisse in his _Les Cortereal_, accompanied -by a large colored fac-simile of the map itself, executed by Pilinski. -The map was not unknown before,[409] and Harrisse had earlier described -it in his _Cabots_.[410] - -We know that Gaspar Cortereal[411] had already before 1500 made some -explorations, during which he had discovered a mainland and some -islands, but at what precise date it is impossible to determine;[412] -nor can we decide upon the course he had taken, but it seems likely -it was a westerly one. We know also that in this same year (1500) he -made his historic voyage to the Newfoundland region,[413] coasting the -neighboring shores, probably, in September and October. Then followed a -second expedition from January to October of the next year (1501),—the -one of which we have the account in the _Paesi novamente retrovati_, -as furnished by Pasqualigo.[414] There was at this time in Lisbon one -Alberto Cantino, a correspondent—with precisely what quality we know -not—of Hercule d’Este, Duke of Ferrara; and to this noble personage -Cantino, on the 19th of October, addressed a letter embodying what -he had seen and learned of the newly returned companions of Gaspar -Cortereal.[415] - -The Report of Cantino instigated the Duke to ask his correspondent -to procure for him a map of these explorations. Cantino procured -one to be made; and inscribing it, “Carta da navigar per le Isole -novam^{te} tr.... in le parte de l’India: dono Alberto Cantino Al S. -Duca Hercole,” he took it to Italy, and delivered it by another hand to -the Duke at Ferrara. Here in the family archives it was preserved till -1592, when the reigning Duke retired to Modena, his library following -him. In 1868, in accordance with an agreement between the Italian -Government and the Archduke Francis of Austria, the cartographical -monuments of the ducal collection were transferred to the Biblioteca -Estense, where this precious map now is. The map was accompanied when -it left Cantino’s hands by a note addressed to the Duke and dated at -Rome, Nov. 19, 1502,[416] which fortunately for us fixes very nearly -the period of the construction of the map. A much reduced sketch is -annexed. - -[Illustration: THE CANTINO MAP. - -This is sketched from Harrisse’s fac-simile, which is of the size of -the original map. The dotted line is the Line of Demarcation,—“Este -he omarco dantre castella y Portuguall,”—which has been calculated by -Harrisse to be at 62° 30´ west of Paris.] - -For the northern coast of South America La Cosa and Cantino’s -draughtsmen seem to have had different authorities. La Cosa attaches -forty-five names to that coast: Cantino only twenty-nine; and only -three of them are common to the two.[417] Harrisse argues from the -failure of the La Cosa map to give certain intelligence of the Atlantic -coast of the United States (here represented in the north and south -trend of shore, north of Cuba), that there was existing in October, -1500, at least in Spanish circles, no knowledge of it,[418] but that -explorations must have taken place before the summer of 1502 which -afforded the knowledge embodied in this Cantino map. This coast was -not visited, so far as is positively known, by any Spanish expedition -previous to 1502. Besides the eight Spanish voyages of this period -(not counting the problematical one of Vespucius) of which we have -documentary proof, there were doubtless others of which we have -intimations; but we know nothing of their discoveries, except so far -as those before 1500 may be embodied in La Cosa’s chart.[419] The -researches of Harrisse have failed to discover in Portugal any positive -trace of voyages made from that kingdom in 1501, or thereabout, records -of which have been left in the Cantino map. Humboldt had intimated -that in Lisbon at that time there was a knowledge of the connection -of the Antilles with the northern discoveries of Cortereal by an -intervening coast; but Harrisse doubts if Humboldt’s authority—which -seems to have been a letter of Pasqualigo sent to Venice, dated -Oct. 18, 1501, found in the _Diarii_ of Marino Sanuto, a manuscript -preserved in Vienna—means anything more than a conjectural belief in -such connection. Harrisse’s conclusion is that between the close of -1500 and the summer of 1502, some navigators, of whose names and nation -we are ignorant, but who were probably Spanish, explored the coast of -the present United States from Pensacola to the Hudson. This Atlantic -coast of Cantino terminates at about 59° north latitude, running nearly -north and south from the Cape of Florida to that elevation. Away to the -east in mid-ocean, and placed so far easterly as doubtless to appear -on the Portuguese side of the Line of Demarcation, and covering from -about fifty to fifty-nine degrees of latitude, is a large island which -stands for the discoveries of Cortereal, “Terra del Rey du Portuguall;” -and northeast of this is the point of Greenland apparently, with -Iceland very nearly in its proper place.[420] This Cantino map, now -positively fixed in 1502, establishes the earliest instance of a kind -of delineation of North America which prevailed for some time. Students -of this early cartography have long supposed this geographical idea to -date from about this time, and have traced back the origin of what is -known as “The Admiral’s Map”[421] to data accumulated in the earliest -years of the sixteenth century. Indeed Lelewel,[422] thirty years ago, -made up what he called a Portuguese chart of 1501-1504, by combining -in one draft the maps of the 1513 Ptolemy, with a hint or two from the -Sylvanus map of 1511, acting on the belief that the Portuguese were -the real first pursuers, or at least recorders, of explorations of the -Floridian peninsula and of the coast northerly.[423] - -[Illustration: PETER MARTYR, 1511. - -The 1511 map, here given in fac-simile after another fac-simile in -the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, has been several times reproduced,—in -Stevens’s _Notes_, pl. 4; J. H. Lefroy’s _Memorials of the Bermudas_, -London, 1877; H. A. Schumacher’s _Petrus Martyr_, New York, 1879; and -erroneously in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 127. Cf. also -Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 66; _Additions_, p. viii and no. 41; -_Notes on Columbus_, p. 9; and his _Les Cortereal_, p. 113. Copies of -the book are in the Carter-Brown, Lenox, Daly, and Barlow libraries. -A copy (no. 1605*) was sold in the Murphy sale. Quaritch has priced a -perfect copy at £100. The map gives the earliest knowledge which we -have of the Bermudas. Cf. the “Descripcion de la isla Bermuda” (1538), -in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 92.] - -[Illustration: PART OF THE ORBIS TYPUS UNIVERSALIS (PTOLEMY, 1513). - -The European prolongation of Gronland resembles that of a Portuguese -map of 1490. Another reduced fac-simile is given in Ruge’s _Geschichte -des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (1881.) These 1513 maps were -reprinted in the Strasburg, 1520, edition of _Ptolemy_ (copies in the -Carter-Brown Library and in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,053), and -were re-engraved on a reduced scale, but with more elaboration and with -a few changes, for the _Ptolemies_ of 1522 and 1525; and they were -again the basis of those in Servetus’ _Ptolemy_ of 1535.] - -[Illustration: TABULA TERRE NOVE, OR THE ADMIRAL’S MAP (PTOLEMY, 1513). - -Kohl remarks that the names on the South American coast (north part) -are carried no farther than Ojeda went in 1499, and no farther south -than Vespucius went in 1503; while the connection made of the two -Americas was probably conjectural. Other fac-similes of the map -are given in Varnhagen’s _Premier voyage de Vespucci_, in Weise’s -_Discoveries of America_, p. 124; and in Stevens’s _Historical -and Geographical Notes_, pl. 2. Cf. Santarem (Childe’s tr.), 153. -Wieser, in his _Magalhâes-Strasse_ (Innsbruck, 1881), p. 15, mentions -a manuscript note-book of Schöner, the globe-maker, preserved in -the Hof-bibliothek at Vienna, which has a sketch resembling this -1513 map. Harrisse (_Les Cortereal_, pp. 122, 126) has pointed out -the correspondence of its names to the Cantino map, though the -Waldseemüller map has a few names which are not on the Cantino. Again, -Harrisse (_Les Cortereal_, p. 128) argues from the fact that the -relations of Duke René with Portugal were cordial, while they were not -so with Spain, and from the resemblance of René’s map in the Ptolemy of -1513 to that of Cantino, that the missing map upon which Waldseemüller -is said to have worked to produce, with René’s help, the so-called -“Admiral’s map,” was the original likewise of that of Cantino.] - -The earliest Spanish map after that of La Cosa which has come down to -us is the one which is commonly known as Peter Martyr’s map. It is a -woodcut measuring 11 × 7½ inches, and is usually thought to have -first appeared in the _Legatio Babylonica_, or Martyr’s first decade, -at Seville, 1511; but Harrisse is inclined to believe that the map -did not originally belong to Martyr’s book, because three copies of -it in the original vellum which he has examined do not have the map. -Quaritch[424] says that copies vary, that the leaf containing the map -is an insertion, and that it is sometimes on different folios. Thus of -two issues, one is called a second, because two leaves seem to have -been reprinted to correct errors, and two new leaves are inserted, -and a new title is printed. It is held by some that the map properly -belongs to this issue. Brevoort[425] thinks that the publication of the -map was distasteful to the Spanish Government (since the King this same -year forbade maps being given to foreigners); and he argues that the -scarcity of the book may indicate that attempts were made to suppress -it.[426] - -The maker of the 1513 map as we have it was Waldseemüller, or -Hylacomylus, of St. Dié, in the Vosges Mountains; and Lelewel[427] -gives reasons for believing that the plate had been engraved, and -that copies were on sale as early as 1507. It had been engraved at -the expense of Duke René II. of Lorraine, from information furnished -by him to perfect some anterior chart; but the plate does not seem to -have been used in any book before it appeared in this 1513 edition -of Ptolemy.[428] It bears along the coast this legend: “Hec terra -adjacentibus insulis inventa est per Columbū ianuensem ex mandato Regis -Castelle;” and in the Address to the Reader in the Supplement appears -the following sentence, in which the connection of Columbus with the -map is thought to be indicated: “Charta antē marina quam Hydrographiam -vocant per Admiralem [? _Columbus_] quondam serenissi. Portugalie [? -_Hispaniæ_] regis Ferdinandi ceteros denique lustratores verissimis -pagratiōibus lustrata, ministerio Renati, dum vixit, nunc pie mortui, -Ducis illustris. Lotharingie liberalius prelographationi tradita -est.”[429] - -This “Admiral’s map” seems to have been closely followed in the map -which Gregor Reisch annexed to his popular encyclopædia,[430] the -_Margarita philosophica_, in 1515; though there is some difference in -the coast-names, and the river mouths and deltas on the coast west of -Cuba are left out. - -[Illustration: PART OF REISCH’S MAP, 1515. - -There is another fac-simile in Stevens’s _Historical and Geographical -Notes_, pl. 4. An edition of Reisch appeared at Freiburg in 1503 -(Murphy, no. 3,089); but in 1504 there were two editions, with a -mappemonde which had no other reference to America than in the legend: -“Hic non terra sed mare est in quo miræ magnitudinis insulæ sed -Ptolemæo fuerunt incognitæ.” Some copies are dated 1505. (Murphy, no. -3,090.) A copy dated 1508, Basle, “cum additionibus novis” (Quaritch, -no. 12,363; Baer’s _Incunabeln_, 1884, no. 64, at 36 marks; and Murphy, -no. 2,112*) had the same map. The 1515 edition had the map above given. -(Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 82; _Additions_, no. 45, noting a -copy in the Imperial Library at Vienna. Kohl copies in his Washington -Collection from one in the library at Munich.) The Basle edition of -1517 has a still different woodcut map. (Beckford, _Catalogue_, vol. -iii. no. 1,256; Murphy, no. 2,112**.) Not till 1535 did an edition -have any reference to America in the text. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. -208.) The latest edition is that of 1583, Basle, with a mappamonde -showing America. (Leclerc, no. 2,926.) Cf. further in D’Avezac’s -_Waltzemüller_, p. 94; Kunstmann’s _Entdeckung Amerikas_, p. 130; -Stevens’s Notes, p. 52; Kohl, _Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von -America_, p. 33.] - -[Illustration: RUYSCH, 1508.[431]] - -Stevens and others have contended that this represents Columbus’ -Ganges; but Varnhagen makes it stand for the Gulf of Mexico and the -Mississippi,—a supposition more nearly like Reisch’s interpretation, -as will be seen by his distinct separation of the new lands from Asia. -Reisch is, however, uncertain of their western limits, which are cut -off by the scale, as shown in the map; while on the other side of the -same scale Cipango is set down in close proximity to it. - -[Illustration: STOBNICZA, 1512. - -It is held that this map shows the earliest attempt to represent on a -plane a sphere truncated at the poles. Wieser (_Magalhaês-Strasse_, -p. 11) speaks of a manuscript copy of Stobnicza’s western hemisphere, -made by Glareanus, which is bound with a copy of Waldseemüller’s -_Cosmographiæ introductio_, preserved in the University Library at -Munich. Cf. Vol. III. p. 14, with references there, and Winsor’s -_Bibliography of Ptolemy_ sub anno 1512; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, -p. 178, and _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 69 and 95, and _Additions_, no. -47. The only copies of the Stobnicza _Introductio_ in this country lack -the maps. One in the Carter-Brown Library has it in fac-simile, and the -other was sold in the Murphy sale, no. 2,075.] - -[Illustration: SCHÖNER. - -Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner’s _Icones_ (Strasburg, 1590), p. 127. -Cf. on Schöner’s geographical labors, Doppelmayr’s _Historische -Nachricht von den nürnbergischen Mathematikern und Künstlern_ (1730); -Will und Nopitsch’s _Nürnbergisches Gelehrten-Lexicon_ (1757); -Ghillany’s _Erdglobus des Behaim und der des Schöner_; and Varnhagen’s -_Schöner e Apianus_ (Vienna, 1872).] - -It has been supposed that it was a map of this type which Bartholomew -Columbus, when he visited Rome in 1505, gave to a canon of St. John -Lateran, together with one of the printed accounts of his brother’s -voyage; and this canon gave the map to Alessandro Strozzi, “suo amico e -compilatore della raccolta,” as is stated in a marginal note in a copy -of the _Mundus novus_ in the Magliabecchian library.[432] - -Columbus is said to have had a vision before his fourth voyage, during -which he saw and depicted on a map a strait between the regions -north and south of the Antillian Sea. De Lorgues, with a convenient -alternative for his saintly hero, says that the mistake was only in -making the strait of water, when it should have been of land! - -[Illustration: SCHÖNER, 1515. - -According to Wieser (_Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 19) this globe, which -exists in copies at Weimar (of which Wieser gives the above sketch from -Jomard’s fac-simile of the one at Frankfort, but with some particulars -added from that at Weimar) and at Frankfort (which is figured in -Jomard), was made to accompany Schöner’s _Luculentissima quædam terræ -totius descriptio_, printed in 1515. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, -p. 179, and _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 80, 81; Murphy, no. 2,233. Copies -of Schöner’s _Luculentissima_, etc., are in the Harvard College, -Carter-Brown, and Lenox libraries. - -In 1523 Schöner printed another tract, _De nuper sub Castiliæ, ac -Portugaliæ regibus serenissimis repertis insulis ac regionibus_, -descriptive of his globe, which is extremely rare. Wieser reports -copies in the great libraries of Vienna and London only. Varnhagen -reprinted it from the Vienna copy, at St. Petersburg in 1872 (forty -copies only), under the designation, _Réimpression fidèle d’une lettre -de Jean Schöner, à propos de son globe, écrite en 1523_. The Latin -is given in Wieser’s _Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 118. Johann Schoner or -Schöner (for the spelling varies) was born in 1477, and died in 1547. -The testimony of this globe to an early knowledge of the straits -afterward made known by Magellan is examined on a later page. The -notions which long prevailed respecting a large Antarctic continent -are traced in Wieser’s _Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 59, and in Santarem, -_Histoire de la cartographie_, ii. 277. - -Cf. on the copy at Frankfort,—Vol. III. p. 215, of the present -_History_; Kohl’s _General-Karten von Amerika_, p. 33, and his -_Discovery of Maine_, p. 159; _Encyclopædia Britannica_, x. 681; Von -Richthofen’s _China_, p. 641; _Journal_ of the Royal Geographical -Society, xviii. 45. On the copy at Weimar, see Humboldt, _Examen -critique_, and his Introduction to Ghillany’s _Ritter Behaim_.] - -[Illustration: SCHÖNER, 1520. - -This globe, which has been distinctively known as Schöner’s globe, -is preserved at Nuremberg. There are representations of it in -Santarem, Lelewel, Wieser, Ghillany’s _Behaim_, Kohl’s _Geschichte der -Entdeckungsreisen zur Magellan’s-Strasse_ (Berlin, 1877), p. 8; H. -H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 137; and in _Harper’s Magazine_, -February, 1871, and December, 1882, p. 731. The earliest engraving -appeared in the _Jahresbericht der technischen Anstalten in Nürnberg -für 1842_, accompanied by a paper by Dr. Ghillany; and the same writer -reproduced it in his _Erdglobus des Behaim und der des Schöner_ (1842). -The globe is signed: “Perfecit eum Bambergæ 1520, Joh. Schönerus.” Cf. -Von Murr, _Memorabilia bibliothecarum Noribergensium_ (1786), i. 5; -Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 28; Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_ -sub anno 1522; and Vol. III. p. 214, of the present _History_.] - -We have a suspicion of this strait in another map which has been held -to have had some connection with the drafts of Columbus, and that is -the Ruysch map, which appeared in the Roman Ptolemy of 1508,[433] the -earliest published map, unless the St. Dié map takes precedence, to -show any part of the new discoveries. - -[Illustration: THE TROSS GORES, 1514-1519. - -Twelve gores of a globe found in a copy of the _Cosmographiæ -introductio_, published at Lugduni, 1514 (?), and engraved in a -catalogue of Tross, the Paris bookseller, in 1881 (nos. xiv. 4,924). -The book is now owned by Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. Harrisse -(_Cabots_, p. 182) says the map was engraved in 1514, and ascribes it -to Louis Boulenger. (Cf. Vol. III. p. 214, of the present _History_.) -There are two copies of this edition of the _Cosmographiæ introductio_ -in the British Museum; and D’Avezac (_Waltzemüller_, p. 123) says -the date of it cannot be earlier than 1517. Harrisse says he erred -in dating it 1510 in the _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 63. Cf. Winsor’s -_Bibliography of Ptolemy_ sub anno 1522.] - -It seems from its resemblance to the La Cosa chart to have been kept -much nearer the Columbian draft than the geographer of St. Dié, with -his Portuguese helps, was contented to leave it in his map. In La Cosa -the vignette of St. Christopher had concealed the mystery of a westerly -passage;[434] Ruysch assumes it, or at least gives no intimation of -his belief in the inclosure of the Antillian Sea. Harrisse[435] has -pointed out how an entirely different coast-nomenclature in the two -maps points to different originals of the two map-makers. The text -of this 1508 edition upon “Terra Nova” and “Santa Cruz” is by Marcus -Beneventanus. There are reasons to believe that the map may have been -issued separately, as well as in the book; and the copies of the map -in the Barlow Collection and in Harvard College Library are perhaps of -this separate issue.[436] - -[Illustration: MÜNSTER, 1532. - -The distinctive features both of the La Cosa and the Ruysch drafts, of -the Cantino map and of the Waldseemüller or St. Dié map of 1513, were -preserved, with more or less modifications in many of the early maps. -The Stobnicza map—published in an _Introductio_ to Ptolemy at Cracow in -1512—is in effect the St. Dié map, with a western ocean in place of -the edge of the plate as given in the 1513 Ptolemy, and is more like -the draft of Reisch’s map published three years later. - -There are other drawings of this map in Stevens’s _Notes_; in -Nordenskiöld’s _Bröderna Zenos_ (Stockholm, 1883); etc.] - -The Schöner globe of 1515, often cited as the Frankfort globe; the -Schöner globe of 1520; the so-called Tross gores of 1514-1519; the -map of Petrus Apianus[437]—or Bienewitz, as he was called in his -vernacular—which appeared in the _Polyhistoria_ of Solinus, edited -by the Italian monk Camers, and also in 1522 in the _De orbis situ_ -of Pomponius Mela, published by Vadianus,—all preserve the same -characteristics with the St. Dié map, excepting that they show the -western passage referred to in Columbus’ dream, and so far unite some -of the inferences from the map of Ruysch. There was a curious survival -of this Cantino type, particularly as regards North America for many -years yet to come, as seen in the map which Münster added to the Basle -edition of the _Novus orbis_ in 1532 and 1537, and in the drawing which -Jomard gives[438] as from “une cassette de la Collection Trivulci, dite -Cassettina all’Agemina.” This last drawing is a cordiform mappemonde, -very like another which accompanied Honter’s _Rudimenta cosmographica_ -in 1542, and which was repeated in various editions to as late a period -as 1590. Thus it happened that for nearly a century geographical -views which the earliest navigators evolved, continued in popular -books to convey the most inadequate notion of the contour of the new -continent.[439] - -[Illustration: SYLVANUS’ MAP, 1511. - -The map is given in its original projection in Lelewel, pl. xlv., and -on a greatly reduced scale in Daly’s _Early Cartography_, p. 32. There -are copies of this 1511 Ptolemy in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Astor, -Brevoort, Barlow, and Kalbfleisch collections. Cf. _Murphy Catalogue_, -no. 2,051, for a copy now in the American Geographical Society’s -Library, and references in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_ sub anno -1511.] - -In the same year with the publication of the Peter Martyr map of 1511, -an edition of Ptolemy, published at Venice and edited by Bernardus -Sylvanus, contained a mappemonde on a cordiform projection,—which is -said to be the first instance of the use of this method in drafting -maps. What is shown of the new discoveries is brought in a distorted -shape on the extreme western verge of the map; and to make the -contour more intelligible, it is reduced in the sketch annexed to -an ordinary plane projection. It is the earliest engraved map to -give any trace of the Cortereal discoveries[440] and to indicate the -Square, or St. Lawrence, Gulf. It gives a curious Latinized form to -the name of the navigator himself in “Regalis Domus” (Cortereal), and -restores Greenland, or Engronelant, to a peninsular connection with -northwestern Europe as it had appeared in the Ptolemy of 1482. - -[Illustration: THE LENOX GLOBE.] - -It will be seen that, with the exception of the vague limits of the -“Regalis Domus,” there was no sign of the continental line of North -America in this map of Sylvanus. Much the same views were possessed by -the maker of the undated Lenox globe, which probably is of nearly the -same date, and of which a further account is given elsewhere.[441] - -[Illustration: DA VINCI, NORTHERN HEMISPHERE (_original draft -reduced_).] - -Another draft of a globe, likewise held to be of about the same date, -shows a similar configuration, except that a squarish island stands in -it for Florida and adjacent parts of the main. This is a manuscript -drawing on two sheets preserved among the Queen’s collections at -Windsor; and since Mr. R. H. Major made it known by a communication, -with accompanying fac-similes, in the _Archæologia_,[442] it has been -held to be the work of Leonardo da Vinci, though this has been recently -questioned.[443] - -[Illustration: DA VINCI, SOUTHERN HEMISPHERE (_original draft reduced_). - -Another sketch of this hemisphere is given in _Harper’s Monthly_, -December, 1882, p. 733.] - -If deprived of the associations of that august name, the map loses much -of its attraction; but it still remains an interesting memorial of -geographical conjecture. It is without date, and can only be fixed in -the chain of cartographical ideas by its internal evidence. This has -led Major to place it between 1512 and 1514, and Wieser to fix it at -1515-1516.[444] A somewhat unsatisfactory map, since it shows nothing -north of “Ysabella” and “Spagnollo,” is that inscribed _Orbis typus -universalis juxta hydrographorum traditionem exactissime depicta_, -1522, L. F., which is the work of Laurentius Frisius, and appeared in -the Ptolemy of 1522.[445] - -[Illustration: DA VINCI (_newly projected_). - -This follows the projection as given by Wieser in his -_Magalhaês-Strasse_, who dates it 1515-1516.] - -A new element appears in a map which is one of the charts belonging -to the _Yslegung der Mer-Carthen oder Cartha Marina_, said also to be -the work of Frisius, which was issued in 1525, in exposition of his -theories of sea-charts.[446] - -[Illustration: CARTA MARINA OF FRISIUS, 1525.] - -[Illustration: COPPO, 1528. - -This is drawn from a sketch given by Kohl in his manuscript, “On the -Connection of the New and Old World on the Pacific Side,” preserved in -the American Antiquarian Society’s Library. There is another copy in -his Washington Collection. - -The map is explained by the following key: 1. Asia. 2. India. -3. Ganges. 4. Java major. 5. Cimpangi [Japan]. 6. Isola verde -[Greenland?]. 7. Cuba. 8. Iamaiqua. 9. Spagnola. 10. Monde nuova [South -America].] - -The map is of interest as the sole instance in which North America -is called a part of Africa, on the supposition that a continental -connection by the south enclosed the “sea toward the sunset.” The -insular Yucatan will be observed in the annexed sketch, and what -seems to be a misshapen Cuba. The land at the east seems intended for -Baccalaos, judging from the latitude and the indication of fir-trees -upon it. This map is one of twelve engraved sheets constituting -the above-named work, which was published by Johannes Grieninger in -1530. Friess, or Frisius, who was a German mathematician, and had, -as we have seen, taken part in the 1522 Ptolemy, says that he drew -his information in these maps from original sources; but he does not -name these sources, and Dr. Kohl thinks the maps indicate the work of -Waldseemüller. - -Among the last of the school of geographers who supposed North America -to be an archipelago, was Pierro Coppo, who published at Venice in 1528 -what has become a very rare _Portolano delli lochi maritimi ed isole -der mar_.[447] - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -AMERIGO VESPUCCI. - -BY SYDNEY HOWARD GAY - - -AMERIGO VESPUCCI,[448] the third son of Nastugio Vespucci, a notary of -Florence, and his wife Lisabetta Mini, was born on the 9th of March, -1451. The family had the respectability of wealth, acquired in trade, -for one member of it in the preceding century was rich enough to -endow a public hospital. Over the portal of the house, so dedicated -to charity by this pious Vespucci nearly three quarters of a century -before Amerigo was born, there was, says Humboldt, engraved in 1719, -more than three hundred years after the founding of the hospital, an -inscription declaring that here Amerigo had lived in his youth. As the -monks, however, who wrote the inscription also asserted in it that he -was the discoverer of America, it is quite possible that they may have -been as credulous in the one case as in the other, and have accepted -for fact that which was only tradition. But whether Amerigo’s father, -Nastugio, lived or did not live in the hospital which his father or -grandfather founded, he evidently maintained the respectability of the -family. Three of his sons he sent to be educated at the University of -Pisa. Thenceforth they are no more heard of, except that one of them, -Jerome, afterward went to Palestine, where he remained nine years, met -with many losses, and endured much suffering,—all of which he related -in a letter to his younger brother Amerigo. But the memory even of this -Jerome—that he should have ever gone anywhere, or had any adventures -worth the telling—is only preserved from oblivion because he had this -brother who became the famous navigator, and whose name by a chance was -given to half the globe. - -[Illustration: A LETTER OF VESPUCIUS TO HIS FATHER (_after a fac-simile -given by Varnhagen_). - -[Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxii) says that this -letter was found by Bandini in the Strozzi Library, and that it is now -in the collection of M. Feuillet de Conches in Paris. “This and two -or three signatures added to receipts, which were brought to light by -Navarrete, constitute,” said Harrisse in 1872, “the only autographs -of Vespucius known.” Since then another fac-simile of a letter by -Vespucius has been published in the _Cartas de Indias_, being a letter -of Dec. 9, 1508, about goods which ought to be carried to the Antilles. -Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 318, and _Magazine of American -History_, iii. 193, where it is translated, and accompanied by a -fac-simile of a part of it. The signature is given on another page of -the present chapter.—ED.]] - -Amerigo was not sent to the university. Such early education as -he received came from a learned uncle, Giorgi Antonio Vespucci, -a Dominican friar, who must have been a man of some influence in -Florence, as it is claimed for him that he was the friend and colleague -of the more famous monk Savonarola. The nephew acknowledged later in -life that he was not among the most diligent of his uncle’s pupils; -and the admission was as true as it was ingenuous, if one may judge by -a letter in Latin written, when he was twenty-five years old, to his -father. He excuses himself to that _spectabili et egregio viro_—as he -addresses his father—for recent negligence in writing, as he hesitates -to commit himself in Latin without the revision of his uncle, and he -happens to be absent. Probably it was poverty of expression in that -tongue, and not want of thought, which makes the letter seem the work -of a boy of fifteen rather than of a young man of five and twenty. A -mercantile career in preference to that of a student was, at any rate, -his own choice; and in due time, though at what age precisely does not -appear, a place was found for him in the great commercial house of the -Princes Medici in Florence. - -In Florence he remained, apparently in the service of the Medici, -till 1490; for in that year he complains that his mother prevented -him from going to Spain. But the delay was not long, as in January, -1492, he writes from Cadiz, where he was then engaged in trade with an -associate, one Donato Nicolini,—perhaps as agents of the Medici, whose -interests in Spain were large. Four years later, the name of Vespucci -appears for the first time in the Spanish archives, when he was within -two months of being forty-six years of age. Meanwhile he had engaged -in the service of Juonato Berardi, a Florentine merchant established -at Seville, who had fitted out the second expedition of Columbus in -1493.[449] - -It has been conjectured that Vespucci became known at that time to -Columbus,—which is not improbable if the former was so early as 1493 -in the service of Berardi. But the suggestion that he went with -Columbus either on his first or second expedition cannot be true, at -any rate as to the second.[450] For in 1495 Berardi made a contract -with the Spanish Government to furnish a fleet of ships for an -expedition westward which he did not live to complete. Its fulfilment -was intrusted to Vespucci; and it appears in the public accounts that -a sum of money was paid to him from the Treasury of the State in -January, 1496. Columbus was then absent on his second voyage, begun in -September, 1493, from which he did not return till June, 1496. - -In the interval between the spring of 1495 and the summer of 1497 any -adventurer was permitted by Spain, regardless of the agreement made -with Columbus, to go upon voyages of commerce or discovery to that New -India to which his genius and courage had led the way. “Now,” wrote -Columbus, “there is not a man, down to the very tailors, who does not -beg to be allowed to become a discoverer.” The greed of the King; the -envy of the navigators who before 1492 had laughed at the theories of -Columbus; the hatred of powerful Churchmen, more bitter now than ever, -because those theories which they had denounced as heresy had proved -to be true,—all these influences were against him, and had combined to -rob the unhappy Admiral, even before he had returned from his second -voyage, of the honor and the riches which he thought would rightfully -become his own. Ships now could go and come in safety over that wide -waste of waters which even children could remember had been looked -upon as a “Sea of Darkness,” rolling westward into never-ending space, -whence there was no return to the voyager mad enough to trust to its -treacherous currents. It was no longer guarded by perpetual Night, by -monsters hideous and terrible, and by a constant wind that blew ever -toward the west. But ships came safely back, bringing, not much, but -enough of gold and pearls to seem an earnest of the promise of the -marvellous wealth of India that must soon be so easily and so quickly -reached; with the curious trappings of a picturesque barbarism; the -soft skins and gorgeous feathers of unknown beasts and birds; the woods -of a new beauty in grain and vein and colors; the aromatic herbs of -subtle virtue that would stir the blood beneath the ribs of Death; and -with all these precious things the captive men and women, of curious -complexion and unknown speech, whose people were given as a prey to the -stranger by God and the Pope. Every rough sailor of these returning -ships was greeted as a hero when to the gaping, wide-eyed crowd he told -of his adventures in that land of perpetual summer, where the untilled -virgin soil brought forth its fruits, and the harvest never failed; -where life was without care or toil, sickness or poverty; where he who -would might gather wealth as he would idly pick up pebbles on a beach. -These were the sober realities of the times; and there were few so poor -in spirit or so lacking in imagination as not to desire to share in -the possession of these new Indies. It was not long, indeed, before a -reaction came; when disappointed adventurers returned in poverty, and -sat in rags at the gates of the palace to beg relief of the King. And -when the sons of Columbus, who were pages in the Court of the Queen, -passed by, “they shouted to the very heavens, saying: ‘Look at the -sons of the Admiral of Mosquitoland!—of that man who has discovered -the lands of deceit and disappointment,—a place of sepulchre and -wretchedness to Spanish hidalgos!’”[451] - -From his second voyage Columbus returned in the summer of 1496; and -meeting his enemies with the courage and energy which never failed -him, he induced the King and Queen to revoke, in June of the next -year, the decree of two years before. Meanwhile he made preparations -for his third voyage, on which he sailed from San Lucar on the 30th of -May, 1498. Two months later he came in sight of the island he named -Trinidad; and entering the Gulf of Paria, into which empties the -Orinoco by several mouths, he sailed along the coast of the mainland. -He had reached the continent, not of Asia, as he supposed, but of the -western hemisphere. None of the four voyages of the great discoverer is -so illustrative of his peculiar faith, his religious fervor, and the -strength of his imagination as this third voyage; and none, in that -respect, is so interesting. The report of it which he sent home in a -letter, with a map, to the King and Queen has a direct relation to the -supposed first voyage of Amerigo Vespucci. - -As he approached the coast, Columbus wrote,[452] he heard “in the dead -of night an awful roaring;” and he saw “the sea rolling from west to -east like a mountain as high as the ship, and approaching little by -little; on the top of this rolling sea came a mighty wave roaring with -a frightful noise.” When he entered the Gulf, and saw how it was filled -by the flow of the great river, he believed that he had witnessed far -out at sea the mighty struggle at the meeting of the fresh with the -salt water. The river, he was persuaded, must be rushing down from the -summit of the earth, where the Lord had planted the earthly Paradise, -in the midst whereof was a fountain whence flowed the four great rivers -of the world,—the Ganges, the Tigris, the Euphrates, and the Nile. -He did not quite agree with those earlier philosophers who believed -that the earth was a perfect sphere; but rather that it was like “the -form of a pear, which is very round except where the stalk grows, at -which part it is most prominent; or like a round ball, upon one part -of which is a prominence like a woman’s nipple, this protrusion being -the highest and nearest the sky, situated under the equinoctial line, -and at the eastern extremity of this sea.” “I call that the eastern -extremity,” he adds, “where the land and the islands end.” - -Now had come to him at last in the observations and experience of this -voyage the confirmation of his faith. That “eastern extremity of the -sea where the lands and the islands end” he had reached, he thought, -at the islands of Trinidad, of Margarita, and of Cubagua, and at the -coast of the Gulf of Paria, into which poured this great river rushing -down from the pinnacle of the globe. For he had observed, as he sailed -westward from a certain line in the ocean, that “the ships went on -rising smoothly towards the sky.” Some of the older astronomers, he -said, believed that the Arctic pole was “the highest point of the -world, and nearest to the heavens;” and others that this was true of -the Antarctic. Though all were wrong as to the exact locality of that -elevation, it was plain that they held a common faith that somewhere -there was a point of exaltation, if only it could be found, where the -earth approached the sky more nearly than anywhere else. But it had -not occurred to any of them that possibly the blessed spot which the -first rays of the sun lit up in crimson and in gold on the morning of -creation, because it was the topmost height of the globe, and because -it was in the east, might be under the equinoctial line; and it had not -occurred to them, because this eastern extremity of the world, which it -had pleased God he should now discover, had hitherto been unknown to -civilized man. - -Every observation and incident of this voyage gave to Columbus proof of -the correctness of his theory. The farther south he had gone along the -African coast, the blacker and more barbarous he had found the people, -the more intense the heat, and the more arid the soil. For many days -they had sailed under an atmosphere so heated and oppressive that he -doubted if his ships would not fall to pieces and their crews perish, -if they did not speedily escape into some more temperate region. He -had remarked in former voyages that at a hundred leagues west of the -Azores there was a north-and-south line, to cross which was to find -an immediate and grateful change in the skies above, in the waters -beneath, and in the reviving temperature of the air. The course of -the ships was altered directly westward, that this line might be -reached, and the perils escaped which surrounded him and his people. -It was when the line was crossed that he observed how his ships were -gently ascending toward the skies. Not only were the expected changes -experienced, but the North Star was seen at a new altitude; the needle -of the compass varied a point, and the farther they sailed the more it -turned to the northwest. However the wind blew, the sea was always -smooth; and when the Island of Trinidad and the shores of the continent -were reached, they entered a climate of exceeding mildness, where -the fields and the foliage were “remarkably fresh and green, and as -beautiful as the gardens of Valencia in April.” The people who crowded -to the shore “in countless numbers” to gaze at these strange visitors -were “very graceful in form, tall, and elegant in their movements, -wearing their hair very long and smooth.” They were, moreover, of a -whiter skin than any the Admiral had heretofore seen “in any of the -Indies,” and were “shrewd, intelligent, and courageous.” - -The more he saw and the more he reflected, the more convinced he -was that this country was “the most elevated in the world, and the -nearest to the sky.” Where else could this majestic river, that -rushed eagerly to this mighty struggle with the sea, come from, but -from that loftiest peak of the globe, in the midst whereof was the -inexhaustible fountain of the four great rivers of the earth? The faith -or the fanaticism—whichever one may please to call it—of the devout -cosmographer was never for an instant shadowed by a doubt. The human -learning of all time had taught him that the shorter way to India must -be across that western ocean which, he was persuaded, covered only one -third of the globe and separated the western coast of Europe from the -eastern coast of Asia. When it was taken for granted that his first -voyage had proved this geographical theory to be the true one, then he -could only understand that as in each successive voyage he had gone -farther, so he was only getting nearer and nearer to the heart of the -empire of the Great Khan. - -But to the aid of human knowledge came a higher faith; he was divinely -led. In writing of this third voyage to Dona Juana de la Torres, a -lady of the Court and a companion to the Queen, he said: “God made me -the messenger of the new heaven and the new earth of which he spoke in -the Apocalypse by Saint John, after having spoken of it by the mouth -of Isaiah; and he showed me the spot where to find it.”[453]. The end -of the world he believed was at hand; by which he meant, perhaps, only -the world of heathenism and unbelief. In his letter to the sovereigns -he said that “it was clearly predicted concerning these lands by the -mouth of the prophet Isaiah in many places in Scripture, that from -Spain the holy name of God was to be spread abroad.” Amazing and even -fantastic as his conclusions were when they came from the religious -side of his nature, they were to him irrefragable, because they were so -severely logical. He was the chosen instrument of the divine purpose, -because it was to him that the way had been made straight and plain to -the glorious East, where God had planted in the beginning the earthly -Paradise, in which he had placed man, where man had first sinned, and -where ere long was to break the promised dawn of the new heaven and the -new earth. - -The northern continent of the New World was discovered by the Cabots -a year before the southern mainland was reached by Columbus. Possibly -this northern voyage may have suggested to the geographers of England -a new theory, as yet, so far as we know, not thought of in Spain and -Portugal,—that a hemisphere was to be circumnavigated, and a passage -found among thousands of leagues of islands, or else through some great -continent hitherto unknown,—except to a few forgotten Northmen of -five hundred years earlier,—before India could be reached by sailing -westward. In speaking of this voyage long afterward, Sebastian Cabot -said: “I began to saile toward the northwest, not thinking to find -any other land than that of Cathay, and from thence turne toward -India; but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards -the North, which was to mee a great displeasure.”[454] This may have -been the afterthought of his old age, when the belief that the new -Indies were the outlying boundaries of the old was generally discarded. -He had forgotten, as the same narrative shows,—unless the year be a -misprint,—the exact date of that voyage, saying that it “was, as farre -as I remember, in the yeare 1496, in the beginning of Summer.” This -was a year too soon. But if the statement be accepted as literally -true that he was disappointed in finding, not Cathay and India, as he -had hoped, but another land, then not only the honor of the discovery -of the western continent belongs to his father and to him,—or rather -to the father alone, for the son was still a boy,—but the further -distinction of knowing what they had discovered; while Columbus never -awoke from the delusion that he had touched the confines of India. - -A discussion of the several interesting questions relating to the -voyages of the Cabots belongs to another chapter;[455] but assuming -here that the voyage of the “Mathew” from Bristol, England, in the -summer of 1497, is beyond controversy, the precedence of the Cabots -over Columbus in the discovery of the continent may be taken for -granted. There is other ample evidence besides his curious letters to -show that the latter was on the coast of South America in the summer -of 1498, just thirteen months and one week after the Cabots made the -_terra primum visa_, whether on the coast of Nova Scotia, Labrador, -or possibly Newfoundland.[456] Not that this detracts in any degree, -however slight, from the great name of Columbus as the discoverer -of the New World. Of him Sebastian Cabot was mindful to say, in -conversation with the Pope’s envoy in Spain,—just quoted from in the -preceding paragraph,—that “when newes were brought that Don Christopher -Colonus, Genoese, had discovered the coasts of India, whereof was -great talke in all the Court of King Henry the 7, who then raigned, -insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing -more divine than humane to saile by the West into the Easte, where -spices growe, by a map that was never knowen before,—by this fame and -report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt -some notable thing.” However notable the thing might be, it could be -only secondary to that achievement of Columbus which Cabot looked upon -as “more divine than human;” but whether in the first sight of the -mainland which all hoped to find beyond the islands already visited, -Vespucci did not take precedence both of the Cabots and of Columbus, -has been a disputed question for nearly four hundred years; and it -will probably never be considered as satisfactorily settled, should it -continue in dispute for four hundred years longer. - -The question is, whether Vespucci made four voyages to that half of -the world which was ever after to bear his name,[457] and whether -those voyages were really made at the time it is said they were. -The most essential point, however, is that of the date of the first -voyage: for if that which is asserted to be the true date be correct, -the first discoverer of the western continent was neither the Cabots -nor Columbus, but Vespucci; and his name was properly enough bestowed -upon it. “In the year 1497,” says an ancient and authentic Bristol -manuscript,[458] “the 24th June, on St. John’s day, was Newfoundland -found by Bristol men [the Cabots] in a ship called the ‘Mathew.’” On -his third voyage, in 1498, Columbus says: “We saw land [Trinidad] at -noon of Tuesday the 31st of July.” In a letter, written no doubt by -Vespucci, he says: “We sailed from the port of Cadiz on the 10th of -May, 1497;”[459] and after leaving the Canaries, where the four ships -of the expedition remained a few days to take in their final supplies -of wood, water, and provisions, they came, he continues, “at the end -of twenty-seven days, upon a coast which we thought to be that of a -continent.” Of these dates the first two mentioned are unquestionably -authentic. If that last given were equally so, there would be an end of -all controversy upon the subject; for it would prove that Vespucci’s -discovery of the continent preceded that of the Cabots, though only by -a week or two, while it must have been earlier than that of Columbus by -about fourteen months. - -It should first of all be noted that the sole authority for a voyage -made by Vespucci in 1497 is Vespucci himself. All contemporary -history, other than his own letter, is absolutely silent in regard -to such a voyage, whether it be history in printed books, or in the -archives of those kingdoms of Europe where the precious documents -touching the earlier expeditions to the New World were deposited. -Santarem, in his _Researches_, goes even farther than this; for he -declares that even the name of Vespucci is not to be found in the -Royal Archives of Portugal, covering the period from 1495 to 1503, and -including more than a hundred thousand documents relating to voyages -of discovery; that he is not mentioned in the Diplomatic Records of -Portugal, which treat of the relations of that kingdom with Spain -and Italy, when one of the duties of ambassadors was to keep their -Governments advised of all new discoveries; and that among the many -valuable manuscripts belonging to the Royal Library at Paris, he, -M. Santarem, sought in vain for any allusion to Vespucci. But these -assertions have little influence over those who do not agree with -Santarem that Vespucci was an impostor. The evidence is overwhelming -that he belonged to some of the expeditions sent out at that period -to the southwest; and if he was so obscure as not to be recognized in -any contemporary notices of those voyages, then it could be maintained -with some plausibility that he might have made an earlier voyage about -which nothing was known. And this would seem the more probable when -it was remembered that the time (1497) of this alleged expedition was -within that interval when “the very tailors,” as Columbus said, might -go, without let or hindrance, in search of riches and renown in the -new-found world. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF VESPUCIUS, 1508. - -[This is the conclusion of a letter of Vespucius, printed and given in -fac-simile in the _Cartas de Indias_.—ED.]] - -Nevertheless, the fact of the obscurity of Vespucci at that period -is not without great weight, though Santarem fails in his attempt to -prove too much by it. Columbus believed when, on his second voyage, he -coasted the southern shore of Cuba, that he had touched the continent -of Asia. The extension of that continent he supposed, from indications -given by the natives, and accepted by him as confirming a foregone -conclusion, would be found farther south; and for that reason he took -that course on his third voyage. “The land where the spices grow” was -now the aim of all Spanish energy and enterprise; and it is not likely -that this theory of the Admiral was not well understood among the -merchants and navigators who took an intelligent as well as an intense -interest in all that he had done and in all that he said. - -[Illustration: VESPUCIUS.[460]] - -Is it probable, then, that nobody should know of the sailing of four -ships from Cadiz for farther and more important discoveries in the -direction pointed out by Columbus? Or, if their departure was secret, -can there be a rational doubt that the return, with intelligence so -important and generally interesting, would have been talked about -in all the ports of Spain, and the man who brought it have become -instantly famous? - -[Illustration: VESPUCIUS. - -[A sketch of an old engraving as given in the _Allgem. geog. -Ephemeriden_ (Weimar, 1807), vol. xxiii. There are other engravings of -it in Jules Verne’s _Découverte de la terre_, and elsewhere.—ED.]] - -But as no account of the voyage appeared till years afterward, and -then in a letter from Vespucci himself; and as, meanwhile, for most of -those years the absence of his name from contemporary records shows -that no celebrity whatever was attached to it,—the logical conclusion -is, not only that the voyage was unknown, but that it was unknown -because it was never made. Moreover, if it was ever made it could not -have been unknown, if we may trust Vespucci’s own statement. For in his -letter—not written till 1504, and not published in full till 1507—he -said that this expedition was sent out by order of King Ferdinand; that -he, Vespucci, went upon it by royal command; and that after his return -he made a report of it to the King. The expedition, therefore, was -clearly not one of those which, in the interval between the summers -of 1495 and 1497, so often referred to, escaped all public record; and -as there cannot be found any recognition of such an enterprise at that -date either in contemporaneous history or State documents, what other -conclusion can be accepted as rational and without prejudice, than that -no such voyage so commanded was made at that time? - -[Illustration: VESPUCIUS. - -[A fac-simile of the engraving in _Montanus_, copied in _Ogilby_, p. -60.—ED.]] - -There seems to be no escape from this evidence, though it is so purely -negative and circumstantial. But Humboldt, relying upon the researches -of the Spanish historian Muñoz, and upon those gathered by Navarrete in -his _Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos_, presents the proof of -an _alibi_ for Vespucci. As has been already said on a previous page, -the fact is unquestioned that Vespucci, who had been a resident of -Spain for some time, became in 1495 a member of the commercial house -of Juanoto Berardi, at Seville, and that in January of the next year, -as the public accounts show, he was paid a sum of money relative to a -contract with Government which Berardi did not live to complete. The -presumption is that he would not soon absent himself from his post of -duty, where new and onerous responsibilities had been imposed upon -him by the recent death of the senior partner of the house with which -he was connected. But at any rate he is found there in the spring of -1497, Muñoz having ascertained that fact from the official records of -expenses incurred in fitting out the ships for western expeditions, -still preserved at Seville. Those records show that from the middle of -April, 1497, to the end of May, 1498, Vespucci was busily engaged at -Seville and San Lucar in the equipment of the fleet with which Columbus -sailed on his third voyage. The _alibi_, therefore, is complete. -Vespucci could not have been absent from Spain from May, 1497, to -October, 1498,—the period of his alleged first voyage. - -All this seems incontrovertible, and should be accepted as conclusive -till fresh researches among the archives of that age shall show, -if that be possible, that those hitherto made have been either -misunderstood or are incomplete. Assuming the negative to be proved, -then, as to the alleged date of Vespucci’s first voyage, the positive -evidence, on the other hand, is ample and unquestioned, that Columbus -sailed from San Lucar on his third voyage on the 30th of May, 1498, and -two months later reached the western continent about the Gulf of Paria. - -Was Vespucci then a charlatan? Was he guilty of acts so base as a -falsification of dates, and narratives of pretended voyages, that he -might secure for himself the fame that belonged to another,—that other, -moreover, being his friend? There are reasons for believing this to be -quite true of him; and other reasons for not believing it at all. There -is not, to begin with, a scrap of original manuscript of his bearing -on this point known to exist; it is not even positively known in what -tongue his letters were written; and anything, therefore, like absolute -proof as to what he said he did or did not do, is clearly impossible. -The case has to be tried upon circumstantial evidence and as one of -moral probabilities; and the verdict must needs differ according to the -varying intelligence and disposition of different juries. - -He made, or he claimed to have made,—assuming the letters attributed -to him to be his,—four voyages, of each of which he wrote a narrative. -According to the dates given in these letters, he twice sailed from -Spain by order of Ferdinand,—in May, 1497, and in May, 1499; and -twice from Portugal, in the service of King Emanuel,—in May, 1501, -and in May, 1503. He was absent, as we learn from the same letters, -about seventeen months on the first voyage, about sixteen each on the -second and third, and on the fourth eleven months. If he went to sea, -then, for the first time in May, 1497, and the last voyage ended, as -the narrative says, in June, 1504, the whole period of his seafaring -life was eighty-four months, of which sixty were passed at sea, and -twenty-four, at reasonable intervals, on shore. As the dates of -departure and of return are carefully given, obviously the period from -May, 1497, to June, 1504, must be allowed for the four expeditions. But -here we come upon an insurmountable obstacle. If to the first voyage -of 1497 the wrong date was given,—if, that is, the actual first voyage -was that of 1499, which Vespucci calls his second,—then he could not -have gone upon four expeditions. From May, 1499, to June, 1504, is a -period of sixty months; and as the aggregate length he gives to the -assumed four voyages is sixty months, they could not have been made in -that time, as that would have compelled him to be at sea the whole five -years, with no interval of return to Spain or Portugal to refit,—which -is manifestly absurd. - -The solution of the difficulty relied upon by Humboldt and others -seems, therefore, insufficient; it is not explained by assuming that -the date 1497 in the narrative of the first voyage was the careless -blunder of the translator, copyist, or printer of Vespucci’s original -letter. It is not an error if there were four voyages; for as the date -of the last one is undisputed, the date of 1497 for the first one must -remain to give time enough for the whole. But that there were four -voyages does not depend solely upon the date given to the first one. -That there were four—“quatuor navigationes”—is asserted repeatedly by -Vespucci in the different letters. In the relation of the first one, -wherein is given this troublesome date which has so vexed the souls of -scholars, he says at some length that as he had seen on these “twice -two” voyages so many strange things, differing so much from the manners -and customs of his own country, he had written a little book, not yet -published, to be called “Four Expeditions, or Four Voyages,” in which -he had related, to the best of his ability, about all he had seen.[461] -If, then, the date 1497 is to be explained away as the result of -carelessness or accident,—even admitting that such an explanation -would explain,—what is to be done with this passage? It cannot, like -a single numeral—a 7 for a 9—be attributed to chance; and it becomes -necessary, therefore, to regard it as an interpolation contrived to -sustain a clumsy falsification of date. - -It has also been conjectured that two of the letters have been -misapprehended; that Vespucci meant one as only a continuation of -the other in a description of a single voyage, or if intended as -two letters, they were meant to describe the same voyage. The early -editors, it has been suggested, supposing that each letter described a -separate voyage, forged or changed the dates in accordance with that -supposition. If there were no other objection to this theory, it is -untenable if what has just been said be true. The duration of each -voyage, the aggregate length of the whole, and the distinct and careful -assertion that there were four of them, require that there should be -one prior to that which Vespucci calls his second. - -All this leads, according to our present knowledge of the facts, -inevitably to this conclusion,—whether Vespucci himself wrote, or -others wrote for him, these letters, their very consistency of dates -and of circumstantial assertion show them to have been deliberately -composed to establish a falsehood. For the researches of Muñoz and of -Navarrete, as is said above, prove that Vespucci could not have sailed -from Spain on his first voyage on the 10th or 20th of May, 1497; for -from the middle of April of that year to the end of May, 1498, he was -busily employed at Seville and San Lucar in fitting out the fleet for -the third expedition of Columbus. - -There is other evidence, negative indeed, but hardly less conclusive, -that this assumed voyage of 1497 was never made. In 1512 Don Diego -Columbus brought an action against the Crown of Spain to recover, -as the heir of his father, Christopher Columbus, the government and -a portion of the revenues of certain provinces on the continent of -America. The defence was that those countries were not discovered by -Columbus, and the claim, therefore, was not valid. It is not to be -supposed that the Crown was negligent in the search for testimony to -sustain its own cause, for nearly a hundred witnesses were examined. -But no evidence was offered to prove that Vespucci—whose nephew -was present at the trial—visited in 1497 the Terra Firma which the -plaintiff maintained his father discovered in 1498. On the other hand, -Alonzo de Ojeda, an eminent navigator, declared that he was sent on an -expedition in 1499 to the coast of Paria next after it was discovered -by the Admiral (Columbus); and that “in this voyage which this said -witness made, he took with him Juan de la Cosa and Morigo Vespuche -[Amerigo Vespucci] and other pilots.”[462] When asked how he knew that -Columbus had made the discovery at the time named, his reply was that -he knew it because the Bishop Fonseca had supplied him with that map -which the Admiral had sent home in his letter to the King and Queen. -The act of the Bishop was a dishonorable one, and intended as an injury -to Columbus; and to this purpose Ojeda further lent himself by stopping -at Hispaniola on the return from his voyage, and by exciting there a -revolt against the authority of the Admiral in that island. Perhaps -the bitter animosity of those years had been buried in the grave of -the great navigator, together with the chains which had hung always in -his chamber as a memento of the royal ingratitude; but even in that -case it is not likely that Ojeda would have lost such an opportunity to -justify, in some degree, his own conduct by declaring, if he knew it to -be so, that Columbus was not the first discoverer of the continent. It -is of course possible, but it is certainly not probable, that he should -not have heard from Vespucci that this was his second visit to the Gulf -of Paria, if that were the fact, and that his first visit was a year -before that of Columbus, whose chart Ojeda was using to direct his -course through seas with which Vespucci was familiar. This reasonable -reflection is dwelt upon by Humboldt, Irving, and others; and it comes -with peculiar force to the careful reader of the letters of Vespucci, -for he was never in the least inclined to hide his light under a bushel. - -The originals of the letters, as has already been said, are not, so -far as is known, in existence; it is even uncertain whether they were -written in Latin, Italian, Spanish, or Portuguese. Nor has the book -which Vespucci said he had prepared—“The Four Voyages”—ever been found; -but Humboldt believed that the collected narrative first published at -St.-Dié in 1507, in the _Cosmographiæ introductio_ of Hylacomylus, -was made up of extracts from that book. This St.-Dié edition was in -Latin, translated, the editor says, from the French.[463] There is in -the British Museum a rare work of four pages, published also in 1507, -the author of which was Walter Lud. This Lud was the secretary of the -Duke of Lorraine, a canon of the St.-Dié Cathedral, and the founder of -the school or college, where he had set up a printing-press on which -was printed the _Cosmographiæ introductio_. From this little book it -is learned that the Vespucci letters were sent from Portugal to the -Duke of Lorraine in French, and that they were translated into Latin by -another canon of the St.-Dié Cathedral, one Jean Basin de Sandacourt, -at the request of Lud.[464] - -Vespucci’s last two voyages were made, so his letters assert, in -the service of the King of Portugal. The narrative of the first of -these—the third of the four voyages—appeared at different times, at -several places, and were addressed to more than one person, prior to -the publication of the St.-Dié edition of all the letters addressed to -René II., the Duke of Lorraine. This fact has added to the confusion -and doubt; for each of these copies sent to different persons was a -translation, presumably from some common original. One copy of them was -addressed to Pietro Soderini, Gonfaloniere of Florence, whom Vespucci -claimed as an old friend and school-fellow under the instruction of -his uncle, Giorgi Antonio Vespucci; another was sent to Lorenzo di -Pier Francesco de’ Medici,—Vespucci’s early employer,—both appearing -prior to that addressed in the collected edition of St.-Dié addressed -to the Duke of Lorraine. Of the earlier editions there was one -published, according to Humboldt, in Latin, in 1504, at Augsburg and -also at Paris; another in German, in 1505, at Strasburg, and in 1506 -at Leipsic; and still another in Italian at Vicenza, in the collection -called _Paesi novamente_, simultaneously with the St.-Dié edition -of 1507. These in later years were followed by a number of other -editions. While they agree as to general statement, they differ in many -particulars, and especially in regard to dates. These, however, are -often mere typographical blunders or errors of copyists, not unusual -at that era, and always fruitful of controversy. But upon one point, -it is to be observed, there is no difference among them; the voyage of -1501—the first from Portugal—is always the third of the four voyages -of Vespucci. This disposes, as Humboldt points out, of the charge that -Vespucci waited till after the death of Columbus, in 1506, before he -ventured to assert publicly that he had made two voyages by order of -the King of Spain prior to entering the service of the King of Portugal. - -To induce him to leave Spain and come to Portugal, Vespucci says, in -the letter addressed to Pietro Soderini, that the King sent to him one -Giuliano Bartholomeo del Giocondo, then a resident of Lisbon. Jocundus -(the latinized pseudonym of Giocondo) is named as the translator of -the Augsburg edition of 1504, addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici. This -Jocundus, Humboldt thinks, was Giuliano Giocondo. But Major, in his -_Henry the Navigator_, says that the translation was made, not by -Giuliano Giocondo, but by his kinsman Giovanni Giocondo, of Verona. His -authority for this statement is apparently Walter Lud’s _Speculum_. -Varnhagen thinks it possible that the work may have been done by one -Mathias Ringman,—of whom more presently. Varnhagen says also, in -another place, that the translator of the Italian version—published in -the _Paesi novamente_ at Vicenza in 1507—unwittingly betrayed that he -lied (_son mensonge_) when he said that he followed a Spanish copy; for -while he failed to comprehend the use of the word Jocundus, he showed -that it was before him in the Latin copy, as he rendered _Jocundus -interpres_—Jocundus the translator—as _el iocondo interprete_, the -agreeable translator. This is only one example of the confusion in -which the subject is involved. - -It was due, however, to the _Cosmographiæ introductio_ of St.-Dié, in -which the letters appeared as a sort of appendix, that the name of -America, from Amerigo, was given to the western hemisphere. But how -it happened that the _Quatuor navigationes_ should have been first -published in that little town in the Vosges mountains; and what the -relation was between Vespucci and René II., the Duke of Lorraine,—are -among the perplexing questions in regard to the letters that have been -discussed at great length. Major finds in the fact, or assumed fact, -that Fra Giovanno Giocondo was the translator of the narrative of -the third voyage, the first published, in 1504, an important link in -the chain of evidence by which he explains the St.-Dié puzzle. This -Giocondo was about that time at Paris as the architect of the bridge -of Notre Dame. A young student, Mathias Ringman, from Alsace, was also -there at that period; and Major supposes he may have become acquainted -with Giocondo, who inspired him with great admiration for Vespucci. It -is certain, at any rate, that Ringman, whose literary pseudonym was -Philesius Vogesina,—that is, Philesius of the Vosges,—on his return to -his native province edited the Strasburg edition (1505) of Giocondo’s -translation, appending to it some verses written by himself in praise -of Vespucci and his achievements. - -In the rare book already referred to, the _Speculum_ of Walter Lud, it -is said of this Strasburg edition that “the booksellers carry about -a certain epigram of our Philesius in a little book of Vespucci’s -translated from Italian into Latin by Giocondo, of Verona, the -architect of Venice.” Doubtless Ringman is here spoken of as “our -Philesius,” because he had become identified with Lud’s college, where -he was the professor of Latin. It seems almost certain, therefore, -that the interest at St.-Dié in Vespucci’s voyages was inspired by -Ringman, whether his enthusiasm was first aroused by his friendship -with Giocondo at Paris, or whether, as Varnhagen supposes, it was the -result of a visit or two to Italy. The latter question is not of much -moment, except as a speculation; and certainly it is not a straining of -probabilities to doubt if Ringman would have taken for his Strasburg -edition of 1505 the Giocondo translation, as Lud says he did, if he had -himself translated, as Varnhagen supposes, the Augsburg edition of 1504. - -Lud also asserts in the _Speculum_ that the French copy of the _Quatuor -navigationes_ which was used at St.-Dié came from Portugal. Major -supposes that Ringman’s enthusiasm may have led to correspondence with -Vespucci, who was in Portugal till 1505, and that he caused his letters -to be put into French and sent to Ringman at his request. The narrative -of the third voyage in its several editions must have already given -some renown to Vespucci. Here were other narratives of other voyages -by the same navigator. The clever and enterprising young professors, -eager for the dissemination of knowledge, and not unmindful, possibly, -of the credit of their college, brought out the letters as a part of -the _Cosmographiæ introductio_ by Hylacomylus—Martin Waldzeemüller—the -teacher of geography, and the proof-reader to their new press. Their -prince, René II., was known as a patron of learning; and it is more -likely that they should have prefixed his name to the letters than that -Vespucci should have done so. Their zeal undoubtedly was greater than -their knowledge; for had they known more of the discoveries of the -previous fifteen years they would have hesitated to give to the new -continent the name of one who would be thereby raised thenceforth from -comparative, though honorable, obscurity to dishonorable distinction. -That Vespucci himself, however, was responsible for this there is no -positive evidence; and were it not for the difficulty of explaining -his constant insistence of the completion of four voyages, it might be -possible to find some plausible explanation of the confusion of the -St.-Dié book. - -In that book are these words: “And the fourth part of the world -having been discovered by Americus, it may be called Amerige; that -is, the land of Americus or America.”[465] And again: “Now truly, -as these regions are more widely explored, and another fourth part -is discovered, by Americus Vesputius, as may be learned from the -following letters, I see no reason why it should not be justly called -Amerigen,—that is, the land of Americus, or America, from Americus, its -discoverer, a man of acute intellect; inasmuch as both Europe and Asia -have chosen their names from the feminine form.”[466] - -It was discovered, less than half a century ago, through the diligent -researches of Humboldt, that this professor of geography at St.-Dié, -Hylacomylus, was thus the inventor, so to speak, of this word America. -That it came at last to be received as the designation of the western -continent was due, perhaps, very much to the absence of any suggestion -of any other distinctive name that seemed appropriate and was generally -acceptable. Rare as the little work, the _Cosmographiæ introductio_, -now is, it was probably well known at the time of the publication -of its several editions; as the central position of St.-Dié—between -France, Germany, and Italy—gave to the book, as Humboldt thought, -a wide circulation, impressing the word America upon the learned -world. The name, however, came very slowly into use, appearing only -occasionally in some book, till in 1522 it gained a more permanent -place on a mappemonde in the _Geographia_ of Ptolemy. From that time -it appeared frequently upon other maps, and by the middle of the -century became generally recognized outside of Spain, at least, as the -established continental name. But the effect of its suggestion was -more immediate upon the fame of Vespucci. While the learned understood -that the great captain of that time was Christopher Columbus, the name -of Amerigo was often united with his as deserving of at least the -second place, and sometimes even of the first. The celebrity which -Hylacomylus bestowed upon him was accepted for performance by those -who were ignorant of the exact truth; and those who knew better did not -give themselves the trouble to correct the error. - -In each of Vespucci’s voyages he probably held a subordinate position. -His place may sometimes have been that of a pilot,[467] or as the -commander of a single ship, or attached to the fleet, as Herrera[468] -says he was in Ojeda’s expedition (1499), “as merchant, being skilful -in cosmography and navigation.” Vespucci himself does not in so many -words assert that he was in command of the expeditions upon which he -sailed, while he occasionally alludes, though usually in terms of -contempt, to those whose authority was above his own. Once he speaks of -Columbus, and then almost parenthetically, as the discoverer merely of -the Island of Hispaniola; but of other of his achievements, or of those -of other eminent navigators, he has nothing to say. In reply to such -criticisms of his letters it has been urged on his behalf that they -were written for intimate friends, as familiar narratives of personal -experiences, and not meant to be, in any broad sense, historical. But -the deception was as absolute as if it had been deliberately contrived; -and, whether intentional or not, was never by act or word corrected, -though Vespucci lived for five years after the appearance of the -letters from the St.-Dié press. - -But whatever can be or may be said in extenuation of Vespucci, or -however strong the reasons for supposing that for whatever was -reprehensible in the matter he was innocent and the St.-Dié professors -alone responsible, there nevertheless remains the one thing unexplained -and inexplicable,—his own repeated assertion that he made four voyages. -Humboldt supposes that the narrative of the first, so called, of these -four voyages, beginning in May, 1497, was made up of that on which -Vespucci certainly sailed with Ojeda, starting in May, 1499. The -points of resemblance are so many and so striking as to seem not only -conclusive, but to preclude any other theory. If this be true, then it -follows that the narrative of the voyage of 1497 was simply a forgery, -whosoever was responsible for it; and if a forgery, then Vespucci was -not the discoverer of the western continent, and an historical renown -was given to his name to which he was not entitled. - -The second of the assumed four voyages Humboldt supposes to be the -first voyage of Vincente Yañez Pinzon,—hesitating, however, between -that and the voyage of Diego de Lepe: the former sailing with four -ships in December, 1499, and returning in September, 1500; the latter -with two ships, in January, 1500, and returning in June. Vespucci says -that he had two ships; that he sailed in May, 1499, and returned in -June or September of the next year. It is of the first voyage of 1497 -that he says he had four ships. As on that assumed voyage there are -many incidents identical with those related of Ojeda’s voyage of 1499, -so here there are strong points of resemblance between Vespucci’s -supposed second voyage and that of Pinzon. In both cases, however, -there are irreconcilable differences, which Humboldt does not attempt -to disguise; while at the same time they indicate either dishonesty -on the part of Vespucci in his letters, or that those letters were -tampered with by others, either ignorantly or with dishonest intent, to -which Vespucci afterward tacitly assented. - -It would be hypercritical to insist upon a strict adherence to the -dates of the several voyages, and then to decide that the voyages -were impossible because the dates are irreconcilable. The figures are -sometimes obviously mere blunders; as, for example, the assertion in -the St.-Dié edition that the second voyage was begun in May, 1489, -when it had been already said that the first voyage was made in 1497. -But there are statements of facts, nevertheless, which it is necessary -to reconcile with dates; and when this is impossible, a doubt of -truthfulness is so far justifiable. Thus in the relation of the second -voyage Vespucci asserts, or is made to assert, that on the 23d of -August, 1499, he saw while at sea a conjunction of Mars and the Moon. -That phenomenon did occur at that time, as Humboldt learned from the -Ephemeris; and if it was observed by Vespucci at sea, that could not -have been upon a voyage with Pinzon, who did not sail till (December, -1499) four months after the conjunction of the planets. But here, -moreover, arises another difficulty: Vespucci’s second voyage, in which -he observed this conjunction, could not have been made with Ojeda, -and must have been made with Pinzon, if on other points the narrative -be accepted; for it was upon that voyage that Vespucci says he sailed -several degrees south of the equinoctial line to the mouth of the -Amazon,—which Pinzon did do, and Ojeda did not. These and other similar -discrepancies have led naturally to the suspicion that the incidents of -more than one expedition were used, with more or less discrimination, -but with little regard to chronology, for the composition of a -plausible narrative of two voyages made in the service of Spain. One -blunder, detected by Navarrete in this so-called second voyage, it is -quite incredible that Vespucci could have committed; for according -to the course pursued and the distance sailed, his ships would have -been navigated over nearly three hundred leagues of dry land into the -interior of the continent. No critical temerity is required to see in -such a blunder the carelessness of a copyist or a compositor. - -It was of the first voyage from Lisbon—the third of the _Quatuor -navigationes_—that, as has been already said, a narrative was first -published in a letter addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici. This was -illustrated with diagrams of some of the constellations of the southern -hemisphere; and the repute it gave to the writer led the way to his -subsequent fame. What Vespucci’s position was in the expedition is -not known; but that it was still a subordinate one is evident from -his own words, as he speaks of a commander, though only to find fault -with him, and without giving his name. The object of the expedition -was to discover the western passage to the Spice Islands of the East -(Melcha, Melacca, Malaccha, according to the varying texts of different -editions of the letter); and though the passage was not found, the -voyage was, like Cabot’s, one of the boldest and most important of -the age. But it is also, of all Vespucci’s voyages, real or assumed, -that which has been most disputed. Navarrete, however, after a careful -examination of all the evidence that touches the question, comes to the -conclusion that such an expedition, on which Vespucci may have gone in -some subordinate position, was really sent out in 1501 by the King of -Portugal; and Humboldt concurs in this opinion. - -The Terra de Vera Cruz, or Brazil, as it was afterward named, was -visited successively for the first time, from January to April, 1500, -by Pinzon, De Lepe, De Mendoza, and Cabral. But the expedition to which -Vespucci was attached explored the coast from the fifth parallel of -southern latitude, three degrees north of Cape St. Augustin,—first -discovered and so named by Pinzon,—as far south, perhaps, as about the -thirty-eighth parallel of latitude. They had sailed along the coast -for about seven hundred leagues; and so beautiful was the country, so -luxuriant its vegetation, so salubrious its climate, where men did not -die till they were a hundred and fifty years old, that Vespucci was -persuaded—as Columbus, only three years before, had said of the region -drained by the Orinoco—that the earthly Paradise was not far off. Gold, -the natives said, was abundant in the interior; but as the visitors -found none, it was determined at last to continue the voyage in another -direction, leaving behind them this coast, of what seemed to Vespucci -a continent, along which they had sailed from the middle of August -to the middle of February. Starting now on the 15th of February from -the mainland, they steered southeast, till they reached, on the 3d of -April, the fifty-second degree of latitude. They had sailed through -stormy seas, driven by violent gales, running away from daylight into -nights of fifteen hours in length, and encountering a severity of cold -unknown in Southern Europe, and quite beyond their power of endurance. -A new land at length was seen; but it only needed a few hours of -observation of its dangerous, rocky, and ice-bound coast to satisfy -them that it was a barren, uninhabited, and uninhabitable region. -This, Varnhagen suggests most reasonably, was the Island of Georgia, -rediscovered by Captain Cook nearly three centuries afterward. - -The return to Lisbon was in September, 1502. By order of the King, -Vespucci sailed again in May, 1503, from Lisbon on a second voyage,—the -fourth of his _Quatuor navigationes_. The object, as before, was to -find a western passage to the Moluccas; for it was the trade of India, -not new discoveries in the western continent, upon which the mind of -the King was bent. There were six ships in this new expedition; and it -is generally agreed that as Gonzalo Coelho sailed from Lisbon in May, -1503, by order of Emanuel, in command of six ships, Vespucci probably -held a subordinate position in that fleet. He does not name Coelho, but -he refers to a superior officer as an obstinate and presumptuous man, -who by his bad management wrecked the flagship. Vespucci may have been -put in command of two of the ships by the King; with two, at any rate, -he became separated, in the course of the voyage, from his commodore, -and with them returned to Lisbon in June of the next year. The rest of -the fleet Vespucci reported as lost through the pride and folly of -the commander; and it was thus, he said, that God punished arrogance. -But Vespucci either misunderstood the divine will or misjudged his -commander, for the other ships soon after returned in safety. - -The southernmost point reached by him on this voyage was the eighteenth -degree of southern latitude. At this point, somewhere about Cape Frio, -he built a fort, and left in it the crew of one of the two vessels -which had been shipwrecked. The precise spot of this settlement is -uncertain; but as it was planted by Vespucci, and as it was the first -colony of Europeans in that part of the New World, there was an evident -and just propriety in bestowing the derivative—America—of his name upon -the country, which at first was known as “The Land of the True Cross,” -and afterward as “Brazil.” The name of Brazil was retained when the -wider application—America—was given to the whole continent. - -Soon after his return from this, the last of the _Navigationes_ of -which he himself, so far as is known, gave any account, he went -back, in 1505, to Spain. It is conjectured that he made other -voyages; but whether he did or did not, no absolute evidence has -ever been found.[469] We know almost nothing of him up to that time -except what is told by himself. When he ceased writing of his own -exploits, then also the exploits ceased so far as can be learned from -contemporary authors, who hitherto also had been silent about him. In -1508 (March 22) Ferdinand of Spain appointed him pilot-major of the -kingdom,[470]—an office of dignity and importance, which probably he -retained till he died (Feb. 22, 1512). His fame was largely posthumous; -but a hemisphere is his monument. If not among the greatest of the -world’s great men, he is among the happiest of those on whom good -fortune has bestowed renown. - -[Illustration] - - During recent years (1892-3) John Fiske, in his _Discovery of - America_, vol. ii., has reinforced the argument of Varnhagen in favor - of the disputed (1497) voyage of Vespucius; Henry Harrisse, in his - _Discovery of North America_, rejects his own earlier arguments in - its favor; Clements R. Markham, in _Christopher Columbus_, totally - discredits the theory, and Justin Winsor, in his _Christopher - Columbus_, has considered the proposition not proven. - - - - -CRITICAL AND BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON VESPUCIUS AND THE NAMING OF -AMERICA. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -WHILE Vespucius never once clearly affirms that he discovered the main, -such an inference may be drawn from what he says. Peter Martyr gives -no date at all for the voyage of Pinzon and Solis to the Honduras -coast, which was later claimed by Oviedo and Gomara to have preceded -that of Columbus to the main. Navarrete has pointed out the varied -inconsistencies of the Vespucius narrative,[471] as well as the changes -of the dates of the setting out and the return, as given in the various -editions.[472] All of them give a period of twenty-nine months for a -voyage which Vespucius says only took eighteen,—a difficulty Canovai -and others have tried to get over by changing the date of return to -1498; and some such change was necessary to enable Vespucius to be -in Spain to start again with Ojeda in May, 1499. Humboldt further -instances a great variety of obvious typographical errors in the -publications of that day,—as, for instance, where Oviedo says Columbus -made his first voyage in 1491.[473] But, as shown in the preceding -narrative, an allowance for errors of the press is not sufficient. In -regard to the proof of an _alibi_ which Humboldt brought forward from -documents said to have been collected by Muñoz from the archives of the -Casa de la Contratacion, it is unfortunate that Muñoz himself did not -complete that part of his work which was to pertain to Vespucius, and -that the documents as he collated them have not been published. In the -absence of such textual demonstration, the inference which Humboldt -drew from Navarrete’s representations of those documents has been -denied by Varnhagen; and H. H. Bancroft in his _Central America_ (i. -99, 102, 106) does not deem the proof complete.[474] - -Vespucius’ own story for what he calls his second voyage (1499) is -that he sailed from Cadiz shortly after the middle of May, 1499. The -subsequent dates of his being on the coast are conflicting; but it -would appear that he reached Spain on his return in June or September, -1500. We have, of course, his narrative of this voyage in the -collective letter to Soderini;[475] but there is also an independent -narrative, published by Bandini (p. 64) in 1745, said to have been -written July 18, 1500, and printed from a manuscript preserved in the -Riccardiana at Florence.[476] The testimony of Ojeda that Vespucius -was his companion in the voyage of 1499-1500 seems to need the -qualification that he was with him for a part, and not for the whole, -of the voyage; and it has been advanced that Vespucius left Ojeda -at Hispaniola, and, returning to Spain, sailed again with Pinzon in -December, 1499,—thus attempting to account for the combination of -events which seem to connect Vespucius with the voyages of both these -navigators. - -It is noteworthy that Oviedo, who sought to interpret Peter Martyr as -showing that Solis and Pinzon had preceded Columbus to the main, makes -no mention of Vespucius. There is no mention of him in what Beneventano -furnished to the Ptolemy of 1508. Castanheda does not allude to him, -nor does Barreiros in his _De Ophira regione_ (Coimbra, 1560), nor -Galvano in his _Descobrimientos_, nor Pedro Magalhaes de Gandavo in his -account of Santa Cruz (1576).[477] - -But it was not all forgetfulness as time went on. The currency to -his fame which had been given by the _De orbe antarctica_, by the -_Paesi novamente_, by the _Cosmographiæ introductio_, as well as by -the _Mundus novus_ and the publications which reflected these, was -helped on in 1510 by the Roman archæologist Francesco Albertini in his -_Opusculum de mirabilibus Urbis Romæ_, who finds Florence, and not -Genoa, to have sent forth the discoverer of the New World.[478] - -Two years later (1512) an edition of Pomponius Mela which Cocleus -edited, probably at Nuremberg, contained, in a marginal note to a -passage on the “Zona incognita,” the following words: “Verus Americus -Vesputius iam nostro seculo | novū illū mundū invenissefert Portugalie -Castilieq. regū navibus,” etc. Pighius in 1520 had spoken of the -magnitude of the region discovered by Vespucius, which had gained it -the appellation of a new world.[479] The references in Glareanus, -Apian, Phrysius, and Münster show familiarity with his fame by the -leading cosmographical writers of the time. Natale Conti, in his -_Universæ historiæ sui temporis libri XXX_ (1545-1581), brought -him within the range of his memory.[480] In 1590 Myritius, in his -_Opusculum geographicum_, the last dying flicker, as it was, of a -belief in the Asian connection of the New World,[481] repeats the -oft-told story,—“De Brasilia, terrâ ignis, de meridionali parte Africæ -ab Alberico Vesputio inventa.” - -In the next century the story is still kept up by the Florentine, -Francesco Bocchi, in his _Libri duo elogiorum_ (1607),[482] and by -another Florentine, Raffael Gualterotti, in a poem, _L’ America_ -(1611),[483]—not to name many others.[484] - -But all this fame was not unclouded, and it failed of reflection -in some quarters at least. The contemporary Portuguese pilots and -cosmographers give no record of Vespucius’ eminence as a nautical -geometrician. The Portuguese annalist Damião de Goes makes no mention -of him. Neither Peter Martyr nor Benzoni allows him to have preceded -Columbus. Sebastian Cabot, as early as 1515, questioned if any faith -could be placed in the voyage of 1497 “which Americus says he made.” -It is well known that Las Casas more than intimated the chance of his -being an impostor; nor do we deduce from the way that his countrymen, -Guicciardini[485] and Segni, speak of him, that their faith in the -prior claim in his behalf was stable. - -An important contestant appeared in Herrera in 1601,[486] who openly -charged Vespucius with falsifying his dates and changing the date of -1499 to 1497; Herrera probably followed Las Casas’ manuscripts which -he had.[487] The allegation fell in with the prevalent indignation -that somebody, rather than a blind fortune, had deprived Columbus of -the naming of the New World; and Herrera helped this belief by stating -positively that the voyage of Pinzon and Solis, which had been depended -upon to antedate Columbus, had taken place as late as 1506. - -In the last century Angelo Maria Bandini attempted to stay this tide -of reproach in the _Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci, gentiluomo -fiorentino_, which was printed at Florence in 1745.[488] It was too -manifestly an unbounded panegyric to enlist the sympathy of scholars. -More attention was aroused[489] by an address, with equal adulation, -which Stanislao Canovai delivered to the Academy at Cortona in 1788, -and which was printed at once as _Elogio di Amerigo Vespucci_, and -various times afterward, with more or less change, till it appeared -to revive anew the antagonism of scholars, in 1817.[490] Muñoz had -promised to disclose the impostures of Vespucius, but his uncompleted -task fell to Santarem, who found a sympathizer in Navarrete; and -Santarem’s labored depreciation of Vespucius first appeared in -Navarrete’s _Coleccion_,[491] where Canovai’s arguments are examined at -length, with studied refutations of some points hardly worth the labor. -This paper was later expanded, as explained in another place. - -He claims that one hundred thousand documents in the Royal Archives of -Portugal, and the register of maps which belonged to King Emmanuel, -make no mention of Vespucius,[492] and that there is no register of the -letters-patent which Vespucius claimed to have received. Nor is there -any mention in several hundred other contemporary manuscripts preserved -in the great library at Paris, and in other collections, which Santarem -says he has examined.[493] - -An admirer of Vespucius, and the most prominent advocate of a belief -in the disputed voyage of 1497, is Francisco Adolpho de Varnhagen, -the Baron de Porto Seguro. As early as 1839, in notes to his _Diario_ -of Lopez de Souza, he began a long series of publications in order to -counteract the depreciation of Vespucius by Ayres de Cazal, Navarrete, -and Santarem. In 1854, in his _Historia geral do Brazil_, he had -combated Humboldt’s opinion that it was Pinzon with whom Vespucius had -sailed on his second voyage, and had contended for Ojeda. Varnhagen -not only accepts the statements of the St.-Dié publications regarding -that voyage, but undertakes to track the explorer’s course. In his -_Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., he gives a map marking the -various voyages of the Florentine.[494] For the voyage of 1497 he makes -him strike a little south of west from the Canaries; but leaving his -course a blank from the mid-Atlantic, he resumes it at Cape Gracias a -Dios on the point of Honduras,[495] and follows it by the coast thence -to the Chesapeake, when he passes by Bermuda,[496] and reaches Seville. -In this he departs from all previous theories of the landfall, which -had placed the contact on the coast of Paria. He takes a view of the -Ruysch map[497] of 1508 different from that of any other commentator, -in holding the smaller land terminated with a scroll to be not Cuba, -but a part of the main westerly, visited by Vespucius in this 1497 -voyage; and recently Harrisse, in his _Cortereal_,[498] argues that -the descriptions of Vespucius in this disputed voyage correspond more -nearly with the Cantino map[499] than with any other. Harrisse also -asks if Waldseemüller did not have such a map as Cantino’s before him; -and if the map of Vespucius, which Peter Martyr says Fonseca had, may -not have been the same? - -Varnhagen, as might be expected in such an advocate, turns every -undated incident in Vespucius’ favor if he can. He believes that the -white-bearded men who the natives said preceded the Spaniards were -Vespucius and his companions. A letter of Vianello, dated Dec. 28, -1506, which Humboldt quotes as mentioning an early voyage in which -La Cosa took part, but hesitates to assign to any particular year, -Varnhagen eagerly makes applicable to the voyage of 1497.[500] The -records of the Casa de la Contratacion which seem to be an impediment -to a belief in the voyage, he makes to have reference, not to the -ships of Columbus, but to those of Vespucius’ own command. Varnhagen’s -efforts to elucidate the career of Vespucius have been eager, if not in -all respects conclusive.[501] - - * * * * * - -We get upon much firmer ground when we come to the consideration of the -voyage of 1501,—the first for Portugal, and the third of Vespucius’ -so-called four voyages. It seems clear that this voyage was ordered -by the Portuguese Government to follow up the chance discovery of the -Brazil coast by Cabral in 1500, of which that navigator had sent word -back by a messenger vessel. When the new exploring fleet sailed is -a matter of uncertainty, for the accounts differ,—the Dutch edition -of the account putting it as early as May 1, 1501, while one account -places it as late as June 10.[502] When the fleet reached the Cape -de Verde Islands, it found there Cabral’s vessels on the return -voyage; and what Vespucius here learned from Cabral he embodied in a -letter, dated June 4, 1501, which is printed by Baldelli in his _Il -Milione di Marco Polo_, from a manuscript preserved in the Riccardiana -Collection.[503] Some time in August—for the exact day is in dispute—he -struck the coast of South America, and coursed southward,—returning to -Lisbon Sept. 7, 1502.[504] - -Vespucius now wrote an account of it, addressed to Lorenzo Piero -Francesco de Medici,[505] in which he proposed a designation of the new -regions, “novum mundum appellare licet.” Such is the Latin phraseology, -for the original Italian text is lost.[506] Within the next two years -numerous issues of Giocondo’s Latin text were printed, only two of -which are dated,—one at Augsburg in 1504, the other at Strasburg in -1505; and, with a few exceptions, they all, by their published title, -gave currency to the designation of _Mundus novus_. - -[Illustration] - -The earliest of these editions is usually thought to be one _Alberic’ -vespucci’ laurētio petri francisci de medicis Salutem plurimā dicit_, -of which a fac-simile of the title is annexed, and which bears the -imprint of Jehan Lambert.[507] It is a small plaquette of six leaves; -and there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown collections. -D’Avezac, and Harrisse, in his later opinion (_Additions_, p. 19), -agree in supposing this the first edition. The dated (1504) Augsburg -edition, _Mundus novus_, is called “extraordinarily rare” by Grenville, -who had a copy, now in the British Museum. On the reverse of the fourth -and last leaf we read: “Magister Johānes otmar: vindelice impressit -Auguste Anno millesimo quingentesimo quarto.” There are copies in the -Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries.[508] An edition, _Mundus novus_, -whose four unnumbered leaves, forty lines to the full page, correspond -wholly with this last issue, except that for the dated colophon the -words LAUS DEO are substituted, was put at first by Harrisse[509] at -the head of the list, with this title. There is a copy in the Lenox -Library, which has another issue, _Mundus novus_, also in black-letter, -forty-two lines to the page;[510] still another, _Mundus novus_, forty -lines to the page;[511] and another, with the words _Mundus novus_ in -Roman, of eight leaves, thirty lines to the page.[512] At this point -in his enumeration Harrisse placed originally the Jehan Lambert issue -(mentioned above), and after it a _Mundus novus_ printed in Paris by -Denys Roce, of which only a fragment (five leaves) exists, sold in the -Libri sale in London, 1865, and now in the British Museum.[513] Another -Paris edition, _Mundus novus_, printed by Gilles de Gourmont, eight -leaves, thirty-one lines to the page, is, according to Harrisse,[514] -known only in a copy in the Lenox Library; but D’Avezac refers to a -copy in the National Library in Paris.[515] - -[Illustration: FIRST PAGE OF MUNDUS NOVUS. - -Harrisse, no. 29. Cf. Navarrete, _Opúsculos_ i. 99.] - -Another _Mundus novus_ is supposed by Harrisse to have been printed -somewhere in the lower Rhineland, and to bear the mark of Wm. -Vorsterman, of Antwerp, on the last leaf, merely to give it currency -in the Netherlands. It has four leaves, and forty-four lines to -the full page. There are copies in the Lenox and Harvard College -libraries.[516] The _Serapeum_ for January, 1861, describes a _Mundus -novus_ as preserved in the Mercantile Library at Hamburg,—a plaquette -of four leaves, with forty-five lines to the page,—which seems to -differ from all others.[517] Later, in his _Additions_ (1872), Harrisse -described other issues of the _Novus mundus_ which do not seem to -be identical with those mentioned in his _Bibliotheca Americana -Vetustissima_. One of these—_Mūdus novus_, printed in a very small -gothic letter, four leaves—he found in the Biblioteca Cosatenense at -Rome.[518] The other has for the leading title, _Epistola Albericii: de -novo mundo_,—a plaquette of four leaves, forty-eight lines to the page, -with map and woodcut.[519] - -This letter of Vespucius was again issued at Strasburg in 1505, with -the title _Be [De] ora antarctica_, as shown in the annexed fac-simile; -and joined with this text, in the little six-leaved tract, was a letter -of Philesius to Bruno, and some Latin verses by Philesius; and in this -form we have it probably for the last time in that language.[520] This -Philesius we shall encounter again later. - -[Illustration] - -It was this Latin rendering by Giocondo, the architect, as Harrisse -thinks,[521] upon which the Italian text of the _Paesi novamente_ -was founded. Varnhagen in his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_ (p. -13), prints side by side this Italian and the Latin text, marking -different readings in the latter. In this same year (1505) the first -German edition was issued at Nuremberg, though it is undated: _Von -der new gefundē Region die wol ein welt genennt mag werden durch den -cristenlichen Künig von Portugall wunnderbarlich erfunden_.[522] The -colophon shows that this German version was made from a copy of the -Latin text brought from Paris in May, 1505: _Ausz latein ist dist -missiue in Teütsch gezogē ausz dem exemplar das von Parisz kam ym maien -monet nach Christi geburt, Funfftzenhundert vnnd Fünffjar. Gedruckt yn -Nüremburg durch Wolffgang Hueber_. The full page of this edition has -thirty-seven lines. - -[Illustration: TITLE OF THE DRESDEN COPY. - -This follows the fac-simile given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_, p. 333, of an edition in the Royal Library at -Dresden.] - -Another edition, issued the same year (1505), shows a slight change -in the title, _Von der neü gefunden Region so wol ein welt genempt -mag werden, durch den Christēlichen künig, von Portigal wunderbarlich -erfunden_. This is followed by the same cut of the King, and has a -similar colophon. Its full page contains thirty-three lines.[523] - -Still another edition of the same year and publisher shows thirty-five -lines to the page, and above the same cut the title reads: _Von der -neu gefunden Region die wol ein welt genent mag werden durch den -Cristenlichen künig von portigal wunderbarlich erfunden_. - -[Illustration: FROM THE DRESDEN COPY. - -This follows the fac-simile given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_, p. 334, of the reverse of title of a copy preserved -in the Royal Library at Dresden.] - -This is the copy described in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. no. -26), and seems to correspond to the copy in the Dresden Library, of -which fac-similes of the title and its reverse are given herewith.[524] - -Harrisse[525] cites a copy in the British Museum (Grenville), which has -thirty-five lines to the page, with the title: _Vonderneüw gefunden -Region_, etc. It is without date and place; but Harrisse sets it under -1505, as he does another issue, _Von der Neüwen gefundē Region_, of -which he found a copy in the Royal Library at Munich,[526] and still -another, _Von den Nawen Insulen unnd Landen_, printed at Leipsic.[527] - -In 1506 there were two editions,—one published at Strasburg,[528] _Von -den Nüwe Insulē und landen_ (eight leaves); and the other at Leipsic, -_Von den newen Insulen und Landen_ (six leaves).[529] - -In 1508 there was, according to Brunet,[530] a Strasburg edition, _Von -den Neüwen Insulen und Landen_. There was also a Dutch edition, _Van -der nieuwer werelt_, etc., printed at Antwerp by Jan van Doesborgh, -which was first made known by Muller, of Amsterdam, through his -_Books on America_ (1872, no. 24). It is a little quarto tract of -eight leaves, without date, printed in gothic type, thirty and -thirty-one lines to the page, with various woodcuts. It came from an -“insignificant library,”—that of the architect Bosschaert,[531]—sold in -1871 in Antwerp, and was bound up with three other tracts of the first -ten years of the sixteenth century. It cost Muller 830 florins, and -subsequently passed into the Carter-Brown Library, and still remains -unique. Muller had placed it between 1506 and 1509; but Mr. Bartlett, -in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. no. 38), assigns it to 1508. -Muller had also given a fac-simile of the first page; but only the -cut on that page is reproduced in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (i. -46), as well as a cut showing a group of four Indians, which is on the -reverse of the last leaf. Mr. Carter-Brown printed a fac-simile edition -(twenty-five copies) in 1874 for private distribution.[532] - -That portion of the Latin letter which Vespucius addressed to Soderini -on his four voyages differs from the text connected with Giocondo’s -name, and will be found in the various versions of the _Paesi -novamente_ and in Grynæus, as well as in Ramusio (i. 128), Bandini -(p. 100), and Canovai in Italian, and in English in Kerr’s _Voyages_ -(vol. iii., 1812, p. 342) and in Lester (p. 223). There are also German -versions in Voss, _Allerälteste Nachricht von den neuen Welt_ (Berlin, -1722), and in Spanish in Navarrete’s Coleccion (iii. 190). - -There is another text, the “Relazione,” published by Francesco -Bartolozzi in 1789,[533] after it had long remained in manuscript; it -also is addressed to the same Lorenzo.[534] If the original account as -written by Vespucius himself was in Portuguese and addressed to King -Manoel, it is lost.[535] - - * * * * * - -Of the Vespucius-Coelho voyage we have only the account which is given -in connection with the other three, in which Vespucius gives May 10 -as the date of sailing; but Coelho is known to have started June 10, -with six ships. Varnhagen has identified the harbor, where he left the -shipwrecked crew, with Port Frio.[536] Returning, they reached Lisbon -June 18 (or 28), and on the 4th of the following September Vespucius -dated his account.[537] - - * * * * * - -If we draw a line from Nancy to Strasburg as the longer side of a -triangle, its apex to the south will fall among the Vosges, where in -a secluded valley lies the town of St.-Dié. What we see there to-day -of man’s work is scarcely a century and a half old; for the place was -burned in 1756, and shortly after rebuilt. In the early part of the -sixteenth century St.-Dié was in the dominion of Duke René of Lorraine. -It had its cathedral and a seminary of learning (under the patronage -of the Duke), and a printing-press had been set up there. The reigning -prince, as an enlightened friend of erudition, had drawn to his college -a number of learned men; and Pico de Mirandola, in addressing a letter -to the editor of the Ptolemy of 1513, expressed surprise that so -scholarly a body of men existed in so obscure a place. Who were these -scholars? - -The chief agent of the Duke in the matter seems to have been his -secretary, Walter Lud or Ludd, or Gualterus Ludovicus, as his name -was latinized. The preceding narrative has indicated his position in -this learned community,[538] and has cited the little tractate of four -leaves by him, the importance of which was first discovered, about -twenty years ago, by Henry Stevens,[539] and of which the only copies -at present known are in the British Museum and the Imperial Library -at Vienna.[540] From this tiny _Speculum_, as we shall see, we learn -some important particulars. Just over the line of Lorraine, and within -the limits of Alsace, there was born and had lived a certain Mathias -Ringmann or Ringman. In these early years of the century (1504) he was -a student in Paris among the pupils of a certain Dr. John Faber,—to be -in other ways, as we shall see, connected with the development of the -little story now in progress. In Paris at the same time, and engaged -in building the Notre Dame bridge, was the Veronese architect Fra -Giovanni Giocondo. Major thinks there is great reason for believing -that the young Alsatian student formed the acquaintance of the Italian -architect, and was thus brought to entertain that enthusiasm for -Vespucius which Giocondo, as a countryman of the navigator, seems to -have imparted to his young friend. At least the little that is known -positively seems to indicate this transmission of admiration. - - * * * * * - -We must next revert to what Vespucius himself was doing to afford -material for this increase of his fame. On his return from his last -voyage he had prepared an account at full length of his experiences in -the New World, “that coming generations might remember him.” No such -ample document, however, is now known. There was at this time (1504) -living in Florence a man of fifty-four, Piero Soderini, who two years -before, had been made perpetual Gonfaloniere of the city. He had been a -schoolmate of Vespucius; and to him, dating from Lisbon, Sept. 4, 1504, -the navigator addressed an account of what he called his four voyages, -abstracted as is supposed from the larger narrative. The original text -of this abstract is also missing, unless we believe, with Varnhagen, -that the text which he gives in his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, -etc. (p. 34), printed at Lima in 1865, is such, which he supposes to -have been published at Florence in 1505-1506, since a printed copy of -an Italian text, undated, had been bought by him in Havana (1863) in -the same covers with another tract of 1506.[541] Other commentators -have not placed this Italian tract so early. It has not usually been -placed before 1510.[542] Dr. Court put it before 1512. Harrisse gave -it the date of 1516 because he had found it bound with another tract -of that date; but in his _Additions_, p. xxv, he acknowledges the -reasons inconclusive. Major contends that there is no reason to believe -that any known Italian text antedates the Latin, yet to be mentioned. -This Italian text is called _Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci delle isole -nuovamente trovate in quattro suoi viaggi ... Data in Lisbona a di 4 di -Septembre, 1504_. It is a small quarto of sixteen leaves.[543] - -Varnhagen does not question that the early Italian print is the better -text, differing as it does from Bassin’s Latin; and he follows it by -preference in all his arguments. He complains that Bandini and Canovai -reprinted it with many errors. - -Ramusio in his first volume had reprinted that part of it which covers -the third and fourth voyage; and it had also been given in French in -the collection of Jean Temporal at Lyons in 1556, known otherwise as -Jean Leon’s (Leo Africanus) _Historiale description de l’Afrique_, with -a preface by Ramusio.[544] - -It is Major’s belief that the original text of the abstract intended -for Soderini was written in a sort of composite Spanish-Italian -dialect, such as an Italian long in the service of the Iberian nations -might acquire,[545] and that a copy of it coming into the possession -of Vespucius’ countryman, Giocondo, in Paris, it was by that architect -translated into French, and at Ringmann’s suggestion addressed to René -and intrusted to Ringmann to convey to the Duke, of whom the Alsatian -felt proud, as an enlightened sovereign whose dominions were within -easy reach of his own home. Major also suggests that the preliminary -parts of the narrative, referring to the school-day acquaintance of -Vespucius with the person whom he addressed, while it was true of -Soderini,[546] was not so of René; but, being retained, has given rise -to confusion.[547] Lud tells us only that the letters were sent from -Portugal to René in French, and Waldseemüller says that they were -translated from the Italian to the French, but without telling us -whence they came. - -We know, at all events, that Ringmann returned to the Vosges country, -and was invited to become professor of Latin in the new college, where -he taught thereafter, and that he had become known, as was the fashion, -under the Latin name of Philesius, whose verses have already been -referred to. The narrative of Vespucius, whether Ringmann brought it -from Paris, or however it came, was not turned from the French into -Latin by him,[548] but, as Lud informs us, by another canon of the -Cathedral, Jean Bassin de Sandacourt, or Johannes Basinus Sandacurius, -as he appears in Lud’s Latin. - -Just before this, in 1504, there had joined the college, as teacher -of geography, another young man who had classicized his name, and was -known as Hylacomylus. It was left, as has been mentioned, for Humboldt -(_Examen critique_, iv. 99) to identify him as Martin Waltzemüller,—who -however preferred to write it Waldseemüller. - -It was a project among this St.-Dié coterie to edit Ptolemy,[549] and -illustrate his cosmographical views, just as another coterie at Vienna -were engaged then and later in studying the complemental theories of -Pomponius Mela. Waldseemüller, as the teacher of geography, naturally -assumed control of this undertaking; and the Duke himself so far -encouraged the scheme as to order the engraving of a map to accompany -the exposition of the new discoveries,—the same which is now known as -the Admiral’s map.[550] - -In pursuance of these studies Waldseemüller had prepared a little -cosmographical treatise, and this it was now determined to print at the -College Press at St.-Dié. Nothing could better accompany it than the -Latin translation of the Four Voyages of Vespucius and some verses by -Philesius; for Ringmann, as we have seen, was a verse-maker, and had a -local fame as a Latin poet. Accordingly, unless Varnhagen’s theory is -true, which most critics are not inclined to accept, these letters of -Vespucius first got into print, not in their original Italian, but in -a little Latin quarto of Waldseemüller, printed in this obscure nook -of the Vosges. Under the title of _Cosmographiæ introductio_, this -appeared twice, if not oftener, in 1507.[551] - -To establish the sequence of the editions of the _Cosmographiæ -introductio_ in 1507[552] is a bibliographical task of some difficulty, -and experts are at variance. D’Avezac (_Waltzemüller_, p. 112) makes -four editions in 1507, and establishes a test for distinguishing them -by taking the first line of the title, together with the date of the -colophon; those of May corresponding to the 25th of April, and those of -September to the 29th of August:— - - 1. _Cosmographiæ introdu—vij kl’ Maij._ - - 2. _Cosmographiæ introductio—vij kl’ Maij._ - - 3. _Cosmographiæ—iiij kl’ Septembris._ - - 4. _Cosmographiæ introdu—iiij kl’ Septembris._ - -[Illustration: PTOLEMY’S WORLD. - -(_Reduced after map in Bunbury’s Ancient Geography, London_, 1879, -_vol._ ii.)] - -The late Henry C. Murphy[553] maintained that nos. 1 and 4 in this -enumeration are simply made up from nos. 2 and 3 (the original May and -September editions), to which a new title,—the same in each case,—with -the substitution of other leaves for the originals of leaves 1, 2, -5, and 6,—also the same in each case,—was given. Harrisse, however, -dissents, and thinks D’Avezac’s no. 1 a genuine first edition. The only -copy of it known[554] was picked up on a Paris quay for a franc by -the geographer Eyriès, which was sold at his death, in 1846, for 160 -francs, and again at the Nicholas Yéméniz sale (Lyons, no. 2,676), in -1867, for 2,000 francs. It is now in the Lenox Library.[555] - -Of the second of D’Avezac’s types there are several copies known. -Harrisse[556] names the copies in the Lenox, Murphy,[557] and -Carter-Brown[558] collections. There is a record of other copies in -the National Library at Rio Janeiro,[559] in the Royal Library at -Berlin,[560] in the Huth Collection[561] in London, and in the Mazarine -Library in Paris,—a copy which D’Avezac[562] calls “irréprochable.” -Tross held a copy in 1872 for 1,500 francs. Waldseemüller’s name -does not appear in these early May issues, which are little quartos -of fifty-two leaves, twenty-seven lines to the full page, with an -inscription of twelve lines, in Roman type, on the back of the folding -sheet of a skeleton globe.[563] - -On the 29th of August (iiij kl’ Septembris) it was reissued, still -without Waldseemüller’s name, of the same size, and fifty-two leaves; -but the folding sheet bears on the reverse an inscription in fifteen -lines. The ordinary title is D’Avezac’s no. 3. Harrisse[564] mentions -the Lenox and Carter-Brown[565] copies; but there are others in Harvard -College Library (formerly the Cooke copy, no. 625, besides an imperfect -copy which belonged to Charles Sumner), in Charles Deane’s Collection, -and in the Barlow Library. The Murphy Library had a copy (no. 680) in -its catalogue, and the house of John Wiley’s Sons advertised a copy in -New York in 1883 for $350. - -There are records of copies in Europe,—in the Imperial Library at -Vienna, in the National Library at Paris, and in the Huth Collection -(_Catalogue_, i. 356) in London. D’Avezac (_Waltzemüller_, pp. 54, -55) describes a copy which belonged to Yéméniz, of Lyons. Brockhaus -advertised one in 1861 (Trömel, no. 1). Another was sold in Paris for -2,000 francs in 1867. There was another in the Sobolewski sale (no. -3,769), and one in the Court Catalogue (no. 92). Leclerc, 1878 (no. -599), has advertised one for 500 francs, Harrassowitz, 1881, (no. 309) -one for 1,000 marks, and Rosenthal, of Munich, in 1884 (no. 30) held -one at 3,000 marks. One is also shown in the _Catalogue of the Reserved -and Most Valuable Portion of the Libri Collection_ (no. 15). - -The latter portion of the book, embracing the _Quattuor Americi -Vesputii navigationes_, seems to have been issued also separately, and -is still occasionally found.[566] - -What seems to have been a composite edition, corresponding to -D’Avezac’s fourth, made up, as Harrisse thinks (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. -47), of the introductory part of D’Avezac’s first and the voyages of -his third edition, is also found, though very rarely. There is a copy -in the Lenox Library of this description, and another, described by -Harrisse, in the Mazarine Library in Paris.[567] - - * * * * * - -It was in this precious little quarto of 1507, whose complicated issues -we have endeavored to trace, that, in the introductory portion, -Waldseemüller, anonymously to the world, but doubtless with the privity -of his fellow-collegians, proposed in two passages, already quoted, -but here presented in fac-simile, to stand sponsor for the new-named -western world; and with what result we shall see. - -[Illustration: TITLE OF THE SEPTEMBER EDITION, 1507. - -This is the third edition of D’Avezac’s enumeration.] - -It was a strange sensation to name a new continent, or even a hitherto -unknown part of an old one. There was again the same uncertainty of -continental lines as when Europe had been named[568] by the ancients, -for there was now only the vaguest notion of what there was to be -named. Columbus had already died in the belief that he had only touched -the eastern limits of Asia. There is no good reason to believe that -Vespucius himself was of a different mind.[569] So insignificant a gain -to Europe had men come to believe these new islands, compared with the -regions of wealth and spices with which Vasco da Gama and Cabral had -opened trade by the African route, that the advocate and deluded finder -of the western route had died obscurely, with scarcely a record being -made of his departure. A few islands and their savage inhabitants had -scarcely answered the expectation of those who had pictured from Marco -Polo the golden glories of Cathay. - -[Illustration: FROM THE COSMOGRAPHIÆ INTRODUCTIO. - -That part of the page (sig. C) of the September edition (1507) which -has the reference to America and Vespucius.] - -[Illustration: FROM THE COSMOGRAPHIÆ INTRODUCTIO. - -That part of the page of the 1507 (September) edition in which the name -of America is proposed for the New World.] - -To Columbus himself the new-found regions were only “insulæ Indiæ super -Gangem,”—India east of the Ganges; and the “Indies” which he supposed -he had found, and for whose native races the Asiatic name was borrowed -and continues to abide, remained the Spanish designation of their -possessions therein, though distinguished in time by the expletive -_West_ Indies.[570] It never occurred to the discoverers themselves to -give a new name to regions which they sometimes designated generically -as _Mundus Novus_ or _Alter Orbis_; but it is doubtful as Humboldt -says, if they intended by such designation any further description -than that the parts discovered were newly found, just as Strabo, -Mela, Cadamosto and others had used similar designations.[571] It was -at a much later day, and when the continental character of the New -World was long established, that some Spaniard suggested _Colonia_, -or _Columbiana_; and another, anxious to commemorate the sovereigns -of Castile and Leon, futilely coined the cumbrous designation of -_Fer-Isabelica_.[572] When Columbus and others had followed a long -stretch of the northern coast of South America without finding a break, -and when the volume of water pouring through the mouths of the Orinoco -betokened to his mind a vast interior, it began to be suspected that -the main coast of Asia had been found; and the designation of _Tierra -firme_ was naturally attached to the whole region, of which Paria and -the Pearl coast were distinguishable parts. This designation of Firm -Land was gradually localized as explorations extended, and covered what -later was known as Castilla del Oro; and began to comprehend in the -time of Purchas,[573] for instance, all that extent of coast from Paria -to Costa Rica.[574] - -When Cabral in 1500 sighted the shores of Brazil, he gave the name -of _Terra Sanctæ Crucis_ to the new-found region,—the land of the -Holy Cross; and this name continued for some time to mark as much as -was then known of what we now call South America, and we find it in -such early delineations as the Lenox globe and the map of Sylvanus in -1511.[575] It will be remembered that in 1502, after what is called his -third voyage, Vespucius had simply named the same region _Mundus Novus_. - -Thus in 1507 there was no general concurrence in the designations -which had been bestowed on these new islands and coasts; and the only -unbroken line which had then been discovered was that stretching -from Honduras well down the eastern coast of South America, if -Vespucius’ statement of having gone to the thirty-second degree of -southern latitude was to be believed. After the exploration of this -coast,—thanks to the skill of Vespucius in sounding his own exploits -and giving them an attractive setting out,[576] aided, probably, by -that fortuitous dispensation of fortune which sometimes awards fame -where it is hardly deserved,—it had come to pass that the name of -Vespucius had, in common report, become better associated than that -of Columbus with the magnitude of the new discoveries. It was not so -strange then as it appears now that the Florentine, rather than the -Genoese, was selected for such continental commemoration. All this -happened to some degree irrespective of the question of priority in -touching Tierra Firme, as turning upon the truth or falsity of the date -1497 assigned to the first of the voyages of Vespucius. - -The proposing of a name was easy; the acceptance of it was not so -certain. The little tract had appeared without any responsible voucher. -The press-mark of St.-Dié was not a powerful stamp. The community was -obscure, and it had been invested with what influence it possessed by -the association of Duke René with it. - -This did not last long. The Duke died in 1508, and his death put a stop -to the projected edition of Ptolemy and broke up the little press; so -that next year (1509), when Waldseemüller planned a new edition of the -_Cosmographiæ introductio_, it was necessary to commit it to Grüninger -in Strasburg to print. In this edition Waldseemüller first signed -his own name to the preface. Copies of this issue are somewhat less -rare than those of 1507. It is a little tract of thirty-two leaves, -some copies having fourteen, others fifteen, lines on the back of the -folding sheet.[577] The Lenox Library has examples of each. - -[Illustration: THE LENOX GLOBE. - -A section of the drawing given by Dr. De Costa in his monograph on the -globe, showing the American parts reduced to a plane projection, and -presenting the name of _Terra Sanctæ Crucis_. There is another sketch -on p. 123.] - -There are other copies in the Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. -40), Barlow, and Harvard College libraries. Another is in the Force -Collection, Library of Congress, and one was sold in the Murphy sale -(no. 681). The copy which belonged to Ferdinand Columbus is still -preserved in Seville; but its annotations do not signify that the -statements in it respecting Vespucius’ discoveries attracted his -attention.[578] It was this edition which Navarrete used when he made -a Spanish version for his _Coleccion_ (iii. 183) D’Avezac used a copy -in the Mazarine Library; and other copies are noted in the Huth (i. -356) and Sunderland (_Catalogue_, vol. v. no. 12,920) collections. The -account of the voyages in this edition was also printed separately in -German as _Diss buchlin saget wie die zwē ... herrē_, etc.[579] - - * * * * * - -While the Strasburg press was emitting this 1509 edition it was also -printing the sheets of another little tract, the anonymous _Globus -mundi_,[580] of which a fac-simile of the title is annexed, in which it -will be perceived the bit of the New World shown is called “Newe welt,” -and not America, though “America lately discovered” is the designation -given in the text. The credit of the discovery is given unreservedly to -Vespucius, and Columbus is not mentioned.[581] - -The breaking up of the press was a serious blow to the little community -at St.-Dié. Ringmann, in the full faith of completing the edition -of Ptolemy which they had in view, had brought from Italy a Greek -manuscript of the old geographer; but the poet was soon to follow his -patron, for, having retired to Schlestadt, his native town, he died -there in 1511 at the early age of twenty-nine. The Ptolemy project, -however, did not fail. Its production was transferred to Strasburg; and -there, in 1513, it appeared, including the series of maps associated -ever since with the name of Hylacomylus, and showing evidences in the -text of the use which had been made of Ringmann’s Greek manuscript. - -[Illustration: TITLE OF THE 1509 (STRASBURG) EDITION.] - -We look to this book in vain for any attempt to follow up the -conferring of the name of Vespucius on the New World. The two maps -which it contains, showing the recent discoveries, are given in -fac-simile on pages 111 and 112. In one the large region which stands -for South America has no designation; in the other there is supposed to -be some relation to Columbus’ own map, while it bears a legend which -gives to Columbus unequivocally the credit of the discovery of the New -World. It has been contended of late that the earliest cartographical -application of the name is on two globes preserved in the collection of -the Freiherr von Hauslab, in Vienna, one of which (printed) Varnhagen -in his paper on Apianus and Schöner puts under 1509, and the other -(manuscript) under 1513. Weiser in his _Magalhâes-Strasse_ (p. 27) -doubts these dates.[582] The application of the new name, America, -we also find not far from this time, say between 1512 and 1515, in a -manuscript mappemonde (see p. 125) which Major, when he described it in -the _Archæologia_ (xl. p. 1), unhesitatingly ascribed to Leonardo da -Vinci, thinking that he could trace certain relations between Da Vinci -and Vespucius. This map bears distinctly the name _America_ on the -South American continent. Its connection with Da Vinci is now denied. - -[Illustration: TITLE OF THE 1509 (STRASBURG) EDITION.] - -Not far from the same time a certain undated edition of the -_Cosmographiæ introductio_ appeared at Lyons, though no place is given. -Of this edition there are two copies in the British Museum, and others -in the Lenox and Barlow collections; but they all lack a map,[583] -which is found in a copy first brought to public attention by the -bookseller Tross, of Paris, in 1881,[584] and which is now owned by Mr. -C. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. Its date is uncertain. Harrisse (_Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, no. 63) placed it first in 1510, but later (_Cabots_, -p. 182) he dated it about 1514, as Tross had already done. D’Avezac -(_Waltzemüller_, p. 123) thinks it could not have been earlier than -1517.[585] - -The chief interest of this map to us is the fact that it bears the -words “America noviter reperta” on what stands for South America; and -there is fair ground for supposing that it antedates all other printed -maps yet known which bear this name. - -At not far from the same time, fixed in this instance certainly in -1515, we find _America_ on the earliest known globe of Schöner.[586] -Probably printed to accompany this globe, is a rare little tract, -issued the same year (1515) at Nuremberg, under the title of -_Luculentissima quædā terræ totius descriptio_. In this Schöner speaks -of a “fourth part of the globe, named after its discoverer, Americus -Vespucius, a man of sagacious mind, who found it in 1497,” adopting the -controverted date.[587] - -Meanwhile the fame of Vespucius was prospering with the Vienna -coterie. One of them, Georg Tanstetter, sometimes called Collimitius, -was editing the _De natura locorum librum_ of Albertus Magnus; and -apparently after the book was printed he made with type a marginal -note, to cite the profession of Vespucius that he had reached to fifty -degrees south, as showing that there was habitable land so far towards -the Southern Pole.[588] - -Joachim Watt, or Vadianus, as he was called in his editorial Latin, had -in 1515 adopted the new name of America, and repeated it in 1518, when -he reproduced his letter in his edition of Pomponius Mela, as explained -on another page.[589] Apian had been employed to make the mappemonde -for it, which was to show the new discoveries. The map seems not to -have been finished in time; but when it appeared, two years later -(1520), in the new edition of Solinus, by Camers, though it bore the -name of America on the southern main, it still preserved the legend in -connection therewith which awarded the discovery to Columbus.[590] Watt -now quarrelled with Camers, for they had worked jointly, and their two -books are usually found in one cover, with Apian’s map between them. -Returning to St. Gall, Vadianus practised there as a physician, and -reissued his Mela at Basle in 1522, dedicating it to that Dr. Faber who -had been the teacher of Ringmann in Paris eighteen years before.[591] - -In 1522 Lorenz Friess, or Laurentius Phrysius, another of Duke René’s -coterie, a correspondent of Vespucius, published a new edition of -Ptolemy at the Grüninger press in Strasburg, in which the fame of -Columbus and Vespucius is kept up in the usual equalizing way. The -preface, by Thomas Ancuparius, sounds the praises of the Florentine, -ascribing to him the discovery “of what we to-day call America;” the -Admiral’s map, _Tabula Terre Nove_,[592] which Waldseemüller had -published in the 1513 edition, is once more reproduced, with other of -the maps of that edition, re-engraved on a reduced scale. The usual -legend, crediting the discovery to Columbus, is shown in a section of -the map, which is given in another place.[593] Phrysius acknowledges -that the maps are essentially Waldseemüller’s, though they have some -changes and additions; but he adds a new mappemonde of his own, putting -the name America on the great southern main,—the first time of its -appearing in any map of the Ptolemy series. A fac-simile is annexed. - - * * * * * - -There is thus far absolutely no proof that any one disputed the -essential facts of the discovery by Columbus of the outlying islands -of Asia, as the belief went, or denied him the credit of giving a new -world to the crowns of Aragon and Castile, whether that were Asia -or not. The maps which have come down to us, so far as they record -anything, invariably give Columbus the credit. The detractors and -panegyrists of Vespucius have asserted in turn that he was privy to -the doings at St.-Dié and Strasburg, and that he was not; but proof -is lacking for either proposition. No one can dispute, however, that -he was dead before his name was applied to the new discoveries on any -published map. - -If indeed the date of 1497, as given by the St.-Dié publication, was -correct, there might have been ground for adjudging his explorations of -the mainland to have antedated those of Columbus; but the conclusion -is irresistible that either the Spanish authorities did not know that -such a claim had been made, or they deemed the date an error of the -press; since to rely upon the claim would have helped them in their -conflict with the heirs of Columbus, which began the year following -the publication of that claim, or in 1508 and continued to vex all -concerned till 1527; and during all that time Vespucius, as has been -mentioned, is not named in the records of the proceedings. It is -equally hard to believe that Ferdinand Columbus would have passed by a -claim derogating from the fame of his father, if it had come to him as -a positive assertion. That he knew of the St.-Dié tract we have direct -evidence in his possession of a copy of it. That it did not trouble him -we know also with as much confidence as negative testimony can impart; -for we have no knowledge of his noticing it, but instead the positive -assertion of a contemporary that he did not notice it. - -The claim for Vespucius, however, was soon to be set up. In 1527 -Las Casas began, if we may believe Quintana, the writing of his -_Historia_.[594] It is not easy, however, to fix precisely the year -when he tells us that the belief had become current of Vespucius being -really the first to set his foot on the main. “Amerigo,” he tells us -further,[595] “is said to have placed the name of America on maps,[596] -thus sinfully failing toward the Admiral. If he purposely gave currency -to this belief in his first setting foot on the main, it was a great -wickedness; and if it was not done intentionally, it looks like it.” -Las Casas still makes allowances, and fails of positive accusation, -when again he speaks of “the injustice of Amerigo, or the injustice -perhaps those who printed the _Quattuor navigationes_ appear to have -committed toward the Admiral;” and once more when he says that “foreign -writers call the country America: it ought to be called Columba.” But -he grows more positive as he goes on, when he wonders how Ferdinand -Columbus, who had, as he says, Vespucius’ account, could have found -nothing in it of deceit and injustice to object to. - -Who were these “foreign writers?” Stobnicza, of Cracow, in the -_Introductio in Claudii Ptholomei cosmographiā_, which he published in -1512, said: “Et ne soli Ptolomeo laborassem, curavi etiam notas facere -quasdam partes terre ipsi ptolomeo alijsque vetustioribus ignotas que -Amerii vespucij aliorumque lustratione ad nostram noticiam puenere.” -Upon the reverse of folio v., in the chapter “De meridianis,” occurs: -“Similiter in occasu ultra africam & europam magna pars terre quam -ab Americo eius reptore Americam vocant vulgo autem novus mundus -dicitur.” Upon the reverse of folio vii. in the chapter “De partibus -terre” is this: “Non solū aūt pdicte tres ptes nunc sunt lacius -lustrate, verum & alia quata pars ab Americo vesputio sagacis ingenii -viro inventa est, quam ab ipso Americo eius inventore Ameriḡem si a -americi terram sive americā appellari volunt cuius latitudo est sub -tota torrida zona,” etc. These expressions were repeated in the second -edition in 1519. - -[Illustration: LAURENTIUS FRISIUS, IN THE PTOLEMY OF 1522 (_westerly -part._)] - -Apian in 1524 had accepted the name in his _Cosmographicus liber_, as -he had in an uncertain way, in 1522, in two editions, one printed at -Ratisbon, the other without place, of the tract, _Declaratio et usus -typi cosmographici_, illustrative of his map.[597] - -Glareanus in 1529 spoke of the land to the west “quam Americam vocant,” -though he couples the names of Columbus and Vespucius in speaking -of its discovery. Apian and Gemma Phrysius in their _Cosmographia_ -of the same year recognize the new name;[598] and Phrysius again in -his _De principiis astronomiæ_, first published at Antwerp in 1530, -gave a chapter (no. xxx.) to “America,” and repeated it in later -editions.[599] Münster in the _Novus orbis_ of 1532 finds that the -extended coast of South America “takes the name of America from -Americus, who discovered it.”[600] We find the name again in the -_Epitome trium terræ partium_ of Vadianus, published at Tiguri in -1534,[601] and in Honter’s _Rudimentorum cosmographiæ libri_, published -at Basle in the same year. When the Spanish sea-manual, Medina’s _Arte -de navegar_, was published in Italian at Venice in 1544, it had a chart -with America on it; and the _De sphæra_ of Cornelius Valerius (Antwerp, -1561) says this fourth part of the world took its name from Americus. - -Thus it was manifest that popular belief, outside of Spain, at -least,[602] was, as Las Casas affirms, working at last into false -channels. Of course the time would come when Vespucius, wrongfully -or rightfully, would be charged with promoting this belief. He was -already dead, and could not repel the insinuation. In 1533 this charge -came for the first time in print, so far as we now know, and from one -who had taken his part in spreading the error. It has already been -mentioned how Schöner, in his globe of 1515, and in the little book -which explained that globe, had accepted the name from the coterie of -the Vosges. He still used the name in 1520 in another globe.[603] Now -in 1533, in his _Opusculum geographicum ex diversorum libris ac cartis -summa cura & diligentia collectum, accomodatum ad recenter elaboratum -ab eodem globum decriptionis terrenæ. Ioachimi Camerarii_. _Ex urbe -Norica, ... Anno XXXIII_,[604] he unreservedly charged Vespucius -with fixing his own name upon that region of India Superior which he -believed to be an island.[605] - -In 1535, in a new edition of Ptolemy, Servetus repeated the map of -the New World from the editions of 1522 and 1525 which helped to give -further currency to the name of America; but he checks his readers -in his text by saying that those are misled who call the continent -America, since Vespucius never touched it till long after Columbus -had.[606] This cautious statement did not save Servetus from the -disdainful comment of Gomara (1551), who accuses that editor of Ptolemy -of attempting to blacken the name of the Florentine. - -It was but an easy process for a euphonious name, once accepted for -a large part of the new discoveries, gradually to be extended until -it covered them all. The discovery of the South Sea by Balboa in -1513 rendered it certain that there was a country of unmistakably -continental extent lying south of the field of Columbus’ observations, -which, though it might prove to be connected with Asia by the Isthmus -of Panama, was still worthy of an independent designation.[607] We -have seen how the Land of the Holy Cross, Paria, and all other names -gave way in recognition of the one man who had best satisfied Europe -that this region had a continental extent. If it be admitted even that -Vespucius was in any way privy to the bestowal of his name upon it, -there was at first no purpose to enlarge the application of such name -beyond this well-recognized coast. - -[Illustration: MERCATOR, 1541. - -This is the configuration of Mercator’s gores (for a globe) reduced to -Mercator’s subsequently-devised projection.] - -That the name went beyond that coast came of one of those shaping -tendencies which are without control. “It was,” as Humboldt says,[608] -“accident, and not fraud and dissensions, which deprived the continent -of America of the name of Columbus.” It was in 1541, and by Mercator -in his printed gores for a globe, that in a cartographical record we -first find the name _America_ extended to cover the entire continent; -for he places the letters AME at Baccalaos, and completed the name -with RICA at the La Plata.[609] Thus the injustice was made perpetual; -and there seems no greater instance of the instability of truth in -the world’s history. Such monstrous perversion could but incite an -indignation which needed a victim,—and it found him in Vespucius. The -intimation of Schöner was magnified in time by everybody, and the -unfortunate date of 1497, as well as the altogether doubtful aspect of -his _Quattuor navigationes_, helped on the accusation. Vespucius stood -in every cyclopædia and history as the personification of baseness -and arrogance;[610] and his treacherous return for the kindness which -Columbus did him in February, 1505, when he gave him a letter of -recommendation to his son Diego,[611] at a time when the Florentine -stood in need of such assistance, was often made to point a moral. -The most emphatic of these accusers, working up his case with every -subsidiary help, has been the Viscount Santarem. He will not admit the -possibility of Vespucius’ ignorance of the movement at St.-Dié. “We are -led to the conclusion,” he says, in summing up, “that the name given -to the new continent after the death of Columbus was the result of a -preconceived plan against his memory, either designedly and with malice -aforethought, or by the secret influence of an extensive patronage -of foreign merchants residing at Seville and elsewhere, dependent on -Vespucius as naval contractor.”[612] - -It was not till Humboldt approached the subject in the fourth and fifth -volumes of his _Examen critique de l’histoire et de la géographie -du nouveau monde_ that the great injustice to Vespucius on account -of the greater injustice to Columbus began to be apparent. No one -but Santarem, since Humboldt’s time, has attempted to rehabilitate -the old arguments. Those who are cautious had said before that he -might pardonably have given his name to the long coast-line which -he had tracked, but that he was not responsible for its ultimate -expansion.[613] But Humboldt’s opinion at once prevailed, and he -reviewed and confirmed them in his _Cosmos_.[614] Humboldt’s views are -convincingly and elaborately enforced; but the busy reader may like to -know they are well epitomized by Wiesener in a paper, “Améric Vespuce -et Christophe Colomb: la véritable origine du nom d’Amérique,” which -was published in the _Revue des questions historiques_ (1866), i. -225-252, and translated into English in the _Catholic World_ (1867), v. -611. - -The best English authority on this question is Mr. R. H. Major, -who has examined it with both thoroughness and condensation of -statement in his paper on the Da Vinci map in the _Archæologia_, -vol. xl., in his _Prince Henry the Navigator_ (pp. 367-380),[615] -and in his _Discoveries of Prince Henry_, chap. xiv. Harrisse in his -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 65, 94, enumerates the contestants on the -question; and Varnhagen, who is never unjust to Columbus, traces in -a summary way the progress in the acceptance of the name of America -in his _Nouvelles recherches sur les derniers voyages du navigateur -Florentin_. In German, Oscar Peschel in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_ (book ii. chap. 13) has examined the matter with a -scholar’s instincts. The subject was followed by M. Schoetter in a -paper read at the Congrès des Américanistes at Luxemburg in 1877; but -it is not apparent from the abstract of the paper in the _Proceedings_ -of that session (p. 357) that any new light was thrown upon the matter. - -Professor Jules Marcou would drive the subject beyond the bounds of -any personal associations by establishing the origin of the name in -the native designation (Americ, Amerrique, Amerique) of a range of -mountains in Central America;[616] and Mr. T. H. Lambert, in the -_Bulletin_ of the American Geographical Society (no. 1 of 1883), asks -us to find the origin in the name given by the Peruvians to their -country,—neither of which theories has received or is likely to receive -any considerable acceptance.[617] - -[Illustration: APIANUS (_from_ REUSNER’S _Icones_, 1590, p. 175).] - - - - -THE BIBLIOGRAPHY - -OF - -POMPONIUS MELA, SOLINUS, VADIANUS, AND APIANUS. - -BY THE EDITOR. - -[Illustration: POMPONIUS MELA’S WORLD. - -Reduced after map in Bunbury’s _Ancient Geography_ (London, 1879), ii. -368.] - -OF Pomponius Mela we know little beyond the fact that he was born in -Spain, not far from Gibraltar, and that he wrote, as seems probable, -his popular geographical treatise in the year 43 A.D.[618] The _editio -princeps_ of this treatise was printed in 1471 at Milan, it is -supposed, by Antonius Zarotus, under the title _Cosmographia_. It was -a small quarto of fifty-nine leaves. Two copies have been sold lately. -The Sunderland copy (no. 10,117) brought £11 5_s._, and has since -been held by Quaritch at £15 15_s._ Another copy was no. 897 in part -iii. of the _Beckford Catalogue_. In 1478 there was an edition, _De -situ orbis_, at Venice (Sunderland, no. 10,118); and in 1482 another -edition, _Cosmographia geographica_, was also published at Venice -(Leclerc, no. 456; Murphy, no. 2,003; D’Avezac, _Géographes Grecs et -Latins_, p. 13). It was called _Cosmographia_ in the edition of 1498 -(_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 8; Huth, iv. 1166); _De orbis situ_ -in that of Venice, 1502; _De totius orbis descriptione_ in the Paris -edition of 1507, edited by Geofroy Tory (A. J. Bernard’s _Geofroy Tory, -premier imprimeur royal_, Paris, 1865, p. 81; Carter-Brown, i. 32; -Muller, 1872, no. 2,318; 1877, no. 2,062). - -[Illustration: VADIANUS. - -Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner’s _Icones_ (Strasburg, 1590), p. 162.] - -In 1512 the text of Mela came under new influences. Henry Stevens -(_Bibliotheca geographica_, p. 210) and others have pointed out how -a circle of geographical students at this time were making Vienna a -centre of interest by their interpretation of the views of Mela and -of Solinus, a writer of the third century, whose _Polyhistor_ is a -description of the world known to the ancients. Within this knot of -cosmographers, John Camers undertook the editing of Mela; and his -edition, _De situ orbis_, was printed by Jean Singrein at Vienna in -1512, though it bears neither place nor date (Stevens, _Bibliotheca -geographica_, no. 1,825; D’Avezac, _Géographes Grecs et Latins_, p. 14; -Leclerc, no. 457; Sunderland, no. 10,119). Another Mela of the same -year (1512) is known to have been printed by Weissenburger, presumably -at Nuremberg, and edited by Johannes Cocleius as _Cosmographia Pomponii -Mele: authoris nitidissimi tribus libris digesta: ... compendio -Johannis Coclei Norici adaucta quo geographie principia generaliter -comprehēduntur_ (Weigel, 1877, no. 227; there is a copy in Charles -Deane’s library). In 1517 Mela made a part of the collection of Antonie -Francino at Florence, which was reissued in 1519 and 1526 (D’Avezac, p. -16; Sunderland, nos. 10,121, 10,122). - -Meanwhile another student, Joachim Watt, a native of St. Gall, in -Switzerland, now about thirty years old, who had been a student -of Camers, and who is better known by the latinized form of his -name, Vadianus, had, in November, 1514, addressed a letter to -Rudolfus Agricola, in which he adopted the suggestion first made by -Waldseemüller that the forename of Vespucius should be applied to -that part of the New World which we now call Brazil. This letter -was printed at Vienna (1515) in a little tract,—_Habes, Lector, -hoc libello, Rudolphi Agricolæ Junioris Rheti ad Jochimum Vadianum -epistolam_,—now become very rare. It contains also the letter of -Agricola, Sept. 1, 1514, which drew out the response of Vadianus dated -October 16,—Agricola on his part referring to the work on Mela which -was then occupying Vadianus (a copy owned by Stevens, _Bibliotheca -geographica_, no. 2,799, passed into the Huth Library, _Catalogue_, v. -1506. Harrassowitz has since priced a copy, _Catalogue_, List 61, no. -57, at 280 marks). - -The _De situ orbis_ of Mela, as edited by Vadianus, came out finally -in 1518, and contained one of the two letters,—that of Vadianus -himself; and it is in this reproduction that writers have usually -referred to its text (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 92; Murphy, -no. 2,004; Leclerc, no. 458; Sunderland, no. 10,120; Graesse, v. 401; -Carter-Brown, i. 55). Camers also issued at the same time an edition -uniform with the Aldine imprint of Solinus; and this and the Mela are -often found bound together. Two years later (1520) copies of the two -usually have bound up between them the famous cordiform map of Apian -(Petrus Apianus, in the Latin form; Dienewitz, in his vernacular). -This for a long time was considered the earliest engraved map to show -the name of America, which appeared, as the annexed fac-simile shows, -on the representation of South America. There may be some question -if the map equally belongs to the Mela and to the Solinus, for the -two in this edition are usually bound together; yet in a few copies -of this double book, as in the Cranmer copy in the British Museum, -and in the Huth copy (_Catalogue_, iv. 1372), there is a map for each -book. There are copies of the Solinus in the Carter-Brown, Lenox, -Harvard College, Boston Public, and American Antiquarian Society -libraries (cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 175; _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 108; Murphy, no. 2,338; Trübner, 1876, £15 15s.; Weigel, -1877, 240 marks; Calvary, 1883, 250 marks; Leclerc, 1881, no. 2,686, -500 francs; Ellis & White, 1877, £25). The inscription on the map -reads: “Tipus orbis universalis juxta Ptolomei cosmographi traditionem -et Americi Vespucii aliosque lustrationes a Petro Apiano Leysnico -elucbrat. An. Do. M.D.XX.” Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, -no. 68) cites from Varnhagen’s _Postface aux trois livraisons sur -Vespucci_, a little tract of eight leaves, which is said to be an -exposition of the map to accompany it, called _Declaratio et usus -typi cosmographici_, Ratisbon, 1522. The map was again used in the -first complete edition of Peter Martyr’s _Decades_, when the date was -changed to “M.D.XXX” (Carter-Brown, i. 94; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 154; -Kunstmann, _Entdeckung Amerikas_, p. 134; Kohl, _Die beiden ältesten -General-Karten von Amerika_, p. 33; Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, -no. 4). Vadianus meanwhile had quarrelled with Camers, and had returned -to St. Gall, and now re-edited his _Mela_, and published it at Basle in -1522 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 112; Murphy, no. 2,004**; Carter-Brown, -i. 590; Leclerc, no. 459). - -In 1524 Apianus published the first edition of his cosmographical -studies,—a book that for near a century, under various revisions, -maintained a high reputation. The _Cosmographicus liber_ was published -at Landshut in 1524,—a thin quarto with two diagrams showing the New -World, in one of which the designation is “Ameri” for an island; in the -other, “America.” Bibliographers differ as to collation, some giving -fifty-two, and others sixty leaves; and there are evidently different -editions of the same year. The book is usually priced at £5 or £6. -Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 174; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. -127, and _Additions_, p. 87; Carter-Brown, i. 78; Huth, i. 39; Murphy, -no. 93; Sabin, no. 1,738. There is an account of Apianus (born 1495; -died 1551 or 1552) in Clement’s _Bibliographie curieuse_ (Göttingen, -1750-1760). It is in chapter iv. of part ii. of the _Cosmographicus -liber_ that America is mentioned; but there is no intimation of -Columbus having discovered it. Where “Isabella aut Cuba” is spoken of, -is an early instance of conferring the latter name on that island, -after La Cosa’s use of it. - -[Illustration: PART OF APIANUS’S MAP, 1520. - -There are fac-similes of the entire map in the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. 69, and in Santarem’s _Atlas_; and on a much -reduced scale in Daly’s _Early Cartography_. Cf. Varnhagen’s _Jo. -Schöner e P. Apianus: Influencia de um e outro e de varios de seus -contemporaneos na adopçăo do nome America; primeiros globos e primeiros -mappas-mundi com este nome; globo de Waltzeemüller, e plaquette -acerca do de Schöner_, Vienna, 1872, privately printed, 61 pp., 100 -copies (_Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,231; Quaritch prices it at about -£1). A recent account of the history of the Vienna presses, _Wiens -Buchdruckergeschichte_ (1883), by Anton Mayer, refers to the edition of -Solinus of 1520 (vol. i. pp. 38, 41), and to the editions of Pomponius -Mela, edited by Vadianus, giving a fac-simile of the title (p. 39) in -one case. - -Santarem gives twenty-five editions of Ptolemy between 1511 and 1584 -which do not bear the name of America, and three (1522, 1541, and 1552) -which have it. Cf. _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ -(1837), vol. viii.] - -In 1529 a pupil of Apianus, Gemma Frisius, annotated his master’s work, -when it was published at Antwerp, while an abridgment, _Cosmographiæ -introductio_, was printed the same year (1529) at Ingoldstadt (Sabin, -no. 1,739; Court, no. 21; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 148, 149, and -_Additions_, no. 88. There is a copy of the abridgment in Harvard -College Library). - -The third edition of _Mela, cum commentariis Vadiani_ appeared at Paris -in 1530, but without maps (cf. Carter-Brown, i. 97; Muller, 1877, no. -2,063; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 157); and again in 1532. (Sunderland, -no. 10,124; Harrassowitz, list 61, no. 60). - - * * * * * - -It is not necessary to follow, other than synoptically, the various -subsequent editions of these three representative books, with brief -indications of the changes that they assumed to comport with the now -rapidly advancing knowledge of the New World. - -=1533.= Apianus, full or abridged, in Latin, at Venice, at Freiburg, -at Antwerp, at Ingoldstadt, at Paris (Carter-Brown, i. 591; _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, nos. 179, 202, and _Additions_, no. 100; Sabin, nos. -1,742, 1,757. Some copies have 1532 in the colophon). Apianus printed -this year at Ingoldstadt various tracts in Latin and German on the -instruments used in observations for latitude and longitude (Stevens, -_Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 173, etc). Vadianus, in his _Epitome -trium terræ partium_, published at Tiguri, described America as a part -of Asia (Weigel, 1877, no. 1,574). He dated his preface at St. Gall, -“VII. Kallen. August, M. D. XXXIII.” - -=1534.= Apianus in Latin at Venice (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions,_ -no. 106). The _Epitome_ of Vadianus in folio, published at Tiguri, -with a map, “Typus cosmographicus universalis, Tiguri, anno M. D. -XXXIIII,” which resembles somewhat that of Finæus, representing the -New World as an island approaching the shape of South America. The -Carter-Brown copy has no map (cf. Huth, v. 1508; Leclerc, no. 586, 130 -francs; Carter-Brown, i. 112; Weigel, 1877, no. 1,576; _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 189). An edition in octavo, without date, is held to be of -the same year. It is usually said to have no map; but Quaritch (no. -12,475) has advertised a copy for £4,—“the only copy he had ever seen -containing the map.” The _Huth Catalogue_, v. 1508, shows a copy with -twelve woodcut maps of two leaves each, and four single leaves of maps -and globes. The part pertaining to America in this edition is pages -544-564, “Insulæ Oceani præcipuæ,” which is considered to belong to -the Asiatic continent (cf. Stevens, 1870, no. 2,179; Muller, 1872, no. -1,551; 1877, no. 3,293; Weigel, 1877, no. 1,575). - -=1535.= Apianus, in Latin, at Venice (Sabin, no. 1,743; _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 202). Vadianus, in Latin, at Antwerp. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, -209; Huth, v. 1508; Court, no. 360). - -=1536.= An edition of Mela, _De situ orbis_, without place and date, -was printed at Basle, in small octavo, with the corrections of Olive -and Barbaro. Cf. D’Avezac, _Géographes Grecs et Latins_, p. 20; -Sunderland, no. 10,123; Weigel (1877), p. 99. - -=1537.= The first Dutch edition of Apianus, _De cosmographie rā Pe -Apianus_, Antwerp, with woodcut of globe on the title. The first of -two small maps shows America. It contains a description of Peru. Cf. -Carter-Brown, i. 121; Muller (1875), no. 2,314. - -=1538.= Mela and Solinus, printed by Henri Petri at Basle with large -and small maps, one representing the New World to the east of Asia as -“Terra incognita.” Cf. Harrassowitz (1882), no. 91, p. 2, 60 marks; -D’Avezac, p. 21. - -=1539.= An edition of Mela, _De orbis situ_, at Paris (Sunderland, no. -10,124). Apianus’s _Cosmographia per Gemmam Phrysium restituta_, in -small quarto, was published at Antwerp by A. Berckman. A globe on the -titlepage shows the Old World. It has no other map (Carter-Brown, i. -124; Sabin, no. 1,744; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 229, 230). - -=1540.= An edition of Mela, issued at Paris, has the Orontius Finæus -map of 1531, with the type of the Dedication changed. The Harvard -College copy and one given in Harrassowitz’ _Catalogue_ (81), no. -55, show no map. Cf. Leclerc, no. 460, 200 francs; Harrisse, _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, no. 230, _Additions_, nos. 126, 127, 460; Court, no. 283; -Rosenthal (1884), no. 51, at 150 marks. An edition of Apianus in Latin -at Antwerp, without map; but Lelewel (_Moyen-âge_, pl. 46) gives a map -purporting to follow one in this edition of Apianus. Cf. Carter-Brown, -i. 125; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 230; Sabin, no. 1,745. - -=1541.= Editions of Apianus in Latin at Venice and at Nuremberg. Cf. -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 235, 236; Sabin, nos. 1,746, 1,747. - -=1543.= Mela and Solinus at Basle (D’Avezac, p. 21). - -[Illustration: APIANUS. - -This follows a fac-simile of an old cut given in the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. 294.] - -=1544.= An edition of Apianus in French at Antwerp, with a map, which -was used in various later editions. Cf. Sabin, no. 1,752; Carter-Brown, -i. 592; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 253. - -=1545.= Apianus, in Latin, at Antwerp, with the same map as in the 1544 -French edition. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 135; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 262; -Muller (1875), no. 2,365 (1877), no. 158; Sabin, no. 1,748. - -=1548.= Apianus in Spanish, _Cosmographia augmentada por Gemma Frisio_, -at Antwerp, with the same folding map. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. -283; Sabin, no. 1,753; Carter-Brown, i. 147; Dufosse, no. 10,201, 45 -francs; Quaritch (1878), no. 104, £6 6_s._; _Cat. hist. Brazil, Bibl. -Nac. do Rio de Janeiro_, no. 3. Apianus in Italian at Antwerp, _Libro -de la cosmographia de Pedro Apiano_, with the same map. The _Epitome_ -of Vadianus, published at Tiguri, with double maps engraved on wood, -contains one, dated 1546, showing America, which is reproduced in -Santarem’s _Atlas_. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 151; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. -170, 464, _Additions_, no. 104. - -=1550.= Apianus in Latin at Antwerp, with map at folio 30, with -additions by Frisius; and folios 30-48, on America (cf. Carter-Brown, -i. 154; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 298; Murphy, no. 94; Sabin, no. 1,749; -Muller, 1875, no. 2,366). Some bibliographers report Latin editions of -this year at Amsterdam and Basle. - -=1551.= Editions of Apianus at Paris, in Latin and French, with a -folding map and two smaller ones,—a reprint of the Antwerp edition of -1550. The language of the maps is French in both editions (Court, no. -20). Clement (_Bibliothèque curieuse_, i. 404) gives 1553 as the date -of the colophon. An edition of Mela and Solinus (D’Avezac, p. 21). - -=1553.= Editions of Apianus in Latin at Antwerp and Paris, and in Dutch -at Antwerp, with mappemonde and two small maps. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. -174, 594. Some copies have 1551 in the colophon, as does that belonging -to Jules Marcou, of Cambridge. There is a copy of the Paris edition in -the Boston Public Library, no. 2,285, 58. - -=1554.= An abridged edition of Apianus, _Cosmographiæ introductio_, -Venice. A copy in Harvard College Library. - -=1556.= An edition of Mela, at Paris (Sunderland, no. 10,125). - -=1557.= An edition of Mela, as edited by Vadianus, at Basle (D’Avezac, -p. 21). - -=1561.= A Dutch edition of Apianus, at Antwerp, without map. Cf. -Carter-Brown, i. 597; Sabin, no. 1,754. - -=1564.= An octavo edition of Vadianus’ _Mela_ (D’Avezac, p. 21). A -Latin edition of Apianus at Antwerp, with mappemonde. - -=1574.= Latin editions of Apianus at Antwerp and Cologne, with a -folding mappemonde (Carter-Brown, i. 296, 297; Sabin, no. 1,750). - -=1575.= Spanish and Italian texts of Apianus published at Antwerp, -with mappemonde, and descriptions of the New World taken from Gomara -and Girava. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 302; Sabin, no. 1,756; Clement, -_Bibliothèque curieuse_, i. 405. - -=1576.= Mela, as edited by Vadianus (D’Avezac, p. 21). With the -_Polyhistor_ of Solinus, published at Basle. The Harvard College copy -has no map of America. Cf. Graesse, v. 402. - -=1577.= Henri Estienne’s collection in quarto, containing Mela -(D’Avezac, p. 24). - -=1581.= Apianus in French, at Antwerp, with a folding mappemonde (p. -72). The part on America is pp. 155-187 (Murphy, no. 95). - -=1582.= An edition of Mela edited by A. Schottus, published at Antwerp, -with map by Ortelius (Sunderland, no. 10,126). - -=1584.= The _Cosmographia_ of Apianus and Frisius, called by Clement -(_Bibliothèque curieuse_, i. 404) the best edition, published at -Antwerp by Bellero, in two issues, a change in the title distinguishing -them. It has the same map with the 1564 and 1574 editions, and the -section on “Insulæ Americæ” begins on p. 157. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 354, -no map mentioned; Sabin, no. 1,751. - -=1585.= An edition of Mela in English, translated by Arthur Golding, -published at London as _The Worke of Pomponius Mela, the Cosmographer, -concerning the Situation of the World_. The preface is dated Feb. 6, -1584, in which Golding promises versions of Solinus and Thevet. There -is a copy in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. - -=1592.= A Dutch edition of Apianus, published at Antwerp (Sabin, no. -1,755). - -=1595.= An edition of Mela, as edited by Vadianus, published at Basle -(D’Avezac, p. 21). - -=1598.= A Dutch edition of Apianus, published at Amsterdam, with -folding map. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 521; Muller (1877), no. 164. - -=1605.= Mathias Bonhomme published an edition of Mela and Solinus -(D’Avezac, p. 21). - -=1609.= A Dutch edition of Apianus, printed at Antwerp, with mappemonde -(Carter-Brown, ii. 76; Sabin, no. 1,755). Bonhomme’s edition of Mela -and Solinus, reissued (D’Avezac, p. 21). - -=1615=, etc. Numerous editions of Mela appeared subsequently: 1615 -(Vadianus), Basle, 1619, 1625, 1626, 1635; at Madrid, 1642, 1644, in -Spanish; Leyden, 1646, in Latin; and under different editors, 1658, -1685, and 1700, and often later. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. - -BY EDWARD CHANNING, PH.D., - -_Instructor in History in Harvard College._ - - -IN 1498 the news of the discovery of Paria and the pearl fisheries -reached Spain; and during the next year a number of expeditions was -fitted out at private expense for trade and exploration. The first -to set sail was commanded by Alonso de Ojeda, the quondam captor of -Caonabo, who, with Juan de la Cosa—a mariner scarcely inferior in his -own estimation to the Admiral himself—and with Morigo Vespuche, as -Ojeda calls him, left the Bay of Cadiz toward the end of May, 1499. -Ojeda, provided with a copy of the track-chart sent home by Columbus, -easily found his way to the coast of South America, a few degrees north -of the equator. Thence he coasted northward by the mouth of the Rio -Dulce (Essequibo) into the Gulf of Paria, which he left by the Boca del -Drago. He then passed to the Isla Margarita and the northern shores of -Tierra Firme, along which he sailed until he came to a deep gulf into -which opened a large lagoon. The gulf he called the Golfo de Venecia -(Venezuela), from the fancied resemblance of a village on its shores -to the Queen of the Adriatic; while to the lagoon, now known as the -Lake of Maracáibo, he gave the name of S. Bartoloméo. From this gulf -he sailed westward by the land of Coquibacoa to the Cabo de la Vela, -whence he took his departure for home, where, after many adventures, he -arrived in the summer of the following year. - -Close in his track sailed Cristóbal Guerra and Pedro Alonso Niño, -who arrived off the coast of Paria a few days after Ojeda had left -it. Still following him, they traded along the coast as far west as -Caucheto, and tarried at the neighboring islands, especially Margarita, -until their little vessel of fifty tons was well loaded; when they -sailed for Spain, where they arrived in April, 1500, “so laden with -pearls that they were in maner with every mariner as common as chaffe.” - -About four months before Guerra’s return, Vicente Yañez Pinzon, the -former captain of the “Niña,” sailed from Palos with four vessels; and, -pursuing a southerly course, was the first of Europeans to cross the -equator on the American side of the Atlantic. He sighted the coast of -the New World in eight degrees south latitude, near a cape to which he -gave the name of Santa Maria de la Consolacion (S. Augustin). There -he landed; but met with no vestiges of human beings, except some -footprints of gigantic size. After taking possession of the country -with all proper forms, he reimbarked; and proceeding northward and -westward, discovered and partially explored the delta of an immense -river, which he called the Paricura, and which, after being known -as the Marañon or Orellana, now appears on the maps as the Amazon. -Thence, by the Gulf of Paria, Española (Hispaniola), and the Bahamas, -he returned to Spain, where he arrived in the latter part of September, -1500.[619] - -[Illustration: HISPANIOLA. - -A reduced fac-simile of the map (1556) in Ramusio, iii. 44, following -that which originally appeared in the Venice edition of Peter Martyr -and Oviedo, 1534.] - -Diego de Lepe left Palos not long after Vicente Yañez, and reached the -coast of the New World to the south of the Cabo de S. Augustin, to -which he gave the name of _Rostro hermoso_; and doubling it, he ran -along the coast to the Gulf of Paria, whence he returned to Palos. In -October, 1500, Rodrigo de Bastidas and Juan de la Cosa sailed from the -bay of Cadiz for the Golfo de Venecia (Venezuela), which they entered -and explored. Thence, stopping occasionally to trade with the natives, -they coasted the shores of Tierra Firme, by the Cabo de la Vela, the -province of Santa Marta, the mouths of the Rio Grande de la Magdalena, -the port of Cartagena, the river of Cenú, and the Punta Caribana, to -the Gulf of Urabá (Darien), which they explored with some care. They -were unsuccessful in their search for a strait to the west; and after -sailing along the coast of Veragua to Nombre de Dios, they started on -the return voyage. But the ravages of the _broma_ (teredo) rendering -their ships leaky, they were forced into a harbor of Española, where -the vessels, after the most valuable portions of the cargo had been -removed, went to the bottom. Bastidas was seized by order of Bobadilla, -then governor of Española, for alleged illicit traffic with the -natives, and sent to Spain for trial, where he arrived in September, -1502. He was soon after acquitted on the charges brought against him. - -Alonso de Ojeda had reported the presence of Englishmen on the coast -of Tierra Firme; and, partly to forestall any occupation of the -country by them, he had been given permission to explore, settle, and -govern, at his own expense, the province of Coquibacoa. He associated -with him Juan de Vergara and Garcia de Ocampo, who provided the funds -required, and went with the expedition which left Cadiz in January, -1502. They reached, without any serious mishap, the Gulf of Paria, -where they beached and cleaned their vessels, and encountered the -natives. Thence through the Boca del Drago they traded from port to -port, until they came to an irrigated land, which the natives called -Curiana, but to which Ojeda gave the name of Valfermoso. At this place -they seized whatever they could which might be of service in the infant -settlement, and then proceeded westward; while Vergara went to Jamaica -for provisions, with orders to rejoin the fleet at S. Bartoloméo -(Maracáibo), or at the Cabo de la Vela. After visiting the Island of -Curazao (Curaçao) Ojeda arrived at Coquibacoa, and finally decided to -settle at a place which he called Santa Cruz,—probably the Bahia Honda -of the present day. Vergara soon arrived; but the supply of food was -inadequate, and the hostility of the natives made foraging a matter -of great difficulty and danger. To add to their discomfort, quarrels -broke out between the leaders, and Ojeda was seized by his two partners -and carried to Española, where he arrived in September, 1502. He was -eventually set at liberty, while his goods were restored by the King’s -command. The expedition, however, was a complete failure. - -[Illustration: CASTILIA DEL ORO, 1597 (_after Wytfliet_).] - -This second unprofitable voyage of Ojeda seems to have dampened the -ardor of the navigators and their friends at home; and although -Navarrete regards it as certain that Juan de la Cosa sailed to Urabá -as chief in command in 1504-1506, and that Ojeda made a voyage in the -direction of Tierra Firme in the beginning of 1505, it was not until -after the successful voyage of La Cosa in 1507-1508, that the work -of colonization was again taken up with vigor.[620] Two men offered -themselves as leaders in this enterprise; and, as it was impossible -to decide between them, they were both commissioned to settle and -govern for four years the mainland from the Cabo de la Vela to the Cabo -Gracias á Dios, while the Gulf of Urabá (Darien) was to be the boundary -between their respective governments. To Alonso de Ojeda was given the -eastern province, or Nueva Andaluçia, while Diego de Nicuesa was the -destined governor of the western province, then for the first time -named Castilla del Oro. The fertile Island of Jamaica was intended to -serve as a granary to the two governors; and to them were also granted -many other privileges,—as, for instance, freedom from taxation, and, -more important still, the right for each to take from Española four -hundred settlers and two hundred miners. - -Nicuesa and Ojeda met at Santo Domingo, whither they had gone to -complete their preparations, and became involved in a boundary dispute. -Each claimed the province of Darien[621] as within his jurisdiction. -It was finally agreed, however, that the river of Darien should be the -boundary line. With regard to Jamaica, the new admiral, Diego Columbus, -prevented all disputes by sending Juan de Esquivel to hold it for -him. Diego further contributed to the failure of the enterprise by -preventing the governors from taking the colonists from Española, to -which they were entitled by their licenses. At last, however, on Nov. -12, 1509, Ojeda, with Juan de la Cosa and three hundred men, left Santo -Domingo; and five days later entered the harbor of Cartagena, where he -landed, and had a disastrous engagement with the natives. These used -their poisoned arrows to such good purpose that sixty-nine Spaniards, -Juan de la Cosa among them, were killed. Nicuesa arrived in the harbor -soon after; and the two commanders, joining forces, drove the natives -back, and recovered the body of La Cosa, which they found swollen and -disfigured by poison, and suspended from a tree. The two fleets then -separated; Nicuesa standing over to the shore of Castilla del Oro, -while Ojeda coasted the western shore of the Gulf of Urabá, and settled -at a place to which he gave the name of San Sebastian. Here they built -a fort, and ravaged the surrounding country in search of gold, slaves, -and food; but here again the natives, who used poisoned arrows, kept -the Spaniards within their fort, where starvation soon stared them -in the face. Ojeda despatched a ship to Española for provisions and -recruits; and no help coming, went himself in a vessel which had been -brought to San Sebastian by a certain piratical Talavera. Ojeda was -wrecked on Cuba; but after terrible suffering reached Santo Domingo, -only to find that his lieutenant, Enciso, had sailed some time before -with all that was necessary for the relief of the colony. The future -movements of Ojeda are not known. He testified in the trial of Talavera -and his companions, who were hanged in 1511; and in 1513 and 1515 -his depositions were taken in the suit brought by the King’s attorney -against the heirs of Columbus. Broken in spirit and ruined in fortune, -he never returned to his colony. - -[Illustration: CARTAGENA. - -[This view of the town of Cartagena at a somewhat later day is a -fac-simile of a cut in Montanus, and has some of the doubt attached to -all of his pictures.—ED.]] - -Martin Fernandez de Enciso, a wealthy lawyer (_bachiller_) of Santo -Domingo, had been appointed by Ojeda _alcalde mayor_ of Nueva -Andaluçia, and had been left behind to follow his chief with stores and -recruits. On his way to San Sebastian he stopped at Cartagena; found -no difficulty in making friends with the natives who had opposed Ojeda -so stoutly; and while awaiting there the completion of some repairs -on a boat, was surprised by the appearance of a brigantine containing -the remnant of the San Sebastian colony. When Ojeda had sailed with -Talavera he had left Pizarro, the future conqueror of Peru, in command, -with orders to hold the place for fifty days, and then, if succor had -not arrived, to make the best of his way to Santo Domingo. Pizarro -had waited more than fifty days, until the colonists had dwindled to -a number not too large for the two little vessels at his disposal. In -these they had then left the place. But soon after clearing the harbor -one of his brigantines, struck by a fish, had gone down with all on -board; and it had been with much difficulty that the other had been -navigated to Cartagena. Enciso, commander now that Ojeda and La Cosa -were gone, determined to return to San Sebastian; but, while rounding -the Punta Caribana, the large vessel laden with the stores went on the -rocks and became a total loss, the crew barely escaping with their -lives. They were now in as bad a plight as before; and decided, at the -suggestion of Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa, to cross the Gulf of Urabá to -a country where the natives did not use poisoned arrows, and where, -therefore, foraging would not be so dangerous as at San Sebastian.[622] -The removal to the other side of the gulf was safely carried out, and -the natives driven from their village. The Spaniards settled themselves -here, and called the place Santa Maria del Antigua del Darien. -Provisions and gold were found in abundance; but Enciso, declaring it -unlawful for private persons to trade with the natives for gold, was -deposed; for, as Vasco Nuñez said, the new settlement was within the -jurisdiction of Nicuesa, and therefore no obedience whatever was due to -Enciso. A municipal form of government was then instituted, with Vasco -Nuñez and Zamudio as _alcaldes_, and Valdivia as _regidor_. But the -Antigua settlers were no more disposed to obey their chosen magistrates -than they had been to give obedience to him who had been appointed to -rule over them, and they soon became divided into factions. At this -juncture arrived Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, whom Nicuesa had left -at Española to follow him with recruits and provisions. Colmenares -easily persuaded the settlers at Antigua to put themselves under the -government of Nicuesa; and then, accompanied by two agents from Darien, -sailed away in search of his chief. Nicuesa, after aiding Ojeda at -Cartagena, had sailed for Castilla del Oro; but while coasting its -shores had become separated from the rest of his fleet, and had been -wrecked off the mouth of a large river. He had rejoined the rest of his -expedition after the most terrible suffering. Nicuesa had suspected -Lope de Olano, his second in command, of lukewarmness in going to his -relief, and had put him in chains. In this condition he was found by -the agents from Antigua, to one of whom it appears that Olano was -related. This, and the punishment with which Nicuesa threatened those -at Antigua who had traded for gold, impelled the agents to return with -all speed to oppose his reception; and, therefore, when he arrived off -Antigua he was told to go back. Attempting to sustain himself on land, -he was seized, put on a worn-out vessel, and bid to make the best of -his way to Española. He sailed from Antigua in March, 1511, and was -never heard of again. - -After his departure the quarrels between the two factions broke out -again, and were appeased only by the sending of Enciso and Zamudio -to Spain to present their respective cases at Court. They sailed for -Española in a vessel commanded by the _regidor_ Valdivia (a firm friend -of Vasco Nuñez), who went well provided with gold to secure the favor -and protection of the new admiral, Diego Columbus, and of Pasamonte, -the King’s treasurer at Santo Domingo, for himself and Vasco Nuñez. -While Valdivia was absent on this mission, Vasco Nuñez explored the -surrounding country and won the good-will of the natives. It was on -one of these expeditions that the son of a chief, seeing the greed -of the Spaniards for gold, told them of the shores of a sea which -lay to the southward of the mountains, where there were kings who -possessed enormous quantities of the highly coveted metal. Valdivia, -who brought a commission from the Admiral to Vasco Nuñez (commonly -called Balbóa) as governor of Antigua, was immediately sent back with -a large sum of money, carrying the news of a sea to be discovered. -Valdivia was wrecked on the southern coast of Yucatan, where, with -all but two of his crew, he was sacrificed and eaten by the natives. -After some time had elapsed with no news from Española, Vasco Nuñez, -fearing that Valdivia had proved a treacherous friend, despatched two -emissaries—Colmenares and Caicedo—to Spain to lay the state of affairs -at Darien before the King. - -Not long after their departure a vessel arrived from Española, -commanded by Serrano, with food, recruits, and a commission from -Pasamonte to Vasco Nuñez as governor. But Serrano also brought a letter -from Zamudio, giving an account of his experience in Spain, where he -had found the King more disposed to consider favorably the complaints -of Enciso than the justifications which he himself offered. Indeed, -it seems that Zamudio, who barely escaped arrest, wrote that it was -probable that Vasco Nuñez would be summoned to Spain to give an account -of himself. Upon the receipt of this unpleasant letter, Vasco Nuñez -determined to discover the new sea of which there was report, and thus -to atone for his shortcomings with respect to Enciso and Nicuesa. - -[Illustration: BALBÓA. - -[Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, edition of 1728.—ED.]] - -To this end he left Antigua on the 1st of September, 1513; and -proceeding by the way of the country of Careta, on the evening of -September 24 encamped on the side of a mountain from whose topmost -peak his native guide declared the other sea could be discerned. -Early in the morning of the next day, Sept. 25, 1513, the sixty-seven -Spaniards ascended the mountain; and Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa, going -somewhat in advance, found himself—first of civilized men—gazing upon -the new-found sea, which he called _Mar del Sur_ (South Sea), in -distinction to the _Mar del Norte_, or the sea on the northern side -of the isthmus, although it is known to us by the name of Pacific, -which Magellan later gave to it. Of this ocean and all lands bordering -upon it he took possession for his royal master and mistress, and then -descended toward its shores. The sea itself was hard to reach, and it -was not until three days later that a detachment under Alonso Martin -discovered the beach; when Alonso Martin, jumping into a convenient -canoe, pushed forth, while he called upon his comrades to bear witness -that he was the first European to sail upon the southern sea. On the -29th of September Vasco Nuñez reached the water; and marching boldly -into it, again claimed it for the King and Queen of Castile and -Aragon. It was an arm of the ocean which he had found. According to -the Spanish custom, he bestowed upon it the name of the patron saint -of that particular day, and as the Gulf of San Miguel it is still -known to us. After a short voyage in some canoes, in the course of -which Vasco Nuñez came near drowning, he collected an immense amount -of tribute from the neighboring chiefs, and then took up his homeward -march, arriving at Antigua without serious accident in the latter part -of January, 1514. When we consider the small force at his command and -the almost overpowering difficulties of the route,—to say nothing of -hostile natives,—this march of Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa is among the most -wonderful exploits of which we have trustworthy information. - -But this achievement did not bring him the indemnity and -honors for which he hoped. A new governor, appointed July 27, -1513,—notwithstanding the news which Colmenares and Caicedo had -carried with them of the existence of a sea,—had sailed before Pedro -de Arbolancha, bearing the news of the discovery, could arrive in -Spain, inasmuch as he did not even leave Antigua until March, 1514. -This new governor was Pedro Arias de Avila, better known as Pedrárias, -though sometimes called by English writers Dávila. Pedrárias, dubbed -_El Galan_ and _El Justador_ in his youth, and _Furor Domini_ in his -later years, has been given a hard character by all historians. This is -perfectly natural, for, like all other Spanish governors, he cruelly -oppressed the natives, and thus won the dislike of Las Casas; while -Oviedo, who usually differs as much as possible from Las Casas, hated -Pedrárias for other reasons. Pedrárias’ treatment of Vasco Nuñez, -in whose career there was that dramatic element so captivating, was -scant at least of favor. But, on the other hand, it must be remembered -that Pedrárias occupied an office from which Nicuesa and Enciso had -been driven, and he ruled a community which had required the utmost -vigilance on the part of Vasco Nuñez to hold in check. - -With Pedrárias went a goodly company, among whom may be mentioned -Hernando de Soto, Diego de Almagro, and Benalcazar, who, with Pizarro, -already in Antigua, were to push discovery and conquest along the -shores of the Mar del Sur. There also went in the same company that -Bernal Diaz del Castillo who was to be one of the future conquistadores -of Mexico and the rude but charming relater of that conquest; and -Pascual de Andagoya, who, while inferior to Benalcazar as a ruler and -to Bernal Diaz as a narrator, was yet a very important character. -The lawyer Enciso returned among them to the scene of his former -disappointment as _alguazil mayor_; and, lastly, let us mention -Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, who accompanied the expedition -as _escriban general_ and _veedor._ Pedrárias sailed from San Lucar on -the 12th of April, 1514, and arrived safely in the harbor of Antigua on -the 29th of June. The survivors of the companies of Ojeda and Nicuesa, -and of the reinforcements brought thither at different times, numbered -in all but four hundred and fifty souls; and they could have offered -little opposition to the fifteen hundred accompanying Pedrárias, if -they had so desired. But no attempt was made to prevent his landing; -and as soon as Pedrárias felt himself fairly installed, an inquiry -was instituted into the previous acts of Vasco Nuñez. This trial, or -_residencia_, was conducted by Espinosa, the new _alcalde mayor_. There -is no doubt but that Enciso tried hard to bring the murder of Nicuesa, -for such it was, home to Vasco Nuñez. The efforts of Quivedo, the -recently appointed bishop of Santa Maria de la Antigua é Castilla del -Oro, and of Isabel del Bobadilla, the new governor’s wife, who had been -won over in some unknown way, secured the acquittal of Vasco Nuñez on -all criminal charges. In the innumerable civil suits, however, which -were brought against him by Enciso and by all others who felt grieved, -he was mulcted in a large amount. - -This affair off his hands, Pedrárias set about executing his -supplementary instructions, which were to connect the north and south -seas by a chain of posts. He sent out three expeditions, which, besides -exploration, were to forage for food, since the supply in Antigua was -very small. The stores brought by the fleet had been in a great measure -spoiled on the voyage, and the provisions at Antigua which Vasco Nuñez’ -foresight had provided, while ample for his little band, were entirely -inadequate to the support of the augmented colony. The leaders of these -expeditions—with the exception of Enciso, who went to Cenú, whence -he was speedily driven—acted in a most inhuman fashion; and the good -feeling which had subsisted between Vasco Nuñez and the natives was -changed to the most bitter hatred. To use Vasco Nuñez’ own words: “For -where the Indians were like sheep, they have become like fierce lions, -and have acquired so much daring, that formerly they were accustomed -to come out to the paths with presents to the Christians, now they -come out and they kill them; and this has been on account of the bad -things which the captains who went out on the incursions have done to -them.” He especially blamed Ayora and Morales, who commanded two of -the earliest expeditions. Ayora escaped with his ill-gotten wealth to -Spain, where he died before he could be brought to justice. - -Morales, following the route of Vasco Nuñez across the isthmus, arrived -on the other side, and sailed to the Pearl Islands, which Vasco Nuñez -had seen in the distance. Here he obtained an immense booty; and -thence, crossing to the southern side of the Gulf of San Miguel, he -endeavored to return to Darien by the way of Birú and the River Atrato. -But he was speedily driven back; and was so hard pressed by the natives -throughout his homeward march that he and his companions barely escaped -with their treasure and their lives. It was about this time that Vasco -Nuñez went for a second time in search of the golden temple of Dabaibe -and suffered defeat, with the loss of Luis Carillo, his second in -command, and many of his men; while another attempt on Cenú, this time -by Becerra, ended in the death of that commander and of all but one -of his companions. In 1515, however, a force commanded by Gonzalo de -Badajos crossed the isthmus and discovered the rich country lying on -the Gulf of Parita. Badajos accumulated an enormous amount of gold, -which he was obliged to abandon when he sought safety in ignominious -flight. - -These repeated disasters in the direction of Cenú nettled old -Pedrárias, and he resolved to go himself in command of an expedition -and chastise the natives. He was speedily defeated; but, instead of -returning immediately to Antigua, he sailed over to Veragua and founded -the town of Acla (Bones of Men), as the northern termination of a road -across the isthmus. He then sent Gaspar Espinosa across the isthmus to -found a town on the other side. Espinosa on his way met the fleeing -Badajos; but being better prepared, and a more able commander, he -recovered the abandoned treasure and founded the old town of Panamá; -while a detachment under Hurtado, which he sent along the coast toward -the west, discovered the Gulf of San Lucar (Nicoya). - -As we have seen, Vasco Nuñez’ account of the discovery of the South -Sea reached Spain too late to prevent the sailing of Pedrárias; but -the King nevertheless placed reliance in him, and appointed him -_adelantado_, or lieutenant, to prosecute discoveries along the shores -of the southern sea, and also made him governor of the provinces of -Panamá and Coyba. This commission had reached Antigua before the -departure of Espinosa; but Pedrárias withheld it for reasons of his -own. And before he delivered it there arrived from Cuba a vessel -commanded by a friend of Vasco Nuñez,—a certain Garabito,—who by -making known his arrival to Vasco Nuñez and not to Pedrárias, aroused -the latter’s suspicions. Accordingly, Vasco Nuñez was seized and -placed in confinement. After a while, however, upon his promising -to marry one of Pedrárias’ daughters, who at the time was in Spain, -they became reconciled, and Vasco Nuñez was given his commission, -and immediately began preparation for a voyage on the South Sea. As -it seemed impossible to obtain a sufficient amount of the proper -kind of timber on the other side the isthmus, enough to build a few -small vessels was carried over the mountains. When the men began to -work it, they found it worm-eaten; and a new supply was procured, -which was almost immediately washed away by a sudden rise of the Rio -Balsas, on whose banks they had established their ship-yard. At last, -however, two little vessels were built and navigated to the Islas de -las Perlas, whence Vasco Nuñez made a short and unsuccessful cruise -to the southward. But before he went a second time he sent Garabito -and other emissaries to Acla to discover whether Pedrárias had been -superseded. It seems to have been arranged that when these men arrived -near Acla one of their number should go secretly to the house of Vasco -Nuñez there and obtain the required information. If a new governor -had arrived they were to return to the southern side of the isthmus, -and Vasco Nuñez would put himself and his little fleet out of the new -governor’s reach, trusting in some grand discovery to atone for his -disloyalty. Pedrárias was still governor; but Garabito proved a false -friend, and told Pedrárias that Vasco Nuñez had no idea of marrying his -daughter: on the contrary, he intended to sail away with his native -mistress (with whom Garabito was in love) and found for himself a -government on the shores of the Mar del Sur. Pedrárias was furious, and -enticed Vasco Nuñez to Acla, where this new charge of treason, added -to the former one of the murder of Nicuesa, secured his conviction by -the _alcalde mayor_ Espinosa, and on the very next day he and his four -companions were executed. This was in 1517. - -In 1519 Pedrárias removed the seat of government from Antigua to -Panamá, which was made a city in 1521, while Antigua was not long after -abandoned. In 1519 Espinosa coasted northward and westward, in Vasco -Nuñez’ vessels, as far as the Gulf of Culebras; and in 1522 Pascual de -Andagoya penetrated the country of Birú for twenty leagues or more, -when ill health compelled his return to Panamá. He brought wonderful -accounts of an Inca empire which was said to exist somewhere along the -coast to the south.[623] - -In 1519 a pilot, Andrés Niño by name, who had been with Vasco Nuñez on -his last cruise, interested Gil Gonzalez de Avila, then _contador_ of -Española, in the subject of exploration along the coast of the South -Sea. Gonzalez agreed to go as commander-in-chief, accompanying Niño -in the vessels which Vasco Nuñez had built. The necessary orders from -the King were easily obtained, and they sailed for Antigua, where they -arrived safely; but Pedrárias refused to deliver the vessels. Gil -Gonzalez, nothing daunted, took in pieces the ships by which he had -come from Spain, transported the most important parts of them across -the isthmus, and built new vessels. These, however, were lost before -reaching Panamá; but the crews arrived there in safety, and Pedrárias, -when brought face to face with the commander, could not refuse to obey -the King’s orders. Thus, after many delays, Gil Gonzalez and Andrés -Niño sailed from the Islas de las Perlas on the 21st of January, 1522. -After they had gone a hundred leagues or more, it was found necessary -to beach and repair the vessels. This was done by Niño, while Gil -Gonzalez, with one hundred men and four horses, pushed along the shore, -and, after many hairbreadth escapes, rejoined the fleet, which under -Niño had been repaired and brought around by water. The meeting was at -a gulf named by them Sanct Viçente; but it proved to be the San Lucar -of Hurtado, and the Nicoya of the present day. After a short time -passed in recuperation, the two detachments again separated. Niño with -the vessels coasted the shore at least as far as the Bay of Fonseca, -and thence returned to the Gulf of Nicoya. Here he was soon rejoined -by the land party; which, after leaving the gulf, had penetrated -inland to the Lake of Nicaragua. They explored the surrounding country -sufficiently to discover the outlet of the lake, which led to the -north, and not to the south, as had been hoped. They had but one severe -fight with the natives, accumulated vast sums of gold, and baptized -many thousand converts. With their treasure they returned in safety to -Panamá on the 25th of June, 1523, after an absence of nearly a year and -a half. - -At Panamá Gil Gonzalez found an enemy worse than the natives of -Nicaragua in the person of Pedrárias, whose cupidity was aroused by the -sight of the gold. But crossing the isthmus, he escaped from Nombre de -Dios just as Pedrárias was on the point of arresting him, and steered -for Española, where his actions were approved by the Hieronimite -Fathers, who authorized him to return and explore the country. This he -endeavored to do by the way of the outlet of the Lake of Nicaragua, by -which route he would avoid placing himself in the power of Pedrárias. -He unfortunately reached the Honduras coast too far north, and marched -inland only to be met by a rival party of Spaniards under Hernando -de Soto. It seemed that as soon as possible after Gil Gonzalez’ -departure from Nombre de Dios, Pedrárias had despatched a strong force -under Francisco Hernandez de Córdoba to take possession of and hold -the coveted territory for him. Córdoba, hearing from the natives of -Spaniards advancing from the north, had sent De Soto to intercept them. -Gil Gonzalez defeated this detachment; but not being in sufficient -force to meet Córdoba, he retreated to the northern shore, where he -found Cristóbal de Olid, who had been sent by Cortés to occupy Honduras -in his interest. Olid proved a traitor to Cortés, and soon captured not -only Gil Gonzalez, but Francisco de las Casas, who had been sent by -Cortés to seize him. Las Casas, who was a man of daring, assassinated -Olid, with the help of Gil Gonzalez. The latter was then sent to -make what terms he could with Cortés as to a joint occupation of the -country.[624] But Gil Gonzalez fell into the hands of the enemies -of the Conqueror of Mexico, and was sent to Spain to answer, among -other things, for the murder of Olid. He reached Seville in 1526; but, -completely overwhelmed by his repeated disasters, died soon after. - -Córdoba, who had thrown off allegiance to Pedrárias, was executed. -Pedrárias himself was turned out of his government of Darien by Pedro -de los Rios, and took refuge in the governorship of Nicaragua, and died -quietly at Leon in 1530, at the advanced age of nearly ninety years. - -In 1492 Christopher Columbus had discovered Cuba, which he called -Juana; and two years later he had partially explored the Island of -Jamaica, whither he had been driven on his fourth voyage, and compelled -to stay from June, 1503, to June, 1504. In 1508 this lesser island had -been granted to Ojeda and Nicuesa as a storehouse from which to draw -supplies in case of need. But, as we have seen, the Admiral of the -Indies at that time, Diego Columbus, son of the great Admiral, had sent -Juan de Esquivel with sixty men to seize the island and hold it for him -against all comers. Esquivel founded the town of Sevilla Nueva—later -Sevilla d’Oro—on the shores of the harbor where Columbus had stayed so -long; and thus the island was settled. - -Although Cuba had been discovered in 1492, nothing had been done -toward its exploration till 1508, when Ovando, at that time governor -of Española, sent Sebastian de Ocampo to determine whether it was an -island or not. Columbus, it will be remembered, did not, or would -not, believe it insular, though the Indians whom he brought from -Guanahani had told him it was; and it had suited his purpose to make -his companions swear that they believed it a peninsula of Asia. Ocampo -settled the question by circumnavigating it from north to south; and, -after another delay, Diego Columbus in 1511 sent Diego Velasquez, a -wealthy planter of Española, to conquer and settle the island, which -at that time was called Fernandina. Velasquez, assisted by thirty men -under Pamphilo de Narvaez from Jamaica, had no difficulty in doing -this; and his task being accomplished, he threw off his allegiance -to the Admiral. Settlers were attracted to Cuba from all sides. With -the rest came one hundred, Bernal Diaz among them, from Antigua. -But Velasquez had distributed the natives among his followers with -such a lavish hand that these men were unable to get any slaves for -themselves, and in this predicament agreed with Francisco Hernandez de -Córdoba[625] to go on a slave-catching expedition to some neighboring -islands. Velasquez probably contributed a small vessel to the two -vessels which were fitted out by the others. With them went Anton -Alaminos as pilot. Sailing from Havana in February, 1517, they doubled -the Cabo de S. Anton, and steered toward the west and south. Storms and -currents drove them from their course, and it was not until twenty-one -days had passed after leaving S. Anton that they sighted some small -islands. Running toward the coast, they espied inland a city, the size -of which so impressed them that they called it _El gran Cairo_. Soon -after some natives came on board, who, to their inquiries as to what -land it was, answered “Conex Catoche;” and accordingly they named it -the Punta de Catoche. At this place, having landed, they were enticed -into an ambush, and many Spaniards were killed. From this inhospitable -shore they sailed to the west, along the northern coast of Yucatan, and -in two weeks arrived at a village which they named S. Lázaro, but to -which the native name of Campeche has clung. - -[Illustration: HAVANA. - -[This cut of the chief Cuban seaport represents it at a somewhat later -day, and is a fac-simile from the cut in Montanus.—ED.]] - -There the natives were hostile. So they sailed on for six days more, -when they arrived off a village called Pontonchan, now known, however, -as Champoton. As they were short of water they landed at this place, -and in a fight which followed, fifty-seven Spaniards were killed and -five were drowned. Nevertheless the survivors continued their voyage -for three days longer, when they came to a river with three mouths, -one of which, the Estero de los Lagartos, they entered. There they -burned one of their vessels; and, having obtained a supply of water, -sailed for Cuba. The reports which they gave of the riches of the newly -discovered country so excited the greed of Velasquez that he fitted out -a fleet of four vessels, the command of which he gave to his nephew, -Juan de Grijalva. Anton Alaminos again went as pilot, and Pedro de -Alvarado was captain of one of the ships. They left the Cabo de S. -Anton on the 1st of May, 1518, and three days later sighted the Island -of Cozumel, which they called Santa Cruz. From this island they sailed -along the southern coast of Yucatan, which they thought an island, -and which they named Santa Maria de los Remedios. They came finally -to a shallow bay, still known by the name which they gave it, Bahia -de la Ascension. But the prospect not looking very promising in this -direction, they doubled on their track, and in due season arrived at -S. Lázaro (Campeche), or, more probably, perhaps, at Champoton, where -they had their first hostile encounter with the natives. But, being -better provided with artillery and cotton armor than was Francisco -Hernandez, Grijalva and his men maintained their ground and secured a -much-needed supply of water. Thence following the shore, they soon came -to an anchorage, which they at first called Puerto Deseado. On further -investigation the pilot Alaminos declared that it was not a harbor, but -the mouth of a strait between the island of Santa Maria de los Remedios -(Yucatan) and another island, which they called Nueva España, but which -afterward proved to be the mainland of Mexico. They named this strait -the Boca de Términos. After recuperating there, they coasted toward the -north by the mouths of many rivers, among others the Rio de Grijalva -(Tabasco), until they came to an island on which they found a temple, -where the native priests were wont to sacrifice human beings. To this -island they gave the name of Isla de los Sacrificios; while another, a -little to the north, they called S. Juan de Ulúa. The sheet of water -between this island and the mainland afforded good anchorage, and -to-day is known as the harbor of Vera Cruz. There Grijalva stayed some -time, trading with the inhabitants, not of the islands merely, but of -the mainland. To this he was beckoned by the waving of white flags, -and he found himself much honored when he landed. After sending Pedro -de Alvarado, with what gold had been obtained, to Cuba in a caravel -which needed repairs, Grijalva proceeded on his voyage; but when he had -arrived at some point between the Bahia de Tanguijo and the Rio Panuco, -the pilot Alaminos declared it madness to go farther. So the fleet -turned back, and, after more trading along the coast, they arrived -safely at Matanzas in October of the same year. Velasquez, when he saw -the spoil gathered on this expedition, was much vexed that Grijalva had -not broken his instructions and founded a settlement. A new expedition -was immediately prepared, the command of which was given to Hernan -Cortés.[626] As for Grijalva, he took service under Pedrárias, and -perished with Hurtado in Nicaragua. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE best account of the voyages and expeditions of the companions of -Columbus, with the exception of those relating immediately to the -settlement of Darien and the exploration of the western coast of the -isthmus, is Navarrete’s _Viages menores_.[627] This historian[628] had -extraordinary opportunities in this field; and a nautical education -contributed to his power of weighing evidence with regard to maritime -affairs. No part of Navarrete has been translated into English, unless -the first portion of Washington Irving’s _Companions of Columbus_ -may be so regarded. The best account of these voyages in English, -however, is Sir Arthur Helps’s _Spanish Conquest in America_,[629] -which, although defective in form, is readable, and, so far as it goes, -trustworthy. This work deals not merely with the _Viages menores_, but -also with the settlement of Darien; as, too, does Irving’s _Companions_. - -The first voyage of Ojeda rests mainly on the answers to the questions -propounded by the _fiscal real_ in the suit brought against Diego, -the son of Columbus, in which the endeavor was made to show that -Ojeda, and not Columbus, discovered the pearl coasts. But this claim -on the part of the King’s attorney was unsuccessful; for Ojeda -himself expressly stated in his deposition, taken in Santo Domingo -in 1513, that he was the first man who went to Tierra-Firme _after_ -the Admiral, and that he knew that the Admiral had been there because -he saw the chart[630] which the Admiral had sent home. This lawsuit -is so important in relation to these minor voyages that Navarrete -printed much of the testimony then taken, with some notes of his own, -at the end of his third volume.[631] Among the witnesses were Ojeda, -Bastidas, Vicente Yañez Pinzon, Garcia Hernandez a “_fisico_,” who had -accompanied Vicente Yañez on his first voyage, the pilots Ledesma, -Andrés de Morales, Juan Rodriguez, and many other mariners who had -sailed with the different commanders. Their testimony was taken with -regard to the third voyage of Columbus (second question); the voyage -of Guerra and Niño (third and fourth questions); Ojeda’s first voyage -(fifth question); Bastidas (sixth question); Vicente Yañez (seventh -question); Lepe (eighth question); etc. Taken altogether, this evidence -is the best authority for what was done or was not done on these early -voyages.[632] - -The only things worth noting in the voyage of Guerra and Niño are the -smallness of the vessel (fifty tons),[633] and the enormous pecuniary -return. One of the voyagers,[634] very possibly Niño himself,[635] -wrote an account of the voyage, which was translated into Italian, and -published as chapters cx. and cxi. of the _Paesi novamente retrovati_. -It was then translated into Latin, and inserted by Grynæus in the -_Novus orbis_.[636] - -A contemporary account of the voyage of Vicente Yañez Pinzon was -printed in the _Paesi novamente_,[637] by whom written is not known. -Varnhagen has attempted to show that the cape near which Vicente -Yañez landed was not the Cabo de S. Augustin, but some point much -farther north.[638] For a time the point was raised that Vicente Yañez -arrived on the coast after Cabral; but that was plainly impossible, -as he undoubtedly sighted the American coast before Cabral left -Portugal.[639] As to the landfall itself, both Navarrete and Humboldt -place it in about eight degrees south latitude; and they base their -argument on the answers to the seventh question of the _fiscal real_ in -the celebrated lawsuit, in which Vicente Yañez said that it was true -that he discovered from “El cabo de Consolacion que es en la parte de -Portugal é agora se llama cabo de S. Augustin.”[640] In this he was -corroborated by the other witnesses.[641] The voyage was unsuccessful -in a pecuniary point of view. Two vessels were lost at the Bahamas, -whither Vicente Yañez had gone in quest of slaves. After his return to -Spain it was only through the interposition of the King that he was -able to save a small portion of his property from the clutches of the -merchants who had fitted out the fleet.[642] - -The voyage of Diego de Lepe rests entirely on the evidence given in -the Columbus lawsuit,[643] from which it also appears that he drew a -map for Fonseca on which the coast of the New World was delineated -trending toward the south and west from Rostro Hermoso (Cabo de S. -Augustin). Little is known of the further movements of Diego de Lepe, -who, according to Morales, died in Portugal before 1515.[644] Navarrete -printed nothing relating to him of a later date than November, -1500;[645] but in the _Documentos inéditos_ are documents which would -seem to show that he was preparing for a voyage in the beginning of -1502.[646] - -Juan de la Cosa returned with Ojeda in the middle of June, 1500, and he -sailed with Bastidas in the following October. The intervening time he -probably spent in working on the map which bears the legend “Juan de -la Cosa la fizo en Puerto de Sta. Maria en año de 1500.” This is the -earliest existing chart made by one of the navigators of the fifteenth -century, the track-chart sent home by Columbus in 1498,[647] and the -Lepe map, being lost. Humboldt was especially qualified to appreciate -the clearness and accuracy of this La Cosa map by the knowledge of the -geography of Spanish America which he gained during a long sojourn in -that part of the world;[648] and this same knowledge gives especial -value to whatever he says in the _Examen critique_[649] concerning -the voyages herein described. Of Juan de la Cosa’s knowledge of the -geography of the northern coast of South America there can be little -doubt, especially when it is borne in mind that he made no less than -six voyages to that part of the world,[650] only two of which, however, -preceded the date which he gives to his map. A comparison of La Cosa’s -map with the chart of 1527 usually, but probably erroneously, ascribed -to Ferdinand Columbus, and with that of 1529 by Ribero, gives a clearer -idea than the chronicles themselves do, of the discoveries of the early -navigators.[651] - - * * * * * - -Like all these early minor voyages, that of Rodrigo Bastidas rests -mainly on the testimony given in the lawsuit already referred to.[652] -Navarrete in his _Viages menores_ stated that Ojeda procured a license -from Bishop Fonseca, who had been empowered to give such licenses. No -document, however, of the kind has been produced with regard to Ojeda -or any of these commanders before the time of Bastidas, whose _Asiento -que hizo con SS. MM. Católicas_ of June 5, 1500, has been printed.[653] -As already related, the ravages of the teredo drove Bastidas into a -harbor of Española, where he was forced to abandon his vessels and -march to Santo Domingo. He divided his men into three bands, who saved -themselves from starvation by exchanging for food some of the ornaments -which they had procured on the coast of Tierra-Firme. This innocent -traffic was declared illegal by Bobadilla, who sent Bastidas to Spain -for trial. But two years later, on Jan. 29, 1504, their Majesties -ordered his goods to be restored to him, and commanded that all further -proceedings should be abandoned.[654] They also granted him a pension -of fifty thousand maravedis, to be paid from the revenues “de los -Golfos de Huraba e Barú;”[655] while Juan de la Cosa was not only -pensioned in a similar fashion, but also made _alguacil mayor_ of the -Gulf of Urabá.[656] With the exception of a slave-catching voyage to -Urabá in 1504, Bastidas lived quietly as a farmer in Española until -1520, when he led an expedition to settle the province of Santa Marta, -and was there killed by his lieutenant. After his death his family, -seeking to receive compensation for his services and losses, drew up an -_Informacion de los servicios del adelantado Rodrigo de Bastidas_;[657] -and eight years later presented another.[658] From this material it is -possible to construct a clear and connected account of this voyage, -especially when supplemented by Oviedo and Las Casas.[659] - -This was the first voyage which really came within the scope of Hubert -H. Bancroft’s _Central America_; and therefore he has described it -at some length.[660] This book is a vast and invaluable mine of -information, to be extracted only after much labor and trouble, -owing to a faulty table of contents, and the absence of side-notes -or dates to the pages; and there is at present no index. The text -is illustrated with a mass of descriptive and bibliographical notes -which are really the feature of the work, and give it its encyclopedic -value. Considering its range and character, the book has surprisingly -few errors of any kind; and indeed the only thing which prevents our -placing implicit reliance on it is Mr. Bancroft’s assertion[661] that -“very little of the manuscript as it comes to me, whether in the form -of rough material or more finished chapters, is the work of one person -alone;” while we are not given the means of attaching responsibility -where it belongs, as regards both the character of the investigation -and the literary form which is presented. As to the ultimate authorship -of the text itself, we are only assured[662] that “at least one half of -the manuscript has been written by my own hand.”[663] - - * * * * * - -The second voyage of Alonso de Ojeda rests entirely on some documents -which Navarrete printed in the third volume of his _Coleccion_, and -upon which he founded his account of the voyage.[664] The first, in -point of time, is a _cédula_ of June 8, 1501, continuing a license of -July, 1500, to explore and govern the Isla de Coquivacoa.[665] Two -days later, on June 10, 1501, a formal commission as governor was -given to Ojeda,[666] and the articles of association were executed by -him and his partners, Vergara and Ocampo, on the 5th of July.[667] -An _escribano_, Juan de Guevara by name, was appointed in the -beginning of September of the same year. The fleet was a long time in -fitting out, and it was not till the next spring that Ojeda issued -his orders and instructions to the commanders of the other vessels -and to the pilots.[668] These are of great importance, as giving the -names of the places which he had visited on his first voyage. The -attempt at colonization ended disastrously, and Ojeda found himself -at Santo Domingo as the defendant in a suit brought against him by -his associates. Navarrete used the evidence given in this suit in his -account; but he printed only the _ejecutoria_, in which the King and -Queen ordered that Ojeda should be set at liberty, and that his goods -should be restored to him.[669] The position of the irrigated land[670] -which he called Valfermoso is difficult to determine; but it certainly -was not the Curiana of the present day, which is identical with the -Curiana of Guerra and Niño.[671] - -Martin Fernandez de Enciso—the _bachiller Enciso_—“first came to the -Indies with Bastidas,” says Bancroft,[672] and practised law to such -good purpose that he accumulated two thousand castellanos,—equivalent -to ten thousand in our day.[673] This he contributed toward the -expenses of the Nueva Andalucia colony, of which he was made _alcalde -mayor_. But he was unfortunate in that office, as we have seen, and -was sent to Spain, whence he returned in 1513 with Pedrárias as -_alguacil mayor_. In 1514 he led an expedition to Cenú, to which Irving -erroneously gives an earlier date.[674] From 1514 to 1519 nothing is -known of Enciso’s movements; but in the latter year he published the -_Suma de geografía que trata de todas las partidas y provincias del -mundo, en especial de las Indias_, which contains much bearing on this -period. What became of the author is not known. - -The trading voyages to Tierra-Firme between Ojeda’s two attempts at -colonization have no geographical importance; and, indeed, their very -existence depends on a few documents which were unearthed from the -Archives of the Indies by the indefatigable labors of Muñoz, Navarrete, -and the editors of the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al -descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones -Españolas de América y Oceania_.[675] Of these trading voyages first -comes the cruise of Juan de la Cosa, or Juan Vizcaino, as he was -sometimes called, whose intention to embark upon it is inferred from -a letter from the Queen to the royal officers,[676] and an _asiento_ -bearing date Feb. 14, 1504.[677] Nothing is known of the voyage itself, -except that Navarrete, on the authority of a _cédula_ which he did not -print, gives the amount of money received by the Crown as its share of -the profits.[678] - -The voyage which Ojeda is supposed to have made in 1505 rests on a -still weaker foundation, as there is nothing with regard to it except -a _cédula_, bearing date Sept. 21, 1505,[679] concerning certain -valuables which may have been procured on this voyage or on the -first ill-fated attempt at colonization. That it was contemplated is -ascertained from a _Cédula para que Alfonso Doxeda sea Gobernador de -la Costa de Ququebacóa e Huraba_,[680] etc. The document, dated Sept. -21, 1504, is followed by two of the same date referring to Ojeda’s -financial troubles. Is it not possible that the above-mentioned -document of Sept. 21, 1505, belongs with them? The agreement -(_asiento_) of Sept. 30, 1504, confirmed in March of the next year, is -in the same volume, while an order to the Governor of Española not to -interfere with the luckless Ojeda was printed by Navarrete (iii. 111), -who has said all that can be said concerning the expedition in his -_Noticia biográfica_.[681] - -The voyage of Juan de la Cosa with Martin de los Reyes and Juan Correa -rests entirely on the assertion of Navarrete that they returned in -1508, because it was stated (where, he does not say) that the proceeds -of the voyage were so many hundred thousand maravedis.[682] Concerning -the discovery of Yucatan by Vicente Yañez Pinzon, there is no original -material;[683] but here again evidence of preparation for a voyage -can be found in an _asiento y capytulacion_ of April 24, 1505, in the -_Documentos inéditos_ (xxxi. 309). - -After this time the history of Tierra-Firme is much better known; for -it is with the colonies sent out under Ojeda and Nicuesa in 1509 that -the _Historia general_ of Oviedo becomes a standard authority. Gonzalo -Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés was born in Madrid in 1478, and in 1490 -he entered the household of the Duke of Villahermoso. Later he served -under Prince Juan and the King Of Naples until 1507, when he entered -the service of the King and Queen of Spain. In 1513 he was appointed -_escribano_, and later (upon the death of Caicedo, who, it will be -remembered, was one of the agents Vasco Nuñez had sent to Spain to -announce the existence of an unknown sea) _veedor de las fundaciones -d’oro_ to the expedition which under Pedrárias was sent to Tierra-Firme -in that year. Oviedo did not approve of the course pursued by that -worthy, and returned to Spain in 1515 to inform the new King, Charles -I. (Emperor Charles V.) of the true condition of affairs in the Indies. -He brought about many important reforms, secured for himself the office -of perpetual _regidor_ of Antigua,—_escribano general_ of the province, -receiver of the fines of the _cámara_,[684]—and cargoes and goods -forfeited for smuggling were also bestowed upon him. His _veeduría_ -was extended so as to include all Tierra-Firme; and when the news of -the execution of Vasco Nuñez arrived at Court, he was ordered to take -charge of his goods and those of his associates. Oviedo, provided with -so many offices and with an order commanding all governors to furnish -him with a true account of their doings, returned to Antigua soon -after the new governor, Lope de Sosa, who had been appointed, upon -his representations, to succeed Pedrárias. But unfortunately for him -Lope de Sosa died in the harbor of Antigua (1520), and Oviedo was left -face to face with Pedrárias. It was not long before they quarrelled -as to the policy of removing the seat of government of the province -from Antigua to Panamá, which Oviedo did not approve. Pedrárias -craftily made him his lieutenant at Antigua, in which office Oviedo -conducted himself so honestly that he incurred the hatred of all the -evil-disposed colonists of that town, and was forced to resign. He also -complained of Pedrárias before the new _alcalde mayor_, and was glad -to go to Spain as the representative of Antigua. On his way he stopped -at Cuba and Santo Domingo, where he saw Velasquez and Diego Columbus; -with the latter he sailed for home. There he used his opportunities so -well that he procured, in 1523, the appointment of Pedro de los Rios as -Pedrárias’ successor, and for himself the governorship of Cartagena; -and after publishing his _Sumario_ he returned to Castilla del Oro, -where he remained until 1530, when he returned to Spain, resigned his -_veeduría_, and some time after received the appointment of _Cronista -general de Indias_. In 1532 he was again in Santo Domingo, and in 1533 -he was appointed _alcaid_ of the fortress there. But the remainder of -his life was passed in literary pursuits, and he died in Valladolid -in 1557 at the age of seventy-nine. From this account it can easily be -seen that whatever he wrote with regard to the affairs of Tierra-Firme -must be received with caution, as he was far from being an impartial -observer.[685] - - * * * * * - -The first document with regard to the final and successful settlement -of Tierra-Firme is the _cédula_ of June 9, 1508, in which Diego de -Nicuesa and Alonso de Ojeda were commissioned governors of Veragua and -Urabá for four years.[686] Juan de la Cosa was confirmed in his office -of _alguacil mayor de Urabá_ on the seventeenth of the same month;[687] -and the Governor of Española was directed to give him a house for his -wife and children, together with a sufficient number of Indians.[688] - -As we have seen, the two governors were prevented by Diego Columbus -from taking the well-to-do class of colonists from Española upon which -they had counted. This statement is made on the authority of Nicuesa’s -lieutenant, Rodrigo de Colmenares, who afterward deserted Nicuesa at -Antigua, and went to Spain in 1512 in company with Caicedo to report -the existence of a new sea. While there, either on this or a later -visit, he presented a memorial to the King _sobre el desgraciado suceso -de Diego de Nicuesa_.[689] The allegations of Colmenares are borne out -by two _cédulas_ of Feb. 28, 1510;[690] while a _cédula_ of June 15, -1510, declared that the Gulf of Urabá belonged to the province which -had been assigned to Ojeda.[691] Nicuesa was informed of this decision -in a _cédula_ of the same date.[692] There are four more _cédulas_ -of July 25, 1511, in two of which the Admiral Diego Columbus and the -treasurer Pasamonte are ordered to assist the unhappy governors, while -the other two were written to inform those governors that such orders -had been sent.[693] The fate of neither of them, however, is certain. -The judges of appeal in Española were ordered to inquire into the -crimes, _délits_, and excesses of Ojeda, Talavera, and companions.[694] -Talavera and his associates were hanged in Jamaica in 1511, and Ojeda’s -deposition was taken in 1513, and again in 1515 in Santo Domingo, in -the celebrated lawsuit; but beyond this his further movements are not -accurately known.[695] As for Nicuesa, he too underwent shipwreck and -starvation; and when at last fortune seemed about to smile upon him, he -was cruelly cast out by the mutinous settlers at Darien; and although a -story was current that he had been wrecked on Cuba and had there left -inscribed on a tree, “Here died the unfortunate Nicuesa,” yet the best -opinion is that he and his seventeen faithful followers perished at -sea.[696] - - * * * * * - -The only complete biography of Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa is that of Don -Manuel José Quintana,[697] who had access to the then unpublished -portion of Oviedo, and to documents many of which are possibly not -yet published. His _Vida_,[698] therefore, is very useful in filling -gaps in the account of the expeditions from Antigua both before and -after the coming of Pedrárias. There is no account by an eye-witness -of the expeditions undertaken by Vasco Nuñez before 1514; and the only -approach to such a document is the letter which Vasco Nuñez wrote to -the King on Jan. 20, 1513.[699] The writer of this letter came to the -Indies with Bastidas in 1500; and after the unhappy ending of that -voyage settled in Española. But he was not suited to the placid life of -a planter, and becoming involved in debt, was glad to escape from his -creditors in Enciso’s ship. It was by his advice that the San Sebastian -colony was transferred to the other side of the Gulf of Urabá; and when -there his shrewdness had discovered a way of getting rid of Enciso. -The exact part he played in the murder of Nicuesa is not clear; but -it is certain, as Bancroft points out, that his connection with that -nefarious act was the lever by which his enemies finally accomplished -his overthrow. It can be thus easily understood that the censures which -he passes on Enciso and Nicuesa must be received with caution. Still, -we should not forget that Vasco Nuñez succeeded where they failed. He -was a man of little or no education, and portions of this letter are -almost untranslatable. Nevertheless, Clements R. Markham has given an -English rendering in the Introduction to his translation of Andagoya’s -_Relacion_.[700] Among the other accounts,[701] that of Herrera is very -full, and, so far as it can be compared with accessible documents, -sufficiently accurate. - -There is no real discrepancy in the various narratives, except with -regard to the date of the discovery of the Pacific, which Peter -Martyr says took place on the 26th of September, while all the other -authorities have the 25th; Oviedo going so far as to give the very hour -when the new waters first dawned on Balbóa’s sight.[702] - -There is no lack of original material concerning the government -of Pedrárias. First come his commission[703] (July 27, 1513) and -instructions[704] (Aug. 2, 1513), which Navarrete has printed, together -with the letter written by the King on receipt of the reports of Vasco -Nuñez’ grand discovery.[705] The date of this paper is not given; but -there has recently been printed[706] a letter from the King to Vasco -Nuñez of Aug. 19, 1514. In this note the monarch states that he has -heard of the discovery of the new sea through Pasamonte, although he -had not then seen Arbolancha. Pasamonte had probably written in Vasco -Nuñez’ favor; for the King adds that he has written to Pedrárias that -he (Vasco Nuñez) should be well treated. It is possible that this is -the letter above mentioned, a portion only of which is printed in -Navarrete. - -The date of the expedition to Dabaibe, in which so many men were lost, -is not certain; but Vasco Nuñez saw the necessity of putting forward a -defence, which he did in a letter to the King on the 16th of October, -1515.[707] In this letter, besides describing the really insuperable -obstacles in the way of a successful expedition in that direction,—in -which the lack of food, owing to the ravages of the locusts, bears a -prominent part,—he attacks Pedrárias and his government very severely. - -The doings of Arbolancha in Spain are not known. There is a letter of -the King to Pedrárias, dated Sept. 27, 1514, appointing Vasco Nuñez -_adelantado_ of the coast region which he had discovered.[708] We have -several letters of the King to Pedrárias, to the new _adelantado_, and -to other officers, on November 23 and 27.[709] - -The next document of importance is the narrative of Espinosa’s -expedition, written by himself. It is printed in the _Documentos -inéditos_ (vol. ii. pp. 467-522), with some corrections by the editors; -but it may be found in the original spelling, and without such -corrections, in another volume of that series,[710] where the date of -1514 is most erroneously assigned to it. - -The _licenciate_ Gaspar de Espinosa came to Tierra-Firme with Pedrárias -as _alcalde mayor_. Soon after his arrival at Antigua he held the -_residencia_ of Vasco Nuñez, and then is not heard of again until he -is found in command of this expedition. He founded Panamá (for the -first time) and returned to Antigua, whence he followed Pedrárias to -Acla to try Vasco Nuñez for treason. He unwillingly convicted him, but -recommended mercy. After the great explorer’s death he cruised in his -vessels to the coast of Nicaragua; and later he played an important -part in the conquest of Peru, and died at Cuzco while endeavoring to -accommodate the differences between Pizarro and Almagro. The only other -document of his which I have found is a _Relacion e proceso_ concerning -the voyage of 1519.[711] - -There are a few other documents bearing on the history of -Tierra-Firme;[712] but the best and most complete contemporary -account of this period[713] was written by Pascual de Andagoya, who -came to Antigua with Pedrárias. Andagoya was with Vasco Nuñez on his -last voyage, accompanied Espinosa on both his expeditions, and led -a force into Birú in 1522. After his return from that expedition he -lived in Panamá until 1529, when Pedro de los Rios banished him from -the isthmus. After a few years spent in Santo Domingo he returned to -Panamá as lieutenant to the new governor, Barrionuevo, and acted as -agent to Pizarro and the other conquerors of Peru until 1536, when -his _residencia_ was held with much rigor by the _licenciate_ Pedro -Vasquez, and he was sent to Spain. In 1539 he returned as _adelantado_ -and governor of Castilla Nueva, as the province bordering on the -_Mar del Sur_ from the Gulf of San Miguel to the San Juan River was -then called. But the remainder of his life was one succession of -disappointments, and he died some time after 1545.[714] - -From this brief biography it will be seen that Andagoya’s earlier -career was successful, and that he was on friendly terms with -Pedrárias, Espinosa, and Vasco Nuñez. He was therefore, so far as we -are concerned, an impartial witness of the events which he describes; -and his testimony is therefore more to be relied on than that of -Oviedo, who was absent from Tierra-Firme a great part of the time, and -who was besides inimical to Pedrárias. Otherwise Oviedo’s account is -the better; for the sequence of events is difficult, if not impossible, -to unravel from Andagoya. - -The second chronicler of the Indies, Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas, -who published the first two volumes of his _Historia general_ in -1601,[715] drew upon himself the wrath of a descendant of Pedrárias, -Don Francisco Arias Dávila, Conde de Puñonrostro, who petitioned for -redress. _Memorials_, _relaciones_, and _refutaciones_ were given on -both sides until September, 1603, when the matter was referred to “Xil -Ramirez de Arellano, del Consexo de Su Maxestad e Su Fiscal.” This -umpire decided in effect[716] that Herrera had gone too far, and that -the acrimony of some of the passages objected to should be mitigated. -The papers which passed in this discussion, after remaining for a -long time buried in the Archives of the Indies, have been printed -in the thirty-seventh volume of _Documentos inéditos_,[717] and are -without doubt one of the most valuable sets among the papers in that -collection. Among them are many letters from the King to the royal -officials which throw much light on the history of that time. There -is nothing in them, however, to remove the unfavorable opinion of -Pedrárias which the execution of Vasco Nuñez aroused; for although -there can be little doubt that Vasco Nuñez meditated technical treason, -yet conviction for treason by the _alcalde mayor_ would not have -justified execution without appeal, especially when the fair-minded -judge, Gaspar Espinosa, recommended mercy. This is perfectly clear; -but the mind of Pedrárias, who presented the facts from his point of -view, in the _Testimónio de mandamiénto de Pedrárias Dávila mandando -proscesar a Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa_,[718] had been poisoned by the -jealous Garabito. - -The convicted traitors were executed without delay or appeal of any -kind being given them. The general opinion is that this execution took -place in 1517, and that date has been adopted in this chapter; but -in the second volume of _Documentos inéditos_ (p. 556), there is a -_Peticion presentada por Hernando de Arguello, á nombre de Vasco Nuñez -de Balbóa, sobre que se le prorrogue el término que se le habia dado -para la construccion de unos navíos_, etc., which was granted, for -eight months, on the 13th day of January, 1518 (_en treze de Enero de -quiniéntos é diez é ocho años_). This document is signed by Pedrárias -Dávila, Alonso de la Puente, and Diego Marquez; and it is properly -attested by Martin Salte, _escribáno_. Argüello was the principal -financial supporter of Vasco Nuñez in the South Sea enterprise, -and was executed in the evening of the same day on which his chief -suffered.[719] - -The first fifty-seven pages of the fourteenth volume of the _Documentos -inéditos_ are taken up with the affairs of Gil Gonzalez Dávila. -The first is an _asiénto_ with the pilot Niño, by which he was -given permission to discover and explore for one thousand leagues -to the westward from Panamá. Gil Gonzalez was to go in command of -the fleet,[720] composed of the vessels built by Vasco Nuñez, which -Pedrárias was ordered to deliver to the new adventurers, but which he -refused to do until Gil Gonzalez made the demand in person.[721] - -A full statement of the equipments and cost of fitting out the fleet -in Spain is given in _Documentos inéditos_ (vol. xiv. pp. 8-20), and -is exceedingly interesting as showing what the Spaniards thought -essential to the outfit of an exploring expedition. What was actually -accomplished in the way of sailing, marching, and baptizing is fully -set forth in _Relacion de las leguas que el capitan Gil Gonzalez Dávila -anduvo á pié por tierra por la costa de la mar del Sur, y de los -caciques y indios que descubrió y se babtizaron, y del oro que dieron -para Sus Magestades_ (1522).[722] - -The latter part of the career of Gil Gonzalez is described in the -_Informacion sobre la llegada de Gil Gonzalez Dávila y Cristóbal -de Olid á las Higueras_ (Oct. 8, 1524)[723] and in the succeeding -documents, especially a _Traslado testimoniado de una cédula del -Emperador Carlos V.... entre los capitanes Gil Gonzalez Dávila y -Cristóbal Dolid_ (Nov. 20, 1525).[724] The _Relacion_ of Andagoya[725] -contains a narrative of the expedition from a different point of -view. Besides these papers, Bancroft found a document in the Squier -Collection,[726] which he cites as _Carta de Gil Gonzalez Dávila el -Rey_ (March, 1524). This letter contains a great deal of detailed -information, of which Bancroft has made good use in his account of that -adventurer.[727] - - * * * * * - -There is no documentary evidence with regard to the settlement of -Jamaica by Juan de Esquivel, or of the circumnavigation of Cuba by -Sebastian de Ocampo; and there are but slight allusions to them in -the “chroniclers.”[728] There is not much to be found concerning the -settlement of Cuba, except the accounts given by the early chroniclers. -I should place Oviedo (vol. i. p. 494) first, although he got his -knowledge second hand from the account given by Las Casas; while the -story of this actual observer is necessarily tinged by the peculiar -views—peculiar for the nation and epoch—which he held in later life -with regard to the enslavement of the natives.[729] - -With the voyage of Córdoba to Yucatan, Navarrete[730] again becomes -useful, although he printed no new evidence. The voyage, therefore, -rests upon the accounts given in the standard books,[731] upon -the _Historia verdadera_ of Bernal Diaz, the _Vida de Cortés_ in -Icazbalceta (i. 338), and a few documents recently dragged from the -recesses of the Indian Archives. - -Bernal Diaz del Castillo came to Tierra-Firme with Pedrárias; but, -discouraged with the outlook there, he and about one hundred companions -found their way to Cuba, attracted thither by the inducements held -out by Velasquez. But there again he was doomed to disappointment, -and served under Córdoba, Grijalva, and Cortés. After the conquest of -Mexico he settled in Guatemala. Whatever may be the exaggerations in -the latter part of his _Historia verdadera_,[732] there is no reason -why Bernal Diaz should not have wished to tell the truth as to the -voyages of Córdoba and Grijalva, with one or two exceptions, to be -hereafter noted. - -Prescott, in his _Conquest of Mexico_ (vol. i. p. 222), says that -Córdoba sailed for one of the neighboring Bahamas, but that storms -drove him far out of his course, etc. Bancroft[733] has effectually -disposed of this error. But is it not a curious fact that Bernal Diaz -and Oviedo should give the length of the voyage from Cape St. Anton -to the sighting of the islands off Yucatan as from six to twenty-one -days? Oviedo was probably nearer the mark, as it is very likely that -the old soldier had forgotten the exact circumstances of the voyage; -for it must be borne in mind that he did not write his book until -long after the events which it chronicles. As to the object of the -expedition, it was undoubtedly undertaken for the purpose of procuring -slaves, and very possibly Velasquez contributed a small vessel to the -two fitted out by the other adventurers;[734] but the claim set forth -by the descendants of Velasquez, that he sent four fleets _at his own -cost_—_La una con un F. H. de Córdoba_[735]—is preposterous. - -The voyage of Juan de Grijalva was much better chronicled; for -with regard to it there are in existence three accounts written by -eye-witnesses. The first is that of Bernal Diaz,[736] which is minute, -and generally accurate; but it is not unlikely that in his envy at -the praise accorded to Cortés, he may have exaggerated the virtues of -Grijalva. The latter also wrote an account of the expedition, which -is embodied in Oviedo,[737] together with corrections suggested by -Velasquez, whom Oviedo saw in 1523. - -But before these I should place the _Itinerario_ of Juan Diaz, a priest -who accompanied the expedition.[738] The original is lost; but an -Italian version is known, which was printed with the _Itinerario de -Varthema_ at Venice, in 1520.[739] This edition was apparently unknown -to Navarrete, who gives 1522 as the date of its appearance in Italian, -in which he is followed by Ternaux-Compans and Prescott. - -Notwithstanding this mass of original material, it is not easy to -construct a connected narrative of this voyage, for Oviedo sometimes -contradicts himself; Bernal Diaz had undoubtedly forgotten the exact -dates, which he nevertheless attempts to give in too many cases; Juan -Diaz, owing partly to the numerous translations and changes incidental -thereto, is sometimes unintelligible; and Las Casas,[740] who had good -facilities for getting at the exact truth, is often very vague and -difficult to follow. - -[Illustration: JUAN DE GRIJALVA. - -Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, i. 312. Cf. also the Mexican -edition of Prescott, and Carbajal Espinosa’s _Historia de México_. i. -64.] - -In addition to this material, the _Décadas abreviadas de los -descubrimientos, conquistas, fundaciones y otras cosas notables, -acaecidas en las Indias occidentales desde 1492 á 1640_, has been of -considerable service. This paper was found in manuscript form, without -date or signature, in the Biblioteca Nacional by the editors of the -_Documentos inéditos_, and printed by them in their eighth volume (pp. -5-52). It is not accurate throughout; but it gives the dates and order -of events in many cases so clearly, that it is a document of some -importance. - -[Illustration: Edward Channing.] - - - - -THE EARLY CARTOGRAPHY OF THE GULF OF MEXICO AND ADJACENT PARTS. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -IN a previous section on the early maps of the Spanish and Portuguese -discoveries the Editor has traced the development of the geography of -the Gulf of Mexico with the group of the Antilles and the neighboring -coasts, beginning with the delineation of La Cosa in 1500. He has -indicated in the same section the influence of the explorations of -Columbus and his companions in shaping the geographical ideas of the -early years of the sixteenth century. Balbóa’s discovery in 1513 was -followed by the failure to find any passage to the west in the latitude -of the Antilles; but the disappointment was not sufficient to remove -the idea of such a passage from the minds of certain geographers for -some years to come. The less visionary among them hesitated to embrace -the notion, however, and we observe a willingness to be confined by -something like definite knowledge in the maker of a map of the Pacific -which is preserved in the Military Library at Weimar. This map shows -Cordova’s discoveries about Yucatan (1517), but has no indication -of the islands which Magellan discovered (1520) in the Pacific; -accordingly, Kohl places it in 1518. Balbóa’s discovery is noted in the -sea which was seen by the Castilians.[741] - -[Illustration: THE PACIFIC, 1518.] - -[Illustration: GULF OF MEXICO, 1520. - -This map is also given in Weise’s _Discoveries of America_, p. 278.] - -[Illustration: LORENZ FRIESS, 1522.] - -A sketch of a map found by Navarrete in the Spanish archives, and given -by him in his _Coleccion_, vol. iii., as “Las Costas de Tierra-Firme -y las tierras nuevas,” probably embodies the results of Pineda’s -expedition to the northern shores of the Gulf in 1519. This was the map -sent to Spain by Garay, the governor of Jamaica. What seems to be the -mouth of the Mississippi will be noted as the “Rio del Espiritu Santo.” -The surprisingly accurate draft of the shores of the Gulf which Cortés -sent to Europe was published in 1524, and is given to the reader on -another page.[742] - -[Illustration: MAIOLLO, 1527. - -Sketch of the map in the Ambrosian Library, of which the part north -of Florida is given on a larger scale, after Desimoni’s sketch, with -coast names, in the present _History_, Vol. IV. pp. 28, 39. The present -sketch follows a fac-simile given in Weise’s _Discoveries of America_.] - -There is a sketch of the northern shore of South America and the -“Insule Canibalorum sive Antiglie” which was made by Lorenz Friess -(Laurentius Frisius) in 1522. The outline, which is given herewith, -represents one of the sheets of twelve woodcut maps which were -not published till 1530—under the title _Carta marina navigatoria -Portugalensium_. Friess does not mention whence he got his material, -which seems to be of an earlier date than the time of using it; and -Kohl suspects it came from Waldseemüller. South America is marked “Das -nüw Erfunde land.” - -In the Maiollo map of 1527 we find two distinct features,—the strait, -connecting with the Pacific, which Cortés had been so anxious to find; -and the insular Yucatan pushed farther than usual into the Gulf. -The notion that Yucatan was an island is said to have arisen from a -misconception of the meaning of the designation which the Indians -applied to the country.[743] The Portuguese Portulano of 1514-1518[744] -had made Yucatan a peninsula; but four years later Grijalva had been -instructed to sail round it, and Cortés in his map of 1520 had left -an intervening channel.[745] We see the uncertainty which prevailed -among cartographers regarding this question in the peninsular character -which Yucatan has in the map of 1520,[746] as resulting from Pineda’s -search; in the seeming hesitancy of the Toreno map,[747] and in the -unmistakable insularity of the Friess,[748] Verrazano,[749] and -Ribero[750] charts. The decision of the latter royal hydrographer -governed a school of map-makers for some years, and a similar strait -of greater or less width separates it from the main in the Finæus -map of 1531,[751] the Lenox woodcut of 1534,[752] the Ulpius globe -of 1542,[753] not to name others; though the peninsular notion still -prevailed with some of the cartographers.[754] - -[Illustration: THE WEIMAR MAP OF 1527.] - -A map which shows the extent of the explorations on the Pacific from -Balbóa’s time till Gonzales and others reached the country about the -Isthmus of Tehuantepec, is that of 1527, which was formerly ascribed -to Ferdinand Columbus, but has been shown (?) by Harrisse to be -more likely the work of Nuño Garcia de Toreno. The map, which is of -the world, and of which but a small section is given herewith, is -called _Carta universal en que se contiene todo lo que del mundo se a -descubierto hasta aora; hizola un cosmographo de su magestad anno M. -D. XXVII en Sevilla_. Its outline of the two Americas is shown in a -sketch given on an earlier page.[755] The original is preserved in the -Grand-Ducal Library at Weimar. - -[Illustration: RIBERO, 1529.] - -A map of similar character, dated two years later, is one which is -the work of Diego Ribero, a Portuguese in the service of Spain, who -had been the royal cosmographer since 1523,—an office which he was to -hold till his death, ten years later, in 1533. There are two early -copies of this map, of which a small section is herewith given; both -are on parchment, and are preserved respectively at Weimar and Rome, -though Thomassy[756] says there is a third copy. The Roman copy is in -the Archivio del Collegio di Propaganda, and is said to have belonged -to Cardinal Borgia. The North American sections of the map have been -several times reproduced in connection with discussions of the voyages -of Gomez and Verrazano.[757] The entire American continent was first -engraved by M. C. Sprengel in 1795, after a copy then in Büttner’s -library at Jena, when it was appended to a German translation of Muñoz, -with a memoir upon it which was also printed separately as _Ueber -Ribero’s älteste Weltkarte_. The map is entitled _Carta universal en -que se contiene todo lo que del mundo se ha descubierto fasta agora: -Hizola Diego Ribero cosmographo de su magestad: año de 1529. La Qual -se divide en dos partes conforme á la capitulaçion que hizieron los -catholicos Reyes de España, y el Rey don Juan de portugal en la Villa -[citta] de Tordesillas: Año de 1494_,—thus recording the Spanish -understanding, as the map of 1527 did, of the line of demarcation. The -Propaganda copy has “en Sevilla” after the date. The most serviceable -of the modern reproductions of the American parts is that given by -Kohl in his _Die beiden ältesten General-Karten von Amerika_, though -other drafts of parts are open to the student in Santarem’s _Atlas_ -(pl. xxv.), Lelewel’s _Moyen-âge_ (pl. xli.), Ruge’s _Geschichte des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, and Bancroft’s _Central America_ (i. -146).[758] - -These two maps of 1527 and 1529 established a type of the American -coasts which prevailed for some time. One such map is that of which a -fac-simile is given in the _Cartas de Indias_, called “Carta de las -Antillas, seno Mejicano y costas de tierra-firme, y de la America -setentrional,” which seems, however, to have been made later than -1541.[759] Another is preserved in the Ducal Library at Wolfenbüttel, -of which Harrisse makes mention in his _Cabots_, p. 185. A significant -map of this type, commonly cited as the _Atlas de Philippe II., dédié -à Charles Quint_, is more correctly defined in the title given to a -photographic reproduction,[760] _Portulano de Charles Quint donné -à Philippe II., accompagné d’une notice par MM. F. Spitzer et Ch. -Wiener_, Paris, 1875. The map is not dated; but the development of the -coasts of Florida, California, Peru, and of Magellan’s Straits, with -the absence of the coast-line of Chili, which had been tracked in 1536, -has led to the belief that it represents investigations of a period not -long before 1540. The original draft first attracted attention when -exhibited in 1875 at the Geographical Congress in Paris, and shortly -after it was the subject of several printed papers.[761] Major is -inclined to think it the work of Baptista Agnese, and Wieser is of the -same opinion; while for the American parts it is contended that the -Italian geographer—for the language of the map is Italian—followed the -maps of 1527 and 1529. - -What would seem to be the earliest engraved map of this type exists, -so far as is known, in but a single copy, now in the Lenox Library. -It is a woodcut, measuring 21 × 17 inches, and is entitled _La carta -uniuersale della terra firma & Isole delle Indie occidētali, cio è del -mondo nuouo fatta per dichiaratione delli libri delle Indie, cauata -da due carte da nauicare fatte in Sibilia da li piloti della Maiesta -Cesarea_,—the maps referred to being those of 1527 and 1529, as is -supposed. Harrisse, however, claims that this Venice cut preceded the -map of 1527, and was probably the work of the same chartmaker. Stevens -holds that it followed both of these maps, and should be dated 1534; -while Harrisse would place it before Peter Martyr’s death in September, -1526. According to Brevoort and Harrisse,[762] the map was issued to -accompany the conglomerate work of Martyr and Oviedo, _Summario de la -generale historia de l’Indie occidentali_, which was printed in three -parts at Venice in 1534.[763] Murphy, in his _Verrazzano_ (p. 125), -quotes the colophon of the Oviedo part of the book as evidence of the -origin of the map, which translated stands thus: “Printed at Venice in -the month of December, 1534.” - -[Illustration] - -For the explanation of these books there has been made a universal map -of the countries of all the West Indies, together with a special map -[Hispaniola] taken from two marine charts of the Spaniards, one of -which belonged to Don Pietro Martire, councillor of the Royal Council -of said Indies, and was made by the pilot and master of marine charts, -Niño Garzia de Loreno [_sic_] in Seville; the other was made also by a -pilot of his Majesty, the Emperor, in Seville. Quaritch[764] says that -an advertisement at the end of the _secundo libro_ of Xeres, _Conquista -del Peru_ (Venice, 1534), shows that the map in the first edition of -Peter Martyr’s _Decades_ was made by Nuño Garcia de Toreno in Seville; -but the statement is questionable. Harrisse refers to a map of Toreno -preserved in the Royal Library at Turin, dated 1522, in which he is -called “piloto y maestro de cartas de nauegar de su Magestad.” The -American part of this last chart is unfortunately missing.[765] - -Harrisse calls this Lenox woodcut the earliest known chart of Spanish -origin which is crossed by lines of latitude and longitude, and thinks -it marks a type adopted by the Spanish cosmographers a little after -the return of Del Cano from his voyage of circumnavigation and the -coming of Andagoya from Panama in 1522, with additions based on the -tidings which Gomez brought to Seville in December, 1525, from his -voyage farther north. - -[Illustration: AN EARLY FRENCH MAP.] - -It is not worth while to reproduce here various maps of this time, all -showing more or less resemblance to the common type of this central -portion of the New World. Such are the maps of Verrazano[766] and of -Thorne,[767] the draft of the Sloane manuscript,[768] the cordiform map -of Orontius Finæus,[769] one given by Kunstmann,[770] and the whole -series of the Agnese type.[771] - -[Illustration: GULF OF MEXICO, 1536.] - -There is a French map, which was found by Jomard in the possession of -a noble family in France, which Kohl supposes to be drawn in part from -Ribero. A sketch is annexed as of “An Early French Map.” The absence of -the Gulf of California and of all traces of De Soto’s expedition leads -Kohl to date it before 1533. Jomard placed the date later; but as the -map has no record of the expeditions of Ribault and Laudonnière, it -would appear to be earlier than 1554.[772] - -There is a large manuscript map in the British Museum which seems to -have been made by a Frenchman from Spanish sources, judging from the -mixture and corruption of the languages used in it. In one inscription -there is mention of “the disembarkation of the Governor;” and this, -together with the details of the harbors on the west coast of Florida, -where Narvaez went, leads Kohl to suppose the map to have been drawn -from that commander’s reports. The sketch, which is annexed and marked -“Gulf of Mexico, 1536,” follows Kohl’s delineation in his Washington -collection.[773] - -[Illustration: ROTZ, 1542.] - -We can further trace the geographical history of the Antilles in the -Münster map of 1540,[774] in the Mercator gores of 1541,[775] and in -the Ulpius globe of 1542.[776] In this last year (1542) we find in -the Rotz _Idrography_, preserved in the British Museum, a map which -records the latitudes about three degrees too high for the larger -islands, and about two degrees too low for the more southern ones, -making the distance between Florida and Trinidad too great by five -degrees. The map is marked “The Indis of Occident quhas the Spaniards -doeth occupy.” The sketch here given follows Kohl’s copy.[777] Rotz -seems to have worked from antecedent Portuguese charts; and in the -well-known Cabot map of 1544, of which a section is annexed, as well as -in the Medina map of 1545,[778] we doubtless have the results reached -by the Spanish hydrographers. The “Carta marina” of the Italian Ptolemy -of 1548,[779] as well as the manuscript atlas of Nicholas Vallard -(1547), now in the Sir Thomas Phillipps Collection, may be traced -ultimately to the same source; and the story goes respecting the latter -that a Spanish bishop, Don Miguel de Silva, brought out of Spain and -into France the originals upon which it was founded. These originals, -it would appear, also served Homem in 1558 in the elaborate manuscript -map, now preserved in the British Museum, of which a sketch (in part) -is annexed (p. 229). - -[Illustration: CABOT, 1544. - -Sketch of a section of the so-called Sebastian Cabot Mappemonde in -the National Library at Paris, following a photographic reproduction -belonging to Harvard College Library. There is a rude draft of the -Antilles by Allfonsce of this same year.] - -The maps of the middle of the century which did most to fix popularly -the geography of the New World were probably the Bellero map of -1554,[780] which was so current in Antwerp publications of about that -time, and the hemisphere of Ramusio (1556) which accompanied the third -volume of his _Viaggi_, and of which a fac-simile is annexed. There is -a variety of delineations to be traced out for the Antilles through the -sequence of the better-known maps of the next following years, which -the curious student may find in the maps of the Riccardi Palace,[781] -the Nancy globe,[782] the Martines map of 155-,[783] that of Forlani in -1560,[784] the map of Ruscelli in the Ptolemy of 1561, besides those -by Zalterius (1566),[785] Des Liens (1566),[786] Diegus (1568),[787] -Mercator (1569),[788] Ortelius (1570),[789] and Porcacchi (1572).[790] - -[Illustration: RAMUSIO, 1556. - -H. H. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 49, sketches this map, but errs -in saying the shape of the California peninsula was not copied in -later maps. Cf. map in Best’s _Frobisher_ 1578.] - -[Illustration: HOMEM, 1558.] - -[Illustration: MARTINES, 1578.] - -Of the map of Martines, in 1578, which is in a manuscript atlas -preserved in the British Museum, Kohl says its parallels of latitude -are more nearly correct than on any earlier map, while its meridians of -longitude are expanded far too much.[791] - -[Illustration: CUBA (_after Wytfliet_, 1597). - -The earliest map of Cuba is that in the La Cosa Chart, which is -reproduced, among other places, in Ramon de la Sagra’s _Histoire -physique et politique de l’ile de Cuba_, 1842-1843, which contains -also the chart of Guillaure Testu. There are other early maps of -Cuba—besides those in maps of the Antilles already mentioned in the -present section—in Porcacchi, 1572 (pp. 81, 88), in the Ortelius of -1592, and in the Mercator atlases. The bibliography of Cuba is given -in Bachiler’s _Apuntes para la historia de la isla de Cuba_, Havana, -1861. For the cartography, cf. the _Mapoteca Columbiana_ of Uricoechea, -London, 1860, p. 53. Of the several maps of the Antilles toward the end -of the century, it may be sufficient to name the detailed map of the -West Indies in the Ortelius of 1584, the Hakluyt-Martyr map of 1587, -the map of Thomas Hood in Kunstmann, the De Bry map of 1596, as well as -the maps of the first distinctively American atlas,—that of Wytfliet in -1597.] - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -ANCIENT FLORIDA. - -BY JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL.D. - - -THE credit of being the first to explore our Atlantic coast has not yet -been positively awarded by critical historians. Ramusio preserves the -report of a person whom he does not name, which asserts that Sebastian -Cabot claimed for his father and himself, in the summer of 1497, to -have run down the whole coast, from Cape Breton to the latitude of -Cuba; but the most recent and experienced writer on Cabot treats the -claim as unfounded.[792] - -The somewhat sceptical scholars of our day have shown little -inclination to adopt the theory of Francisco Adolpho de Varnhagen, that -Americus Vespucius on his first voyage reached Honduras in 1497, and -during the ensuing year ran along the northern shore of the Gulf of -Mexico, doubled the Florida cape, and then sailed northward along our -Atlantic coast to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, where he built a vessel and -sailed to Cadiz.[793] - -Although Columbus made his first landfall on one of the Bahamas, and -Cuba was soon after occupied, no definite knowledge seems to have -been obtained of the great mainland so near them. There is nothing -in narrative or map to betray any suspicion of its existence prior to -the year 1502, when a map executed in Lisbon at the order of Cantino, -an Italian merchant, for Hercules d’Este, shows a mainland north of -Cuba, terminating near that island in a peninsula resembling Florida. -The tract of land thus shown has names of capes and rivers, but they -can be referred to no known exploration. To some this has seemed to be -but a confused idea of Cuba as mainland;[794] by others it is regarded -as a vague idea of Yucatan. But Harrisse in his _Corte-Real_, where he -reproduces the map, maintains that “between the end of 1500 and the -summer of 1502 navigators, whose name and nationality are unknown, -but whom we presume to be Spaniards, discovered, explored, and named -the part of the shore of the United States which from the vicinity of -Pensacola Bay runs along the Gulf of Mexico to the Cape of Florida, -and, turning it, runs northward along the Atlantic coast to about the -mouth of the Chesapeake or Hudson.”[795] - -But leaving these three claims in the realm of conjecture and doubt, we -come to a period of more certain knowledge. - -The Lucayos of the Bahamas seem to have talked of a great land of -Bimini not far from them. The Spaniards repeated the story; and in the -edition of Peter Martyr’s _Decades_ published in 1511 is a map on which -a large island appears, named “Illa de Beimeni, parte.”[796] - -Discovery had taken a more southerly route; no known Spanish vessel -had passed through the Bahama channel or skirted the coast. But some -ideas must have prevailed, picked up from natives of the islands, or -adventurous pilots who had ventured farther than their instructions -authorized. Stories of an island north of Hispaniola, with a fountain -whose waters conferred perpetual youth, had reached Peter Martyr in -Spain, for in the same edition of his _Decades_ he alludes to the -legends. - -John Ponce de Leon, who had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage, -and had since played his part bravely amid the greatest vicissitudes, -resolved to explore and conquer Bimini. He had friends at Court, and -seems to have been a personal favorite of the King, who expressed a -wish for his advancement.[797] The patent he solicited was based on -that originally issued to Columbus; but the King laughingly said, that -it was one thing to grant boundless power when nothing was expected -to come of it, and very different to do so when success was almost -certain. Yet on the 23d of February, 1512, a royal grant empowered -John Ponce de Leon “to proceed to discover and settle the Island -of Bimini.”[798] The patent was subject to the condition that the -island had not been already discovered. He was required to make the -exploration within three years, liberty being granted to him to touch -at any island or mainland not subject to the King of Portugal. If he -succeeded in his expedition he was to be governor of Bimini for life, -with the title of _adelantado_.[799] - -The veteran immediately purchased a vessel, in order to go to Spain -and make preparations for the conquest of Bimini. But the authorities -in Porto Rico seized his vessel; and the King, finding his services -necessary in controlling the Indians, sent orders to the Council of the -Indies to defer the Bimini expedition, and gave Ponce de Leon command -of the fort in Porto Rico.[800] - -Thus delayed in the royal service, Ponce de Leon was unable to obtain -vessels or supplies till the following year. He at last set sail from -the port of San German in Porto Rico in March, 1513,[801] with three -caravels, taking as pilot Anton de Alaminos, a native of Palos who -had as a boy accompanied Columbus, and who was long to associate his -own name with explorations of the Gulf of Mexico. They first steered -northeast by north, and soon made the Caicos, Yaguna, Amaguayo, and -Manigua. After refitting at Guanahani, Ponce de Leon bore northwest; -and on Easter Sunday (March 27) discovered the mainland, along which he -ran till the 2d of April, when he anchored in 30° 8’ and landed. On the -8th he took possession in the name of the King of Spain, and named the -country—which the Lucayos called Cancio—Florida, from Pascua Florida, -the Spanish name for Easter Sunday. - -The vessels then turned southward, following the coast till the 20th, -when Ponce landed near Abayoa, a cluster of Indian huts. On attempting -to sail again, he met such violent currents that his vessels could make -no headway, and were forced to anchor, except one of the caravels, -which was driven out of sight. On landing at this point Ponce found -the Indians so hostile that he was obliged to repel their attacks by -force. He named a river Rio de la Cruz; and, doubling Cape Corrientes -on the 8th of May, sailed on till he reached a chain of islands, to -which he gave the name of the Martyrs. On one of these he obtained wood -and water, and careened a caravel. The Indians were very thievish, -endeavoring to steal the anchors or cut the cables, so as to seize the -ships. He next discovered and named the Tortugas. After doubling the -cape, he ran up the western shore of Florida to a bay, in 27° 30’, -which for centuries afterward bore the name of Juan Ponce. There are -indications that before he turned back he may have followed the coast -till it trended westward. After discovering Bahama he is said to have -despatched one caravel from Guanima under John Perez de Ortubia, with -Anton de Alaminos, to search for Bimini, while he himself returned -to Porto Rico, which he reached September 21. He was soon followed by -Ortubia, who, it is said, had been successful in his search for Bimini. - -Although Ponce de Leon had thus explored the Florida coast, and added -greatly to the knowledge of the Bahama group, his discoveries are not -noted in the editions of Ptolemy which appeared in the next decade, and -which retained the names of the Cantino map. The Ribeiro map (1529) -gives the Martyrs and Tortugas, and on the mainland Canico,—apparently -Cancio, the Lucayan name of Florida. In the so-called Leonardo da -Vinci’s Mappemonde, Florida appears as an island in a vast ocean that -rolls on to Japan.[802] - -Elated with his success, John Ponce de Leon soon after sailed to -Spain; and, obtaining an audience of the King,—it is said through the -influence of his old master, Pero Nuñez de Guzman, Grand Comendador -of Calatrava,—gave the monarch a description of the attractive land -which he had discovered. He solicited a new patent for its conquest -and settlement; and on the 27th of September, 1514, the King empowered -him to go and settle “the Island of Brimini and the Island Florida” -which he had discovered under the royal orders. He was to effect -this in three years from the delivery of the _asiento_; but as he -had been employed in His Majesty’s service, it was extended so that -this term was to date from the day he set sail for his new province. -After reducing the Caribs, he was empowered to take of the vessels and -men employed in that service whatever he chose in order to conquer -and settle Florida. The natives were to be summoned to submit to the -Catholic Faith and the authority of Spain, and they were not to be -attacked or captured if they submitted. Provision was made as to the -revenues of the new province, and orders were sent to the viceroy, Don -Diego Columbus, to carry out the royal wishes.[803] - -The Carib war was not, however, terminated as promptly as the King and -his officers desired. Time passed, and adventurers in unauthorized -expeditions to Florida rendered the Indians hostile.[804] It was not -till 1521 that Ponce de Leon was able to give serious thought to a -new expedition. His early hopes seem to have faded, and with them the -energy and impulsiveness of his youth. He had settled his daughters -in marriage, and, free from domestic cares, offered himself simply to -continue to serve the King as he had done for years. Writing to Charles -V. from Porto Rico on the 10th of February, 1521, he says:— - - “Among my services I discovered, at my own cost and charge, the Island - Florida and others in its district, which are not mentioned as being - small and useless; and now I return to that island, if it please God’s - will, to settle it, being enabled to carry a number of people with - which I shall be able to do so, that the name of Christ may be praised - there, and Your Majesty served with the fruit that land produces. - And I also intend to explore the coast of said island further, and - see whether it is an island, or whether it connects with the land - where Diego Velasquez is, or any other; and I shall endeavor to learn - all I can. I shall set out to pursue my voyage hence in five or six - days.”[805] - -[Illustration: PONCE DE LEON. - -Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, edition of 1728.] - -As he wrote to the Cardinal of Tortosa, he had expended all his -substance in the King’s service; and if he asked favors now it was “not -to treasure up or to pass this miserable life, but to serve His Majesty -with them and his person and all he had, and settle the land that he -had discovered.”[806] - -He went prepared to settle, carrying clergymen for the colonists, -friars to found Indian missions, and horses, cattle, sheep, and swine. -Where precisely he made the Florida coast we do not know; but it is -stated that on attempting to erect dwellings for his colonists he was -attacked by the natives, who showed great hostility. Ponce himself, -while leading his men against his assailants, received so dangerous an -arrow wound, that, after losing many of his settlers by sickness and at -the hands of the Indians, he abandoned the attempt to plant a colony in -Florida, which had so long been the object of his hopes; and taking all -on board his vessels, he sailed to Cuba. There he lingered in pain, and -died of his wound.[807] - -John Ponce de Leon closed his long and gallant career without solving -the problem whether Florida was an island or part of the northern -continent. Meanwhile others, following in the path he had opened, -were contributing to a more definite knowledge. Thus Diego Miruelo, a -pilot, sailed from Cuba in 1516 on a trading cruise; and running up -the western shore of the Floridian peninsula, discovered a bay which -long bore his name on Spanish maps, and was apparently Pensacola. Here -he found the Indians friendly, and exchanged his store of glass and -steel trinkets for silver and gold. Then, satisfied with his cruise, -and without making any attempt to explore the coast, he returned to -Cuba.[808] - -The next year Francis Hernandez de Cordova[809] sent from Cuba on the -8th of February two ships and a brigantine, carrying one hundred and -ten men, with a less humane motive than Miruelo’s; for Oviedo assures -us that his object was to capture on the Lucayos, or Bahama Islands, -a cargo of Indians to sell as slaves. His object was defeated by -storms; and the vessels, driven from their course, reached Yucatan, -near Cape Catoche, which he named. The Indians here were as hostile -as the elements; and Hernandez, after several sharp engagements with -the natives, in which almost every man was wounded, was sailing back, -when storms again drove his vessels from their course. Unable to make -the Island of Cuba, Alaminos, the pilot of the expedition, ran into a -bay on the Florida coast, where he had been with Ponce de Leon on his -first expedition. While a party which had landed were procuring water, -they were attacked with the utmost fury by the Indians, who, swarming -down in crowds, assailed those still in the boats. In this engagement -twenty-two of the Indians were killed, six of the Spaniards in the -landing party were wounded,—including Bernal Diaz, who records the -event in his History,—and four of those in the boats, among the number -Anton de Alaminos, the pilot. The only man in the expedition who had -come away from Yucatan unwounded, a soldier named Berrio, was acting as -sentry on shore, and fell into the hands of the Indians. The commander -himself, Hernandez de Cordova, reached Cuba only to die of his wounds. - -This ill-starred expedition led to two other projects of settlement -and conquest. Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, the friend and host -of Hernandez, obtained a grant, which was referred to by Ponce de Leon -in his final letter to the King, and which resulted in the conquest -of Mexico;[810] and Francis de Garay, governor of Jamaica, persuaded -by Alaminos to enter upon an exploration of the mainland, obtained -permission in due form from the priors of the Order of St. Jerome, then -governors of the Indies, and in 1519 despatched four caravels, well -equipped, with a good number of men, and directed by good pilots, to -discover some strait in the mainland,—then the great object of search. - -Alonzo Alvarez de Pineda, the commander of the expedition, reached the -coast within the limits of the grant of Ponce de Leon, and endeavored -to sail eastward so as to pass beyond and continue the exploration. -Unable, from headwinds, to turn the Cape of Florida, he sailed westward -as far as the River Pánuco, which owes its name to him. Here he -encountered Cortés and his forces, who claimed the country by actual -possession. - -The voyage lasted eight or nine months, and possession was duly taken -for the King at various points on the coast. Sailing eastward again, -Garay’s lieutenant discovered a river of very great volume, evidently -the Mississippi.[811] Here he found a considerable Indian town, and -remained forty days trading with the natives and careening his vessels. -He ran up the river, and found it so thickly inhabited that in a space -of six leagues he counted no fewer than forty Indian hamlets on the two -banks. - -According to their report, the land abounded in gold, as the natives -wore gold ornaments in their noses and ears and on other parts of the -body. The adventurers told, too, of tribes of giants and of pigmies; -but declared the natives to have been friendly, and well disposed to -receive the Christian Faith. - -Wild as these statements of Pineda’s followers were, the voyage settled -conclusively the geography of the northern shore of the Gulf, as it -proved that there was no strait there by which ships could reach Asia. -Florida was no longer to be regarded as an island, but part of a vast -continent. The province discovered for Garay received the name of -Amichel. - -Garay applied for a patent authorizing him to conquer and settle the -new territory, and one was issued at Burgos in 1521. By its tenor -Christopher de Tapia, who had been appointed governor of the territory -discovered by Velasquez, was commissioned to fix limits between Amichel -and the discoveries of Velasquez on the west and those of Ponce de -Leon on the east. On the map given in Navarrete,[812] Amichel extends -apparently from Cape Roxo to Pensacola Bay. - -After sending his report and application to the King, and without -awaiting any further authority, Garay seems to have deemed it prudent -to secure a footing in the territory; and in 1520 sent four caravels -under Diego de Camargo to occupy some post near Pánuco. The expedition -was ill managed. One of the vessels ran into a settlement established -by Cortés and made a formal demand of Cortés himself for a line of -demarcation, claiming the country for Garay. Cortés seized some of the -men who landed, and learned all Camargo’s plans. That commander, with -the rest of his force, attempted to begin a settlement at Pánuco; but -the territory afforded no food, and the party were soon in such straits -that, unable to wait for two vessels which Garay was sending to their -aid, Camargo despatched a caravel to Vera Cruz to beg for supplies.[813] - -In 1523 Garay equipped a powerful fleet and force to conquer and settle -Amichel. He sailed from Jamaica at the end of June with the famous -John de Grijalva, discoverer of Yucatan, as his lieutenant. His force -comprised thirteen vessels, bearing one hundred and thirty-six cavalry -and eight hundred and forty infantry, with a supply of field-pieces. He -reached Rio de las Palmas on the 25th of July, and prepared to begin a -settlement; but his troops, alarmed at the unpromising nature of the -country, insisted on proceeding southward. Garay yielded, and sailed to -Pánuco, where he learned that Cortés had already founded the town of -San Esteban del Puerto. Four of his vessels were lost on the coast, and -one in the port. He himself, with the rest of his force, surrendered to -Cortés. He died in Mexico, while still planning a settlement at Rio de -las Palmas; but with his death the province of Amichel passed out of -existence. - -Thus the discoveries of Ponce de Leon and of Garay, with those of -Miruelos, made known, by ten years’ effort, the coast-line from the Rio -Grande to the St. John’s in Florida. - - * * * * * - -The next explorations were intended to ascertain the nature of our -Atlantic coast north of the St. John’s. - -In 1520 Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, one of the auditors of the Island of -St. Domingo, though possessed of wealth, honors, and domestic felicity, -aspired to the glory of discovering some new land, and making it the -seat of a prosperous colony. Having secured the necessary license, he -despatched a caravel under the command of Francisco Gordillo, with -directions to sail northward through the Bahamas, and thence strike -the shore of the continent. Gordillo set out on his exploration, and -near the Island of Lucayoneque, one of the Lucayuelos, descried another -caravel. His pilot, Alonzo Fernandez Sotil, proceeded toward it in -a boat, and soon recognized it as a caravel commanded by a kinsman -of his, Pedro de Quexos, fitted out in part, though not avowedly, -by Juan Ortiz de Matienzo, an auditor associated with Ayllon in the -judiciary. This caravel was returning from an unsuccessful cruise among -the Bahamas for Caribs,—the object of the expedition being to capture -Indians in order to sell them as slaves. On ascertaining the object -of Gordillo’s voyage, Quexos proposed that they should continue the -exploration together. After a sail of eight or nine days, in which -they ran little more than a hundred leagues, they reached the coast of -the continent at the mouth of a considerable river, to which they gave -the name of St. John the Baptist, from the fact that they touched the -coast on the day set apart to honor the Precursor of Christ. The year -was 1521, and the point reached was, according to the estimate of the -explorers, in latitude 33° 30′.[814] - -Boats put off from the caravels and landed some twenty men on the -shore; and while the ships endeavored to enter the river, these -men were surrounded by Indians, whose good-will they gained by -presents.[815] - -Some days later, Gordillo formally took possession of the country in -the name of Ayllon, and of his associate Diego Caballero, and of the -King, as Quexos did also in the name of his employers on Sunday, June -30, 1521. Crosses were cut on the trunks of trees to mark the Spanish -occupancy.[816] - -Although Ayllon had charged Gordillo to cultivate friendly relations -with the Indians of any new land he might discover,[817] Gordillo -joined With Quexos in seizing some seventy of the natives, with whom -they sailed away, without any attempt to make an exploration of the -coast. - -On the return of the vessel to Santo Domingo, Ayllon condemned his -captain’s act; and the matter was brought before a commission, presided -over by Diego Columbus, for the consideration of some important -affairs. The Indians were declared free, and it was ordered that they -should be restored to their native land at the earliest possible -moment. Meanwhile they were to remain in the hands of Ayllon and -Matienzo. - -The latter made no attempt to pursue the discovery; but Ayllon, -adhering to his original purpose, proceeded to Spain with -Francisco,—one of the Indians, who told of a giant king and many -provinces,[818]—and on the 12th of June, 1523, obtained a royal -_cédula_.[819] Under this he was to send out vessels in 1524, to run -eight hundred leagues along the coast, or till he reached lands already -discovered; and if he discovered any strait leading to the west, he -was to explore it. No one was to settle within the limits explored by -him the first year, or within two hundred leagues beyond the extreme -points reached by him north and south; the occupancy of the territory -was to be effected within four years; and as the conversion of the -natives was one of the main objects, their enslavement was forbidden, -and Ayllon was required to take out religious men of some Order to -instruct them in the doctrines of Christianity. He obtained a second -_cédula_ to demand from Matienzo the Indians in his hands in order to -restore them to their native country.[820] - -On his return to the West Indies, Ayllon was called on the King’s -service to Porto Rico; and finding it impossible to pursue his -discovery, the time for carrying out the _asiento_ was, by a _cédula_ -of March 23, 1524, extended to the year 1525.[821] - -To secure his rights under the _asiento_, he despatched two caravels -under Pedro de Quexos to the newly discovered land early in 1525. They -regained the good-will of the natives and explored the coast for two -hundred and fifty leagues, setting up stone crosses with the name of -Charles V. and the date of the act of taking possession. They returned -to Santo Domingo in July, 1525, bringing one or two Indians from each -province, who might be trained to act as interpreters.[822] - -Meanwhile Matienzo began legal proceedings to vacate the _asiento_ -granted by the King to Ayllon, on the ground that it was obtained -surreptitiously, and in fraud of his own rights as joint discoverer. -His witnesses failed to show that his caravel had any license to -make a voyage of exploration, or that he took any steps to follow up -the discovery made; but the suit embarrassed Ayllon, who was fitting -out four vessels to sail in 1526, in order to colonize the territory -granted to him. The armada from Spain was greatly delayed; and as he -expected by it a store of artillery and muskets, as well as other -requisites, he was at great loss. At last, however, he sailed from -Puerto de la Plata with three large vessels,—a caravel, a breton, and -a brigantine,—early in June, 1526.[823] As missionaries he took the -famous Dominican, Antonio de Montesinos, the first to denounce Indian -slavery, with Father Antonio de Cervantes and Brother Pedro de Estrada, -of the same Order. The ships carried six hundred persons of both sexes, -including clergymen and physicians, besides one hundred horses. - -They reached the coast, not at the San Juan Bautista, but at another -river, at 33° 40´, says Navarrete, to which they gave the name of -Jordan.[824] Their first misfortune was the loss of the brigantine; but -Ayllon immediately set to work to replace it, and built a small vessel -such as was called a _gavarra_,—the first instance of ship-building -on our coast. Francisco, his Indian guide, deserted him; and parties -sent to explore the interior brought back such unfavorable accounts -that Ayllon resolved to seek a more fertile district. That he sailed -northward there can be little doubt; his original _asiento_ required -him to run eight hundred leagues along the coast, and he, as well as -Gomez, was to seek a strait or estuary leading to the Spice Islands. -The Chesapeake was a body of water which it would be imperative on him -to explore, as possibly the passage sought. The soil of the country -bordering on the bay, superior to that of the sandy region south of -it, would seem better suited for purposes of a settlement. He at last -reached Guandape, and began the settlement of San Miguel, where the -English in the next century founded Jamestown.[825] - -Here he found only a few scattered Indian dwellings of the communal -system, long buildings, formed of pine posts at the side, and covered -with branches, capable of holding, in their length of more than a -hundred feet, a vast number of families. Ayllon selected the most -favorable spot on the bank, though most of the land was low and swampy. -Then the Spaniards began to erect houses for their shelter, the negro -slaves—first introduced here—doing the heaviest portion of the toil. -Before the colonists were housed, winter came on. Men perished of -cold on the caravel “Catalina,” and on one of the other vessels a -man’s legs were frozen so that the flesh fell off. Sickness broke out -among the colonists, and many died. Ayllon himself had sunk under the -pestilential fevers, and expired on St. Luke’s Day, Oct. 18, 1526. - -He made his nephew, John Ramirez, then in Porto Rico, his successor as -head of the colony, committing the temporary administration to Francis -Gomez. Troubles soon began. Gines Doncel and Pedro de Bazan, at the -head of some malcontents, seized and confined Gomez and the _alcaldes_, -and began a career of tyranny. The Indians were provoked to hostility, -and killed several of the settlers; the negroes, cruelly oppressed, -fired the house of Doncel. Then two settlers, Oliveros and Monasterio, -demanded the release of the lawful authorities. Swords were drawn; -Bazan was wounded and taken, Doncel fled, but was discovered near his -blazing house. Gomez and his subordinates, restored to power, tried and -convicted Bazan, who was put to death. - -Such were the stormy beginnings of Spanish rule in Virginia. It is not -to be wondered at that with one consent the colonists soon resolved to -abandon San Miguel de Guandape. The body of Ayllon was placed on board -a tender, and they set sail; but it was not destined to reach a port -and receive the obsequies due his rank. The little craft foundered; and -of the five hundred who sailed from Santo Domingo only one hundred and -fifty returned to that island. - - * * * * * - -Contemporaneous with the explorations made by and under Ayllon was an -expedition in a single vessel sent out by the Spanish Government in -1524 under Stephen Gomez, a Portuguese navigator who had sailed under -Magallanes, but had returned in a somewhat mutinous manner. He took -part in a congress of Spanish and Portuguese pilots held at Badajoz -to consider the probability of finding a strait or channel north -of Florida by which vessels might reach the Moluccas. To test the -question practically, Charles V. ordered Gomez to sail to the coast -of Bacallaos, or Newfoundland and Labrador, and examine the coast -carefully, in order to ascertain whether any such channel existed. -Gomez fitted out a caravel at Corunna, in northern Spain, apparently -in the autumn of 1524, and sailed across. After examining the Labrador -coast, he turned southward and leisurely explored the whole coast from -Cape Race to Florida, from which he steered to Santiago de Cuba, and -thence to Corunna, entering that port after ten months’ absence. He -failed to discover the desired channel, and no account in detail of -his voyage is known; but the map of Ribeiro,[826] drawn up in 1529, -records his discoveries, and on its coast-line gives names which were -undoubtedly bestowed by him, confirming the statement that he sailed -southerly. From this map and the descriptions of the coast in Spanish -writers soon after, in which descriptions mention is made of his -discoveries, we can see that he noted and named in his own fashion -what we now know as Massachusetts Bay, Cape Cod, Narragansett Bay, the -Connecticut, Hudson, and Delaware rivers. - -This voyage completed the exploration of our coast from the Rio Grande -to the Bay of Fundy; yet Sebastián Cabot in 1536 declared that it -was still uncertain whether a single continent stretched from the -Mississippi to Newfoundland.[827] - - * * * * * - -The success of Cortés filled the Spanish mind with visions of empires -in the north rivalling that of Mexico, which but awaited the courage of -valiant men to conquer. - -Panfilo de Narvaez, after being defeated by Cortés, whom he was sent to -supersede,[828] solicited of Charles V. a patent under which he might -conquer and colonize the country on the Gulf of Mexico, from Rio de -Palmas to Florida. A grant was made, under which he was required to -found two or more towns and erect two fortresses. He received the title -of _adelantado_, and was empowered to enslave all Indians who, after -being summoned in due form, would not submit to the Spanish King and -the Christian Faith. In an official document he styles himself Governor -of Florida, Rio de Palmas, and Espiritu Santo,—the Mississippi.[829] - -Narvaez collected an armament suited to the project, and sailed from -San Lucar de Barrameda, June 17, 1527, in a fleet of five ships -carrying six hundred persons, with mechanics and laborers, as well as -secular priests, and five Franciscan friars, the superior being Father -Juan Xuarez. On the coast of Cuba his fleet was caught by a hurricane, -and one vessel perished. After refitting and acquiring other vessels, -Narvaez sailed from Cuba in March with four vessels and a brigantine, -taking four hundred men and eighty horses, his pilot being Diego -Miruelo, of a family which had acquired experience on that coast. - -The destination was the Rio de Palmas; but his pilot proved -incompetent, and his fleet moved slowly along the southern coast of -Cuba, doubled Cape San Antonio, and was standing in for Havana when it -was driven by a storm on the Florida coast at a bay which he called -Bahia de la Cruz, and which the map of Sebastian Cabot identifies with -Apalache Bay.[830] Here Narvaez landed a part of his force (April 15), -sending his brigantine to look for a port or the way to Pánuco,—much -vaunted by the pilots,—and if unsuccessful to return to Cuba for a -vessel that had remained there. He was so misled by his pilots that -though he was near or on the Florida peninsula, he supposed himself not -far from the rivers Pánuco and Palmas. Under this impression he landed -most of his men, and directed his vessels, with about one hundred souls -remaining on them, to follow the coast while he marched inland. No -steps were taken to insure their meeting at the harbor proposed as a -rendezvous, or to enable the brigantine and the other ship to follow -the party on land. On the 19th of April Narvaez struck inland in a -northward or northeasterly direction; and having learned a little of -the country, moved on with three hundred men, forty of them mounted. -On the 15th of the following month they reached a river with a strong -current, which they crossed some distance from the sea. Cabeza de Vaca, -sent at his own urgent request to find a harbor, returned with no -encouraging tidings; and the expedition plodded on till, on the 25th -of June, they reached Apalache,—an Indian town of which they had heard -magnificent accounts. It proved to be a mere hamlet of forty wretched -cabins. - -The sufferings of Narvaez’ men were great; the country was -poverty-stricken; there was no wealthy province to conquer, no fertile -lands for settlement. Aute (a harbor) was said to be nine days’ march -to the southward; and to this, after nearly a month spent at Apalache, -the disheartened Spaniards turned their course, following the Magdalena -River. On the 31st of July they reached the coast at a bay which -Narvaez styled Bahia de Cavallos; and seeing no signs of his vessels, -he set to work to build boats in which to escape from the country. The -horses were killed for food; and making forges, the Spaniards wrought -their stirrups, spurs, and other iron articles into saws, axes, and -nails. Ropes were made of the manes and tails of the horses and such -fibres as they could find; their shirts were used for sailcloth. By -the 20th of September five boats, each twenty-two cubits long, were -completed, and two days afterward the survivors embarked, forty-eight -or nine being crowded into each frail structure. Not one of the whole -number had any knowledge of navigation or of the coast. - -Running between Santa Rosa Island and the mainland, they coasted along -for thirty days, landing where possible to obtain food or water, but -generally finding the natives fierce and hostile. On the 31st of -October they came to a broad river pouring into the Gulf such a volume -of water that it freshened the brine so that they were able to drink -it; but the current was too much for their clumsy craft. The boat -commanded by Narvaez was lost, and never heard of; that containing -Father Xuarez and the other friars was driven ashore bottom upward; the -three remaining boats were thrown on the coast of western Louisiana or -eastern Texas. The crews barely escaped with life, and found themselves -at the mercy of cruel and treacherous savages, who lived on or near -Malhado Island, and drew a precarious living from shellfish and minor -animals, prickly-pears and the like. They were consequently not as far -west as the bison range, which reached the coast certainly at Matagorda -Bay.[831] Here several of the wretched Spaniards fell victims to the -cruelty of the Indians or to disease and starvation, till Alvar Nuñez -Cabeza de Vaca, the treasurer of the expedition, escaping from six -years’ captivity among the Mariames, reached the Avavares, farther -inland, with two companions, Castillo and Dorantes, and a negro slave. -After spending eight months with them, he penetrated to the Arbadaos, -where the mesquite is first found, near the Rio Grande; and skirting -the San Saba Mountains, came to the bison plains and the hunter -nations; then keeping westward through tribes that lived in houses of -earth and knew the use of cotton and mined the turquoise, he finally -came upon some Spanish explorers on the River Petatlan; and thus on the -1st of April, 1536, with hearts full of joy and gratitude, the four men -entered the town of San Miguel in Sinaloa. - -The vessels of Narvaez, not finding the alleged port of the pilots, -returned to the harbor where they had landed him, and were there -joined by the two vessels from Cuba; but though they remained nearly a -year, cruising along the coast of the Gulf, they never encountered the -slightest trace of the unfortunate Narvaez or his wretched followers. -They added nothing apparently to the knowledge of the coast already -acquired; for no report is extant, and no map alludes to any discovery -by them. - -Thus ended an expedition undertaken with rashness and ignorance, and -memorable only from the almost marvellous adventures of Cabeza de Vaca -and his comrades, and the expeditions by land which were prompted by -his narrative. - - * * * * * - -The wealth of Mexico and Peru had inflamed the imagination of Spanish -adventurers; and though no tidings had been received of Narvaez, others -were ready to risk all they had, and life itself, in the hope of -finding some wealthy province in the heart of the northern continent. -The next to try his fortune was one who had played his part in the -conquest of Peru. - -Hernando de Soto, the son of an esquire of Xerez de Badajoz, was -eager to rival Cortés and Pizarro. In 1537 he solicited a grant of -the province from Rio de las Palmas to Florida, as ceded to Narvaez, -as well as of the province discovered by Ayllon; and the King at -Valladolid, on the 20th of April, issued a concession to him, -appointing him to the government of the Island of Cuba, and requiring -him in person to conquer and occupy Florida within a year, erect -fortresses, and carry over at least five hundred men as settlers to -hold the country. The division of the gold, pearls, and other valuables -of the conquered caciques was regulated, and provision made for the -maintenance of the Christian religion and of an hospital in the -territory. - -The air of mystery assumed by Cabeza de Vaca as to the countries that -he had seen, served to inflame the imagination of men in Spain; and -Soto found many ready to give their persons and their means to his -expedition. Nobles of Castile in rich slashed silk dresses mingled with -old warriors in well-tried coats of mail. He sailed from San Lucar in -April, 1538, amid the fanfaron of trumpets and the roar of cannon, -with six hundred as high-born and well-trained men as ever went forth -from Spain to win fame and fortune in the New World. They reached -Cuba safely, and Soto was received with all honor. More prudent than -Narvaez, Soto twice despatched Juan de Añasco, in a caravel with two -pinnaces, to seek a suitable harbor for the fleet, before trusting all -the vessels on the coast.[832] - -Encouraged by the reports of this reconnoitring, Soto, leaving his -wife in Cuba, sailed from Havana in May, 1539, and made a bay on the -Florida coast ten leagues west of the Bay of Juan Ponce. To this he -gave the name of Espiritu Santo, because he reached it on the Feast of -Pentecost, which fell that year on the 25th of May.[833] On the 30th -he began to land his army near a town ruled by a chief named Uçita. -Soto’s whole force was composed of five hundred and seventy men, and -two hundred and twenty-three horses, in five ships, two caravels, and -two pinnaces. He took formal possession of the country in the name -of the King of Spain on the 3d of June, and prepared to explore and -subject the wealthy realms which he supposed to lie before him. Though -the chief at his landing-place was friendly, he found that all the -surrounding tribes were so hostile that they began to attack those who -welcomed him. - -Ortiz, a Spaniard belonging to Narvaez’ expedition, who in his long -years of captivity had become as naked and as savage as were the -Indians, soon joined Soto.[834] He was joyfully received; though his -knowledge of the country was limited, his services were of vital -necessity, for the Indians secured by Añasco, and on whom Soto relied -as guides and interpreters, deserted at the first opportunity. - -Soto had been trained in a bad school; he had no respect for the lives -or rights of the Indians. As Oviedo, a man of experience among the -_conquistadores_, says: “This governor was very fond of this sport of -killing Indians.”[835] - -The plan of his march showed his disregard of the rights of the -natives. At each place he demanded of the cacique, or head chief, corn -for his men and horses, and Indians of both sexes to carry his baggage -and do the menial work in his camp. After obtaining these supplies, -he compelled the chief to accompany his army till he reached another -tribe whose chief he could treat in the same way; but though the first -chief was then released, few of the people of the tribe which he ruled, -and who had been carried off by Soto, were so fortunate as ever to be -allowed to return to their homes. - -On the 15th of July Soto, sending back his largest ships to Cuba, moved -to the northeast to make his toilsome way amid the lakes and streams -and everglades of Florida. Before long his soldiers began to suffer -from hunger, and were glad to eat water-cresses, shoots of Indian -corn, and palmetto, in order to sustain life; for native villages were -few and scattered, and afforded little corn for the plunderers. The -natives were met only as foe-men, harassing his march. At Caliquen the -Indians, to rescue their chief, whom Soto was carrying to the next -town, made a furious onslaught on the Spaniards; but were driven to -the swamps, and nearly all killed or taken. Their dauntless spirit -was, however, unbroken. The survivors, though chained as slaves, rose -on their masters; and seizing any weapon within their reach, fought -desperately, one of them endeavoring to throttle Soto himself. Two -hundred survived this gallant attempt, only to be slaughtered by the -Indian allies of the Spanish commander. Soto fought his way westward -step by step so slowly that at the end of three months, Oct. 30, 1539, -he had only reached Agile,—a town in the province of Apalache. Añasco, -sent out from this point to explore, discovered the port where Narvaez -had embarked,—the remains of his forges and the bones of his horses -attesting the fact. Soto despatched him to Tampa Bay. Añasco with a -party marched the distance in ten days; and sending two caravels to -Cuba, brought to Soto in the remaining vessels the detachment left -at his landing-place. Before he reached his commander the Indians -had burned the town of Anaica Apalache, of which Soto had taken -possession.[836] - -A good port, that of Pensacola, had been discovered to the westward; -but Soto, crediting an Indian tale of the rich realm of Yupaha in the -northeast, left his winter quarters March 3, 1540, and advanced in -that direction through tribes showing greater civilization. A month -later he reached the Altamaha, receiving from the more friendly natives -corn and game. This was not sufficient to save the Spaniards from much -suffering, and they treated the Indians with their wonted cruelty.[837] - -At last Soto, after a march of four hundred and thirty leagues, much -of it through uninhabited land, reached the province ruled by the -chieftainess of Cofitachiqui. On the 1st of May she went forth to meet -the Spanish explorer in a palanquin or litter; and crossing the river -in a canopied canoe, she approached Soto, and after presenting him -the gifts of shawls and skins brought by her retinue, she took off -her necklace of pearls and placed it around the neck of Soto. Yet her -courtesy and generosity did not save her from soon being led about on -foot as a prisoner. The country around her chief town, which Jones -identifies with Silver Bluff, on the Savannah, below Augusta,[838] -tempted the followers of Soto, who wished to settle there, as from -it Cuba could be readily reached. But the commander would attempt no -settlement till he had discovered some rich kingdom that would rival -Peru; and chagrined at his failure, refused even to send tidings of his -operations to Cuba. At Silver Bluff he came upon traces of an earlier -Spanish march. A dirk and a rosary were brought to him, which were -supposed, on good grounds, to have come from the expedition of Ayllon. - -Poring over the cosmography of Alonzo de Chaves, Soto and the officers -of his expedition concluded that a river, crossed on the 26th of May, -was the Espiritu Santo, or Mississippi. A seven days’ march, still in -the chieftainess’s realm, brought them to Chelaque, the country of -the Cherokees, poor in maize; then, over mountain ridges, a northerly -march brought them to Xualla, two hundred and fifty leagues from Silver -Bluff. At the close of May they were in Guaxule, where the chieftainess -regained her freedom. It was a town of three hundred houses, near the -mountains, in a well-watered and pleasant land, probably at the site of -Coosawattie Old Town. The chief gave Soto maize, and also three hundred -dogs for the maintenance of his men. - -Marching onward, Soto next came to Canasagua, in all probability on a -river even now called the Connasauga, flowing through an attractive -land of mulberries, persimmons, and walnuts. Here they found stores -of bear oil and walnut oil and honey. Marching down this stream -and the Oostanaula, into which it flows, to Chiaha, on an island -opposite the mouth of the Etowa, in the district of the pearl-bearing -mussel-streams, Soto was received in amity; and the cacique had some -of the shellfish taken and pearls extracted in the presence of his -guest. The Spaniards encamped under the trees near the town, leaving -the inhabitants in quiet possession of their homes. Here, on the spot -apparently now occupied by Rome, they rested for a month. A detachment -sent to discover a reputed gold-producing province returned with no -tidings to encourage the adventurers; and on the 28th of June Soto, -with his men and steeds refreshed, resumed his march, having obtained -men to bear his baggage, though his demand of thirty women as slaves -was refused.[839] - -Chisca, to which he sent two men to explore for gold, proved to be in -a rugged mountain land; and the buffalo robe which they brought back -was more curious than encouraging. Soto therefore left the territory of -the Cherokees, and took the direction of Coça, probably on the Coosa -river. The cacique of that place, warned doubtless by the rumors which -must have spread through all the land of the danger of thwarting the -fierce strangers, furnished supplies at several points on the route to -his town, and as Soto approached it, came out on a litter attired in a -fur robe and plumed headpiece to make a full surrender. The Spaniards -occupied the town and took possession of all the Indian stores of corn -and beans, the neighboring woods adding persimmons and grapes. This -town was one hundred and ninety leagues west of Xualla, and lay on -the east bank of the Coosa, between the mouths of the Talladega and -Tallasehatchee, as Pickett, the historian of Alabama, determines. Soto -held the chief of Coça virtually as a prisoner; but when he demanded -porters to bear the baggage of his men, most of the Indians fled. The -Spanish commander then seized every Indian he could find, and put him -in irons. - -After remaining at Coça for twenty-five days, Soto marched to -Ullibahali, a strongly palisaded town, situated, as we may conjecture, -on Hatchet Creek. This place submitted, giving men as porters and -women as slaves. Leaving this town on the 2d of September, he marched -to Tallise, in a land teeming with corn, whose people proved equally -docile.[840] This submission was perhaps only to gain time, and draw -the invaders into a disadvantageous position. - -Actahachi, the gigantic chief of Tastaluza, sixty leagues south of -Coça, which was Soto’s next station, received him with a pomp such -as the Spaniards had not yet witnessed. The cacique was seated on -cushions on a raised platform, with his chiefs in a circle around -him; an umbrella of buckskin, stained red and white, was held over -him. The curveting steeds and the armor of the Spaniards raised no -look of curiosity on his stern countenance, and he calmly awaited -Soto’s approach. Not till he found himself detained as a prisoner -would he promise to furnish the Spaniards with porters and supplies -of provisions at Mauila[841] to enable Soto to continue his march. He -then sent orders to his vassal, the chief of Mauila, to have them in -readiness. - -As the Spaniards, accompanied by Actahachi, descended the Alabama, -passing by the strong town of Piache, the cacique of Mauila came to -meet them with friendly greetings, attended by a number of his subjects -playing upon their native musical instruments, and proffering fur robes -and service; but the demeanor of the people was so haughty that Luis de -Moscoso urged Soto not to enter the town. The _adelantado_ persisted; -and riding in with seven or eight of his guard and four horsemen, sat -down with the cacique and the chief of Tastaluza, whom, according to -custom, he had brought to this place. The latter asked leave to return -to his own town; when Soto refused, he rose, pretending a wish to -confer with some chiefs, and entered a house where some armed Indians -were concealed. He refused to come out when summoned; and a chief who -was ordered to carry a message to the cacique, but refused, was cut -down by Gallego with a sword. Then the Indians, pouring out from the -houses, sent volleys of arrows at Soto and his party. Soto ran toward -his men, but fell two or three times; and though he reached his main -force, five of his men were killed, and he himself, as well as all -the rest, was severely wounded. The chained Indian porters, who bore -the baggage and treasures of Soto’s force, had set down their loads -just outside the palisade. When the party of Soto had been driven -out, the men of Mauila sent all these into the town, took off their -fetters, and gave them weapons. Some of the military equipments of the -Spaniards fell into the hands of the Indians, and several of Soto’s -followers, who had like him entered the town, among them a friar and an -ecclesiastic, remained as prisoners. - -The Indians, sending off their caciques, and apparently their women, -prepared to defend the town; but Soto, arranging his military array -into four detachments, surrounded it, and made an assault on the gates, -where the natives gathered to withstand them. By feigning flight Soto -drew them out; and by a sudden charge routed them, and gaining an -entrance for his men, set fire to the houses. This was not effected -without loss, as the Spaniards were several times repulsed by the -Indians. When they at last fought their way into the town, the Indians -endeavored to escape. Finding that impossible, as the gates were held, -the men of Mauila fought desperately, and died by the sword, or plunged -into the blazing houses to perish there. - -The battle of Mauila was one of the bloodiest ever fought on our -soil between white and red men in the earlier days. The _Adelantado_ -had twenty of his men killed, and one hundred and fifty wounded; of -his horses twelve were killed and seventy wounded. The Indian loss -was estimated by the Portuguese chronicler of the expedition at -twenty-five hundred, and by Rangel at three thousand. At nightfall -Biedma tells us that only three Indians remained alive, two of whom -were killed fighting; the last hung himself from a tree in the palisade -with his bowstring.[842] The Gentleman of Elvas states Soto’s whole -loss up to his leaving Mauila to have been one hundred and two by -disease, accident, and Indian fighting. Divine worship had been -apparently offered in the camp regularly up to this time; but in the -flames of Mauila perished all the chalices and vestments of the clergy, -as well as the bread-irons and their store of wheat-flour and wine, so -that Mass ceased from this time.[843] - -Soto here ascertained that Francisco Maldonado was with vessels at the -port of Ichuse (or Ochuse) only six days’ march from him, awaiting his -orders. He was too proud to return to Cuba with his force reduced in -numbers, without their baggage, or any trophy from the lands he had -visited. He would not even send any tidings to Cuba, but concealed -from his men the knowledge which had been brought to him by Ortiz, the -rescued follower of Narvaez. - -Stubborn in his pride, Soto, on the 14th of November, marched -northward; and traversing the land of Pafallaya (now Clarke, Marengo, -and Greene counties), passed the town of Taliepatua and reached -Cabusto, identified by Pickett with the site of the modern town of -Erie, on the Black Warrior. Here a series of battles with the natives -occurred; but Soto fought his way through hostile tribes to the -little town of Chicaça, with its two hundred houses clustered on a -hill, probably on the western bank of the Yazoo, which he reached in -a snow-storm on the 17th of December. The cacique Miculasa received -Soto graciously, and the Spanish commander won him by sending part of -his force to attack Sacchuma, a hostile town. Having thus propitiated -this powerful chief, Soto remained here till March; when, being ready -to advance on his expedition in search of some wealthy province, he -demanded porters of the cacique. The wily chief amused the invader with -promises for several days, and then suddenly attacked the town from -four sides, at a very early hour in the morning, dashing into the place -and setting fire to the houses. The Spaniards, taken by surprise, were -assailed as they came out to put on their armor and mount their horses. -Soto and one other alone succeeded in getting into the saddle; but -Soto himself, after killing one Indian with his spear, was thrown, his -girths giving way. - -The Indians drew off with the loss of this one man, having killed -eleven Spaniards, many of their horses, and having greatly reduced -their herd of swine. In the conflagration of the town, Soto’s force -lost most of their remaining clothing, with many of their weapons and -saddles. They at once set to work to supply the loss. The woods gave -ash to make saddles and lances; forges were set up to temper the swords -and make such arms as they could; while the tall grass was woven into -mats to serve as blankets or cloaks. - -They needed their arms indeed; for on the 15th of March the enemy, in -three divisions, advanced to attack the camp. Soto met them with as -many squadrons, and routed them with loss. - -When Soto at last took up his march on the 25th of April, the sturdy -Alibamo, or Alimamu, or Limamu, barred his way with a palisade manned -by the painted warriors of the tribe. Soto carried it at the cost of -the lives of seven or eight of his men, and twenty-five or six wounded; -only to find that the Indians had made the palisade not to protect any -stores, but simply to cope with the invaders.[844] - -At Quizquiz, or Quizqui, near the banks of the Mississippi, Soto -surprised the place and captured all the women; but released them to -obtain canoes to cross the river. As the Indians failed to keep their -promise, Soto encamped in a plain and spent nearly a month building -four large boats, each capable of carrying sixty or seventy men and -five or six horses. The opposite shore was held by hostile Indians; and -bands of finely formed warriors constantly came down in canoes, as if -ready to engage them, but always drawing off. - -The Spaniards finally crossed the river at the lowest Chickasaw Bluff, -all wondering at the mighty turbid stream, with its fish, strange -to their eyes, and the trees, uprooted on the banks far above, that -came floating down.[845] Soto marched northward to Little Prairie in -quest of Pacaha and Chisca, provinces reported to abound in gold. -After planting a cross on St. John’s Day[846] at Casqui, where the -bisons’ heads above the entrances to the huts reminded them of Spain, -he entered Pacaha June 29, as Oviedo says. These towns were the best -they had seen since they left Cofitachiqui. Pacaha furnished them with -a booty which they prized highly,—a fine store of skins of animals, -and native blankets woven probably of bark. These enabled the men to -make clothing, of which many had long been in sore want. The people -gradually returned, and the cacique received Soto in friendly guise, -giving him his two sisters as wives. - -While the army rested here nearly a month, expeditions were sent in -various directions. One, marching eight days to the northwest through -a land of swamps and ponds, reached the prairies, the land of Caluça, -where Indians lived in portable houses of mats, with frames so light -that a man could easily carry them.[847] - -Despairing of finding his long-sought El Dorado in that direction, Soto -marched south and then southwest, in all a hundred and ten leagues, to -Quiguate, a town on a branch of the Mississippi. It was the largest -they had yet seen. The Indians abandoned it; but one half the houses -were sufficient to shelter the whole of Soto’s force. - -On the first of September the expedition reached Coligua,—a populous -town in a valley among the mountains, near which vast herds of -bison roamed. Then crossing the river again,[848] Soto’s jaded and -decreasing force marched onward. Cayas, with its salt river and fertile -maize-lands, was reached; and then the Spaniards came to Tulla, where -the Indians attacked them, fighting from their housetops to the last. -The cacique at last yielded, and came weeping with great sobs to make -his submission. - -Marching southeast, Soto reached Quipana; and crossing the mountains -eastward, wintered in the province of Viranque, or Autiamque, or -Utianque, on a branch of the Mississippi, apparently the Washita.[849] -The sufferings of the Spaniards during a long and severe winter were -terrible, and Ortiz, their interpreter, succumbed to his hardships and -died. Even the proud spirit of Soto yielded to his disappointments and -toil. Two hundred and fifty of his splendid force had left their bones -to whiten along the path which he had followed. He determined at last -to push to the shores of the Gulf, and there build two brigantines, in -order to send to Cuba and to New Spain for aid. - -[Illustration: SOTO. - -Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera (1728), iv. 21.] - -Passing through Ayays and the well-peopled land of Nilco, Soto went -with the cacique of Guachoyanque to his well-palisaded town on the -banks of the Mississippi, at the mouth of the Red River, arriving there -on Sunday, April 17, 1542. Here he fell ill of the fever; difficulties -beset him on every side, and he sank under the strain. Appointing Luis -de Moscoço as his successor in command, he died on the 21st of May. The -_Adelantado_ of Cuba and Florida, who had hoped to gather the wealth -of nations, left as his property five Indian slaves, three horses, and -a herd of swine. His body, kept for some days in a house, was interred -in the town; but as fears were entertained that the Indians might dig -up the corpse, it was taken, wrapped in blankets loaded with sand, and -sunk in the Mississippi.[850] - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF SOTO.] - -Muscoço’s first plan was to march westward to Mexico. But after -advancing to the province of Xacatin, the survivors of the expedition -lost all hope; and returning to the Mississippi, wintered on its banks. -There building two large boats, they embarked in them and in canoes. -Hostile Indians pursued them, and twelve men were drowned, their canoes -being run down by the enemy’s _periaguas_. The survivors reached the -Gulf and coasted along to Pánuco.[851] - -The expedition of Soto added very little to the knowledge of the -continent, as no steps were taken to note the topography of the country -or the language of the various tribes. Diego Maldonado and Gomez Arias, -seeking Soto, explored the coast from the vicinity of the Mississippi -nearly to Newfoundland; but their reports are unknown. - -Notwithstanding the disastrous result of Soto’s expedition, and the -conclusive proof it afforded that the country bordering on the Gulf of -Mexico contained no rich kingdom and afforded little inducement for -settlements, other commanders were ready to undertake the conquest of -Florida. Among these was Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of New -Spain, who sought, by offers of rank and honors, to enlist some of -the survivors of Soto’s march in a new campaign. In a more mercantile -spirit, Julian de Samano and Pedro de Ahumada applied to the Spanish -monarch for a patent, promising to make a good use of the privileges -granted them, and to treat the Indians well. They hoped to buy furs and -pearls, and carry on a trade in them till mines of gold and silver were -found. The Court, however, refused to permit the grant.[852] - -[Illustration: ANTONIO DE MENDOZA, _Viceroy of New Spain_.] - -Yet as a matter of policy it became necessary for Spain to occupy -Florida. This the Court felt; and when Cartier was preparing for his -voyage to the northern part of the continent,[853] Spanish spies -followed his movements and reported all to their Government. In Spain -it was decided that Cartier’s occupation of the frozen land, for -which he was equipping his vessels, could not in any way militate -against the interests of the Catholic monarch; but it was decided that -any settlement attempted in Florida must on some pretext be crushed -out.[854] Florida from its position afforded a basis for assailing the -fleets which bore from Vera Cruz the treasures of the Indies; and the -hurricanes of the tropics had already strewn the Florida coast with the -fragments of Spanish wrecks. In 1545 a vessel laden with silver and -precious commodities perished on that coast, and two hundred persons -reached land, only to fall by the hands of the Indians.[855] - - * * * * * - -The next Spanish attempt to occupy Florida was not unmixed with -romance; and its tragic close invests it with peculiar interest. The -Dominicans, led by Father Antonio de Montesinos and Las Casas,—who had -by this time become Bishop of Chiapa,—were active in condemning the -cruelties of their countrymen to the natives of the New World; and the -atrocities perpetrated by Soto in his disastrous march gave new themes -for their indignant denunciations.[856] - -One Dominican went further. Father Luis Cancer de Barbastro, when -the Indians of a province had so steadily defied the Spaniards and -prevented their entrance that it was styled “Tierra de Guerra,” -succeeded by mild and gentle means in winning the whole Indian -population, so that the province obtained the name of “Vera Paz,” or -True Peace. In 1546 this energetic man conceived the idea of attempting -the peaceful conquest of Florida. Father Gregory de Beteta and other -influential members of his Order seconded his views. The next year -he went to Spain and laid his project before the Court, where it was -favorably received. He returned to Mexico with a royal order that all -Floridians held in slavery, carried thither by the survivors of Soto’s -expedition, should be confided to Father Cancer to be taken back to -their own land. The order proved ineffectual. Father Cancer then sailed -from Vera Cruz in 1549 in the “Santa Maria del Enzina,” without arms -or soldiers, taking Father Beteta, Father Diego de Tolosa, Father -John Garcia, and others to conduct the mission. At Havana he obtained -Magdalen, a woman who had been brought from Florida, and who had become -a Christian. The vessel then steered for Florida, and reaching the -coast, at about 28°, on the eve of Ascension Day, ran northward, but -soon sailed back. The missionaries and their interpreter landed, and -found some of the Indians fishing, who proved friendly. Father Diego, a -mission coadjutor, and a sailor, resolved to remain with the natives, -and went off to their cabins. Cancer and his companions awaited their -return; but they never appeared again. For some days the Spaniards on -the ship endeavored to enter into friendly relations with the Indians, -and on Corpus Christi Fathers Cancer and Garcia landed and said Mass -on shore. At last a Spaniard named John Muñoz, who had been a prisoner -among the Indians, managed to reach the ship; and from him they -learned that the missionary and his companions had been killed by the -treacherous natives almost immediately after reaching their cabins. -He had not witnessed their murder, but declared that he had seen the -missionary’s scalp. Magdalen, however, came to the shore and assured -the missionaries that their comrade was alive and well. - -It had thus become a serious matter what course to pursue. The vessel -was too heavy to enter the shallow bays, the provisions were nearly -exhausted, water could not be had, and the ship’s people were clamoring -to return to Mexico. The missionaries, all except Father Cancer, -desired to abandon the projected settlement, but he still believed that -by presents and kindness to the Indians he could safely remain. His -companions in vain endeavored to dissuade him. On Tuesday, June 25, -he was pulled in a boat near the shore. He leaped into the water and -waded towards the land. Though urged to return, he persevered. Kneeling -for a few minutes on the beach, he advanced till he met the Indians. -The sailors in the boat saw one Indian pull off his hat, and another -strike him down with a club. One cry escaped his lips. A crowd of -Indians streamed down to the shore and with arrows drove off the boat. -Lingering for awhile, the vessel sailed back to Vera Cruz, after five -lives had thus rashly been sacrificed.[857] - -On the arrival of the tidings of this tragic close of Cancer’s mission -a congress was convened by Maximilian, King of Bohemia, then regent -in Spain; and the advocates of the peace policy in regard to the -Indians lost much of the influence which they had obtained in the royal -councils.[858] - -The wreck of the fleet, with rich cargoes of silver, gold, and other -precious commodities, on the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico in -1553, when several hundred persons perished, and the sufferings of the -surviving passengers, among whom were several Dominicans, in their -attempt to reach the settlements; and the wreck of Farfan’s fleet on -the Atlantic coast near Santa Elena in December, 1554,—showed the -necessity of having posts on that dangerous coast of Florida, in order -to save life and treasure.[859] - -The Council of the Indies advised Philip II. to confide the conquest -and settlement of Florida to Don Luis de Velasco, viceroy of New -Spain, who was anxious to undertake the task. The Catholic monarch had -previously rejected the projects of Zurita and Samano; but the high -character of Velasco induced him to confide the task to the viceroy -of Mexico. The step was a gain for the humanitarian party; and the -King, on giving his approval, directed that Dominican friars should be -selected to accompany the colonists, in order to minister to them and -convert the Indians. Don Luis de Velasco had directed the government in -Mexico since November, 1550, with remarkable prudence and ability. The -natives found in him such an earnest, capable, and unwavering protector -that he is styled in history the Father of the Indians. - -The plans adopted by this excellent governor for the occupation -of Florida were in full harmony with the Dominican views. In the -treatment of the Indians he anticipated the just and equitable methods -which give Calvert, Williams, and Penn so enviable a place in American -annals.[860] - -The occupation was not to be one of conquest, and all intercourse with -the Indians was to be on the basis of natural equity. His first step -was prompted by his characteristic prudence.[861] In September, 1558, -he despatched Guido de Labazares, with three vessels and a sufficient -force, to explore the whole Florida coast, and select the best port he -found for the projected settlement. Labazares, on his return after an -investigation of several months, reported in favor of Pensacola Bay, -which he named Felipina; and he describes its entrance between a long -island and a point of land. The country was well wooded, game and fish -abounded, and the Indian fields showed that Indian corn and vegetables -could be raised successfully.[862] On the return of Labazares in -December, preparations were made for the expedition, which was placed -under the command of Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano. The force -consisted of fifteen hundred soldiers and settlers, under six captains -of cavalry and six of infantry, some of whom had been at Coça, and were -consequently well acquainted with the country where it was intended -to form the settlement. The Dominicans selected were Fathers Pedro de -Feria, as vicar-provincial of Florida, Dominic of the Annunciation, -Dominic de Salazar, John Maçuelas, Dominic of Saint Dominic, and a lay -brother. The object being to settle, provisions for a whole year were -prepared, and ammunition to meet all their wants. - -The colonists, thus well fitted for their undertaking, sailed from -Vera Cruz on the 11th of June, 1559; and by the first of the following -month were off the bay in Florida to which Miruelo had given his name. -Although Labazares had recommended Pensacola Bay, Tristan de Luna -seems to have been induced by his pilots to give the preference to the -Bay of Ichuse; and he sailed west in search of it, but passed it, and -entered Pensacola Bay. Finding that he had gone too far, Luna sailed -back ten leagues east to Ichuse, which must have been Santa Rosa Bay. -Here he anchored his fleet, and despatched the factor Luis Daza, with -a galleon, to Vera Cruz to announce his safe arrival. He fitted two -other vessels to proceed to Spain, awaiting the return of two exploring -parties; he then prepared to land his colonists and stores.[863] -Meanwhile he sent a detachment of one hundred men under captains Alvaro -Nyeto and Gonzalo Sanchez, accompanied by one of the missionaries, to -explore the country and ascertain the disposition of the Indians. The -exploring parties returned after three weeks, having found only one -hamlet, in the midst of an uninhabited country.[864] Before Luna had -unloaded his vessels, they were struck, during the night of September -19,[865] by a terrible hurricane, which lasted twenty-four hours, -destroying five ships, a galleon and a bark, and carrying one caravel -and its cargo into a grove some distance on land. Many of the people -perished, and most of the stores intended for the maintenance of the -colony were ruined or lost. - -The river, entering the Bay of Ichuse, proved to be very difficult -of navigation, and it watered a sparsely-peopled country. Another -detachment,[866] sent apparently to the northwest, after a forty days’ -march through uncultivated country, reached a large river, apparently -the Escambia, and followed its banks to Nanipacna, a deserted town of -eighty houses. Explorations in various directions found no other signs -of Indian occupation. The natives at last returned and became friendly. - -Finding his original site unfavorable, Tristan de Luna, after -exhausting the relief-supplies sent him, and being himself prostrated -by a fever in which he became delirious, left Juan de Jaramillo at -the port with fifty men and negro slaves, and proceeded[867] with the -rest of his company, nearly a thousand souls, to Nanipacna, some by -land, and some ascending the river in their lighter craft. To this -town he gave the name of Santa Cruz. The stores of Indian corn, beans, -and other vegetables left by the Indians were soon consumed by the -Spaniards, who were forced to live on acorns or any herbs they could -gather. - -The Viceroy, on hearing of their sufferings, sent two vessels to -their relief in November, promising more ample aid in the spring. The -provisions they obtained saved them from starvation during the winter, -but in the spring their condition became as desperate as ever. No -attempt seems to have been made to cultivate the Indian fields, or to -raise anything for their own support.[868] - -In hope of obtaining provisions from Coça, Jaramillo sent his -sergeant-major with six captains and two hundred soldiers, accompanied -by Father Dominic de Salazar and Dominic of the Annunciation, to that -province. On the march the men were forced to eat straps, harnesses, -and the leather coverings of their shields; some died of starvation, -while others were poisoned by herbs which they ate. A chestnut wood -proved a godsend, and a fifty days’ march brought them to Olibahali -(Hatchet Creek), where the friendly natives ministered to their -wants.[869] - -About the beginning of July they reached Coça, on the Coosa River, -then a town of thirty houses, near which were seven other towns of the -same tribe. Entering into friendly intercourse with these Indians, the -Spaniards obtained food for themselves and their jaded horses. After -resting here for three months, the Spaniards, to gain the good-will of -the Coosas, agreed to aid them in a campaign against the Napochies,—a -nation near the Ochechiton,[870] the Espiritu Santo, or Mississippi. -These were in all probability the Natchez. The Coosas and their Spanish -allies defeated this tribe, and compelled them to pay tribute, as of -old, to the Coosas. Their town, saved with difficulty from the flames, -gave the Spaniards a supply of corn. On their return to Coça, the -sergeant-major sent to report to Tristan de Luna; but his messengers -found no Spaniard at Nanipacna, save one hanging from a tree. Tristan -de Luna, supposing his men lost, had gone down to Ochuse Bay, leaving -directions on a tree, and a buried letter.[871] Father Feria and -some others had sailed for Havana, and all were eager to leave the -country.[872] Tristan de Luna was reluctant to abandon the projected -settlement, and wished to proceed to Coça with all the survivors of -his force. His sickness had left him so capricious and severe, that he -seemed actually insane. The supplies promised in the spring had not -arrived in September, though four ships left Vera Cruz toward the end -of June. Parties sent out by land and water found the fields on the -Escambia and Mobile[873] forsaken by the Indians, who had laid waste -their towns and removed their provisions. In this desperate state -George Ceron, the _maestro de campo_, opposed the Governor’s plan,[874] -and a large part of the force rallied around him. When Tristan de Luna -issued a proclamation ordering the march, there was an open mutiny, -and the Governor condemned the whole of the insurgents to death. Of -course he could not attempt to execute so many, but he did hang one who -deserted. The mutineers secretly sent word to Coça, and in November the -party from that province with the two missionaries arrived at Pensacola -Bay.[875] Don Tristan’s detachment was also recalled from the original -landing, and the whole force united. The dissensions continued till -the missionaries, amid the solemnities of Holy Week, by appealing -to the religious feelings of the commander and Ceron, effected a -reconciliation.[876] - -At this juncture Angel de Villafañe’s fleet entered the harbor of -Ichuse. He announced to the people that he was on his way to Santa -Elena, which Tristan de Luna had made an ineffectual effort to reach. -All who chose were at liberty to accompany him. The desire to evacuate -the country where they had suffered so severely was universal. None -expressed a wish to remain; and Tristan de Luna, seeing himself utterly -abandoned, embarked for Havana with a few servants. Villafañe then took -on board all except a detachment of fifty or sixty men who were left at -Ichuse under Captain Biedma, with orders to remain five or six months; -at the expiration of which time they were to sail away also, in case no -instructions came. - -Villafañe, with the “San Juan” and three other vessels and about two -hundred men, put into Havana; but there many of the men deserted, and -several officers refused to proceed.[877] - -With Gonzalo Gayon as pilot, Villafañe reached Santa Elena—now Port -Royal Sound—May 27, 1561, and took possession in the name of the -King of Spain. Finding no soil adapted for cultivation, and no port -suitable for planting a settlement, he kept along the coast, doubled -Cape Roman, and landing on the 2d of June, went inland till he reached -the Santee, where he again took formal possession. On the 8th he was -near the Jordan or Pedee; but a storm drove off one of his vessels. -With the rest he continued his survey of the coast till he doubled Cape -Hatteras. There, on the 14th of June, his caravel well-nigh foundered, -and his two smaller vessels undoubtedly perished. He is said to have -abandoned the exploration of the coast here, although apparently it was -his vessel, with the Dominican Fathers, which about this time visited -Axacan, on the Chesapeake, and took off a brother of the chief.[878] - -Villafañe then sailed to Santo Domingo, and Florida was abandoned. In -fact, on the 23d of September the King declared that no further attempt -was to be made to colonize that country, either in the Gulf or at -Santa Elena, alleging that there was no ground to fear that the French -would set foot in that land or take possession of it; and the royal -order cites the opinion of Pedro Menendez against any attempt to form -settlements on either coast.[879] - -As if to show the fallacy of their judgment and their forecast, the -French (and what was worse, from the Spanish point of view, French -Calvinists) in the next year, under Ribault, took possession of Port -Royal,—the very Santa Elena which Villafañe considered unfitted for -colonization. Here they founded Charlesfort and a settlement, entering -Port Royal less than three months after the Spanish officers convened -in Mexico had united in condemning the country. - -Pedro Menendez de Aviles had, as we have seen, been general of the -fleet to New Spain in 1560, and on his return received instructions -to examine the Atlantic coast north of the very spot where the French -thus soon after settled. In 1561 he again commanded the fleet; but on -his homeward voyage a terrible storm scattered the vessels near the -Bermudas, and one vessel, on which his only son and many of his kinsmen -had embarked, disappeared. With the rest of his ships he reached -Spain, filled with anxiety, eager only to fit out vessels to seek his -son, who, he believed, had been driven on the Florida coast, and was -probably a prisoner in the hands of the Indians. At this critical -moment, however, charges were brought against him; and he, with his -brother, was arrested and detained in prison for two years, unable to -bring the case to trial, or to obtain his release on bail. - -When Menendez at last succeeded in obtaining an audience of the King, -he solicited, in 1564, permission to proceed with two vessels to -Bermuda and Florida to seek his son, and then retire to his home, which -he had not seen for eighteen years. Philip II. at last consented; but -required him to make a thorough coast-survey of Florida, so as to -prepare charts that would prevent the wrecks which had arisen from -ignorance of the real character of the sea-line. Menendez replied that -his Majesty could confer no higher boon upon him for his long and -successful services on the seas than to authorize him to conquer and -settle Florida. - -Nothing could be in greater accordance with the royal views than to -commit to the energy of Menendez[880] the task which so many others -had undertaken in vain. A patent, or _asiento_, was issued March 20, -1565, by the provisions of which Menendez was required to sail in May -with ten vessels, carrying arms and supplies, and five hundred men, -one hundred to be capable of cultivating the soil. He was to take -provisions to maintain the whole force for a year, and was to conquer -and settle Florida within three years; explore and map the coast, -transport settlers, a certain number of whom were to be married; -maintain twelve members of religious Orders as missionaries, besides -four of the Society of Jesus; and to introduce horses, black cattle, -sheep, and swine for the two or three distinct settlements he was -required to found at his own expense.[881] The King gave only the use -of the galleon “San Pelayo,” and bestowed upon Menendez the title -of _Adelantado_ of Florida, a personal grant of twenty-five leagues -square, with the title of Marquis, and the office of Governor and -Captain-General of Florida. - -While Menendez was gathering, among his kindred in Asturias and -Biscay, men and means to fulfil his part of the undertaking, the -Court of Spain became aware for the first time that the Protestants -of France had quietly planted a colony on that very Florida coast. -Menendez was immediately summoned in haste to Court; and orders were -issued to furnish him in America three vessels fully equipped, and an -expeditionary force of two hundred cavalry and four hundred infantry. -Menendez urged, on the contrary, that he should be sent on at once -with some light vessels to attack the French; or, if that was not -feasible, to occupy a neighboring port and fortify it, while awaiting -reinforcements. The Government, by successive orders, increased the -Florida armament, so that Menendez finally sailed from Cadiz, June -29, with the galleon “San Pelayo” and other vessels to the number of -nineteen, carrying more than fifteen hundred persons, including farmers -and mechanics of all kinds. - -The light in which Spaniards, especially those connected with commerce -and colonies, regarded the Protestants of France was simply that of -pirates. French cruisers, often making their Protestantism a pretext -for their actions, scoured the seas, capturing Spanish and Portuguese -vessels, and committing the greatest atrocities. In 1555 Jacques Sorie -surprised Havana, plundered it, and gave it to the flames, butchering -the prisoners who fell into his hands. In 1559 Megander pillaged Porto -Rico, and John de la Roche plundered the ships and settlements near -Carthagena.[882] - -It seems strange, however, that neither in Spain nor in America was it -known that this dreaded and hated community, the Huguenots of France, -had actually, in 1562, begun a settlement at the very harbor of Santa -Elena where Villafañe had taken possession in the name of the Spanish -monarch a year before. Some of the French settlers revolted, and very -naturally went off to cruise against the Spaniards, and with success; -but the ill-managed colony of Charlesfort on Port Royal Sound had -terminated its brief existence without drawing down the vengeance of -Spain. - -When the tidings of a French occupancy of Florida startled the Spanish -Court, a second attempt of the Huguenots at settlement had been -made,—this time at the mouth of St. John’s River, where Fort Caroline -was a direct menace to the rich Spanish fleets, offering a safe refuge -to cruisers, which in the name of a pure gospel could sally out to -plunder and to slay. Yet that settlement, thus provoking the fiercest -hostility of Spain, was ill-managed. It was, in fact, sinking, like -its predecessor, from the unfitness of its members to make the teeming -earth yield them its fruits for their maintenance. René Laudonnière, -the commandant, after receiving some temporary relief from the English -corsair Hawkins,[883] and learning that the Spaniards meditated -hostilities, was about to burn his fort and abandon the country, when -John Ribault arrived as commandant, with supplies and colonists, as -well as orders to maintain the post. His instructions from Coligny -clearly intended that he should attack the Spaniards.[884] - -The two bitter antagonists, each stimulated by his superiors, were thus -racing across the Atlantic, each endeavoring to outstrip the other, -so as to be able first to assume the offensive. The struggle was to -be a deadly one, for on neither side were there any of the ordinary -restraints; it was to be a warfare without mercy. - -After leaving the Canaries, Menendez’ fleet was scattered by storms. -One vessel put back; the flagship and another were driven in one -direction, five vessels in another. These, after encountering another -storm, finally reached Porto Rico on the 9th of August, and found the -flagship and its tender there.[885] - -The other ships from Biscay and Asturias had not arrived; but Menendez, -fearing that Ribault might outstrip him, resolved to proceed, though -his vessels needed repairs from the injuries sustained in the storm. If -he was to crush Fort Caroline, he felt that it must be done before the -French post was reinforced; if not, all the force at his disposal would -be insufficient to assume the offensive. He made the coast of Florida -near Cape Cañaveral on the 25th of August; and soon after, by landing -a party, ascertained from the natives that the French post was to the -northward. Following the coast in that direction, he discovered, on -the 28th, a harbor which seemed to possess advantages, and to which he -gave the name of the great Bishop of Hippo, Augustine, who is honored -on that day. Sailing on cautiously, he came in sight of the mouth of -the St. John’s River about two o’clock in the afternoon of the 4th of -September. The ten days he had lost creeping along the coast were fatal -to his project, for there lay the four vessels of Ribault, the flagship -and its consort flinging to the breeze the colors of France. - -Menendez’ officers in council were in favor of running back to -Santo Domingo till the whole force was united and ready to assume -the offensive; but Menendez inspired them with his own intrepidity, -and resolved to attack at once. A tremendous thunderstorm prevented -operations till ten at night, when he bore down on the French, and ran -his ship, the “Pelayo,” between the two larger vessels of Ribault. To -his hail who they were and what they were doing there, the reply was -that John Ribault was their captain-general, and that they came to the -country by order of the King of France; and the French in return asked -what ships they were, and who commanded them. To quote his own words, -“I replied to them that I was Peter Menendez, that I came by command of -the King of Spain to this coast and land to burn and hang the French -Lutherans found in it, and that in the morning I would board his ships -to know whether he belonged to that sect; because if he did, I could -not avoid executing on them the justice which his Majesty commanded. -They replied that this was not right, and that I might go without -awaiting the morning.” - -[Illustration: FLORIDA. - -[This sketch-map of the scene of the operations of the Spanish and -the French follows one given by Fairbanks in his _History of St. -Augustine_. Other modern maps, giving the old localities, are found in -Parkman, Gaffarel etc.—ED.]] - -As Menendez manœuvred to get a favorable position, the French vessels -cut their cables and stood out to sea. The Spaniards gave chase, -rapidly firing five cannon at Ribault’s flagship,—which Menendez -supposed that he injured badly, as boats put off to the other vessels. -Finding that the French outsailed him, Menendez put back, intending -to land soldiers on an island at the mouth of the river and fortify a -position which would command the entrance; but as he reached the St. -John’s he saw three French vessels coming out, ready for action. - -[Illustration: SITE OF FORT CAROLINE. - -[After a map in Fairbanks’s _History of St. Augustine_; but his view of -the site is open to question.—ED.]] - -His project was thus defeated; and too wily to be caught at a -disadvantage by the returning French vessels, Menendez bore away to the -harbor of St. Augustine, which he estimated at eight leagues from the -French by sea, and six by land. Here he proceeded to found the oldest -city in the present territory of the United States. - -[Illustration: ST. AUGUSTINE. - -[This view of Pagus Hispanorum, as given in Montanus and Ogilby, -represents the town founded by Menendez at a somewhat later period, if -it is wholly truthful of any period. The same view was better engraved -at Leide by Vander Aa.—ED.]] - -Two hundred mail-clad soldiers, commanded by Captain John de San -Vicente and Captain Patiño, landed on the 6th of September, 1565. -The Indians were friendly, and readily gave the settlers the large -house of one of the caciques which stood near the shore of the river. -Around this an intrenchment was traced; and a ditch was soon dug, and -earthworks thrown up, with such implements as they had at hand, for the -vessel bearing their tools had not yet arrived. - -[Illustration: SPANISH VESSELS. - -(_From the_ PAGUS HISPANORUM _in Montanus_.)] - -The next day three of the smaller vessels ran into the harbor, and -from them three hundred more of the soldiers disembarked, as well as -those who had come to settle in the country,—men, women, and children. -Artillery and munitions for the fort were also landed. The eighth -being a holiday in the Catholic Church,—the Nativity of the Blessed -Virgin,—was celebrated with due solemnity. Mass was offered for the -first time at a spot ever after held in veneration, and where in time -arose the primitive shrine of Nuestra Señora de la Leche. - -Then the work of debarkation was resumed; one hundred more persons -landed; and great guns, precious stores of provisions, and munitions -were brought to the new fort. - -[Illustration: THE BUILDING OF FORT CAROLINE.] - -[Illustration: FORT CAROLINE COMPLETED. - -(_Lemoyne, in De Bry._) - -[Two pictures of Fort Caroline accompany the _Brevis narratio_ of -Lemoyne,—one the beginning of work upon it, and the other the completed -structure, “a more finished fortification than could possibly have -been constructed, but to be taken as a correct outline,” as Fairbanks -(p. 54) presumes. The engraving of the completed fort is reproduced -in Fairbanks’s _St. Augustine_, Stevens’s _Georgia_, etc. Another and -better view of it, called “Arx Carolina—Charlesfort sur Floride,” was -engraved at Leide by Vander Aa, but it is a question if it be truthful. -No traces of the fort have ever been recorded by subsequent observers, -but Fairbanks places it near a place called St. John’s Bluff, as shown -in the accompanying map. Others have placed it on the Bell River (an -estuary of the St. Mary’s River), at a place Called Battle Bluff. Cf. -Carroll’s _Hist. Coll._, i. p. xxxvi.—ED.]] - -Amid all this bustle and activity the Spaniards were startled by the -appearance of two large French vessels[886] in the offing, evidently -ready for action. It was no part of Menendez’ plan to engage them, and -he waited till, about three in the afternoon, they bore away for the -St. John’s. Then he prepared to land in person. As his boat left the -vessel with banners unfurled, amid the thunder of cannon and the sounds -of warlike music, Mendoza Grajales, the first priest of St. Augustine, -bearing a cross, went down at the head of those on shore to meet the -_adelantado_, all chanting the Te Deum. Menendez proceeded at once with -his attendants to the cross, which he kissed on bended knee. - -Formal possession of the land was then taken in the name of Philip II., -King of Spain. The captains of the troops and the officers of the new -colony came forward to take the oath to Peter Menendez de Aviles as -governor, captain-general, and _adelantado_ of Florida and its coasts -under the patents of the Spanish King. Crowds of friendly Indians, with -their chieftains, gathered around. - -From them the Spanish commander learned that his position was admirably -taken, as he could, at a short distance, strike the river on which the -French lay, and descend it to assail them. Here then he resolved to -make his position as strong as possible, till the rest of his armament -arrived. His galleon “San Pelayo,” too large to enter the port, rode -without, in danger from the sudden storms that visit the coast, and -from the French. Putting on board some French prisoners whom he had -captured in a boat, he despatched her and another vessel to Santo -Domingo. He organized his force by appointing officers,—a lieutenant -and a sergeant-major, and ten captains. The necessity of horses to -operate rapidly induced him to send two of his lighter vessels to -Havana to seek them there; and by this conveyance he addressed to -Philip II. his first letter from Florida.[887] - -The masts of his vessels could scarcely have vanished from the eyes -of the Spanish force, when the French vessels appeared once more, and -nearly captured Menendez himself in the harbor, where he was carrying -to the shore, in the smaller vessels that he had retained, some -artillery and munitions from the galleons. He escaped, however, though -the French were so near that they called on him to surrender. And he -ascribed his deliverance rather to prayer than to human skill; for, -fierce seaman as he was, he was a man of deep and practical religious -feeling, which influenced all his actions. - -Menendez’ position was now one of danger. The force at his command -was not large, and the French evidently felt strong enough, and were -determined to attack him. He had acknowledged his inability to cope -with them on the ocean, and could not have felt very sanguine of being -able to defend the slight breastworks that had been thrown up at St. -Augustine. - -Fortune favored him. Ribault, after so earnestly determining to -assume the offensive, fatally hesitated. Within two days a tremendous -hurricane, which the practised eye of Menendez had anticipated, burst -on the coast. The French were, he believed, still hovering near, on the -lookout for his larger vessels, and he knew that with such a norther -their peril was extreme. It was, moreover, certain that they could not, -for a time at least, make the St. John’s, even if they rode out the -storm. - -This gave him a temporary superiority, and he resolved to seize his -opportunity. Summoning his officers to a council of war, he laid before -them his plan of marching at once to attack Fort Caroline, from which -the French had evidently drawn a part of their force, and probably -their most effective men. The officers generally, as well as the two -clergymen in the settlement, opposed his project as rash; but Menendez -was determined. Five hundred men—three hundred armed with arquebuses, -the rest with pikes and targets—were ordered to march, each one -carrying rations of biscuit and wine. Menendez, at their head, bore -his load like the rest. They marched out of the fort on the 16th of -September, guided by two caciques who had been hostile to the French, -and by a Frenchman who had been two years in the fort. The route proved -one of great difficulty; the rain poured in torrents, swelling the -streams and flooding the lowlands, so that the men were most of the -time knee-deep in water. Many loitered, and, falling back, made their -way to St. Augustine. Others showed a mutinous disposition, and loudly -expressed their contempt for their sailor-general. - -On the 29th, at the close of the day, he was within a short distance of -the French fort, and halted to rest so as to storm it in the morning. -At daybreak the Spaniards knelt in prayer; then, bearing twenty -scaling-ladders, Menendez advanced, his sturdy Asturians and Biscayans -in the van. Day broke as, in a heavy rain, they reached a height from -which their French guide told them they could see the fort, washed by -the river. Menendez advanced, and saw some houses and the St. John’s; -but from his position could not discover the fort. He would have gone -farther; but the Maese de Campo and Captain Ochoa pushed on till they -reached the houses, and reconnoitred the fort, where not a soul seemed -astir. As they returned they were hailed by a French sentinel, who took -them for countrymen. Ochoa sprang upon him, striking him on the head -with his sheathed sword, while the Maese de Campo stabbed him. He -uttered a cry; but was threatened with death, bound, and taken back. -The cry had excited Menendez, who, supposing that his officers had been -killed, called out: “Santiago! at them! God helps us! Victory! The -French are slaughtered! Don Pedro de Valdes, the Maese de Campo, is in -the fort, and has taken it!” - -The men, supposing that the officers were in advance with part of the -force, rushed on till they came up with the returning officers, who, -taking in the situation, despatched the sentry and led the men to the -attack. Two Frenchmen, who rushed out in their shirts, were cut down. -Others outside the fort seeing the danger, gave the alarm; and a man -at the principal gate threw it open to ascertain what the trouble was. -Valdes, ready to scale the fort, saw the advantage, sprang on the man -and cut him down, then rushed into the fort, followed by the fleetest -of the Spanish detachment. In a moment two captains had simultaneously -planted their colors on the walls, and the trumpets sounded for victory. - -The French, taken utterly by surprise, made no defence; about fifty, -dashing over the walls of the fort, took to the woods, almost naked, -and unarmed, or endeavored in boats and by swimming to reach the -vessels in the stream. When Menendez came up with the main body, his -men were slaughtering the French as they ran shrieking through the -fort, or came forward declaring that they surrendered. The women, and -children under the age of fifteen, were, by orders of the commander, -spared. Laudonnière, the younger Ribault, Lemoyne, and the carpenter Le -Challeux, whose accounts have reached us, were among those who escaped. - -Menendez had carried the fort without one of his men being killed or -wounded. The number of the French thus unsparingly put to the sword -is stated by Menendez himself as one hundred and thirty-two, with ten -of the fugitives who were butchered the next day. Mendoza Grajales -corroborates this estimate. Fifty were spared, and about as many -escaped to the vessels; and some, doubtless, perished in the woods. - -The slaughter was too terrible to need depicting in darker colors; but -in time it was declared that Menendez hung many, with an insulting -label: “I do not this to Frenchmen, but to Heretics.” The Spanish -accounts, written with too strong a conviction of the propriety of -their course to seek any subterfuge, make no allusion to any such -act; and the earliest French accounts are silent in regard to it. The -charge first occurs in a statement written with an evident design to -rouse public indignation in France, and not, therefore, to be deemed -absolutely accurate. - -No quarter was given, for the French were regarded as pirates; and as -the French cruisers gave none, these, who were considered as of the -same class, received none. - -The booty acquired was great. A brigantine and a galiot fell into -the hands of the Spaniards, with a vessel that had grounded. Another -vessel lay near the fort, and Spanish accounts claim to have sunk it -with the cannon of the fort, while the French declare they scuttled -it. Two other vessels lay at the mouth of the river, watching for the -Spaniards, whose attack was expected from the sea, and not from the -land side. Besides these vessels and their contents, the Spaniards -gained in the fort artillery and small-arms, supplies of flour and -bread, horses, asses, sheep, and hogs.[888] Such was the first struggle -on our soil between civilized men; it was brief, sanguinary, merciless. - -Menendez named the captured fort San Mateo, from its capture on the -feast of St. Matthew (September 21). He set up the arms of Spain, and -selected a site for a church, which he ordered to be built at once. -Then, leaving Gonçalo de Villaroel in command, with a garrison of three -hundred men, he prepared to march back to St. Augustine with about one -hundred, who composed the rest of the force which had remained with him -till he reached Caroline. But of them all he found only thirty-five -able or willing to undertake the march; and with these he set out, -deeming his presence necessary at St. Augustine. Before long, one of -the party pushed on to announce his coming. - -The Spaniards there had learned of the disaster which had befallen -Ribault’s fleet from a Frenchman who was the sole survivor of one small -vessel that had been driven ashore, its crew escaping a watery death -only to perish by the hands of the Indians. The vessel was secured and -brought to St. Augustine. The same day, September 23, a man was seen -running toward the fort, uttering loud shouts. The priest, Mendoza -Grajales, ran out to learn the tidings he bore. The soldier threw his -arms around him, crying: “Victory! Victory! the French fort is ours!” -He was soon recounting to his countrymen the story of the storming of -Caroline. Toward nightfall the _adelantado_ himself, with his little -party, was seen approaching. Mendoza in surplice, bearing a crucifix, -went forth to meet him. Menendez knelt to kiss the cross, and his -men imitated his example; then they entered the fort in procession, -chanting the Te Deum.[889] - -Menendez despatched some light boats with supplies to San Mateo; but -the fort there took fire a few days after its capture, and was almost -entirely destroyed, with much of the booty. He sent other light craft -to Santo Domingo with prisoners, and others still to patrol the coast -and seek any signs of the galleon “San Pelayo,” or of the French. Then -he turned his whole attention to work on his fort and town, so as to -be in readiness to withstand any attack from Ribault if the French -commander should return and prove to be in a condition to assail him -while his forces were divided. He also cultivated friendly intercourse -with the neighboring chiefs whom he found hostile to the French and -their allies. - -On the 28th, some of the Indians came to report by signs that the -French were six leagues distant, that they had lost their ships, and -that they had reached the shore by swimming. They had halted at a -stream which they could not cross,—evidently Matanzas inlet. Menendez -sent out a boat, and followed in another with some of his officers and -Mendoza, one of the clergymen. He overtook his party, and they encamped -near the inlet, but out of sight. On the opposite side, the light of -the camp-fires marked the spot occupied by the French. The next day, -seeing Menendez, a sailor swam over, and stated that he had been sent -to say that they were survivors of some of Ribault’s vessels which had -been wrecked; that many of their people had been drowned, others killed -or captured by the Indians; and that the rest, to the number of one -hundred and forty, asked permission and aid to reach their fort, some -distance up the coast. - -[Illustration: FLORIDA, 1591 (_Lemoyne, in De Bry_). - -[This is the only cartographical result of the French occupation. It -is also reproduced in Gaffarel’s _Floride Française_, and in Shipp’s -_De Soto and Florida_. It was literally copied by Hondius in 1607, and -not so well in the Mercator-Hondius _Atlas_ of 1633. Lescarbot followed -it; but in his 1618 edition altered for the worse the course of the St. -John’s River; and so did De Laet. Cf. Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 48, -and Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 80, who says (p. 86) that De -Laet was the first to confine the name Florida to the peninsula; but -Thevet seems nearly to do so in the map in his _Cosmographia_, which he -based on Ortelius, a part of which is given in fac-simile in Weise’s -_Discoveries of America_, p. 304; and it seems also to be the case in -the earlier Mercator gores of 1541. The map accompanying Charlevoix’ -narrative will be found in his _Nouvelle France_, i. 24, and in Shea’s -translation of it, i. 133.—ED.]] - -Menendez told him that he had captured the fort and put all to the -sword. Then, after asking whether they were Catholics or Lutherans, and -receiving the reply, the Spaniard sent the sailor to his companions, -to say that if they did not give up their arms and surrender, he would -put them all to the sword. On this an officer came over to endeavor -to secure better terms, or to be allowed to remain till vessels could -be obtained to take them to France; but Menendez was inexorable. The -officer pleaded that the lives of the French should be spared; but -Menendez, according to Mendoza, replied, “that he would not give them -such a pledge, but that they should bring their arms and their persons, -and that he should do with them according to his will; because if he -spared their lives he wished them to be grateful to him for it, and if -he put them to death they should not complain that he had broken his -word.” Solis de Meras, another clergyman, brother-in-law of Menendez, -and in St. Augustine at the time, in his account states that Menendez -said, “That if they wished to lay down their colors and their arms, and -throw themselves on his mercy, they could do so, that he might do with -them what God should give him the grace to do; or that they could do as -they chose: for other truce or friendship could not be made with him;” -and that he rejected an offer of ransom which they made. - -Menendez himself more briefly writes: “I replied that they might -surrender me their arms and put themselves under my pleasure, that -I might do with them what our Lord might ordain; and from this -resolution I do not and will not depart, unless our Lord God inspired -me otherwise.” The words held out hopes that were delusive; but the -French, hemmed in by the sea and by savages, saw no alternative. -They crossed, laid down their arms, and were bound, by order of -Menendez,—ostensibly to conduct them to the fort. Sixteen, chiefly -Breton sailors, who professed to be Catholics, were spared; the rest, -one hundred and eleven in all, were put to death in cold blood,—as -ruthlessly as the French, ten years before, had despatched their -prisoners amid the smoking ruins of Havana, and, like them, in the name -of religion.[890] - -Ribault himself, who was advancing by the same fatal route, was -ignorant alike of the fall of Caroline and of the slaughter of the -survivors of the advanced party; he too hoped to reach Laudonnière. -Some days after the cruel treatment of the first band he reached -the inlet, whose name to this day is a monument of the bloody -work,—Matanzas. - -The news of the appearance of this second French party reached -Menendez on the 10th of October,—at the same time almost as that of -the destruction of Fort San Mateo and its contents by fire, and while -writing a despatch to the King, unfolding his plan for colonizing and -holding Florida, by means of a series of forts at the Chesapeake, Port -Royal, the Martyrs, and the Bay of Juan Ponce de Leon. He marched -to the inlet with one hundred and fifty men. The French were on the -opposite side, some making a rude raft. Both parties sounded drum and -trumpet, and flung their standards to the breeze, drawing up in line of -battle. Menendez then ordered his men to sit down and breakfast. Upon -this, Ribault raised a white flag, and one of his men was soon swimming -across. He returned with an Indian canoe that lay at the shore, and -took over La Caille, an officer. Approaching Menendez, the French -officer announced that the force was that of John Ribault, viceroy -for the French king, three hundred and fifty men in all, who had been -wrecked on the coast, and was now endeavoring to reach Fort Caroline. -He soon learned how vain was the attempt. The fate of the fort and of -its garrison, and the stark bodies of the preceding party, convinced -him that those whom he represented must prepare to meet a similar fate. -He requested Menendez to send an officer to Ribault to arrange terms -of surrender; but the reply was that the French commander was free to -cross with a few of his men, if he wished a conference. - -When this was reported to him, the unfortunate Ribault made an effort -in person to save his men. He was courteously received by Menendez, -but, like his lieutenant, saw that the case was hopeless. According -to Solis de Meras, Ribault offered a ransom of one hundred and fifty -thousand ducats for himself and one part of his men; another part, -embracing many wealthy nobles, preferring to treat separately. Menendez -declined the offer, expressing his regret at being compelled to forego -the money, which he needed. His terms were as enigmatical as before. He -declared, so he himself tells us, “that they must lay down their arms -and colors and put themselves under my pleasure; that I should do with -their persons as I chose, and that there was nothing else to be done or -concluded with me.” - -Ribault returned to his camp and held a council with his officers. Some -were inclined to throw themselves on the mercy of Menendez; but the -majority refused to surrender. The next morning Ribault came over with -seventy officers and men, who decided to surrender and trust to the -mercy of the merciless. The rest had turned southward, preferring to -face new perils rather than be butchered. - -The French commander gave up the banner of France and that of Coligny, -with the colors of his force, his own fine set of armor, and his seal -of office. As he and his comrades were bound, he intoned one of the -Psalms; and after its concluding words added: “We are of earth, and to -earth we must return; twenty years more or less is all but as a tale -that is told.” Then he bade Menendez do his will. Two young nobles, and -a few men whom Menendez could make useful, he spared; the rest were at -once despatched.[891] - -The French who declined to surrender retreated unpursued to Cañaveral, -where they threw up a log fort and began to build a vessel in order to -escape from Florida. Menendez, recalling some of the men who remained -at San Mateo, set out against them with one hundred and fifty men, -three vessels following the shore with one hundred men to support his -force. On the 8th of November apparently, he reached the fort. The -French abandoned it and fled; but on promise that their lives should -be spared, one hundred and fifty surrendered. Menendez kept his word. -He destroyed their fort and vessel; and leaving a detachment of two -hundred under Captain Juan Velez de Medrano to build Fort Santa Lucia -de Cañaveral in a more favorable spot, he sailed to Havana. Finding -some of his vessels there, he cruised in search of corsairs—chiefly -French and English—who were said to be in great force off the coast -of Santo Domingo, and who had actually captured one of his caravels; -he was afraid that young Ribault might have joined them, and that he -would attack the Spanish posts in Florida.[892] But encountering a -vessel, Menendez learned that the King had sent him reinforcements, -which he resolved to await, obtaining supplies from Campechy for his -forts, as the Governor of Havana refused to furnish any. - -The Spaniards in the three Florida posts were ill-prepared for even a -Florida winter, and one hundred died for want of proper clothing and -food. Captain San Vicente and other malcontents excited disaffection, -so that mutinies broke out, and the insurgents seized vessels and -deserted. Fort San Mateo was left with only twenty-one persons in it. - -In February, 1566, Menendez explored the Tortugas and the adjacent -coast, seeking some trace of the vessel in which his son had been lost. -His search was fruitless; but he established friendly relations with -the cacique Carlos, and rescued several Spanish prisoners from that -cruel chief, who annually sacrificed one of them. - -Meanwhile the French fugitives excited the Indians who were friendly -to them to attack the Spanish posts; and it was no longer safe for -the settlers to stir beyond the works at San Mateo and St. Augustine. -Captain Martin de Ochoa, one of the bravest and most faithful officers, -was slain at San Mateo; and Captain Diego de Hevia and several others -were cut off at St. Augustine. Emboldened by success, the Indians -invested the latter fort, and not only sent showers of arrows into it, -but by means of blazing arrows set fire to the palmetto thatching of -the storehouses. The Spaniards in vain endeavored to extinguish the -flames; the building was consumed, with all their munitions, cloth, -linen, and even the colors of the _adelantado_ and the troops. This -encouraged the Indians, who despatched every Spaniard they could reach. - -Menendez reached St. Augustine, March 20, to find it on the brink of -ruin. Even his presence and the force at his command could not bring -the mutineers to obedience. He was obliged to allow Captain San Vicente -and many others to embark in a vessel. Of the men whom at great labor -and expense he had brought to Florida, full five hundred deserted. -After their departure he restored order; and, proceeding to San Mateo, -relieved that place. His next step was to enter into friendly relations -with the chief of Guale, and to begin a fort of stockades, earth, and -fascines at Port Royal which he called San Felipe. Here he left one -hundred and ten men under Stephen de las Alas. From this point the -adventurous Captain Pardo, in 1566 and the following year, explored -the country, penetrating to the silver region of the Cherokees, and -visiting towns reached by De Soto from Cofitachiqui to Tascaluza.[893] - -Returning to St. Augustine, Menendez transferred the fort to its -present position, to be nearer the ship landing and less exposed to -the Indians. All the posts suffered from want of food; and even for the -soldiers in the King’s pay the _adelantado_ could obtain no rations -from Havana, although he went there in person. He obtained means to -purchase the necessary provisions only by pledging his own personal -effects. - -Before his return there came a fleet of seventeen vessels, bearing -fifteen hundred men, with arms, munitions, and supplies, under Sancho -de Arciniega. Relief was immediately sent to San Mateo and to Santa -Elena, where most of the soldiers had mutinied, and had put Stephen -de las Alas in irons, and sailed away. Menendez divided part of his -reinforcements among his three posts, and then with light vessels -ascended the St. John’s. He endeavored to enter into negotiations with -the caciques Otina and Macoya; but those chiefs, fearing that he had -come to demand reparation for the attacks on the Spaniards, fled at his -approach. He ascended the river till he found the stream narrow, and -hostile Indians lining the banks. On his downward voyage Otina, after -making conditions, received the _adelantado_, who came ashore with only -a few attendants. The chief was surrounded by three hundred warriors; -but showed no hostility, and agreed to become friendly to the Spaniards. - -On his return Menendez despatched a captain with thirty soldiers and -two Dominican friars to establish a post on Chesapeake Bay; they were -accompanied by Don Luis Velasco, brother of the chief of Axacan, who -had been taken from that country apparently by Villafañe, and who had -been baptized in Mexico. Instead, however, of carrying out his plans, -the party persuaded the captain of the vessel to sail to Spain. - -Two Jesuit Fathers also came to found missions among the Indians; but -one of them, Father Martinez, landing on the coast, was killed by the -Indians; and the survivor, Father Rogel, with a lay brother, by the -direction of Menendez began to study the language of the chief Carlos, -in order to found a mission in his tribe. To facilitate this, Menendez -sent Captain Reynoso to establish a post in that part of Florida.[894] - -News having arrived that the French were preparing to attack Florida, -and their depredations in the Antilles having increased, Menendez -sailed to Porto Rico, and cruised about for a time, endeavoring to meet -some of the corsairs. But he was unable to come up with any; and after -visiting Carlos and Tequeste, where missions were now established, -he returned to St. Augustine. His efforts, individually and through -his lieutenants, to gain the native chiefs had been to some extent -successful; Saturiba was the only cacique who held aloof. He finally -agreed to meet Menendez at the mouth of the St. John’s; but, as the -Spanish commander soon learned, the cacique had a large force in -ambush, with the object of cutting him and his men off when they -landed. Finding war necessary, Menendez then sent four detachments, -each of seventy men, against Saturiba; but he fled, and the Spaniards -returned after skirmishes with small bands, in which they killed thirty -Indians. - -Leaving his posts well defended and supplied, Menendez sailed to Spain; -and landing near Coruña, visited his home at Aviles to see his wife and -family, from whom he had been separated twenty years. He then proceeded -to Valladolid, where, on the 20th of July, he was received with honor -by the King. - -During his absence a French attack, such as he had expected, was made -on Florida. Fearing this, he had endeavored to obtain forces and -supplies for his colony; but was detained, fretting and chafing at the -delays and formalities of the _Casa de Contratacion_ in Seville.[895] - -An expedition, comprising one small and two large vessels, was fitted -out at Bordeaux by Dominic de Gourgues, with a commission to capture -slaves at Benin. De Gourgues sailed Aug. 22, 1567, and at Cape Blanco -had a skirmish with some negro chiefs, secured the harbor, and sailed -off with a cargo of slaves. With these he ran to the Spanish West -Indies, and disposed of them at Dominica, Porto Rico, and Santo -Domingo, finding Spaniards ready to treat with him. At Puerto de la -Plata, in the last island, he met a ready confederate in Zaballos, who -was accustomed to trade with the French pirates. Zaballos bought slaves -and goods from him, and furnished him a pilot for the Florida coast. -Puerto de la Plata had been a refuge for some of the deserters from -Florida, and could afford definite information. Here probably the idea -of Gourgues’ Florida expedition originated; though, according to the -bombastic French account, it was only off the Island of Cuba that De -Gourgues revealed his design. He reached the mouth of the St. John’s, -where the French narratives place two forts that are utterly unknown -in Spanish documents, and which were probably only batteries to cover -the entrance. Saluted here as Spanish, the French vessels passed on, -and anchored off the mouth of the St. Mary’s,—the Tacatacuru of the -Indians. By means of a Frenchman, a refugee among the Indians, Gourgues -easily induced Saturiba, smarting under the recent Spanish attack, to -join him in a campaign against San Mateo. The first redoubt was quickly -taken; and the French, crossing in boats, their allies swimming, -captured the second, and then moved on Fort San Mateo itself. The -French account makes sixty men issue from each of what it calls forts, -each party to be cut off by the French, and then makes all of each -party of sixty to fall by the hands of the French and Indians, except -fifteen or thereabout kept for an ignominious death. - -Gourgues carried off the artillery of the fort and redoubts; but before -he could transport the rest of his booty to the vessels, a train left -by the Spaniards in the fort was accidentally fired by an Indian who -was cooking fish; the magazine blew up, with all in it. Gourgues hanged -the prisoners who fell into his hands at San Mateo, and descending the -river, hanged thirty more at the mouth, setting up an inscription: “Not -as to Spaniards, but as to Traitors, Robbers, and Murderers.” Returning -to his vessels, he hoisted sail on the 3d of May, and early in June -entered the harbor of La Rochelle. His loss, which is not explained, is -said to have been his smallest vessel, five gentlemen and some soldiers -killed.[896] - -[Illustration: WYTFLIET, 1597. - -[Cf. the “Florida et Apalche” in Acosta, German edition, Cologne, 1598 -(also in 1605); that of Hieronymus Chaves, given in Ortelius, 1592; and -later the maps of the French cartographer Sanson, showing the coast -from Texas to Carolina.—ED.]] - -When Gourgues made his descent, Menendez was already at sea, having -sailed from San Lucar on the 13th of March, with abundant supplies and -reinforcements, as well as additional missionaries for the Indians, -under Father John Baptist Segura as vice-provincial. After relieving -his posts in Florida and placing a hundred and fifty men at San Mateo, -he proceeded to Cuba, of which he had been appointed governor. To -strengthen his colony, he solicited permission to colonize the Rio -Pánuco; but the authorities in Mexico opposed his project, and it -failed. The Mississippi, then known as the Espiritu Santo, was supposed -to flow from the neighborhood of Santa Elena, and was depended on as -a means of communication.[897] The next year the _adelantado_ sent -a hundred and ninety-three persons to San Felipe, and eighty to St. -Augustine. Father Rogel then began missions among the Indians around -Port Royal; Father Sedeño and Brother Baez began similar labors on -Guale (now Amelia) Island, the latter soon compiling a grammar and -catechism in the language of the Indians. Others attempted to bring the -intractable chief Carlos and his tribe within the Christian fold. Rogel -drew Indians to his mission at Orista; he put up houses and a church, -and endeavored to induce them to cultivate the ground. But their -natural fickleness would not submit to control; they soon abandoned -the place, and the missionary returned to Fort San Felipe. A school -for Indian boys was opened in Havana, and youths from the tribes of -the coast were sent there in the hope of making them the nucleus of -an Indian civilization. In 1570 Menendez, carrying out his project of -occupying Chesapeake Bay, sent Father Segura with several other Jesuits -to establish a mission at Axacan, the country of the Indian known as -Don Luis Velasco, who accompanied missionaries, promising to do all -in his power to secure for them a welcome from his tribe. The vessel -evidently ascended the Potomac and landed the mission party, who then -crossed to the shores of the Rappahannock. They were received with -seeming friendship, and erected a rude chapel; but the Indians soon -showed a hostile spirit, and ultimately massacred all the party except -an Indian boy. When Menendez returned to Florida from Spain in 1572, -he sailed to the Chesapeake, and endeavored to secure Don Luis and his -brother; but they fled. He captured eight Indians known to have taken -part in the murder of the missionaries, and hanged them at the yard-arm -of his vessel.[898] - -From this time Menendez gave little personal attention to the affairs -of Florida, being elsewhere engaged by the King; and he died at -Santander, in Spain, Sept. 17, 1574, when about to take command of an -immense fleet which Philip II. was preparing. With his death Florida, -where his nephew Pedro Menendez Marquez[899] had acted as governor, -languished. Indian hostilities increased, San Felipe was invested, -abandoned, and burned, and soon after the Governor himself was -slain.[900] St. Augustine was finally burned by Drake. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -OUR account of the voyages of Ponce de Leon is mainly from the -_cédulas_ to him and official correspondence, correcting Herrera,[901] -who is supposed by some to have had the explorer’s diary, now lost. -Oviedo[902] mentions Bimini[903] as forty leagues from Guanahani. The -modern edition[904] of Oviedo is vague and incorrect; and gives Ponce -de Leon two caravels, but has no details. Gomara[905] is no less -vague. Girava records the discovery, but dates it in 1512.[906] As -early as 1519 the statement is found that the Bay of Juan Ponce had -been visited by Alaminos, while accompanying Ponce de Leon,[907]—which -must refer to this expedition of 1513. The “Traza de las costas” -given by Navarrete (and reproduced by Buckingham Smith),[908] with -the Garay patent of 1521, would seem to make Apalache Bay the western -limit of the discoveries of Ponce de Leon, of whose expedition and -of Alaminos’s no report is known. Peter Martyr[909] alludes to it, -but only incidentally, when treating of Diego Velasquez. Barcia, in -his _Ensayo cronológico_,[910] writing specially on Florida, seems to -have had neither of the patents of Ponce de Leon, and no reports; and -he places the discovery in 1512 instead of 1513.[911] Navarrete[912] -simply follows Herrera. - -In the unfortunate expedition of Cordova Bernal Diaz was an actor, -and gives us a witness’s testimony;[913] and it is made the subject -of evidence in the suit in 1536 between the Pinzon and Colon -families.[914] The general historians treat it in course.[915] - -The main authority for the first voyage of Garay is the royal letters -patent,[916] the documents which are given by Navarrete[917] and in -the _Documentos inéditos_,[918] as well as the accounts given in Peter -Martyr,[919] Gomara,[920] and Herrera.[921] - -Of the pioneer expedition which Camargo conducted for Garay to make -settlement of Amichel, and of its encounter with Cortés, we have the -effect which the first tidings of it produced on the mind of the -Conqueror of Mexico in his second letter of Oct. 30, 1520; while in -his third letter he made representations of the wrongs done to the -Indians by Garay’s people, and of his own determination to protect -the chiefs who had submitted to him.[922] For the untoward ending of -Garay’s main expedition, Cortés is still a principal dependence in his -fourth letter;[923] and the official records of his proceedings against -Garay in October, 1523, with a letter of Garay dated November 8, and -evidently addressed to Cortés, are to be found in the _Documentos -inéditos_,[924] while Peter Martyr,[925] Oviedo,[926] and Herrera[927] -are the chief general authorities. Garay’s renewed effort under his -personal leadership is marked out in three several petitions which he -made for authority to colonize the new country.[928] - -[Illustration: AYLLON’S EXPLORATIONS. - -[This sketch follows Dr. Kohl’s copy of a map in a manuscript atlas -in the British Museum (no. 9,814), without date; but it seems to be a -record of the explorations (1520) of Ayllon, whose name is corrupted -on the map. The map bears near the main inscription the figure of a -Chinaman and an elephant,—tokens of the current belief in the Asiatic -connections of North America. Cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, -p. 82, 99, on the “Traza de costas de Tierra Ferme y de las Tierras -Nuevas,” accompanying the royal grant to Garay in 1521, being the -chart of Cristóbal de Tobia, given in the third volume of Navarrete’s -_Coleccion_, and sketched on another page of the present volume -(_ante_, p. 218) in a section on “The Early Cartography of the Gulf of -Mexico and adjacent Parts,” where some light is thrown on contemporary -knowledge of the Florida coast.—ED.]] - -Of the preliminary expedition on the Atlantic coast of Gordillo and -the subsequent attempt of his chief, Ayllon, to settle in Virginia, -there is a fund of testimony in the papers of the suit which Matienzo -instituted against Ayllon, and of which the greater part is still -unprinted; but a few papers, like the complaint of Matienzo and some -testimony taken by Ayllon when about to sail himself, can be found in -the _Documentos inéditos_.[929] As regards the joint explorations of -the vessels of Gordillo and Quexos, the testimony of the latter helps -us, as well as his act of taking possession, which puts the proceeding -in 1521; though some of Ayllon’s witnesses give 1520 as the date. -Both parties unite in calling the river which they reached the San -Juan Bautista, and the _cédula_ to Ayllon places it in thirty-five -degrees. Navarrete in saying they touched at Chicora and Gualdape -confounds the first and third voyages; and was clearly ignorant of the -three distinct expeditions;[930] and Herrera is wrong in calling the -river the Jordan,[931]—named, as he says, after the captain or pilot -of one of the vessels,—since no such person was on either vessel, -and no such name appears in the testimony: the true Jordan was the -Wateree (Guatari).[932] That it was the intention of Ayllon to make the -expedition one of slave-catching, would seem to be abundantly disproved -by his condemnation of the commander’s act.[933] - -Ayllon, according to Spanish writers, after reaching the coast in -his own voyage, in 1526, took a northerly course. Herrera[934] says -he attempted to colonize north of Cape Trafalgar (Hatteras); and the -_piloto mayor_ of Florida, Ecija, who at a later day, in 1609, was sent -to find out what the English were doing, says positively that Ayllon -had fixed his settlement at Guandape. Since by his office Ecija must -have had in his possession the early charts of his people, and must -have made the locality a matter of special study, his assertion has far -greater weight than that of any historian writing in Spain merely from -documents.[935] It is also the opinion of Navarrete[936] that Ayllon’s -course must have been north. - -Oviedo[937] does not define the region of this settlement more closely -than to say that it was under thirty-three degrees, adding that it is -not laid down on any map. The Oydores of Santo Domingo, in a letter to -the King in 1528,[938] only briefly report the expedition, and refer -for particulars to Father Antonio Montesinos.[939] - -The authorities for the voyage of Gomez are set forth in another -volume.[940] - - * * * * * - -Upon the expedition of Narvaez, and particularly upon the part taken in -it by Cabeza de Vaca, the principal authority is the narrative of the -latter published at Zamora in 1542 as _La relacion que dio Aluar Nuñez -Cabeça de Vaca de lo acaescido en las Indias en la armada donde yua por -gouernador Pãphilo de narbaez_.[941] It was reprinted at Valladolid in -1555, in an edition usually quoted as _La relacion y comentarios[942] -del governador Aluar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca de lo acaescido en las dos -jornadas que hizo á los Indios_.[943] This edition was reprinted -under the title of _Navfragios de Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca_, by -Barcia (1749) in his _Historiadores primitivos_,[944] accompanied by -an “exámen apologético de la historia” by Antonio Ardoino, which -is a defence of Cabeza de Vaca against the aspersions of Honorius -Philoponus,[945] who charges Cabeza de Vaca with claiming to have -performed miracles. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF NARVAEZ (_From Buckingham Smith_).] - -The _Relacion_, translated into Italian from the first edition, was -included by Ramusio in his _Collection_[946] in 1556. A French version -was given by Ternaux in 1837.[947] The earliest English rendering, -or rather paraphrase, is that in Purchas;[948] but a more important -version was made by the late Buckingham Smith, and printed (100 copies) -at the expense of Mr. George W. Riggs, of Washington, in 1851, for -private circulation.[949] A second edition was undertaken by Mr. Smith, -embodying the results of investigations in Spain, with a revision -of the translation and considerable additional annotation; but the -completion of the work of carrying it through the press, owing to -Mr. Smith’s death,[950] devolved upon others, who found his mass of -undigested notes not very intelligible. It appeared in an edition of -one hundred copies in 1871.[951] In these successive editions Mr. Smith -gave different theories regarding the route pursued by Cabeza de Vaca -in his nine years journey.[952] - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF CABEZA DE VACA (_From Buckingham Smith_).] - -The documents[953] which Mr. Smith adds to this new edition convey -but little information beyond what can be gathered from Cabeza de -Vaca himself. He adds, however, engravings of Father Juan Xuarez and -Brother Juan Palos, after portraits preserved in Mexico of the twelve -Franciscans who were first sent to that country.[954] - -Some additional facts respecting this expedition are derived at second -hand from a letter which Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes wrote after their -arrival in Mexico to the _Andiencia_ of Hispaniola, which is not now -known, but of which the substance is professedly given by Oviedo.[955] - -The Bahia de la Cruz of Narvaez’ landing, made identical with Apalache -Bay by Cabot, is likely to have been by him correctly identified, as -the point could be fixed by the pilots who returned with the ships to -Cuba, and would naturally be recorded on the charts.[956] Smith[957] -believed it to be Tampa Bay. The _Relacion_ describes the bay as one -whose head could be seen from the mouth; though its author seems in -another place to make it seven or eight leagues deep.[958] Narvaez and -his party evidently thought they were nearer Panuco, and had no idea -they were so near Havana. Had they been at Tampa Bay, or on a coast -running north and south, they can scarcely be supposed to have been -so egregiously mistaken.[959] If Tampa was his landing place, it is -necessary to consider the bay where he subsequently built his boats as -Apalache Bay.[960] Charlevoix[961] identifies it with Apalache Bay, -and Siguenza y Gongora finds it in Pensacola.[962] - -Of the expedition of Soto we have good and on the whole satisfactory -records. The Concession made by the Spanish King of the government of -Cuba and of the conquest of Florida is preserved to us.[963] There are -three contemporary narratives of the progress of the march. The first -and best was printed in 1557 at Evora as the _Relaçam verdadeira dos -trabalhos [=q] ho gouernador dō Fernādo de Souto e certos fidalgos -portugueses passarom no descobrimēto da provincia da Frlorida_. _Agora -nouamente feita per hū fidalgo Deluas._[964] It is usually cited in -English as the “Narrative of the Gentleman of Elvas,” since Hakluyt -first translated it, and reprinted it in 1609 at London as _Virginia -richly valued by the Description of the Mainland of Florida, her -next Neighbor_.[965] It appeared again in 1611 as _The worthye and -famous Historie of the Travailles, Discovery, and Conquest of Terra -Florida_, and was included in the supplement to the 1809 edition -of the Collection of Hakluyt. It was also reprinted from the 1611 -edition in 1851 by the Hakluyt Society as _Discovery and Conquest of -Florida_,[966] edited by William B. Rye, and is included in Force’s -_Tracts_ (vol. iv.) and in French’s _Historical Collections of -Louisiana_ (vol. ii. pp. 111-220). It is abridged by Purchas in his -_Pilgrimes_.[967] - -[Illustration: YO EL REY. - -[The sign-manual of Charles V. to the _Asiento y Capitulacion_ granted -to De Soto, 1537, as given by B. Smith in his _Coleccion_, p. -146.—ED.]] - -Another and briefer original Spanish account is the _Relacion del -suceso de its jornada que hizo Hernando de Soto_ of Luys Hernandez de -Biedma, which long remained in manuscript in the Archivo General de -Indias at Seville,[968] and was first published in a French version -by Ternaux in 1841;[969] and from this William B. Rye translated it -for the Hakluyt Society.[970] Finally, the original Spanish text, -“Relación de la Isla de la Florida,” was published by Buckingham Smith -in 1857 in his _Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia de la -Florida_.[971] - -In 1866 Mr. Smith published translations of the narratives of the -Gentleman of Elvas and of Biedma, in the fifth volume (125 copies) of -the Bradford Club Series under the title of _Narratives of the Career -of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of Florida, as told by a Knight -of Elvas, and in a Relation_ [presented 1544] _by Luys Hernandez de -Biedma_. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF BIEDMA. - -From the _Coleccion_, p. 64, of Buckingham Smith.] - -The third of the original accounts is the _Florida del Ynca_ of -Garcilasso de la Vega, published at Lisbon in 1605,[972] which he -wrote forty years after Soto’s death, professedly to do his memory -justice.[973] The spirit of exaggeration which prevails throughout the -volume has deprived it of esteem as an historical authority, though -Theodore Irving[974] and others have accepted it. It is based upon -conversations with a noble Spaniard who had accompanied Soto as a -volunteer, and upon the written but illiterate reports of two common -soldiers,—Alonzo de Carmona, of Priego, and Juan Coles, of Zabra.[975] -Herrera largely embodied it in his _Historia general_. - -Still another account of the expedition is the official Report which -Rodrigo Ranjel, the secretary of Soto, based upon his Diary kept on -the march. It was written after reaching Mexico, whence he transmitted -it to the Spanish Government. It remained unpublished in that part of -Oviedo’s _History_ which was preserved in manuscript till Amador de los -Rios issued his edition of Oviedo in 1851. Oviedo seems to have begun -to give the text of Ranjel as he found it; but later in the progress -of the story he abridges it greatly, and two chapters at least are -missing, which must have given the wanderings of Soto from Autiamque, -with his death, and the adventures of the survivors under Mosçoso. The -original text of Ranjel is not known. - -These independent narratives of the Gentlemen of Elvas, Biedma, -and Ranjel, as well as those used by Garcilasso de la Vega, agree -remarkably, not only in the main narrative as to course and events, but -also as to the names of the places. - -There is also a letter of Soto, dated July 9, 1539, describing his -voyage and landing, which was published by Buckingham Smith in 1854 -at Washington,[976] following a transcript (in the Lenox Library) of -a document in the Archives at Simancas, and attested by Muñoz. It is -addressed to the municipality of Santiago de Cuba, and was first made -known in Ternaux’s _Recueil des pièces sur la Floride_. B. F. French -gave the first English version of it in his _Historical Collections of -Louisiana_, part ii. pp. 89-93 (1850).[977] - -[Illustration: THE MISSISSIPPI, SIXTEENTH CENTURY. - -[This sketch is from a copy in the Kohl Washington Collection, after -a manuscript atlas in the Bodleian. It is without date, but seemingly -of about the middle of the sixteenth century. The “B. de Miruello” -seems to commemorate a pilot of Ponce de Leon’s day. The sketch of the -Atlantic coast made by Chaves in 1536 is preserved to us only in the -description given by Oviedo, of which an English version will be found -in the _Historical Magazine_, x. 371.—ED.]] - -The route of De Soto is, of course, a question for a variety of -views.[978] We have in the preceding narrative followed for the -track through Georgia a paper read by Colonel Charles C. Jones, Jr., -before the Georgia Historical Society, and printed in Savannah in -1880,[979] and for that through Alabama the data given by Pickett in -his _History of Alabama_,[980] whose local knowledge adds weight to his -opinion.[981] As to the point of De Soto’s crossing the Mississippi, -there is a very general agreement on the lowest Chickasaw Bluff.[982] -We are without the means, in any of the original sources, to determine -beyond dispute the most northerly point reached by Soto. He had -evidently approached, but had learned nothing of, the Missouri River. -Almost at the same time that Soto, with the naked, starving remnant -of his army, was at Pacaha, another Spanish force under Vasquez de -Coronado, well handled and perfectly equipped, must in July and August, -1541, have been encamped so near that an Indian runner in a few days -might have carried tidings between them. Coronado actually heard of his -countryman, and sent him a letter; but his messenger failed to find -Soto’s party.[983] But, strangely enough, the cruel, useless expedition -of Soto finds ample space in history, while the well-managed march of -Coronado’s careful exploration finds scant mention.[984] No greater -contrast exists in our history than that between these two campaigns. - - * * * * * - -A sufficient indication has been given, in the notes of the preceding -narrative, of the sources of information concerning the futile attempts -of the Spaniards at colonization on the Atlantic coast up to the time -of the occupation of Port Royal by Ribault in 1562. Of the consequent -bloody struggle between the Spanish Catholics and the French Huguenots -there are original sources on both sides. - -On the Spanish part we have the _Cartas escritas al rey_ of Pedro -Menendez (Sept. 11, Oct. 15, and Dec. 5, 1565), which are preserved -in the Archives at Seville, and have been used by Parkman,[985] and -the _Memoria del buen suceso i buen viage_ of the chaplain of the -expedition, Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales.[986] Barcia’s _Ensayo -cronológico_ is the most comprehensive of the Spanish accounts, and he -gives a large part of the _Memorial de las jornadas_ of Solis de Meras, -a brother-in-law of Menendez. It has never been printed separately; -but Charlevoix used Barcia’s extract, and it is translated from Barcia -in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (vol. -ii. p. 216). Barcia seems also to have had access to the papers of -Menendez,[987] and to have received this Journal of Solis directly from -his family. - -On the French side, for the first expedition of Ribault in 1562 we -have the very scarce text of the _Histoire de l’expédition Française -en Floride_, published in London in 1563, which Hakluyt refers to as -being in print “in French and English” when he wrote his _Westerne -Planting_.[988] Sparks[989] could not find that it was ever published -in French; nor was Winter Jones aware of the existence of this 1563 -edition when he prepared for the Hakluyt Society an issue of Hakluyt’s -_Divers Voyages_ (1582), in which that collector had included an -English version of it as _The True and Last Discoverie of Florida, -translated into Englishe by one Thomas Hackit_, being the same text -which appeared separately in 1563 as the _Whole and True Discovery of -Terra Florida_.[990] - -At Paris in 1586 appeared a volume, dedicated to Sir Walter Raleigh, -entitled, _L’histoire notable de la Floride, ... contenant les trois -voyages faits en icelle par certains capitaines et pilotes François -descrits par le Capitaine Laudonnière, ... à laquelle a esté adjousté -un quatriesme voyage fait par le Capitaine Gourgues, Mise en lumiere -par M. Basanier_. This was a comprehensive account, or rather -compilation, of the four several French expeditions,—1562, 1564, 1565, -1567,—covering the letters of Laudonnière for the first three, and -an anonymous account, perhaps by the editor Basanier, of the fourth. -Hakluyt, who had induced the French publication, gave the whole an -English dress in his _Notable History, translated by R. H._, printed in -London in 1587,[991] and again in his _Principall Navigations_, vol. -iii., the text of which is also to be found in the later edition and in -French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1869), i. -165.[992] - -[Illustration: ROUTE OF DE SOTO (_after Delisle_),—WESTERLY PART. - -[This map of Delisle, issued originally at Paris, is given in the -Amsterdam (1707) edition of Garcilasso de la Vega’s _Histoire des Incas -et de la conquête de la Floride_, vol. ii; cf. _Voyages au nord_, -vol. v., and Delisle’s _Atlas nouveau_. The map is also reproduced -in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, and Gravier’s _La -Salle_ (1870). Other maps of the route are given by Rye, McCulloch, and -Irving; by J. C. Brevoort in Smith’s _Narratives of Hernando de Soto_, -and in Paul Chaix’ _Bassin du Mississipi au seizième siècle_. - -Besides the references already noted, the question of his route has -been discussed, to a greater or less extent, in Charlevoix’ _Nouvelle -France_; in Warden’s _Chronologie historique de l’Amérique_, where -the views of the geographer Homann are cited; in Albert Gallatin’s -“Synopsis of the Indian Tribes” in the _Archæologia Americana_, vol. -ii.; in Nuttall’s _Travels in Arkansas_ (1819 and 1821); in Williams’s -_Florida_ (New York, 1837); in McCulloch’s _Antiquarian Researches -in America_ (Baltimore, 1829); in Schoolcraft’s _Indian Tribes_, -vol. iii.; in Paul Chaix’ _Bassin du Mississipi au seizième siècle_; -in J. W. Monette’s _Valley of the Mississippi_ (1846); in Pickett’s -_Alabama_; in Gayarré’s _Louisiana_; in Martin’s _Louisiana_; in -_Historical Magazine_, v. 8; in _Knickerbocker Magazine_, lxiii. 457; -in _Sharpe’s Magazine_, xlii. 265; and in Lambert A. Wilmer’s _Life -of De Soto_ (1858). Although Dr. Belknap in his _American Biography_ -(1794, vol. i. p. 189), had sought to establish a few points of De -Soto’s march, the earliest attempt to track his steps closely was -made by Alexander Meek, in a paper published at Tuscaloosa in 1839 in -_The Southron_, and reprinted as “The Pilgrimage of De Soto,” in his -_Romantic Passages in Southwestern History_ (Mobile, 1857), p. 213. -Irving, in the revised edition of his _Conquest of Florida_, depended -largely upon the assistance of Fairbanks and Smith, and agrees mainly -with Meek and Pickett. In his appendix he epitomizes the indications -of the route according to Garcilasso and the Portuguese gentleman. -Rye collates the statements of McCulloch and Monette regarding the -route beyond the Mississippi, and infers that the identifying of the -localities is almost impossible. Chaix (_Bassin du Mississipi_) also -traces this part.—ED.]] - -[Illustration: ROUTE OF DE SOTO (_after Delisle_),—EASTERLY PART.] - -Jacques Lemoyne de Morgues, an artist accompanying Laudonnière, wrote -some years later an account, and made maps and drawings, with notes -describing them. De Bry made a visit to London in 1587 to see Lemoyne, -who was then in Raleigh’s service; but Lemoyne resisted all persuasions -to part with his papers.[993] After Lemoyne’s death De Bry bought them -off his widow (1588), and published them in 1591, in the second part -of his _Grands voyages_, as _Brevis narratio_.[994] - -One Nicolas le Challeux, or Challus, a carpenter, a man of sixty, who -was an eye-witness of the events at Fort Caroline, and who for the -experiences of Ribault’s party took the statements of Dieppe sailors -and of Christopher le Breton, published a simple narrative at Dieppe -in 1566 under the title of _Discours de l’histoire de la Floride_, -which was issued twice,—once with fifty-four, and a second time -with sixty-two, pages,[995] and the same year reprinted, with some -variations, at Lyons as _Histoire mémorable du dernier voyage fait par -le Capitaine Iean Ribaut en l’an MDLXV_ (pp. 56).[996] - -It is thought that Thevet in his _Cosmographie universelle_ (1575) may -have had access to Laudonnière’s papers; and some details from Thevet -are embodied in what is mainly a translation of Le Challeux, the _De -Gallorum expeditione in Floridam anno MDLXV brevis historia_, which was -added (p. 427) by Urbain Chauveton, or Calveton, to the Latin edition -of Benzoni,—_Novæ novi orbis historiæ tres libri_, printed at Geneva in -1578 and 1581,[997] and reproduced under different titles in the French -versions, published likewise at Geneva in 1579, 1588, and 1589.[998] -There is a separate issue of it from the 1579 edition.[999] - -It was not long before exaggerated statements were circulated, based -upon the representations made in _Une requête au roi_ (Charles IX.) of -the widows and orphans of the victims of Menendez, in which the number -of the slain is reported at the impossible figure of nine hundred.[1000] - -Respecting the expedition of De Gourgues there are no Spanish -accounts whatever, Barcia[1001] merely taking in the main the French -narrative,—in which, says Parkman, “it must be admitted there is a -savor of romance.”[1002] That Gourgues was merely a slaver is evident -from this full French account. Garibay notes his attempt to capture at -least one Spanish vessel; and he certainly had on reaching Florida two -barks, which he must have captured on his way. Basanier and many who -follow him suppress entirely the slaver episode in this voyage. All the -De Gourgues narratives ignore entirely the existence of St. Augustine, -and make the three pretended forts on the St. John to have been of -stone; and Prévost, to heighten the picture, invents the story of the -flaying of Ribault, of which there is no trace in the earlier French -accounts. - -There are two French narratives. One of them, _La reprinse de la -Floride_, exists, according to Gaffarel,[1003] in five different -manuscript texts.[1004] The other French narrative is the last paper -in the compilation of Basanier, already mentioned. Brinton[1005] is -inclined to believe that it is not an epitome of the _Reprinse_, but -that it was written by Basanier himself from the floating accounts of -his day, or from some unknown relater. Charlevoix mentions a manuscript -in the possession of the De Gourgues family; but it is not clear which -of these papers it was. - -The story of the Huguenot colony passed naturally into the historical -records of the seventeenth century;[1006] but it got more special -treatment in the next century, when Charlevoix issued his _Nouvelle -France_.[1007] The most considerable treatments of the present century -have been by Jared Sparks in his _Life of Ribault_,[1008] by Francis -Parkman in his _Pioneers of France in the New World_,[1009] and by Paul -Gaffarel in his _Histoire de la Floride Française_.[1010] The story has -also necessarily passed into local and general histories of this period -in America, and into the accounts of the Huguenots as a sect.[1011] - -[Illustration] - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -LAS CASAS, AND THE RELATIONS OF THE SPANIARDS TO THE INDIANS. - -BY GEORGE EDWARD ELLIS, - -_Vice-President of the Massachusetts Historical Society._ - - -WHEN the great apostle of the new faith, on his voyage from Asia to -Europe, was shipwrecked on a Mediterranean island, “the barbarous -people” showed him and his company “no little kindness.” On first -acquaintance with their chief visitor they hastily judged him to be -a murderer, whom, though he had escaped the sea, yet vengeance would -not suffer to live. But afterward “they changed their minds, and said -that he was a god.”[1012] The same extreme revulsion of feeling and -judgment was wrought in the minds of the natives of this New World when -the ocean-tossed voyagers from the old continent first landed on these -shores, bringing the parted representatives of humanity on this globe -into mutual acquaintance and intercourse. Only in this latter case the -change of feeling and judgment was inverted. The simple natives of the -fair western island regarded their mysterious visitors as superhuman -beings; further knowledge of them proved them to be “murderers,” -rapacious, cruel, and inhuman,—fit subjects for a dire vengeance. - -In these softer times of ours the subject of the present chapter might -well be passed silently, denied a revival, and left in the pitiful -oblivion which covers so many of the distressing horrors of “man’s -inhumanity to man.” But, happily for the writer and for the reader, -the title of the chapter is a double one, and embraces two themes. The -painful narrative to be rehearsed is to be relieved by a tribute of -admiring and reverential homage to a saintly man of signal virtues and -heroic services, one of the grandest and most august characters in the -world’s history. Many of the obscure and a few of the dismal elements -and incidents of long-passed times, in the rehearsal of them on fresh -pages, are to a degree relieved by new light thrown upon them, by the -detection and exposure of errors, and by readjustments of truth. Gladly -would a writer on the subject before us avail himself of any such means -to reduce or to qualify its repulsiveness. But advancing time, with -the assertion of the higher instincts of humanity which have sharpened -regrets and reproaches for all the enormities of the past, has not -furnished any abatements for the faithful dealing with this subject -other than that just presented. - -It is a fact worthy of a pause for thought, that in no single instance -since the discovery of our islands and continent by Europeans—to -say nothing about the times before it—has any new race of men come -to the knowledge of travellers, explorers, and visitors from the -realms of so-called civilization, when the conditions were so fair -and favorable in the first introduction and acquaintance between the -parties as in that between Columbus and the natives of the sea-girt -isle of Hispaniola. Not even in the sweetest idealizings of romance -is there a more fascinating picture than that which he draws of those -unsophisticated children of Nature, their gentleness, docility, and -friendliness. They were not hideous or repulsive, as barbarians; -they did not revolt the sight, like many of the African tribes, like -Bushmen, Feejeans, or Hottentots; they presented no caricaturings of -humanity, as giants or dwarfs, as Amazons or Esquimaux; their naked -bodies were not mutilated, gashed, or painted; they uttered no yells -or shrieks, with mad and threatening gestures. They were attractive in -person, well formed, winning and gentle, and trustful; they were lithe -and soft of skin, and their hospitality was spontaneous, generous, and -genial. Tribes of more warlike and less gracious nature proved to exist -on some of the islands, about the isthmus and the continental regions -of the early invasion; but the first introduction and intercourse of -the representatives of the parted continents set before the Europeans -a race of their fellow-creatures with whom they might have lived and -dealt in peace and love. - -And what shall we say of the new-comers, the Spaniards,—the subjects of -the proudest of monarchies, the representatives of the age of chivalry; -gentlemen, nobles, disciples of the one Holy Catholic Church, and -soldiers of the Cross of Christ? What sort of men were they, what was -their errand, and what impress did they leave upon the scenes so fair -before their coming, and upon those children of Nature whom they found -so innocent and loving, and by whom they were at first gazed upon with -awe and reverence as gods? - -In only one score of the threescore years embraced in our present -subject the Spaniards had sown desolation, havoc, and misery in and -around their track. They had depopulated some of the best-peopled -of the islands, and renewed them with victims deported from others. -They had inflicted upon hundreds of thousands of the natives all the -forms and agonies of fiendish cruelty, driving them to self-starvation -and suicide as a way of mercy and release from an utterly wretched -existence. They had come to be viewed by their victims as fiends of -hate, malignity, and all dark and cruel desperation and mercilessness -in passion. The hell which they denounced upon their victims was shorn -of its worst terror by the assurance that these tormentors were not to -be there. - -Only what is needful for the truth of history is to be told here, while -shocking details are to be passed by. And as the rehearsal is made to -set forth in relief the nobleness, grandeur of soul, and heroism of a -man whose nearly a century of years was spent in holy rebuke, protest, -exposure, and attempted redress of this work of iniquity, a reader may -avert his gaze from the narration of the iniquity and fix it upon the -character and career of the “Apostle to the Indians.” - -There was something phenomenal and monstrous, something so aimless, -reckless, wanton, unprovoked, utterly ruinous even for themselves, -in that course of riot and atrocity pursued by the Spaniards, which -leads us—while palliation and excuse are out of the question—to seek -some physical or moral explanation of it. This has generally been -found in referring to the training of Spanish nature in inhumanity, -cruelty, contempt of human life, and obduracy of feeling, through -many centuries of ruthless warfare. It was in the very year of the -discovery of America that the Spaniards, in the conquest of Granada, -had finished their eight centuries of continuous war for wresting their -proud country from the invading Moors. This war had made every Spaniard -a fighter, and every infidel an enemy exempted from all tolerance -and mercy. Treachery, defiance of pledges and treaties, brutalities, -and all wild and reckless stratagems, had educated the champions of -the Cross and faith in what were to them but the accomplishments of -the soldier and the fidelity of the believer. Even in the immunities -covenanted to the subject-Moors, of tolerance in their old home and -creed, the ingenuities of their implacable foes found the means of new -devices for oppression and outrage. The Holy Office of the Inquisition, -with all its cavernous secrets and fiendish processes, dates also from -the same period, and gave its fearful consecration to all the most -direful passions. - -With that training in inhumanity and cruelty which the Spanish -adventurers brought to these shores, we must take into view that -towering, overmastering rapacity and greed which were to glut -themselves upon the spoils of mines, precious stones, and pearls. -The rich soil, with the lightest tillage, would have yielded its -splendid crops for man and beast. Flocks would have multiplied and -found their own sustenance for the whole year without any storage in -garner, barn, or granary. A rewarding commerce would have enriched -merchants on either side of well-traversed ocean pathways. But not -the slightest thought or recognition was given during the first -half-century of the invasion to any such enterprise as is suggested -by the terms colonization, the occupancy of soil for husbandry and -domestication. Spanish pride, indolence, thriftlessness regarded -every form of manual labor as a demeaning humiliation. There was no -peasantry among the new-comers. The humblest of them in birth, rank, -and means was a gentleman; his hands could not hold a spade or a rake, -or guide the plough. The horse and the hound were the only beasts on -his inventory of values. Sudden and vast enrichment by the treasures -of gold wrung from the natives, first in their fragmentary ornaments, -and then by compulsory toil from the mines which would yield it in -heaps, were the lure and passion of the invaders. The natives, before -they could reach any conception of the Divine Being of the Catholic -creed, soon came to the understanding of the real object of their -worship: as a cacique plainly set forth to a group of his trembling -subjects, when, holding up a piece of gold, he said, “This is the -Spaniards’ god.” A sordid passion, with its overmastery of all the -sentiments of humanity, would inflame the nerves and intensify all -the brutal propensities which are but masked in men of a low range of -development even under the restraints of social and civil life. We must -allow for the utter recklessness and frenzy of their full indulgence -under the fervors of hot climes, in the loosening of all domestic -and neighborly obligations, in the homelessness of exile and the mad -freedom of adventure. Under the fretting discomforts and restraints -of the ocean-passage hither, the imagination of these rapacious -treasure-seekers fed itself on visions of wild license of arbitrary -power over simple victims, and of heaps of treasure to be soon carried -back to Spain to make a long revel in self-indulgence for the rest of -life. - -“Cruelties” was the comprehensive term under which Las Casas gathered -all the enormities and barbarities, of which he was a witness for -half a century, as perpetrated on the successive scenes invaded by -his countrymen on the islands and the main of the New World. He had -seen thousands of the natives crowded together, naked and helpless, -for slaughter, like sheep in a park or meadow. He had seen them wasted -at the extremities by torturing fires, till, after hours of agony, -they turned their dying gaze, rather in amazed dread than in rage, -upon their tormentors. Mutilations of hands, feet, ears, and noses -surrounded him with ghastly spectacles of all the processes of death -without disease. One may well leave all details to the imagination; and -may do this all the more willingly that even the imagination will fail -to fill and fashion the reality of the horror. - - * * * * * - -Previous to the successful ventures on the western ocean, the -Portuguese had been resolutely pursuing the work of discovery by -pushing their daring enterprise farther and farther down the coast of -Africa, till they at last turned the Cape.[1013] The deportation of the -natives and their sale as slaves at once became first an incidental -reward, and then the leading aim of craving adventurers. It was but -natural that the Spaniards should turn their success in other regions -to the same account. Heathen lands and heathen people belonged by -Papal donation to the soldiers of the Cross; they were the heritage of -the Church. The plea of conversion answered equally for conquest and -subjugation of the natives on their own soil, and for transporting them -to the scenes and sharers of a pure and saving faith. - -A brief summary of the acts and incidents in the first enslavement of -the natives may here be set down. Columbus took with him to Spain, on -his first return, nine natives. While on his second voyage he sent to -Spain, in January, 1494, by a return vessel, a considerable number, -described as Caribs, “from the Cannibal Islands,” for “slaves.” They -were to be taught Castilian, to serve as interpreters for the work of -“conversion” when restored to their native shores. Columbus pleads that -it will benefit them by the saving of their souls, while the capture -and enslaving of them will give the Spaniards consequence as evidence -of power. Was this even a plausible excuse, and were the victims really -cannibals? The sovereigns seemed to approve the act, but intimated -that the “cannibals” might be converted at home, without the trouble -of transportation. But Columbus enlarged and generalized sweepingly -upon his scheme, afterward adding to it a secular advantage, suggesting -that as many as possible of these cannibals should be caught for the -sake of their souls, and then sold in Spain in payment for cargoes -of live stock, provisions, and goods, which were much needed in the -islands. The monarchs for a while suspended their decision of this -matter. But the abominable traffic was steadily catching new agents -and victims, and the slave-trade became a leading motive for advancing -the rage for further discoveries. The Portuguese were driving the work -eastward, while the Spaniards were keenly following it westward. In -February, 1495, Columbus sent back four ships, whose chief lading was -slaves. From that time began the horrors attending the crowding of -human cargoes with scant food and water, with filth and disease, and -the daily throwing over into the sea those who were privileged to die. -Yet more victims were taken by Columbus when he was again in Spain in -June, 1496, to circumvent his enemies. Being here again in 1498, he had -no positive prohibition against continuing the traffic. A distinction -was soon recognized, and allowed even by the humane and pious Isabella. -Captives taken in war against the Spaniards might be brought to Spain -and kept in slavery; but natives who had been seized for the purpose of -enslaving them, she indignantly ordered should be restored to freedom. -This wrong, as well as that of the _repartimiento_ system, in the -distribution of natives to Spanish masters as laborers, was slightly -held in check by this lovable lady during her life. She died while -Columbus was in Spain, Nov. 26, 1504. Columbus died at Valladolid, May -20, 1506. The ill that he had done lived after him, to qualify the -splendor of his nobleness, grandeur, and constancy. - -And here we may bring upon the scene that one, the only Spaniard who -stands out luminously, in the heroism and glory of true sanctity, amid -these gory scenes, himself a true soldier of Christ. - - * * * * * - -Bartholomew Las Casas was born at Seville in 1474. Llorente—a faithful -biographer, and able editor and expositor of his writings, of whom -farther on we are to say much more—asserts that the family was French -in its origin, the true name being Casuas; which appears, indeed, as an -alias on the titlepage of some of his writings published by the apostle -in his lifetime.[1014] - -Antoine Las Casas, the father of Bartholomew, was a soldier in the -marine service of Spain. We find no reference to him as being either in -sympathy or otherwise with the absorbing aim which ennobled the career -of his son. He accompanied Columbus on his first western voyage in -1492, and returned with him to Spain in 1493. - -During the absence of the father on this voyage the son, at the age of -eighteen, was completing his studies at Salamanca. In May, 1498,[1015] -at the age of about twenty-four, he went to the Indies with his father, -in employment under Columbus, and returned to Cadiz, Nov. 25, 1500. -In an address to the Emperor in 1542, Bartholomew reminded him that -Columbus had given liberty to each of several of his fellow-voyagers -to take to Spain a single native of the islands for personal service, -and that a youth among those so transported had been intrusted to -him. Perhaps under these favoring circumstances this was the occasion -of first engaging the sympathies of Las Casas for the race to whose -redemption he was to consecrate his life. Isabella, however, was highly -indignant at this outrage upon the natives, and under pain of death -to the culprits ordered the victims to be restored to their country. -It would seem that they were all carried back in 1500 under the -Commander Bobadilla, and among them the young Indian who had been in -the service of Bartholomew. One loves to imagine that in some of the -wide wanderings of the latter, amid the scenes of the New World, he may -again have met with this first specimen of a heathen race who had been -under intimate relations with himself, and who had undoubtedly been -baptized. - -We shall find farther on that the grievous charge was brought against -Las Casas, when he had drawn upon himself bitter animosities, that he -was the first to propose the transportation of negro slaves to the -islands, in 1517. It is enough to say here, in anticipation, that -Governor Ovando, in 1500, received permission to carry thither negro -slaves “who had been born under Christian Powers.” The first so carried -were born in Seville of parents brought from Africa, and obtained -through the Portuguese traffickers. - -On May 9, 1502, Las Casas embarked for the second time with Columbus, -reaching San Domingo on June 29. In 1510 he was ordained priest by the -first Bishop of Hispaniola, and was the first ecclesiastic ordained in -the so-called Indies to say there his virgin Mass. This was regarded -as a great occasion, and was attended by crowds; though a story is -told, hardly credible, that there was then not a drop of wine to be -obtained in the colony. The first Dominican monks, under their Bishop, -Cordova, reached the islands in 1510. As we shall find, the Dominicans -were from the first, and always, firm friends, approvers, and helpers -of Las Casas in his hard conflict for asserting the rights of humanity -for the outraged natives. The fact presents us with one of the strange -anomalies in history,—that the founders and prime agents of the -Inquisition in Europe should be the champions of the heathen in the New -World. - -The monks in sympathy with the ardent zeal of Las Casas began to preach -vehemently against the atrocious wrongs which were inflicted upon the -wretched natives, and he was sent as curate to a village in Cuba. The -Franciscans, who had preceded the Dominicans, had since 1502 effected -nothing in opposition to these wrongs. Utterly futile were the orders -which came continually from the monarchs against overworking and -oppressing the natives, as their delicate constitutions, unused to -bodily toil, easily sank under its exactions. The injunctions against -enslaving them were positive. Exception was made only in the case -of the Caribs, as reputed cannibals, and the then increasing number -of imported negro slaves, who were supposed to be better capable of -hard endurance. Las Casas was a witness and a most keen and sensitive -observer of the inflictions—lashings and other torturing atrocities—by -which his fellow-countrymen, as if goaded by a demoniac spirit, treated -these simple and quailing children of Nature, as if they were organized -without sensitiveness of nerve, fibre, or understanding, requiring of -them tasks utterly beyond their strength, bending them to the earth -with crushing burdens, harnessing them to loads which they could not -drag, and with fiendish sport and malice hacking off their hands -and feet, and mutilating their bodies in ways which will not bear a -description. It was when he accompanied the expedition under Velasquez -for the occupation of Cuba, that he first drew the most jealous -and antagonistic opposition and animosity upon himself, as standing -between the natives and his own countrymen, who in their sordidness, -rapacity, and cruelty seemed to have extinguished in themselves every -instinct of humanity and every sentiment of religion. Here too was -first brought into marked observation his wonderful power over the -natives winning their confidence and attachment, as they were ever -after docile under his advice, and learned to look to him as their -true friend. We pause to contemplate this wonderful and most engaging -character, as, after filling his eye and thought with the shocking -scenes in which his countrymen—in name the disciples of Jesus and -loyal members of his Church—perpetrated such enormities against beings -in their own likeness, he began his incessant tracking of the ocean -pathways in his voyages to lay his remonstrances and appeals before -successive monarchs. Beginning this service in his earliest manhood, he -was to labor in it with unabated zeal till his death, with unimpaired -faculties, at the age of ninety-two. He calls himself “the Clerigo.” -He was soon to win and worthily to bear the title of “Universal -Protector of the Indians.” Truly was he a remarkable and conspicuous -personage,—unique, as rather the anomaly than the product of his age -and land, his race and fellowship. His character impresses us alike -by its loveliness and its ruggedness, its tenderness and its vigor, -its melting sympathy and its robust energies. His mental and moral -endowments were of the strongest and the richest, and his spiritual -insight and fervor well-nigh etherealized him. His gifts and abilities -gave him a rich versatility in capacity and resource. He was immensely -in advance of his age, so as to be actually in antagonism with it. He -was free alike from its prejudices, its limitations, and many of its -superstitions, as well as from its barbarities. He was single-hearted, -courageous, fervent, and persistent, bold and daring as a venturesome -voyager over new seas and mysterious depths of virgin wildernesses, -missionary, scholar, theologian, acute logician, historian, curious -observer of Nature, the peer of Saint Paul in wisdom and zeal. Charles -V. coming to the throne at the age of sixteen, when Las Casas was -about forty, was at once won to him by profound respect and strong -attachment, as had been the case with Charles’s grandfather Ferdinand, -whom Las Casas survived fifty years, while he outlived Columbus sixty -years. - -The Clerigo found his remonstrances and appeals to his own nominally -Christian fellow-countrymen wholly ineffectual in restraining or even -mitigating the oppressions and cruelties inflicted upon the wretched -natives. There was something phenomenal, as has been said, in the -license yielded to the ingenuity of Spanish barbarity. It combined -all the devices of inquisitorial torturing with the indulgence of -the bestial ferocities of the bullfight. At times it seemed as if -the heartless oppressors were seeking only for a brutal mirth in -inventing games in which their victims should writhe and yell as for -their amusement. Then, as opportunity suggested or served, a scheme -of the most cunning treachery and malice would turn an occasion of -revelry or feasting, to which the natives had been invited or been -beguiled by their tormentors, into a riot of fury and massacre. The -utter aimlessness and recklessness of most of these horrid enormities -impress the reader in these days as simply the indulgence of a wanton -spirit in giving free license in human passions to those mocking -employments of grinning devils in the old church paintings as they -inflict retributions on the damned spirits in hell. The forked weapons, -the raging flames, and the hideous demoniac delights exhibited in -paintings, with which the eyes of the Spaniards were so familiar, found -their all-too-faithful counterparts in the tropical zones and valleys -of our virgin islands. The only pretences offered, not for justifying -but for inflicting such wanton barbarities on the natives, were such -as these,—that they refused to make known or to guide their oppressors -to rich mines, or to work beyond their powers of endurance, or to bear -intolerable burdens, or to furnish food which they had not to give. -Touching and harrowing it is to read of many instances in which the -simple diplomacy of the natives prompted them to neglect the little -labor of husbandry required to supply their own wants, in order that -the invaders might with themselves be brought to starvation. Whenever -the Clerigo accompanied a body of Spaniards on the way to an Indian -village, he always made an effort to keep the two people apart by night -and by day, and he employed himself busily in baptizing infants and -little children. He could never be too quick in this service, as these -subjects of his zeal were the victims of the indiscriminate slaughter. -The only consolation which this tender-hearted yet heroic missionary -could find, as his share in the enterprise of his people, was in -keeping the reckoning on his tablets of the number of those born under -the common heathen doom whom he had snatched, by a holy drop, from the -jaws of hell. - -Baffled in all his nearly solitary endeavors to check the direful havoc -and wreck of poor humanity on the scenes which were made so gory and -hateful, Las Casas returned again to Spain in 1515, buoyed by resolve -and hope that his dark revelations and bold remonstrances would draw -forth something more effective from the sovereign. He was privileged by -free and sympathizing interviews with Ferdinand at Placentia. But any -hope of success here was soon crushed by the monarch’s death. Las Casas -was intending to go at once to Flanders to plead with the new King, -Charles I., afterward Emperor, but was delayed by sympathetic friends -found in Cardinal Ximenes and Adrian, the Regents. - -It may seem strange and unaccountable that Las Casas should have -encountered near the Court of a benignant sovereign a most malignant -opposition to all his endeavors from first to last in securing the -simply humane objects of his mission. But in fact he was withstood as -resolutely at home as abroad, and often by a more wily and calculating -policy. He found enemies and effective thwarters of his influence and -advice in the order of the Jeronymites. Of the grounds and methods -of their harmful activity, as well as of some of the more ostensible -and plausible of the motives and alleged reasons which made him -personal enemies both in Spain and in the Indies, we must speak with -some detail farther on. It may be well here to follow him summarily -in his frequent alternation between his missionary fields and his -homeward voyages, to ply his invigorated zeal with new and intenser -earnestness from his fuller experiences of the woes and outrages which -he sought to redress. With some, though insufficient, assurances -of regal authority in support of his cause, he re-embarked for the -Indies, Nov. 11, 1516, and reached Hispaniola in December, fortified -with the personal title of the “Universal Protector of the Indians.” -He sailed again for Spain, May 7, 1517. His plainness of speech had -in the interval increased the animosity and the efforts to thwart -him of the local authorities on the islands, and had even induced -coldness and lack of aid among his Dominican friends. He had many -public and private hearings in Spain, stirring up against himself -various plottings and new enemies. In each of these homeward visits Las -Casas of course brought with him revelations and specific details of -new accumulations of iniquity against the natives; and with a better -understanding of himself, and also of all the intrigues and interests -warring against him, his honest soul assured him that he must at last -win some triumph in his most righteous cause. So he heaped the charges -and multiplied the disclosures which gave such vehemence and eloquence -to his pleadings. Having during each of his home visits met some form -of misrepresentation or falsehood, he would re-embark, furnished as -he hoped with some new agency and authority against the evil-doers. -But his enemies were as ingenious and as active as himself. Perhaps -the same vessel or fleet which carried him to the islands, with orders -intended to advance his influence, would bear fellow-passengers with -documents or means to thwart all his reinforced mission. He left Spain -again in 1520, only to cast himself on a new sea of troubles soon -inducing him to return. His sixth voyage carried him this time to the -mainland in Mexico, in 1537. He was in Spain once more in 1539. While -waiting here for the return of the Emperor, he composed six of his many -essays upon his one unchanging theme, all glowing with his righteous -indignation, and proffering wise and plain advice to the monarch. Yet -again he crossed the now familiar ocean to America, in 1544, it being -his seventh western voyage, and returned for the seventh and last time -to Spain in 1547. Here were fourteen sea-voyages, with their perils, -privations, and lack of the common appliances and comforts shared in -these days by the rudest mariners. These voyages were interspersed by -countless trips and ventures amid the western islands and the main, -involving twofold, and a larger variety of harassments and risks, with -quakings, hurricanes, and reefs, exposures in open skiffs, and the -privilege of making one’s own charts. But one year short of fifty in -the count out of his lengthened life were spent by this man of noble -ardor, of dauntless soul, and of loving heart in a cause which never -brought to him the joy of an accomplished aim. - -Las Casas shared, with a few other men of the most fervent and -self-sacrificing religious zeal, an experience of the deepest inward -conviction, following upon, not originally prompting to, the full -consecration of his life to his devoutest aim. Though he had been -ordained to the priesthood in 1510, he was afterward made to realize -that he had not then been the subject of that profound experience known -in the formulas of piety as true conversion. He dates this personal -experience, carrying him to a deeper devotional consciousness than he -had previously realized, to the influence over him of a faithful lay -friend, Pedro de la Renteria, with whom he became intimate in 1514. To -the devout conversation, advice, and example of this intimate companion -he ascribed his better-informed apprehension of the radical influences -which wrought out the whole system of wrong inflicted upon the natives. -Las Casas himself, like all the other Spaniards, had a company of -Indian servants, who were in effect slaves; and he put them to work, -the benefit of which accrued to himself. A form of servitude which -exceeded all the conditions of plantation slavery had been instituted -by Columbus under the system of so-called _repartimientos_. It was -founded on the assumption that the Spanish monarch had an absolute -proprietary right over the natives, and could make disposals and -allotments of their services to his Christian subjects, the numbers -being proportioned to the rank, standing, and means of individuals, -the meanest Spaniard being entitled to share in the distribution of -these servitors. This allowance made over to men of the lowest grade of -intelligence, character, and humanity, the absolute and irresponsible -power over the life and death of the natives intrusted to the disposal -of masters. Under it were perpetrated cruelties against which there -were no availing remonstrances, and for which there was no redress. -The domestic cattle of civilized men are to be envied above the human -beings who were held under the system of _repartimientos_,—tasked, -scourged, tormented, and hunted with bloodhounds, if they sank under -toils and inflictions beyond their delicate constitutions, or sought -refuge in flight. - -The slavery which afterward existed in the British Colonies and in -these United States had scarce a feature in common with that which -originated with the Spanish invaders. Las Casas thinks that Ferdinand -lived and died without having had anything like a full apprehension -of the enormities of the system. This, however, was not because -efforts were lacking to inform him of these enormities, or to engage -his sovereign intervention to modify and restrain, if not positively -to prohibit, them. As we shall see, the system was so rooted in the -greed and rapacity of the first adventurers here, who were goaded by -passion for power and wealth, that foreign authority was thwarted in -every attempt to overrule it. The most favored advisers of Ferdinand -endeavored at first to keep him in ignorance of the system, and then, -as he obtained partial information about it, to lead him to believe -that it was vitally indispensable to conversion, to colonization, and -to remunerative trade. The Dominican missionaries had, as early as -1501, informed the monarch of the savage cruelties which the system -imposed. All that they effected was to induce Ferdinand to refer the -matter to a council of jurists and theologians. Some of these were even -alleged to have personal interests in the system of _repartimientos_; -but at any rate they were under the influence and sway of its most -selfish supporters. As the result of their conference, they persuaded -the monarch that the system was absolutely necessary,—as, first, -the Spaniards themselves were incapable of bodily labor under a -debilitating climate; and second, that the close and dependent relation -under which the natives were thus brought to their masters could alone -insure the possibility of their conversion to the true faith. Ferdinand -was so far won over to the allowance of the wrong as to issue an -ordinance in its favor; while he sought to limit, restrain, and qualify -it by injunctions which, of course, were futile in their dictation, for -operating at a distance, in islands where sordid personal interests -were all on the side of a defiance of them. - -The Clerigo affirms that his own conscience was more startlingly -aroused to a full sense of the wrongs and iniquities of the system -of the _repartimientos_ by his religious friend Renteria. He had -previously, of course, so far as he was himself made the master or -guardian in this relation of any number of the natives, brought his -humanity and his ardor for justice into full exercise. But he was -quickened by his friend to the duty of private and also of bold public -protest against the system, and most plainly to offenders in proportion -to the number of the victims which they enthralled and to the cruelty -inflicted upon them. It was not his wont to allow any timidity or -personal regards or temporizing calculations to compel his silence or -to moderate his rebukes. His infirmity rather led him to excess in -impatience and passion in his remonstrances. His bold and denunciatory -preaching—though it appears that in this, and, as we shall note, on -other occasions of speech and writing, he restrained himself from using -the name of conspicuous offenders—caused an intense consternation and -excitement. His clerical character barely saved him from personal -violence. He found his hearers obdurate, and utterly beyond the sway -of his protests and appeals. Again, therefore, he turned his face -toward Spain, sustained by the fond assurance that he could so engage -the King’s intervention by his disclosures and rehearsals, that the -royal authority should at this time be effectually exerted against a -giant iniquity. This was his homeward errand in 1515. That even his -presence and speech had had some restraining influence in Cuba, is -signified by the fact that after his withdrawal and during his absence -all the wrongs and miseries of which the natives, wholly impotent to -resist, were the victims, ran into wilder license. The Spaniards kept -bloodhounds in training and in hunger, to scour the woods and thickets -and wilderness depths for the despairing fugitives. Whole families of -the natives took refuge in voluntary and preferred self-destruction. - -Two Dominicans of like mind with Las Casas accompanied him on his -errand. Pedro de Cordova, prelate of the Dominicans, was his stanch -friend. The Clerigo reached Seville in the autumn of 1515, and at once -addressed himself to Ferdinand. He found the monarch old and ailing. -The most able and malignant opponent with whose support, enlisted -upon the side of the wrong and of the wrongdoers, Las Casas had to -contend, was the Bishop of Burgos, Fonseca, whose influence had sway -in the Council for the Indies.[1016] After the King’s death, Jan. 23, -1516, Las Casas enjoyed the countenance, and had hope of the effectual -aid, of the two Regents, previously mentioned, during the minority -of Charles, the heir to the throne. The earnestness and persistency -of the Clerigo so far availed as to obtain for him instructions to -be carried to those in authority in the islands for qualifying the -_repartimiento_ system, and with penalties for the oppressions under -it. Some Jeronymites were selected to accompany him on his return, -as if to reinforce the objects of his mission, and to insure the -efficacy of the title conferred upon him as the “Protector of the -Indians.” The Jeronymites, however, had been corrupted by the cunning -and intrigues of the wily and exasperated enemies of Las Casas, who -effected in secrecy what they could not or dared not attempt publicly -against the courageous Clerigo and his purposes backed by authority. -Already alienated during the voyage, they reached San Domingo in -December, 1516. Perhaps candor may induce the suggestion that while the -Jeronymites, from motives of prudence, temporized and qualified their -activity in their errand, Las Casas was heady and unforbearing in his -uncompromising demand for instant redress of wrong. At any rate he was -wholly foiled in the exercise of his delegated authority; and so, with -a fire in his blood which allowed no peace to his spirit, he was again -in Spain in July, 1517. Here he found Cardinal Ximenes, his friendly -patron, near to death. He was, however, encouraged with the hope -and promise of patronage from high quarters. For a season his cause -presented a favorable aspect. He had become sadly assured that upon the -Spaniards in the islands, whose hearts and consciences were smothered -by their greed and inhumanity, no influence, not even that of ghostly -terrorism, which was tried in the refusal of the sacraments, would be -of the least avail. His only resource was to engage what force there -might be in the piety and humanity of the Church at home, in the sense -of justice among high civil dignitaries, and in such sympathetic aid as -he might draw from his countrymen who had no interest in the mining or -the commerce sustained by the impositions upon the natives. The young -King had wise councillors, and they made with him some good plans for -means of relieving the natives from severities in their tasks of labor, -from cruel inflictions in working the mines, and from exorbitant taxes -exacting of them produce and commodities enormously exceeding their -possible resources, however willing they might be in yielding. It was -at this time and under its emergency, that Las Casas unfortunately -gave something more than his assent, even his countenance and advice, -to a proposition the effect of which was to root in pure and free -soil an enormity whose harvesting and increase were a sum of woes. He -certainly did advise that each Spaniard, resident in Hispaniola, should -be allowed to import a dozen negro slaves. He did this, as he afterward -affirmed and confessed, under the lure of a deep mist and delusion. So -painful was the remorse which he then experienced for his folly and -error, that he avows that he would part with all he had in the world -to redress it. He says that when he gave this advice he had not at all -been aware of the outrages perpetrated by the Portuguese dealers in -entrapping these wretched Africans. Besides this, he had been promised -by the colonists that if they might be allowed to have negroes, whose -constitutions were stronger for endurance, they would give up the -feeble natives. We may therefore acquit Las Casas in his confessed sin -of ignorance and willing compromise in an alternative of wrongs. But -he is wholly guiltless of a charge which has been brought against him, -founded upon this admitted error, of having been the first to propose -and to secure the introduction of African slavery into the New World. -As has already been said, the wrong had been perpetrated many years -before Las Casas had any agency in it by deed or word. While the young -King was still in Flanders negro slaves had been sent by his permission -to Hispaniola. The number was limited to a thousand for each of the -four principal islands. As there was a monopoly set up in the sale -of these doleful victims, the price of them was speedily and greatly -enhanced.[1017] - -Las Casas devised and initiated a scheme for the emigration of laboring -men from Spain. Thwarted in this purpose, he formed a plan for a colony -where restrictions were to be enforced to guard against the worst -abuses. Fifty Spaniards, intended to be carefully selected with regard -to character and habits, and distinguished by a semi-clerical garb and -mode of life, were his next device for introducing some more tolerable -conditions of work and thrift in the islands. Ridicule was brought to -bear, with all sorts of intrigues and tricks, to baffle this scheme. -But the Clerigo persevered in meeting all the obstructions thrown in -his way, and sailed for San Domingo in July, 1520. He established his -little Utopian colony at Cumana; but misadventures befel it, and it -came to a melancholy end. It seemed for a season as if the tried and -patient Clerigo was at last driven to complete disheartenment. Wearied -and exhausted, he took refuge in a Dominican convent in San Domingo, -receiving the tonsure in 1522. Here he was in retirement for eight -years, occupying himself in studying and writing, of which we have many -results. During this interval the work of depopulation and devastation -was ruinously advancing under Cortés, Alvarado, and Pizarro, in Mexico, -Guatemala, and Peru. There is some uncertainty about an alleged -presence of Las Casas at the Court in Spain in 1530. But he was in -Mexico in 1531, in Nicaragua in 1534, and in Spain again in 1539, in -behalf of a promising work undertaken in Tuzulutlan, from which all lay -Spaniards were to be excluded. Having accomplished, as he hoped, the -object of his visit, he would have returned at once to the American -main; but was detained by the Council of the Indies as the person best -able and most trustworthy to give them certain information which they -desired. It was at this period that he wrote his remarkable work, _The -Destruction of the Indies_. This bold and daring product of his pen -and of the righteous indignation which had heretofore found expression -from his eloquent and fervid speech, will soon be examined in detail. -It may be said now that this work, afterward so widely circulated -and translated into all the languages of Europe,—perhaps with some -reductions from the original,—was not at first allowed to be published, -but was submitted to the Emperor and his ministers. As the shocking -revelations made in this book state in round numbers the victims of the -Spaniards in different places, it is at once observable that there are -over-statements and exaggerations. This, however, applies only to the -numbers, not at all to the acts of barbarity and iniquity.[1018] The -book was published twelve years after it was written, and was dedicated -to Philip, the heir to the throne. - -It may be as well here to complete the summary of the career of Las -Casas. While detained by the Council he was engaged in the advice and -oversight of a new code of laws for the government of the colonies and -the colonists. Up to this time he had crossed the ocean to the islands -or the main twelve times, and had journeyed to Germany four times to -confer with the Emperor. He was offered the bishopric of Cusco, in -Toledo, but was not thus to be withdrawn from his foreign mission. -In order, however, to secure authority to enforce the new laws, he -accepted the foreign bishopric of Chiapa, was consecrated at Seville -in 1544, embarked on July 4, with forty-four monks, and arrived at -Hispaniola. He bore the aversion and hate which his presence everywhere -provoked, was faithful to the monastic habits, and though so abstemious -as to deny himself meat, he kept the vigor of his body. He resolutely -forbade absolution to be given to Spaniards holding slaves contrary to -the provisions of the new laws. Resigning his bishopric, he returned to -Spain for the last time in 1547,—engaging in his bold controversy with -Sepulveda, to be soon rehearsed. He resided chiefly in the Dominican -College at Valladolid. In 1564, in his ninetieth year, he wrote a work -on Peru. On a visit to Madrid in the service of the Indians, after a -short illness, he died in July, 1566, at the age of ninety-two, and was -buried in the convent of “Our Lady of Atocha.” - - * * * * * - -The most resolute and effective opponents which Las Casas found at -the Spanish Court were Oviedo and Sepulveda, representatives of two -different classes of those who from different motives and by different -methods stood between him and the King. Oviedo had held high offices -under Government both in Spain and in various places in the New World. -He wrote a history of the Indies, which Las Casas said was as full of -lies almost as of pages. He also had large interests in the mines and -in the enslaving of the natives. Sepulveda[1019] was distinguished as -a scholar and an author. Las Casas charges that his pen and influence -were engaged in the interest of parties who had committed some of the -greatest ravages, and who had personal advantages at stake. Sepulveda -in his opposition to the Clerigo makes two points or “Conclusions,”—1. -That the Spaniards had a right to subjugate and require the submission -of the Indians, because of their superior wisdom and prudence; and -that, therefore, the Indians were bound to submit and acquiesce. 2. -That in case of their refusal to do so they might justly be constrained -by force of arms. It was the proceeding on these assumptions that, -as Las Casas pleaded, had led to the entire depopulation of vast -territories. With high professions of loyalty Sepulveda urged that his -motive in writing was simply to justify the absolute title of the King -of Spain to the Indies. In offering his book to the Royal Council he -importunately solicited its publication; and as this was repeatedly -refused, he engaged the urgency of his friends to bring it about. Las -Casas, well knowing what mischief it would work, strongly opposed the -publication. The Council, regarding the matter as purely theological, -referred Sepulveda’s treatise for a thorough examination to the -universities of Salamanca and Alcala. They pronounced it unsound in -doctrine and unfit to be printed. Sepulveda then secretly sent it to -Rome, and through his friend, the Bishop of Segovia, procured it to be -printed. The Emperor prohibited its circulation in Spain, and caused -the copies of it to be seized. - -Las Casas resolved to refute this dangerous treatise, and Sepulveda was -personally cited to a dispute, which was continued through five days. -As a result, the King’s confessor, Dominic de Soto, an eminent divine, -was asked to give a summary of the case. This he did in substance as -follows:— - - “The prime point is whether the Emperor may justly make war on the - Indians before the Faith has been preached to them, and whether after - being subdued by arms they will be in any condition to receive the - light of the Gospel, more tractable, more docile to good impressions, - and ready to give up their errors. The issue between the disputants - was, that Sepulveda maintained that war was not only lawful and - allowable, but necessary; while Las Casas insisted upon the direct - contrary,—that war was wholly unjust, and offered invincible obstacles - to conversion. Sepulveda presented four arguments on his side: 1. The - enormous wickedness and criminality of the Indians, their idolatry, - and their sins against nature. 2. Their ignorance and barbarity - needed the mastery of the intelligent and polite Spaniards. 3. The - work of conversion would be facilitated after subjugation. 4. That - the Indians treat each other with great cruelty, and offer human - sacrifices to false gods. Sepulveda fortifies these arguments by - examples and authorities from Scripture, and by the views of doctors - and canonists,—all proceeding upon the assumed exceeding wickedness of - the Indians. In citing _Deuteronomy_ xx. 10-16, he interprets ‘far-off - cities’ as those of a different religion. Las Casas replies that it - was not simply as idolaters that the seven nations in Canaan were to - be destroyed,—as the same fate, on that score, might have been visited - upon all the inhabitants of the earth, except Israel,—but as intruders - upon the Promised Land. The early Christian emperors, beginning with - Constantine, did not make their wars as against idolaters, but for - political reasons. He cites the Fathers as giving testimony to the - effect of a good example and against violent measures. The Indians - under the light of Nature are sincere, but are blinded in offering - sacrifices. They are not like the worst kind of barbarians, to be - hunted as beasts; they have princes, cities, laws, and arts. It is - wholly unjust, impolitic, and futile to wage war against them as - simply barbarians. The Moors of Africa had been Christians in the - time of Augustine, and had been perverted, and so might rightfully be - reclaimed.” - -The Royal Council, after listening to the dispute and the summary of -its points, asked Las Casas to draw up a paper on the question whether -they might lawfully enslave the Indians, or were bound to set free all -who were reduced to bondage. He replied that the law of God does not -justify war against any people for the sake of making them Christians; -so the whole course of treatment of the Indians had been wrong from -the start. The Indians were harmless; they had never had the knowledge -or the proffer of Christianity: so they had never fallen away, like -the Moors of Africa, Constantinople, and Jerusalem. No sovereign -prince had authorized the Spaniards to make war. The Spaniards cannot -pretend that their reason for making war was because of the cruelty of -the Indians to each other. The slaughter of them was indiscriminate -and universal. They were enslaved and branded with the King’s arms. -The monarch never authorized these execrable artifices and shocking -atrocities, a long catalogue of which is specified. - -The Clerigo then warms into an earnest dissertation on natural and -Christian equity. He quotes some beautiful sentences from the will -of Isabella, enjoining her own humanity on her husband and daughter. -He makes a strong point of the fact that Isabella first, and then a -council of divines and lawyers at Burgos, and Charles himself in 1523, -had declared that all the inhabitants of the New World had been born -free. Only Las Casas’ earnestness, his pure and persistent purpose, -relieve of weariness his reiteration of the same truths and appeals to -the King. He insists over and over again that the delegating of any -portion of the King’s own personal authority to any Spaniard resident -in the New World, or even to the Council of the Indies, opens the door -to every form and degree of abuse, and that he must strictly reserve -all jurisdiction and control to himself. - -In a second treatise, which Las Casas addressed to Charles V., he -states at length the practical measures needful for arresting the -wrongs and disasters consequent upon the enslaving of the Indians. -Of the twenty methods specified, the most important is that the King -should not part with the least portion of his sovereign prerogative. He -meets the objection artfully raised by Sepulveda, that if the King thus -retains all authority to himself he may lose the vast domain to his -crown, and that the Spaniards will be forced to return to Europe and -give up the work of Gospel conversion. - -Las Casas wrote six memorials or argumentative treatises addressed to -the sovereigns on the one same theme. The sameness of the information -and appeals in them is varied only by the increasing boldness of the -writer in exposing iniquities, and by the warmer earnestness of his -demand for the royal interposition. His sixth treatise is a most bold -and searching exposition of the limits of the royal power over newly -discovered territory, and within the kingdoms and over the natural -rights of the natives. A copy of this paper was obtained by a German -ambassador in Spain, and published at Spire, in Latin, in 1571. It is -evident that for a considerable period after the composition—and, so -to speak, the publication—of these successive protests and appeals -of the Clerigo, only a very limited circulation was gained by them. -Artful efforts were made, first to suppress them, and then to confine -the knowledge of the facts contained in them to as narrow a range as -possible. His enemies availed themselves of their utmost ingenuity and -cunning to nullify his influence. Sometimes he was ridiculed as a crazy -enthusiast,—a visionary monomaniac upon an exaggerated delusion of his -own fancy. Again, he would be gravely and threateningly denounced as an -enemy to Church and State, because he imperilled the vast interests of -Spain in her colonies. - -The principal and most important work from the pen of Las Casas, -on which his many subsequent writings are based and substantially -developed, bears (in English) the following title: _A Relation of -the First Voyages and Discoveries made by the Spaniards in America. -With an Account of their Unparalleled Cruelties on the Indians, in -the Destruction of above Forty Millions of People; together with the -Propositions offered to the King of Spain to prevent the further -Ruin of the West Indies. By Don Bartholomew de las Casas, Bishop of -Chiapa, who was an Eye-witness of their Cruelties._ It was composed in -Spanish, and finished at Valencia, Dec. 8, 1542, near the beginning -of the reign of Philip II., to whom it is dedicated. This was about -fifty years after the discovery of America; and during the greater -part of the period Las Casas had lived as an observer of the scenes -and events which he describes. He makes Hispaniola his starting-point, -as the navigators usually first touched there. The reader will at -once be struck by the exaggeration, the effect of a high-wrought and -inflamed imagination, so evident in the words of the title, which -set the number of the victims of Spanish cruelty at forty millions. -Of this weakness of Las Casas in over-estimate and exaggeration of -numbers, we shall have to take special notice by and by. It is enough -to say here that his license in this direction is confined to this one -point, and is by no means to be viewed as discrediting his integrity, -fidelity, and accuracy in other parts of his testimony. He certainly -had been deeply impressed with the density of the population in some -of the islands, for he says: “It seems as if Providence had amassed -together the greatest part of mankind in this region of the earth.” -He tells us that his motives for writing and publishing his exposure -of iniquities were,—the call made upon him by pious and Christian -people thus to enlist the sympathies and efforts of the good to -redress the wrong; and his sincere attachment to his King and Master, -lest God should avenge the wrong on his kingdom. For this purpose he -has followed the Court with his pleadings, and will not cease his -remonstrances and appeals. At the time of completing his work savage -cruelties were prevailing over all the parts of America which had been -opened, slightly restrained for the time in Mexico, through the stern -intervention of the King. An addition to his work in 1546 recognized -many new ordinances and decrees made by his Majesty at Barcelona since -1542, and signed at Madrid in 1543. But nevertheless a new field for -oppression and wickedness had been opened in Peru, with exasperations -from civil war and rebellion among the natives; while the Spaniards on -most frivolous pretexts defied the orders of the King, pretending to -wait for his answers to their pleas in self-justification. The period -was one in which the rapacity of the invaders was both inflamed and -gratified by abundance of spoil, which sharpened the avarice of the -earlier claimants, and drew to them fresh adventurers. - -Las Casas gives a very winning description of the natives under his -observation and in his ever-kindly and sympathetic relations with -them. He says they are simple, humble, patient, guileless, submissive, -weak, and effeminate; incapable of toil or labor, short-lived, -succumbing to slight illnesses; as frugal and abstemious as hermits; -inquisitive about the Catholic religion, and docile disciples. They -were lambs who had encountered tigers, wolves, and lions. During the -lifetime of Las Casas Cuba had been rendered desolate and a desert; -then St. John and Jamaica; and in all thirty islands had come to the -same fate. A system of deportation from one island to another had been -devised to obtain new supplies of slaves. The Clerigo deliberately -charges that in forty years the number of victims counted to fifty -millions. Enslaving was but a protracted method of killing,—all in the -greed for gold and pearls. The sight of a fragment of the precious -metal in the hands of a native was the occasion for demanding more of -him, as if he had hidden treasure, or for his guiding the Spaniards -to some real or imagined mines. Las Casas follows his details and -examples of iniquity through the islands in succession, then through -the provinces of Nicaragua, New Spain, Guatemala, Pannco, Jalisco, -Yucatan, St. Martha, Carthagena, the Pearl Coast, Trinidad, the -River Yuya-pari, Venezuela, Florida, La Plata, and Peru,—being in -all seventeen localities,—repeating the similar facts, hardly with -variations. Against the Spaniards with their horses, lances, swords, -and bloodhounds, the natives could oppose only their light spears and -poisoned arrows. The victims would seek refuge in caves and mountain -fastnesses, and if approached would kill themselves, as the easiest -escape from wanton tortures. Las Casas says: “I one day saw four or -five persons, of the highest rank, in Hispaniola, burned by a slow -fire.” Occasionally, he tells us, a maddened Indian would kill a -Spaniard, and then his death would be avenged by the massacre of a -score or a hundred natives. Immediately upon the knowledge of the death -of Isabella, in 1504, as if her humanity had been some restraint, the -barbarous proceedings were greatly intensified. The Spaniards made -the most reckless waste of the food of the natives. Las Casas says: -“One Spaniard will consume in a day the food of three Indian families -of ten persons each for a month.” He avows that when he wrote there -were scarce two hundred natives left in St. John and Jamaica, where -there had once been six hundred thousand. For reasons of caution or -prudence—we can hardly say from fear, for never was there a more -courageous champion—Las Casas suppresses the names of the greatest -offenders. The following are specimens of his method: “Three merciless -tyrants have invaded Florida, one after another, since 1510.” “A -Spanish commander with a great number of soldiers entered Peru,” -etc. “In the year 1514 a merciless governor, destitute of the least -sentiment of pity or humanity, a cruel instrument of the wrath of -God, pierced into the continent.” “The fore-mentioned governor,” etc. -“The captain whose lot it was to travel into Guatemala did a world of -mischief there.” “The first bishop that was sent into America imitated -the conduct of the covetous governors in enslaving and spoiling.” “They -call the countries they have got by their unjust and cruel wars their -conquests.” “No tongue is capable of describing to the life all the -horrid villanies perpetrated by these bloody-minded men. They seemed -to be the declared enemies of mankind.” The more generous the presents -in treasures which were made by some timid cacique to his spoilers, the -more brutally was he dealt with, in the hope of extorting what he was -suspected of having concealed. Las Casas stakes his veracity on the -assertion: “I saw with my own eyes above six thousand children die in -three or four months.” - -To reinforce his own statements the Clerigo quotes letters from high -authorities. One is a protest which the Bishop of St. Martha wrote in -1541 to the King of Spain, saying that “the Spaniards live there like -devils, rather than Christians, violating all the laws of God and man.” -Another is from Mark de Xlicia, a Franciscan friar, to the King, the -General of his Order, who came with the first Spaniards into Peru, -testifying from his eyesight to all enormities, in mutilations, cutting -off the noses, ears, and hands of the natives, burning and tortures, -and keeping famished dogs to chase them. - -Las Casas follows up his direful catalogue of horrors into the “New -Kingdom of Grenada,” in 1536, which he says received its name from the -native place of “the captain that first set his foot in it.” Those -whom he took with him into Peru were “very profligate and extremely -cruel men, without scruple or remorse, long accustomed to all sorts of -wickedness.” The second “governor,” enraged that his predecessor had -got the first share of the plunder, though enough was left for spoil, -turned informer, and made an exposure of his atrocities in complaints -to the Council of the Indies, in documents which “are yet to be seen.” -The spoils were prodigious quantities of gold and precious stones, -especially emeralds. The “governor” seized and imprisoned the cacique, -or inca, Bogata, requiring him to send for and gather up all the gold -within his reach; and after heaps of it had been brought, put him to -horrid torture in order to extort more. - -There were published at Madeira certain “Laws and Constitutions” made -by the King at Barcelona, in 1542, under the influence of Las Casas, -as the result of a council at Valladolid. Strict orders to put a stop -to the iniquitous proceedings were circumvented by agents sent in the -interest of the authors of the outrages. The Clerigo petitioned the -King to constitute all the natives his free subjects, with no delegated -lordship over them, and enjoined upon him “to take an oath on the -Holy Gospels, for himself and his successors, to this effect, and to -put it in his will, solemnly witnessed.” He insists that this is the -only course to prevent the absolute extermination of the natives. He -adds that the Spaniards in their covetousness combine to keep out -priests and monks, not the slightest attempt being made to convert the -natives, though the work would be easy, and they themselves crave it. -“The Spaniards have no more regard to their salvation than if their -souls and bodies died together, and were incapable of eternal rewards -or punishments.” Yet he admits that it would hardly be reasonable to -expect these efforts for conversion of the heathen from men who are -themselves heathen, and so ignorant and brutish that they “do not -know even the number of the commandments.” “As for your Majesty,” the -Clerigo says, with a keen thrust, “the Indians think you are the most -cruel and impious prince in the world, while they see the cruelty -and impiety your subjects so insolently commit, and they verily -believe your Majesty lives upon nothing but human flesh and blood.” -He positively denies the imputations alleged to justify cruelty,—that -the Indians indulged in abominable lusts against nature, and were -cannibals. As for their idolatry, that is a sin against God, for -Him, not for man, to punish. The monarchs, he insists, had been most -artfully imposed upon in allowing the deportation of natives from the -Lucay Islands to supply the havoc made in Hispaniola. The Clerigo goes -into the most minute details, with specifications and reiterations of -horrors, ascribing them to the delegated authority exercised by petty -officers, under the higher ones successively intrusted with power. -There is a holy fervor of eloquence in his remonstrances and appeals to -his Majesty to keep the sole power in his own hands, as he reminds him -that fearful retributive judgments from God may be visited upon his own -kingdom. The Council of the Indies, he says, had desired him to write -to the monarch about the exact nature of the right of the kings of -Spain to the Indies; and he intimates that the zeal which he had shown -in exposing iniquities under those whom the King had put in authority -in the New World had been maliciously turned into a charge that he had -questioned the royal title to those regions. As will appear, Las Casas, -under the leadings of that intelligent search for the fundamentals of -truth and righteousness which a quickened conscience had prompted, -found his way to the principles of equity on this subject. - -He had, therefore, previously sent to the King thirty well-defined and -carefully stated “Propositions,” which he regards as so self-evident -that he makes no attempt to argue or prove them. His enemies have in -view to cover up their iniquities by misleading the King. Therefore, -for conscience’ sake, and under a sense of obligation to God, he sets -himself to a sacred task. Little foreseeing that his life and labor -were to be protracted till he had nearly doubled his years, he says -that, finding himself “growing old, being advanced to the fiftieth year -of his age,” and “from a full acquaintance with America,” his testimony -shall be true and clear. - -His subtle enemies plead against him that the King has a right to -establish himself in America by force of arms, however ruthless the -process,—quoting the examples of Nimrod, Alexander, the old Romans, -and the Turks. They allege also that the Spaniards have more prudence -and wisdom than other peoples, and that their country is nearest to -the Indies. He therefore announces his purpose to put himself directly -before the King, and stand for his “Propositions,” which he sends in -advance in writing, suggesting that if it be his Majesty’s pleasure, -they be translated into Latin and published in that language, as well -as in Spanish. - -The “Propositions” may be stated in substance as follows; they were -keenly studied and searched by those who were anxious to detect flaws -or heresies in them:— - - 1. The Pope derives from Christ authority and power extending over - all men, believers or infidels, in matters pertaining to salvation and - eternal life. But these should be exercised differently over infidels - and those who have had a chance to be believers. - - 2. This prerogative of the Pope puts him under a solemn obligation to - propagate the Gospel, and to offer it to all infidels who will not - oppose it. - - 3. The Pope is obliged to send capable ministers for this work. - - 4. Christian princes are his most proper and able helpers in it. - - 5. The Pope may exhort and even oblige Christian princes to this - work, by authority and money, to remove obstructions and to send true - workers. - - 6. The Pope and princes should act in accord and harmony. - - 7. The Pope may distribute infidel provinces among Christian princes - for this work. - - 8. In this distribution should be had in view the instruction, - conversion, and interests of the infidels themselves, not the increase - of honors, titles, riches, and territories of the princes. - - 9. Any incidental advantage which princes may thus gain is allowable; - but temporal ends should be wholly subordinate, the paramount objects - being the extending of the Church, the propagation of the Faith, and - the service of God. - - 10. The lawful native kings and rulers of infidel countries have a - right to the obedience of their subjects, to make laws, etc., and - ought not to be deprived, expelled, or violently dealt with. - - 11. To transgress this rule involves injustice and every form of wrong. - - 12. Neither these native rulers nor their subjects should be deprived - of their lands for their idolatry, or any other sin. - - 13. No tribunal or judge in the world has a right to molest these - infidels for idolatry or any other sins, however enormous, while still - infidels, and before they have voluntarily received baptism, unless - they directly oppose, refuse, and resist the publication of the Gospel. - - 14. Pope Alexander VI., under whom the discovery was made, was - indispensably obliged to choose a Christian prince to whom to commit - these solemn obligations of the Gospel. - - 15. Ferdinand and Isabella had especial claims and advantages for this - intrustment by the Pope above all other Catholic princes, because they - had with noble efforts driven out the infidels and Mohammedans from - the land of their ancestors, and because they sent at their own charge - Columbus, the great discoverer, whom they named the chief admiral. - - 16. As the Pope did right in this assignment, so he has power - to revoke it, to transfer the country to some other prince, and - to forbid, on pain of excommunication, any rival prince to send - missionaries. - - 17. The kings of Castile and Leon have thus come lawfully to - jurisdiction over the Indies. - - 18. This obliges the native kings of the Indies to submit to the - jurisdiction of the kings of Spain. - - 19. Those native kings, having freely and voluntarily received the - Faith and baptism, are bound (as they were not before) to acknowledge - this sovereignty of the kings of Spain. - - 20. The kings of Spain are bound by the law of God to choose and send - fit missionaries to exhort, convert, and do everything for this cause. - - 21. They have the same power and jurisdiction over these infidels - before their conversion as the Pope has, and share his obligations to - convert them. - - 22. The means for establishing the Faith in the Indies should be - the same as those by which Christ introduced his religion into the - world,—mild, peaceable, and charitable; humility; good examples of a - holy and regular way of living, especially over such docile and easy - subjects; and presents bestowed to win them. - - 23. Attempts by force of arms are impious, like those of Mahometans, - Romans, Turks, and Moors: they are tyrannical, and unworthy of - Christians, calling out blasphemies; and they have already made the - Indians believe that our God is the most unmerciful and cruel of all - Gods. - - 24. The Indians will naturally oppose the invasion of their country by - a title of conquest, and so will resist the work of conversion. - - 25. The kings of Spain have from the first given and reiterated their - orders against war and the ill-treatment of the Indians. If any - officers have shown commissions and warrants for such practices, they - have been forged or deceptive. - - 26. So all wars and conquests which have been made have been unjust - and tyrannical, and in effect null; as is proved by proceedings on - record in the Council against such tyrants and other culprits, who are - amenable to judgment. - - 27. The kings of Spain are bound to reinforce and establish those - Indian laws and customs which are good—and such are most of them—and - to abolish the bad; thus upholding good manners and civil policy. The - Gospel is the method for effecting this. - - 28. The Devil could not have done more mischief than the Spaniards - have done in distributing and spoiling the countries, in their - rapacity and tyranny; subjecting the natives to cruel tasks, treating - them like beasts, and persecuting those especially who apply to the - monks for instruction. - - 29. The distribution of the Indians among the Spaniards as slaves is - wholly contrary to all the royal orders given by Isabella successively - to Columbus, Bobadilla, and De Lares. Columbus gave three hundred - Indians to Spaniards who had done the most service to the Crown, and - took but one for his own use. The Queen ordered all except that one - to be sent back. What would she have said to the present iniquities? - The King is reminded that his frequent journeys and absences have - prevented his fully informing himself of these facts. - - 30. From all these considerations it follows that all conquests, - acquisitions, usurpations, and appropriations by officers and private - persons have no legality, as contrary to the orders of the Spanish - monarchs. - -Here certainly is an admirable and cogent statement of the principles -of equity and righteousness, as based upon natural laws and certified -and fortified by the great verities and sanctions supposed to be -held in reverence by professed Christians. Las Casas, in taking for -his starting-point the Pope’s supreme and inclusive right over half -the globe, just brought to the knowledge of civilized men, seems to -make a monstrous assumption, only greater than that of the Spanish -kings’ holding under and deriving dominion from him. But we may well -pardon this assumption to so loyal a disciple of the Church, when we -consider how nobly he held this Papal right as conditioned and limited, -involving lofty duties, and balanced by an obligation to confer -inestimable blessings. He had ever before him the contrast between -fair scenes of luxurious Nature, ministering to the easy happiness of -a gentle race of delicate and short-lived beings akin to himself, and -the ruthless passions, lusts, and savagery of his own countrymen and -fellow-Christians. We can well account for the opposition and thwarting -of his efforts amid these scenes, but may need a further explanation of -the resistance and ill-success which he encountered when pleading his -cause before monarchs and great councillors at home, whose sympathies -seem to have been generally on his side. He often stood wholly alone -in scenes where these ravaging cruelties had full sweep,—alone in the -humane sensitiveness with which he regarded them; alone in freedom -from the mastering passions of greed and rapacity which excited them; -and alone in realizing the appalling contrast between the spirit of -blood and rapine which prompted them, and the spirit of that Gospel, -the assumed championship of which at these ends of the earth was the -blasphemous pretence of these murderers. Those ruthless tyrants, who -here treated hundreds and thousands of the natives subject to them -worse than even brutes from which useful service is expected, would -not, of course, have the front to offer on the spot the pretence set up -for them by their abetters at the Spanish Court,—that they were thus -drawing the natives to them for their conversion; they laughed at the -Clerigo when they did not openly thwart him. - -Las Casas had many powerful and embittered opponents, and by the use of -various means and artifices they were able to put impediments in his -way, to qualify and avert what would seem to be the natural effects of -his ardent appeals and shocking disclosures, and to keep him through -his protracted life in what looked like a hopeless struggle against -giant iniquities. Nor is it necessary that we go deeper than the -obvious surface of the story to find the reasons for the opposition and -discomfiture which he encountered. It may be that all those who opposed -him or who would not co-operate with him were not personally interested -in the iniquities which he exposed and sought to redress. Something -may need to be said by and by concerning alleged faults of temper, -over-ardor of zeal and overstatement, and wild exaggeration attributed -to this bold apostle of righteousness. But that the substance of -all his charges, and the specifications of inhumanity, cruelty, and -atrocity which he set forth in detail, and with hardly enough diversity -to vary his narrative, is faithful to the soberest truth, cannot be -questioned. He spoke and wrote of what he had seen and known. He had -looked upon sights of shocking and enormous iniquity and barbarity, -over every scene which he had visited in his unresting travel. His -sleep by night had been broken by the piteous shrieks of the wretched -victims of slow tortures. - -Much help may be derived by a reader towards a fuller appreciation of -the character and life-work of Las Casas from the biography of him and -the translation and editing of his principal writings by his ardent -admirer, Llorente.[1020] This writer refers to a previous abridged -translation of the works of Las Casas, published in Paris in 1642. -His own edition in French, in 1822, is more full, though somewhat -condensed and reconstructed. He remarks justly upon the prolixity of -Las Casas, his long periods, his repetitions, his pedantic quotations -from Scripture and the Latin authors, as the results of his peripatetic -training. His translator and editor credits to the magnanimity and -nobleness of nature of Las Casas the omission of the names of great -offenders in connection with the terrible wrongs done by them. This -reserve of Las Casas has been already referred to. But Llorente, in -seventeen critical notes, answering to the same number of divisions -in the _Relation_ of Las Casas, supplies the names of the leading -criminals; and he also gives in a necrology the shocking or tragic -elements and the dates of the death of these “men of blood.” He adds -to the “Remedies” which Las Casas had suggested to Charles V. the -whole additional series of measures proposed up to 1572. Llorente says -that, admitting that the starting-point in the Thirty Propositions -of Las Casas,—namely, the assumption of the Papal prerogative as to -new-discovered territory,—was in his day “incontestable,” it is now -recognized as a falsity. He furnishes an essay of his own upon the -right and wrong of the claim; and he adds to that of Las Casas a -treatise on the limits of the sovereign power of the King. Paw first, -and then Raynal and Robertson, had brought the charge against Las -Casas of having first introduced African slavery into the New World. -As we have seen, the charge was false. Gregoire, bishop of Blois, read -an _Apologie_ before the Institute of France in 1801, in vindication -of the Clerigo. This _Apologie_ is given at length by Llorente. He -adds, from manuscripts in the Royal Library of Paris, two inedited -treatises of Las Casas, written in 1555-1564,—one against a project -for perpetuating the _commanderies_ in the New World; the other on the -necessity of restoring the crown of Peru to the Inca Titus.[1021] - -Llorente says it is not strange that the apostle Las Casas, like other -great and noble men, met with enemies and detractors. Some assailed him -through prejudice, others merely from levity, and without reflection. -Four principal reproaches have been brought against him:— - -1. He is charged with gross exaggeration in his writings, as by the -Spanish writers Camporicanes, Nuix, and Muñoz, and of course by those -interested in excusing the work of conquest and devastation, who cannot -justify themselves without impeaching Las Casas as an impostor. His -sufficient vindication from this charge may be found in a mass of -legal documents in the Archives, in the Records of the Council for -the Indies, and in Government processes against wrongdoers. Herrera, -who had seen these documents, says: “Las Casas was worthy of all -confidence, and in no particular has failed to present the truth.” -Torquemada, having personally sought for evidence in America, says the -same. Las Casas, when challenged on this point, boldly affirmed: “There -were once more natives in Hispaniola than in all Spain,” and that Cuba, -Jamaica, and forty other islands, with parts of Terra Firma, had all -been wrecked and made desolate. He insists over and over again that his -estimates are within the truth. - -2. Another charge was of imprudence in his ill-considered proceedings -with the Indians. Allowance is to be made on the score of his -zeal, his extreme ardor and vehemence,—an offset to the apathy and -hard-heartedness of those around him. He was in a position in which he -could do nothing for the Indians if he kept silence. He witnessed the -reckless and defiant disobedience of the positive instructions of the -King by his own high officers. - -3. The third charge was of _inconsistency_ in condemning the enslaving -of Indians, and favoring that of negroes. This has already been -disposed of. - -4. The final charge was that he was consumed by ambition. Only a single -writer had the effrontery to ascribe to Las Casas the desperate purpose -of seizing upon the sovereignty of a thousand leagues of territory. The -whole foundation of the charge was his attempt to plant a particular -colony in the province of Cumana, near St. Martha, on Terra Firma. So -far from claiming sovereignty for himself, he even denied the right of -the King to bestow such sovereignty. - -He was, says Llorente, blameless; there is no stain upon his great -virtues. Indeed, not only Spain, but all nations, owe him a debt for -his opposition to despotism, and for his setting limits to royal power -in the age of Charles V. and the Inquisition. - -Then follows Llorente’s translation into French of Las Casas’ Memoir -on the _Cruelties practised on the Indians_, with the Dedicatory -Letter addressed to Philip II., 1552. The Spaniards at Hispaniola -and elsewhere forgot that they were men, and treated the innocent -creatures around them for forty-two years as if they were famished -wolves, tigers, and lions. So that in Hispaniola, where once were three -millions, there remained not more than two hundred. Cuba, Porto Rico, -and Jamaica had been wholly depopulated. On more than sixty Lucayan -islands, on the smallest of which were once five hundred thousand -natives, Las Casas says, “my own eyes” have seen but eleven. - -These appalling enumerations of the victims of Spanish cruelty during -half a century from the first coming of the invaders to the islands -and main of America, are set before the reader in the figures and -estimates of Las Casas. Of course the instant judgment of the reader -will be that there is obvious and gross exaggeration in them. It -remains to this day a debated and wholly undecided question among -archæologists, historians, and explorers best able to deal with it, -as to the number of natives on island and continent when America was -opened to knowledge. There are no facts within our use for any other -mode of dealing with the question than by estimates, conjectures, -and inferences. A reasonable view is that the southern islands were -far more thickly peopled than the main, vast regions of which, when -first penetrated by the whites, were found to be perfect solitudes. -The general tendency now with those who have pursued any thorough -investigations relating to the above question, is greatly to reduce -the number of the aborigines below the guesses and the once-accepted -estimates. Nor does it concern us much to attempt any argument as to -the obvious over-estimates made by Las Casas, or to decide whether they -came from his imagination or fervor of spirit, or whether, as showing -himself incredible in these rash and wild enumerations, he brings his -veracity and trustworthiness under grave doubts in other matters. - -Las Casas says that near the Island of San Juan are thirty others -without a single Indian. More than two thousand leagues of territory -are wholly deserted. On the continent ten kingdoms, “each larger than -Spain,” with Aragon and Portugal, are an immense solitude, human life -being annihilated there. He estimates the number of men, women, and -children who have been slaughtered at more than fifteen millions. -Generally they were tormented, no effort having been made to convert -them. In vain did the natives, helpless with their feeble weapons, -hide their women and children in the mountains. When, maddened by -desperation, they killed a single Spaniard, vengeance was taken by -the score. The Clerigo, as if following the strictest process of -arithmetic, gives the number of victims in each of many places, only -with variations and aggravations. He asserts that in Cuba, in three or -four months, he had seen more than seven thousand children perish of -famine, their parents having been driven off to the mines. He adds -that the worst of the cruelties in Hispaniola did not take place till -after the death of Isabella, and that efforts were made to conceal from -her such as did occur, as she continued to demand right and mercy. She -had done her utmost to suppress the system of _repartimientos_, by -which the natives were distributed as slaves to masters. - -An inference helpful to an approximate estimate of the numbers and -extent of the depopulation of the first series of islands seized on by -the Spaniards, might be drawn from the vast numbers of natives deported -from other groups of islands to replace the waste and to restore -laborers. Geographers have somewhat arbitrarily distinguished the West -Indies into three main groupings of islands,—the Lucayan, or Bahamas, -of fourteen large and a vast number of small islands, extending, from -opposite the coast of Florida, some seven hundred and fifty miles -oceanward; the Greater Antilles, embracing Cuba, San Domingo, Porto -Rico, Jamaica, etc., running, from opposite the Gulf of Mexico, from -farther westward than the other groups; and the Lesser Antilles, or -Carribean, or Windward Islands. The last-named, from their repute of -cannibalism, were from the first coming of the Spaniards regarded as -fair subjects for spoil, violence, and devastation. After ruin had -done its work in the Greater Antilles, recourse was had to the Lucayan -Islands. By the foulest and meanest stratagems for enticing away the -natives of these fair scenes, they were deported in vast numbers to -Cuba and elsewhere as slaves. It was estimated that in five years -Ovando had beguiled and carried off forty thousand natives of the -Lucayan Islands to Hispaniola. - -The amiable and highly honored historian, Mr. Prescott, says in -general, of the numerical estimates of Las Casas, that “the good -Bishop’s arithmetic came more from his heart than his head.”[1022] - -From the fullest examination which I have been able to make, by the -comparison of authorities and incidental facts, while I should most -frankly admit that Las Casas gave even a wild indulgence to his dismay -and his indignation in his figures, I should conclude that he had -positive knowledge, from actual eyesight and observation, of every -form and shape, as well as instance and aggregation, of the cruelties -and enormities which aroused his lifelong efforts. Besides the means -and methods used to discredit the statements and to thwart the appeals -of Las Casas at the Court, a very insidious attempt for vindicating, -palliating, and even justifying the acts of violence and cruelty which -he alleged against the Spaniards in the islands and on the main, was in -the charge that their victims were horribly addicted to cannibalism and -the offering of human sacrifices. The number estimated of the latter -as slaughtered, especially on great royal occasions, is appalling, and -the rites described are hideous. It seems impossible for us now, from -so many dubious and conflicting authorities, to reach any trustworthy -knowledge on this subject. For instance, in Anahuac, Mexico, the annual -number of human sacrifices, as stated by different writers, varies from -twenty to fifty thousand. Sepulveda in his contest with Las Casas was -bound to make the most of this dismal story, and said that no one of -the authorities estimated the number of the victims at less than twenty -thousand. Las Casas replied that this was the estimate of brigands, who -wished thus to win tolerance for their own slaughterings, and that the -actual number of annual victims did not exceed twenty.[1023] It was a -hard recourse for Christians to seek palliation for their cruelties in -noting or exaggerating the superstitious and hideous rites of heathens! - -It is certain, however, that this plea of cannibalism was most -effectively used, from the first vague reports which Columbus took -back to Spain of its prevalence, at least in the Carribean Islands, -to overcome the earliest humane protests against the slaughter of -the natives and their deportation for slaves. In the all-too hideous -engravings presented in the volumes in all the tongues of Europe -exposing the cruelties of the Spanish invaders, are found revolting -delineations of the Indian shambles, where portions of human bodies, -subjected to a fiendish butchery, are exposed for sale. Las Casas -nowhere denies positively the existence of this shocking barbarism. -One might well infer, however, from his pages that he was at least -incredulous as to its prevalence; and to him it would only have -heightened his constraining sense of the solemn duty of professed -Christians to bring the power of the missionary, rather than the -maddened violence of destruction, to bear upon the poor victims of so -awful a sin. Nor does the evidence within our reach suffice to prove -the prevalence, to the astounding extent alleged by the opponents of -Las Casas, of monstrous and bestial crimes against nature practised -among the natives. Perhaps a parallel between the general morality -respectively existing in the license and vices of the invaders and -the children of Nature as presented to us by Columbus, as well as by -Las Casas, would not leave matter for boasting to the Europeans. Mr. -Prescott enters into an elaborate examination of a subject of frequent -discussion by American historians and archæologists,—who have adopted -different conclusions upon it,—as to whether venereal diseases had -prevalence among the peoples of the New World before it was opened to -the intercourse of foreigners. I have not noticed in anything written -by Las Casas that he brings any charge on this score against his -countrymen. Quite recent exhumations made by our archæologists have -seemingly set the question at rest, by revealing in the bones of our -prehistoric races the evidences of the prevalence of such diseases. - -Sufficient means, in hints and incidental statements, have been -furnished in the preceding pages from which the reader may draw his own -estimate, as appreciative and judicious as he may be able to make it, -of the character of Las Casas as a man and as a missionary of Christ. A -labored analysis or an indiscriminating eulogium of that character is -wholly uncalled for, and would be a work of supererogation. His heart -and mind, his soul and body, his life, with all of opportunity which -it offered, were consecrated; his foibles and faults were of the most -trivial sort, never leading to injury for others, and scarcely working -any harm for himself. - -It is a well-proved and a gladdening truth, that one who stands for -the championship of any single principle involving the rights of -humanity will be led by a kindled vision or a gleam of advanced wisdom -to commit himself to the assumption of some great, comprehensive, -illuminating verity covering a far wider field than that which he -personally occupies. Thus Las Casas’ assertion of the common rights of -humanity for the heathen natives expanded into a bold denial of the -fundamental claims of ecclesiasticism. It was the hope and aim of his -opponents and enemies to drive him to a committal of himself to some -position which might be charged with at least constructive heresy, -through some implication or inference from the basis of his pleadings -that he brought under question the authority of the Papacy. Fonseca -and Sepulveda were both bent upon forcing him into that perilous -attitude towards the supreme ecclesiastical power. To appreciate fully -how nearly Las Casas was thought to trespass on the verge of a heresy -which might even have cost him his life, but would certainly have -nullified his personal influence, we must recognize the full force of -the one overmastering assumption, under which the Pope and the Spanish -sovereigns claimed for themselves supreme dominion over territory -and people in the New World. As a new world, or a disclosure on the -earth’s surface of vast realms before unknown to dwellers on the old -continents, its discovery would carry with it the right of absolute -ownership and of rule over all its inhabitants. It was, of course, to -be “conquered” and held in subjection. The earth, created by God, had -been made the kingdom of Jesus Christ, who assigned it to the charge -and administration of his vicegerent, the Pope. All the continents -and islands of the earth which were not Christendom were heathendom. -It mattered not what state of civilization or barbarism, or what -form or substance of religion, might be found in any new-discovered -country. The Papal claim was to be asserted there, if with any need -of explanation, for courtesy’s sake, certainly without any apology or -vindication. Could Las Casas be inveigled into any denial or hesitating -allowance of this assumption? He was on his guard, but he stood -manfully for the condition, the supreme obligation, which alone could -give warrant to it. The papal and the royal claims were sound and good; -they were indeed absolute. But the tenure of possession and authority -in heathendom, if it were to be claimed through the Gospel and the -Church, looked quite beyond the control of territory and the lordship -over heathen natives, princes, and people,—it was simply to prompt -the work and to facilitate, while it positively enjoined the duty -of, conversion,—the bringing of heathen natives through baptism and -instruction into the fold of Christ. Fonseca and Sepulveda were baffled -by the Clerigo as he calmly and firmly told the monarchs that their -prerogative, though lawful in itself, was fettered by this obligation. -In asserting this just condition, Las Casas effectually disabled his -opponents. - -The following are the closing sentences of the Reply of Las Casas to -Sepulveda:— - - “The damages and the loss which have befallen the Crown of Castile - and Leon will be visited also upon the whole of Spain, because the - tyranny wrought by these desolations, murders, and slaughters is so - monstrous that the blind may see it, the deaf may hear it, the dumb - may rehearse it, and the wise judge and condemn it after our very - short life. I invoke all the hierarchies and choirs of angels, all the - saints of the Celestial Court, all the inhabitants of the globe, and - chiefly all those who may live after me, for witnesses that I free my - conscience of all that has transpired; and that I have fully exposed - to his Majesty all these woes; and that if he leaves to Spaniards the - tyranny and government of the Indies, all of them will be destroyed - and without inhabitants,—as we see that Hispaniola now is, and the - other islands and parts of the continent for more than three thousand - leagues, without occupants. For these reasons God will punish Spain - and all her people with an inevitable severity. So may it be!” - -It is grateful to be assured of the fact that during the years of his -last retirement in Spain, till the close of his life at so venerable -an age, Las Casas enjoyed a pension sufficient for his comfortable -subsistence. Allowing only a pittance of it for his own frugal support, -he devoted it mostly to works of charity. His pen and voice and time -were still given to asserting and defending the rights of the natives, -not only as human beings, but as free of all mastery by others. Though -his noble zeal had made him enemies, and he had appeared to have -failed in his heroic protests and appeals, he had the gratification of -knowing before his death that restraining measures, sterner edicts, -more faithful and humane officials, and in general a more wise and -righteous policy, had abated the rage of cruelty in the New World. -But still the sad reflection came to qualify even this satisfaction, -that the Spaniards were brought to realize the rights of humanity by -learning that their cruelty had wrought to their own serious loss in -depopulating the most fertile regions and fastening upon them the hate -of the remnants of the people. The reader of the most recent histories, -even of the years of the first quarter of this century, relating to -the Spanish missions in the pueblos of Mexico and California, will -note how some of the features of the old _repartimiento_ system, first -introduced among the Greater Antilles, survived in the farm-lands and -among the peons and converts of the missionaries. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE subject of this chapter is so nearly exclusively concerned with the -personal history, the agency, and the missionary work of Las Casas, -both in the New World and at the Court of Spain, that we are rather to -welcome than to regret the fact that he is almost our sole authority -for the statements and incidents with which we have had to deal. - -[Illustration: LAS CASAS.] - -Giving due allowance to what has already been sufficiently recognized -as his intensity of spirit, his wildness of imagination, and his -enormous overstatement in his enumeration of the victims of Spanish -cruelty, he must be regarded as the best authority we could have -for the use which he serves to us.[1024] Free as he was from all -selfish and sinister motives, even the daring assurance with which -he speaks out before the monarch and his councillors, and prints on -his titlepages the round numbers of these victims, prompts us to give -full credit to his testimony on other matters, even if we substitute -thousands in place of millions. As to the forms and aggravations of -the cruel methods in which the Spaniards dealt with the natives, the -recklessness and ingenuity of the work of depopulation,—which was as -naturally the consequence of the enslaving of the Indians as of their -indiscriminate slaughter,—Las Casas’ revelations seem to have passed -unchallenged by even his most virulent enemies. - -Sepulveda may be received by us as the representative alike in spirit -and in argument of the opposition to Las Casas. He was an acute and -able disputant, and would readily have availed himself of any weak -points in the positions of the apostle. It is observable that, instead -of assailing even the vehement and exaggerated charges alleged by Las -Casas against the Spanish marauders for their cruelty, he rather spends -his force upon the maintenance of the abstract rights of Christian -champions over the heathen and their territory. The Papal and the Royal -prerogatives were, in his view, of such supreme and sweeping account -in the controversy, as to cover all the incidental consequences of -establishing them. He seemed to argue that heathens and heathenism -invited and justified conquest by any method, however ruthless; that -the rights of the Papacy and of Christian monarchs would be perilled by -allowing any regards of sentiment or humanity to stand in the way of -their assertion; and that even the sacred duty of conversion was to be -deferred till war and tyranny had obtained the absolute mastery over -the natives. - - * * * * * - -The eight years spent by Las Casas in retirement in the Dominican -convent at San Domingo were used by him in study and meditation. His -writings prove, in their references and quotations from the classics, -as well as from Scripture, that his range was wide, and that his mind -was invigorated by this training. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF LAS CASAS.] - -In 1552-1553, at Seville, Las Casas printed a series of nine tracts, -which are the principal source of our information in relation to his -allegations against the Spanish oppressors of the Indians. It is only -necessary to refer the reader to the bibliographies[1025] for the full -titles of these tracts, of which we simply quote enough for their -identification, while we cite them in the order in which they seem to -have been composed, following in this the extensive Note which Field -has given in his _Indian Bibliography_:— - -1. _Breuissima relacion de la destruycion de las Indias ... año 1552_; -50 unnumbered leaves. - -The series of tracts is usually cited by this title, which is that of -the first tract,[1026] for there is no general printed designation of -the collection. Four folios appended to this, but always reckoned as a -distinct tract, are called,— - -[Illustration: TITLE OF FIRST TRACT.] - -2. _Lo que se sigue es vn pedaço de vna carta_, etc. It records the -observations of a Spanish traveller upon the enormities practised on -the natives.[1027] - -3. _Entre los remedios ... para reformaciō de las Indias_; 1552; 53 -unnumbered leaves. It gives the eighth of the proposed remedies, -assigning twenty reasons against the enslaving of the natives.[1028] - -4. _Aqui se cōtienē vnos auisos y reglas para los confessores_, etc; -1552; 16 unnumbered leaves. It gives the rules for the confessors of -his bishopric of Chiapa to deny the offices of the Church to such as -held _repartimientos_.[1029] - -5. _Aqui se contiene vna disputa ... entre el obispo ... y el -doctor Gines de Sepulveda_; 1552; 61 unnumbered leaves. This strong -enunciation of Las Casas’ convictions grew out of his controversy with -Sepulveda.[1030] It contains, first, a summary by Domingo de Soto of -the differences between the two disputants; second, the arguments of -Sepulveda; and third, the replies of Las Casas,—twelve in all. - -6. _Este es vn tratado ... sobre la materia de los Yndios, que se han -hecho en ellas esclauos_; 1552; 36 unnumbered leaves. This contains -reasons and judicial authorities on the question of the restitution of -the natives to freedom.[1031] - -7. _Aqui se cōtienē treynta proposiciones ..._; 1552; 10 leaves. -These are the Propositions, mentioned on a preceding page, as Las -Casas’ reply to those who objected to the rigor of his rules for his -confessors.[1032] - -8. _Principia quedā ex quibus procedendum_, etc; 1552; 10 leaves. This -gives the principles on which he conducts his defence of the rights of -the natives.[1033] - -9. _Tratado cōprobatorio del imperio soberano_, etc.; 80 unnumbered -leaves. The title-date is 1552, but that in the colophon is 1553. The -purpose is “to prove the sovereign empire and universal dominion by -which the kings of Castile and Leon hold the West Indies.”[1034] - -Complete sets of these tracts have become very rare, though it is not -uncommon to find, in current catalogues, single copies of some of those -less scarce.[1035] - -[Illustration: TITLE OF THE FOURTH TRACT. - -[From the copy in Harvard College Library.—ED.]] - -In 1571, five years after Las Casas’ death, what is sometimes called -a tenth part was printed at Frankfort, under the title of _Explicatio -questionis utrum Reges vel Principes jure aliquo.... Cives ac subditos -a regia corona alienare?_ This further showing of the arguments of -Las Casas is even rarer than its predecessors.[1036] Its authorship, -without much reason, has been sometimes denied.[1037] It is translated, -however, in Llorente’s edition, as is also a letter of Las Casas which -he wrote in 1555 to the Archbishop of Toledo, protesting against -the contemplated sale of _Encomiendas_ in perpetuity, which, being -communicated to the King, led to the prohibition of the plan. - -In 1854 Henry Stevens printed, in a style corresponding to that of the -tracts of 1552, a series of six papers from original manuscripts in his -possession, interesting as contributions to the history of Las Casas -and his work;[1038] and there is also a letter of Las Casas in the -volume a few years since printed by the Spanish Government as _Cartas -de Indias_. There is an enumeration of thirteen other treatises, noted -as still in manuscript, which is to be found in Sabin’s _Dictionary_ -or in his separate _Works of Las Casas_; but Mr. Field is inclined -for one reason or another to reduce the number to five, in addition -to the two which were published by Llorente.[1039] There are also two -manuscripts recorded in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_.[1040] - -[Illustration: TITLE OF THE SEVENTH TRACT. - -[From a copy in the Harvard College Library.—ED.]] - -[Illustration: LAS CASAS’ INDORSEMENT ON THE MANUSCRIPT OF HIS -“HISTORIA”. - -[This is slightly reduced from the fac-simile given in vol. iii. of -the 1875 (Madrid) edition of the _Historia_.—ED.]] - -The most labored of Las Casas’ books was his _Historia de las -Indias_,—the original manuscript of which is still preserved, according -to Helps, in the library of the Academy of History at Madrid.[1041] Las -Casas began this work while in his convent in 1527,[1042] and seems -to have worked upon it, without finishing it, up to 1561. It has all -the fervor and vigor of his nature; and so far as it is the result of -his own observation, its character is unimpeachable. It is in large -part, as Helps has remarked, autobiographic; but it does not bring the -story down later than 1520. Its style is characteristically rambling -and awkward, and more or less confused with extraneous learning, the -result of his convent studies, and interjected with his usual bursts of -a somewhat tiresome indignation. Outside of his own knowledge he had -large resources in documents, of which we have no present knowledge. He -seems to have had a prescience of the feelings in his countrymen which -would long keep the manuscript from the printing-office, for he left -instructions at his death that no one should use it for forty years. -The injunction did not prevent Herrera having access to it; and when -this latter historian published his book in 1601, the world got a large -part of Las Casas’ work,—much of it copied by Herrera _verbatim_,—but -extracted in such a way that Las Casas could have none of his proper -effect in ameliorating the condition of the Indians and exposing -the cruelty of their oppression. In this way Las Casas remained too -long eclipsed, as Irving says, by his copyist. Notwithstanding the -publication of the book was prohibited, various manuscript copies got -abroad, and every reputable historian of the Spanish rule has made -use of Las Casas’ labors.[1043] Finally, the Royal Academy of History -at Madrid undertook the revision of the manuscript; but that body was -deterred from putting their revision on the press by the sentiments, -which Spanish scholars had always felt, adverse to making public so -intense an arraignment of their countrymen.[1044] At last, however, -in 1875-1876, the Academy finally printed it in five volumes.[1045] -The _Historia_ was of course not included, nor were two of the tracts -of the issues of 1552 (nos. 4 and 8) embraced, in the edition of Las -Casas’ _Obras_ which Llorente issued in Paris in 1822 in the original -Spanish, and also in the same year in a French translation, _Œuvres -de Las Casas_.[1046] This work is dedicated “Au modèle des virtues -héréditaires, A. M. le Comte de las Casas.” Sufficient recognition has -been made in the preceding narrative of this work of Llorente. As a -Spaniard by birth, and a scholar well read in the historical literature -of his own country, as one trained and exercised in the priestly -office, though he had become more or less of a heretic, and as a most -ardent admirer of the virtues and the heroic services of the great -Apostle to the Indians, he had the attainments, qualifications, and -motives for discharging with ability and fidelity the biographical and -editorial task which he undertook. It is evident from his pages that he -devoted conscientious labor in investigation, and a purpose of strict -impartiality to its discharge. He is not an undiscriminating eulogist -of Las Casas, but he penetrates with a true sympathetic admiration to -the noble unselfishness and the sublime constancy of this sole champion -of righteousness against powerful forces of iniquity. - -The number of versions of all or of part of the series of the 1552 -tracts into other languages strikingly indicates the interest which -they created and the effect which they produced throughout Europe. None -of the nations showed more eagerness to make public these accusations -against the Spaniards by one of their own number, than the Flemings -and Dutch. The earliest of all the translations, and one of the rarest -of these publications, is the version of the first tract, with parts -of others, which appeared in the dialect of Brabant, in 1578,—the -precursor of a long series of such testimonies, used to incite the -Netherlanders against the Spanish rule.[1047] The French came next -with their _Tyrannies et cruautéz des Espagnols_, published at Antwerp -in 1579, in which the translator, Jacques de Miggrode, softened the -horrors of the story with a due regard for his Spanish neighbors.[1048] -A somewhat bolder venture was a new version, not from the originals, -but from the Dutch translation, and set out with all the horrors of De -Bry’s seventeen engravings, which was supplied to the French market -with an Amsterdam imprint in 1620. It is a distorted patchwork of parts -of the three of the 1552 tracts. In a brief preface, the translator -says that the part relating to the Indies is derived from the original, -printed at Seville by Sebastian Trugillo in 1552, the writer “being Las -Casas, who seems to be a holy man and a Catholic.” There were still -other French versions, printed both in France and in Holland. The -earliest English translation is a version signed by M. M. S., entitled -_The Spanish Colonie, or Briefe Chronicle of the Acts and Gestes of the -Spaniardes in the West Indies, called the Newe Worlde, for the Space -of XL. Yeeres_, issued in London in 1583.[1049] The best-known of the -English versions is _The Tears of the Indians_, “made English by J. -P.,” and printed in London in 1656.[1050] “J. P.” is John Phillips, -a nephew of John Milton. His little book, which contains a terse -translation of Las Casas’s “Cruelty,” etc., without his controversy -with Sepulveda, is dedicated to Oliver Cromwell. It is prefaced -by a glowing appeal “To all true Englishmen,” which rehearses the -proud position they hold in history for religion, liberty, and human -rights, and denounces the Spaniards as “a Proud, Deceitful, Cruel, and -Treacherous Nation, whose chiefest Aim hath been the Conquest of this -Land,” etc., closing with a call upon them to aid the Protector in the -threatened contest for the West Indies. - -While Phillips places the number of the slaughtered Indians at twenty -millions, these are reckoned at forty millions by the editor of another -English version, based upon the French _Tyrannies et cruautéz_, which -was printed at London, in 1699, as _A Relation of the First Voyages -and Discoveries made by the Spaniards in America_.[1051] The earliest -German edition appeared, in 1597, as _Newe Welt: warhafftige Anzeigung -der Hispanier grewlichen ... Tyranney_.[1052] The Latin edition -appeared at Frankfort, in 1598, as _Narratio regionum Indicarvm per -Hispanos qvosdam deuastatarum verissima_.[1053] This Latin translation -has a brief introduction, mainly a quotation from Lipsius, commenting -on these atrocities. The version is spirited and faithful, covering -the narrative of Las Casas and his discussion with Sepulveda. The -engravings by De Bry are ghastly and revolting, and present all too -faithfully the shocking enormities related in the text. It is a -fearful parody of deception and truth which introduces a hooded friar -as holding a crucifix before the eyes of one under torment by fire or -mutilation. We can scarcely regret that the circumstances under which -the indiscriminate slaughter was waged but rarely allowed of this -desecration of a sacred symbol. The artist has overdrawn his subjects -in delineating heaps of richly wrought and chased vessels as brought by -the hounded victims to appease their tormentors. - -To close this list of translations, it is only necessary to refer to -the sundry ways in which Las Casas was helped to create an influence in -Italy, the Italian text in these publications usually accompanying the -Spanish.[1054] - -[Illustration] - - -EDITORIAL NOTE. - -THE most important distinctive lives of Las Casas are those of -Llorente, prefixed to his edition of Las Casas’ _Œuvres_; that which -Quintana (born, 1772; died, 1857) gives in his _Vidas de Españoles -célebres_, vol. iii., published at Madrid in 1833, and reprinted, with -Quintana’s _Obras_, in the _Biblioteca de autores Españoles_ in 1852; -and the _Vida y escritos de Las Casas_ of A. M. Fabié, published at -Madrid in 1879, in two volumes, with a large number of unpublished -documents, making vols. 70 and 71 of the _Documentos inéditos_ -(_España_). The life which was constructed mainly by the son of Arthur -Helps out of _The Spanish Conquest in America_ by the father, is the -most considerable account in English. The larger work was written in a -spirit readily appreciative of the character of Las Casas, and he is -made such a centre of interest in it as easily to favor the excision of -parts of it to form the lesser book. This was hardly possible with the -broader connections established between Las Casas and his times which -accompany the portrayal of his career in the works of Prescott and H. -H. Bancroft. The great friend of the Indian is mainly, however, to be -drawn from his own writings. - -Las Casas was by no means alone in his advocacy of the rights of the -natives, as Harrisse (_Bibl. Am. Vet. Add._, p. 119) has pointed out; -naming Julian Garces, Francis of Vittoria, Diego de Avendaño, Alonzo -de Noreña, and even Queen Isabel herself, as evinced by her will -(in Dormer, _Discursos varios_, p. 381). The fame of Las Casas was -steadfastly upheld by Remesal in his _Historia de Chyapa_, etc., 1619 -(cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 339); and the great apostle found -a successor in his labors in Juan de Palafox y Mendoça, whose appeal -to the King, printed about 1650, and called _Virtudes del Indio, é -naturaleza y costumbres de los Indios de Nueva España_, has become very -rare. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 691.) Brasseur de Bourbourg, in -the fourth volume of his _Nations civilisées du Mexique_, set forth in -all their enormity the barbarities of the Spanish conquerors; but he -seeks to avoid all imputations of exaggeration by shunning the evidence -drawn from Las Casas. - -The opponents of Las Casas—who became in due time the best-hated man in -the Spanish colonies—were neither few nor powerless, as the thwarting -of Las Casas’ plans constantly showed. The Fray Toribio Motolinia took -issue with Las Casas, and Ramirez, in his Life of Motolinia contained -in Icazbalceta’s _Coleccion_, undertakes to show (p. lvii) the -difference between them. Cf. B. Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 67. - -[Illustration] - -The most conspicuous of his fellow-observers, who reached conclusions -constantly quite at variance with Las Casas, was Gonzalo Fernandez de -Oviedo y Valdes,—to give his full name, though Oviedo is the one by -which he is usually cited. Oviedo was but a few years younger than Las -Casas. He had seen Columbus’ triumph at Barcelona, and had come to -America with Pedrarias ten years after Las Casas, and spent thirty-four -of the next forty years in the New World, holding part of the time -the office of inspector of the gold-smeltings at Darien, and latterly -living at Hispaniola. He is thought to have begun his historical -studies as early as 1520, and he published his first book, usually -called the _Sumario_, in 1526, on his return from his second voyage. -It is a description of the West Indies and its natives. Returning to -Spain in 1530, he was after a while made the official chronicler of the -Indies, and in 1535 began the publication of his great _Historia de las -Indias_. On this chief labor Ticknor (_Spanish Literature_, ii. 33) -traces him at work certainly as late as 1548, and he may have added to -it down to 1555. He had the royal direction to demand of the various -governors whatever document and aid he might need as he went on. -Ticknor calls him the first authorized chronicler of the New World,—“an -office,” he adds, “which was at one time better paid than any other -similar office in the kingdom, and was held at different times by -Herrera, Tamayo, Solis, and other writers of distinction, and ceased -(he believed) with the creation of the Academy of History.” Oviedo was -a correspondent of Ramusio, and found the acquaintance helpful. He -knew Cortes, and exchanged letters with him. Ticknor, after speaking of -the scope of the _Historia_ as taxing the powers of Oviedo beyond their -strength, still accounts the work of great value as a vast repository -of facts, and not wholly without merit as a composition. - -[Illustration: TITLE OF OVIEDO, 1526, REDUCED.] - -In the estimates commonly made of Oviedo there is allowed him but scant -scholarship, little power of discrimination,—as shown in his giving at -times as much weight to hearsay evidence as to established testimony,—a -curious and shrewd insight, which sometimes, with his industry, leads -him to a better balance of authorities than might be expected from -his deficient judgment. His resources of material were uncommon; but -his use of them is generally tedious, with a tendency to wander from -his theme. Ternaux sees in him the prejudices of his times,—and these -were not certainly very friendly to the natives. Las Casas could no -more endure him than he could bear with the average _conquistador_. -The bishop charges the historian with constantly bearing false witness -against the Indians, and with lying on every page. Oviedo died at -Valladolid in 1557. (Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, ii. 283; Irving’s -_Columbus_, App. xxviii.; H. H. Bancroft, _Chroniclers_, p. 20, and -_Central America_, i. 309, 463-467.) - -[Illustration: ARMS OF OVIEDO. - -Reduced from the cut at the end of the edition of Oviedo, 1535.] - -The bibliography of Oviedo deserves to be traced. His initial -publication, _De la natural hystoria de las Indias_, was printed -at Toledo in 1526,—not in 1525, as the Real Academia says in their -reprint, nor 1528, as Ticknor gives it. It is often cited as Oviedo’s -_Sumario_, since that is the first word of the secondary title. -(Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xiv. no. 57,987; Harrisse, _Notes on -Columbus_, p. 12; and _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 139; Ternaux, no. 35; -Rich, 1832, no. 6, £12 12_s._; Carter-Brown, i. 89.) There are also -copies in the Library of Congress and Harvard College. The Spanish -text is included in Barcia’s _Historiadores primitivos_ and in Vedia’s -_Hist. prim. de Indias_, 1858, vol. i. It is in large part translated -into English in Eden’s _Decades of the New World_, 1555 (chap. 18), and -this version is condensed in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, iv. 5. There is an -Italian version in Ramusio’s _Viaggi_, iii. 44. - -The publication of Oviedo’s great work, which is quite different from -the 1526 book, was begun at Seville, in 1535, under the title of -_Historia general de las Indias_. In this he gave the first nineteen -books, and ten chapters of book 20. At the end is a _carta missiva_, to -which the author usually attached his own signature, and that annexed -is taken (slightly reduced) from the copy in Harvard College Library. -(Cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,988; Harrisse, _Bibl. Am. Vet._, no. 207; -Murphy, nos. 1886-87; Carter-Brown, i. 114, with fac-simile of title.) -Ramusio translated these nineteen books. In 1547, what purports to -be a summary, but is in fact a version, of Xeres by Jacques Gohory, -appeared in Paris as _L’histoire de la terre neuve du Péru en l’Inde -occidentale_. (Cf. _Bib. Am. Vet._, no. 264; Ternaux, no. 52; Sabin, -vol. xiv. no. 57,994.) - -In 1547 a new edition of the Spanish, somewhat increased, appeared at -Salamanca as _Coronica de las Indias; la hystoria general de las Indias -agora nueuamente impressa, corregida, y emendada_. Sometimes it is -found in the same cover with the _Peru_ of Xeres, and then the title -varies a little. The book is rare and costly. Rich, in 1832 (no. 17), -priced it at £10 10_s._; it has been sold recently at the Sunderland -sale for £61, and in the library of an old admiral (1883, no. 340) -for £40; Quaritch has priced it at £63, and Maisonneuve (Leclerc, no. -432), at 1,000 francs. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. (Cf. -Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,989; Carter-Brown, i. 145; BIBL. AM. VET., no. -278; _Additions_, no. 163; and Murphy, no. 1885.) - -[Illustration] - -A full French translation of ten books, made by Jean Poleur, appeared -in Paris under the title of _Histoire naturelle et généralle des -Indes_, without the translator’s name in 1555, and with it in 1556. -(Cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,992-93; Ternaux, no. 47; Carter-Brown, -i. 214; Beckford, iii. 342; Murphy, no. 1884; Leclerc, no. 434, 130 -francs, and no. 2,888, 350 francs; Quaritch, no. 12,313, £7 10_s._) -There is a copy in Harvard College Library. - -The twentieth book, _Libro xx de la segunda parte de la general -historia de las Indias_ appeared for the first time and separately at -Valladolid in 1557; the death of the author while his book was in press -prevented the continuance of its publication. (Cf. Rich, 1832, no. 34, -£6 6_s._; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,991; Carter-Brown, i. 219.) - -The fate of the remaining parts of the manuscript was for a while -uncertain. Rich, in 1832, said that books xxi. to xxviii., which were -in the printer’s hands at Oviedo’s death, were not recovered, while -he knew of manuscript copies of books xxix. to xlviii. in several -collections. Irving says he found a copy of the unprinted parts in -the Colombina Library at Seville. Harrisse _(Notes on Columbus_ and -_Bibl. Am. Vet._, no. 207) says the manuscript was scattered, but was -brought together again after some vicissitudes. Another statement -places it in the Casa de la Contratacion after Oviedo’s death; whence -it was transferred to the Convent of Monserrat. Meanwhile sundry -manuscript copies were taken. (Cf. _Notes on Columbus_, p. 17.) In -1775 the publication of it was ordered by Government; but it was not -till 1851-1855 that the Real Academia de la Historia at Madrid issued -the fifty books, complete in four volumes folio, under the editing of -José Amador de los Rios, who added to the publication several maps, a -bibliography, and the best Life of Oviedo yet written. (Cf. Sabin, vol. -xiv. no. 57,990; the set is worth about $20. See further, Brunet, iv. -299; Ternaux, no. 46; Panzer, vii. 124; Stevens, _Nuggets_, ii. 2,067.) -Ternaux had already, in 1840, published in French, as a _Histoire de -Nicaragua_ (in his second series, vol. iii.) thirteen chapters of book -xlii. - -There was an Italian traveller in the Spanish provinces between 1541 -and 1556 who, while he thought that Las Casas mistook his vocation in -attempting to administer a colony, bears evidence to the atrocities -which Las Casas so persistently magnified. This wanderer was a -Milanese, Girolamo Benzoni, who at the early age of twenty-two had -started on his American travels. He did not altogether succeed in -ingratiating himself with the Spaniards whom he encountered, and -perhaps his discontent colored somewhat his views. He was not much -of a scholar, yielded not a little to credulity, and picked up mere -gossip indeed, but of a kind which gives us much light as to the -conditions both of the Europeans and natives. (Cf. Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 117; Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 232; Admiral -Smith’s Introduction to the Hakluyt Society edition.) After his return -he prepared and published—prefixing his own likeness, as shown here -in fac-simile—the results of his observations in his _Historia del -Mondo Nuovo_, which was issued at Venice in 1565. It became a popular -book, and spread through Europe not only in the original Italian, but -in French and Latin versions. In Spanish it never became current; for -though it so greatly concerns that people, no one of them ventured to -give it the help of a translation into their vernacular; and as be had -not said much in praise of their American career, it is not altogether -strange. - -The bibliography of the book merits explanation. It is treated at -length in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. ii. no. 4,791, and in the _Studi -biog. e bibliog. della Società Geografica Italiana_, i. 293 (1882). -The original Italian edition, _La Historia del Mondo Nuovo, laqual -tratta dell’ Isole & Mari nuovamente ritrovati, & delle nuove Citta -da lui proprio vedute, per acqua & per terra in quattordeci anni_, -was published at Venice in 1565. There are copies in Harvard College, -Cornell University, and the Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), -no. 43—£1 1_s._ 0_d._; Leclerc (1878), no. 59—120 francs; A. R. Smith -(1874), £2 2_s._ 0_d._; Brinley, no. 10; Carter-Brown, i. 253; Huth, i. -132; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 117; Sparks, no. 240; Stevens -(1870), no. 171. A second Italian edition—_Nuovamente ristampata... con -la giunta d’alcune cose notabile dell’Isole di Canaria_—was issued at -Venice in 1572. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 49, £1 1_s._ 0_d._; Carter-Brown, -i. 289; Stevens, no. 172; Muller (1877), no. 285; Sunderland, no. -1,213; H. C. Murphy, no. 2,838; Huth, i. 132; J. J. Cooke, nos. 219, -220. - -The first Latin edition _Novæ Novi Orbis Historiæ_, translated by Urban -Chauveton (who added an account of the French expedition to Florida), -was published at Geneva in 1578; followed by a second in 1581; a -third in 1586, with Lery’s book on Brazil added; others in 1590 (no -place); 1598 and 1600 (Geneva); (Coloniæ Allobrogum), 1612, with three -other tracts; and at Hamburg in 1648. Besides these the Latin version -appeared in De Bry, parts iv., v., and vi., printed at Frankfort in -1592, 1593, 1594, 1595, and at Oppenheim in 1617. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. -318, 338, 365; ii. 123, 629; Stevens, _Nuggets_, 2,300; _Bibl. Hist._, -no. 173-174; Muller (1872), nos. 78, 79; (1877), 287; Sunderland, no. -1,214; Cooke, nos. 218, 222; Pinart, no. 97; Huth, i. 132; Field, p. -119. There are copies of the 1578 edition in the Boston Public and -Harvard College libraries. - -The French editions were issued at Geneva in 1579 and 1589. The notes -are different from those of the Latin editions; and there are no notes -to book iii., as in the Latin. Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 326; Cooke, no. -221; Court, no. 32. - -There are two German versions. The first was by Nicholas Höniger, and -was printed at Basle, in 1579, as _Der Newenn Weldt_. It was reissued, -with tracts of Peter Martyr and others, in 1582. The version of Abel -Scherdigers was issued at Helmstadt in 1590, 1591, again at Frankfort -in 1595, and at Wittenberg in 1606. There were in addition some -later imprints, besides those included in De Bry and in Saeghman’s -_Voyagien_. Cf. Rich, no. 61; Carter-Brown, i. 344, 388, ii. 44, 917; -Muller (1872), nos. 80, 1880, (1877), 286. - -The first Dutch edition appeared at Haarlem in 1610; there was an -abridged issue at Amsterdam in 1663. Cf. Tiele, nos. 276, 277; Muller -(1872), nos. 81, 82; Carter-Brown, ii. 97. - -Purchas gave an abstract in English; but there was no complete English -version till Admiral Smith’s was published by the Hakluyt Society in -1857. This has fac-similes of the cuts of the 1572 edition; and De Bry -also followed the early cuts. - -[Illustration] - -In 1542 and 1543 Las Casas largely influenced the royal decrees -relating to the treatment of the Indians, which were signed by the -monarch, Nov. 20, 1542, and June 4, 1543, and printed at Alcala in -1543 as _Leyes y Ordenanças_. This book stands as the earliest printed -ordinances for the New World, and is rare. Rich in 1832 (no. 13) -priced it at £21. (Cf. _Bib. Am. Vet._, no. 247; Carter-Brown, vol. i. -no. 130; Sabin, vol. x. p. 320.) There were later editions at Madrid -in 1585,[1055] and at Valladolid in 1603. Henry Stevens, in 1878, -issued a fac-simile edition made by Harris after a vellum copy in the -Grenville Collection, accompanied by a translation, with an historical -and bibliographical introduction. - -The earliest compilation of general laws for the Indies, entitled -_Provisiones, cedulas, instrucciones de su Magestad_, was printed -in Mexico in 1563. This is also very rare; Rich priced it in 1832 -at £16 16_s._ It was the work of Vasco de Puga, and Helps calls it -“the earliest summary of Spanish colonial law.” The Carter-Brown copy -(_Catalogue_, i. 242) was sent to England for Mr. Helps’s use, there -being no copy in that country, so far as known. - -The next collection was _Provisiones, cédulas_, etc., arranged by -Diego de Encinas, and was printed at Madrid in 1596. The work early -became scarce, and Rich priced it at £5 5_s._ in 1832 (no. 81). It is -in Harvard College and the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, vol. i. -no. 502). The bibliography of the general laws, particularly of later -collections, is sketched in Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 285, and -_Mexico_, iii. 550; and in chap. xxvii. of this same volume the reader -will find an examination of the administration and judicial system -of the Spaniards in the New World;[1056] and he must go chiefly to -Bancroft (_Central America_, i. 255, 257, 261, 285; _Mexico_, ii. 130, -516, 563, etc.) and Helps (_Spanish Conquest and Life of Las Casas_) -for aid in tracing the sources of the subject of the legal protection -sought to be afforded to the natives, and the attempted regulation of -the slavery which they endured. Helps carefully defines the meaning and -working of the _encomienda_ system, which gave in effect a property -value to the subjection of the natives to the Conquerors. Cf. _Spanish -Conquest_ (Am. ed.), iii. 113, 128, 157, 212. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -CORTÉS AND HIS COMPANIONS. - -BY JUSTIN WINSOR, - -_The Editor._ - - -GRIJALVA had returned in 1518 to Cuba from his Western -expedition,[1057] flushed with pride and expectant of reward. It was -his fate, however, to be pushed aside unceremoniously, while another -was sent to follow up his discoveries. Before Grijalva had returned, -the plan was formed; and Hernando Cortés distanced his competitors in -suing for the leadership of the new expedition. Cortés was at this time -the _alcalde_ of Santiago in Cuba, and about thirty-three years old,—a -man agile in mind, and of a frame well compacted for endurance; with a -temper to please, and also to be pleased, if you would but wait on his -wishes. He had some money, which Velasquez de Cuellar, the Governor, -needed; he knew how to decoy the intimates of the Governor, and bait -them with promises: and so the appointment of Cortés came, but not -altogether willingly, from Velasquez. - -Cortés was born in Spain,[1058] of humble, respectable stock. Too -considerable animal spirits had made him an unprofitable student at -Salamanca, though he brought away a little Latin and a lean store of -other learning. A passion for the fairer sex and some military ardor, -dampened with scant income all the while, characterized the following -years; till finally, in 1504, he sailed on one of the fleets for the -New World. Here he soon showed his quality by participating in the -suppression of an Indian revolt. This got him a small official station, -and he varied the monotony of life with love intrigues and touches -of military bravado. In 1511, when Diego Columbus sent Velasquez on -an expedition to Cuba, Cortés joined it as the commander’s executive -officer. A certain adroitness turned a quarrel which he had with -Velasquez (out of which grew his marriage with a fair Catalina) to his -advantage with the Governor, who made him in the end the _alcalde_ of -Santiago,—a dignity which mining and stock-raising luckily enabled the -adventurer to support. He was in this condition when all schemes worked -happily, and Velasquez was induced to commission him commander-in-chief -of the new expedition. - -[Illustration: VELASQUEZ. - -Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, i. 298. It is lithographed in -Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 21.] - -The Governor gave him instructions on the 23d of October, 1518. -Cortés understood, it turned out, that these were to be followed when -necessary and disregarded when desirable. There seemed, indeed, to -have been no purpose to confine the business of the expedition to -exploration, as the instructions set forth.[1059] Cortés put all his -substance into ships and outfits. He inveigled his friends into helping -him. Velasquez converted what Government resources he could to the -purpose of the expedition, while at the same time he seems to have -cunningly sold to Cortés his own merchandise at exorbitant prices. -Twenty thousand ducats apparently went into somebody’s pockets to get -the expedition well started.[1060] Three hundred men, including some -of position, joined him. The Governor’s jester, instigated, as is -supposed, by Velasquez’ relatives, threw out a hint that Cortés was -only preparing to proclaim his independence when he reached the new -domain. The thought worried the Governor, and seems in part to have -broken the spell of the admiration which he entertained for Cortés; yet -not so much so but he could turn a cold shoulder to Grijalva when he -arrived with his ships, as happened at this juncture. - -Cortés could not afford to dally; and secret orders having been given -for all to be in readiness on the evening of the 17th of November, -on the next morning the fleet sailed.[1061] There were six vessels -composing it, and a seventh later joined them. At Trinidad (Cuba) his -force was largely augmented with recruits from Grijalva’s men. Here -messengers arrived from Velasquez, ordering the authorities to depose -Cortés and put another in command. Cortés had, however, too strongly -environed himself; and he simply took one of the messengers into his -service, and sent back the other with due protestations of respect. -Then he sailed to San Cristóbal (Havana), sending a force overland to -pick up horses. The flagship met a mishap on the way, but arrived at -last. Cortés landed and displayed his pomp. Letters from Velasquez -still followed him, but no one dared to arrest him. He again sailed. -His fleet had now increased to twelve vessels, the largest measuring -one hundred tons; his men were over six hundred, and among them only -thirteen bore firelocks; his artillery consisted of ten guns and four -falconets. Two hundred natives, men and women, were taken as slaves. -Sixteen horses were stowed away on or below deck.[1062] This was the -force that a few days later, at Guaguanico, Cortés passed in review, -while he regaled his men with a specious harangue, steeped in a -corsair’s piety. On the 18th of February they steered boldly away on -the mission which was to become famous. - -Looking around upon his officers, Cortés could discover, later if not -then, that he had some stanch lieutenants. There was Pedro de Alvarado, -who had already shown his somewhat impetuous quality while serving -under Grijalva. There was Francisco de Montejo, a good administrator -as well as a brave soldier. Names not yet forgotten in the story of -the Conquest were those of Alonso de Avila, Cristóbal de Olid, and the -youngest of all, Gonzalo de Sandoval, who was inseparable from his -white stallion Motilla. Then there were Velasquez de Leon, Diego de -Ordaz, and others less known to fame. - -The straggling vessels gathered again at Cozumel Island, near the point -of Yucatan. Cortés sent an expedition to discover and ransom some -Christians who were in the interior, as he heard. The mission failed; -but a single one of the wanderers, by some other course, found the -Spaniards, and was welcomed as an interpreter. This man reported that -he and another were the sole survivors of a ship’s company wrecked on -the coast eight years before. - -[Illustration: CANNON OF CORTÉS’ TIME. - -As represented in a cut by Israel van Mecken, which is here reduced -from a fac-simile in A. O. Essenwein’s _Kulturhistorischer Bilder -Atlas_, ii., _Mittelalter_ (Leipsic, 1883), pl. cxv. It will be -observed that the pieces have no trunnions, and are supported in a kind -of trough. They were breech-loaders by means of chambers, three of -which, with handles, are seen (in the cut) lying on the ground, and one -is in place, in the gun on the right. In the Naval Museum at Annapolis -there are guns captured in the Mexican war, that are supposed to be the -ones used by Cortés. A search of the records of the Ordnance Department -at Washington, instituted for me by Commodore Sicard, at the suggestion -of Prof. Charles E. Munroe of the Naval Academy, has not, however, -revealed any documentary evidence; but a paper in the _Army and Navy -Journal_, Nov. 22, 1884, p. 325, shows such guns to have been captured -by Lieutenant Wyse in the “Darien.” The guns at Annapolis are provided -with like chambers, as seen in photographs kindly sent to me. Similar -chambers are now, or were recently, used in firing salutes on the -Queen’s birthday in St. James’s Park. Cf. Stanley’s _De Gama’s Voyages_ -(Hakluyt Society), p. 227.] - -Early in March the fleet started to skirt the Yucatan shore, and -Cortés had his first fight with the natives at Tabasco,—a conflict -brought on for no reason but that the town would not supply provisions. -The stockade was forced, and the place formally occupied. A more signal -victory was required; and the Spaniards, getting on shore their horses -and artillery, encountered the savage hordes and dispersed them,—aided, -as the veracious story goes, by a spectral horseman who shone upon the -field. The native king only secured immunity from further assaults by -large presents. The Spaniards then re-embarked, and next cast anchor at -San Juan de Ulloa. - -[Illustration: CORTÉS’ VOYAGE TO MEXICO. - -This is a reproduction of the map in Arthur Helps’s _Spanish Conquest_, -ii. 236.] - -Meanwhile the rumors of the descent of the Spaniards on the coast -had certainly hurried to Montezuma at his capital; and his people -doubtless rehearsed some of the many portents which are said to have -been regarded.[1063] We read also of new temples erected, and immense -sacrifices of war-captives made, to propitiate the deities and avert -the dangers which these portents and forebodings for years past had -indicated to the believing. - -[Illustration: CORTÉS AND HIS ARMS. - -Copied from a cut in Gabriel Lasso de la Vega’s _Cortés valeroso_,—a -poem published at Madrid in 1588. There is a copy in Harvard College -Library; cf. Carter-Brown, i. 377. The same cut is also used in the -edition published in 1594, then called _Mexicana_.] - -The men of Grijalva had already some months earlier been taken to be -similar woful visitants, and one of Montezuma’s officers had visited -Grijalva’s vessel, and made report of the wonders to the Mexican -monarch. Studied offices of propitiation had been ordered, when word -came back that the ship of the bearded men had vanished. - -[Illustration: GABRIEL LASSO DE LA VEGA. - -Fac-simile of the portrait in _Cortés valeroso_.] - -The coming of Cortés was but a dreaded return. While his ship lay at -Juan de Ulloa, two canoes came from the main, and their occupants -climbed to his deck. No one could understand them. The rescued Spaniard -who had been counted on as an interpreter was at a loss. At last a -female slave, Marina by name, taken at Tabasco, solved the difficulty. -She could understand this same Spaniard, and knew also Aztec.[1064] -Through this double interpretation Cortés now learned that the mission -of his visitors was one of welcome and inquiry. After the usual -interchange of gifts, Cortés sent word to the cacique that he would -soon confer with him. He then landed a force, established a camp, -and began to barter with the natives. To a chief, who soon arrived, -Cortés announced his intention to seek the presence of Montezuma and -to deliver the gifts and messages with which he was charged as the -ambassador of his sovereign. Accordingly, bearing such presents as -Cortés cared to send forward, native messengers were sent to Montezuma -to tell tales of the sights they had seen,—the prancing horses and the -belching cannon. The Mexican king sought to appease the eagerness of -the new-comers by returning large stores of fabrics and gold, wishing -them to be satisfied and to depart. The gold was not a happy gift to -produce such an end. - -Meanwhile Cortés, by his craft, quieted a rising faction of the party -of Velasquez which demanded to be led back to Cuba. He did this by -seeming to acquiesce in the demand of his followers in laying the -foundations of a town and constituting its people a municipality -competent to choose a representative of the royal authority. This done, -Cortés resigned his commission from Velasquez, and was at once invested -with supreme power by the new municipality. The scheme which Velasquez -had suspected was thus brought to fruition. Whoever resisted the new -captain was conquered by force, persuasion, tact, or magnetism; and -Cortés became as popular as he was irresistible. - -At this point messengers presented themselves from tribes not far -off who were unwilling subjects of the Aztec power. The presence of -possible allies was a propitious circumstance, and Cortés proceeded to -cultivate the friendship of these tribes. He moved his camp day by day -along the shore, inuring his men to marches, while the fleet sailed in -company. They reached a large city, and were regaled. Each chief told -of the tyranny of Montezuma, and the eyes of Cortés glistened. The -Spaniards went on to another town, slaves being provided to bear their -burdens. Here they found tax-gatherers of Montezuma collecting tribute. -Emboldened by Cortés’ glance, his hosts seized the Aztec emissaries and -delivered them to the Spaniards. Cortés now played a double game. He -propitiated the servants of Montezuma by secretly releasing them, and -added to his allies by enjoining every tribe he could reach to resist -the Aztec collectors of tribute. - -The wandering municipality, as represented in this piratical army, at -last stopped at a harbor where a town (La Villa Rica de Vera Cruz) -sprang up, and became the base of future operations.[1065] - -Montezuma and his advisers, angered by the reports of the revolt of -his subjects, had organized a force to proceed against them, when the -tax-gatherers whom Cortés had released arrived and told the story of -Cortés’ gentleness and sympathy. It was enough; the rebellion needed -no such active encounter. The troops were not sent, and messengers -were despatched to Cortés, assuring the Spanish leader that Montezuma -forbore to chastise the entertainers of the white strangers. Cortés -now produced other of the tax-gatherers whom he had been holding, and -they and the new embassy went back to Montezuma more impressed than -before; while the neighboring people wondered at the deference paid -by Montezuma’s lieutenants to the Spaniards. It was no small gain for -Cortés to have instigated the equal wonder of two mutually inimical -factions. - -[Illustration: CORTÉS. - -After a picture on panel in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s -gallery. It is described in the _Catalogue of the Cabinet_ of that -Society as “Restored by Henry Sargent about 1831, and again by George -Howorth about 1855.” Cf. _Proceedings_, i. 446, where it is said to -have been given by the family of the late Dr. Foster, of Brighton, who -received it by inheritance from a Huguenot family who brought it to New -England after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.] - -The Spanish leader took occasion to increase his prestige by -despatching expeditions hither and thither. Then he learned of efforts -made by Velasquez to supplant him. To confirm his rule against the -Cuban Governor he needed the royal sanction; and the best way to get -that was to despatch a vessel with messages to the Emperor, and give -him earnest of what he might yet expect in piles of gold thrown at his -feet. So the flagship sailed for Spain; and in her in command and to -conduct his suit before the throne, Cortés sent faithful servitors, -such as had influence at court, to outwit the emissaries of Velasquez. -Sailing in July, touching at Cuba long enough to raise the anger of -Velasquez, but not long enough for him to catch them, these followers -of Cortés reached Spain in October, and found the agents of Velasquez -ready for them. Their vessel was seized, and the royal ear was held -by Bishop Fonseca and other friends of the Cuban Governor; yet not so -effectually but that the duplicate letters of Cortés’ messengers were -put into the Emperor’s hand, and the train of natives paraded before -him. - -[Illustration: THE MARCH OF CORTÉS ON MEXICO. - -A reproduction of the map in Ruge’s _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. -363. Similar maps are given by Prescott, Helps, and Bancroft. Cabajal -(_México_, ii. 200) gives a map of the route followed from the Gulf, -with a profile of the country traversed. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. ii.) -gives a map of New Spain as known to the Conquerors. Early maps of Nova -Hispania, or New Spain, are not infrequent. Cf. Blaeu’s _Atlas_, De -Bry, several issued by Vander Aa, of Amsterdam, the Brussels edition -(1704) of Solis, Lorenzana’s _Cortés_ (1770), and various others.] - -Now came the famous resolve of Cortés. He would band his heterogeneous -folk together—adherents of Cortés and of Velasquez—in one common cause -and danger. So he adroitly led them to be partners in the deed which he -stealthily planned.[1066] Hulk after hulk of the apparently worm-eaten -vessels of the fleet sank in the harbor, until there was no flotilla -left upon which any could desert him. The march to Mexico was now -assured. The force with which to accomplish this consisted of about -four hundred and fifty Spaniards, six or seven light guns, fifteen -horses, and a swarm of Indian slaves and attendants. A body of the -Totonacs accompanied them.[1067] Two or three days brought them into -the higher plain and its enlivening vegetation. When they reached the -dependencies of Montezuma, they found orders had been given to extend -to them every courtesy. They soon reached the Anahuac plateau, which -reminded them not a little of Spain itself. They passed from cacique to -cacique, some of whom groaned under the yoke of the Aztec; but not one -dared do more than orders from Montezuma dictated. Then the invaders -approached the territory of an independent people, those of Tlascala, -who had walled their country against neighboring enemies. A fight took -place at the frontiers, in which the Spaniards lost two horses. They -forced passes against great odds, but again lost a horse or two,—which -was a perceptible diminution of their power to terrify. The accounts -speak of immense hordes of the Tlascalans, which historians now take -with allowances, great or small. Cortés spread what alarm he could -by burning villages and capturing the country people. His greatest -obstacle soon appeared in the compacted army of Tlascalans arrayed in -his front. The conflict which ensued was for a while doubtful. Every -horse was hurt, and sixty Spaniards were wounded; but the result was -the retreat of the Tlascalans. Divining that the Spanish power was -derived from the sun, the enemy planned a night attack; but Cortés -suspected it, and assaulted them in their own ambush. - -Cortés now had an opportunity to display his double-facedness and his -wiles. He received embassies both from Montezuma and from the senate of -the Tlascalans. He cajoled each, and played off his friendship for the -one in cementing an alliance with the other. But to Tlascala and Mexico -he would go, so he told them. - -[Illustration: CORTÉS.[1068]] - -The Tlascalans were not averse, for they thought it boded no good to -the Aztecs if he could be bound to themselves. Montezuma dreaded the -contact, and tried to intimidate the strangers by tales of the horrible -difficulties of the journey. - -[Illustration: MONTEZUMA. - -This cut of the “Rex ultimus Mexicanorum” is a fac-simile from Montanus -and Ogilby, p. 253. The source of the likeness is not apparent, and -the picture seems questionable. Prescott, in his second volume, gives -a likeness, which belonged to the descendants of the Aztec king, the -Counts of Miravalle. It is claimed to have been painted by an artist, -Maldonado, who accompanied Cortés; but, on the other hand, some have -represented it as an ideal portrait painted after the Conquest. -Prescott (vol. ii. p. 72) makes up his description of Montezuma -from various early authorities,—Diaz, Zuazo (MS.), Ixtlilxochitl, -Gomara, Oviedo, Acosta, Sahagun, Toribio, etc., particularizing the -references. H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 285) also depicts him from -the early sources. He is made of an age from forty to fifty-four -by different writers; but the younger period is thought by most to -be nearest. Bancroft refers to the prints in Th. Armin’s _Das alte -Mexico_ (Leipsic, 1865) as representing a coarse Aztec warrior, -and the native picture in Carbajal Espinosa’s _Historia de México_ -(Mexico, 1862) as purely conventional. The same writer thinks the -colored portrait, “peint par ordre de Cortes,” in Linati’s _Costûmes -et mœurs de Mexique_ (Brussels) conforms to the descriptions; while -that in Clavigero’s _Storia antica del Messico_ (1780) is too small -to be satisfactory. The line of Montezuma’s descendants is traced in -Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 339, iii. 446, and in Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. -459. Cf. also the portrait of Montezuma, “d’après Sandoval,” given in -Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 393, and that in Cumplido’s Mexican edition -of Prescott’s _Mexico_ vol. iii.] - -Presently the army took up its march for Tlascala, where they were -royally received, and wives in abundance were bestowed upon the -leaders. Next they passed to Cholula, which was subject to the Aztecs; -and here the Spaniards were received with as much welcome as could be -expected to be bestowed on strangers with the hostile Tlascalans in -their train. The scant welcome covered treachery, and Cortés met it -boldly. Murder and plunder impressed the Cholulans with his power, and -gave some sweet revenge to his allies. Through the wiles of Cortés a -seeming reconciliation at last was effected between these neighboring -enemies. But the massacre of Cholula was not a pastime, the treachery -of Montezuma not forgotten; and the march was again resumed, about six -thousand native allies of one tribe and another following the army. The -passage of a defile brought the broad Valley of Mexico into view; and -Montezuma, awed by the coming host, sent a courtier to personate him -and to prevail upon Cortés to avoid the city. The trick and the plea -were futile. On to one of the aquatic cities of the Mexican lakes the -Spaniards went, and were received in great state by a vassal lord of -Montezuma, who now invited the Spanish leader to the Aztec city. On -they went. Town after town received them; and finally, just without his -city, Montezuma, in all his finery and pomp, met the Spanish visitors, -bade them welcome, and committed them to an escort which he had -provided. It was the 8th of November, 1519. Later in his own palace, -in the quarters which had been assigned to Cortés, and on several -occasions, the two indulged in reciprocal courtesies and watched each -other. Cortés was not without fear, and his allies warned him of Aztec -treachery. His way to check foul designs was the bold one of seizing -Montezuma and holding him as a hostage; and he did so under pretence -of honoring him. A chieftain who had attacked a party of the Spaniards -by orders of Montezuma some time before, was executed in front of -the palace. Montezuma himself was subjected for a while to chains. -Expeditions were sent out with impunity to search for gold mines; -others explored the coast for harbors. A new governor was sent back -to Villa Rica, and he sent up shipwrights; so it was not long before -Cortés commanded a flotilla on the city lakes, and the captive king was -regaled with aquatic sports. - -[Illustration: MONTEZUMA.[1069]] - -[Illustration: MEXICO BEFORE THE CONQUEST. - -This is reduced from the cut in Henry Stevens’s _American -Bibliographer_, p. 86, which in turn is reproduced from the edition -of Cortés’ letters published at Nuremberg in 1524. Bancroft in his -_Mexico_ (vol. i. p. 280) gives a greatly reduced sketch of the same -plan, and adds to it a description and references to the various -sources of our information regarding the Aztec town; and this may -be compared with the same author’s _Native Races_, ii. 560. Helps -describes the city in his _Spanish Conquest_ (New York ed., ii. 277, -423), where he thinks that the early chroniclers failed to make clear -the full number of the causeways connecting the town with the main, -and traversing the lake. Prescott describes it in his _Mexico_ (Kirk’s -ed., ii. 101), and discredits the plan given in Bullock’s _Mexico_ as -one prepared by Montezuma for Cortés. This last plan is also given -in Carbajal’s _Historia de México_ (1862), ii. 221. The nearly equal -distance on all sides at which the shores of the lake stand from the -town is characteristic of this earliest of the plans (1524); and in -this particular it is followed in various plans and bird’s-eye views -of the town of the sixteenth century, and in some of a later date. -The Aztec town had been founded in 1325, and had been more commonly -called Tenochtitlan, which the Spaniards turned into Temixtitan and -Tenustitan, the term Mexico being properly applied to one of the -principal wards of the city. The two names were first sometimes joined, -as Temixtitlan-Mexico (1555); but in the end the more pronounceable -part survived, and the rest was lost. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 12-14, -with references. The correspondence of sites in the present city -as compared with those of the Aztec time and of the conquerors, is -examined in Alaman’s _Discertaciones sobre la historia de la república -Méjicana_ (Mexico, 1844-1849), ii. 202, 246; Carbajal Espinosa’s -_Historia de México_, ii. 226, and by Ramirez in the Mexican edition -of Prescott. Cf. Ant. du Pinet’s _Descriptions de plusieurs villes et -forteresses_, Lyon, 1564.] - -Then came symptoms of conspiracy among the native nobles, with the -object of overthrowing the insolent strangers; and Cacama, a nephew -of Montezuma and a chief among them, indulged the hope of seizing the -throne itself. Montezuma protested to his people that his durance -was directed by the gods, and counselled caution. When this did not -suffice, he gave orders, at the instigation of Cortés, to seize Cacama, -who was brought to Mexico and placed in irons. The will of Cortés -effected other displacements of the rural chiefs; and the allegiance of -Montezuma to the Spanish sovereign became very soon as sure and abject -as forms could make it. - -Tribute was ordered, and trains bore into the city wealth from all the -provinces,—to be the cause of heart-burnings and quarrels in the hour -of distribution. The Aztec king and the priests were compelled to order -the removal of idols from their temples, and to see the cross and altar -erected in their places. - -Meanwhile the difficulties of Cortés were increasing. The desecration -of the idols had strengthened the party of revolt, and Montezuma was -powerless to quiet them. He warned the Spaniards of their danger. -Cortés, to dispel apprehension, sent men to the coast with the -ostensible purpose of building ships for departure. It was but a trick, -however, to gain time; for he was now expecting a response to his -letters sent to Spain, and he hoped for supplies and a royal commission -which might enable him to draw reinforcements from Cuba. - -The renegade leader, however, had little knowledge of what was planning -at this very moment in that island. Velasquez de Cuellar, acting -under a sufficient commission, had organized an expedition to pursue -Cortés, and had given the command of it to Panfilo de Narvaez. The -friends of Cortés and those who dreaded a fratricidal war joined in -representations to the _audiencia_, which sent Lucas Vasquez de Aillon -to prevent an outbreak. The fleet under Narvaez left Cuba, Aillon on -board, with instructions to reach a peaceable agreement with Cortés; -but this failing, they were to seek other regions. In April, 1520, -after some mishaps, the fleet, which had been the largest ever seen in -those waters, anchored at San Juan de Ulloa, where they got stories of -the great success of Cortés from some deserters of one of his exploring -parties. On the other hand, these same deserters, learning from Narvaez -the strength and purpose of the new-comers,—for the restraint of Aillon -proved ineffectual,—communicated with the neighboring caciques; and -the news was not slow in travelling to Montezuma, who heard it not -long after the mock submission of Cortés and the despatching of the -ship-builders to the coast. - -[Illustration. - -Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, ii. 274. For appearance and -other portraits, see Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 75. One of a sinister -aspect often engraved, but which Ramirez distrusts, is given in -Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 341; in the _Proceso de residencia contra Pedro -de Alvarado_ (Mexico, 1847); and in Cumplido’s Mexican edition of -Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii.] - -Narvaez next tried, in vain, to swerve Velasquez de Leon from his -fidelity to Cortés,—for this officer was exploring with a party in the -neighborhood of the coast. Sandoval, in command at Villa Rica, learned -Narvaez’ purposes from spies; and when messengers came to demand the -surrender of the town, an altercation ensued, and the chief messengers -were seized and sent to Cortés. The Conqueror received them kindly, -and, overcoming their aversion, he sent them back to Narvaez with -letters and gifts calculated to conciliate. While many under Narvaez -were affected, the new leader remained stubborn, seized Aillon, who was -endeavoring to mediate, and sent him on shipboard with orders to sail -for Cuba. Thus the arrogance of Narvaez was greatly helping Cortés in -his not very welcome environment. - -Cortés now boldly divided his force; and leaving Alvarado behind with -perhaps one hundred and forty men,—for the accounts differ,[1070]—and -taking half that number with him, beside native guides and carriers, -marched to confront Narvaez. Velasquez de Leon with his force -joined him on the way, and a little later Sandoval brought further -reinforcements; so that Cortés had now a detachment of nearly three -hundred men. Cortés had prudently furnished them long native lances, -with which to meet Narvaez’ cavalry, for his own horsemen were very -few. Adroitness on the part of Cortés and a show of gold had their -effect upon messengers who, with one demand and another, were sent -to him by Narvaez. Velasquez was sent by Cortés to the enemy’s camp; -but the chief gain to Cortés from this manœuvre was a more intimate -knowledge of the army and purpose of Narvaez. He then resolved to -attack the intruder,—who, however, became aware of the intention of -Cortés, but, under the stress of a storm, unaccountably relaxed his -precautions. Cortés took advantage of this carelessness; and attacking -boldly by night, carried everything before him, and captured the rival -leader. The loss was but small to either side. The followers of the -invader now became adherents of Cortés, and were a powerful aid in his -future movements.[1071] The same good fortune had given him possession -of the invader’s fleet. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF PEDRO DE ALVARADO. - -Copied from a fac-simile in Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 686.] - -Meanwhile there were stirring times with Alvarado in Mexico. The Aztecs -prepared to celebrate a high religious festival. Alvarado learned, or -pretended to learn, that the disaffected native chiefs were planning to -rise upon the Spaniards at its close. So he anticipated their scheme by -attacking them while at their worship and unarmed. Six hundred or more -of the leading men were thus slain. The multitude without the temple -were infuriated, and the Spaniards regained their quarters, not without -difficulty, Alvarado himself being wounded. Behind their defences they -managed to resist attack till succor came. - -Cortés, who had learned of the events, was advancing, attaching to -himself the peoples who were inimical to the Aztecs; but as he got -within the Aztec influence he found more sullenness than favor. When he -entered Mexico he was not resisted. The city seemed almost abandoned as -his force made their way to the Spanish fort and entered its gates. - -As a means of getting supplies, Cortés ordered the release of a brother -of Montezuma, who at once used his liberty to plan an insurrection. An -attack on the Spanish quarters followed, which Cortés sought to repel -by sorties; but they gained little. The siege was so roughly pressed -that Cortés urged Montezuma to present himself on the parapet and check -the fierceness of the assault. The captive put on his robes of state -and addressed the multitude; but he only became the target of their -missiles, and was struck down by a stone.[1072] The condition of the -Spaniards soon became perilous in the extreme. A parley with the chief -of the Aztecs was of no avail; and Cortés resolved to cut his way along -the shortest causeway from the city, to the mainland bordering the -lake. In this he failed. Meanwhile a part of his force were endeavoring -to secure the summit of a neighboring pyramid, from which the Mexicans -had annoyed the garrison of the fort. Cortés joined in this attack, and -it was successful. The defenders of the temples on its summit were all -killed or hurled from the height, and Cortés was master of the spot. - -Events followed quickly in this June of 1520. There was evidently a -strong will in command of the Mexicans. The brother of Montezuma was -a doughtier foe than the King had been. The temporary success on the -pyramid had not diminished the anxiety of Cortés. Montezuma was now -dying on his hands. The King had not recovered from the injuries which -his own people had inflicted, and sinking spirits completed the work -of the mob. On the 30th of June he died, at the age of forty-one, -having been on the throne since 1503.[1073] Cortés had hoped for some -turn of fortune from this event; but none came. He was more than ever -convinced of the necessity of evacuating the city. Another sortie had -failed as before; and the passage of the causeway was again planned -for the evening of that day.[1074] The order of march, as arranged, -included the whole Spanish force and about six thousand allies. -Pontoons of a rough description were contrived for bridging the chasms -in the causeway. As many jewels and gold as would not encumber them -were taken, together with such prisoners of distinction as remained to -them, besides the sick and wounded. - -[Illustration: HELPS’S MAP. - -This is the map given by Helps in his _Spanish Conquest_. One of the -differences in the variety of maps which have been offered of the -Valley of Mexico, to illustrate the conquest by Cortés, consists in the -number and direction of the causeways. The description and the remains -of the structures themselves have not sufficed to make investigators -of one mind respecting them. Prescott (Kirk’s ed., vol. ii.) does not -represent so many causeways as Helps does. The map in Bancroft (vol. i. -p. 583) is still different in this respect. There is also a plan of the -city and surrounding country in Cabajal’s _México_ (vol. ii. p. 538); -and two others have been elsewhere given in the present volume (pp. -364, 379).] - -A drizzling rain favored their retreat; but the Mexicans were finally -aroused, and attacked their rear. A hundred or more Spaniards were -cut off, and retreated to the fort, where they surrendered a few -days later, and were sacrificed. The rest, after losses and much -tribulation, reached the mainland. Nothing but the failure of the -Mexicans to pursue the Spaniards, weakened as they were, saved Cortés -from annihilation. The Aztecs were too busy with their successes; for -forty Spaniards, not to speak of numerous allies, had been taken, and -were to be immolated; and rites were to be performed over their own -dead. - -Cortés the next morning was marshalling the sorry crowd which was left -of his army, when a new attack was threatened. His twelve hundred and -fifty Spaniards and six thousand allies had been reduced respectively -to five hundred and two thousand;[1075] and he was glad to make a -temple, which was hard by, a place of refuge and defence. Here he had -an opportunity to count his losses. His cannon and prisoners were -all gone. Some of his bravest officers did not respond to his call. -He could count but twenty-four of his three or four score of horses. -After dark he resumed his march. His pursuers still worried him, and -hunger weakened his men. He lost several horses at one point, and -was himself badly wounded. Reaching a plain on the 7th of July, the -Spaniards confronted a large force drawn up against them. Cortés had -but seven muskets left, and no powder; so he trusted to pike and sabre. -With these he rushed upon them; but the swarm of the enemy was too -great. At last, however, making a dash with some horsemen at the native -commander, who was recognized by his state and banner, the Mexican was -hurled prostrate and killed, and the trophy captured. The spell was -broken, and the little band of Spaniards and their allies hounded the -craven enemy in every direction. This victory at Otumba (Otompan) was -complete and astounding. - -[Illustration: TREE OF TRISTE NOCHE. - -This cut is borrowed from _Harper’s Magazine_, January, 1874, p. 172, -and represents the remains of the tree under which Cortés and his -followers gathered after that eventful night. There is another view of -this tree in _Tour du monde_, 1862, p. 277.] - -The march was resumed; and not till within the Tlascalan borders -was there any respite and rest. In the capital of his allies Cortés -breathed freer. He learned, however, of misfortunes to detached parties -of Spaniards which had been sent out from Villa Rica. He soon got some -small supplies of ammunition and men from that seaport. Amid all this, -Cortés himself succumbed to a fever from his wounds, and barely escaped -death. - -Meantime Cuitlahuatzin, the successful brother of Montezuma, had -been crowned in Mexico, where a military rule (improved by what the -Spaniards had taught them) was established. The new monarch sent -ambassadors to try to win the Tlascalans from their fidelity to Cortés; -but the scheme failed, and Cortés got renewed strength in the fast -purpose of his allies. His prompt and defiant ambition again overcame -the discontents among his own men, and induced him to take the field -once more against the Tepeacans, enemies of the Tlascalans, who lived -near by. It took about a month to subdue the whole province. Other -strongholds of Aztec influence fell one by one. The prestige of the -Spanish arms was rapidly re-established, and the Aztec forces went -down before them here and there in detachments. New arrivals on the -coast pronounced for Cortés, and two hundred men and twenty horses soon -joined his army. The small-pox, which the Spaniards had introduced, -speedily worked more disaster than the Spaniards, as it spread through -the country; and among the victims of it was the new monarch of the -Aztecs, leaving the throne open to the succession of Quauhtemotzin, a -nephew and son-in-law of Montezuma. - -[Illustration: CHARLES V. - -Fac-simile of a woodcut of Charles V. in _Pauli Jovii elogia virorum -bellica virtute illustrium_, Basle, 1575, p. 365, and 1596, p. 240.] - -On the 30th of October, 1520, Cortés addressed his second letter to the -Emperor Charles V. He and his adherents craved confirmation for his -acts, and reinforcements. Other letters were despatched to Hispaniola -and Jamaica for recruits and supplies. Some misfortunes prevented the -prompt sailing of the vessel for Spain, and Cortés was enabled to join -a supplemental letter to the Emperor. The vessels also carried away -some of the disaffected, whom Cortés was not sorry to lose, now that -others had joined him. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF CHARLES V.] - -Meanwhile Cortés had established among the Tepeacans a post of -observation named Segura; and from this centre Sandoval made a -successful incursion among the Aztec dependencies. Cortés himself was -again at Tlascala, settling the succession of its government; for -the small-pox had carried off Maxixcatzin, the firm friend of the -Spaniards. Here Cortés set carpenters to work constructing brigantines, -which he intended to carry to Tezcuco, on the Lake of Mexico, where it -was now his purpose to establish the base of future operations against -the Aztec capital. The opportune arrival of a ship at Villa Rica with -supplies and materials of war was very helpful to him. - -Cortés first animated all by a review of his forces, and then went -forward with the advance toward Tezcuco. He encountered little -opposition, and entered the town to find the inhabitants divided in -their fears and sympathies. Many had fled toward Mexico, including the -ruler who had supplanted the one given them by Cortés and Montezuma. -Under the instigation of Cortés a new one was chosen whom he could -trust. - -[Illustration: CHARLES V. - -Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, iii. 84. Cf. the full-length -likeness given in Cumplido’s Mexican edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, -vol. iii., and various other portraits of the Emperor.] - -Cortés began his approach to Mexico by attacking and capturing, with -great loss to the inhabitants, one of the lake towns; but the enemy, -cutting a dike and flooding the place, forced the retirement of the -invaders, who fell back to Tezcuco. Enough had been accomplished -to cause many of the districts dependent on the Aztecs to send in -embassies of submission; and Cortés found that he was daily gaining -ground. Sandoval was sent back to Tlascala to convoy the now completed -brigantines, which were borne in pieces on the shoulders of eight -thousand carriers. Pending the launching of the fleet, Cortés conducted -a reconnoissance round the north end of the lakes to the scene of his -sorrowful night evacuation, hoping for an interview with an Aztec chief. - -[Illustration: TOPOGRAPHY OF THE MEXICAN VALLEY. - -This is the map given in Wilson’s _New Conquest of Mexico_, p. 390, in -which he makes the present topography represent that of Cortés’ time, -in opposition to the usual view that at the period of the Conquest the -waters of the lake covered the parts here represented as marsh. The -waters of Tezcuco are at present seven or eight feet (Prescott says -four feet) below the level of the city, and Wilson contends that they -did not in Cortés’ time much exceed in extent their present limits; -and it is one of his arguments against Cortés’ representations of deep -water about the causeways that such a level of the lake would have put -the town of Tezcuco six or seven feet under water. Wilson gives his -views on this point at length in his _New Conquest_, pp. 452-460. The -map will be seen also to show the line of General Scott’s approach -to the city in 1847. (Cf. Prof. Henry Coppée on the “Coincidences of -the Conquests of Mexico, 1520-1847,” in the _Journal of the Military -Service Institution_, March, 1884.) The modern city of Mexico lies -remote by several miles from the banks of the lake which represents -to-day the water commonly held to have surrounded the town in the -days of the Conquest. The question of the shrinking of the lagunes is -examined in Orozco y Berra’s _Mémoire pour la carte hydrographique -de la Vallée de Mexico_, and by Jourdanet in his _Influence de la -pression de l’air sur la vie de l’homme_, p. 486. A colored map -prepared for this latter book was also introduced by Jourdanet in his -edition of _Sahagun_ (1880), where (p. xxviii) he again examines the -question. From that map the one here presented was taken, and the marsh -surrounding “Lac de Texcoco” marks the supposed limits of the lake in -Montezuma’s time. Jourdanet’s map is called, “Carte hydrographique de -la Vallée de Mexico d’après les travaux de la Commission de la Vallée -en 1862, avec addition des anciennes limites du Lac de Texcoco.” - -Humboldt in his _Essai politique sur la Nouvelle Espagne_, while -studying this problem of the original bounds of the water, gives a -map defining them as traced in 1804-1807; and this is reproduced in -John Black’s translation of Humboldt’s _Personal Essay on the Kingdom -of New Spain_, third edition, London, 1822. Humboldt gives accounts -of earlier attempts to map the valley with something like accuracy, -as was the case with the Lopez map of 1785. Siguenza’s map of the -sixteenth century, though false, has successively supplied, through the -publication of it which Alzate made in 1786, the geographical data of -many more modern maps. Cf. the map in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s -_Mexico_ (1846), vol. iii., and the enumeration of maps of the valley -given in Orozco y Berra’s _Cartografia Mexicana_, pp. 315-316. - -A map of Mexico and the lake also appeared in _Le petit atlas maritime_ -(Paris, 1764); and this is given in fac-simile in the _Proceedings of -the American Philosophical Society_, xxi. 616, in connection with a -translation of the _Codex Ramirez_ by Henry Phillips, Jr. - -There is reason to believe that the decrease in the waters had begun to -be perceptible in the time of Cortés; and Humboldt traces the present -subsidence to the destruction of neighboring forests. Bernal Diaz makes -record of the changes observable within his recollection, and he wrote -his account fifty years after the Conquest. - -The geographers of the eighteenth century often made the waters of the -valley flow into the Pacific. The map in the 1704 edition of Solis -shows this; so do the maps of Bower and other English cartographers, as -well as the map from Herrera on a later page (p. 392). - -The inundations to which the city has been subjected (the most serious -of which was in 1629), and the works planned for its protection -from such devastations are the subject of a rare book by Cepeda and -Carillo, _Relacion universal del sitio en que esta fundada la ciudad de -México_ (Mexico, 1637). Copies are found complete and incomplete. Cf. -Carter-Brown, ii. 441; Leclerc, no. 1,095, complete, 400 francs, and -no. 1,096, incomplete, 200 francs; Quaritch, incomplete, £10.] - -In this, however, he failed, and returned to Tezcuco. Then followed -some successful fighting on the line of communication with the coast, -which enabled Cortés to bring up safely some important munitions, -besides two hundred soldiers, who had lately reached Villa Rica from -the islands whither he had sent for help the previous autumn. - -[Illustration] - -The Spanish leader now conducted another reconnoissance into the -southern borders of the Mexican Valley,—a movement which overcame much -opposition,—and selected Coyohuacan as a base of operations on that -side against the Aztec city. After this he returned to Tezcuco, and was -put to the necessity of quelling an insurrection, in which his own -death had been planned. - -At last the brigantines were launched. At the command of Cortés the -allies mustered. On the 28th of April, 1521, the Spanish general -counted his own countrymen, and found he had over nine hundred in all, -including eighty-seven horsemen. He had three heavy guns, and fifteen -smaller ones, which were mostly in the fleet. Cortés kept immediate -charge of the brigantines, and allotted the main divisions of the army -to Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval. The land forces proceeded to occupy -the approaches which the reconnoissances had indicated,—Alvarado at -Tlacopan, Olid at Coyohuacan, on the westerly shores of the lake, and, -later, Sandoval at Iztapalapan, on the eastern side. Each of these -places commanded the entrance to causeways leading to the city. The -land forces were no sooner in position than Cortés appeared with his -fleet. The Aztecs attacked the brigantines with several hundred canoes; -but Cortés easily overcame all, and established his naval supremacy. -He then turned to assist Olid and Alvarado, who were advancing along -their respective causeways; and the stronghold, Xoloc, at the junction -of the causeway, was easily carried. Here the besiegers maintained -themselves with an occasional fight, while Sandoval was sent to occupy -Tepeyacac, which commanded the outer end of the northern causeway. -This completed the investment. A simultaneous attack was now made from -the three camps. The force from Xoloc alone succeeded in entering the -city; but the advantage gained was lost, and Cortés, who was with this -column, drew his forces back to camp. His success, however, was enough -to impress the surrounding people, who were watching the signs; and -various messengers came and offered the submission of their people -to the Spaniards. The attacks were renewed on subsequent days; and -little by little the torch was applied, and the habitable part of the -town grew less and less. The lake towns as they submitted furnished -flotillas, which aided the brigantines much in their incursions into -the canals of the town. For a while the Mexicans maintained night -communication across the lake for supplies; but the brigantines at last -stopped this precarious traffic. - -Alvarado on his side had made little progress; but the market of -Tlatelulco was nearer him, and that was a point within the city which -it was desirable to reach and fortify. Sandoval was joined to Alvarado, -who increased the vigor of his assault, while Cortés again attacked -on the other side. The movement failed, and the Mexicans were greatly -encouraged. The Spaniards, from their camps, saw by the blaze of the -illuminations on the temple tops the sacrifice of their companions -who had been captured in the fight. The bonds that kept the native -allies in subjection were becoming, under these reverses, more sensibly -loosened day by day, and Cortés spared several detachments from his -weakened force to raid in various directions to preserve the prestige -of the Spanish power. - -The attack was now resumed on a different plan. The fighting-men led -the way and kept the Mexicans at bay; while the native auxiliaries -razed every building as they went, leaving no cover for the Aztec -marauders. The demolition extended gradually to the line of Alvarado’s -approach, and communication was opened with him. This leader was now -approaching the great market-place, Tlatelulco. By renewed efforts he -gained it, only to lose it; but the next day he succeeded better, and -formed a junction with Cortés. Not more than an eighth part of the city -was now in the hands of its inhabitants; and here pestilence and famine -were the Spaniards’ prompt allies. - -[Illustration: MEXICO UNDER THE CONQUERORS. - -This is the engraving given in the _Nieuwe Weereld_ (1670) of Montanus, -which was repeated in Ogilby’s _America_, and is familiar from -reproductions elsewhere. It may be traced back as a sketch to the much -less elaborate one given by Bordone in his _Libro_ of 1528, later -called his _Isolario_, which was accompanied by one of the earliest -descriptions by a writer not a conqueror. Bancroft (_Mexico_, ii. 14) -gives a small outline engraving of a similar picture, and recapitulates -the authorities on the rebuilding of the city by Cortés. The Cathedral, -however, was not begun till 1573, and was over sixty years in building -(Ibid., iii. 173). - -One of the most interesting of the early accounts, accompanied as it -was with a plan of the town and lake, made part of the narrative of the -“Anonymous Conqueror.” This picture has been reproduced by Icazbalceta -in his _Coleccion_ (i. 390) from the engraving in Ramusio, whence we -derive our only knowledge of this anonymous writer. The Ramusio plan is -also given on the next page. - -The plate used in the 1572 edition of Porcacchi (p. 105) served for -many successive editions. Another plan of the same year showing an -oval lake surrounding the town, is found in Braun and Hogenberg’s -_Civitates orbis terrarum_ (Cologne, 1572), and of later dates, and the -French edition, _Théâtre des cités du monde_ (Brussels, 1574), i. 59. A -similar outline characterizes the small woodcut (6×6 inches) which is -found in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ (1598), p. dccccxiiii. - -Later views and plans appeared in Gottfriedt’s _Newe Welt_ (1655); in -Solis’s _Conquista_ (1704), p. 261, reproduced in the English edition -of 1724; in La Croix’ _Algemeene Weereld Beschryving_ (1705); in -Herrera (edition of 1728), p. 399; in Clavigero (1780), giving the -lake and the town (copied in Verne’s _De’couverte de la Terre_, p. -248), and also a map of Anahuac, both reproduced in the London (1787) -and Philadelphia (1817) editions, as well as in the Spanish edition -published at Mexico in 1844; in Solis, edition of 1783 (Madrid), where -the lake is given an indefinite extension; in Keating’s edition of -Bernal Diaz, besides engraved plates by the Dutch publisher Vander Aa. - -The account of Mexico in 1554 written by Francisco Cervantes Salazar, -and republished with annotations by Icazbalceta in 1875 (Carter-Brown, -i. 595) is helpful in this study of the ancient town. Cf. “Mexico et -ses environs en 1554,” by L. Massbieau, in the _Revue de géographie_, -October, 1878. - -A descriptive book, _Sitio, naturaleza y propriedades de la ciudad de -México_, by Dr. Diego Cisneros, published at Mexico in 1618, is become -very rare. Rich in 1832 priced a copy at _£_6 6_s_.,—a great sum for -those days (Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,146; Carter-Brown, ii. 199).] - -Still the Aztec King, Quauhtemotzin, scorned to yield; and the -slaughter went on from day to day, till finally, on the 13th of August, -1521, the end came. The royal Aztec was captured, trying to escape in a -boat; and there was no one left to fight. Of the thousand Spaniards who -had done the work about a tenth had succumbed; and probably something -like the same proportion among the many thousand allies. The Mexican -loss must have been far greater, perhaps several times greater.[1076] -The Spaniards were no sooner in possession than quarrels began over the -booty. Far less was found than was hoped for, and torture was applied, -with no success, to discover the hiding-places. The captive prince was -not spared this indignity. Cortés was accused of appropriating an undue -share of what was found, and hot feelings for a while prevailed. - -The conquest now had to be maintained by the occupation of the country; -and the question was debated whether to build the new capital on the -ruins of Mexico, or to establish it at Tezcuco or Coyohuacan. Cortés -preferred the prestige of the traditional site, and so the new Spanish -town rose on the ruins of the Aztec capital; the Spanish quarter -being formed about the square of Tenochtitlan (known in the early -books usually as Temixtitan), which was separated by a wide canal -from the Indian settlement clustered about Tlatelulco. Two additional -causeways were constructed, and the Aztec aqueduct was restored. -Inducements were offered to neighboring tribes to settle in the city, -and districts were assigned to them. Thus were hewers of wood and -drawers of water abundantly secured. But Mexico never regained with the -natives the dominance which the Aztecs had given it. Its population was -smaller, and a similar decadence marked the fate of the other chief -towns; Spanish rule and disease checked their growth. Even Tezcuco -and Tlascala soon learned what it was to be the dependents of the -conquerors. - -[Illustration] - -Cortés speedily decided upon further conquests. The Aztec tribute-rolls -told him of the comparative wealth of the provinces, and the turbulent -spirits among his men were best controlled in campaigns. He needed -powder, so he sent some bold men to the crater of Popocatepetl to get -sulphur. They secured it, but did not repeat the experiment. Cortés -also needed cannon. The Aztecs had no iron, but sufficient copper; -and finding a tin mine, his craftsmen made a gun-metal, which soon -increased his artillery to a hundred pieces. - -Expeditions were now despatched hither and thither, and province after -province succumbed. Other regions sent in their princes and chief men -with gifts and words of submission. The reports which came back of the -great southern sea opened new visions; and Cortés sent expeditions to -find ports and build vessels; and thus Zacalula grew up. Revolts here -and there followed the Spanish occupancy, but they were all promptly -suppressed. - -While all this was going on, Cortés had to face a new enemy. Fonseca, -as patron of Velasquez, had taken occasion in the absence of the -Emperor, attending to the affairs of his German domain, to order -Cristóbal de Tapia from Hispaniola to take command in New Spain and to -investigate the doings of Cortés. He arrived in December, 1521, with a -single vessel at Villa Rica, and was guardedly received by Gonzalo de -Alvarado, there in command. Tapia now despatched a messenger to Cortés, -who replied with many blandishments, and sent Sandoval and others as a -council to confer with Tapia, taking care to have among its members a -majority of his most loyal adherents. - -They met Dec. 12, 1521, and the conference lasted till Jan. 6, 1522. -It resulted in a determination to hold the orders borne by Tapia in -abeyance till the Emperor himself could be heard. Tapia protested in -vain, and was quickly hustled out of the country. He was not long -gone when new orders for him arrived,—this time under the sign-manual -of the Emperor himself. This increased the perplexity; but Cortés -won the messenger in his golden fashion. Shortly afterwards the same -messenger set off for Spain, carrying back the letters with him. These -occurrences did not escape notice throughout the country, and Cortés -was put to the necessity of extreme measures to restore his prestige; -while in his letter to the Emperor he threw the responsibility of his -action upon the council, who felt it necessary, he alleged, to take the -course they did to make good the gains which had already been effected -for the Emperor. In a spirit of conciliation, however, Cortés released -Narvaez, who had been confined at Villa Rica; and so in due time -another enemy found his way to Spain, and joined the cabal against the -Conqueror of Mexico. - -[Illustration: CORTÉS. - -Fac-simile of a woodcut in _Pauli Jovii elogia virorum bellica virtute -illustrium_ (Basle, 1575), p. 348, and 1596, p. 229, called a portrait -of Cortés. - -The autograph follows one given by Prescott, revised ed., vol. iii. -Autographs of his proper name, and of his title, Marques del Valle, -are given in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott, vol. iii. An original -autograph was noted for sale in Stevens (_Bibliotheca geographica_, no. -760), which is given in fac-simile in some of the illustrated copies of -that catalogue. Prescott (vol. i. p. 447) mentions a banner, preserved -in Mexico, though in rags, which Cortés is said to have borne in the -Conquest. But compare Wilson’s _New Conquest_, p. 369.] - -In the spring (1522) Cortés was cheered by a report from the -_Audiencia_ of Santo Domingo, confirming his acts and promising -intercession with the Emperor. To support this intercession, Cortés -despatched to Spain some friends with his third letter, dated at -Coyohuacan May 15, 1522. These agents carried also a large store of -propitiatory treasure. Two of the vessels, which held most of it, were -captured by French corsairs,[1077] and the Spanish gains enriched the -coffers of Francis I. rather than those of Charles V. The despatches -of Cortés, however, reached their destination, though Fonseca and the -friends of Velasquez had conspired to prevent their delivery, and -had even appropriated some part of the treasure which a third vessel -had securely landed. Thus there were charges and countercharges, and -Charles summoned a council to investigate. Cortés won. Velasquez, -Fonseca, and Narvaez were all humiliated in seeing their great rival -made, by royal command, governor and captain-general of New Spain. - -Meanwhile Cortés, hearing of a proposed expedition under Garay to -take possession of the region north of Villa Rica, conducted a force -himself to seize, in advance, that province known as Pánuco, and to -subjugate the Huastecs who dwelt there. This was done. The plunder -proved small; but this disappointment was forgotten in the news which -now, for the first time, reached Cortés of his late success in Spain. -The whole country was jubilant over the recognition of his merit; and -opportunely came embassies from Guatemala bringing costlier tributes -than the Spaniards had ever seen before. This turned their attention to -the south. There was apprehension that the Spaniards who were already -at Panamá might sooner reach these rich regions, and might earlier find -the looked-for passage from the Gulf to the south sea. To anticipate -them, no time could be lost. So Alvarado, Olid, and Sandoval were -given commands to push explorations and conquests southward and on -either shore. Before the expeditions started, news came that Garay, -arriving from Jamaica, had landed with a force at Pánuco to seize that -region in the interests of the Velasquez faction. The mustered forces -were at once combined under Cortés’ own lead, and marched against -Garay,—Alvarado in advance. Before Cortés was ready to start, he -was relieved from the necessity of going in person by the receipt of -a royal order from Spain confirming him in the possession of Pánuco -and forbidding Garay to occupy any of Cortés’ possessions. This order -was hurriedly despatched to Alvarado; but it did not reach him till -he had made some captives of the intruders. Garay readily assented to -lead his forces farther north if restitution should be made to him -of the captives and munitions which Alvarado had taken. This was not -so easily done, for plunder in hand was doubly rich, and Garay’s own -men preferred to enlist with Cortés. To compose matters Garay went -to Mexico, where Cortés received him with ostentatious kindness, and -promised him assistance in his northern conquests. In the midst of -Cortés’ hospitality his guest sickened and died, and was buried with -pomp. - -While Garay was in Mexico, his men at Pánuco, resenting the control -of Garay’s son, who had been left in charge of them, committed such -ravages on the country that the natives rose on them, and were so -rapidly annihilating them that Alvarado, who had left, was sent back -to check the outbreak. He encountered much opposition; but conquered -as usual, and punished afterward the chief ringleaders with abundant -cruelty. Such of Garay’s men as would, joined the forces of Cortés, -while the rest were sent back to Jamaica. - -The thoughts of Cortés were now turned to his plan of southern -exploration, and early in December Alvarado was on his way to -Guatemala.[1078] Desperate fighting and the old success attended -Cortés’ lieutenant, and the Quiché army displayed their valor in -vain in battle after battle. It was the old story of cavalry and -arquebusiers. As Alvarado approached Utatlan, the Quiché capital, he -learned of a plot to entrap him in the city, which was to be burned -about his ears. By a counterplot he seized the Quiché nobles, and -burned them and their city. By the aid of the Cakchiquels he devastated -the surrounding country. Into the territory of this friendly people he -next marched, and was received royally by King Sinacam in his city of -Patinamit (Guatemala), and was soon engaged with him in an attack on -his neighbors, the Zutugils, who had lately abetted an insurrection -among Sinacam’s vassals. Alvarado beat them, of course, and established -a fortified post among them after they had submitted, as gracefully as -they could. With Quichés and Cakchiquels now in his train, Alvarado -still went on, burned towns and routed the country’s defenders, till, -the rainy season coming on, he withdrew his crusaders and took up his -quarters once more at Patinamit, late in July, 1524. From this place -he sent despatches to Cortés, who forwarded two hundred more Spanish -soldiers for further campaigns. - -The Spanish extortions produced the usual results. The Cakchiquels -turned under the abuse, deserted their city, and prepared for a -campaign. The Spaniards found them abler foes than any yet encountered. -The Cakchiquels devastated the country on which Alvarado depended for -supplies, and the Spaniards found themselves reduced to great straits. -It was only after receiving reinforcements sent by Cortés that Alvarado -was enabled to push his conquests farther, and possess himself of the -redoubtable fortress of Mixco and successfully invade the Valley of -Zacatepec. - - * * * * * - -The expedition to Honduras was intrusted to Cristóbal de Olid, and -started about a month after Alvarado’s to Guatemala. Olid was given a -fleet; and a part of his instructions was to search for a passage to -the great south sea. He sailed from the port now known as Vera Cruz -on the 11th of January, 1524, and directed his course for Havana, -where he was to find munitions and horses, for the purchase of which -agents had already been sent thither by Cortés. While in Cuba the -blandishments of Velasquez had worked upon Olid’s vanity, and when he -sailed for Honduras he was harboring thoughts of defection. Not long -after he landed he openly announced them, and gained the adherence -of most of his men. Cortés, who had been warned from Cuba of Olid’s -purpose, sent some vessels after him, which were wrecked. Thus Casas, -their commander, and his men fell into Olid’s hands. After an interval, -an opportunity offering, the captive leader conspired to kill Olid. -He wounded and secured him, brought him to a form of trial, and cut -off his head. Leaving a lieutenant to conduct further progress, Casas -started to go to Mexico and make report to Cortés. - -[Illustration: GUATEMALA AND HONDURAS. - -Following the map given in Ruge’s, _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. -391. Cf. map in Fanshawe’s _Yucatan_.] - -Meanwhile, with a prescience of the mischief brewing, and impelled -by his restless nature, Cortés had determined to march overland to -Honduras; and in the latter part of October, 1524, he set out. He -started with great state; but the difficulties of the way made his -train a sorry sight as they struggled through morass after morass, -stopped by river after river, which they were under the necessity -of fording or bridging. All the while their provisions grew less -and less. To add to the difficulties, some Mexican chieftains, who -had been taken along as hostages for the security of Mexico, had -conspired to kill Cortés, and then to march with their followers back -to Mexico as deliverers. The plot was discovered, and the leaders -were executed.[1079] Some of the towns passed by the army had been -deserted by their inhabitants, without leaving any provisions behind. -Guides which they secured ran away. On they went, however, hardly in -a condition to confront Olid, should he appear, and they were now -approaching his province. At last some Spaniards were met, who told -them of Casas’ success; and the hopes of Cortés rose. He found the -settlers at Nito, who had been decimated by malaria, now engaged in -constructing a vessel in which to depart. His coming cheered them; and -a ship opportunely appearing in the harbor with provisions, Cortés -purchased her and her lading. He then took steps to move the settlement -to a more salubrious spot. Using the newly acquired vessel, he explored -the neighboring waters, hoping to find the passage to the south sea; -and making some land expeditions, he captured several pueblos, and -learned, from a native of the Pacific coast whom he fell in with, that -Alvarado was conducting his campaign not far away. Finally, he passed -on to Trujillo, where he found the colony of Olid’s former adherents, -and confirmed the dispositions which Casas had made, while he sent -vessels to Cuba and Jamaica for supplies. - -At this juncture Cortés got bad news from Mexico. Cabal and anti-cabal -among those left in charge of the government were having their effect. -When a report reached them of the death of Cortés and the loss of -his army, it was the signal for the bad spirits to rise, seize the -government, and apportion the estates of the absentees. The most -steadfast friend of Cortés—Zuazo—was sent off to Cuba, whence he got -the news to Cortés by letter. After some hesitation and much saying -of Masses, Cortés appointed a governor for the Honduras colony; and -sending Sandoval with his forces overland, he embarked himself to go -by sea. Various mishaps caused his ship to put back several times. -Discouraged at last, and believing there was a divine purpose in -keeping him in Honduras for further conquest, he determined to remain -a while, and sent messengers instead to Mexico. Runners were also sent -after Sandoval to bring him back. - -Cortés now turned his attention to the neighboring provinces; and -one after another he brought them into subjection, or gained their -respect by interfering to protect them from other parties of marauding -Spaniards. He had already planned conquests farther south, and Sandoval -had received orders to march, when a messenger from Mexico brought the -exhortations of his friends for his return to that city. Taking a small -force with him, including Sandoval, he embarked in April, 1526. After -being tempest-tossed and driven to Cuba, he landed late in May near -Vera Cruz, and proceeded in triumph to his capital. - -Cortés’ messenger from Honduras had arrived in good time, and -had animated his steadfast adherents, who succeeded very soon in -overthrowing the usurper Salazar and restoring the Cortés government. -Then followed the request for Cortés’ return, and in due time his -arrival. The natives vied with each other in the consideration which -they showed to Malinche, as Cortés was universally called by them. -Safe in their good wishes, Cortés moved by easy stages toward Mexico. -Everybody was astir with shout and banner as he entered the city -itself. He devoted himself at once to re-establishing the government -and correcting abuses. - - * * * * * - -Meanwhile the enemies of Cortés at Madrid had so impressed the Emperor -that he ordered a judge, Luis Ponce de Leon, to proceed to Mexico and -investigate the charges against the Governor, and to hold power during -the suspension of Cortés’ commission. Cortés received him loyally, and -the transfer of authority was duly made,—Cortés still retaining the -position of captain-general. Before any charges against Cortés could -be heard, Ponce sickened and died, July 20, 1526; and his authority -descended to Marcos de Aguilar, whom he had named as successor. He -too died in a short time; and Cortés had to resist the appeals of -his friends, who wished him to reassume the governorship and quiet -the commotions which these sudden changes were producing. Meanwhile -the enemies of Cortés were actively intriguing in Spain, and Estrada -received a royal decree to assume alone the government, which with two -others he had been exercising since the death of Aguilar. The patience -of Cortés and his adherents was again put to a test when the new ruler -directed the exile of Cortés from the city. Estrada soon saw his -mistake, and made advances for a reconciliation, which Cortés accepted. - -But new developments were taking place on the coast. The Emperor had -taken Pánuco out of Cortés’ jurisdiction by appointing Nuño de Guzman -to govern it, with orders to support Ponce if Cortés should resist that -royal agent. Guzman did not arrive on the coast till May 20, 1527, -when he soon, by his acts, indicated his adherence to the Velasquez -party, and a disposition to encroach upon the bounds of New Spain. He -was forced to deal with Cortés as captain-general; and letters far -from conciliatory in character passed from Guzman to the authorities -in Mexico. Estrada had found it necessary to ask Cortés to conduct a -campaign against his ambitious neighbor; but Cortés felt that he could -do more for himself and New Spain in the Old, and so prepared to leave -the country and escape from the urgency of those of his partisans who -were constantly trying to embroil him with Estrada. A letter from the -new President of the Council of the Indies urging his coming, helped -much to the determination. He collected what he could of treasure, -fabric, and implement to show the richness of the country. A great -variety of animals, representatives of the various subjugated peoples, -and a showy train of dependents, among them such conspicuous characters -as Sandoval and Tapia, with native princes and chieftains, accompanied -him on board the vessels. - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF SANDOVAL. - -After a fac-simile in Cabajal, _México_, ii. 686.] - -Cortés, meanwhile, was ignorant of what further mischief his enemies -had done in Spain. The Emperor had appointed a commission (_audiencia_) -to examine the affairs of New Spain, and had placed Guzman at the -head. It had full power to assume the government and regulate the -administration. In December, 1528, and January, 1529, all the members -assembled at Mexico. The jealous and grasping quality of their rule -was soon apparent. The absence of Cortés in Spain threatened the -continuance of their power; for reports had reached Mexico of the -enthusiasm which attended his arrival in Spain. They accordingly -despatched messengers to the Spanish court renewing the charges against -Cortés, and setting forth the danger of his return to Mexico. Alvarado -and other friends of Cortés protested in vain, and had to look on and -see, under one pretext or another, all sorts of taxes and burdens laid -upon the estates of the absent hero. He was also indicted in legal form -for every vice and crime that any one might choose to charge him with; -and the indictments stood against him for many years. - -Guzman was soon aware of the smouldering hatred which the rule of -himself and his associate had created; and he must have had suspicions -of the representations of his rapacity and cruelty which were reaching -Madrid from his opponents. To cover all iniquities with the splendor -of conquest, he gathered a formidable army and marched to invade the -province of Jalisco. - -[Illustration: SANDOVAL. - -Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, ii. 32. It is dressed up in -Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 254.] - -Cortés, with his following, had landed at Palos late in 1528, and -was under the necessity, a few days later, of laying the body of -Sandoval—worn out with the Honduras campaign—in the vaults of La -Rabida. It was a sad duty for Cortés, burdened with the grief that -his young lieutenant could not share with him the honors now in store, -as he made his progress to Toledo, where the Court then was. He was -received with unaccustomed honor and royal condescensions,—only the -prelude to substantial grants of territory in New Spain, which he was -asked to particularize and describe. He was furthermore honored with -the station and title of Marqués del Valle de Oajaca. He was confirmed -as captain-general; but his reinstatement as governor was deferred till -the reports of the new commission in New Spain should be received. -He was, however, assured of liberty to make discoveries in the south -sea, and to act as governor of all islands and parts he might discover -westward. - -[Illustration: CORTÉS. - -Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, ii. 1. There is also a portrait -which hangs, or did hang, in the series of Viceroys in the Museo at -Mexico. This was engraved for Don Antonio Uguina, of Madrid; and -from his engraving the picture given second by Prescott is copied. -Engravings of a picture ascribed to Titian are given in Townsend’s -translation of Solis (London, 1724) and in the Madrid edition of Solis -(1783). Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 39, _note_. The Spanish -translation of Clavigero, published in Mexico in 1844, has a portrait; -and one “after Velasquez” is given in Laborde’s _Voyage pittoresque_, -vol. iv., and in Jules Verne’s _Découverte de la Terre_. - -A small copperplate representing Cortés in armor, with an uplifted -finger and a full beard (accompanied by a brief sketch of his career) -is given in _Select Lives collected out of A. Thevet, Englished -by I. S._ (Cambridge, 1676), which is a section of a volume, -_Prosopographia_ (Cambridge, 1676), an English translation of Thevet’s -Collection of Lives. The copper may be the same used in the French -original.] - -The wife of Cortés, whom he had left in Cuba, had joined him in Mexico -after the conquest, and had been received with becoming state. Her -early decease, after a loftier alliance would have become helpful to -his ambition, had naturally raised a suspicion among Cortés’ traducers -that her death had been prematurely hastened. - -[Illustration: CORTÉS’ ARMOR. - -Copied from an engraving (in Ruge’s _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, -p. 405) of the original in the Museum at Madrid. Wilson refers to -some plate armor in the Museum at Mexico, which he, of course, thinks -apocryphal (_New Conquest_, p. 444).] - -He had now honors sufficient for any match among the rank of grandees; -and a few days after he was ennobled he was married, as had been -earlier planned, to the daughter of the late Conde de Aguilar and niece -of the Duque de Béjar,—both houses of royal extraction. - -Cortés now prepared to return to Mexico with his new titles. He learned -that the Emperor had appointed a new _audiencia_ to proceed thither, -and it promised him better justice than he had got from the other. The -Emperor was not, however, satisfied as yet that the presence of Cortés -in Mexico was advisable at the present juncture, and he ordered him to -stay; but the decree was too late, and Cortés, with a great retinue, -had already departed. He landed at Vera Cruz, in advance of the new -judge, July 15, 1530. - -His reception was as joyous as it had been four years before; and -though an order had reached him forbidding his approach within ten -leagues of Mexico till the new _audiencia_ should arrive, the support -of his retinue compelled him to proceed to Tezcuco, where he awaited -its coming, while he was put in the interim to not a little hazard and -inconvenience by the efforts of the Guzman government to deprive him of -sustenance and limit his intercourse with the natives. - -Near the end of the year the new Government arrived,—or all but its -president, Fuenleal, for he was the Bishop of Santo Domingo, whom the -others had been ordered to take on board their vessel on the way; but -stress of weather had prevented their doing this. The Bishop did not -join them till September. In Mexico they took possession of Cortés’ -house, which they had been instructed to appropriate at an appraisement. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF FUENLEAL (_Episcopus Sancti Dominici_).] - -The former Government was at once put on trial, and judgment was in -most cases rendered against them, so that their property did not -suffice to meet the fines imposed. Cortés got a due share of what they -were made to disgorge, in restitution of his own losses through them. -Innumerable reforms were instituted, and the natives received greater -protection than ever before. - -Guzman, meanwhile, was on his expedition toward the Pacific coast, -conducting his rapacious and brutal conquest of Nueva Galicia. He -refused to obey the call of the new _audiencia_, while he despatched -messengers to Mexico to protect, if possible, his interests. By them -also he forwarded his own statement of his case to the Emperor. Cortés, -vexed at Guzman’s anticipation of his own intended discoveries toward -the Pacific, sent a lieutenant to confront him; but Guzman was wily -enough to circumvent the lieutenant, seized him, and packed him off to -Mexico with scorn and assurance. - -[Illustration: MEXICO AND ACAPULCO. - -Fac-simile of a map in Herrera, i. 408.] - -It was his last hour of triumph. His force soon dwindled; his adherents -deserted him; his misdeeds had left him no friends; and he at last -deserted the remnant of his army, and starting for Pánuco, turned aside -to Mexico on the way. He found in the city a new _régime_. Antonio -de Mendoza had been sent out as viceroy, and to succeed Fuenleal at -the same time as president of the _audiencia_. He had arrived at Vera -Cruz in October, 1535. His rule was temperate and cautious. Negroes, -who had been imported into the country in large numbers as slaves, -plotted an insurrection: but the Viceroy suppressed it; and if there -was native complicity in the attempt, it was not proved. The Viceroy -had received from his predecessors a source of trial and confusion -in the disputed relations which existed between the civil rulers and -the Captain-General. There were endless disputes with the second -_audiencia_, and disagreements continued to exist with the Viceroy, -about the respective limits of the powers of the two as derived from -the Emperor. - -Cortés had been at great expense in endeavoring to prosecute discovery -in the Pacific, and he had the vexation of seeing his efforts -continually embarrassed by the new powers. Previous to his departure -for Spain he had despatched vessels from Tehuantepec to the Moluccas -to open traffic with the Asiatic Indies; but the first _audiencia_ -had prevented the despatch of a succoring expedition which Cortés had -planned. On his return to New Spain the Captain-General had begun -the construction of new vessels both at Tehuantepec and at Acapulco; -but the second _audiencia_ interfered with his employment of Indians -to carry his material to the coast. He however contrived to despatch -two vessels up the coast under Hurtado de Mendoza, which left in -May, 1532. They had reached the coast to the north, where Guzman was -marauding, who was glad of the opportunity of thwarting the purpose -of his rival. He refused the vessels the refuge of a harbor, and they -were subsequently lost. Cortés now resolved to give his personal -attention to these sea explorations, and proceeding to Tehuantepec, -he superintended the construction of two vessels, which finally left -port Oct. 29, 1533. They discovered Lower California. Afterward one -of the vessels was separated from the other, and fell in distress -into the hands of Guzman while making a harbor on the coast. The other -ship reached Tehuantepec. Cortés appealed to the _audiencia_, who -meted equal justice in ordering Guzman to surrender the vessel, and in -commanding Cortés to desist from further exploration. An appeal to the -Emperor effected little, for it seems probable that the _audiencia_ -knew what support it had at court. Cortés next resolved to act on his -own responsibility and take command in person of a third expedition. - -[Illustration: ACAPULCO.[1080]] - -So, in the winter of 1534-1535, he sent some vessels up the coast, and -led a land force in the same direction. Guzman fled before him. Cortés -joined his fleet at the port where Guzman had seized his ship on the -earlier voyage, and embarked. Crossing to the California peninsula, -he began the settlement of a colony on its eastern shore. He left the -settlers there, and returned to Acapulco to send forward additional -supplies and recruits. - -[Illustration: CORTÉS. - -This follows a sketch of the picture, in the Hospital of Jesus at -Mexico, which is given in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 359. Prescott -gives an engraving after a copy then in his own possession. The picture -in the Hospital is also said to be a copy of one taken in Spain a few -years before the death of Cortés, during his last visit. The original -is not known to exist. The present descendants of the Conqueror, the -family of the Duke of Monteleone in Italy, have only a copy of the -one at Mexico. Another copy, made during General Scott’s occupation -of the city, is in the gallery of the Pennsylvania Historical Society -(_Catalogue_, no. 130). The upper part of the figure is reproduced in -Carbajal’s _Historia de México_, ii. 12; and it is also given entire in -Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii.] - -At this juncture the new Viceroy had reached Mexico; and it was -not long before he began to entertain schemes of despatching -fleets of discovery, and Cortés found a new rival in his plans. -The Captain-General got the start of his rival, and sent out a new -expedition from Acapulco under Francisco de Ulloa; but the Viceroy gave -orders to prevent other vessels following, and his officers seized -one already at sea, which chanced to put into one of the upper ports. -Cortés could endure such thraldom no longer, and early in 1540 he left -again for Spain to plead his interests with the Emperor. He never saw -the land of his conquest again. - -We left Guzman for a while in Mexico, where Mendoza not unkindly -received him, as one who hated Cortés as much or more than he did. -Guzman was bent on escaping, and had ordered a vessel to be ready on -the coast. He was a little too late, however. The Emperor had sent -a judge to call him to account, and Guzman suddenly found this evil -genius was in Mexico. The judge put him under arrest and marched him -to prison. A trial was begun; but it dragged along, and Guzman sent -an appeal forward to the Council for the Indies, in which he charged -Cortés with promoting his persecution. He was in the end remanded to -Spain, where he lingered out a despised life for a few years, with -a gleam of satisfaction, perhaps, in finding, some time after, that -Cortés too had found a longer stay in New Spain unprofitable. - -[Illustration: CORTÉS MEDAL. - -This follows the engraving in Ruge’s _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_ -(p. 361) of a specimen in the Royal Cabinet at Berlin. The original is -of the same size.] - -Cortés had reached Spain in the early part of 1540, and had been -received with honor by the Court; but when he began to press for a -judgment that might restore his losses and rehabilitate him in his -self-respect, he found nothing but refusal and procrastination. He -asked to return to Mexico, but found he could not. With a reckless aim -he joined an expedition against Algiers; but the ship on which he -embarked was wrecked, and he only saved himself by swimming, losing -the choicest of his Mexican jewels, which he carried on his person. -Then again he memorialized the Emperor for a hearing and award, but -was disregarded. Later he once more appealed, but was still unheard. -Again he asked permission to return to New Spain. This time it was -granted; but before he could make the final preparations, he sank under -his burdens, and at a village near Seville Cortés died on the 2d of -December, 1547, in his sixty-second year.[1081] - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF MEXICAN HISTORY. - -MR. H. H. BANCROFT, in speaking of the facilities which writers of -Spanish American history now have in excess of those enjoyed by the -historian of thirty years ago, claims that in documentary evidence -there are twenty papers for his use in print to-day for one then.[1082] -These are found in part in the great _Coleccion_ of Pacheco and others -mentioned in the Introduction. The Mexican writer Joaquin Garcia -Icazbalceta (born 1825) made a most important contribution in the two -volumes of a _Coleccion de documentos para la historia de México_ -which passes by his name and which appeared respectively in 1858 and -1866.[1083] He found in Mexico few of the papers which he printed, -obtaining them chiefly from Spain. - -[Illustration: Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta] - -Of great interest among those which he gives is the _Itinerario_ -of Grijalva, both in the Italian and Spanish text.[1084] Of Cortés -himself there are in this publication various letters not earlier made -public. The quarrel between him and Velasquez is illustrated by other -papers. Here also we find what is mentioned elsewhere as “De rebus -gestis Cortesii” printed as a “Vida de Cortés,” and attributed to C. -Calvet de Estrella. The recital of the so-called “Anonymous Conqueror,” -held by some to be Francisco de Terrazas, is translated from Ramusio -(the original Spanish is not known), with a fac-simile of the plan of -Mexico.[1085] There is also the letter from the army of Cortés to the -Emperor; and in the second volume various other papers interesting -in connection with Cortés’ career, including the memorial of Luis de -Cárdenas, etc. Two other papers have been recognized as important. One -of these in the first volume is the _Historia de los Indios de Nueva -España_ of Fray Toribio Motolinia, accompanied by a Life of the Father -by Ramirez, with a gathering of bibliographical detail. Toribio de -Benavente—Motolinia was a name which he took from a description of him -by the natives—had come over with the Franciscans in 1523. He was a -devoted, self-sacrificing missionary; but he proved that his work did -not quiet all the passions, for he became a violent opponent of Las -Casas’ views and measures.[1086] His labors took him the length and -breadth of the land; his assiduity acquired for him a large knowledge -of the Aztec tongue and beliefs; and his work, besides describing -institutions of this people, tells of the success and methods secured -or adopted by himself and his companions in effecting their conversion -to the faith of the conquerors. Robertson used a manuscript copy of the -work, and Obadiah Rich procured a copy for Prescott, who ventured the -assertion, when he wrote, that it had so little of popular interest -that it would never probably be printed.[1087] - -Bancroft[1088] calls the _Relacion_ of Andrés de Tápia one of the most -valuable documents of the early parts of the Conquest. It ends with the -capture of Narvaez; recounting the antecedent events, however, with -“uneven completeness.” It is written warmly in the interests of Cortés. -Icazbalceta got what seemed to be the original from the Library of the -Academy of History in Madrid, and printed it in his second volume (p. -554). It was not known to Prescott, who quotes it at second hand in -Gomara.[1089] - -The next most important collection is that published in Mexico from -1852 to 1857,[1090] under the general title of _Documentos para la -historia de México_. This collection of four series, reckoned variously -in nineteen or twenty-one volumes, is chiefly derived from Mexican -sources, and is largely illustrative of the history of northwestern -Mexico, and in general concerns Mexican history of a period posterior -to the Conquest. - -There have been two important series of documents published and in part -unearthed by José Fernando Ramirez, who became Minister of State under -Maximilian. The first of these is the testimony at the examination -of the charges which were brought against Pedro de Alvarado, and -some of those made in respect to Nuño de Guzman,—_Procesos de -residencia_,[1091] which was published in Mexico in 1847;[1092] the -other set of documents pertain to the trial of Cortés himself. Such of -these as were found in the Mexican Archives were edited by Ignacio L. -Rayon under the title of _Archivo Mexicano; Documentos para la historia -de México_, and published in the city of Mexico in 1852-1853, in two -volumes. At a later day (1867-1868) Ramirez discovered in the Spanish -Archives other considerable portions of the same trial, and these have -been printed in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos de las Indias_, -vols. xxvi.-xxix. - -The records of the municipality of Mexico date from March 8, 1524, and -chronicle for a long time the sessions as held in Cortés’ house; and -are particularly interesting, as Bancroft says,[1093] after 1524, when -we no longer have Cortés’ own letters to follow, down to 1529. Harrisse -has told us what he found in the repositories of Italy, particularly at -Venice, among the letters sent to the Senate during this period by the -Venetian ambassadors at Madrid.[1094] Three volumes have so far been -published of a _Coleccion de documentos para la historia de Costa-Rica_ -at San José de Costa-Rica, under the editing of León Fernández, -which have been drawn from the Archives of the Indies and from the -repositories in Guatemala. A few letters of Alvarado and other letters -of the Conquest period are found in the _Coleccion de documentos -antiguous de Guatemala_ published at Guatemala in 1857.[1095] - -No more voluminous contributor to the monographic and documentary -history of Mexico can be named than Carlos Maria de Bustamante. -There will be occasion in other connections to dwell upon particular -publications, and some others are of little interest to us at present, -referring to periods as late as the present century. Bustamante was -a Spaniard, but he threw himself with characteristic energy into a -heated advoracy of national Mexican feelings; and this warmly partisan -exhibition of himself did much toward rendering the gathering of his -scattered writings very difficult, in view of the enemies whom he made -and of their ability to suppress obnoxious publications when they -came into power. Most of these works date from 1812 to 1850, and -when collected make nearly or quite fifty volumes, though frequently -bound in fewer.[1096] The completest list, however, is probably that -included in the enumeration of authorities prefixed by Bancroft to his -_Central America_ and _Mexico_, which shows not only the printed works -of Bustamante, but also the autograph originals,—which, Bancroft says, -contain much not in the published works.[1097] Indeed, these lists -show an extremely full equipment of the manuscript documentary stores -relating to the whole period of Mexican history,[1098] including a copy -of the _Archivo general de México_, as well as much from the catalogues -of José Maria Andrade and José Fernando Ramirez, records of the early -Mexican councils, and much else of an ecclesiastical and missionary -character not yet put in print.[1099] - -Of particular value for the documents which it includes is the -_Historia de la fundacion y discurso de la provincia de Santiago de -México, de la orden de predicadores, por las vidas de sus varones -insignes y casos notables de Nueva España_, published in Madrid in -1596.[1100] The author, Davilla Padilla, was born in Mexico in 1562 -of good stock; he became a Dominican in 1579, and died in 1604. His -opportunities for gathering material were good, and he has amassed a -useful store of information regarding the contact of the Spanish and -the Indians, and the evidences of the national traits of the natives. -His book has another interest, in that we find in it the earliest -mention of the establishment of a press in Mexico.[1101] - -One of the earliest of the modern collections of documents and early -monographs is the _Historiadores primitivos de las Indias occidentales_ -of Andres Gonzales de Barcia Carballido y Zuniga (known usually -as Barcia), published at Madrid in 1749 in three volumes folio, -and enriched with the editor’s notes. The sections were published -separately; and it was not till after the editor’s death (1743) that -they were grouped and put out collectively with the above distinctive -title. In this form the collection is rare, and it has been stated -that not over one or two hundred copies were so gathered.[1102] - - * * * * * - -First among all documents respecting the Conquest are the letters sent -by Cortés himself to the Emperor; and of these a somewhat detailed -bibliographical account is given in the Notes following this Essay, -as well as an examination of the corrective value of certain other -contemporaneous and later writers. - -[Illustration] - - -NOTES. - -=A.= THE LETTERS OF CORTÉS.—I. _The Lost First Letter_, _July_ 10, -1519. The series of letters which Cortés sent to the Emperor is -supposed to have begun with one dated at Vera Cruz in July, 1519, -which is now lost, but which Barcia and Wilson suppose to have been -suppressed by the Council of the Indies at the request of Narvaez. -There are contemporaneous references to show that it once existed. -Cortés himself mentions it in his second letter, and Bernal Diaz -implies that it was not shown by Cortés to his companions. Gomara -mentions it, and is thought to give its purport in brief. Thinking -that Charles V. may have carried it to Germany, Robertson caused the -Vienna Archives to be searched, but without avail; though it has been -the belief that this letter existed there at one time, and another sent -with it is known to be in those Archives. Prescott caused thorough -examinations of the repositories of London, Paris, and Madrid to be -made,—equally without result. - -Fortunately the same vessel took two other letters, one of which we -have. This was addressed by the _justicia y regimiento_ of La Villa -Rica de la Vera Cruz, and was dated July 10, 1519. It was discovered, -by Robertson’s agency, in the Imperial Library at Vienna. It rehearses -the discoveries of Córdoba and Grijalva, and sustains the views of -Cortés, who charged Velasquez with being incompetent and dishonest. -This letter is sometimes counted as the first of the series; for though -it was not written by Cortés, he is thought to have inspired it.[1103] - -The other letter is known only through the use of it which contemporary -writers made. It was from some of the leading companions in arms of -Cortés, who, while they praised their commander, had something to say -of others not quite to the satisfaction of Cortés. The Conqueror, it -is intimated, intrigued to prevent its reaching the Emperor,—which may -account for its loss. Las Casas and Tapia both mention it.[1104] - -Beside the account given in Gomara of Cortés’ early life and his doings -in the New World up to the time of his leaving Cuba in 1519, there -is a contemporary narrative, quite in Cortés’ interest, of unknown -authorship, which was found by Muñoz at Simancas.[1105] The Latin -version is called “De rebus gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii;” but it is -called “Vida de Hernan Cortés” in the Spanish rendering which is given -by Icazbalceta in his _Coleccion de documentos_, i. 309-357.[1106] - -A publication of Peter Martyr at Basle in 1521 is often taken as a -substitute for the lost first epistle of Cortés. This is the _De nuper -sub D. Carolo repertis insulis ... Petri Martyris enchiridion_, which -gives a narrative of the expeditions of Grijalva and Cortés, as a sort -of supplement to what Peter Martyr had written on the affairs of the -Indies in his Three Decades. It was afterward included in his Basle -edition of 1533 and in the Paris _Extraict_ of 1532.[1107] - -[Illustration] - -Harrisse[1108] points out an allusion to the expedition of Cortés and a -description of those of Córdoba and Grijalva, in _Ein Auszug ettlicher -Sendbrieff ... von wegen einer new gefunden Inseln_, published at -Nuremberg in March, 1520;[1109] and Harrisse supposes the information -is derived from Peter Martyr.[1110] Bancroft[1111] points out a mere -reference in a publication of 1522,—_Translationuss hispanischer -Sprach_, etc. - -II. _The Second Letter, Oct. 30, 1520._ We possess four early editions -of this,—two Spanish (1, 2) and one Latin (3), and one Italian (4). - -1. The earliest Spanish edition was published at Seville Nov. 8, 1522, -as _Carta de relaciō_, having twenty-eight leaves, in gothic type.[1112] - -2. The second Spanish edition, _Carta de relacion_, was printed at -Saragossa in 1524. It is in gothic letter, twenty-eight leaves, and has -a cut of Cortés before Charles V. and his Court, of which a reduced -fac-simile is herewith given.[1113] - -[Illustration: CORTÉS’ GULF OF MEXICO. - -This fac-simile follows the reproduction given by Stevens in his -_American Bibliographer_, p. 86, and in his _Notes_, etc., pl. iv. -Dr. Kohl published in the _Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, neue -Folge, vol. xv., a paper on the “Aelteste Geschichte der Entdeckung -und Erforschung des Golfs von Mexico durch die Spanier von 1492 bis -1543.” Cf. also Oscar Peschel’s _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_ (1858), -chap. vii., and Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, -p. 355.] - -3. The first Latin edition was published in folio at Nuremberg, in -August, 1524, in roman type, with marginal notes in gothic, and was -entitled: _Præclara Ferdinādi Cortesii de noua maris Oceani Hypania -narratio_. It was the work of Pierre Savorgnanus.[1114] - -[Illustration: TITLE OF THE LATIN CORTÉS, 1524.—REDUCED.] - -[Illustration: ARMS, ON THE REVERSE OF TITLE, OF THE LATIN CORTÉS, -1524.] - -[Illustration: CLEMENT VII. - -Fac-simile of a cut in the Latin Cortés of 1524. It was this Pope who -was so delighted with the Indian jugglers sent to Rome by Cortés. The -Conqueror also made His Holiness other more substantial supplications -for his favor, which resulted in Cortés receiving plenary indulgence -for his and his companions’ sins (Prescott, iii. 299).] - -4. The Italian edition, _La preclara narratione di Ferdinando Cortese -della Nuova Hispagna del Mare Oceano ... per Nicolo Liburnio con -fidelta... tradotta_, was printed at Venice in 1524. It follows the -Latin version of Savorgnanus, and includes also the third letter. - -This edition has a new engraving of the map in the Nuremberg edition, -though Quaritch and others have doubted if such a map belongs to it. -Leclerc (no. 151) chronicles copies with and without the map.[1115] An -abstract of the second letter in Italian, _Noue de le Isole et Terra -Ferma nouamente trouate_, had already appeared two years earlier, in -1522, at Milan.[1116] - -There were other contemporary abstracts of this letter. Sigmund Grimm, -of Augsburg, is said to be the author of one, published about 1522 or -1523, called _Ein schöne newe Zeytung, so kayserlich Mayestet auss -India yetz newlich zūckommen seind_. It is cited in Harrisse and the -_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_; and Ternaux (no. 5) is thought to err in -assigning the date of 1520 to it, as if printed in Augsburg. Of about -the same date is another described by Sabin (vol. iv. no. 16,952) as -printed at Antwerp, and called _Tressacree Imperiale et Catholique -Mageste ... eust nouvelles des marches ysles et terre ferme occeanes_. -This seems to be based, according to Brunet, _Supplément_ (vol. i. col. -320), on the first and second letters, beginning with the departure, in -1519, from Vera Cruz, and ending with the death of Montezuma.[1117] - -The second letter forms part of various collected editions, as follows:— - -_In Spanish._ Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 543) notes the second and third -letters as being published in the Spanish _Thesóro de virtudes_ in 1543. - -Barcia’s _Historiadores primitivos_ (1749); also edited by Enrique de -Vedia, Madrid, 1852-1853. - -_Historia de Nueva España, escrita por su esclarecido Conquistador -Hernan Cortés, aumentada con otros documentos y notas por Don Francisco -Antonio Lorenzana, arzobispo de México_, Mexico, 1770. This important -work, embracing the second, third, and fourth letters, has a large view -of the great temple of Mexico, a map of New Spain,[1118] and thirty-one -plates of a hieroglyphic register of the tributaries of Montezuma,—the -same later reproduced in better style by Kingsborough. Lorenzana was -born in 1722, and rising through the gradations of his Church, and -earning a good name as Bishop of Puebla, was made Archbishop of Toledo -shortly after he had published the book now under consideration. -Pius VI. made him a cardinal in 1789, and he died in Rome in 1804. -Icazbalceta was not able to ascertain whether the Bishop had before him -the original editions of the letters or Barcia’s reprint; but he added -to the value of his text by numerous annotations. In 1828 an imperfect -reprint of this book, “á la ortografía moderna,” was produced in New -York for the Mexican market, by Manuel del Mar, under the title of -_Historia de Méjico_,[1119] to which a life of Cortés, by R. C. Sands, -was added.[1120] Icazbalceta notes some of the imperfections of this -edition in his _Coleccion_, vol. i. p. xxxv.[1121] - -[Illustration] - -_Cartas y relaciones al Emperador Carlos V., colegidas é ilustradas -por P. de Gayangos_, Paris, 1866. Besides the Cortés letters, this -distinguished scholar included in this book various other contemporary -documents relating to the Conquest, embracing letters sent to Cortés’ -lieutenants; and he also added an important introduction. He included -the fifth letter for the first time in the series, and drew upon the -archives of Vienna and Simancas with advantage.[1122] - -The letters were again included in the _Biblioteca histórica de la -Iberia_ published at Mexico in 1870. - - * * * * * - -_In Latin._ The second and third letters, with the account of Peter -Martyr, were issued at Cologne in 1532, with the title _De insulis -nuper inventis_, etc., as shown in the annexed fac-simile of the title, -with its portrait of Charles V. and the escutcheons of Spanish towns -and provinces.[1123] - -[Illustration: LORENZANA’S MAP OF NEW SPAIN.] - -[Illustration] - -_In French._ Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 73) notes a -French rendering of a text, seemingly made up of the first and second -letters, and probably following a Spanish original, now lost, which was -printed at Antwerp in 1523.[1124] This second letter is also epitomized -in the French _Extraict ou recueil des isles nouvellement trouvées_ of -Peter Martyr, printed at Paris in 1532, and in Bellegarde’s _Histoire -universelle des voyages_ (Amsterdam, 1708), vol. i. - -The principal French translation is one based on Lorenzana, abridging -that edition somewhat, and numbering the letters erroneously first, -second, and third. It was published at Paris in 1778, 1779, etc., under -the title _Correspondance de Fernand Cortes avec l’Empereur Charles -Quint_, and was translated by the Vicomte de Flavigny.[1125] The text -of Flavigny’s second letter is included in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. -368-420. There were also editions of Flavigny printed in Switzerland -and at Frankfort. - - * * * * * - -_In German._ A translation of the second and third letters, made by -Andrew Diether and Birck, was published at Augsburg in 1550 as _Cortesi -von dem Newen Hispanien_. After the second letter, which constitutes -part i., the beginning of part ii. is borrowed from Peter Martyr, which -is followed by the third letter of Cortés; and this is succeeded in -turn, on folios 51-60, by letters from Venezuela about the settlements -there (1534-1540), and one from Oviedo written at San Domingo in 1543. -There are matters which are not contained in any of the Spanish or -Latin editions.[1126] - -The second, third, and fourth letters—translated by J. J. Stapfer, -who supplied a meritorious introduction and an appendix—were -printed at Heidelberg in 1779 as _Eroberung von Mexico_, and again -at Berne in 1793.[1127] Another German version, by Karl Wilhelm -Koppe,—_Drei Berichte des General-Kapitäns Cortes an Karl V._,—with an -introduction and notes, was published at Berlin in 1834. It has the -tribute-registers and map of New Spain, as in Lorenzana’s edition.[1128] - - * * * * * - -_In Dutch and Flemish._ Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. -72) notes a tract of thirty leaves, in gothic letter, called _De -Contreyen vanden Eylanden_, etc., which was printed in Antwerp in 1523 -(with a French counterpart at the same time), and which seems to have -been based on the first and second letters, combined in a Spanish -original not now known. There is a copy in the National Library at -Paris. There was a Dutch version, or epitome, in the Dutch edition -of Grynæus, 1563, and a Flemish version appeared in Ablyn’s _Nieuwe -Weerelt_, at Antwerp, 1563. There was another Dutch rendering in -Gottfried and Vander Aa’s _Zee-en landreizen_ (1727)[1129] and in the -_Brieven van Ferdinand Cortes_, Amsterdam, 1780.[1130] - - * * * * * - -_In Italian._ In the third volume of Ramusio. - - * * * * * - -_In English._ Alsop translated from Flavigny the second letter, -in the _Portfolio_, Philadelphia, 1817. George Folsom, in 1843, -translated from Lorenzana’s text the second, third, and fourth letters, -which he published as _Despatches written during the Conquest_, -adding an introduction and notes, which in part are borrowed from -Lorenzana.[1131] Willes in his edition of Eden, as early as 1577, had -given an abridgment in his _History of Travayle_.[1132] (See Vol. III. -p. 204.) - - * * * * * - -III. _The Third Letter, covering the internal, Oct. 30, 1520, to May -15, 1522._ It is called _Carta tercera de relaciō_, and was printed -(thirty leaves) at Seville in 1523.[1133] - -The next year, 1524, a Latin edition (_Tertia narratio_) appeared -at Nuremberg in connection with the Latin of the second letter of -that date.[1134] This version was also made by Savorgnanus, and was -reprinted in the _Novus orbis_ of 1555.[1135] - -This third letter appeared also in collective editions, as explained -under the head of the second letter. This letter was accompanied by -what is known as the “secret letter,” which was first printed in the -_Documentos inéditos_, i. 11, in Kingsborough, vol. viii., and in -Gayangos’ edition of the letters. - - * * * * * - -IV. _The Fourth Letter, covering the interval, May, 1522, to October, -1524._ There were two Spanish editions (_a_, _b_). - -_a. La quarta relacion_ (Toledo, 1525), in gothic letter, twenty-one -leaves.[1136] - -_b. La quarta relaciō_ (Valencia, 1526), in gothic type, twenty-six -leaves.[1137] - -This letter was accompanied by reports to Cortés from Alvarado and -Godoy, and these are also included in Barcia, Ramusio, etc. - -A secret letter (dated October 15) of Cortés to the Emperor,—_Esta es -una carta que Hernando Cortés escrivio al Emperador_,—sent with this -fourth letter, is at Simancas. It was printed by Icazbalceta in 1855 -(Mexico, sixty copies),[1138] who reprinted it in his _Coleccion_, -i. 470. Gayangos, in 1866, printed it in his edition (p. 325) from a -copy which Muñoz had made. Icazbalceta again printed it sumptuously, -“en caracteres góticos del siglo XVI.,” at Mexico in 1865 (seventy -copies).[1139] This letter also appears in collections mentioned under -the second letter. It was in this letter that Cortés explained to the -Emperor his purpose of finding the supposed strait which led from the -Atlantic to the south sea. - - * * * * * - -V. _The fifth letter, dated Sept. 3, 1526._ It pertains to the famous -expedition to Honduras.[1140] It is called _Carta quinta de relacion_, -and was discovered through Robertson’s instrumentality, but not printed -at length till it appeared in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ -(_España_), iv. 8-167, with other “relaciones” on this expedition. -George Folsom reprinted it in New York in 1848 as “carta sexta ... -publicada ahora por primera vez” by mistake for “carta quinta.”[1141] -It was translated and annotated by Gayangos for the Hakluyt Society -in 1868.[1142] Gayangos had already included it in his edition of the -_Cartas_, 1866, and it had also been printed by Vedia in Ribadeneyras’ -_Biblioteca de autores Españoles_ (1852), vol. xxii., and later in -the _Biblioteca histórica de la Iberia_ (1870). Extracts in English -are given in the appendix of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii. Mr. Kirk, -the editor of Prescott, doubts if the copy in the Imperial Library -at Vienna is the original, because it has no date. A copy at Madrid, -purporting to be made from the original by Alonzo Diaz, is dated Sept. -3, 1526,[1143] and is preferred by Gayangos, who collated its text with -that of the Vienna Library. Various other less important letters of -Cortés have been printed from time to time.[1144] - - * * * * * - -In estimating the letters of Cortés as historical material, the -soldierly qualities of them impressed Prescott, and Helps is -struck with their directness so strongly that he is not willing to -believe in the prevarications or deceits of any part of them. H. -H. Bancroft,[1145] on the contrary, discovers in them “calculated -misstatements, both direct and negative.” It is well known that Bernal -Diaz and Pedro de Alvarado made complaints of their leader’s too great -willingness to ignore all others but himself.[1146] - -=B.= THREE CONTEMPORARY WRITERS,—GOMARA, BERNAL DIAZ, AND -SAHAGUN.—Fortunately we have various other narratives to qualify or -confirm the recitals of the leader. - -In 1540, when he was thirty years old, Francisco Lopez Gomara became -the chaplain and secretary of Cortés. In undertaking an historical -record in which his patron played a leading part, he might be suspected -to write somewhat as an adulator; and so Las Casas, Diaz, and many -others have claimed that he did, and Muñoz asserts that Gomara -believed his authorities too easily.[1147] That the Spanish Government -made a show of suppressing his book soon after it was published, -and kept the edict in their records till 1729, is rather in favor -of his honest chronicling. Gomara had good claims for consideration -in a learned training, a literary taste, and in the possession of -facilities which his relations with Cortés threw in his way; and we -find him indispensable, if for no other reason, because he had access -to documentary evidence which has since disappeared. His questionable -reputation for bias has not prevented Herrera and other later -historians placing great dependence on him, and a native writer of -the beginning of the seventeenth century, Chimalpain, has translated -Gomara, adding some illustrations for the Indian records.[1148] - -Gomara’s book is in effect two distinct ones, though called at first -two parts of a _Historia general de las Indias_. Of these the second -part—_La conquista de México_—appeared earliest, at Saragossa in -1552, and is given to the Conquest of Mexico, while the first part, -more particularly relating to the subjugation of Peru, appeared in -1553.[1149] What usually passes for a second edition appeared at -Medina del Campo, also in 1553;[1150] and it was again reprinted at -Saragossa in 1554, this time as two distinct works,—one, _Cronica -de la Nueva España con la conquista de México_; and the other, _La -historia general de las Indias y Nuevo Mundo_.[1151] The same year -(1554) saw several editions in Spanish at Antwerp, with different -publishers.[1152] An Italian edition followed in 1555-1556, for one -titlepage, _Historia del ... capitano Don Ferdinando Cortés_, is dated -1556, and a second, _Historia de México_, has 1555,—both at Rome.[1153] - -[Illustration] - -Other editions, more or less complete, are noted as published in Venice -in 1560, 1564, 1565, 1566, 1570, 1573, 1576, and 1599.[1154] The -earliest French edition appeared at Paris in 1568 and 1569, for the two -dates and two imprints seem to belong to one issue; and its text—a not -very creditable translation by Fumée—was reproduced in the editions -of 1577, 1578, 1580, and with some additions in 1584, 1587, 1588, and -1597.[1155] The earliest edition in English omits much. It is called -_The Pleasant Historie of the Conquest of the Weast India, now called -New Spayne, atchieved by the worthy Prince Hernando Cortes, Marques of -the valley of Huaxacac, most delectable to reade, translated out of the -Spanishe tongue by T[homas] N[icholas]_, published by Henry Bynneman -in 1578.[1156] Gomara himself warned his readers against undertaking -a Latin version, as he had one in hand himself; but it was never -printed.[1157] - - * * * * * - -Gomara had, no doubt, obscured the merits of the captains of Cortés -in telling the story of that leader’s career. Instigated largely by -this, and confirmed in his purpose, one of the partakers in the glories -and hardships of the Conquest was impelled to tell the story anew, in -the light of the observation which fell to a subordinate. He was not -perhaps so much jealous of the fame of Cortés as he was hurt at the -neglect by Gomara of those whose support had made the fame of Cortés -possible. - -[Illustration] - -This was Bernal Diaz del Castillo, and his book is known as the -_Historia verdadera de la conquista de la Neuva España_, which was -not printed till 1632 at Madrid, nor had it been written till half a -century after the Conquest, during which interval the name of Cortés -had gathered its historic prestige. Diaz had begun the writing of it -in 1568 at Santiago in Guatemala, when, as he tells us, only five of -the original companions of Cortés remained alive.[1158] It is rudely, -or rather simply, written, as one might expect. The author has none of -the practised arts of condensation; and Prescott[1159] well defines -the story as long-winded and gossiping, but of great importance. It is -indeed inestimable, as the record of the actor in more than a hundred -of the fights which marked the progress of the Conquest. The untutored -air of the recital impressed Robertson and Southey with confidence -in its statements, and the reader does not fail to be conscious of a -minute rendering of the life which made up those eventful days. His -criticism of Cortés himself does not, by any means, prevent his giving -him great praise; and, as Prescott says,[1160] he censures his leader, -but he does not allow any one else to do the same. The lapse of time -before Diaz set about his literary task did not seem to abate his zeal -or check his memory; but it does not fail, however, to diminish our -own confidence a good deal. Prescott[1161] contends that the better -the acquaintance with Diaz’ narrative, the less is the trust which one -is inclined to put in it.[1162] The Spanish text which we possess is -taken, it is said, directly from the original manuscript, which had -slumbered in private hands till Father Alonso Rémon found it, or a copy -of it, in Spain, and obtained a decree to print it,[1163] about fifty -years after Diaz’ death, which occurred in 1593, or thereabouts. - - * * * * * - -The nearest approach among contemporaries to a survey of the story -of the Conquest from the Aztec side is that given by the Franciscan, -Sahagun, in connection with his great work on the condition of the -Mexican peoples prior to the coming of the Spaniards. Sahagun came to -Mexico in 1529. He lived in the new land for over sixty years, and -acquired a proficiency in the native tongue hardly surpassed by any -other of the Spaniards. He brought to the new field something besides -the iconoclastic frenzy that led so many of his countrymen to destroy -what they could of the literature and arts of the Aztecs,—so necessary -in illustration of their pagan life and rites. This zealous and pious -monk turned aside from seeking the preferments of his class to study -the motives, lives, and thoughts of the Aztec peoples. He got from them -their hieroglyphics; these in turn were translated into the language -of their speech, but expressed in the Roman character; and the whole -subjected more than once to the revising of such of the natives as -had, in his day, been educated in the Spanish schools.[1164] Thirty -years were given to this kind of preparation; and when he had got his -work written out in Mexican, the General of his Order seized it, and -some years elapsed before a restitution of it was made. Sahagun had -got to be eighty years old when, with his manuscript restored to him, -he set about re-writing it, with the Mexican text in one column and -the Spanish in another. The two huge volumes of his script found their -way to Spain, and were lost sight of till Muñoz discovered them in the -convent of Tolosa in Navarre, not wholly unimpaired by the vicissitudes -to which they had been subjected. The Nahuatl text, which made part of -it, is still missing.[1165] - -[Illustration] - -It was not long afterward (1829-1830) printed by Cárlos María -Bustamante in three volumes as _Historia general de las cosas de Nueva -España_,[1166] to which was added, as a fourth volume, also published -separately, _Historia de la conquista de México_, containing what is -usually cited as the twelfth book of Sahagun. In this, as in the other -parts, he used a copy which Muñoz had made, and which is the earlier -draft of the text as Sahagun formed it. It begins with a recital of -the omens which preceded the coming of Grijalva, and ends with the -fall of the city; and it is written, as he says, from the evidence, -in large part, of the eye-witnesses, particularly on the Aztec side, -though mixed, somewhat confusedly, with recollections from old Spanish -soldiers. Harrisse[1167] speaks of this edition as “castrated in such -a way as to require, for a perfect understanding of this dry but -important book, the reading of the parts published in vols. v. and -vi. of Kingsborough.” The text, as given in Kingsborough’s _Mexico_, -began to appear about a year later, that edition only giving, in the -first instance, book vi., which relates to the customs of the Aztecs -before the Conquest; but in a later volume he reproduced the whole of -the work without comment. Kingsborough had also used the Muñoz text, -and has made, according to Simeon, fewer errors in transcribing the -Nahuatl words than Bustamante, and has also given a purer Spanish -text. Bustamante again printed, in 1840, another text of this twelfth -book, after a manuscript belonging to the Conde de Cortina, appending -notes by Clavigero and others, with an additional chapter.[1168] The -Mexican editor claimed that this was the earlier text; but Prescott -denies it. Torquemada is thought to have used, but without due -acknowledgment, still another text, which is less modified than the -others in expressions regarding the Conquerors. The peculiar value of -Sahagun’s narrative hardly lies in its completeness, proportions, or -even trustworthiness as an historical record. “His accuracy as regards -any historical fact is not to be relied on,” says Helps.[1169] Brevoort -calls the work of interest mainly for its records of persons and places -not found elsewhere.[1170] Prescott thinks that this twelfth book is -the most honest record which the natives have left us, as Sahagun -embodies the stories and views prevalent among the descendants of the -victims of the Conquest. “This portion of the work,” he says, “was -rewritten by Sahagun at a later period of his life, and considerable -changes were made in it; yet it may be doubted if the reformed version -reflects the traditions of the country as faithfully as the original -draft.”[1171] This new draft was made by Sahagun in 1585, thirty years -after the original writing, for the purpose, as he says, of adding -some things which had been omitted, and leaving out others. Prescott -could not find, in comparing this later draft with the earlier, that -its author had mitigated any of the statements which, as he first wrote -them, bore so hard on his countrymen. The same historian thinks there -is but little difference in the intrinsic value of the two drafts.[1172] - -The best annotated edition of Sahagun is a French translation, -published in Paris in 1880 as _Histoire générale des choses de la -Nouvelle Espagne_, seemingly from the Kingsborough text, which is more -friendly to the Spaniards than the first of Bustamante. The joint -editors are Denis Jourdanet and Remi Siméon, the latter, as a Nahuatl -scholar, taking charge of those portions of the text which fell within -his linguistic range, and each affording a valuable introduction in -their respective studies.[1173] - - -=C.= OTHER EARLY ACCOUNTS.—The _Voyages, Relations, et Mémoires_ of -Ternaux-Compans (Paris, 1837-1840) offer the readiest source of some -of the most significant of the documents and monographs pertaining to -early Mexican history. Two of the volumes[1174] gather some of the -minor documents. Another volume[1175] is given to Zurita’s “Rapport -sur les différentes classes des chefs de la Nouvelle Espagne.” Three -others[1176] contain an account of the cruelties practised by the -Spaniards at the Conquest, and the history of the ancient kings of -Tezcuco,—both the work of Ferdinando d’Alva Ixtlilxochitl.[1177] The -former work, not correctly printed, and called, somewhat arbitrarily, -_Horribles crueldades de los Conquistadores de México_, was first -published by Bustamante, in 1829, as a supplement to Sahagun. The -manuscript (which was no. 13 of a number of _Noticias_, or _Relaciones -históricas_, by this native writer) had been for a while after the -writer’s death (about 1648) preserved in the library of the Jesuit -College in Mexico, and had thence passed to the archive general of the -State. It bears the certificate of a notary, in 1608, that it had been -compared with the Aztec records and found to be correct. The original -work contained several _Relaciones_, but only the one (no. 13) relating -to the Conquest was published by Bustamante and Ternaux.[1178] - -The other work of Ixtlilxochitl was first printed (after Veytia’s copy) -in Spanish by Kingsborough, in his ninth volume, before Ternaux, who -used another copy, included it in his collection under the title of -_Histoire des Chichimeque ou des anciens Rois de Tezcuco_. This is the -only work of Ixtlilxochitl which has been printed entire. According to -Clavigero, these treatises were written at the instance of the Spanish -viceroy; and as a descendant of the royal line of Tezcuco (the great -great-grandson, it is said, of the king of like name) their author had -great advantages, with perhaps great predispositions to laudation, -though he is credited with extreme carefulness in his statements;[1179] -and Prescott affirms that he has been followed with confidence by such -as have had access to his writings. Ixtlilxochitl informs us that he -has derived his material from such remains of his ancestral documents -as were left to him. He seems also to have used Gomara and other -accessible authorities. He lived in the early part of the seventeenth -century, and as interpreter of the viceroy maintained a respectable -social position when many of his royal line were in the humblest -service. His _Relaciones_ are hardly regular historical compositions, -since they lack independent and compact form; but his _Historia -Chichimeca_ is the best of them, and is more depended upon by Prescott -than the others are. There is a certain charm in his simplicity, his -picturesqueness, and honesty; and readers accept these qualities often -in full recompense for his credulity and want of discrimination,—and -perhaps for a certain servility to the Spanish masters, for whose -bounty he could press the claims of a line of vassals of his own -blood.[1180] - - -=D.= NATIVE WRITERS.—The pious vandalism of the bishops of Mexico and -Yucatan, which doomed to destruction so much of the native records -of days antecedent to the Conquest,[1181] fortunately was not so -ruthlessly exercised later, when native writers gathered up what they -could, and told the story of their people’s downfall, either in the -language of the country or in an acquired Spanish.[1182] Brasseur de -Bourbourg, in the introduction to his _Nations civilisées du Mexique_ -(Paris, 1857-1859), enumerates the manuscript sources to which he -had access,[1183] largely pertaining to the period anterior to the -Spaniards, but also in part covering the history of the Conquest, which -in his fourth volume[1184] he narrates mainly from the native point of -view, while he illustrates the Indian life under its contact with the -Spanish rule. - -Brasseur was fortunate in having access to the Aubin Collection of -manuscripts,[1185] which had originally been formed between 1736 and -1745 by the Chevalier Lorenzo Boturini Benaduci; and that collector -in 1746 gave a catalogue of them at the end of his _Idea de una nueva -historia general de la America septentrional_, published at Madrid in -that year.[1186] Unfortunately, the labors of this devoted archæologist -incurred the jealousy of the Spanish Government, and his library was -more or less scattered; but to him we owe a large part of what we find -in the collections of Bustamante, Kingsborough, and Ternaux. Mariano -Veytia[1187] was his executor, and had the advantages of Boturini’s -collections in his own _Historia Antigua de Mejico_.[1188] Boturini’s -catalogue, however, shows us that much has disappeared, which we may -regret. Such is the _Cronica_ of Tlaxcala, by Juan Ventura Zapata y -Mendoza, which brought the story down to 1689, which Brinton hopes may -yet be discovered in Spain.[1189] One important work is saved,—that of -Camargo. - -Muñoz Camargo was born in Mexico just after the Conquest, and was -connected by marriage with leading native families, and attained high -official position in Tlaxcala, whose history he wrote, beginning its -composition in 1576, and finishing it in 1585. He had collected much -material. Ternaux[1190] printed a French translation of a mutilated -text; but it has never been printed in the condition, fragmentary -though it be, in which it was recovered by Boturini. Prescott says the -original manuscript was long preserved in a convent in Mexico, where -Torquemada used it. It was later taken to Spain, when it found its -way into the Muñoz Collection in the Academy of History at Madrid, -whence Prescott got his copy. This last historian speaks of the work as -supplying much curious and authentic information respecting the social -and religious condition of the Aztecs. Camargo tells fully the story -of the Conquest, but he deals out his applause and sympathy to the -conquerors and the conquered with equal readiness.[1191] - -Other manuscripts have not yet been edited. Chimalpain’s _Cronica -Mexicana_, in the Nahuatl tongue, which covers the interval from A. D. -1068 to 1597, is one of these. Another Nahuatl manuscript in Boturini’s -list is an anonymous history of Culhuacan and Mexico. An imperfect -translation of this into Spanish, by Galicia, has been made in Mexico. -Brasseur copied it, and called it the _Codex Chimalpopoca_.[1192] In -1879 the Museo Nacional at Mexico began to print it in their _Anales_ -(vol. ii.), adding a new version by Mendoza and Solis, under the title -of _Anales de Cuauhtitlan_.[1193] - -Bancroft’s list, prefixed to his _Mexico_, makes mention of most -of these native Mexican sources. Of principal use among them may -be mentioned Fernando de Alvaro Tezozomoc’s _Cronica Mexicana_, or -_Histoire du Mexique_, written in 1598, and published in 1853, in -Paris, by Ternaux-Compans.[1194] - -Brinton has published in the first volume of his library of _Aboriginal -American Literature_ (1882, p. 189) the chronicle of Chac-xulub-chen, -written in the Maya in 1562, which throws light on the methods of the -Spanish Conquest. - -There was a native account, by Don Gabriel Castañeda, of the conquest -of the Chichimecs by the Viceroy Antonio de Mendoza in 1541; but -Brinton[1195] says all trace of it is lost since it was reported to be -in the Convent of Ildefonso in Mexico. - -Perhaps the most important native contribution to the history of -Guatemala is Francisco Ernandez Arana Xahila’s _Memorial de Tecpan -Atitlan_, written in 1581 and later in the dialect of Cakchiquel, and -bringing the history of a distinguished branch of the Cakchiquels -down to 1562, from which point it is continued by Francisco Gebuta -Queh. Brasseur de Bourbourg loosely rendered it, and from this -paraphrase a Spanish version has been printed in Guatemala; but the -original has never been printed. Brinton (in his _Aboriginal American -Authors_, p. 32) says he has a copy; and another is in Europe. It is -of great importance as giving the native accounts of the conquest of -Guatemala.[1196] An ardent advocacy of the natives was also shown -in the _Historia de las Indias de Nueva España_ of the Padre Diego -Duran, which was edited by Ramirez, so far as the first volume goes, -in 1867, when it was published in Mexico with an atlas of plates -after the manuscript; but this publication is said not to present all -the drawings of the original manuscript. The overthrow of Maximilian -prevented the completion of the publication. The incoming Republican -government seized what had been printed, so that the fruit of Ramirez’s -labor is now scarce. Quaritch priced the editor’s own copy at £8 -10_s._ The editor had polished the style of the original somewhat, -and made other changes, which excited some disgust in the purists; -and this action on his part may have had something to do with the -proceedings of the new Government. Ramirez claimed descent from the -Aztecs, and this may account for much of his stern judgment respecting -Cortés.[1197] The story in this first volume is only brought down -to the reign of Montezuma. The manuscript is preserved in the royal -library at Madrid.[1198] Duran was a half-breed, his mother being of -Tezcuco. He became a Dominican; but a slender constitution kept him -from the missionary field, and he passed a monastic life of literary -labors. He had finished in 1579 the later parts of his work treating of -the Mexican divinities, calendars, and festivals; and then, reverting -to the portions which came first in the manuscript, he tells the story -of Mexican history rather clumsily, but with a certain native force and -insight, down to the period of the Honduras expedition. The manuscript -of Duran passed, after his death in 1588, to Juan Tovar, and from him, -perhaps with the representations that Tovar (or Tobar) was its author, -to José de Acosta, who represents Tovar as the author, and who had then -prepared, while in Peru, his _De Natura Novi Orbis_. - - -=E.= THE EARLIER HISTORIANS.—José de Acosta was born about 1540 in -Spain; but at fourteen he joined the Jesuits. He grew learned, and -in 1571 he went to Peru, in which country he spent fifteen years, -becoming the provincial of his Order. He tarried two other years in -Mexico—where he saw Tovar—and in the islands. He then returned to Spain -laden with manuscripts and information, became a royal favorite, held -other offices, and died as rector of Salamanca in 1600,[1199] having -published in his books on the New World the most popular and perhaps -most satisfactory account of it up to that time; while his theological -works give evidence, as Markham says, of great learning. - -Acosta’s first publication appeared at Salamanca in 1588 and 1589, and -was in effect two essays, though they are usually found under one cover -(they had separate titles, but were continuously paged), _De natura -Novi Orbis libri duo, et de promulgatione evangelii apud barbaros, ... -libri sex_. In the former he describes the physical features of the -country, and in the latter he told the story Of the conversion of the -Indians.[1200] Acosta now translated the two books of the _De natura_ -into Spanish, and added five other books. The work was thus made to -form a general cosmographical treatise, with particular reference to -the New World; and included an account of the religion and government -of the Indians of Peru and Mexico. He also gave a brief recital of the -Conquest. In this extended form, and under the title of _Historia -natvral y moral de las Indias, en qve se tratan las cosas notables del -cielo, y elementos, metales, plantas, y animales dellas; y los ritos, -y ceremonias, leyes, y gouierno, y guerras de los Indios_, it was -published at Seville in 1590.[1201] - -Two other accounts of this period deserve notice. One is by Joan Suarez -de Peralta, who was born in Mexico in 1536, and wrote a _Tratado del -descubrimiento de las Yndias y su conquista_, which is preserved in -manuscript in the library at Toledo in Spain. It is not full, however, -on the Conquest; but is more definite for the period from 1565 to 1589. -It was printed at Madrid in 1878, in the _Noticias históricas de la -Nueva España publicadas con la protection del ministerio de fomento por -Don Justo Zaragoza_. The other is Henrico Martinez’ _Repertorio de los -Tiempos y historia natural de la Nueva España_, published at Mexico in -1606. It covers the Mexican annals from 1520 to 1590.[1202] - -One of the earliest to depend largely on the native chroniclers was -Juan de Torquemada, in his _Monarquía Indiana_. This author was born -in Spain, but came young to Mexico; and was a priest of the Franciscan -habit, who finally became (1614-1617) the provincial of that Order. He -had assiduously labored to collect all that he could find regarding -the history of the people among whom he was thrown; and his efforts -were increased when, in 1609, he received orders to prepare his -labors for publication. His book is esteemed for the help it affords -in understanding these people. Ternaux calls it the most complete -narrative which we possess of the ancient history of Mexico. He took -the history, as the native writers had instructed him, of the period -before the Conquest, and derived from them and his own observation much -respecting the kind of life which the conquerors found prevailing in -the country. In his account of the Conquest, which constitutes the -fourth book in vol. i., Torquemada seems to depend largely on Herrera, -though he does not neglect Sahagun and the native writers. Clavigero -tells us that Torquemada for fifty years had known the language of the -natives, and spent twenty years or more in arranging his history. He -also tells us of the use which Torquemada made of the manuscripts which -he found in the colleges of Mexico, of the writings of Ixtlilxochitl, -Camargo, and of the history of Cholula by another writer of native -origin, Juan Batista Pomar. Another book of considerable use to him was -the work of a warm eulogist of the natives, if not himself of their -blood; and this was the _Historia Eclesiástica Indiana_, a work written -by Gerónimo de Mendieta near the end of the sixteenth century. Mendieta -was in Mexico from 1554 to 1571,[1203] and his work, finished in 1596, -after having remained for two hundred years in manuscript, was printed -and annotated by Icazbalceta at Mexico, in 1870.[1204] - -The _Monarquía Indiana_, in which these and other writers were so -freely employed as to be engrafted in parts almost bodily, was first -printed in three volumes at Madrid in 1615; but before this the -Inquisition had struck out from its pages some curious chapters, -particularly, says Rich, one comparing the migration of the Toltecs to -that of the Israelites. The colophon of this edition shows the date of -1614.[1205] It is said that most of it was lost in a shipwreck, and -this accounts, doubtless, for its rarity. The original manuscript, -however, being preserved, it served Barcia well in editing a reprint -in 1723, published at Madrid, which is now considered the standard -edition.[1206] Torquemada doubtless derived something of his skill in -the native tongue from his master, Fray Joan Baptista, who had the -reputation of being the most learned scholar of the Mexican language in -his time.[1207] - -The _Teatro Mexicano_ of Augustin de Vetancurt, published at Mexico -in 1697-1698,[1208] is the next general chronicle after Torquemada. -Vetancourt, also, was a Franciscan, born in Mexico in 1620, and died -in 1700. He had the literary fecundity of his class; but the most -important of his works is the one already named; and in the third part -of the first volume we find his history of the Conquest. He seldom goes -behind his predecessor, and Torquemada must stand sponsor for much of -his recital. - - -=F.= MODERN HISTORIANS.—The well-known work of Solis (_Historia de -la Conquista de México_,[1209] published at Madrid in 1684) is the -conspicuous precursor of a long series of histories of the Conquest, -written without personal knowledge of the actors in this extraordinary -event. Solis ended his narrative with the fall of the city, the -author’s death preventing any further progress, though it is said he -had gathered further materials; but they are not known to exist. A work -by Ignacio Salazar y Olarte, continuing the narrative down to the death -of Cortés, is called a second part, and was published at Cordova in -1743, under the title of _Historia de la conquista de México, poblacion -y progressos de la América septentrional conocida por el nombre de -Nueva España_. This continuation was reprinted at Madrid in 1786, and -in the opinion of Bancroft[1210] abounds “in all the faults of the -superficial and florid composition of Solis.” - -Solis, who was born at Alcala in 1610, was educated at Salamanca, -and had acquired a great reputation in letters, when he attracted -the attention of the Court, and was appointed historiographer of the -Indies. Some time afterward (1667) he entered the Church, at fifty-six; -but to earn his salary as official chronicler,—which was small enough -at best,—he turned, with a good deal of the poetic and artistic -instinct which his previous training had developed, to tell the story -of the Conquest, with a skill which no one before had employed upon the -theme. The result was a work which, “to an extraordinary degree,” as -Ticknor[1211] says, took on “the air of an historical epic, so exactly -are all its parts and episodes modelled into a harmonious whole, whose -catastrophe is the fall of the great Mexican Empire.” The book was a -striking contrast to the chronicling spirit of all preceding recitals. - -[Illustration: SOLIS. - -Fac-simile of engraving in his _Historia_, published at Venice in -1715. There are other likenesses in the Madrid (1783) edition, and in -Cumplido’s Mexican edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii.] - -The world soon saw—though the sale of the book was not large at -once, and the author died very poor two years later (1686)—that the -strange story had been given its highest setting. Solis gives no -notes; and one needs to know the literature of the subject, to track -him to his authorities. If this is done, however, it appears that his -investigation was far from deep, and that with original material within -his reach he rarely or never used it, but took the record at second -hand. Robertson, who had to depend on him more or less, was aware of -this, and judged him less solicitous of discovering truth than of -glorifying the splendor of deeds. This panegyrical strain in the book -has lowered its reputation, particularly among foreign critics, who -fail to share the enthusiasm which Solis expresses for Cortés. We may -call his bitter denunciations of the natives bigotry or pious zeal; but -Ticknor accounts for it by saying that Solis “refused to see the fierce -and marvellous contest except from the steps of the altar where he had -been consecrated.” The religion and national pride of the Spaniards -have not made this quality detract in the least from the estimation -in which the book has long been held; but all that they say of the -charm and purity of its style, despite something of tiresomeness in -its even flow, is shared by the most conspicuous of foreign critics, -like Prescott and Ticknor. Rich, who had opportunities for knowing, -bears evidence to the estimation in Spain of those qualities which have -insured the fame of Solis.[1212] - -The story was not told again with the dignity of a classic,—except -so far as Herrera composed it,—till Robertson, in his _History of -America_, recounted it. He used the printed sources with great -fidelity; but he was denied a chance to examine the rich manuscript -material which was open to Solis, and which Robertson would doubtless -have used more abundantly. In a Note (xcvii.) he enumerates his chief -authorities, and they are only the letters of Cortés and the story as -told by Gomara, Bernal Diaz, Peter Martyr, Solis, and Herrera.[1213] Of -Solis, Robertson says he knows no author in any language whose literary -fame has risen so far beyond his real merits. He calls him “destitute -of that patient industry in research which conducts to the knowledge -of truth, and a stranger to that impartiality which weighs evidence -with cool attention.... Though he sometimes quotes the despatches of -Cortés, he seems not to have consulted them; and though he sets out -with some censure on Gomara, he frequently prefers his authority—the -most doubtful of any—to that of the other contemporary historians.” -Robertson judged that Herrera furnished the fullest and most accurate -information, and that if his work had not in its chronological order -been so perplexed, disconnected, and obscure, Herrera might justly -have been ranked among the most eminent historians of his country. -William Smyth, in the twenty-first section of his _Lectures on Modern -History_, in an account which is there given of the main sources of -information respecting the Conquest, as they were accessible forty or -fifty years ago, awards high praise—certainly not undeserved for his -time—to Robertson. Southey accused Robertson of unduly depreciating the -character and civilization of the Mexicans; and others have held the -opinion that he had a tendency to palliate the crimes of the invaders. -Robertson, in his later editions, replied to such strictures, and held -that Clavigero and others had differed from him chiefly in confiding in -the improbable narratives and fanciful conjectures of Torquemada and -Boturini. - -Francisco Saverio Clavigero was a Jesuit, who had long resided in -Mexico, being born at Vera Cruz in 1731; but when expelled with his -Order, he took up his abode in Italy in 1767. He had the facilities -and the occasion for going more into detail than Robertson. His -_Storia antica del Messico cavata da’ migliori storici spagnuoli, -e da’ manoscritti; e dalle pitture antiche degl’Indiani: divisa in -dieci libri, e corredata di carte geografiche, e di varie figure: -e dissertazioni sulla terra, sugli animali, e sugli abitatori del -Messico_,[1214] was published in four volumes at Cesena in 1780-1781. -He gives the names of thirty-nine Indian and Spanish writers who -had written upon the theme, and has something to say of the Mexican -historical paintings which he had examined. H. H. Bancroft esteems him -a leading authority,[1215] and says he rearranged the material in a -masterly manner, and invested it with a philosophic spirit, altogether -superior to anything presented till Prescott’s time.[1216] It is in his -third volume that Clavigero particularly treats of the Conquest, having -been employed on the earlier chronicles and the manners and customs of -the people in the first and second, while the fourth volume is made up -of particular dissertations. Clavigero was not without learning. He had -passed three years at the Jesuit College at Tepozotlan, and had taught -as a master in various branches. At Bologna, where he latterly lived, -he founded an academy; and here he died in 1787, leaving behind him a -_Storia della California_, published at Venice in 1789.[1217] - -Fifteen years ago it was the opinion of Henry Stevens,[1218] that all -other books which have been elaborated since on the same subject, -instead of superseding Clavigero’s, have tended rather to magnify its -importance.[1219] - -The most conspicuous treatment of the subject, in the minds of the -elders of the present generation, is doubtless that of Prescott, who -published his _Conquest of Mexico_ in 1843, dividing it into three -distinct parts,—the first showing a survey of the Aztec civilization; -the second depicting the Conquest; while the final period brought -down the life of Cortés to his death. Charton[1220] speaks of Solis -as a work “auquel le livre de Prescott a porté un dernier coup.” -Prescott was at great expense and care in amassing much manuscript -material never before used, chiefly in copies, which Rich and others -had procured for him, and he is somewhat minute in his citations from -them. They have since been in large part printed, and doubtless very -much more is at present accessible in type to the student than was in -Prescott’s day.[1221] - -Prescott was of good New England stock, settled in Essex County, -Massachusetts, where (in Salem) he was born in 1796. His father -removed to Boston in 1808, and became a judge of one of the courts. A -mischance at Harvard, in a student’s frolic, deprived young Prescott -of the use of one eye; and the other became in time permanently -affected. Thus he subsequently labored at his historical studies under -great disadvantage,[1222] and only under favorable circumstances and -for short periods could he read for himself. In this way he became -dependent upon the assistance of secretaries, though he generally wrote -his early drafts by the aid of a noctograph. - -[Illustration: WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT. - -This cut follows an engraving in mezzotint in the _Eclectic Magazine_ -(1858), and shows him using his noctograph. The likeness was thought -by his wife and sister (Mrs. Dexter) to be the best ever made, as Mr. -Arthur Dexter informs me. See other likenesses in Ticknor’s _Life of -Prescott_; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, iv. 167; and _N. E. Hist. and -Geneal. Reg._ (1868), p. 226.] - -From 1826 to 1837 he was engaged on his _Ferdinand and Isabella_, and -this naturally led him to the study of his Mexican and Peruvian themes; -and Irving, who had embarked on them as a literary field, generously -abandoned his pursuit to the new and rising historian.[1223] The -_Conquest of Mexico_ appeared in 1843,[1224] and has long remained a -charming book, as fruitful in authority as the material then accessible -could make it. - -In the Preface to his _Mexico_ Mr. Prescott tells of his success in -getting unpublished material, showing how a more courteous indulgence -was shown to him than Robertson had enjoyed. By favor of the Academy -of History in Madrid he got many copies of the manuscripts of Muñoz -and of Vargas y Ponçe, and he enjoyed the kind offices of Navarrete in -gathering this material. He mentions that, touching the kindred themes -of Mexico and Peru, he thus obtained the bulk of eight thousand folio -pages. From Mexico itself he gathered other appliances, and these -largely through the care of Alaman, the minister of foreign affairs, -and of Calderon de la Barca, the minister to Mexico from Spain. He also -acknowledges the courtesy of the descendants of Cortés in opening their -family archives; that of Sir Thomas Phillipps, whose manuscript stores -have become so famous, and the kindness of Ternaux-Compans. - -To Mr. John Foster Kirk, who had been Prescott’s secretary, the -preparation of new editions of Prescott’s works was intrusted, and in -this series the _Mexico_ was republished in 1874. Kirk was enabled, as -Prescott himself had been in preparing for it, to make use of the notes -which Ramirez had added to the Spanish translation by Joaquin Navarro, -published in Mexico in 1844, and of those of Lúcas Alaman, attached to -another version, published also in Mexico.[1225] - -Almost coincident with the death of Prescott, was published by a -chance Mr. Robert Anderson Wilson’s _New History of the Conquest of -Mexico_.[1226] Its views were not unexpected, and indeed Prescott had -been in correspondence[1227] with the author. His book was rather an -extravagant argument than a history, and was aimed to prove the utter -untrustworthiness of the ordinary chroniclers of the Conquest, charging -the conquerors with exaggerating and even creating the fabric of the -Aztec civilization, to enhance the effect which the overthrow of so -much splendor would have in Europe. To this end he pushes Cortés aside -as engrafting fable on truth for such a purpose, dismisses rather -wildly Bernal Diaz as a myth, and declares the picture-writings to be -Spanish fabrications. This view was not new, except in its excess of -zeal. Albert Gallatin had held a similar belief.[1228] Lewis Cass had -already seriously questioned, in the _North American Review_, October, -1840, the consistency of the Spanish historians. A previous work by -Mr. Wilson had already, indeed, announced his views, though less -emphatically. This book had appeared in three successive editions,—as -_Mexico and its Religion_ (New York, 1855); then as _Mexico, its -Peasants and its Priests_ (1856); and finally as _Mexico, Central -America, and California_. - -It was easy to accuse Wilson of ignorance and want of candor,—for he -had laid himself open too clearly to this charge,—and Mr. Prescott’s -friend, Mr. George Ticknor, arraigned him in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, April, 1859.[1229] He reminded Wilson that he ought to have -known that Don Enrique de Vedia, who had published an edition of Bernal -Diaz in 1853, had cited Fuentes y Guzman, whose manuscript history of -Guatemala was before that editor, as referring in it to the manuscript -of Bernal Diaz (his great-grandfather), which was then in existence,—a -verity and no myth. Further than this, Brasseur de Bourbourg, who -chanced then to be in Boston, bore testimony that he had seen and used -the autograph manuscript of Bernal Diaz in the archives of Guatemala. - -In regard to the credibility of the accounts which Prescott depends -upon, his editor,[1230] Mr. Kirk, has not neglected to cite the -language of Mr. E. B. Tylor, in his _Anahuac_,[1231] where he says, -respecting his own researches on the spot, that what he saw of Mexico -tended generally to confirm Prescott’s History, and but seldom to make -his statements appear improbable. The impeachment of the authorities, -which Wilson attacks, is to be successful, if at all, by other -processes than those he employs. - -Meanwhile Arthur Helps,[1232] in tracing the rise of negro slavery -and the founding of colonial government in Spanish America, had -published his _Conquerors of the New World and their Bondsmen_ (London, -1848-1852),—a somewhat speculative essay, which, with enlargement of -purpose and more detail, resulted in 1855-1861 in the publication of -his _Spanish Conquest in America_, reprinted in New York in 1867. He -gives a glowing account of the Aztec civilization, and, excerpting the -chapters on the Conquest, he added some new details of the private -life of Cortés, and published it separately in 1871 as an account of -that leader, which is attractive as a biography, if not comprehensive -as a history of the Conquest. “Every page affords evidence of historic -lore,” says Field, “and almost every sentence glows with the warmth of -his philanthropy.”[1233] Helps has himself told the object and method -of his book, and it is a different sort of historical treatment from -all the others which we are passing in review. “To bring before the -reader, not conquest only, but the results of conquest; the mode of -colonial government which ultimately prevailed; the extirpation of -native races, the introduction of other races, the growth of slavery, -and the settlement of the _encomiendas_ on which all Indian society -depended,—has been the object of this history.”[1234] - -Among the later works not in English we need not be detained long. The -two most noteworthy in French are the _Histoire des nations civilisées -du Mexique_ of Brasseur de Bourbourg, more especially mentioned on -another page, and Michel Chevalier’s _Mexique avant et pendant la -Conquête_, published at Paris in 1845.[1235] In German, Theodor -Arnim’s _Das Alte Mexico und die eroberung Neu Spaniens durch Cortes_, -Leipsic, 1865, is a reputable book.[1236] In Spanish, beside the _Vida -de Cortés_ given by Icazbalceta in his _Coleccion_, vol. i. p. 309, -there is the important work of Lúcas Alaman, the _Disertaciones sobre -la Historia de la República Mejicana_, published at Mexico in three -volumes in 1844-1849, which is a sort of introduction to his _Historia -de Méjico_, in five volumes, published in 1849-1852.[1237] He added -not a little in his appendixes from the archives of Simancas, and the -latter book is considered the best of the histories in Spanish. In 1862 -Francisco Carbajal Espinosa’s _Historia de México_, bringing the story -down from the earliest times, was begun in Mexico. Bancroft calls it -pretentious, and mostly borrowed from Clavigero.[1238] - -Returning to the English tongue, in which the story of Mexico has been -so signally told more than once from the time of Robertson, we find -still the amplest contribution in the _History of Mexico_, a part of -the extended series of the _History of the Pacific States_, published -under the superintendence of Hubert H. Bancroft. Of Bancroft and these -books mention is made in another place. The _Mexico_ partakes equally -of the merits and demerits attaching to his books and their method. It -places the student under more obligations than any of the histories of -the Conquest which have gone before, though one tires of the strained -and purely extraneous classical allusions,—which seem to have been -affected by his staff, or by some one on it, during the progress of -this particular book of the series. - - -=G.= YUCATAN.—With the subsequent subjugation of Yucatan Cortés had -nothing to do. Francisco de Montejo had been with Grijalva when he -landed at Cozumel on the Yucatan coast, and with Cortés when he touched -at the same island on his way to Mexico. After the fall of the Aztecs, -Montejo was the envoy whom Cortés sent to Spain, and while there the -Emperor commissioned him (Nov. 17, 1526) to conduct a force for the -settlement of the peninsula. Early in 1527 Montejo left Spain with -Alonso de Avila as second in command. For twenty years and more the -conquest went on, with varying success. At one time not a Spaniard -was left in the country. No revolts of the natives occurred after -1547, when the conquest may be considered as complete. The story -is told with sufficient fulness in Bancroft’s _Mexico_.[1239] The -main sources of our information are the narrative of Bernal Diaz, -embodying the reports of eye-witnesses, and the histories of Oviedo -and Herrera. Bancroft[1240] gives various incidental references. The -more special authorities, however, are the _Historia de Yucathan_ of -Diego Lopez Cogolludo, published at Madrid in 1688,[1241] who knew how -to use miracles for his reader’s sake, and who had the opportunity of -consulting most that had been written, and all that had been printed -up to his time. He closes his narrative in 1665.[1242] The Bishop of -Yucatan, Diego de Landa, in his _Relation des choses de Yucatan_, as -the French translation terms it, has left us the only contemporary -Spanish document of the period of the Conquest. The book is of more -interest in respect to the Maya civilization than as to the progress -of the Spanish domination. It was not printed till it was edited by -Brasseur de Bourbourg, with an introduction, and published in Paris in -1864.[1243] - -Landa was born in 1524, and was one of the first of his Order to -come to Yucatan, where he finally became Bishop of Mérida in 1572, -and died in 1579. Among the books commonly referred to for the later -period is the first part (the second was never published) of Juan de -Villagutierre Sotomayor’s _Historia de la Conquista de la provincia de -el Itza_, etc., Madrid, 1701. It deals somewhat more with the spiritual -and the military conquests, but writers find it important.[1244] - -The latest English history of the peninsula is that by Charles St. -J. Fancourt, _History of Yucatan_, London, 1854;[1245] but a more -extended, if less agreeable, book is Ancona’s _Historia de Yucatan -desde la época mas remota hasta nuestros dias_, published at Mérida -in four volumes in 1878-1880. It gives references which will be found -useful.[1246] - - -=H.= BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MEXICO.—The earliest special bibliography of -Mexico of any moment is that which, under the title of _Catalogo de sa -museo historico Indiano_, is appended to Boturini Benaduci’s _Idea de -una nueva historia general de la America septentrional_ (Madrid, 1746), -which was the result of eight years’ investigations into the history of -Mexico. He includes a list of books, maps, and manuscripts, of which -the last remnants in 1853 were in the Museo Nacional in Mexico.[1247] -Of the list of New Spain authors by Eguiara y Eguren, only a small part -was published in 1755 as _Bibliotheca Mexicana_.[1248] It was intended -to cover all authors born in New Spain; but though he lived to arrange -the work through the letter J, only A, B, and C were published. All -titles are translated into Latin. Its incompleteness renders the -bibliographical parts of Maneiro’s _De Vitis Mexicanorum_ (1791) -more necessary, and makes Beristain’s _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americano -Septentrional_,[1249] of three volumes, published at Mexico in 1816, -1819, and 1821, of more importance than it would otherwise be. -Beristain, also, only partly finished his work; but a nephew completed -the publication. It has become rare; and its merits are not great, -though its notices number 3,687. - -Of more use to the student of the earlier history, however, is the -list which Clavigero gives in his _Storia del Messico_ published in -1780. A Jesuit, and a collector, having a book-lover’s keen scent, he -surpassed all writers on the theme who had preceded him, in amassing -the necessary stores for his special use. Since his day the field has -been surveyed more systematically both by the general and special -bibliographers. The student of early Spanish-Mexican history will of -course not forget the help which he can get from general bibliographers -like Brunet, from the _Dictionary_ of Sabin, the works of Ternaux and -Harrisse, the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, not to speak of other important -library catalogues. - -The sale catalogues are not without assistance. Principal among them -are the collections which had been formed by the Emperor Maximilian of -Mexico,—which was sold in Leipsic in 1869 as the collection of José -Maria Andrade,[1250]—and the _Bibliotheca Mexicana_ formed by José -Fernando Ramirez, which was sold in London in 1880.[1251] - -All other special collections on Mexico have doubtless been surpassed -by that which has been formed in San Francisco by Mr. Hubert Howe -Bancroft, as a component part of his library pertaining to the -western slope of America. Lists of such titles have been prefixed to -his histories of _Central America_ and of _Mexico_, and are to be -supplemented by others as his extended work goes on. He has explained, -in his preface to his _Mexico_ (p. viii), the wealth of his manuscript -stores; and it is his custom, as it was Prescott’s, to append to his -chapters, and sometimes to passages of the text, considerable accounts, -with some bibliographical detail, of the authorities with which he -deals.[1252] Helps, though referring to his authorities, makes no such -extended references to them.[1253] - - - - -DISCOVERIES - -ON THE - -PACIFIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -THE cartographical history of the Pacific coast of North America is -one of shadowy and unstable surmise long continued.[1254] The views of -Columbus and his companions, as best shown in the La Cosa and Ruysch -maps,[1255] precluded, for a considerable time after the coming of -Europeans, the possibility of the very existence of such a coast; since -their Asiatic theory of the new-found lands maintained with more or -less modification a fitful existence for a full century after Columbus. -In many of the earliest maps the question was avoided by cutting -off the westerly extension of the new continent by the edge of the -sheet;[1256] but the confession of that belief was still made sometimes -in other ways, as when, in the Portuguese _portolano_, which is placed -between 1516 and 1520, Mahometan flags are placed on the coasts of -Venezuela and Nicaragua.[1257] - -In 1526 a rare book of the monk Franciscus, _De orbis situ ac -descriptione Francisci epistola_,[1258] contained a map which -represented South America as a huge island disjoined from the Asiatic -coast by a strait in the neighborhood of Tehuantepec, with the legend, -“Hoc orbis hemisphærium cedit regi Hispaniæ.”[1259] A few years later -we find two other maps showing this Asiatic connection,—one of which, -the Orontius Finæus globe, is well known, and is the earliest engraved -map showing a return to the ideas of Columbus. It appeared in the Paris -edition of the _Novus Orbis_ of Simon Grynæus, in 1532,[1260] and was -made the previous year. It is formed on a cordiform projection, and -is entitled “Nova et integra universi orbis descriptio.” It is more -easily understood by a reference to Mr. Brevoort’s reduction of it -to Mercator’s projection, as shown in another volume.[1261] The same -map, with a change in the inserted type dedication, appeared in the -Pomponius Mela of 1540,[1262] and it is said also to be found much -later in the _Geografia_ of Lafreri published at Rome, 1554-1572. - -[Illustration: SLOANE MANUSCRIPTS, 1530. - -This follows a drawing in Kohl’s Washington Collection.] - -[Illustration: RUSCELLI, 1544. - -This follows a sketch given by Dr. Kohl in his _Discovery of Maine_, -pl. xv., which is also copied in Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. -p. 148. Cf. Lelewel, p. 170; Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_ (1865), -p. 371.] - -The other of the two maps already referred to belongs to a manuscript, -_De Principiis Astronomiæ_, preserved in the British Museum among the -Sloane manuscripts.[1263] It closely resembles the Finæus map. The -authorities place it about 1530, or a little later. In 1533, in his -_Opusculum Geographicum_, Schöner maintained that the city of Mexico -was the Quinsay of Marco Polo; and about the same time Francis I., in -commissioning Cartier for his explorations, calls the St. Lawrence -valley a part of Asia. - -What is known as the Nancy Globe preserved the same idea, as will be -seen by the sketch of it annexed, which follows an engraving published -in the _Compte Rendu_ of the Congrès des Américanistes.[1264] - -[Illustration: THE NANCY GLOBE.] - -The same view is maintained in a manuscript map of Ruscelli, the -Italian geographer, preserved in the British Museum. Perhaps the -earliest instance of a connection of America and Europe, such as -Ruscelli here imagines, is the map of “Schondia,” which Ziegler the -Bavarian published in his composite work at Strasburg in 1532,[1265] -in which it will be observed he makes “Bacallaos” a part of Greenland, -preserving the old notion prevailing before Columbus, as shown in the -maps of the latter part of the fifteenth century, that Greenland was in -fact a prolongation of northwestern Europe, as Ziegler indicates at the -top of his map, the western half of which only is here reproduced. - -[Illustration: ZIEGLER’S SCHONDIA, 1532. - -This is a fac-simile made from Mr. Charles Deane’s (formerly the -Murphy) copy. Cf. Dr. A. Breusing’s _Leitfaden durch das Wiegenalter -der Kartographie bis zum Jahre 1600_, Frankfurt a. M., 1883, p. 11.] - -In this feature, as in others, there is a resemblance in these maps of -Ziegler and Ruscelli to two maps by Jacopo Gastaldi, “le coryphée des -géographes de péninsule italique,” as Lelewel[1266] calls him. These -maps appeared in the first Italian edition of Ptolemy, published at -Venice in 1548.[1267] - -The first (no. 59), inscribed “Dell’universale nuova,” is an elliptical -projection of the globe, showing a union of America and Asia, somewhat -different in character of contour from that represented in the other -(no. 60), a “Carta Marina Universale,” of which an outline sketch is -annexed. - -[Illustration: CARTA MARINA, 1548. - -The key is as follows: - - 1. Norvegia. - 2. Laponia. - 3. Gronlandia. - 4. Tierra del Labrador. - 5. Tierra del Bacalaos. - 6. La Florida. - 7. Nueva Hispania. - 8. Mexico. - 9. India Superior. - 10. La China. - 11. Ganges. - 12. Samatra. - 13. Java. - 14. Panama. - 15. Mar del Sur. - 16. El Brasil. - 17. El Peru. - 18. Strecho de Fernande Magalhaes. - 19. Tierra del Fuego. - -This map is also reproduced in Nordenskiöld’s _Bröderna Zenos_, -Stockholm, 1883.] - -[Illustration: VOPELLIO, 1556. - -(_Reduction of western half._)] - -This same map was adopted (as no. 2) by Ruscelli in the edition of -Ptolemy which he published at Venice in 1561,[1268] though in the -“Orbis descriptio” (no. 1) of that edition Ruscelli hesitates to accept -the Asiatic theory and indicates a “littus incognitum,” as Gastaldi did -in the map which he made for Ramusio in 1550. - -[Illustration] - -Wuttke[1269] has pointed out two maps preserved in the Palazzo Riccardi -at Florence, which belong to about the year 1550, and show a similar -Asiatic connection.[1270] The map of Gaspar Vopellius, or Vopellio -(1556), also extended the California coast to the Ganges. It appeared -in connection with Girava’s _Dos Libros de Cosmographia_, Milan, -1556,[1271] but when a new titlepage was given to the same sheets in -1570, it is doubtful if the map was retained, though Sabin says it -should have the map.[1272] The Italian cartographer, Paulo de Furlani, -made a map in 1560, which according to Kohl is preserved in the -British Museum. It depicts Chinamen and elephants in the region of the -Mississippi Valley. - -[Illustration: PAULO DE FURLANI’S MAP, 1560. - -The key is this: - - 1. Oceano settentrionale. - 2. Canada. - 3. panaman. - 4. Mexico. - 5. s. tomas. - 6. Nova Ispania. - 7. Cipola. - 8. Le sete cita. - 9. Topira. - 10. tontontean. - 11. Zangar. - 12. Tebet. - 13. Quisai. - 14. Cimpaga. - 15. Golfo de Tonza. - 16. Ys. de las ladrones. - 17. mangi. - 18. mar de la china.] - -From Kohl’s sketch, preserved in his manuscript in the library of the -American Antiquarian Society, the annexed outline is drawn. Furlani -is reported to have received it from a Spanish nobleman, Don Diego -Hermano, of Toledo.[1273] The connection with Asia is again adhered -to in Johannes Myritius’s _Opusculum geographicum_, where the map is -dated 1587, though the book was published at Ingolstadt in 1590.[1274] -Just at this time Livio Sanuto, in his _Geografia distinta_ (Venice, -1588), was disputing the Asiatic theory on the ground that the Mexicans -would not have shown surprise at horses in Cortés’ time, if they had -formerly been inhabitants of a continent like Asia, where horses are -common. Perhaps the latest use of the type of map shown in the “Carta -Marina” of 1548 was just a half century later, in 1598, in an edition -of Ortelius, _Il Theatro del mondo_, published at Brescia. The belief -still lingered for many years yet in some quarters; and Thomas Morton -in 1636 showed that in New England it was not yet decided whether -the continent of America did not border upon the country of the -Tartars.[1275] Indeed, the last trace of the assumption was not blown -away till Behring in 1728 passed from the Pacific to the Arctic seas. - - * * * * * - -Such is in brief the history of the inception and decline of the belief -in the prolongation of Asia over against Spain, as Toscanelli had -supposed in 1474, and as had been suspected by geographers at intervals -since the time of Eratosthenes.[1276] The beginning of the decline of -such belief is traced to the movements of Cortés. Balboa in 1513 by his -discovery of the South Sea, later to be called the Pacific Ocean,[1277] -had established the continental form of South America, whose limits -southward were fixed by Magellan in 1520; but it was left for Cortés to -begin the exploration to the north which Behring consummated. - -After the Congress of Badajos had resolved to effect a search for a -passage through the American barrier to the South Sea, the news of -such a determination was not long in reaching Cortés in Mexico, and -we know from his fourth letter, dated Oct. 15, 1524, that it had -already reached him, and that he had decided to take part in the -quest himself by despatching an expedition towards the Baccalaos on -the hither side; while he strove also to connect with the discoveries -of Magellan on the side of the South Sea.[1278] Cortés had already -been led in part by the reports of Balboa’s discovery, and in part by -the tidings which were constantly reaching him of a great sea in the -direction of Tehuantepec, to establish a foothold on its coast, as the -base for future maritime operations. So his explorers had found a fit -spot in Zacatula, and thither he had sent colonists and shipwrights to -establish a town and build a fleet,[1279] the Emperor meanwhile urging -him speedily to use the vessels in a search for the coveted strait, -which would open a shorter passage than Magellan had found to the -Spice Islands.[1280] But Cortés’ attention was soon distracted by his -Honduras expedition, and nothing was done till he returned from that -march, when he wrote to the Emperor, Sept. 3, 1526, offering to conduct -his newly built fleet to the Moluccas. - -[Illustration: THE PACIFIC, 1513. - -Kohl gives this old Portuguese chart of the Pacific in his Washington -Collection, after an original preserved in the military archives -at Munich, which was, as he thinks possible, made by some pilot -accompanying Antonio da Miranda de Azevedo, who conducted a Portuguese -fleet to the Moluccas in 1513 to join the earlier expedition (1511) -under D’Abreu and Serraō. A legend at Maluca marks these islands as -the place “where the cloves grow,” while the group south of them is -indicated as the place “where nutmegs grow.” The coast on the right -must stand for the notion then prevailing of the main of America, which -was barring the Spanish progress from the east. - -Of the early maps of the Moluccas, there is one by Baptista Agnese in -his _portolano_ of 1536, preserved in the British Museum; one by Diego. -Homem in a similar atlas, dated 1558, likewise in the Museum; and one -of 1568, by J. Martines. Copies of these are all included in Kohl’s -Washington Collection.] - -But two other fleets were already on the way thither,—one under Garcia -de Loaysa which left Spain in August, 1525, and the other under -Sebastian Cabot, who stopped on the way at La Plata, had left in April, -1526. So Cortés finally received orders to join with his fleet that of -Loaysa, who had indeed died on his voyage, and of his vessels only one -had reached the Moluccas. Another, however, had sought a harbor not far -from Zacatula, and had brought Cortés partial tidings at least of the -mishaps of Loaysa’s undertaking.[1281] What information the rescued -crew could give was made use of, and Cortés, bearing the whole expense, -for a reimbursement of which he long sued the home Government, sent out -his first expedition on the Pacific, under the command of his cousin -Alvaro de Saavedra Ceron, armed with letters for Cabot, whose delay -at La Plata was not suspected, and with missives for sundry native -potentates of the Spice Islands and that region.[1282] - -After an experimental trip up the coast, in July, 1527,[1283] two -larger vessels and a brigantine set sail Oct. 31, 1527. But mishap was -in store. Saavedra alone reached the Moluccas, the two other vessels -disappearing forever. He found there a remnant of Loaysa’s party, and, -loading his ship with cloves, started to return, but died midway, when -the crew headed their ship again for the Moluccas, where they fell at -last into Portuguese prisons, only eight of them finally reaching Spain -in 1534. - -It will be remembered that the Portuguese, following in the track of -Vasco da Gama, had pushed on beyond the great peninsula of India, and -had reached the Moluccas in 1511, where they satisfied themselves, if -their longitude was substantially correct, that there was a long space -intervening yet before they would confront the Spaniards, pursuing -their westerly route. It was not quite so certain, however, whether -the line of papal demarcation, which had finally been pushed into the -mid-ocean westerly from the Azores, would on this opposite side of -the globe give these islands to Spain or to themselves. The voyage of -Magellan, as we shall see, seemed to bring the solution near; and if -we may believe Scotto, the Genoese geographer, at about the same date -(1520) the Portuguese had crossed the Pacific easterly and struck our -northwest coast.[1284] The mishaps of Loaysa and Saavedra, as well as -a new understanding between the rival crowns of the Iberian peninsula, -closed the question rather abruptly through a sale in 1529—the treaty -of Saragossa—by Spain, for 350,000 ducats, to Portugal of all her -rights to the Moluccas under the bull of demarcation.[1285] - -Cortés, on his return from Spain (1530), resolved to push his -discoveries farther up the coast. The Spaniards had now occupied -Tehuantepec, Acapulco, and Zacatula on the sea, and other Spaniards -were also to be found at Culiacan, just within the Gulf of California -on its eastern shore. The political revolutions in Cortés’ absence had -caused the suspension of work on a new fleet, and Cortés was obliged to -order the construction of another; and the keels of two were laid at -Tehuantepec, and two others at Acapulco. In the early part of 1532 they -were launched, and in May or June two ships started under Hurtado de -Mendoza, with instructions which are preserved to us. It is a matter -of doubt just how far he went,[1286] and both vessels were lost. Nuño -de Guzman, who held the region to the north,[1287] obstructed their -purpose by closing his harbors to them and refusing succor; and Cortés -was thus made to feel the deadliness of his rivalry. The conqueror -now himself repaired to Tehuantepec, and superintended in person, -working with his men, the construction of two other ships. These, the -“San Lazaro” and “Concepcion,” under Diego Becerra, left port on the -29th of October, 1533, and being blown to sea, they first saw land in -the latitude of 29° 30´ north on the 18th of December, when, coasting -south and east, they developed the lower parts of the Californian -peninsula. Mutiny, and attacks of the natives, during one of which the -chief pilot Ximenes was killed, were the hapless accompaniments of the -undertaking, and during stress of weather the vessels were separated. -The “San Lazaro” finally returned to Acapulco, but the “Concepcion” -struggled in a crippled condition into a port within Guzman’s province, -where the ship was seized. A quarrel ensued before the _Audiencia_, -Cortés seeking to recover his vessel; but he prospered little in his -suit, and was driven to undertake another expedition under his own -personal lead. Sending three armed vessels up the coast to Chiametla, -where Guzman had seized the “Concepcion,” Cortés went overland himself, -accompanied by a force which Guzman found it convenient to avoid. Here -he joined his vessels and sailed away with a part of his land forces to -the west; and on the 1st of May, 1535, he landed at the Bay of Santa -Cruz, where Ximenes had been killed. What parts of the lower portion -of the Californian peninsula Cortés now coasted we know from his map, -preserved in the Spanish Archives,[1288] which accompanied the account -of his taking possession of the new land of Santa Cruz, “discovered by -Cortés, May 3, 1535,” as the paper reads. The point of occupation seems -to have been the modern La Paz, called by him Santa Cruz. The notary’s -account of the act of possession goes on to say,[1289]— - - “On the third day of May, in the year of our Lord 1535, on the said - day, it may be at the hour of noon, be the same less or more, the - very illustrious Lord don Hernando Cortés, Marquis of the Valley of - Guaxaca, Captain-general of New Spain and of the Southern Sea for his - Majesty, etc., arrived in a port and bay of a country newly discovered - in the same Southern Sea, with a ship and armament of the said Lord - Marquis, at which said port his Lordship arrived with ships and men, - and landed on the earth with his people and horses; and standing on - the shore of the sea there, in presence of me Martin de Castro, notary - of their Majesties and notary of the Administration of the said Lord - Marquis, and in presence of the required witnesses, the said Lord - Marquis spoke aloud and said that he, in the name of His Majesty, and - in virtue of his royal provision, and in fulfilment of His Majesty’s - instructions regarding discovery in the said Southern Sea, had - discovered with his ship and armament the said land, and that he had - come with his armament and people to take possession of it.” - -Finding his men and horses insufficient for the purposes of the colony -which he intended to establish, Cortés despatched orders to the main -for assistance, and, pending its arrival, coursed up the easterly -side of the gulf, and opportunely fell in with one of his vessels, -much superior to his own brigantine. So he transferred his flag, and, -returning to Santa Cruz, brought relief to an already famishing colony. - -News reaching him of the appointment of Mendoza as viceroy, Cortés -felt he had greater stake in Mexico, and hurriedly returned.[1290] -Not despairing of better success in another trial, and spurred on by -indications that the new viceroy would try to anticipate him, he got -other vessels, and, putting Francisco de Ulloa in charge, despatched -them (July 8, 1539) before Guzman’s plan for their detention could be -put into execution. Ulloa proceeded up the gulf nearly to its head, and -satisfied himself that no practicable water passage, at least, could -bring him to the ocean in that direction, as Cortés had supposed.[1291] -Ulloa now turned south, and following the easterly coast of the -peninsula rounded its extremity, and coursed it northerly to about 28° -north latitude, without finding any cut-off on that side. So he argued -for its connection with the main.[1292] - -[Illustration: CORTES’ MAP OF THE GULF OF CALIFORNIA.] - -And here Cortés’ connection with discoveries on the Pacific ends; for -Mendoza, who had visions of his own, thwarted him in all subsequent -attempts, till finally Cortés himself went to Spain. The name which his -captains gave to the gulf, the Sea of Cortés, failed to abide. It grew -to be generally called the Red Sea, out of some fancied resemblance, as -Wytfliet says, to the Red Sea of the Old World. This appellation was -supplanted in turn by the name of California, which, it is contended, -was given to the peninsula by Cortés himself.[1293] - -The oldest map which we were supposed to possess of these explorations -about the gulf,[1294] before Dr. Hale brought the one, already -mentioned, from Spain, was that of Castillo, of which a fac-simile is -herewith given as published by Lorenzana in 1770, at Mexico, in his -_Historia de Nueva España_. Castillo was the pilot of the expedition, -sent by Mendoza to co-operate by sea with the famous expedition of -Coronado,[1295] and which the viceroy put under the command of Hernando -d’Alarcon. The fleet, sailing in May, 1540, reached the head of the -gulf, and Alarcon ascended the Colorado in boats; but Marcou[1296] -thinks he could not have gone up to the great cañon, which however he -must have reached if his supposed latitude of 36° is correct. He failed -to open communication with Coronado, but buried some letters under a -cross, which one of that leader’s lieutenants subsequently found.[1297] - -[Illustration: CASTILLO’S MAP, 1541. - -This map is marked “Domingo del Castillo, piloto me fecit en Mexico, -año del nacimiento de N. S. Jesu Christo de M. D. XLI.” Bancroft, -_Central America_, vol. i. p. 153, gives a sketch of this map, and -again in _North Mexican States_, i. 81; but he carries the outer coast -of the peninsula too far to the west.] - -In 1542 and 1543 an expedition which started under Juan Rodriguez -Cabrillo, a Portuguese in the Spanish service, explored the coast as -far as 44° north,[1298] reaching that point by coasting from 33°, where -he struck the land. He made a port which he calls San Miguel, which -Bancroft is inclined to believe is San Diego; but the accounts are -too confused to track him confidently,[1299] and it is probable that -Cabrillo’s own vessel did not get above 38°, for Cabrillo himself died -Jan. 3, 1543, his chief pilot, Ferrelo (or Ferrer), continuing the -explorations.[1300] Bancroft does not think that the pilot passed north -of Cape Mendocino in 40° 26´. - -Thus from the time when Balboa discovered the South Sea, the Spanish -had taken thirty years to develop the coast northerly, to the latitude -of Oregon. In this distance they had found nothing of the Straits of -Anian, which, if Humboldt[1301] is correct, had begun to take form in -people’s minds ever since Cortereal, in 1500, had supposed Hudson’s -Straits to be the easterly entrance of a westerly passage.[1302] - -[Illustration: HOMEM, ABOUT 1540. - -This follows Kohl’s drawing, of which a portion is also given in his -_Discovery of Maine_, p. 298. It is evidently of a later date than -another of his in which the west coast is left indefinite, and which -is assigned to about 1530. In the present map he apparently embodied -Cabot’s discoveries in the La Plata, but had not heard of Orellana’s -exploration of the Amazon in 1542; though he had got news of it when -he made his map of 1558. A marked peculiarity of the map is the -prolongation of northwestern Europe as “Terra Nova,” which probably -means Greenland,—a view entertained before Columbus.] - -There seems to have been a general agreement among cartographers -for some years yet to consider the newly discovered California as -a peninsula, growing out of the concurrent testimony of those who, -subsequent to Cortés’ own expedition, had tracked both the gulf and -the outer coast. The Portuguese map given by Kunstmann[1303] shows it -as such, though the map cannot be so early as that geographer places -its anterior limit (1530), since the development of the gulf could -not have been made earlier than 1535; unless by chance there were -explorations from the Moluccas, of which we have no record. The map -in this part bears a close resemblance to a manuscript chart in the -British Museum, placed about 1536, and it seems probable that this is -the approximate date of that in Kunstmann. The California peninsula is -shown in much the same way in a map which Major ascribes to Baptista -Agnese, and places under 1539.[1304] It belongs (pl. iv.) to what has -been sometimes spoken of as an atlas of Philip II. inscribed to Charles -V., but in fact it was given to Philip by Charles.[1305] Its essential -features were almost exactly reproduced in a draft of the New World -(preserved in the British Museum) assigned to about 1540, and held to -be the work of the Portuguese hydrographer Homem. - -Apian[1306] and Münster[1307] in 1540, and Mercator in 1541,[1308] -while boldly delineating a coast which extends farther north than -Cabrillo had reached in 1542, wholly ignore this important feature. Not -so, however, Sebastian Cabot in his famous Mappemonde of 1544, as will -be seen by the annexed sketch. The idea of Münster, as embodied in his -edition of Ptolemy in 1540,[1309] already referred to, was continued -without essential change in the Basle edition of Ptolemy in 1545.[1310] -In 1548 the “carta marina” of Gastaldi as shown on a previous -page,[1311] clearly defined the peninsula, while merging the coast line -above into that of Asia. The peninsula was also definitely marked in -several of the maps preserved in the Riccardi palace at Florence, which -are supposed to be of about the middle of the sixteenth century.[1312] - -[Illustration: CABOT, 1544. - -Sketched from a photograph of the original mappemonde in the great -library at Paris.] - -In the map of Juan Freire, 1546, we have a development of the coast -northward from the peninsula, for which it is not easy to account; -and the map is peculiar in other respects. The annexed sketch of it -follows Kohl’s drawing of an old _portolano_, which he took from the -original while it was in the possession of Santarem. Freire, who was -a Portuguese hydrographer, calls it a map of the Antipodes, a country -discovered by Columbus, the Genoese. It will be observed that about -the upper lake we have the name “Bimini regio,” applied to Florida -after the discovery of Ponce de Leon, because of the supposition that -the fountain of youth existed thereabout. The coasts on both sides of -the gulf are described as the discovery of Cortés. There seems to be -internal evidence that Freire was acquainted with the reports of Ulloa -and Alarcon, and the chart of Castillo; but it is not so clear whence -he got the material for his draft of the more westerly portions of the -coast, which, it will be observed, are given much too great a westerly -trend. The names upon it do not indicate any use of Cabrillo’s reports; -though from an inscription upon this upper coast Freire credits its -discovery to the Spaniards, under orders from the emperor, conducted by -one Villalobos. Kohl could not find any mention of such an explorer, -but conjectured he was perhaps the one who before Cabrillo, as Herrera -mentions, had named a river somewhere near 30° north latitude “Rio -de Nuestra Señora,” and which Cabrillo sought. Kohl also observes -that though the coast line is continuous, there are places upon it -marked “land not seen,” with notes of its being again seen west of -such places; and from this he argues that the expedition went up and -not down the coast. It not unlikely had some connection with the -fleet which Ruy Lopez de Villalobos conducted under Mendoza’s orders, -in November, 1542, across the Pacific to the islands on the Asiatic -coast.[1313] - -[Illustration: FREIRE, 1546. - -This is sketched from a drawing in the Kohl Collection at Washington.] - -[Illustration: PTOLEMY, 1548. - -Key: - - 1. Basos. - 2. Ancoras. - 3. p^o. balenas. - 4. S. Tomas. - 5. C:+ - 6. Mar Vermeio. - 7. b: canoas. - 8. p^o. secōdido. - 9. R. tontonteanc. - 10. p^o. tabursa. - 11. puercos. - 12. s. franc^o. - 13. b: de s.+ - 14. Vandras. - 15. Ciguata. - 16. s. tiago. -] - -In 1554 Agnese again depicts the gulf, but does not venture upon -drawing the coast above the peninsula, which in turn in the Vopellio -map of 1556,[1314] and in that in Ramusio the same year,[1315] is -made much broader, the gulf indenting more nearly at a right angle. -The Homem map of 1558, preserved in the British Museum, returns to -the more distinctive peninsula,[1316] though it is again somewhat -broadened in the Martines map of about the same date, which also is of -interest as establishing a type of map for the shores of the northern -Pacific, and for prefiguring Behring’s Straits, which we shall later -frequently meet. Mention has already been made of the Furlani map of -1560 for its Asiatic connections, while it still clearly defined the -California peninsula.[1317] The Ruscelli map in the Ptolemy of 1561 -again preserves the peninsula, while marking the more northerly coasts -with a dotted line, in its general map of the New World; but the “Mar -Vermeio” in its map of “Nueva Hispania” is the type of the gulf given -in the 1548 edition. The Martines type again appears in the Zaltieri -map of 1566, which is thought to be the earliest engraved map to show -the Straits of Anian.[1318] - -[Illustration: MARTINES, 155-(?). - -This sketch follows a copy by Kohl (Washington Collection) of the -general map of the world, contained in a manuscript vellum atlas in -the British Museum (no. 9,814), from the collection of the Duke de -Cassano Serra. It is elaborately executed with miniatures and figures. -The language of the map is chiefly Italian, with some Spanish traces. -Kohl believes it to be the work of Joannes Martines, the same whose -atlas of 1578 is also in the Museum, and whose general map (1578) -agrees in latitudes and other particulars with this. The present one -lacks degrees of longitude, which the 1578 map has, as well as the name -“America,” wanting also in this. Kohl places it not long after the -middle of the sixteenth century. In the _Catalogue of Manuscript Maps_, -i. 29, the atlas of 1578 is mentioned as containing the following -numbers relating to America: 1. The world. 2. The two hemispheres. 3. -The world in gores. 10. West coast of America. 11. Coast of Mexico. -12-13. South America. 14. Gulf of Mexico. 15. Part of the east coast of -North America. - -In the Museum manuscripts, no. 22,018, is a _portolano_ by Martines, -dated 1579; and another, of date 1582, is entered in the 1844 edition -of the _Catalogue of Manuscript Maps_, i. 31. Kohl’s Washington -Collection includes two Martines maps of 1578.] - -The manuscript map of Diegus (Homem) of 1568, in the Royal Library -in Dresden, gives the peninsula, but turns the more northerly coast -abruptly to the east, connecting it with the archipelago, which stands -for the St. Lawrence in his map of 1558.[1319] - -The great Mappemonde of Mercator, published at Duisburg in 1569, in -which he introduced his new projection,[1320] as will be seen by the -annexed sketch,[1321] keeps to the Martines type; and while it depicts -the Straits of Anian, it renders uncertain, by interposing a vignette, -the passage by the north from the Atlantic to the Pacific.[1322] The -next year Ortelius followed the same type in his _Theatrum orbis -terrarum_,—the prototype of the modern atlas.[1323] - -A similar western coast[1324] is defined by Porcacchi, in his _L’ isole -piu famose del mondo_, issued at Venice in 1572.[1325] - -The peninsula of California, but nothing north of it, is again -delineated in a Spanish mappemonde of 1573, shown in Lelewel.[1326] The -Mercator type is followed in the maps which are dated 1574, but which -appeared in the _Theatri orbis terrarum enchiridion_ of Philippus -Gallæus, published at Antwerp in 1585.[1327] - -[Illustration: ZALTIERI, 1566. - -It was published at Venice, and was in part followed by Ortelius in -1570. It is also sketched in Vol. IV. p. 93.] - -In the same year the Italian cartographer Furlani, or Forlani, showed -how he had advanced from the views which he held in 1560, in a map of -the northern Pacific, which is annexed.[1328] It is the earliest map in -which Japan has been noted as having its greatest length east and west; -for Ortelius and others always give it an extension on the line of the -meridian. - -[Illustration: MERCATOR, 1569.] - -Sir Humphrey Gilbert’s map in 1576 gives the straits, but he puts -“Anian” on the Asiatic side, and does not indicate the Gulf of -California, unless a forked bay in 35° stands for it.[1329] The map in -Best’s Frobisher makes the Straits of Anian connect with “Frobisher’s -straightes” to give a through passage from ocean to ocean, and depicts -a distorted California peninsula.[1330] - -Mention has already been made on a previous page of a Martines map of -1578. It has a similar configuration to that already shown as probably -the earliest instance of its type. - -[Illustration: PORCACCHI, 1572.] - -Of the explorations of Francis Drake in 1579 we have no cartographical -record, except as it may be embodied in the globe of Molineaux, -preserved in the Middle Temple, London, which is dated 1592, and in the -map of the same cartographer, dated 1600.[1331] Molineaux seemingly -made use of the results of Cabrillo’s voyage, as indicated by the -Spanish names placed along the coast. It was one of the results of -Drake’s voyage that the coast line of upper California took a more -northerly trend. The map of Dr. Dee (1580) evidently embodied the views -of the Spanish hydrographers.[1332] - -In 1582 Popellinière[1333] repeated the views of Mercator and Ortelius; -but in England Michael Lok in this same year began to indicate the -incoming of more erroneous views.[1334] The California gulf is carried -north to 45°, where a narrow strip separates it from a vague northern -sea, the western extension of the sea of Verrazano. - -[Illustration: MAP OF PAULO DE FURLANI, 1574. - -Furlani is said to have received this map from a Spaniard, Don Diego -Hermano de Toledo, in 1574. The sketch is made from the drawing in -Kohl’s manuscript in the American Antiquarian Society Library. The key -is as follows: - - 1. Mare incognito. - 2. Stretto di Anian. - 3. Quivir. - 4. Golfo di Anian. - 5. Anian regnum. - 6. Quisau. - 7. Mangi Prov. - 8. Mare de Mangi. - 9. Isola di Giapan. - 10. Y. de Cedri.] - -[Illustration: FROM MOLINEAUX’S GLOBE, 1592. - -This is sketched from a draught in the Kohl Collection. Cf. Vol. III. -pp. 196, 212. The dotted line indicates the track of Drake. There has -been much controversy over the latitude of Drake’s extreme northing, -fixed, as it will be seen in this map, at about 48°, which is the -statement of the _World Encompassed_, and by the _Famous Voyage_, at -43°. The two sides were espoused warmly and respectively by Greenhow -in his _Oregon and California_, and by Travers Twiss in his _Oregon -Question_, during the dispute between the United States and Great -Britain about the Oregon boundary. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. -p. 144), who presents the testimony, is inclined to the lower latitude.] - -After the Spaniards had succeeded, in opposition to the Portuguese, -in establishing a regular commerce between Acapulco and Manilla -(Philippine Islands), the trade-winds conduced to bring upper -California into better knowledge. The easterly trades carried their -outward-bound vessels directly west; but they compelled them to make -a détour northward on their return, by which they also utilized the -same Japanese current which brought the Chinese to Fusang[1335] -many centuries before. An expedition which Don Luis de Velasco had -sent in 1564, by direction of Philip II., accompanied by Andres de -Urdaneta, who had been in those seas before with Loaysa in 1525, had -succeeded in making a permanent occupation of the Philippines for -Spain in 1564. It became now important to find a practicable return -route, and under Urdaneta’s counsel it was determined to try to find -it by the north. One of the galleons deserted, and bearing northerly -struck the California coast near Cape Mendocino, and arrived safe at -Acapulco three months before Urdaneta himself had proved the value of -his theory. The latter’s course was to skirt the coast of Japan till -under 38°, when he steered southerly; and after a hard voyage, in -which he saw no land and most of his crew died, he reached Acapulco in -October.[1336] Other voyages were made in succeeding years, but the -next of which we have particular account was that of Francisco Gali, -who, returning from Macao in 1584, struck the California coast in 37° -30´, and marked a track which other navigators later followed.[1337] - -The map (1587) in Hakluyt’s Paris edition of Peter Martyr conformed -more nearly to the Mercator type;[1338] and Hakluyt, as well as Lok, -records Drake’s discovery, both of them putting it, however, in 1580. - -With the year 1588 is associated a controversy over what purports to be -a memoir setting forth the passage of the ship of a Spanish navigator, -Lorenzo Ferrer de Maldonado, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, through -a strait a quarter of a league wide. The passage took him as high -as 75°; but he reached the Pacific under the sixtieth parallel. The -opening was identified by him with the long-sought Straits of Anian. -The belief in this story had at one time some strong advocates, but -later geographical discoveries have of course pushed it into the limbo -of forgotten things; for it seems hardly possible to identify, as was -done by Amoretti, the narrow passage of Maldonado, under 60°, with that -which Behring discovered, sixteen leagues wide, under 65°.[1339] - -[Illustration: SPANISH GALLEON. - -A fac-simile of the sketch given in Jurien de la Gravière’s _Les marins -du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_.] - -In 1592 we have the alleged voyage of De Fuca, of which he spoke in -1596, in Venice, to Michael Lok, who told Purchas; and he in turn -included it in his _Pilgrims_.[1340] He told Lok that he had been -captured and plundered on the California coast by Cavendish,[1341]—a -statement which some have thought confirmed by Cavendish’s own avowal -of his taking a pilot on that coast,—and that at the north he had -entered a strait a hundred miles wide, under 47° and 48°, which had a -pinnacle rock at the entrance; and that within the strait he had found -the coast trending northeast, bordering a sea upon which he had sailed -for twenty days. This story, despite its exaggerations, and though -discarded formerly, has gained some credence with later investigators; -and the application of his name to the passage which leads to Puget -Sound seems to have been the result of a vague and general concurrence, -in the belief of some at least, that this passage must be identified -with the strait which De Fuca claimed to have passed.[1342] - -With the close of the sixteenth century, the maps became numerous, and -are mostly of the Mercator type. Such are those of Cornelius de Judæis -in 1589 and in 1593,[1343] the draughts of 1587 and 1589 included -in the Ortelius of 1592,[1344] the map of 1593 in the _Historiarum -indicarum libri XVI._ of Maffeius,[1345] and those of Plancius[1346] -and De Bry.[1347] The type is varied a little in the 1592 globe of -Molineaux, as already shown, and in the 1587 map of Myritius we have -the Asiatic connection of the upper coast as before mentioned; but -in the Ptolemy of 1597 the contour of Mercator is still essentially -followed.[1348] In this same year (1597) the earliest distinctively -American atlas was published in the _Descriptionis Ptolemaicæ -Augmentum_ of Cornelius Wytfliet, of which an account is given in -another place.[1349] Fac-similes of the maps of the Gulf of California -and of the New World are annexed, to indicate the full extent of -geographical knowledge then current with the best cartographers. The -Mercator type for the two Americas and the great Antarctic Continent -common to most maps of this period are the distinguishing features -of the new hemisphere. The same characteristics pertain also to the -mappemondes in the original Dutch edition of Linschoten’s _Itinerario_, -published in two editions at Amsterdam in 1596,[1350] in Münster’s -_Cosmographia_, 1598, and in the Brescia edition (1598) of Ortelius. - -[Illustration: FROM WYTFLIET, 1597. - -Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 152) sketches this map; it -is also in his _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 82.] - -In 1600 Metullus in his America _sive novus orbis_, published at -Cologne, simply followed Wytfliet.[1351] From the map of Molineaux, -likewise of 1600, a sketch of the California peninsula is given -elsewhere.[1352] A contour of the coast more like that of the Molineaux -globe figured on a preceding page belongs to the map given in the -Herrera of 1601, but it also introduces views which held to a much -wider separation of the shores of the north Pacific than had been -maintained by the school of Mercator.[1353]. - -[Illustration: WYTFLIET, 1597]. - -An important voyage in both furthering and confusing the knowledge -of the California coast was that of Sebastian Viscaino.[1354] This -navigator, it is sometimes said, had been in a Manilla galleon which -Cavendish had captured near Cape St. Lucas in 1587, when the English -freebooter burned the vessel and landed her crew.[1355] He is known to -have had much opportunity for acquiring familiarity with the coast; and -in 1597 he had conducted an expedition to the coast of the California -peninsula which had failed of success.[1356] - -In 1602 (May 5) he was again despatched from Acapulco with three -vessels, for the same purpose of discovering some harbor up the coast -which returning vessels from the Philippines could enter for safety -or repairs, and of finding the mysterious strait which led to the -Atlantic. He was absent ten months.[1357] He himself went up to 42°, -but one of his vessels under Martin Aguilar proceeded to 43°, where -he reported that he found the entrance of a river or strait, not far -from Cape Blanco;[1358] and for a long period afterwards the entrance -and Aguilar’s name stood together on the maps.[1359] Buache, in his -_Considérations géographiques et physiques_, says that it was the -reports brought back from this expedition, describing an easterly trend -of the coast above the 43°, which gave rise to the notion that the -waters of the Gulf of California found a passage to the ocean in two -ways, making an island of the peninsula. The official recorder of the -expedition (Ascension) is known to have held this view. We shall see -how fixed this impression later became. - -Meanwhile the peninsular shape was still maintained in the map in -Botero’s _Relaciones Universales del mundo_, published at Valladolid -in 1603; in the Spanish map of 1604, made at Florence by Mathieu -Neron Pecciolen (engraved for Buache in 1754); in that of Cespedes’ -_Regimiento de Navigacion_ (1606), and in that published in connection -with Ferdinand de Quir’s narrative in the _Detectionis Freti_ (1613) of -Hudson’s voyage.[1360] - -A map of Jodocus Hondius of about this time first gave indication -of the growing uncertainty which led finally to a prevailing -error regarding the head of the gulf. The map was inscribed “Vera -totius expeditionis nauticæ Descriptio D. Franc. Draci,” etc., and -illustrated Hondius’s edition of Drake and Cavendish’s voyages, and -has been reproduced in the Hakluyt Society’s edition of _The World -Encompassed_. The gulf is made to divide about an island at its -northern end, producing two arms whose prolongation is left undecided. -The circumpolar map of Hondius which appeared in Pontanus’s _Amsterdam_ -in 1611, and is given in fac-simile in Asher’s _Henry Hudson_, shows -the Straits of Anian, but nothing more. Another Hondius map in the -Mercator of 1613 turns the coast easterly, where the Straits of Anian -separate it from Asia. The same atlas of 1613 contains also the America -of Michael Mercator, which is of the usual Gerard Mercator type, with -the enclosed northern sea contracted to narrow limits and called “Mare -dulce.” A similar western coast is drawn in the America of Johannes -Oliva of Marseilles, preserved in the British Museum.[1361] - -In Kasper van Baerle’s edition of Herrera, published at Amsterdam -in 1622, we get—as far as has been observed—the earliest[1362] -insularizing of the California peninsula, and this only by a narrow -thread of water connecting a large gulf below and a smaller one above. -And even this attempt was neutralized by a second map in the same -book, in which these two gulfs were not made to mingle their waters. -A bolder and less equivocal severing of the peninsula followed in the -maps of two English geographers. The first of these is the map of -Master Briggs.[1363] In this the island stretches from 23° to 44°, -showing Cape Blanco, with Cape Mendocino and “Po. S^r. Francisco Draco” -south of it, the latter in about 38°. The map bears the following -legend: “California, sometymes supposed to be part of y^e Westerne -continent; but since by a Spanish charte taken by y^e Hollanders it -is found to be a goodly Ilande, the length of the west shoare beeing -about 500 leagues from Cape Mendocino to the south cape thereof called -Cape St. Lucas, as appeareth both by that Spanish Chart, and by the -relation of Francis Gaule [Gali], whereas in the ordinarie charts it -is sett downe to be 1700 leagues.”[1364] The other was that given in -John Speed’s _Prospect_, which contains one of the maps of Abraham -Goos of Amsterdam, “described and enlarged by I. S. Ano. 1626.” This -carries up the outer coast of the island beyond the “Po[rto] Sir -Francisco Dr[ake]” and Cape Mendocino. The coast of the main opposite -the northern end of the island ceases to be defined, and is continued -northerly with a dotted line, while the western shore of Hudson’s Bay -is also left undetermined.[1365] De Laet, however, in 1630 still kept -to the peninsula, placing “Nova Albion” above it.[1366] In 1636 W. -Saltonstall’s English translation of Hondius’s Mercator presents an -island, with the now somewhat common break in the main coast opposite -its northern end. This gap is closed up, however, in another map in the -same volume.[1367] - -The map in Pierre D’Avity’s _Le Monde_[1368] makes California a -peninsula, with the river St. Lawrence rising close to it, and flowing -very near also to Hudson’s Bay in its easterly passage. - -The circumstantial story of Bartolemé de Fonte, whose exploits are -placed in 1640, at one time commanded a certain degree of confidence, -and made strange work with the cartographical ideas of the upper part -of the Pacific coast. It is now believed that the story was coined by -James Petiver, one of the contributors to the _Monthly Miscellany, or -Memoirs for the Curious_, published in London in April and June, 1708, -in which first appeared what purported to be a translation of a letter -of a certain Admiral De Fonte.[1369] In this a Spanish navigator—whose -name was possibly suggested by a veritable De Fonta who was exploring -Tierra del Fuego in 1649—was made to depart from Callao, April 3, 1640, -and proceed up the coast to 53°, above which he navigated a net-work of -interior waters, and encountered a ship from Boston which had entered -these regions from the Atlantic side.[1370] To this archipelago, as it -seemed, he gave the name of St. Lazarus; and to a river, leading from a -lake with an island in it, he applied that of Velasco; and these names, -curiously, appear in the fanciful maps which were made by Delisle and -Buache in elucidation of the voyage in which they expressed not a -little faith, though the Spanish antiquaries early declared that their -archives contained no record of the voyage.[1371] - -The Dutch, under De Vries, in 1643 had pushed up from Japan, and -discovered, as they thought, an island, “Jesso,” separated from land on -the west by a water which they called the “Detroit de Vries,” and on -the American side by a channel which had an uncertain extension to the -north, and might after all be the long-sought Straits of Anian.[1372] -The idea of an interjacent land in the north Pacific between America -and Asia is also said to have grown out of the report of a Portuguese -navigator, Don João da Gama, who claimed to have seen such a land -in sailing from China to New Spain. It long maintained a fleeting -existence on the maps.[1373] - -Two maps of Petrus Koerius, dated 1646, in Speed’s _Prospect_ (1668), -indicate what variable moods geographers could assume in the same -year. In one we have an island and a determinate coast line running -north to the straits; in the other we have a peninsula with two -different trends of the coast north of it in half-shading. We owe to -an expatriated Englishman a more precise nomenclature for the western -coast than we had had previous to the appearance of his maps in 1646; -and the original manuscript drawings preserved at Munich are said by -Dr. Hale to be richer still in names.[1374] This is the _Arcano del -mare_ of Robert Dudley. He was born in Surrey in 1573, and whether -the natural or legitimate son of the Earl of Leicester depends on the -proof of the secret marriage of that nobleman with Lady Sheffield. An -adventurous spirit kept him away from the enjoyment of Kenilworth, -which he inherited, and he was drawn nearer to the associations of the -sea by marrying a sister of Cavendish. He was among the many Englishmen -who tried their daring on the Spanish main. He married a second wife, -a daughter of Sir Thomas Leigh, whom he abandoned, partly to be rid of -a stepmother; and out of chagrin at his failure to secure the dukedom -of Northumberland, which had been in abeyance since the execution of -his grandfather, Lady Jane Grey’s adherent, he sold Kenilworth to young -Prince Henry, and left England in company with a daughter of Sir Robert -Southwell. He now gave himself up to practical seamanship and the study -of hydrography. The grand-duke of Tuscany gave him employment, and he -drained a morass to enable Leghorn to become a beautiful city. - -[Illustration: DUDLEY, 1646.] - -Under authority of Ferdinand II., he assumed the title of Duke of -Northumberland, which was recognized throughout the empire. He died in -1639.[1375] The _Arcano_ has thirty-three American maps; but the Munich -manuscript shows thirteen more. One of the Pacific coast, which records -Drake’s explorations, is annexed; but with Dudley’s text[1376] there is -another showing the coast from Cape Mendocino south, which puts under -thirty degrees north a “golfo profondo” of undefined inland limits, -with “I di Cedros” off its mouth. The bay with the anchor and soundings -just north of thirty degrees, called in the fac-simile “P^{to} di -Nouova Albion,” corresponding, it would seem, to San Francisco, is -still seen in this other chart, with a more explicit inscription,—“Po: -dell nuovo Albion scoperto dal Drago C^{no} Inglese.” - -In 1649, in Texeira’s chart, there is laid down for the first time a -sketch of the coast near the Straits of Anian, which is marked as seen -by João da Gama, and extends easterly from Jesso, in the latitude of -50°. Gama’s land lived for some time in the charts.[1377] - -We have another of Speed’s maps, five years later (1651), which appears -in the 1676 edition of his _Prospect_, in which that geographer is -somewhat confused. He makes California an island, with a break in -the coast line of the main opposite its northern extremity, and its -northwest point he calls “C. Mendocino,” while “Pt. Sir Francisco -Draco” is placed south of it; but rather confusedly another Cape -Mendocino projects from the main coast considerably further to the -north.[1378] A map of Visscher in 1652[1379] reverts, however, to the -anterior notions of Mercator; but when in 1655 Wright, an Englishman, -adopted Mercator’s projection, and first made it really serviceable for -navigation, in his _Certain Errors in Navigation_, he gave an insular -shape to California. - -The French geographer Nicolas Sanson[1380] introduced a new notion in -1656. California was made an island with “P^{to} de Francisco Draco” -on the west side, somewhat south of the northern cape of it. On the -main the coast in the same latitude is made to form a projection to -the north called “Agubela de Cato,” without any extension of the shore -farther northward. The map in Petavius’s (Petau’s) _History of the -World_ (London, 1659) carries the coast up, but leaves a gap opposite -the northern end of the insular California. The atlas of Van Loon -(1661) converts the gap into the Straits of Anian, and puts a “terra -incognita” north of it. Danckerts of Amsterdam in the same year (1661), -and Du Val in various maps of about this time make it an island. The -map of 1663, which appeared in Heylin’s _Cosmographie_,[1381] gives the -insular California, and a dotted line for the main coast northward, -with three alternative directions. A map of the Sanson type is given in -Blome’s _Description of the World_, 1670. Ogilby’s map in 1671 makes it -an island,[1382] following Montanus’s _Nieuwe Weereld_. - -Hennepin had in his 1683 map made California a peninsula, and in that -of 1697 he still preserved the gulf-like character of the waters east -of it; but the same plate in the 1698 edition is altered to make an -island, as it still is in the edition of 1704. The French geographer -Jaillot, in 1694, also conformed to the insular theory, as did Corolus -Allard in his well-known Dutch atlas. Campanius, copying Hennepin, -speaks of California as the largest island “which the Spaniards -possess in America. From California the land extends itself [he says] -to that part of Asia which is called Terra de Jesso, or Terra Esonis. -The passage is only through the Straits of Anian, which hitherto has -remained unknown, and therefore is not to be found in any map or -chart,”—all of which shows something of Campanius’s unacquaintance with -what had been surmised, at least, in cartography. All this while Blaeu -in his maps was illustrating the dissolving geographical opinions of -his time. In 1659 he had drawn California as an island; in 1662 as a -peninsula; and once more, in 1670, as an island. Coronelli in 1680, and -Franquelin in his great manuscript map of 1684 had both represented it -as an island.[1383] - -In 1698 the English geographer Edward Wells, in his _New Sett of Maps_, -showed a little commendable doubt in marking the inlet just north of -the island as “the supposed Straits of Anian,”—a caution which Delisle -in 1700, with a hesitancy worthy of the careful hydrographer that he -was destined to become, still further exemplified. While restoring -California to its peninsular character, he indicated the possibility of -its being otherwise by the unfinished limitations of the surrounding -waters.[1384] Dampier in 1699, in chronicling the incidents of the -voyage with which he was connected, made it an island.[1385] - -In 1701 one would have supposed the question of the insularity of -California would have been helped at least by the explorations overland -of Father Kino the Jesuit which were begun in 1698. His map, based -rather upon shrewd conjecture than upon geographical discovery, -and showing the peninsular form of the land, was published in the -_Lettres Edifiantes_, vol. v., in 1705.[1386] In 1705 the map in -Harris’s _Collection of Voyages_ preserves the insular character of -California.[1387] In 1715 Delisle[1388] expressed himself as undecided -between the two theories respecting California,[1389] but in 1717 he -gave the weight of his great name[1390] to an imagined but indefinite -great gulf north of the California peninsula, which held for a while -a place in the geography of his time as the “Mer de l’ouest.” Homann, -of Nuremberg, in 1719 marked the entrance of it, while he kept to the -insular character of the land to the south; as did Seutter in his -_Atlas Geographicus_ published at Augsburg in 1720. Daniel Coxe in his -_Carolana_ had a sufficient stock of credulity—if he was not a “liar,” -as Bancroft calls him[1391]—in working up some wondrous stories of -interior lakes emptying into the South Sea.[1392] In 1727 the English -cartographer Moll converted the same inlet into the inevitable Straits -of Anian. The maps in such popular books as Shelvocke’s _Voyages_ -(1726)[1393] and Anson’s _Voyages_ (1748), as did sundry maps issued -by Vander Aa of Amsterdam, still told the mass of readers of the -island of California; as had Bruzen la Martinière in his _Introduction -à l’histoire_ (1735), and Salmon (using Moll’s map of 1736) in his -_History of America_. - -Meanwhile, without knowing it because of the fogs, Behring, in 1728, -had pushed through the straits now known by his name into the Arctic -Seas, and had returned along the Asiatic shore in continued ignorance -of his accomplishment. It was not till 1732 that another Russian -expedition was driven over to the Alaskan shore; and in 1738 and 1741 -Behring proved the close proximity of the two continents, and made -demonstration of their severance. - -At this time also the English were making renewed efforts from the -side of Hudson’s Bay to reach the Pacific; and Arthur Dobbs, in his -_Countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay_ (1744), gives a variety of -reasons for supposing a passage in that direction, showing possible -solutions of the problem in an accompanying map.[1394] - -The Spaniards, who were before long to be spurred on to other efforts -by the reports of Russian expeditions, were reviving now, through the -1728 edition of Herrera, more confidence in the peninsular character of -California; though Mota Padilla in his _Nueva Galicia_, in 1742, still -thought it an island. - -The French map-maker Bellin, in his cartographical illustrations for -Charlevoix in 1743, also fell into the new belief; as did Consag the -Jesuit, in a map which he made in 1746.[1395] - -The leading English geographer Bowen in 1747 was advocating the same -view, and defining the more northerly parts as “undiscovered.” In 1748 -Henry Ellis published his _Voyage to Hudson’s Bay_,—made in 1746-1747, -and mentions a story that a high or low tide made California an -island or a peninsula, and was inclined to believe in a practicable -northwest passage.[1396] In 1750 Robert de Vaugondy, while preserving -the peninsula, made a westerly entrance to the north of it, which he -marks as the discovery of Martin d’Aguilar. The lingering suspicion -of the northerly connection of the California Gulf with the ocean had -now nearly vanished; and the peninsula which had been an island under -Cortés, then for near a century connected with the main, and then again -for more than a century in many minds an island again, was at last -defined in its proper geographical relations.[1397] - -The coast line long remained, however, shadowy in the higher latitudes. -Buriel, in his editorial notes to Venegas’s _California_, in 1757, -confessed that nothing was known. The French geographers, the younger -Delisle and Buache,[1398] published at this time various solutions of -the problem of straits and interior seas, associated with the claims -of Maldonado, De Fuca, and De Fonte; and others were found to adopt, -while others rejected, some of their very fanciful reconciling of -conflicting and visionary evidences, in which the “Mer de l’ouest” -holds a conspicuous position.[1399] The English map-maker Jefferys at -the same epoch (1753) was far less complex in his supposition, and -confined himself to a single “river which connects with Lake Winnepeg.” -A map of 1760, “par les S^{rs} Sanson, rectifiée par S^r Robert,” also -indicates a like westerly entrance; and Jefferys again in 1762, while -he grows a little more determinate in coast lines, more explicitly -fixes the passage as one that Juan de Fuca had entered in 1592.[1400] -The _Atlas Moderne_, which was published at Paris, also in 1762, in -more than one map, the work of Janvier, still clung to the varieties -presented by Delisle ten years before, and which Delisle himself -the next year (1763) again brought forward. In 1768 Jefferys made a -map[1401] to illustrate the De Fonte narrative; but after 1775 he made -several studies of the coast, and among other services reproduced the -map which the Russian Academy had published, and which was a somewhat -cautious draught of bits of the coast line here and there, indicating -different landfalls, with a dotted connection between them.[1402] One -of Jefferys’s own maps (1775) carries the coast north with indications -of entrances, but without attempting to connect them with any interior -water-sheds. Going north from New Albion we then find on his map the -passage of D’Aguilar in 1603; then that of De Fuca, “where in 1592 he -pretends he went through to the North Sea;” then the “Fousang” coast, -visited by the Spaniards in 1774; then Delisle’s landfall in 1741; -Behring’s the same year; while the coast stops at Mount St. Elias. In -his 1776 map Jefferys gives another scheme. “Alaschka” is now an island -athwart the water, dividing America from Asia, with Behring’s Straits -at its western end; while the American main is made up of what was seen -by Spangenberg in 1728, with a general northeasterly trend higher up, -laid down according to the Japanese reports. The Spaniards were also at -this time pushing up among the islands beyond the Oregon coast.[1403] -In 1774 Don Juan Perez went to Nootka Sound, as is supposed, and called -it San Lorenzo.[1404] In 1775 another Spanish expedition discovered -the Columbia River.[1405] Janvier in 1782 published a map[1406] still -perpetuating the great sea of the west, which Buache and others had -delineated thirty years before. The English in 1776 transferred their -endeavors from Hudson’s Bay to the Pacific coast, and Captain James -Cook was despatched to strike the coast in the latitude of Drake’s -New Albion, and proceed north in search of a passage eastward.[1407] -Carver the traveller had already, in 1766-1768, got certain notions -of the coast from Indian stories, as he heard them in the interior, -and embodied them with current beliefs in a map of his own, which made -a part of his _Travels through the interior parts of North America_, -published in 1778. In this he fixed the name of Oregon for the supposed -great river of the west, which remained in the end attached to the -region which it was believed to water.[1408] In 1786 the Frenchman La -Pérouse was on the coast.[1409] In 1789 the English and Spanish meeting -on the coast, the English commander was seized. This action led to a -diplomatic fence, the result of which was the surrender of Nootka to -the English. - -Meanwhile a Boston ship, the “Columbia,” commanded by Captain Kendrick, -in company with the “Washington” (Captain Gray), was on a voyage, -which was the first American attempt to sail around the globe.[1410] -They entered and named the Columbia River; and meeting Vancouver, -the intelligence was communicated to him. When the English commander -occupied Nootka, the last vestige of uncertainty regarding the salient -features of the coast may be said to have disappeared under his -surveys. Before they were published, George Foster issued in 1791 his -map of the northwest coast, in which the Straits of Juan de Fuca were -placed below 40°, by which Captain Gray is supposed to have entered, on -his way to an open sea, coming out again in 55°, through what we now -know as the Dixon entrance, to the north of Queen Charlotte’s Island; -the American navigator having threaded, as was supposed, a great -northern archipelago. Vancouver’s own map finally cleared the remaining -confusion, and the migratory Straits of Juan de Fuca were at last -fixed as the channel south of Vancouver’s Island which led to Puget -Sound.[1411] - - - - -NOTES. - -[Illustration] - - -MERCATOR’S PROJECTION.—It was no new thing to convert the spherical -representation of the earth into a plane on the cylindrical principle, -for it had been done in the fourteenth century; but no one had devised -any method by which it could be used for a sea-chart, since the -parallelizing of the meridians altered the direction of point from -point. Mercator seems to have reasoned out a plan in this wise: A B and -C D are two meridians drawing together as they approach the pole. If -they are made parallel, as in E F and G H, the point 2 is moved to 3, -which is in a different direction from 1, in the parallel of latitude, -I J. If the line of direction from 1 to 2 is prolonged till it strikes -the perpendicular meridian G H at 4, the original direction is -preserved, and the parallel K L can then be moved to become M N; thus -prolonging the distance from 1 to 5, and from 6 to 4, to counteract the -effect on direction by perpendicularizing the meridians. To do this -accurately involved a law which could be applicable to all parallels -and meridians; and that law Mercator seems only to have reached -approximately. But the idea once conveyed, it was seized by Edward -Wright in England in 1590, who evolved the law, and published it with -a map, the first engraved on the new system, in his _Certain Errors of -Navigation_, London, 1599. Mead, in his _Construction of Maps_ (1717), -examined all previous systems of projections; but contended that -Varenius in Latin, and his follower Newton in English, had not done the -subject justice. There have been some national controversies over the -claims of the German Mercator and the English Wright; but D’Avezac, in -his “Coup d’Œil historique sur la projection des cartes de géographie,” -printed in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, 1863 (also -separately), defends Mercator’s claims to be considered the originator -of the projection; and he (pp. 283-285) gives references to writers on -the subject, who are also noted in Van Raemdonck’s _Mercator_, p. 120. - -The claim which Van Raemdonck had made in his _Gérard Mercator, sa -vie et ses œuvres_,—that the great geographer was a Fleming,—was -controverted by Dr. Breusing in his _Gerhard Kremer, gen. Mercator, der -Deutsche Geograph_, 1869, and in an article (supposed to be his) in -the _Mittheilungen aus Justus Perthes’ Geographischer Anstalt_, 1869, -vol. xi. p. 438, where the German birth of Mercator is contended for. -To this Van Raemdonck replied in his _Gérard de Cremer, ou Mercator, -Géographe Flamand_, published at St. Nicholas in 1870. The controversy -rose from the project, in 1869, to erect a monument to Mercator at -Duisburg. Cf. also Bertrand in the _Journal des Savants_, February, -1870. - - -ORTELIUS.—Ortelius was born in 1527, and died in 1598, aged seventy-one -years. He was a rich man, and had visited England in his researches. -Stevens says in his _Bibliotheca historica_ p. 133: “A thorough study -of Ortelius is of the last importance.... He was a bibliographer, a -cartographer, and an antiquary, as well as a good mathematician and -geographer; and what is of infinite importance to us now, he gave his -authorities.” Cf. also “La Généalogie du Géographe Abraham Ortelius,” -by Génard in the _Bulletin de la Société Géographique d’Anvers_, v. -315; and Felix Van Hulst’s _Life of Ortelius_, second edition, Liege, -1846, with a portrait, which can also be found in the 1580, 1584, and -perhaps other editions of his own _Theatrum_. There is also a brief -notice, by M. de Macedo, of his geographical works in _Annales des -Voyages_, vol. ii. pp. 184-192. Thomassy (_Les Papes géographes_, p. -65) has pointed out how Ortelius fell into some errors, from ignorance -of Ruscelli’s maps, in the 1561 edition of Ptolemy. The engraver of his -early editions was Francis Hagenberg, and of his later ones, Ferdinand -Orsenius and Ambroise Orsenius. He prefixed to his book a list of the -authorities, from whose labors he had constructed his own maps. It is -a most useful list for the students of the map-making of the sixteenth -century. It has not a single Spanish title, which indicates how closely -the Council for the Indies had kept their archives from the unofficial -cartographers. The titles given are wholly of the sixteenth century, -not many anterior to 1528, and mostly of the latter half of the -century, indeed after 1560; and they are about one hundred and fifty in -all. The list includes some maps which Ortelius had not seen; and some, -to which in his text he refers, are not included in the list. There -are some maps among them of which modern inquiry has found no trace. -Stevens, in unearthing Walter Lud, turned to the list and found him -there as Gualterus Ludovicus. (See _ante_, p. 162). - -Ortelius supplied some titles which he had omitted,—including some -earlier than 1528,—as well as added others produced in the interval, -when, in 1592, he republished the list in its revised state. Lelewel -has arranged the names in a classified way in his _Géographie du moyen -âge_, vol. ii. pp. 185, 210, and on p. 217 has given us an account of -the work of Ortelius. Cf. also Lelewel, vol. v. p. 214; Sabin, vol. -xiv. p. 61. - -The original edition of the _Theatrum_ was issued at Antwerp, in -Latin, and had fifty-three maps; it was again published the same year -with some changes. There are copies in Mr. Brevoort’s, Jules Marcou’s -collections, and in the Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Astor -libraries. Stevens, in his illustrated _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. -2,077, gives a fac-simile of the title. Cf. also _Huth Catalogue_, vol. -iii. p. 1068; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 278; and Muller, -_Books on America_ (1877), no. 2,380. - -The third Latin edition appeared the next year (1571) at Antwerp, with -the same maps, as did the first edition with Dutch text, likewise with -the same maps. Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 1,473, thinks the -Dutch is the original text. - -To these several editions a supplement or additamentum, with eighteen -new maps (none, however, relating to America), was added in 1573. -Sabin’s _Dictionary_; Brockhaus, _Americana_ (1861), no. 28. Muller, -_Books on America_ (1877), no. 2,381. - -The same year (1573, though the colophon reads “Antorff, 1572”) the -first German edition appeared, but in Roman type, and with a somewhat -rough linguistic flavor. It had sixty-nine maps, and included the -map of America. Koehler, of Leipsic, priced a copy in 1883 at 100 -marks. The Latin (Antwerp) edition of this year (1573), “nova editio -aliquot iconibus aucta,” seems also to have the same peculiarity of -an earlier year (1572) in the colophon _Huth Catalogue_ (vol. iii. -p. 1068). Copies of all these editions seem to vary in the number of -the maps. (_Library of Congress Catalogue_; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -and the catalogues of Quaritch, Weigel, and others.) In 1574 some of -the Antwerp issues have a French text, with maps corresponding to the -German edition. - -There are copies of the 1575 edition in the libraries of Congress, -Harvard College, and the Boston Athenæum; and the four maps of interest -in American cartography may be described from the Harvard College copy. -They are reproductions of the maps of the 1570 edition. - -_a._ Mappemonde. North America has a perfected outline much as in the -Mercator map, with “Anian regnum” at the northwest. North America is -marked, as by Wytfliet, “America sive India nova;” but the geography -of the Arctic and northeastern parts is quite different from Wytfliet. -Groclant and Groenland have another relative position, and take a -general trend east and west; while in Wytfliet it is north and south. -Northern Labrador is called Estotilant; while Frisland and Drogeo, -islands to the south and east of it, are other reminders of the Zeni -chart. This same map was reissued in the 1584 edition; and again, new -cut, with a few changes, and dated 1587, it reappeared in the 1597 -edition. - -_b._ The two Americas. Anian and Quivira are on the northwest coast -of North America. Tolm and Tototeac are northeast of the Gulf of -California, and mark the region where the St. Lawrence rises, flowing, -without lakes, to the gulf, with Terra Corterealis on the north and -Norumbega on the south. Estotilant is apparently north of Hudson’s -Straits, and off its point is Icaria (another Zeni locality), with -Frislant south of it. Newfoundland is cut into two large islands, with -Baccalaos, a small island off its eastern coast. South America has the -false projection (from Mercator) on its southwestern coast in place -of Ruscelli’s uncertain limits at that point. This projecting coast -continued for some time to disfigure the outline of that continent in -the maps. This map also reappeared in the 1584 edition. - -_c._ Scandia, or the Scandinavian regions, and the North Atlantic show -Greenland, Groclant, Island, Frisland, Drogeo, and Estotilant on a -large scale, but in much the same relation to one another as in the -map _a_. East of Greenland, and separated from it by a strait, is a -circumpolar land which has these words: “Pygmei hic habitant.” The -general disposition of the parts of this map resembles Mercator’s, and -it was several times repeated, as in the editions of Ortelius of 1584 -and 1592; and it was re-engraved in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ of 1595, -and in the Cologne-Arnheim Ptolemy of 1597. - -_d._ Indiæ orientalis. It shows Japan, an island midway in a sea -separating Mangi (Asia) on the west from “Americæ sive Indie -occidentalis pars” on the east. This map also reappeared in the 1584 -edition, and may be compared with those of the Wytfliet series. - - * * * * * - -In 1577 an epitome of Ortelius by Heyn, with a Dutch text and -seventy-two maps, appeared at Antwerp. - -In 1580 the German text, entirely rewritten, appeared at Antorff, with -a portrait of Ortelius and twenty-four new maps (constituting the third -supplement), with a new general map of America. Among the new maps -was one of New Spain, dated 1579, containing, it is reckoned, about a -thousand names; another showing Florida, Northern Mexico, and the West -India Islands; and a third on one sheet showing Peru, Florida, and -Guastecan Regio. - -The Latin edition of 1584, with a further increase of maps, is in -Harvard College Library. In 1587 there was a French text issued, the -mappemonde of which is reproduced in Vivien de St. Martin’s _Histoire -de la géographie_. This text in the 1588 edition is called “revue, -corrigé et augmentée pour la troisième fois.” This French text is -wholly independent of, and not a translation of, the Latin and German. -The maps are at this time usually ninety-four in number. In 1589 there -was Marchetti’s edition at Brescia and a Latin one at Antwerp. In 1591 -there was a fresh supplement of twenty-one maps. In 1592 the Antwerp -edition was the last one superintended by Ortelius himself. The map of -the New World was re-engraved, and the maps number in full copies two -hundred and one, usually colored; there is a copy in Harvard College -Library. In 1593 there was an Italian text, and other Latin editions -in 1595 and 1596, a copy of the last being in Harvard College Library. -This completes the story of the popularity of Ortelius down to the -publication of Wytfliet, when American cartography obtained its special -exponent. - -A few later editions may mark the continued popularity of the work of -Ortelius, and of those who followed upon his path:— - -_Il theatro del mondo_, Brescia (1598), one hundred maps, of which -three are American. - -A French text at Antwerp (1598), with one hundred and nineteen maps, -including the same American maps as in the 1587 edition, except that of -the world and of America at large. - -Peeter Heyn’s _Miroir du monde_, Amsterdam (1598), with eighty woodcut -maps,—an epitome of Ortelius. - -After Ortelius’s death, the first Latin edition in 1601, at Antwerp -(111 maps), had his final corrections; other issues followed in 1603, -1609 (115 maps), 1612, 1624, with an epitome by Crignet in 1602 (123 -maps); and an epitome in English in 1610. An Italian text by Pigafetta -appeared in 1612 and 1697. - -Lelewel (_Géographie du moyen âge_; vol. ii. pp. 181, 185, and -_Epilogue_, p. 214) has somewhat carefully examined the intricate -subject of the make-up of editions of Ortelius; but the truth probably -is, that there was much independent grouping of particular copies which -obscures the bibliography. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -EARLY EXPLORATIONS OF NEW MEXICO. - -BY HENRY W. HAYNES. - -_Archæological Institute of America._ - - -AT the time of the Spanish conquest of Mexico there were living, some -fifteen hundred miles to the north of the city so named, in the upper -valley of the Rio del Norte, and upon some of the eastern affluents of -the Colorado of the West, certain native tribes, who had attained to -a degree of culture superior to that of any people in North America, -with the exception of the semi-civilized Aztec and Maya races. These -were the Sedentary or Pueblo Indians,—village communities dwelling -together in large buildings constructed of stone or adobe,—whose -home lay principally within the present limits of New Mexico and -Arizona, although extending somewhat into southwestern Colorado and -southeastern Utah. The first rumors of the existence of this people -which had reached the ears of the Spaniards grew out of a tale told to -Nuño de Guzman in 1530, when he was at the head of the Royal Audience -then governing New Spain.[1412] He had an Indian slave, called by the -Spaniards Tejos, who represented himself to be a son of a trader in -feathers, such as were used by the natives for head-dresses. Tejos said -that it was his father’s habit to travel about, exchanging his wares -for silver and gold, which were abundant in certain regions. Once or -twice he had accompanied his father on these journeys, and then he had -seen cities large enough to be compared with Mexico. They were seven in -number, and entire streets in them were occupied by jewellers. To reach -them it was necessary to travel northward forty days’ journey through -a desert region lying between the two seas. - -Guzman placed confidence in this narrative; and collecting a force of -four hundred Spaniards and twenty thousand Indians, he set out from -Mexico in search of this country. It was believed to be only about -six hundred miles distant, and already the name of _The Land of the -Seven Cities_ had been given to it. There were also other strange -stories current, that had been told to Cortés a few years before, -about a region called Ciguatan, lying somewhere in the north, near to -which was an island inhabited solely by Amazons. In this, also, there -was said to be gold in abundance; and it was quite as much the hope -of finding the Island of the Amazons, with its gold, that inspired -Guzman’s expedition, as of gaining access to the treasures of The Seven -Cities. But on his march confirmatory reports about these cities kept -reaching him; and eventually the expedition succeeded in penetrating -to Ciguatan, and even as far within the province of Culiacan, the -extreme limit of Spanish discovery, as to Colombo. Nevertheless, they -did not find the Island of the Amazons, and The Seven Cities kept -receding farther toward the north.[1413] Meanwhile one of his captains -made a reconnoissance some seventy leagues in an easterly direction -without any satisfactory result. At last, the difficulties of an -advance through a wild country and amid pathless mountains brought the -expedition to a halt, which soon dampened the ardor of the soldiers, -who grew clamorous to return to Mexico. But in the mean time news -had reached Guzman that Cortés was once more there, clothed with new -titles and authority, and he did not dare to brave the anger which his -hostile proceedings during Cortés’ absence were sure to have provoked. -Accordingly he retraced his steps no farther than to Compostella and -Guadalaxara, where he remained, and established the colonies from -which was formed the province known afterwards as New Gallicia.[1414] -Not long after, he was deposed from his authority as governor of this -province by direct commands from Spain; and Antonio de Mendoza, who had -now been created Viceroy of New Spain, appointed Francisco Vasquez de -Coronado to the vacant post. - -Meanwhile the Indian Tejos had died, and the mysterious Seven Cities -would have remained only a name, if the interest in them had not -been revived by a remarkable occurrence. This was the arrival in -the province of Culiacan, in 1536, of Antonio Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, -with three companions. They were the sole survivors of the numerous -company who had followed Pamphilo de Narvaez, in 1527, to the shores of -Florida. During nine years of almost incredible perils and hardships, -after traversing in their wanderings all the great unknown region -lying north of the Gulf of Mexico, they had at last reached the shores -of the southern sea. They brought back accounts of having fallen in -with civilized peoples, dwelling in permanent habitations, where were -“populous towns with very large houses.”[1415] The story of their -strange adventures is told elsewhere in more detail,[1416] so that -here it suffices to put on record simply that they were the first -Europeans to tread the soil of New Mexico. As soon as they reached -Mexico, the intelligence of their discoveries was communicated to -the Viceroy Mendoza, by whom it was at once transmitted to Coronado, -the new governor of New Gallicia. He was a gentleman of good family, -from Salamanca, but long established in Mexico, where he had married -a daughter of Alonzo d’Estrada, former governor of that place, who -was generally believed to be a natural son of Ferdinand the Catholic. -Coronado at this time was occupied in travelling through New Spain; -but he repaired immediately to his province to investigate the -reports, taking with him one of Cabeza de Vaca’s companions, a negro -named Stephen, and also three Franciscan monks, missionaries to the -natives. After a brief interval a proposition was made to one of these -monks, Fray Marcos de Nizza (of Nice), to undertake a preliminary -exploration of the country. He was selected for this task on account -of his character and attainments, and because of the experience he had -acquired in Peru, under Alvarado. Elaborate instructions were sent -to him by the Viceroy, which seem inspired by a spirit of humanity -as well as intelligence.[1417] He was told that the expedition was -to be undertaken for the spread of the holy Catholic faith, and that -he must exhort the Spaniards to treat the natives with kindness, and -threaten them with the Viceroy’s displeasure if this command should be -disobeyed. The natives were to be informed of the Emperor’s indignation -at the cruelties that had been inflicted upon them, and to be assured -that they should no longer be enslaved or removed from their homes. -He was ordered to take the negro Stephen as his guide, and cautioned -against giving any ground of offence to the natives. He was to take -special note of their numbers and manner of life, and whether they were -at peace or war among themselves. He was also to observe particularly -the nature of the country, the fertility of the soil, and the character -of its products; to learn what wild animals were to be found there, and -whether there were any rivers, great or small. He was to search for -precious stones and metals, and if possible to bring back specimens -of them; and to make inquiry whether the natives had any knowledge of -a neighboring sea. If he should succeed in reaching the southern sea, -he was to leave an account of his discoveries buried at the foot of -some conspicuous tree marked with a cross, and to do the same thing at -the mouths of all rivers, so that any future maritime expedition might -be instructed to be on the lookout for such a sign. Especially was he -ordered to send back constant reports as to the route he had taken, and -how he was received; and if he should discover any great city, he was -to return immediately to give private information about it. Finally, -he was told to take possession of the new country in the name of the -Emperor, and to make the natives understand that they must submit -themselves to him. - -In accordance with these instructions, Fray Marcos set out from S. -Miguel de Culiacan on the 7th of March, 1539, with Fray Honoratus -for a companion, and the negro Stephen for a guide. The monks were -not greatly pleased with this man, on account of his avaricious and -sensual nature; but they hoped to reap some benefit from his ability -to communicate with the natives, several of whom, who had been brought -away from their homes by Cabeza de Vaca, but who had been redeemed -and set free by the Viceroy, also accompanied the party. There was, -besides, a much larger company of natives from the neighboring regions, -who were induced to join the expedition on account of the favorable -representations made to them by those whom the Viceroy had freed. - -Fray Marcos, upon his return, made a formal report of all his -doings;[1418] and to this we must look for the first definite -information in regard to the early exploration and history of the -region with which we are now concerned, since Cabeza de Vaca’s -narrative is too confused to furnish any sure indications of locality, -and he has even been charged by Castañeda with “representing things -very differently from what he had found them in reality.”[1419] The -monk relates how they reached Petatlan, after having met with great -kindness from the natives on their way; and while resting there for -three days Fray Honoratus fell ill, and was obliged to be left behind. -He himself continued his journey for some thirty leagues, still finding -the natives most friendly, and even willing to share with him their -supply of food, although it was but scanty, owing to no rain having -fallen for three years. On his way he was met by some inhabitants -of the island, which had previously been visited by Cortés, by whom -he was assured that it was indeed an island, and not a continent as -some had supposed. Still other people came to visit him from a larger -island, but more distant, who informed him that there were still thirty -islands more, but that they were only poorly supplied with food.[1420] -These Indians wore shells suspended from their necks, like those in -which pearls are found; and when a pearl was shown to them, they -said they had an abundance of them, although the friar admits that -he himself did not see any. After this his route lay for four days -through a desert, during which he was accompanied by the Indians from -the islands and the inhabitants of the villages through which he had -passed. Finally he came to a people who were astonished to see him, -as they had no intercourse with the people on the other side of the -desert, and had no knowledge whatsoever of Europeans. Nevertheless, -they received him kindly, and supplied him with food, and endeavored to -touch his garments, calling him “a man sent from heaven.” In return, he -endeavored, as best he might by means of interpreters, to teach them -about “God in heaven, and his Majesty upon earth.” Upon being asked if -they knew of any country more populous and civilized than their own, -they replied that four or five days’ journey into the interior, in a -great plain at the foot of the mountains, there were many large cities, -inhabited by a people who wore garments made of cotton. When specimens -of different metals were shown to them, they selected the gold, and -said that this people had their common dishes made of this material, -and wore balls of it suspended from their ears and noses, and even used -“thin plates of it to scrape off their sweat.” However, as this plain -was quite remote from the sea, and as it was his purpose never to be -far away from it during his journeyings, the monk decided to defer the -exploration of this country until his return. - -Meanwhile Fray Marcos continued to travel for three days through the -territories of the same tribe, until he arrived at a town of moderate -size, called Vacapa, situated in a fertile region about forty leagues -from the sea.[1421] Here he rested for several days, while three -exploring parties were despatched to the coast with directions to -bring back some of the natives dwelling there as well as upon the -neighboring islands, in order that he might obtain more definite -information about those regions. The negro was ordered to advance in a -northerly direction fifty or sixty leagues, and to send back a report -of what he should discover. In four days’ time a messenger came from -him bringing news of “a country the finest in the world;” and with him -came an Indian, who professed to have visited it, and who reported -that it was a thirty days’ journey from the place where Stephen then -was to the first city of this province. The name of this province was -Cibola,[1422] and it contained seven great cities, all under the rule -of one lord. The houses were built of stone and lime; some of them were -three stories high, and had their doorways ornamented with turquoises, -of which there was an abundance in that country; beyond this, there -were still other provinces all greater than that of The Seven Cities. -This tale was all the more readily credited by the monk, as the man -appeared to be “of good understanding.” Nevertheless, he deferred his -departure until the exploring parties should return from the coast. -After a short time they came back, bringing with them some of the -dwellers upon the coast and on two of the islands, who reported that -there were thirty-four islands in all, near to one another; but that -all, as well as the main land, were deficient in food supplies. They -said that the islanders held intercourse with each other by means of -rafts, and that the coast stretched due north. On the same day there -came to Vacapa, to visit the monk, three Indians who had their faces, -hands, and breasts painted. They said that they dwelt in the eastern -country, in the neighborhood of Cibola, and they confirmed all the -reports in regard to it. - -As fresh messengers had now come from Stephen, urging the monk to -hasten his departure, he sent the natives of the coast back to their -homes and resumed his journey, taking with him two of the islanders—who -begged to accompany him for several days—and the painted Indians. In -three days’ time he arrived among the people who had given the negro -his information about Cibola. They confirmed all that had been said -about it; and they also told about three other great kingdoms, called -Marata, Acus, and Totonteac. They said they were in the habit of going -to these countries to labor in the fields, and that they received in -payment turquoises and skins of cattle. All the people there wore -turquoises in their ears and noses, and were clad in long cotton robes -reaching to their feet, with a girdle of turquoises around the waist. -Over these cotton garments they wore mantles made of skins, which were -considered to be the clothing best suited to the country. They gave -the monk several of these skins, which were said to come from Cibola, -and which proved to be as well dressed and tanned as those prepared -by the most highly civilized people. The people here treated him with -very great kindness, and brought the sick to him to be healed, and -endeavored to touch his garments as he recited the Gospels over them. -The next day he continued his journey, still attended by the painted -Indians, and arrived at another village, where the same scenes were -repeated. He was told that Stephen had gone on four or five days’ -journey, accompanied by many of the natives, and that he had left word -for Fray Marcos to hasten forward. As this appeared to be the finest -country he had found thus far, he proceeded to erect two crosses, -and to take formal possession of it in the name of the Emperor, in -accordance with his instructions. He then continued on his journey for -five days more, passing through one village after another, everywhere -treated with great kindness, and receiving presents of turquoises and -of skins, until at last he was told that he was on the point of coming -to a desert region. To cross this would be five days’ march; but he -was assured that provisions would be transported for him, and places -provided in which he could sleep. This all turned out as had been -promised, and he then reached a populous valley, where the people all -wore turquoises in greater profusion than ever, and talked about Cibola -as familiarly as did the Spaniards about Mexico or Quito. They said -that in it all the products of civilization could be procured, and they -explained the method by which the houses were constructed of several -stories. - -Up to this point the coast had continued to run due north; but here, -in the latitude of 35°, Fray Marcos found, from personal examination, -that it began to trend westward. For five days he journeyed through -this fertile and well-watered valley, finding villages in it at every -half-league, when there met him a native of Cibola, who had fled hither -from the governor of that place. He was a man advanced in years, and -of good appearance and capacity; and from him were obtained even more -definite and detailed accounts of Cibola and the neighboring kingdoms, -their condition and mode of government; and he begged to be allowed -to return home in the friar’s company, in order to obtain pardon -through his intercession. The monk pursued his way for three days more -through this rich and populous valley, when he was informed that soon -another desert stretch, fifteen long days’ march in extent, would -begin. Accordingly, as he had now travelled one hundred and twelve -leagues from the place where he had first learned of this new country, -he determined to rest here a short time. He was told that Stephen had -taken along with him more than three hundred men as his escort, and to -carry provisions across the desert; and he was advised to do likewise, -as the natives all expected to return laden with riches. But Fray -Marcos declined; and selecting only thirty of the principal men, and -the necessary porters, he entered upon the desert in the month of May, -and travelled for twelve days, finding at all the halting-places the -cabins which had been occupied by Stephen and other travellers. Of a -sudden an Indian came in sight, covered with dust and sweat, with grief -and terror stamped upon his countenance. He had been one of Stephen’s -party, and was the son of one of the chiefs who were escorting the -friar. This was the tale he told: On the day before Stephen’s arrival -at Cibola, according to his custom, he sent forward messengers to -announce his approach. These carried his staff of office, made of a -gourd, to which was attached a string of bells and two feathers, one -white and one red, which signified that he had come with peaceful -intentions and to heal the sick. But when this was delivered to the -governor, he angrily dashed it to the ground, saying he knew the -strangers, and forbade their entering the city, upon pain of death. -This message was brought back to Stephen, who nevertheless continued -on, but was prevented from entering the city. He was conducted to a -large house outside the walls, where everything was taken from him; and -the whole party passed the night without food or drink. The following -morning, while the narrator had gone to the river which flowed near by, -to quench his thirst, suddenly he saw Stephen in full flight, pursued -by the people of Cibola, who were slaying all of his companions; -whereupon he hid himself under the bank, and finally succeeded in -escaping across the desert. When they heard this pitiful story, the -Indians began to wail, and the monk to tremble for his own life; but -he says he was troubled still more at the thought of not being able to -bring back information about this important country. Nevertheless, he -proceeded to cut the cords of some of his packages, from which he had -as yet given nothing away, and to distribute all the contents among -the chief men, bidding them fear nothing, but continue on with him -still farther; which they did, until they came within a day’s journey -of Cibola. Here there met them two more of Stephen’s Indian companions, -still bleeding from their wounds, who told the same story about his -death and the destruction of his company, supposing that they alone had -escaped, by hiding themselves under the heaps of those who had been -slain by flights of arrows.[1423] - -The monk goes on to relate that he tried to comfort the weeping -natives, by telling them that God would punish the people of Cibola, -and the Emperor would send an army to chastise them; but they refused -to believe him, saying no power could resist that of Cibola. He -thereupon distributed everything he had left among them to appease -them, and endeavored to persuade some of them to go nearer the city, in -order to make sure of the fate of the party; and upon their refusal, he -said that he should at all events endeavor to obtain a sight of Cibola. -Seeing his determination, two of the chiefs consented to accompany him; -and they came to a hill, from which they could look down upon the city. -It is situated in a plain, he says, and seemed to be handsomer and more -important than any city he had yet seen, and even larger than Mexico. -The houses were built of stone, and were of several stories, as the -natives had told him, and with flat roofs; and upon his expressing his -admiration of it, his companions said that it was the smallest of The -Seven Cities, and that Totonteac, one of the neighboring towns, was -still larger and finer. With the help of the Indians he proceeded to -raise a great pile of stones, upon which he planted a cross as large -as he was able to make, and in the name of the Viceroy and Governor of -New Spain, on behalf of the Emperor, he took possession of the Land of -the Seven Cities, and the realms of Totonteac, Acus, and Marata; and to -the whole country he gave the name of the New Kingdom of St. Francis. -Upon retracing his steps across the desert, he failed to receive as -friendly a reception as before, for all the people were in tears for -the loss of their murdered relatives; so that he became alarmed, and -hastened through the valley so rapidly that in three days’ time he had -crossed the second desert. From this point he made a detour in the -direction of the country lying to the East, about which he had been -told on his first coming. Without venturing to penetrate into it, he -contented himself with observing the approaches, when he found seven -small villages in a verdant valley, but in the distance he could see -the smoke of a fine city. He was informed that the country was very -rich in gold, but that the inhabitants refused all intercourse with -strangers. Nevertheless, he planted two more crosses here, and took -formal possession of the country. From this point he retraced his steps -as speedily as possible to Compostella, where he rejoined Coronado, and -sent immediate notice of his return to the Viceroy. - -While Fray Marcos had been absent upon his journey, Coronado had -himself been occupied in searching for a province lying somewhere to -the north of his own dominions, called Topira. After a toilsome march -through a mountain region this was reached, and proved to be entirely -different from what it had been reported; and he had just returned from -this fruitless expedition, when the monk arrived. So glowing were the -accounts he gave of what he had himself seen and what the natives had -told him, as well as of the wealth to be found in the islands of the -southern seas, that Coronado determined to take the monk at once with -himself to Mexico and lay the matter before the Viceroy. There, on the -2d of September, 1539, according to the notaries’ attest, Fray Marcos -presented a report in writing to Mendoza, by whom it was transmitted to -the Emperor Charles V., accompanied by a letter from himself containing -a brief narrative of the previous attempts that had been made for the -exploration of the country.[1424] In a very short time Coronado began -to proclaim openly what hitherto he had only whispered in strictest -confidence to his most intimate friends,—that the marvellous Seven -Cities had been discovered which Nuño de Guzman had sought for in -vain; and he proceeded forthwith to make preparations and to collect -a military force for their conquest. Meanwhile the Franciscans chose -Fray Marcos for their general; and soon all the pulpits of that Order -were resounding to such good purpose, that before long an army of -three hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians of New Spain had -been collected. So many gentlemen of noble birth volunteered for this -service that the Viceroy was much embarrassed in selecting officers; -but at last he decided upon the principal ones, and appointed Coronado, -as was only his due, general-in-chief. Compostella, the capital of -New Gallicia, was named as the place of rendezvous for the army; and -in the mean time Hernando Alarcon received instructions to sail along -the coast of the southern sea in order to accompany the march of the -expedition. He was directed to transport the heavy stores and to keep -up communications by means of the rivers that empty into it. This part -of the plan, however, failed of success, as Coronado’s line of march -soon led him to a distance from the coast.[1425] - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF CORONADO.] - -In the last days of February, 1540, the Viceroy himself came to -Compostella, and from there he accompanied the army for two days on -its march. But soon the difficulties of the route began to tell upon -the inexperienced cavaliers, who were obliged each to carry his own -provisions and baggage, so that when they had reached Chiametla, they -were compelled to halt for several days in order to procure a supply -of food. In doing this a collision with the natives occurred, in which -one of the superior officers was slain; and in revenge, all who were -_believed_ to be inhabitants of the village where it happened were -hanged. Soon after this, dissatisfaction began to manifest itself among -the troops, which was heightened by the discouraging reports which were -spread on the return of Melchior Diaz and his party, whom Coronado -had sent by Mendoza’s orders on a reconnoitring expedition during -his own absence in Mexico. They had penetrated two hundred leagues -beyond Culiacan, as far as the edge of the desert, and they gave very -different accounts from those of Fray Marcos. Very few inhabitants were -seen, except in two or three little villages of some thirty huts, and -everywhere was a great scarcity of provisions; while the mountainous -nature of the country rendered it almost impassable.[1426] The friar, -however, strove to encourage their drooping spirits, promising them -that they should not return empty handed; and the march was continued -to Culiacan, where the expedition was received with great hospitality -by the Spanish colonists. Here Coronado left the main body of the army -under the command of Tristan d’Arellano, with orders to follow him in -a fortnight, while he himself set out on the 22d of April, 1540, with -fifty horse and a few foot-soldiers and the monks who did not choose -to be left behind. In somewhat more than a month’s time he came to the -last inhabited place on the borders of the desert, having everywhere -met with a friendly reception from the natives. At an intervening -village, in the valley which Cabeza de Vaca had called Corazones, he -had halted, and despatched messengers to the sea-coast, which was -five days’ journey distant, and learned that a vessel had been seen -passing by. The place which he had now reached bore the name of -Chichilticalli, or The Red House, and it proved to be something very -different from what Fray Marcos had reported. Instead of a populous -town at a distance of five leagues from the sea, he found merely a -single ruinous, roofless structure, at least ten days’ journey from -the coast. Nevertheless, it bore the appearance of having once been -a fortified work which had been constructed out of red earth by a -civilized people, but had been destroyed in former times by some -barbarous enemy.[1427] Here Coronado entered upon the desert, and -proceeding in a northeasterly direction he came in a fortnight’s time -to a river, to which the name of the Vermejo was given, on account of -its turbid waters. This was only eight leagues distant from Cibola, -where they arrived on the following day, sometime early in July, having -only escaped by the general’s prudence from falling into an ambuscade -of hostile natives.[1428] - -Cibola turned out to be even a greater disappointment than the Red -House, and many were the maledictions showered upon the monk by the -soldiers. Instead of the great city which he had reported, it proved -to be only a little village of not more than two hundred inhabitants, -situated upon a rocky eminence, and difficult of access.[1429] From -its resemblance in situation, Coronado gave the name of Granada to -the village; and he states that the name Cibola properly belonged to -the whole district containing seven towns, and not to any particular -place. As the natives continued to manifest a hostile disposition, -and the army was almost famished from lack of food, it was resolved -to attempt to carry it at once by assault, in order to get at the -abundance of provisions stored there. But the inhabitants made such a -stout resistance with missiles and showers of stones, that it would -have gone hard with the Spaniards if it had not been for the protection -of their armor. As it was, Coronado himself was twice felled to the -earth, and his life was only saved by the devotion of one of his -officers, who shielded him with his own body. However, in less than an -hour’s time the place was captured, though several of the horses of the -Spaniards were killed, and a few of the assailants wounded. But when -once possession of this strong point was secured, the whole district -was speedily reduced to submission. - -Here Coronado awaited the arrival of the main body of his army before -attempting to penetrate farther into the country; and from this place -he transmitted to the Viceroy, under date of Aug. 3, 1540, a report of -what he had already accomplished, in which his disappointment about -the character of the region through which he had journeyed was very -plainly expressed, as well as his entire disbelief in the truth of the -reports which Fray Marcos had brought back respecting the rich and -powerful kingdoms lying at a distance. He shows that he had discovered -the inherent defect of the country by laying particular stress upon -the “great want of pasture;” and says that he had learned that “what -the Indians worship is water, for it causeth their corn to grow and -maintaineth their life.”[1430] With this despatch he sent specimens of -the garments worn by the natives and of their weapons, and also “two -cloths painted with the beasts of the country;” he also reports that -the natives possessed a certain amount of gold and silver, but that he -could not discover whence they procured it. - -While waiting at Cibola the arrival of the main body of the army, -Coronado sent out a small party under Pedro de Tobar to explore a -province lying some twenty leagues or more to the northwest, called -Tusayan,[1431] where there were said to be seven cities, with houses -built like those of Cibola, and inhabited by a warlike people. Tobar -succeeded in approaching close to the first of these without being -observed, as the natives now seldom ventured far from their houses on -account of the fear inspired by the rumors spread abroad that Cibola -had been captured by a fierce people mounted upon animals that devoured -human flesh. However, as soon as the Spaniards were discovered, the -natives showed a bold front, advancing to meet them in good order, and -well armed. Drawing a line in the sand, they forbade the Spaniards -crossing it, and wounded the horse of a soldier who ventured to leap -over it; whereupon a friar named Juan de Padilla, who had been a -soldier in his youth, urged the captain to make an onslaught upon them, -and the natives were soon put to flight and many of them slain. In a -short time all this province gave in its submission, and peaceable -relations were once more established. The natives brought as gifts to -the Spaniards turquoises, tanned skins, maize, and other provisions, -and especially cotton stuffs, which were regarded by them as the -choicest present, since it did not grow in their own country. They -also gave information about a large river lying farther to the west, -on whose banks, at some days’ journey down the stream, there dwelt a -race of very large men. Tobar returned to Cibola with this report, and -Coronado immediately despatched a second exploring party to verify it, -under García Lopez de Cardenas. These were well received on their way -by the people of Tusayan, who supplied them with guides and provisions -for the journey. For twenty days their march lay through a desert, at -the end of which they came to the banks of a river which seemed to them -to be elevated “three or four leagues in the air.” So steep were these -banks that it was impossible to descend to the water, which appeared so -far away as to seem to be only an arm’s-length in width, and yet their -guides assured them that it was over half a league broad. Although it -was summer time, it was quite cold, and the country was covered with -a growth of stunted pines. For three days they followed the bank in -search of a passage; and some volunteers who made the attempt returned -with the report that they had only been able to accomplish a third of -the descent, and that rocks which had seemed scarcely as high as a -man, were found to be loftier than the towers of Seville Cathedral. -For three or four days more they continued on; but at length they were -forced to return by want of water, which they had been obliged to seek -for every night a league or two back from the river, and retraced their -steps to Cibola.[1432] - -[Illustration: CORONADO’S EXPEDITION. - -The map given in Ruge’s _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 417. With -slight corrections, this is as accurate as our present information -permits. Melchior Diaz penetrated farther north, and crossed the -Colorado. Tiguex should be placed west of the Rio Grande, between Acoma -and Quirex. The Rio “Sangra” is probably a mistake for “Sonora.”] - -In the mean time the main body of the army, which had been left at -Culiacan under the command of Tristan d’Arellano, with orders to -follow Coronado in a fortnight, set out, and slowly advancing reached -at length Cabeza de Vaca’s province of Corazones. Here it was thought -best to attempt to establish a colony; but owing to the difficulty of -procuring a sufficient supply of food, it was subsequently transferred -to the spot in the valley of the river which is now called Sonora. From -here Don Roderigo Maldonado was despatched down the river in the hope -of finding Alarcon’s vessels. He returned without having accomplished -his purpose, but brought back with him a native of huge stature, and -reported that a nation of still larger men dwelt farther down the -coast. The whole army now transferred itself across the river to the -new colony, and there waited for further orders from Coronado. - -About the middle of September, 1540,[1433] Melchior Diaz and Juan -Gallegos arrived from Cibola with instructions for the army to proceed -thither at once. Gallegos continued on to Mexico, carrying to the -Viceroy an account of the discoveries; and with him went Fray Marcos, -who dared not remain any longer with the army, so incensed were they -with him for his gross misrepresentations. Diaz was ordered to remain -at the new colony in the capacity of governor, and to seek to put -himself in communication with Alarcon’s vessels. Immediately the army -took up its march for Cibola, but Arellano remained behind. As soon -as they had departed, Diaz set out to explore the sea-coast, leaving -Diego d’Alcarraz in command in his stead, who turned out to be very -poorly fitted to exercise authority, so that disorders and mutinies -broke out. Diaz himself, after marching one hundred and fifty leagues -in a southwesterly direction (as Castañeda reports),[1434] struck the -Tizon at some distance from its mouth, at a place where it was at -least half a league wide. Here he found a race of huge men dwelling -together in large numbers in underground cabins roofed with straw, -from whom he learned that the vessels had been seen three days’ march -down the stream. Upon reaching the spot indicated, which the natives -told him was fifteen leagues from its mouth, he came upon a tree with -an inscription upon it, and buried under it he found a writing stating -that Alarcon had come so far,[1435] and after waiting there awhile had -returned to New Spain. It also contained the information that this -supposed south sea was actually a gulf which separated the mainland -from what had been called the Island of California. With the intention -of exploring this peninsula, Diaz proceeded up the river five or six -days’ march in the hope of finding a ford, and at length attempted -to cross by means of rafts. The natives, whose assistance he had -called in to help construct them, proved treacherous, and laid a plot -to attack the Spaniards on both banks of the river, while a portion -were in the act of crossing. When this was detected, they made their -assault boldly, but were speedily put to flight. Diaz then continued -his journey along the coast, which took here a southeasterly direction, -until he reached a volcanic region where farther progress became -impossible. While retracing his steps, he met with an accident which -put an end to his life; but the rest of his party returned to Sonora in -safety. - -While Diaz was making these explorations, the main body of the army -had continued on to Chichilticalli without having encountered any -other peril than being severely poisoned from having eaten preserved -fruits that had been given to them by the natives. Castañeda records -their falling in with a flock of large mountain sheep, which ran so -swiftly that they could not be captured. When within a day’s march of -Cibola they were overtaken by a terrible storm, accompanied by a heavy -snow-fall, which caused the Spaniards great suffering, and nearly cost -the lives of their Indian allies, natives of a warm country. But on -arriving they found comfortable quarters provided by Coronado, and the -whole force was now reunited, with the exception of a detachment which -had been sent upon an expedition in an entirely different direction. - -A party of natives had come to Cibola from a village called Cicuyé, -situated some seventy leagues away toward the east, under a chief to -whom the Spaniards gave the name of Bigotes, from the long mustache -he wore. They proffered their friendly services to the strangers and -invited them to visit their country, at the same time making them -presents of tanned bison-skins. One of them had the figure of this -animal painted on his body, which gave the Spaniards their first -knowledge of its appearance. Coronado made them in return presents of -glass beads and bells, and ordered Hernando d’Alvarado to take twenty -men with him and explore that region, and after eighty days to return -and report what he had discovered. After five days’ travel Alvarado -came to a village called Acuco, situated on a precipitous cliff so high -that an arquebus-ball could scarcely reach the top. The only approach -to it was by an artificial stairway cut in the rock, of more than three -hundred steps, and for the last eighteen feet there were only holes -into which to insert the toes.[1436] By showing a bold front, friendly -relations were established with the inhabitants of this formidable -stronghold, who numbered some two hundred fighting men, and a large -supply of provisions was received from them. Three days’ march farther -brought them to a province called Tiguex, containing twelve villages -situated on the banks of a great river.[1437] The presence in the party -of Bigotes, who was a renowned warrior well known in all that region, -conciliated the favor of the people of Tiguex; and the country pleased -Alvarado so much, that he sent a messenger to Coronado to persuade him -to make it his winter quarters.[1438] Continuing his journey, in five -days more he reached Cicuyé, which he found to be a strongly fortified -village of four-story terraced houses, built around a large square. -It was also protected by a low stone wall, and was capable of putting -five hundred warriors into the field.[1439] Here they were welcomed -with great demonstrations of friendship, and received many gifts of -turquoises, which were abundant in that country.[1440] While resting -here for several days they fell in with an Indian slave,—a native of -the region lying toward Florida, which De Soto afterward explored,—who -told them marvellous tales about the stores of gold and silver to be -found in the great cities of his own country. - -[Illustration: THE BUFFALO (_after Thevet_). - -[This is one of the earliest engravings—if not the earliest—of the -buffalo, occurring on folio 144 _verso_, of Thevet’s _Les Singularitez -de la France Antarctique_, Antwerp, 1558. Davis (_Spanish Conquest of -New Mexico_, p. 67) says Cabeza de Vaca is the earliest to mention the -buffalo.—ED.]] - -This man they named “the Turk,” from his resemblance to men of that -nation; and such implicit credence did they place in his stories, -that after penetrating a little way into the plains under his -guidance,—where for the first time they saw the bisons, with whose -skins they had become familiar,—they retraced their steps in order to -bring this information to Coronado. On reaching Tiguex, Alvarado found -Cardenas there, who had been sent on by the General, in accordance with -his advice, to prepare winter quarters for the army now on its march -from Sonora. Alvarado accordingly decided to remain in that province -and wait for the coming of the army; but in making their preparations -for its comfort the Spaniards showed very little consideration for the -natives, forcing them to abandon one of their villages, taking only the -clothes that they were wearing. - -[Illustration: SKETCH OF THE BUFFALO. - -[By the kindness of the Rev. Edward E. Hale, D. D., a tracing by -him from a sketch made about 1599 by order of Oñate, and by his -Sergeant-Major Vincente de Galdivia Mendoza, is here copied. The -original is inscribed, “Trasunto de como son las Bacos de Gibola.” See -_ante_, p. 477, note.—ED.]] - -By this time Arellano had arrived at Cibola, coming from Sonora; and to -him Coronado once more intrusted the command of the main force, with -instructions for it to rest twenty days at Cibola, and then to proceed -direct to Tiguex. He himself, having heard of a province containing -eight towns called Tutahaco, took a party of his hardiest men and set -out to explore it. On his way thither, which took the direction of -the route to Tiguex, for two days and a half they were without water, -and were forced to seek for it in a chain of snow-covered mountains. -After eight days’ march they reached this place, and there they heard -of other villages situated still farther down the river. The people -were found to be a friendly race, dwelling in buildings constructed -of earth, like those at Tiguex, which province Coronado reached by -following up the course of the river.[1441] - -On his arrival there he found Alvarado and the Turk, who repeated his -story about the marvellous wealth to be found in his country, adding -many fanciful embellishments,—which were the more readily believed, -as he was able to distinguish copper from gold. He pretended that the -people of Cicuyé had taken some gold bracelets from him when they made -him prisoner, and Coronado accordingly sent Alvarado back to Cicuyé to -reclaim them. The people there received him again in a friendly way, -but denied all knowledge of the gold bracelets, and declared the Turk -to be a liar. Upon this, Alvarado threw the chief men of the town and -Bigotes into chains and brought them to Tiguex, where they were kept -prisoners more than six months, to the great grief and indignation of -the natives, who endeavored in vain to rescue them. This affair did -much to discredit the Spaniards in the estimation of the natives, whom -their subsequent harsh treatment soon stirred up to active resistance. - -After the twenty days had expired, Arellano and the army started for -Tiguex, passing on their way the rock of Acuco, which many of the -Spaniards ascended to enjoy the view,—but with great difficulty, -although the native women accomplished it easily, carrying their -water-jars. They had rested, after their first day’s march, at the -finest town in all the province, where were private houses seven -stories high. Here it began to snow. It was now early in December -(1540), and for ten days of their journey the snow fell every night. -But there was wood in plenty for their fires, and they did not suffer, -even finding the snow a protection. But when they reached the village -in the province of Tiguex, where their winter quarters had been -prepared, they forgot all their past toils in listening to the delusive -fables told them by the Turk. The whole province, however, was found -to be in a state of revolt, occasioned by the severity of exactions -imposed by Coronado in his anxiety for the comfort of his men, together -with the brutality of officers and soldiers alike in carrying out his -orders. The General had made requisition for three hundred pieces of -cloth; and without allowing time for the natives to allot their several -proportions to the different villages to complete the amount, the -soldiers stripped the garments off whomsoever they met, without regard -to rank or condition, and had added to the injury by offering violence -to the women. The people of one of the villages had slain one of the -Indian allies and driven off several of the horses, whereupon Coronado -had sent Cardenas with the greater part of the force to attack it; and -only after more than twenty-four hours of hard fighting, and when many -of the Spaniards had been wounded by arrows, were the defenders at last -forced to surrender by a device of the Indian allies, who drove a mine -into the lower portion of the houses, and filled them with the smoke -of burning combustibles. By an act of base treachery they were put to -death after having been promised quarter; and at once the report was -spread far and wide that the Spaniards were violators of their solemn -engagements. - -It was just at the time of the capture of this village that the main -body of the army arrived; and then the snow began to fall and continued -to do so for two months, so that it was impossible to undertake any new -enterprise. Attempts were made, however, to conciliate the natives; -but they refused to place any confidence in the representations made -to them Force was thereupon resorted to; and Cardenas, after an -ineffectual attempt upon one of the villages, came near losing his life -by treachery before the principal town of Tiguex, to which Coronado -finally determined to lay regular siege. This lasted for fifty days, -during which the besieged suffered greatly from want of water; and -finally, in attempting to escape by night they were discovered, and -a great many of them were driven into the river and perished. The -Spaniards themselves suffered considerably, more than twenty being -wounded by arrows, several of whom died from bad medical treatment. -Two of the officers perished,—one killed in battle, the other taken -prisoner and carried into the town.[1442] - -During the siege Coronado himself made a brief visit to Cicuyé, for -the purpose of examining the country and restoring to his home the -chieftain whom Alvarado had brought away. At this time he promised to -set Bigotes also at liberty, when he should pass by the place on his -way to the rich countries which the Turk had told about. This delighted -the people, and he returned to the camp before Tiguex, leaving them in -a very friendly state of mind toward him. - -About this time there arrived messengers from Alcarraz and the colony -at Sonora, bringing information of the death of Melchior Diaz, and -of the disorderly condition prevailing there. Coronado immediately -despatched Tobar to take command at that place, and to escort the -messengers whom he sent to the Viceroy to report what had already been -accomplished and the marvellous information received from the Turk. -Tobar soon found himself involved in hostilities with the natives, and -lost seventeen of his men by their poisoned arrows. Not feeling himself -sufficiently secure at Sonora, he transferred the colony to the valley -of Suya, forty leagues nearer to Cibola; and not long afterward he -received orders from Coronado to rejoin the army with the best of his -force. - -When the siege was over, an expedition was sent out to receive the -submission of the people of Chia, a large town situated four leagues -west of the river, in whose charge were left four bronze cannon which -were in a bad condition. Another expedition was equally successful in a -province of seven villages called Quirex.[1443] - -For four months the river had been closed by ice strong enough to bear -a horse; but now it had melted, and Coronado prepared to start for -the lands called Quivira, Arche, and the country of the Guyas, which -the Turk declared abounded to a greater or less degree with gold and -silver. Many of the Spaniards, however, began to have their suspicions -about these fine stories. - -The army left Tiguex, April 23, 1541,[1444] for Cicuyé, twenty-five -leagues distant; and with them went Bigotes, who was set at liberty -on arriving there, to the great joy of his countrymen. Provisions in -abundance were supplied by them, besides a guide, named Xabe, a native -of Quivira, who confirmed to some extent the stories of the Turk. On -quitting Cicuyé they immediately entered the mountains, and after four -days’ march came to a broad river over which they were forced to build -a bridge, which occupied four days more.[1445] From here they journeyed -in a direction north-northeast over the plains, and in a few days fell -in with immense herds of bisons. At first there were only bulls, but -some days later they came upon the cows and calves; and at this time, -after seventeen days’ march, they came upon a band of nomads called -Querechos, busy in the pursuit of the animals. This people dwelt in -tents made of tanned bison-skins stretched around poles planted in the -earth and fastened above and below. They possessed large packs of dogs, -by whom the tents were transported, and obtained their whole sustenance -by hunting the bison. Castañeda relates that on one occasion he saw -an arrow driven completely through the body of one of these animals. -The Querechos were intelligent and perfectly fearless, but friendly; -and by signs they confirmed what the Turk had said, adding that to the -eastward was a large river whose banks were thickly inhabited, and that -the nearest village was called Haxa. Two days’ march farther on, the -same tribe was again met, and they said that the villages lay still -more to the east. - -As the Turk now represented that Haxa was only two days’ march distant, -Diego Lopez was sent in advance, with ten light-armed men, to explore -it; while the army, continuing on in the same direction, fell in with -an innumerable quantity of bisons, and lost several horses in chasing -them. Lopez, after marching twenty leagues without seeing anything -but the sky and the bisons, was at last brought back by the friendly -natives; and his ill success contributed still more to discredit the -Turk. One of the force, a native of Quivira named Sopete, had given -quite different information about the route; and Coronado therefore -sent out another exploring party under Rodrigo Maldonado, who came -to a village in a great ravine, where a blind old man gave them to -understand by signs that a long while before he had seen four of -their countrymen: these were believed to be Cabeza de Vaca and his -companions.[1446] This people were very friendly, and gave to the -Spaniards a great quantity of tanned skins and other objects, including -a tent as large as a house. Forthwith a messenger was despatched to -bring the whole body of the soldiers to this spot, who, on arriving, -proceeded at once to divide the skins among themselves, to the great -chagrin of the natives, who had supposed that they would only bless -the skins, as Cabeza de Vaca had done, and then return them. While the -army was resting here there came a terrible storm, in which hailstones -fell of such enormous size as would have done great mischief if it had -been encountered in the open plain. A party sent out to reconnoitre -came upon another wandering tribe, called Teyas, who conducted the -army for three days’ march to their town, which was called Cona. This -people were hostile to the Querechos, and had their faces and bodies -painted; and from them guides were procured, who were not permitted to -have any communication with the Turk. These confirmed what Sopete had -said, that Quivira lay some forty days’ march in a northerly direction; -and they led the way to another great valley, a league broad, watered -by a little stream, where were vines and fruit-trees in abundance; -and here the army rested some time. As it had now become evident that -the Turk had deceived them, and as their supply of food began to run -short, Coronado called a council of war, at which it was decided that -he should take thirty of the bravest and best mounted horsemen and push -on in search of Quivira, and that the rest of the army should return to -Tiguex, under the command of Arellano. This decision, however, was not -well received by the soldiers, who besought their General not to leave -them, declaring that they were ready to die with him. But Coronado -would not yield to their wishes, and set out with his party, promising -to send back word in eight days if they might rejoin him. - -The army waited fifteen days, during which they killed a large number -of bisons; but several of their number lost the way and were never -found, although cannon were fired and every means taken to recover -them. Then messengers arrived repeating the order to return to Tiguex, -and they quitted the valley for the country of the Teyas. This nomadic -people knew the region perfectly, and supplied them with guides, by -whom they were conducted back in twenty-five days to the river of -Cicuyé, which they struck more than thirty leagues below where they -had built the bridge, passing on their way great salt marshes. The -guides told them that the river flowed toward the east, and fell into -the river of Tiguex more than twenty days’ journey away. From this -point they marched up the river to Cicuyé, where they were no longer -well received by the inhabitants, who refused to furnish them with -provisions. Accordingly they returned to Tiguex, arriving about the -middle of July, 1541. - -In the mean time Coronado, after marching in a northerly direction -over the plains for thirty days, came to a large river, which was -named for Saints Peter and Paul. All this time he and his men had lived -entirely upon the flesh of bisons, and often had only their milk to -drink. Sopete said there were villages farther down the river; and -accordingly he followed the northern bank for three days or more in a -northeasterly direction, until he came to one situated upon a branch -of the great river. Journeying for four or five days more, he reached -in succession six or seven other villages similarly situated, until -he arrived at one which he was told was called Quivira.[1447] Here -he heard of other villages still farther distant on the banks of a -yet larger river called Teucarea. Great was Coronado’s disappointment -at finding that Quivira, instead of being as he had been informed a -city of stone houses of many stories, consisted only of a collection -of straw-built huts, and that its people were the most barbarous of -any that he had hitherto encountered. They ate their meat raw, like -the Querechos and the Teyas, and were clad in tanned bison-skins, -not having any cotton; but they cultivated maize. The Turk, who had -for some time been conducted in chains with the rear-guard, was now -interrogated as to his motives in so misrepresenting the nature of the -country, and misleading the Spaniards. He replied that his own country -lay beyond Quivira, and that the people of Cibola had begged him to -lead the strangers astray upon the plains, so that they might perish -by famine, as it was supposed that they relied upon maize for their -food, and did not know how to chase the bison. One night he endeavored -to stir up the people of Quivira to massacre the Spaniards; but being -put upon their guard, the Spaniards strangled him, to the great delight -of Sopete. No gold or silver was found in the country; but one of -the chiefs wore a plate of copper suspended from his neck, by which -he set great store. Coronado says that Quivira was nine hundred and -fifty leagues distant from Mexico, and was situated in latitude 40°. -The soil was rich and black, watered by many streams, and bore an -abundance of grapes and plums.[1448] Here he remained for twenty-five -days, sending out exploring parties in all directions, who found great -difficulty in communicating with the natives, owing to the diversity -of languages spoken by them, and the want of interpreters. It was now -the latter part of July,[1449] and it was time to start to rejoin -the army at Tiguex. So, after collecting a supply of maize for the -journey, and erecting a cross with an inscription saying that Coronado -had been there, he procured fresh guides, leaving Sopete in his home, -and returned by the route he had come, as far as to the river named -for Saints Peter and Paul. At that point, bending more towards the -west, they reached the country where they had first fallen in with the -Querechos, and had been turned from the direct course by the Turk; and -in forty days they reached Cicuyé. - -In the mean time, Arellano and the main portion of the force had been -making preparations for passing the winter at Tiguex, and had been -despatching parties in different directions to procure supplies of -provisions. One under Francisco de Barrio-Nuevo was sent in a northerly -direction up the river and visited two provinces, of which one, called -Hemez, contained seven villages; the other, named Yuque-Yunque, two -fine ones on the bank of the river, and four others strongly fortified -and difficult of access in the mountains.[1450] Twenty leagues -farther up the river was a large and powerful village called Braba, -to which the Spaniards gave the name of Valladolid. It was built on -both banks of a deep and rapid stream, which was crossed by a bridge -of well-squared pine timber; and contained large rooms that could be -heated, supported by huge pillars, superior to anything of the kind -that had been seen in the country.[1451] Another expedition was sent -down the river, as has been already related. - -By this time some apprehension began to be felt for Coronado’s safety, -as the time fixed for his return had expired and nothing had yet -been heard from him. Accordingly Arellano started with a small party -in search of him, and at Cicuyé he was attacked by the inhabitants, -with whom he kept up a contest for four days. Tidings then came -from the General; and, contenting himself with guarding the passes, -Arellano waited there for his arrival. Coronado soon succeeded in -re-establishing friendly relations, and continued on immediately to -Tiguex. As soon as he reached that place he set about in earnest to -pacify the whole province, and to persuade the inhabitants to return to -their homes. The most strenuous exertions were made to procure a supply -of clothing for the troops, who were in great distress for it, and to -provide in every way for their comfort; so that Castañeda says, “Never -was Spanish general in the Indies more beloved or better obeyed than -he.” In the spring he promised his men that they should start again in -search of the unknown countries, about which the Turk had set their -imaginations on fire. The greater part were firm in the conviction that -the natives were familiar with gold, despite their assurances to the -contrary, and that they should find it in abundance. But it is plain -from Coronado’s report that he did not share in this belief; and the -sequel proved that others agreed with him. The region of Tiguex he -found far too cold and too distant from the sea to make it a desirable -situation for a colony. - -About this time Tobar arrived with the reinforcements which, as we have -seen, he had been ordered to bring from the valley of Suya. He had -taken only the best soldiers, leaving many discontented and mutinous -ones behind; and these arrived in the full expectation of finding the -General already established in the rich countries about which the -marvellous reports had reached them. But their disappointment was -somewhat consoled when they learned that in the spring the whole army -would start in the search of them. Tobar had brought despatches from -the Viceroy, and private letters,—among them one informing Cardenas -that he had fallen heir to his elder brother’s estate. Cardenas -accordingly obtained leave to return to Mexico, and several others went -with him. Castañeda says that many more would have been glad to do so, -if they had not been restrained by fear of being accused of cowardice. -This shows the divided feeling that prevailed. And soon trouble arose -between the General, who studied only the welfare of the whole army, -and certain of the officers, who selfishly looked more after the -interests of their own men; so that some already began to talk of -abandoning the expedition and returning to New Spain. - -When the winter was over, Coronado ordered preparations to be made to -start for Quivira, on the way to the unknown countries. But fate had -ordained a different termination for his enterprise. On a holiday, -while he was amusing himself by tilting at the ring with Maldonado, -Coronado’s saddle-girths broke, and he fell to the ground, where he -received a blow on the head from Maldonado’s horse, which nearly cost -him his life. A long illness followed, during which Cardenas suddenly -returned in haste from Suya, with the news that he had found that post -broken up and the inhabitants massacred. It seems that the discontented -element left behind by Tobar,—pretending that they had been abandoned, -and that the route for New Spain had left them on one side,—had -deserted Alcarraz and the sick men under his charge, and had fled to -Culiacan. Upon this the natives became insubordinate, and one night -made an attack upon the enfeebled force with poisoned arrows, killing -a number of them. The rest escaped on foot to Corazones, whose people, -always friendly to the Spaniards, aided them on their way to Culiacan, -where they, as well as the mutineers, were found by Gallegos not long -afterward, when he arrived there with reinforcements. - -The news of this calamity was so afflicting to Coronado that he grew -worse, or, as Castañeda intimates, feigned to do so, as he had allowed -himself to give way to the influence of superstitious terrors. In his -youth the prediction had been made that he would become lord of a -distant land, and that he would lose his life there by a fall. This -now seemed to him to be in the way of accomplishment, and he longed -to return to die with his wife and children. The surgeon had kept him -informed of the discontent that prevailed among a portion of his force, -and he accordingly took secret counsel with certain of the officers, -in which it was agreed that they should persuade their men to present -a petition, praying that they might be allowed to return to New Spain. -A council of war was then held, at which the conclusion was reached -that the country was neither sufficiently rich nor populous to make -it worth the holding. Coronado thereupon issued the necessary orders -for the return march. Some of the officers, however, repented of their -decision, and asked the General to give them sixty picked men, with -which to maintain themselves until reinforcements should be sent by -the Viceroy; or for him to take that number of men for his escort, -and leave the command of the expedition to some other person. But the -army would not listen to either of these propositions, as they had no -inclination to make the trial of any new commander. The consequence was -that the zeal and affection of some of the officers for their chief -disappeared, though that of the men still held firm. - -It was in the early part of April, 1542, that the army began its return -march to New Spain. Two of the missionaries remained behind, in the -hope of making proselytes of the natives. One of them, a lay brother -named Luis, remained at Cicuyé; the other, Juan de Padilla, who had -led the charge at Tusayan, continued on to Quivira with some native -converts; where, in the words of Castañeda, he speedily “received the -martyr’s crown.” To better insure the safety of the priests, Coronado -ordered his men to set at liberty their native slaves, and then started -for Cibola. On the journey thither the horses, which thus far had -kept in excellent condition, began to die in great numbers. The army -accordingly rested a while there before entering upon the desert lying -between that place and Chichilticalli; and some Christianized Indians -from Mexico remained behind at Cibola, where they were found by Antonio -de Espejo, forty-one years afterward, in 1583.[1452] - -The crossing of the desert was uneventful, and two days after they -reached Chichilticalli, Gallegos arrived there from the Viceroy with -reinforcements of men and munitions of war. Great was his dismay -at finding the army on its way back, and all the splendid visions -dissipated that the Turk had conjured up. Those of the officers who had -offered to remain and hold the country until the Viceroy’s commands -should be received, now renewed their proposition; but the soldiers -refused to return, and clamored to be led back to New Spain. Coronado -found himself powerless to constrain them, even if he possessed the -inclination to do so; nor was his authority sufficient to enable him to -inflict any punishment upon the deserters who had abandoned Alcarraz -at Suya. During the march, Castañeda says that Coronado kept up the -fiction of being ill, and only allowed his intimates access to his -person. The natives, seeing that the country was being abandoned by the -Spaniards, kept up a succession of hostile encounters, in which several -of the force perished. As provisions began to fail, the army hastened -on to Petatlan, thirty leagues from Culiacan, the seat of Coronado’s -government. All the bonds of discipline had now become relaxed, and -even his authority there as governor was not sufficient to reinforce -it; but by begging his friends to use their influence with the men, he -was able to bring about one hundred of the force back with himself to -Mexico. Here he was received but coolly by the Viceroy, Mendoza; his -reputation was gone, and soon after he was deprived of his position as -Governor of New Gallicia. - -Such was the end of an expedition which, as General Simpson says, “for -extent in distance travelled, duration in time, and the multiplicity of -its co-operating expeditions, equalled, if it did not exceed, any land -expedition that has been undertaken in modern times.”[1453] - - - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE original sources of information in regard to the early Spanish -explorations of New Mexico have been made available for students within -the last thirty years by the publication of several collections of -documents, preserved either in Mexico or in the Archivo de Indias, -at Seville, or in the great national repository at Simancas. The -first to appear was the one entitled _Documentos para la historia de -Mejico_, published by order of the Mexican Government between 1853 and -1857.[1454] This is distributed into four series, of which the third -and the fourth contain important historical material bearing upon this -subject. Next came the well-selected _Coleccion de varios documentos -para la historia de la Florida y tierras adyacentes_, undertaken by -the late Buckingham Smith, of which, however, only the first volume -appeared in Madrid, in 1857.[1455] Then Joaquin Garcia Icazbalceta, the -accomplished translator of Prescott’s _Conquest of Peru_, published in -Mexico a valuable _Coleccion de documentos para la historia de México_, -in two volumes, the first in 1858 and the second in 1866.[1456] But by -far the most important of all is the great _Coleccion de documentos -inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de las -posesiones Españolas en América y Oceanía, sacados en su mayor parte -del real Archivo de Indias_. Forty volumes of this indispensable -repertory have already appeared at Madrid, between 1864 and 1884, -edited by Joaquin Francesco Pacheco and other scholars.[1457] A most -essential service, however, had been rendered to the students of -early American history at a still earlier date by the publication -of Henri Ternaux-Compans’ admirable series of _Voyages, relations, -et mémoires originaux pour servir à l’histoire de la découverte de -l’Amérique, publiés pour la première fois en Français_, of which -twenty parts appeared in Paris between 1837 and 1841.[1458] Prior to -this our knowledge had been mainly restricted to Italian translations -of original narratives published by Giovanni Battista Ramusio in the -third volume of his _Navigationi et Viaggi_, Venice, 1556 (reprinted -in 1565 and subsequently); of most of which Richard Hakluyt has given -an English version in the third volume of his _Voyages, nauigations, -traffiques, and discoueries_, London, 1600 (reprinted in 1810). - -The different expeditions, in their chronological order, may now be -studied in the following original authorities:— - -An account of the expedition of Nuño Beltran de Guzman to Ciguatan is -contained in the _Primera_ (_segunda_) (_tercera_) (_quarta_) _relacion -anonima de la jornada que hizo Nuño de Guzman à la Nueva Galicia_, -in Icazbalceta’s _Coleccion_, vol. ii. pp. 288-306; 439-483. Other -narratives can be found in Pacheco’s _Documentos Inéditos_, tom. xiv., -pp. 347-373, and 411-463; tom. xvi., pp. 363-375. De Guzman first -conquered and then colonized Sinaloa, and even penetrated into Sonora, -thus preparing the way for the subsequent explorations. Very little -information, however, about New Mexico is to be obtained from any of -these narratives. - -Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca published his remarkable story at Zamora in -1542, under the title: _La relacion que dio Aluar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca -de lo acaescido en las Indias en la armada donde yua por gouernador -Páphilo de Narbaez, desde el año de veynte y siete hasta el año de -treynta y seys que boluio a Sevilla con tres de su compañia_.[1459] -Notwithstanding the vivid interest that will always attach to this -thrilling story of adventure and suffering, the indications given in it -of the routes by which he journeyed, and of the places and peoples he -visited, are practically of far too vague a character to enable them -to be satisfactorily identified,[1460] even if we feel warranted in -placing implicit confidence in the author’s veracity. - -The original report by Fray Marcos de Nizza (of Nice) of his -_Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades_, can be found in Pacheco’s -_Documentos inéditos_, tom. iii. p. 329; and the instructions received -by him from the Viceroy Mendoza are given on p. 325 of the same -volume. An Italian translation of the report is contained in Ramusio, -_Navigationi_, vol. iii. p. 356 (ed. of 1565); and from this was made -the English version in Hakluyt, _Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 438 (ed. of -1810). But on comparing both Ramusio’s and Hakluyt’s versions with -the original, not only will it be found that in many places they are -mere paraphrases, but that frequently additional particulars have been -foisted into the text. Especially noticeable are the many exaggerated -statements in regard to the quantities of gold and of precious stones -seen by the monk during his journey, or about which stories are told -to him by the natives, for which there is not a vestige of authority -to be found in the original. Fray Marcos claims to have related what -he himself saw or what was told to him; but it is evident not only -that he was prone to lend a credulous ear to whatever fictions might -be imposed upon him, but that he grossly misrepresented what he had -himself seen. This is directly charged upon him by those who followed -in his footsteps under Coronado, and who suffered grievously by reason -of his falsifications; so that he was even compelled to flee to Mexico -to escape the consequences of their just indignation. We think that -he fairly deserves the epithet of “the lying monk,” which has been -bestowed upon him, in spite of the air of probability which pervades -the greater part of his narrative. But it must in justice be said, -however, that he appears rather to have been carried away by religious -enthusiasm than actuated by any personal or mercenary considerations; -and with the hope of being able to convert the natives to Christianity, -he invested them and their surroundings with the glow of his own -imagination. Still, this need not militate against the truth of his -statements in regard to the distances he travelled, or the physical -characteristics of the regions through which his route lay; so that his -narrative will always be important for the students of the topography, -if not of the ethnology, of New Mexico at the period of its discovery. - -Ternaux-Compans (_Voyages, etc._, vol. ix. p. 256) has made a most -faithful French translation, from copies of the originals at Simancas, -of Fray Marcos’s report, and of the letter from Mendoza to the Emperor -Charles V., which accompanied it, as well as of the instructions -received by the Friar from Mendoza. - -The story of Coronado’s romantic expedition in search of “The Seven -Cities of Cibola” has been told with more or less of detail by four -different persons who took part in it. We have also three of his own -letters and despatches narrating his earlier proceedings. Of these, -the first is a brief one, written to the Viceroy Mendoza, dated -Culiacan, March 8, 1539, transmitting a report received from Fray -Marcos while upon his journey. An English version of this can be found -in Hakluyt, _Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 434 (ed. of 1810), translated from -Ramusio, _Navigationi_, vol. iii. p. 395 (ed. of 1565); and a French -translation, in Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 349. Next comes a short -letter to the Viceroy dated April 10, 1539, in which he tells about the -preparations for his ineffectual expedition to Topira; Hakluyt, p. 352; -Ramusio, p. 435; Ternaux-Compans, p. 352. Of much greater importance, -however, is the full report transmitted by him to Mendoza from Cibola -(or Granada, as he called it), August 3, 1540, setting forth everything -that had occurred between that date and April 22, when he had started. -An Italian version of this is given by Ramusio, Navigationi, vol. iii. -p. 359 (ed. of 1565); _Relatione de Francisco Vazquez de Coronado del -viagio alle dette setta cita_. An English translation can be found in -Hakluyt, _Voyages_, vol. iii. p. 446 (ed. of 1810). Finally, there is -the letter which he wrote to the Emperor Charles V., from Tiguex, after -his return from Quivira, in which is related the course of events from -April 23, 1541, up to October 20 of the same year. This can be found -in Pacheco’s _Documentos inéditos_, tom. iii. p. 363; and it has been -repeated in tom. xiii. p. 261. A French translation of it is given in -the _Voyages_ of Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 355. - -The four narratives by other pens are— - -1. An anonymous _Relacion del suceso de la jornada que Francisco -Vazquez hizo en el descubrimiento de Cibola_, contained in Buckingham -Smith’s _Coleccion de varios documentos_, p. 147. This was afterwards -printed in Pacheco’s _Documentos inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 318, but with -the erroneous date of 1531, instead of 1541. - -2. A second anonymous account, entitled _Traslado de las nuevas -y noticias que dieron sobre el descobrimiento de una Cibdad que -llamaron de Cibola, situada en la Tierra Nueva_, can also be found in -_Documentos inéditos_, tom. xix. p. 529, with the same error in the -date. - -3. Of much greater value is the _Relacion que dió el Capitan Joan -Jaramillo, de la jornada que hizo à la tierra nueva de la que fué -General Francisco Vazquez de Coronado_; of which a French translation -was first published by Ternaux-Compans, in his _Voyages_, etc., -vol. ix. p. 364. The original was afterwards printed in Buckingham -Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 155, and subsequently in Pacheco’s _Documentos -inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 304, but under the erroneous date of 1537. It -is a straightforward, soldierly narrative, well written, and with many -picturesque details, and it contains an unusual amount of topographical -information; so that it is of great value in establishing the route -followed by the expedition, and in identifying the various localities. - -4. But if our knowledge of the expedition had been confined to the -authorities thus far indicated, we should have had a very imperfect -idea both of its events and of its results. In 1838 Ternaux-Compans -published a translation into French of a quarto manuscript, of 157 -leaves, which he had found in the Uguina Collection, at Paris, under -the title _Relation du Voyage de Cibola enterpris in 1540; ou l’on -traite de toutes les peuplades qui habitent cette contrée, de leurs -mœurs et coutumes, par Pédro de Castañeda de Nagera_ (_Voyages_, vol. -ix. p. 1). Nothing has been discovered in relation to this writer -except what is contained in his own account. He states that he “wrote -his narrative in the city of Culiacan, where he was living in the -midst of misery and dangers, as the whole country was in a state of -insurrection” (p. 233). The volume bears the indorsement, “Finished -copying at Seville, Oct. 26, 1596.” As his name is not mentioned in the -list of officers which he has given, it is supposed that he was only -a private soldier. The work shows that he was a man of considerable -education, but it is evidently the production of a novice in the art -of literary composition. It is an attempt at a methodical narrative, -divided into three parts, but it is quite difficult to follow in it -the order of events. In the first part he treats of the incidents of -the expedition, and of the army and its officers; the second contains -a description of the provinces, villages, and mountains that were -discovered, of the religion and customs of the inhabitants, and of -the animals, fruits, and vegetables to be found; and in the last part -he tells about the return of the army, and explains the reasons for -abandoning the attempt at colonization. As he wrote more than twenty -years after the events he has described, he sometimes signifies his -inability to remember precisely the number of miles travelled, or of -the days during which they journeyed. He has even fallen into the error -of making the day on which the expedition entered Campostello, Shrove -Tuesday, 1541 (p. 24), although he gives the correct date, 1540, in -the _Dedicatory Epistle_ (p. xiv). Throughout his entire narrative, -whenever he gives the date of the year, it is always one too large, -as can be seen on pp. 101, 137, and 213. He professes to have written -for the purpose of correcting the many misrepresentations and fables -that had sprung up in regard to the country they had discovered, and -the character of the people, and the nature of the animals to be found -there. Castañeda impresses the reader as a religious, humane, and -candid man, who cannot fail to win his confidence in the truth of the -events he relates. He does not hesitate to expose and to comment upon -the cruel and rapacious acts of his own countrymen; and he does full -justice both to the natural amiability and to the valor of the natives. -His various observations show him to have been a man of sagacity and -good judgment. Mr. Bandelier vouches for the remarkable accuracy of -his description of the country, although the distances generally are -estimated one third too great (_Historical Introduction to Studies -among the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, p. 22). The Castañeda MS. -is now in the Lenox library. - -These are all the original sources of knowledge in regard to the -earliest attempts at exploration in New Mexico by the Spaniards, and -especially respecting Coronado’s expedition to the Seven Cities of -Cibola. The historians of Mexico, from Gomara down, while adding no new -information to that detailed by Castañeda, are in agreement with him as -to the general facts. - -Renewed attention was directed to Coronado’s expedition and to the -probable locality of Cibola by the publication of the reports contained -in the _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance made by Lieut.-Colonel -William H. Emory, in 1846-1847, with the advance guard of the army of -the West_, during the war between the United States and Mexico,[1461] -and the _Report of Lieutenant J. W. Abert of his examination of New -Mexico_. Colonel Emory, in a letter to Hon. Albert Gallatin, dated Oct. -8, 1847, made the statement that he had met with “an Indian race living -in four-story houses, built upon rocky promontories, inaccessible to -a savage foe, cultivating the soil, and answering the description of -the seven cities of Coronado, except in their present insignificance -in size and population, and the fact that the towns, though near each -other, are not in a (continuous) valley six leagues long, but on -different branches of the same stream” (p. 133). He had in mind the -villages in the vicinity of Ciboletta, Laguna, etc., on the Rio San -Jose, a tributary of the Rio Grande del Norte, about ninety miles east -of the present Zuñi pueblo. This opinion was corroborated by Lieutenant -Abert (p. 491). Mr. Gallatin thereupon proceeded to prepare for the -_Transactions of the American Ethnological Society_ (vol. ii. p. liii, -1848) an elaborate essay on the _Ancient semi-civilization of New -Mexico, Rio Gila, and its vicinity_, in which large use was made of -these military reports, and to which was prefixed a map compiled by -Mr. E. G. Squier. In November of the same year Mr. Squier contributed -to the _American Review_ an article on _New Mexico and California. -The ancient monuments and the aboriginal semi-civilized nations of -New Mexico and California, with an abstract of the early Spanish -explorations and conquests in those regions, particularly those falling -within the territory of the United States_. Mr. Gallatin came to the -conclusion that the seven cities “appear to have been near the sources -of a tributary of the great Colorado, and not of the Rio del Norte” (p. -lxxii); but he inclined to the opinion that they had been destroyed -by the Apaches (p. xciv). Mr. Squier identified Cibola with Zuñi; but -there are inconsistencies to be found between his map and statements -contained in his article. In that same year Lieutenant J. H. Simpson, -in his _Journal of a Military Reconnoissance from Santa Fé to the -Navajo Country_,[1462] gave a detailed description of Zuñi, which he -considered to be the site of Cibola. - -The explorations carried on in New Mexico and Arizona, from 1853 to -1856, during the search for a suitable route for the Pacific Railroad, -took Lieutenant A. W. Whipple and Professor W. W. Turner over the same -ground, and they both came to a similar conclusion (_Pacific Railroad -Reports_, vol. iii. pp. 68, 104). But in 1857 Mr. H. M. Breckenridge -published at Pittsburg a brief narrative of the _Early discoveries by -Spaniards in New Mexico, containing an account of the castles of Cibola -and the present appearance of their ruins_, in which he maintained that -Cibola was the well-known ruin called Casa Grande, on the river Gila. -Mr. R. H. Kern, however, upheld the Zuñi theory in his map, prepared in -1854 to accompany Schoolcraft’s _History of the Indian Tribes of North -America_ (vol. iv. p. 33); and Mr. Schoolcraft himself adopted the same -view (vol. vi. p. 70, 1857). - -In the year 1869 important additions were made to our knowledge -of the early history of New Mexico, and especially of Coronado’s -expedition. Mr. W. H. H. Davis, who had held an official position in -that Territory, and in 1856 had published an interesting study of it -under the title of _El Gringo_, gave to the world the first history -of _The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, Doylestown, Penn. In the -same year Brevet Brigadier General Simpson, who had had his attention -directed to the question twenty years previously, prepared for the -_Annual Report of the Regents of the Smithsonian Institution for -1869_ a thorough study, accompanied by a map, of _Coronado’s March -in search of the “Seven Cities of Cibola,” and discussion of their -probable location_.[1463] In April of the same year there appeared -in the _North American Review_ an article by the late Mr. Lewis H. -Morgan, entitled _The Seven Cities of Cibola_, in which that eminent -archæologist made an elaborate argument in favor of the identification -of that site with the remarkable group of ruined stone structures, -discovered not long before in the valley of the Rio Chaco, one of the -affluents of the Colorado, about one hundred miles to the northeast -of Zuñi. On this point, however, both Mr. Davis (p. 119) and General -Simpson have pronounced in favor of Zuñi, and General Simpson has even -undertaken to answer Mr. Morgan’s arguments in detail (p. 232). Mr. -Morgan, nevertheless, still held to his opinion in his _Study of the -houses of the American Aborigines_, p. 46 (_First annual report of the -Archæological Institute of America_, 1880) expanded into the _House and -House-life of the American Aborigines_ (Geographical and Geological -Survey of the Rocky Mountain region, in charge of J. W. Powell, vol. -iv., 1881, pp. 167-170). - -_The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, by Mr. Davis, is a valuable -contribution to history, in which faithful and diligent use has been -made of the original authorities and of unpublished documents; and it -is the only full and connected narrative that has yet appeared of the -series of events which it relates. The important episode to which -General Simpson confines his attention is treated in abundant detail, -and great acuteness and local knowledge are displayed in the discussion -of the route followed by Coronado. It is likely to remain always the -leading authority upon this subject. - -In his elaborate work upon _The Native Races of the Pacific States_, -Mr. H. H. Bancroft adopted the Zuñi theory as to the site of Cibola -(vol. iv. p. 674), repeated in his _History of the Pacific States_ -(vol. x. p. 85).[1464] This is also the opinion maintained by Mr. A. -F. Bandelier in his _Historical Introduction to Studies among the -Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, p. 12 (_Papers of the Archæological -Institute of America._ American series, no. 1, Boston, 1881). This is -a very careful and thorough investigation of the whole subject of the -geography of New Mexico and of the tribal relations of its inhabitants. - -At a meeting, however, of the American Antiquarian Society in April, -1881, Rev. E. E. Hale read a paper entitled _Coronado’s Discovery -of the Seven Cities_, in which he expressed himself as inclined to -abandon his previously maintained opinion[1465] in favor of the Zuñi -identification, on account of certain newly discovered evidence set -forth in an accompanying letter from Lieutenant J. G. Bourke, who -argued that the Moqui pueblos better satisfy the conditions of the -question. To this the present writer replied in a communication at the -following October meeting of the society, under the title _What is the -true site of “The Seven Cities of Cibola” visited by Coronado in 1540?_ -In this all the different opinions are discussed and the Zuñi theory -upheld. - -The same view is supported by Mr. L. Bradford Prince, late -Chief-Justice of New Mexico, in his _Historical Sketches of New -Mexico from the earliest records to the American occupation_, 1883 -(p. 115). This modest little volume is the first attempt yet made to -write a continuous history of the Territory down to the year 1847. -It is a useful and in the main a trustworthy compendium. But in the -chapter upon Coronado he has followed Castañeda’s erroneous dates, as -Davis also has done before him, and he has fallen into a few other -mistakes.[1466] - -[Illustration] - - - - -EDITORIAL NOTE. - -IN the _Don Diego de Peñalosa y su descubrimiento del reino de Quivira_ -of Cesário Fernández Duro, published at Madrid in 1882, there is an -enumeration (pp. 123-144) of the expeditions organized in New Spain -for exploration towards the north. The following list, with the chief -sources of information, is taken from this book: - -=1523.= Francisco de Garay to Pánuco. _Documentos inéditos_ (Pacheco), -xxvi. 77. - -=1526.= Garay and Nuño de Guzman to Pánuco, _MS._ in Archivo de Indias. - -=1530.= Nuño de Guzman to New Galicia. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco) xiv. 411; -also xiii. and xvi. (see chap. vi. of the present History, _ante_, p. -441 and chap. vii. p. 499). - -=1531.= Coronado to Cibola. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xiv. 318; xix. 529. -(See chap. vii.) - -=1533.= Diego de Guzman to Sinaloa, _Doc. inéd._ (Navarrete); B. -Smith’s _Coleccion_, 94. - -=1536.= Cabeça de Vaca. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xiv. (See chap. iv.) - -=1537.= Coronado to Amatepeque. _Muñoz’s MSS._ in Madrid Acad. of Hist. -lxxxi., fol. 34. - -=1539.= Fray Marcos de Nizza to Cibola. _Muñoz MSS._; _Ramusio_; -_Ternaux-Compans_; _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iii. 325, 351. - -=1539.= Coronado to Cibola. (See chap. vii.) - -=1539.= Hernando de Soto. (See chap. iv.) - -=1540.= Melchior Diaz. (See chap. vii.) - -=1540.= Hernando de Alvarado and Juan de Padilla to the South Sea. -_Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iii. 511; B. Smith, 65. (See chap. vii.) - -=1540=. Gomez Ariaz and Diego Maldonado along Gulf of Mexico. -Garcilasso de la Vega, _La Florida del Inca_. - -=1541.= Coronado to Tiguex. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iii. 363; xiii. -261. (See chap. vii.) - -=1548.= Juan de Tolosa, one of the captains serving under Cortés. -=1554.= Francisco de Ibarra to Copala, New Biscay, etc. _Doc. inéd._ -(Pacheco), xiv. 463. - -=1558.= Guido de Lavazares to Pánuco and Florida. - -=1559.= Tristán de Arellano to the Coast of Florida, and river Espiritu -Santo. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iv. 136, xiii. 280. - -=1563.= Diego Ibarra to Copala. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xiv. 553. - -=1566.= Juan Pardo to Florida. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iv. 560. - -=1568.= Francisco Cano to New Mexico, _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xix. 535. - -=1569.= Juan de Orozco on New Gallicia, with map. _Doc. inéd._ -(Pacheco), ii. 561. - -=1575.= Juan de Miranda on the Country. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xvi. -563. - -=1581.= Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado to New Mexico and Cibola. - -=1581.= Fray Francisco Ruiz among the Indians. - -=1582.= To New Mexico. _Cartas de Indias_, 230. - -=1582.= Antonio de Espejo to New Mexico. Juan Gonzáles de Mendoza’s -_Historia del Reino de China_, Madrid, 1589; De Laet’s _Novus Orbis_. - -=1583.= Cristóbal Martin to New Mexico. _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xvi. -277. - -=1584.= Antonio de Espejo’s continued discoveries. _Doc. inéd._ -(Pacheco), xv. 151. - -=1589.= Juan Battista de Lomas Colmenares agrees to settle New Mexico. -_Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xv. 54. - -=1590.= Gaspar Castaño de Sosa, Governor of New Leon, to New Mexico. -_Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), iv. 283; xv. 191. - -=1596.= Sebastian Viscaino on the Coast. - -=1598.= Juan de Oñate to New Mexico. Bustamante, _Los Tres Siglos -de México_; _Doc. inéd._ (Pacheco), xvi. 88, 306, 316-320. Of his -expedition to the Pueblo of Acomo, Luis Tribaldo of Toledo sent an -account to Hakluyt in 1603, and extracts from it are published in De -Laet’s _Novus Orbis_. - -=1599.= Juan de Humaña to Quivira. - - * * * * * - -Others are noted from 1600 to 1783. Captain George M. Wheeler, U. -S. Geological Survey, is preparing a Chronology of the Voyages and -Explorations to the West Coast and the interior of North America -between 1500 and 1800. - -The alleged expedition of Peñalosa to Quivira is placed about 1662. -The accounts of it depend on a _Relacion del descubrimiento del Pais -y Ciudad de Quivira echo por D. Diego Dionisio de Peñalosa, escrita -por el Padre Fr. Nicolas de Freytas_ (1684). In 1882 there were two -annotated renderings of this narrative,—one by Duro, mentioned at the -beginning of this note, who discredits the journal and gives other -documents on the same theme; the other, an English version, was issued -under the title, _The expedition of Don Diego Dionisio de Peñalosa, -from Santa Fé to the river Mischipi and Quivira in 1662, as described -by Father Nicholas de Freytas. With an account of Peñalosa’s projects -to aid the French to conquer the mining country in Northern Mexico; and -his connection with Cavelier de la Salle. By John Gilmary Shea_, New -York, 1882. - -Dr. Shea in this volume claims that Quivira was north of the Missouri, -while it has generally been placed south of that river. He also -derives from this narrative an opinion, contrary to the one ordinarily -received, namely, that La Salle was carried, against his will, beyond -the mouths of the Mississippi in his expedition of 1682; for he judges -his over-shooting the mouths was intentional, in order to land where -he could better co-operate with Peñalosa in wresting the mines in New -Mexico from the Spaniards. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -PIZARRO, AND THE CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT OF PERU AND CHILI. - -BY CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, F.R.S. - -_Honorary Secretary of the Hakluyt Society._ - - -WHEN the Isthmus of Darien was discovered by Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa, -during the six years between 1511 and 1517, there can be little doubt -that tidings, perhaps only in the form of vague rumors, were received -of the greatness and the riches of the Empire of the Yncas. The speech -which the son of the Cacique Comogre is said to have made to the -gold-seeking followers of the discoverer of the South Sea most probably -had reference to Peru; and still more certainly, when the Cacique of -Tumaco told Vasco Nuñez of the country far to the south which abounded -in gold, and moulded the figure of a llama in clay, he gave tidings -of the land of the Yncas. There was a chief in the territory to the -south of the Gulf of San Miguel, on the Pacific coast, named Biru, and -this country was visited by Gaspar de Morales and Francisco Pizarro -in 1515. For the next ten years Biru was the most southern land known -to the Spaniards; and the consequence was that the unknown regions -farther south, including the rumored empire abounding in gold, came -to be designated as _Biru_, or Peru. It was thus that the land of the -Yncas got the name of Peru from the Spaniards, some years before it was -actually discovered.[1467] - -Pedro Arias de Avila, the governor of the mainland called Castilla del -Oro, founded the city of Panamá. He went there from the Pearl Islands, -in the vessels which had been built by his victim Vasco Nuñez, while -Gaspar de Espinosa, the _Alcalde Mayor_, led the rest of the colony by -land. The city was founded in 1519. The governor divided the land among -four hundred settlers from Darien. Among them were Pascual de Andagoya, -Hernando Luque (a priest), Francisco Pizarro, and Diego de Almagro. -Nombre de Dios, on the Atlantic side of the isthmus, was settled -towards the end of the same year by a captain named Diego Alviles, in -obedience to orders from Pedro Arias.[1468] - -In the year 1522 Pascual de Andagoya, who had come out to Darien with -Pedro Arias in 1514 and was a cavalier of good family from the province -of Alava, was appointed inspector-general of the Indians on the -isthmus. He made a journey to a district called Chuchama, south of the -Gulf of San Miguel, where the chief told him that a certain people from -a province called Biru, farther south, came to make war upon them in -canoes at every full moon. Andagoya sent to Panamá for reinforcements, -in order to comply with the prayer of the people of Chuchama that he -would defend them, as well as to discover what there was farther south. -Having received an addition to his forces, he set out with the chief -of Chuchama, and in six days arrived at the province called Biru. It -had already been visited by Morales and Pizarro. After capturing their -principal stronghold, several chiefs of Biru made their submission to -Andagoya. From these people he collected information respecting the -great empire of the Yncas, and he then descended a river and continued -the examination of the coast in a small vessel which had followed him -from Chuchama. But he was attacked by a severe illness caused by having -been capsized in a canoe, and then kept for several hours in his wet -clothes. He therefore returned to Panamá, to report the knowledge he -had acquired, giving up his intention of conducting discovery to the -southward in person. It was fully three years before Andagoya had so -far recovered as to be able to ride on horseback. - -The governor, Pedro Arias, therefore requested Andagoya to hand over -the enterprise to three partners who formed a company at Panamá. These -were Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque. - -Francisco Pizarro was born about the year 1470[1469] in the province -of Estremadura, and was the illegitimate son of Gonzalo Pizarro, a -soldier who had served under the Great Captain in Italy. He had arrived -at Darien in the expedition of Alonzo de Ojeda in 1509. During fifteen -years he had been diligently serving as a brave, steady, much-enduring -man-at-arms; and on two or three occasions he found himself in -important and responsible positions. In 1524 he was a citizen of -Panamá with very limited means, but endowed with indomitable energy -and perseverance, and fifty-four years of age. Diego Almagro is said -to have been a foundling. At all events his parentage is unknown. He -had probably served for some years on the isthmus, but his name does -not occur until he entered into this partnership. Almagro is described -as a man of short stature, with a very plain face, and was at least as -old as Pizarro. He was hasty in temper, but generous and warm-hearted, -and his fine qualities attracted to him many faithfully attached -adherents. Luque had been schoolmaster at Darien, and was now the -principal parochial clergyman at Panamá, holding valuable property on -the adjacent island of Taboga, and in an influential position in the -colony. - -Pizarro was to command the expedition; Almagro was to keep open -communications with Panamá and bring supplies; while Luque acted as -agent, and obtained the needful funds. - -One of the small vessels which had been built for Vasco Nuñez was -obtained, and a force of eighty men (one hundred and twelve, according -to Xeres) and four horses was collected. Pizarro prepared to sail with -this single vessel and two canoes, having received all the information -and instructions that Andagoya could give him, and taking with him -the interpreters brought from Biru by that officer. It was arranged -that large trees near the sea-shore should be blazed, as guides to the -course taken by Pizarro, when his partner Almagro should follow with -supplies. - -Pizarro sailed from Panamá Nov. 14, 1524, and after enduring terrible -sufferings on the coast of Biru, including famine, and losing -twenty-seven of his men, he went back to Chuchama, and sent the -treasurer Nicolas de Ribera to Panamá with the gold which he had -collected. Meanwhile Almagro had followed in another vessel with -provisions, and went on the traces of his companion by means of the -trees that had been marked, until he reached the Rio San Juan in 4° -north. Finding no further traces of Pizarro he returned, having lost -an eye in an encounter with natives. He also lost upwards of seventy -men;[1470] but he obtained some gold. - -After this failure it was more difficult to obtain money and recruits -for a second attempt. Fortunately, the _Alcalde Mayor_, who was -impressed with the promising character of the undertaking, came -forward with the necessary funds, which he advanced through the agency -of Luque. Gaspar de Espinosa thus became one of the partners. The -agreement between the partners was signed March 10, 1526. Luque signed -as the agent of Espinosa. Pizarro and Almagro could neither read nor -write. One Juan de Pares signed on the part of Pizarro, and Alvaro del -Quiro for Almagro. - -The second expedition sailed in 1526. It consisted of two vessels -commanded by Pizarro and Almagro respectively, with a very able and -gallant sailor named Bartolomé Ruiz, of Moguer, as pilot. There were -one hundred and sixty men all told. The adventurers made direct for the -river of San Juan, the farthest point reached by Almagro during the -previous voyage. Here Pizarro landed with his troops. Almagro returned -to Panamá in one vessel, for recruits and provisions, while Ruiz -proceeded on a voyage of discovery to the southward in the other. - -Ruiz made a remarkable voyage, having rounded Cape Passado and reached -1° south. He was thus the first European to cross the equator on -the southern passage. He also fell in with a raft under sail, which -belonged to Tumbez in Peru, and thus obtained several curious specimens -of Ynca art, and some additional information. Almagro made a prosperous -voyage back to Panamá, and returned with supplies. - -[Illustration: NATIVE RAFTS. - -[This is Benzoni’s sketch of the rafts and boats used by the native on -the Pacific coast of the northern parts of South America. Edition of -1572, p. 165.—ED.]] - -Pizarro had been left on a forest-covered, fever-haunted coast, which -has changed very little from that day to this. Hoping to find a -better country inland, he undertook long marches through the tangled -forest; but many of his men perished, and his party returned to the -coast, suffering from disease and famine. In this sorry plight the -all-enduring Pizarro was found, when Almagro and Ruiz returned. - -Almagro had found a new governor installed at Panamá. Pedro de los Rios -had superseded Pedro Arias, who was transferred to Nicaragua, where he -died in 1532. With the new governor’s sanction, about eighty recruits -were collected, and with these and a fresh supply of stores Almagro -returned to the Rio de San Juan. - -[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU. - -[This map and map No. 2 show the modern geography. The development of -the cartography of Peru may be traced in Ramusio (1556) in the map of -the parts of the world newly discovered; in Ortelius (1584 and 1592) -and De Bry, part iii. (1592, a map of South America corrected in 1624); -in Wytfliet, 1597 (see map on a later page); in Van Baerle’s edition -of Herrera (1622); in Sanson, with the course of the Amazon (1656); -in Dudley’s _Arcano del mare_ (carta xxviii. 1647), for the coast; in -Vander Aa (1679), and in Boudouin’s translation of Garcilasso de la -Vega, published at Amsterdam in 1737. Markham, in his _Reports on the -Discovery of Peru_, gives a map showing the marches of Francisco and -Hernando Pizarro, May, 1532, to May, 1533. Other maps are given by -Prescott, H. H. Bancroft, and Helps. The best, however, is in Markham’s -_Travels of Cieza de Leon_.—ED.]] - -The two partners then embarked, and under the guidance of the pilot -Ruiz they advanced along the coast as far as Atacames. They were -now in the province of Quito, a part of the Ynca empire. Here were -large towns, much ground under cultivation, and a formidable array -of well-armed troops to oppose their depredations. It was evident -that the Spanish force was too weak to make a successful settlement. -Pizarro proposed a return; Almagro opposed him, and there was a -violent quarrel, which was outwardly reconciled, leaving a permanent -feeling of suppressed jealousy and ill-will on both sides. Finally it -was resolved that Pizarro and part of the force should remain on the -island of Gallo, which had been discovered by Ruiz in 1° 57´ north, -while Almagro should return once more for recruits. The arrangements -caused much discontent. The men complained that they were being left to -starve. Some wrote letters home to Panamá, full of complaints, which -were seized by Almagro. One, however, named Saravia, concealed a note -in a large ball of cotton sent as a present to the governor’s wife. It -contained the following lines:— - - “Pues Señor Gobernador, - Mírelo bien por entero, - Que allá va el recogedor, - Y acá queda el carnicero.”[1471] - -Pizarro, soon after Almagro’s departure, sent off the other ship with -the most mutinous of his followers. But the governor, Los Rios, was -much incensed at the result of the expedition. He refused to give any -further countenance to the enterprise, and sent two vessels, under the -command of Don Pedro Tafur, of Cordova, to Gallo, with orders to take -every Spaniard off the island and bring them back to Panamá. Meanwhile -Pizarro and his people were suffering from famine and disease, and -from the incessant rains. Nearly all had lost every feeling of desire -for hazardous adventures. They longed only to be relieved from their -sufferings, and hailed the arrival of Tafur with unconcealed joy. - -Then it was that Pizarro displayed that heroic resolution which has -made the famous act of himself and his sixteen companions immortal. The -story is differently told. Herrera says that Tafur stationed himself -in one part of the vessel, and drawing a line, placed Pizarro and his -soldiers on the other side of it. He then told those who wished to -return to Panamá to come over to him, and those who would remain, to -stay on Pizarro’s side of the line. But Garcilasso de la Vega tells us -that when Pizarro saw his men electing to return in the ship, he drew -his sword and made a long line with the point along the sand. Then, -turning to his men, he said, “Gentlemen! This line signifies labor, -hunger, thirst, fatigue, wounds, sickness, and every other kind of -danger that must be encountered in this conquest until life is ended. -Let those who have the courage to meet and overcome the dangers of this -heroic achievement cross the line, in token of their resolution, and as -a testimony that they will be my faithful companions. And let those who -feel unworthy, return to Panamá; for I do not wish to put force upon -any man. I trust in God that, for his greater honor and glory, his -Eternal Majesty will help those who remain with me, though they be few, -and that we shall not miss those who forsake us.” Of the two accounts, -that of Garcilasso is probably nearer the truth, because it is unlikely -that the embarkation would have taken place before the election was -made. It would naturally be made on the beach, before going on board. -Most of the authorities give the number of those who crossed the line -at thirteen. Xeres, Pizarro’s secretary, says there were sixteen. -Herrera gives the names of thirteen heroic men, Garcilasso supplying -the remaining three; and they deserve to be held in memory.[1472] - -Nothing could shake the resolution of Pizarro. He would not return -until he had achieved greatness, and he found sixteen good men and -true to stand by him in his great need. They removed from Gallo to the -island of Gorgona, where there was some game and better water; while -the others returned with Tafur to Panamá. - -The governor looked upon Pizarro’s conduct as an act of madness, and -refused all succor; but at length yielding to the entreaties of Luque -and Almagro, he allowed one vessel to be sent to Gorgona, with strict -orders to return in six months. So a small vessel was fitted out -under the command of the pilot Ruiz, and after seven weary months the -little forlorn hope at Gorgona descried the white sail, and joyfully -welcomed their friends with a supply of food and stores. Full of hope, -Pizarro and his gallant friends embarked; and the expert Ruiz, guided -by information obtained from the Peruvian sailors on the raft, made -direct for the Gulf of Guayaquil, performing the voyage in twenty days. -The year 1527 was now well advanced. Anchoring off the island of Santa -Clara, they stood across to the town of Tumbez on the following day. -Here they saw the undoubted signs of a great civilization, betokening -the existence of a powerful empire. Their impressions were confirmed -by a subsequent cruise along the Peruvian coast as far as Santa, in 9° -south latitude. They learned enough to justify a return to Panamá with -the report of a great discovery, the importance of which would justify -an application to the Spanish Government for some valuable concession -to Pizarro and his partners. Pizarro took with him, from Tumbez, a lad -who was to act as interpreter,—called Felipillo by the Spaniards,—and -also a few llamas. He then made the best of his way back to Panamá; -and it was agreed that he should proceed to Spain and make a direct -application to the Crown for authority to undertake the conquest of -the empire of the Yncas. In the spring of 1528, after having collected -the necessary funds with much difficulty, Pizarro set out for Spain, -accompanied by Pedro de Candia. Luque and Almagro waited at Panamá for -the result. - -[Illustration: EMBARKING. - -[Fac-simile of a cut made to do duty in various connections in Antwerp -publications of the last half of the sixteenth century. It is copied in -this case from fol. 23 of _De Wonderlijcke ende warachtighe Historie_ -(Zarate), published by Willem Silvius in 1573.—ED.]] - -Francisco Pizarro was well received by the Emperor Charles V. in an -interview at Toledo; but the sovereign set out for Italy immediately -afterwards, and subsequent arrangements were made with the Government -of the queen-mother. The capitulation was signed on the 26th of -July, 1529. Pizarro was appointed captain-general and _adelantado_, -and was decorated with the order of Santiago. He was also granted a -coat-of-arms, and thirteen out of the sixteen who crossed the line -at Gallo were ennobled by name. Almagro was made governor of Tumbez, -and afterwards received the title of marshal. Luque was to be bishop -of Tumbez, and protector of the Indians. Ruiz received the title of -grand pilot of the South Sea. Candia was appointed commander of the -artillery. Pizarro visited Estremadura, and from his home took back -with him to Peru his four brothers. Hernando, the eldest and only -legitimate son of his father, was a big tall man, with thick lips and -very red nose, brave and proud, with an uncompromising temper, and -ruthlessly cruel. Juan and Gonzalo were illegitimate, like Francisco, -and Francisco Martin de Alcantara was a uterine brother. His young -cousin Pedro Pizarro, the future historian, then only fifteen, went -out as the conqueror’s page; Fray Vicente de Valverde, a fanatical -Dominican, also went out; and Pizarro set sail from San Lucar on the -19th of January, 1530. On arriving at Panamá, he was upbraided by -Almagro for not having attended fairly to his (Almagro’s) interests, -while careful to secure everything for himself. From that time the old -partners were never really friends, and there was ill-concealed enmity -between Almagro and Hernando Pizarro. Meanwhile preparations for the -expedition were busily proceeded with at Panamá; and, as on former -occasions, Almagro was to follow with supplies and reinforcements. - -[Illustration: PIZARRO’S DISCOVERIES. - -[The map given in Ruge’s _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 436.—ED.]] - -Pizarro sailed from Panamá on the 28th of December, 1531, with -three small vessels carrying one hundred and eighty-three men and -thirty-seven horses. In thirteen days he arrived at the bay of San -Mateo, where he landed the horses and soldiers to march along the -shore, sending back the ships to get more men and horses at Panamá -and Nicaragua. They returned with twenty-six horses and thirty more -men. With this force Pizarro continued his march along the sea-coast, -which was well peopled; and on arriving at the bay of Guayaquil, he -crossed over in the ships to the island of Puna. Here a devastating war -was waged with the unfortunate natives, and from Puna the conqueror -proceeded again in his ships to the Peruvian town of Tumbez. The -country was in a state of confusion, owing to a long and desolating war -of succession between Huascar and Atahualpa, the two sons of the great -Ynca Huayna Capac, and was thus an easy prey to the invaders. Huascar -had been defeated and made prisoner by the generals of his brother, -and Atahualpa was on his way from Quito to Cusco, the capital of the -empire, to enjoy the fruits of his victory. He was reported to be at -Caxamarca, on the eastern side of the mountains; and Pizarro, with his -small force, set out from Tumbez on the 18th of May, 1532. - -[Illustration: NATIVE HUTS IN TREES. - -[Benzoni’s sketch of the native habitations on the coast towards Peru. -Edition of 1572, p. 161.—ED.]] - -The coast of Peru is a rainless region of desert, crossed at intervals -by fertile valleys which follow the courses of the streams from the -Andes to the sea. Parallel with this coast region, to the eastward, is -the _sierra_, or mountainous country of the _cordilleras_ of the Andes, -the cradle and centre of the civilized tribes of Peru. Still farther -to the eastward are the great rivers and vast forests or _montaña_ of -the basin of the Amazons.[1473] Thus the length of Peru is divided into -three very different and distinctly marked regions,—the coast, the -_sierra_, and the _montaña_. - -[Illustration: ATAHUALPA. - -[From Herrera (1728), vol. iii. p. 5. Quaritch in 1870 (_Catalogue_, -259, no. 651) held at £105 the original oil paintings from which the -likenesses of thirteen Incas in Herrera’s _Hechos de los Castellanos_ -were engraved, in 1599, with an extra one of Atahualpa, which was not -given in Herrera. The previous thirteen are given in small marginal -engravings in the border of the frontispiece of Herrera’s fifth -and sixth Decades, and copied in the edition of Barcia, who throws -discredit on the engravings which De Bry had given. These last are -reproduced in Tschudi’s _Antiquedades Peruanas_. Cf. _Catalogue of -Gallery of the New York Historical Society_, No. 378.—ED.]] - -The first part of Pizarro’s march was southward from Tumbez, in -the rainless coast region. After crossing a vast desert he came to -Tangarara, in the fertile valleys of the Chira, where he founded the -city of San Miguel, the site of which was afterwards removed to the -valley of Piura. The accountant Antonio Navarro and the royal treasurer -Riquelme were left in command at San Miguel, and Pizarro resumed his -march in search of the Ynca Atahualpa on the 24th of September, 1532. -He detached the gallant cavalier, Hernando de Soto, into the _sierra_ -of Huancabamba, to reconnoitre, and pacify the country. De Soto -rejoined the main body after an absence of about ten days. The brother -of Atahualpa, named Titu Atauchi, arrived as an envoy, with presents, -and a message to the effect that the Ynca desired friendship with the -strangers. - -[Illustration: ATAHUALPA. - -[Fac-simile of the copperplate in the English edition of Thevet’s -_Pourtraitures and Lives_ appended to North’s _Plutarch_, Cambridge, -England, 1676, p. 66. A somewhat famous picture by a Peruvian artist, -Monteros, representing the Spanish soldiers hustling the wailing -women out of the hall while the funeral rites over Atahualpa were in -progress, is heliotyped in the second volume of Hutchinson’s _Two Years -in Peru_.—ED.]] - -Crossing the vast desert of Sechura, Pizarro reached the fertile valley -of Motupe, and marched thence to the foot of the _cordilleras_ in -the valley of the Jequetepeque. Here he rested for a day or two, to -arrange the order for the ascent. He took with him forty horses and -sixty foot, instructing Hernando de Soto to follow him with the main -body and the baggage. News arrived that the Ynca Atahualpa had reached -the neighborhood of Caxamarca about three days before, and that he -desired peace. Pizarro pressed forward, crossed the _cordillera_, -and on Friday, the 15th of November, 1532, he entered Caxamarca with -his whole force. Here he found excellent accommodation in the large -masonry buildings, and was well satisfied with the strategic position. -Atahualpa was established in a large camp outside, where Hernando de -Soto had an interview with him. Atahualpa announced his intention of -visiting the Christian commander, and Pizarro arranged and perpetrated -a black act of treachery. He kept all his men under arms. The Ynca, -suspecting nothing, came into the great square, walking in grand regal -procession. He was suddenly attacked and made prisoner, and his people -were massacred. - -The Ynca offered a ransom, which he described as gold enough to fill a -room twenty-two feet long and seventeen wide, to a height equal to a -man’s stature and a half. He undertook to do this in two months, and -sent orders for the collection of golden vases and ornaments in all -parts of the empire.[1474] Soon the treasure began to arrive, while -Atahualpa was deceived by false promises; and he beguiled his captivity -by acquiring Spanish and learning to play at chess and cards. - -Meanwhile Pizarro sent an expedition under his brother Hernando, to -visit the famous temple of Pachacamac on the coast; and three soldiers -were also despatched to Cusco, the capital of the empire, to hurry -forward the treasure. They set out in February, 1533, but behaved -with so much imprudence and insolence at Cusco as to endanger their -own lives and the success of their mission. Pizarro therefore ordered -two officers of distinction, Hernando de Soto and Pedro del Barco, to -follow them and remedy the mischief which they were doing. On Easter -eve, being the 14th of April, 1533, Almagro arrived at Caxamarca with a -reinforcement of one hundred and fifty Spaniards and eighty-four horses. - -On the 3d of May it was ordered that the gold already arrived should -be melted down for distribution; but another large instalment came on -the 14th of June. An immense quantity consisted of slabs, with holes -at the corners, which had been torn off the walls of temples and -palaces; and there were vessels and ornaments of all shapes and sizes. -After the royal fifth had been deducted, the rest was divided among -the conquerors. The total sum of 4,605,670 ducats would be equal to -about £3,500,000 of modern money.[1475] After the partition of the -treasure, the murder of the Ynca was seriously proposed as a measure -of good policy. The crime was committed by order of Pizarro, and -with the concurrence of Almagro and the friar Valverde.[1476] It was -expected that the sovereign’s death would be followed by the dispersion -of his army, and the submission of the people. This judicial murder -was committed in the square of Caxamarca on the 29th of August, 1533. -Hernando de Soto was absent at the time, and on his return he expressed -the warmest indignation. Several other honorable cavaliers protested -against the execution. Their names are even more worthy of being -remembered than those of the heroic sixteen who crossed the line on -the sea-shore at Gallo.[1477] - -[Illustration: DIEGO DE ALMAGRO. - -[From Herrera (1728) vol. ii. p. 285. An original manuscript letter -of Almagro, Jan. 1, 1535, addressed to the Emperor, and asking -for a province beyond Pizarro’s, is noted in Stevens, _Bibliotheca -geographica_, no. 109.—ED.]] - -Pizarro at first set up a son of Atahualpa as his successor; but the -boy died within two months. A more important matter was the despatch of -the treasure to Spain, with tidings of the conquest. The first ship, -laden with Peruvian gold, arrived at Seville on the 5th of December, -1534. The second ship followed in January, having on board, besides the -treasure, Hernando Pizarro, the conqueror’s brother. The excitement -caused by these arrivals was intense; and there was an eager desire -among adventurers, both of high and low degree, to become settlers in -this land of promise. - -[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU. NO. 2.] - -In September Pizarro began his march from Caxamarca to Cusco, the -capital of the empire, with five hundred Spaniards and about one -hundred and fifty horses. The artilleryman Candia had charge of two -falconets. The march was along the lofty valleys and over the passes -of the _sierra_, by Huamachuco, Huánuco, Xauxa, and Huamanga. The -rear-guard was attacked by Titu Atauchi, brother of Atahualpa, with -six thousand men; and eight Spaniards were taken prisoners, among them -Francisco de Chaves and Hernando de Haro, who had protested against the -murder of the Ynca Atahualpa, and Sancho de Cuellar, who had been clerk -to the court at the mock trial. They were taken to Caxamarca, which had -been abandoned by the Spaniards. Chaves and Haro were treated with the -greatest kindness. Cuellar was strangled on the spot where Atahualpa -was put to death. Hernando de Soto and Almagro led the van of the -Spanish army, and they had to fight a well-contested battle beyond the -Apurimac, with a native army led by one of the generals of Atahualpa. -Leaving a garrison at Xauxa, Pizarro followed more leisurely; and on -forming a junction with Almagro on the great plain of Sacsahuana, -near Cusco, he perpetrated another great crime. Challcuchima, one of -Atahualpa’s ablest generals, who had been taken prisoner, was burned -alive. Soon afterward the Ynca Manco, son of Huayna Capac, and the -rightful heir to the sovereignty, arrived at the Spanish camp to make -his submission and claim protection. His rights were recognized; and -on the 15th of November, 1533, the conqueror Pizarro entered the city -of Cusco in company with the rightful sovereign. The Ynca Manco was -inaugurated with the usual ceremonies and rejoicings; but in March, -1534, his beloved city of Cusco was converted into a Spanish town, and -a municipality was established. The palaces and spacious halls were -appropriated as churches and private houses of the conquerors. The -Dominicans received the great Temple of the Sun as their monastery; and -Friar Valverde, who became the first bishop of Cusco, in 1538, took the -spacious palace of the Ynca Uira-ccocha, in the great square, for his -cathedral. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF YNCA FORTRESS NEAR CUSCO. - -(From Markham’s _Royal Commentaries of the Yncas_, vol. ii. p. 305.)] - -It was not long before the fame of the riches of Peru brought more -conquerors to seek for a share of the spoils. In March, 1534, Pedro -de Alvarado, one of the conquerors of Mexico, landed at Puerto Viejo, -close to the equator, with five hundred Spaniards, half of whom were -mounted. Among them was the noble cavalier Garcilasso de la Vega, -father of the future historian. After suffering dreadful hardships -in passing through the forests of the coast, the adventurers reached -Riobamba, with a loss of one fourth of their number. Pizarro, leaving -a garrison of ninety men under his brother Juan at Cusco, proceeded to -the sea-coast, where he had an interview with Alvarado at Pachacamac. -It was agreed that Alvarado should return to his government of -Guatemala, while many of his surviving followers attached themselves to -the fortunes of Pizarro. - -The conqueror now resolved to fix the principal seat of his government -within a short distance of some convenient seaport. He finally selected -a site in the valley of the Rimac, six miles from the shores of the -Pacific Ocean. Here Pizarro founded the city of Lima on the festival of -Epiphany, the 6th of January, 1535. It was called “Ciudad de los Reyes” -(the city of the kings) in honor of Charles V. and his mother Juana, -and also in memory of the day. The city was laid out on a regular plan, -which has been little altered down to the present time, with broad -streets, at right angles, and a spacious square near the centre, one -side of which was to be occupied by the cathedral and another by the -palace. Pizarro appointed municipal officers, collected laborers, and -with great energy pushed on the work of building. - -[Illustration: BUILDING OF A TOWN. - -[Fac-simile of a cut made to do duty in various Antwerp imprints on -Peru of the latter half of the sixteenth century. It is copied in this -case from folio eighteen (reverse) of _De Wonderlijcke ende Warachtighe -Historie_ (Zarate), published by Willem Silvius, 1573.—ED.]] - -Hernando Pizarro, arriving with such welcome treasure, was very -graciously received in Spain. Charles V. confirmed all his brother’s -previous grants, and created him a marquis;[1478] while Almagro, -with the title of marshal, was empowered to discover and occupy -territory for two hundred leagues, beginning from the southern boundary -of Pizarro’s government. Hernando himself was created a knight of -Santiago, and was authorized to enlist recruits, and equip a fleet -for his return to Peru. The return of Hernando was the signal for -the breaking out of a feud between the old partners. Almagro and his -friends declared that Cusco itself was to the south of the boundary -assigned to the territory of Pizarro. The conqueror hurried from his -work of building at Lima to Cusco, and made a solemn reconciliation -with Almagro, by a written agreement dated June 12, 1535. - -[Illustration: GABRIEL DE ROJAS. - -[Fac-simile of an engraving in Herrera, vol. iv. p. 260. He was one of -the distinguished cavaliers of the Conquest, to whom Muñoz—erroneously, -as Prescott thinks—assigned the authorship of the _Relacion primera_ -of Ondegardo. He was distinguished at the defence of Cusco, when that -town was besieged by the Indians. Later, as governor of Cusco for -Almagro, he had charge of Gonzalo Pizarro while he was held a prisoner, -and had, later still, command of the artillery under Gasca. He died at -Charcas.—ED.]] - -Almagro was induced to undertake an expedition for the discovery and -conquest of Chili. He was accompanied by a large army of Indians, led -by two Yncas of the blood royal; and he had with him about two hundred -Spaniards. He set out from Cusco in the autumn. Pizarro then returned -to the coast, to push forward the building of Lima, and to found the -cities of Truxillo (1535), Chachapoyas (1536), Huamanga (1539), and -Arequipa (1540). Hernando Pizarro, on his return, was sent to join his -brothers Juan and Gonzalo at Cusco, and to take command of that city -and fortress. - -[Illustration: SKETCH MAP OF THE CONQUEST OF CHILI.] - -The Spaniards had already begun to look upon the natives as their -slaves, and the young Ynca Manco was not only treated with neglect, but -exposed to every kind of humiliating insult. He escaped from Cusco, -and put himself at the head of a great army of his subjects in the -valley of Yucay. This was a signal; and immediately the whole country -was in revolt against the invaders. Juan Pizarro was driven back into -Cusco, and the city was closely besieged by the armies of the Ynca from -February, 1536. The besiegers succeeded in setting the thatched roofs -of the halls and palaces on fire, and the Spanish garrison was reduced -to the greatest straits. The Yncas had occupied the fortress which -commands the town, and Juan Pizarro was killed in an attempt to carry -it by storm. Finally Hernando Pizarro himself captured the fortress, -after a heroic defence by the Ynca garrison. Still the close siege of -the city continued, and the garrison was reduced to the last straits -by famine. Month after month passed away without tidings. At last the -season for planting arrived, and in August the Ynca was obliged to -raise the siege. - - * * * * * - -Chili, the long strip of land along the west coast of South America, to -the south of Peru, had been conquered by the Yncas as far as the river -Maule. Beyond that limit were the indomitable tribes of Araucanian -Indians. Bounded on one side by the _cordillera_ of the Andes, and on -the other by the sea, the country enjoys a temperate climate, suited -for the cultivation of wheat and the rearing of cattle. It can be -approached from Peru either by traversing the great desert of Atacama -on the coast, or by marching over the snowy plateaus and rocky passes -of the Andes. Almagro chose the latter route. The Indian auxiliaries, -led by Paullu, the brother of Ynca Manco, and by the Uillac Umu, or -high-priest, marched first, carrying provisions and making arrangements -for their supply, taking the road through the Collao and Charcas (the -modern republic of Bolivia). The Indian contingent was followed by one -hundred Spaniards under Don Juan Saavedra; and this advanced party -waited at Paria, in the south of Charcas, for the main body. This was -commanded by Don Rodrigo Orgoñez, a native of Oropesa, who had served -under the constable Bourbon at the sack of Rome. He was a brave and -experienced commander, ever faithful to his chief, the marshal Almagro. -The whole force, when united in the distant valley of Jujuy, consisted -of five hundred Spaniards, with two hundred horses. The march across -the Andes to Coquimbo, in Chili, during the winter of 1536, was a time -of intense suffering and hardship bravely endured; but it was stained -by the most revolting cruelties to the people of Charcas and Jujuy. - -Almagro advanced from Coquimbo to the southward, and his Peruvian -contingent suffered a defeat from an army of Promauca Indians. He -was reinforced by Orgoñez and Juan Rada, another faithful adherent, -who brought with them the royal order appointing Almagro to be -_adelantado_, or governor, of New Toledo, which was to extend two -hundred leagues from the southern limit of Pizarro’s government of -New Castile. The explorers now desired to return and occupy this new -government, which they claimed to include the city of Cusco itself. -Almagro had arranged that three small vessels should sail from Callao, -the port of Lima, for the Chilian coast, with provisions. Only one ever -sailed, named the “Santiaguillo,” having a cargo of food, clothing, -and horse-shoes. She arrived in a port on the coast of Chili; and when -the tidings reached Almagro, he sent the gallant Juan de Saavedra, the -leader of his vanguard, with thirty horsemen, to communicate with her. -Saavedra found the little vessel anchored in a bay surrounded by rugged -hills covered with an undergrowth of shrubs, and having a distant view -of the snowy _cordillera_. In some way it reminded him of his distant -Spanish home. Saavedra was a native of the village of Valparaiso, near -Cuenca, in Castile. He named the bay, where the principal seaport -of Chili was destined to be established, Valparaiso. This was in -September, 1536. Landing the much-needed supplies, Saavedra rejoined -his chief, and the expedition of Almagro began its painful return -journey by the desert of Atacama. On arriving at Arequipa, Almagro -first heard of the great insurrection of the Yncas. Marching rapidly to -Cusco, his lieutenant, Orgoñez, defeated the Ynca Manco in the valley -of Yucay; and Almagro entered the ancient city, claiming to be its -lawful governor. - -The royal grant had given Pizarro all the territory for two hundred and -seventy leagues southward from the river of Santiago, in 1° 20´ north, -and to Almagro two hundred leagues extending from Pizarro’s southern -limit. Herrera says that there were seventeen and one half leagues in -a degree. This would bring Pizarro’s boundary as far south as 14° 50´, -and would leave Cusco (13° 30´ 55″ south) well within it. But neither -the latitudes of the river Santiago nor of Cusco had been fixed, and -the question was open to dispute. - -Almagro seized upon Cusco on the 8th of April, 1537, and placed the -brothers Hernando and Gonzalo Pizarro, who had defended the place -against the Yncas, in confinement. News then came that a large body -of men under Alonzo de Alvarado, sent by the governor Pizarro from -Lima, was approaching Cusco. Alvarado, with about five hundred men, -had advanced as far as the river Abancay, where he was surprised -and defeated by Orgoñez on the 12th of July, 1537. Meanwhile some -reinforcements were arriving at Lima, in reply to the appeals of -Pizarro for help against the native insurrection. - -The ecclesiastic Luque had died; but the other partner who advanced the -money for the original expedition, the licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, -still lived; and he now joined Pizarro at Lima, with a force of two -hundred and fifty men. Cortés also despatched a vessel with supplies -and military stores from Mexico. - -The Marquis—as Pizarro was now styled—sent an embassy to Almagro at -Cusco, under the licentiate Espinosa, in the hope of settling the -dispute amicably. Almagro, elated by his successes, was in no mood for -moderating his demands; and, unfortunately, Espinosa died very suddenly -in the midst of the negotiation. It was broken off; and Almagro -declared his intention of retaining Cusco and marching to the coast, in -order to establish for himself a seaport. Orgoñez had again defeated -the Ynca Manco, dispersed his army, and forced him to take refuge, with -his family and little court, in the mountainous fastness of Vilcabamba. -Leaving Gonzalo Pizarro in prison at Cusco, Almagro marched to the -valley of Chincha, on the sea-coast, taking Hernando Pizarro with him. -At Chincha he began to lay out a city, to be called Almagro, which was -to rival Lima, one hundred miles to the northward. Chincha is nearly in -the same latitude as Cusco. - -While he was at Chincha, Almagro received news that Gonzalo Pizarro and -Alonzo de Alvarado had escaped from their Cusco prison, and reached -the camp of the marquis, near Lima. After some correspondence, it was -agreed that a friar named Francisco de Bobadilla should arbitrate, -and that Pizarro and Almagro should have a personal interview in the -little town of Mala, near the coast, between Lima and Chincha. The -meeting took place on the 13th of November, 1537. There was a furious -altercation. They parted in anger; indeed Almagro, fearing treachery, -rode off very hastily. A cavalier of Pizarro’s party had hummed two -lines of an old song in his hearing,— - - “Tiempo es el cavallero, - Tiempo es de andar de aqui.” - -It was the last time the old partners ever saw each other. The friar’s -award was that a skilful pilot should be sent to fix the latitude of -the river of Santiago, and that meanwhile Almagro should deliver up -Cusco, and Hernando Pizarro should be set at liberty. But in order to -secure the safety of his brother, the marquis made the concession that -Almagro should hold Cusco until the boundaries were fixed. Hernando was -then allowed to leave the camp of Almagro. - -But the marquis had no intention of allowing his rival to retain Cusco. -Too old to take the field himself, he intrusted the command of his -army to his brother Hernando. His rival was also broken down by age -and infirmities, and Rodrigo de Orgoñez became the actual commander -of Almagro’s forces. He retreated by short marches towards Cusco, the -old marshal being carried in a litter, and requiring long intervals of -rest. The marquis led his army down the coast to Yca, where he took -leave of it, and returned to Lima. His brother Hernando then proceeded -still farther along the coast to Nasca, and ascended the _cordilleras_ -by way of Lucanas, reaching the neighborhood of Cusco in April, 1538. -Almagro had arrived at Cusco ten days before. - -Orgoñez took up a position at a place called Salinas, about three miles -from Cusco, with a force of five hundred men and about two hundred -horses. His artillery consisted of six falconets, which, with the -cavalry, he stationed on the flanks of his infantry. On Saturday, the -26th of April, 1538 (or the 6th, the day of Saint Lazarus, according to -Garcilasso), Hernando Pizarro began the attack. The infantry was led -by his brother Gonzalo, and by Pedro de Valdivia, the future governor -of Chili. Crowds of Indians watched the battle, and rejoiced to see -their oppressors destroying one another. The cavalry charged at full -gallop, the infantry fought desperately; but Orgoñez was killed, and -after an hour the fortune of the day turned against the marshal. His -soldiers fled to Cusco, followed by the victorious party, and Almagro -himself was put in chains and confined in the same prison where he had -put the Pizarros. His young son Diego,—by an Indian girl of Panamá,—to -whom the old man was devotedly attached, was sent at once to the camp -of the marquis at Lima, in charge of Alcantara, the half-brother of the -Pizarros. Hernando then prepared a long string of accusations against -his defeated foe, obtained his condemnation, and caused him to be -garroted in the prison. Almagro was buried in the church of La Merced -at Cusco, in July, 1538. - -The Marquis Francisco Pizarro received the young Almagro with kindness, -and sent him to Lima, ordering him to be treated as his son. The -governor himself remained for some time at Xauxa, and then proceeded -to Cusco, where he confiscated the property of Almagro’s followers. -He sent his brother Gonzalo to conquer the people of Charcas. In 1539 -Hernando Pizarro set out for Spain; but the friends of Almagro were -before him. He was coldly received, and eventually committed to prison -for his conduct at Cusco, and lingered in captivity for upwards of -twenty years. - -Pizarro returned to Lima, and despatched numerous expeditions in -various directions for discovery and conquest. Gomez de Alvarado -was intrusted with the settlement of Huánuco; Francisco de Chaves, -of Conchucos; Vergara and Mercadillo were to explore Bracamoras and -Chachapoyas; and Pedro de Candia was to settle the Collao. Gonzalo -Pizarro himself undertook an expedition to the land of cinnamon,—the -forest-covered region to the eastward of Quito. Leaving Pedro de -Puelles in command at Quito, Gonzalo entered the forests with three -hundred and fifty Spaniards and four thousand Indians on Christmas -Day, 1539. The hardships and sufferings of these dauntless explorers -have seldom been equalled by any body of men on record. Descending the -rivers Coca and Napo, Gonzalo intrusted the command of a small vessel -to Francisco de Orellana to go on in advance and seek for supplies. But -Orellana deserted his starving comrades, discovered the whole course -of the river Amazon, and returned to Spain. Out of the three hundred -and fifty Spaniards that started, fifty deserted with Orellana, two -hundred and ten died of hunger and disease, and the miserable remnant -eventually returned to Quito with their intrepid leader, Gonzalo -Pizarro, in June, 1542. - -The marquis had also resolved to renew the attempt to conquer Chili, -which had been abandoned by Almagro. A cavalier had actually been -sent out from Spain, named Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, to undertake this -service. The marquis associated with him a commander on whose judgment, -resolution, and fidelity he could better rely. Pedro de Valdivia was a -native of Serena in Estremadura. He had seen much service in Italy; was -at the taking of Milan and at the battle of Pavia. He had arrived in -Peru in 1535, having been sent from Mexico by Hernando Cortés when the -governor of Peru appealed for help to resist the Ynca revolt. He did -important service for the Pizarros at the battle of Salinas. - -Having collected one hundred and fifty soldiers at Cusco, Valdivia -began his march for Chili in March, 1540. His camp-master was Pedro -Gomez; his standard-bearer, Pedro de Mayor; his chief of the staff, -Alonso Monroy. Francisco de Aguirre and Jeronimo de Alderete were his -captains of cavalry; Francisco de Villagran led the arquebusiers, and -Rodrigo de Quiroga the pikemen. Two priests, named Bartolomé Rodrigo -and Gonzalo Marmolejo, accompanied the expedition. Before starting, -Valdivia went to the cathedral of Cusco, and swore, in presence of -Bishop Valverde, that the first church he built should be dedicated to -Our Lady of the Assumption, the patroness of Cusco, and that the first -city he founded should be named Santiago, after the patron of Spain. -Valdivia marched by way of the desert of Atacama, and at the very -outset he made an agreement with Sanchez de Hoz that the sole command -should rest with himself. - -Valdivia had for a guide the friar Antonio Rondon, who had accompanied -Almagro’s expedition; and with his aid he overcame all the difficulties -of the march, and safely reached Copiapo in Chili. Advancing by Huasco -and Coquimbo, he defeated a large army of natives in the valley of -Chili or Aconcagua, and eventually selected a site for the foundation -of a new city on the banks of the river Mapocho, in the territory of -the Cacique Huelen-Guala. The foundation of the church, dedicated to -the Assumption, in accordance with the vow made at Cusco, was laid on -the 12th of February, 1541. The plan of the city was laid out, and it -received the name of Santiago. The officers of the municipality were -elected on the 7th of March, to remain in office for one year. - -[Illustration: PEDRO DE VALDIVIA. - -[From Herrera (1728), iv. 200.—ED.]] - -It was not long before the natives of Chili took up arms to oppose -the intruders. Valdivia marched against a large body, leaving Monroy -in command at Santiago. But another force of Indians attacked the -city itself, with desperate valor, during fifteen days, killing four -Spaniards and twenty-three horses, and setting fire to the houses. -Valdivia hastily returned; and although the whole country was in -insurrection, Monroy nobly volunteered to make his way to Peru and -return with reinforcements and supplies. He set out Jan. 28, 1542. -Valdivia began to cultivate the land near Santiago, and to sow wheat, -in the hope of raising crops; and on the hill of Santa Lucia he -constructed a fort where provisions and valuables could be stored. But -the little colony continued to suffer much from scarcity of provisions. -Monroy, hiding in the woods during the day and travelling at night, -escaped from Chili and reached Cusco in safety. He succeeded in getting -a small vessel sent from the port of Arequipa to Valparaiso, while -he himself returned by the desert of Atacama, reaching Santiago in -December, 1543. Valdivia was now able to assume the offensive, and the -armed Indians retired to a distance from Santiago. - -[Illustration: VALDIVIA. - -[Fac-simile of a part of a copperplate, which appears in _Ovalle’s -Historica Relacion de Chile_, Rome, 1648.—ED.]] - -The chief pilot of Panamá, an experienced Genoese seaman named Juan -Bautista Pastene, with Juan Calderon de la Barca, was ordered to -undertake a voyage of discovery along the coast of Chili at about the -same time. He sailed from Callao in July, 1544, and arrived at the port -of Valparaiso in August, in his little vessel the “San Pablo.” - -[Illustration: PASTENE. - -[Fac-simile of part of a copperplate in Ovalle’s _Hist. Rela. de -Chile_, Rome, 1648.—ED.]] - -Here he was visited by Valdivia, who confirmed the name of Valparaiso -and officially declared it to be the port of Santiago. Valdivia -proclaimed the foundation of the town of Valparaiso on the 3d of -September, 1544, and appointed Pastene his lieutenant in command of the -Chilian seas. The two little vessels “San Pedro” and “Santiaguillo” -then took some men-at-arms on board, and proceeded on a voyage of -discovery to the southward on the 4th of September. Pastene went as -far as 41° south, discovering a harbor which was named Valdivia, the -mouths of several rivers, the island of Mocha and the Bay of Penco. -He returned to Valparaiso on the 30th of September, and reported his -success to the governor, who now had two hundred Spaniards at Santiago, -besides women and children. In the same year Valdivia sent a captain -named Bohan to found a town in the valley of Coquimbo, to serve as a -refuge and resting-place on the road between Santiago and Peru. It was -named La Serena, after the native place of Valdivia. The “San Pedro” -was sent to Coquimbo to be caulked and otherwise repaired. - -[Illustration: PIZARRO. - -[Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, vol. ii. p. 280. De Bry (part -vi.) gives a small medallion likeness. Cf. Verne’s _La Découverte de -la Terre_. Prescott (vol. i.) gives an engraving after a painting in -the series of the line of the viceroys, preserved at that time in the -viceregal palace at Lima. It gives the conqueror in civic costume, with -cap and cloak, and a letter in one hand and a glove in the other. A -colored representation of the royal standard borne by Pizarro is given -in _El General San Martin_, Buenos Ayres, 1863. They continue to show, -or did exhibit till recently, a body claimed to be that of Pizarro, in -the cathedral at Lima. (Hutchinson’s _Two Years in Peru_, vol. i. p. -309.)—ED.]] - -The governor then undertook an expedition to the south, crossed the -river Maule, defeated a large body of Indians at a place called -Quilacara, and advanced as far as the banks of the river Biobio, -returning to Santiago, after an absence of forty days, in March, 1546. -Pastene had made another voyage to Callao, taking with him the gallant -Alonso Monroy, who died on the passage. He returned to Valparaiso, with -a melancholy account of the disturbed state of Peru, Dec. 1, 1547; and -Valdivia determined, after much deliberation, to take up arms against -Gonzalo Pizarro, as a loyal servant of the Spanish Crown. He went on -board Pastene’s ship, made sail Dec. 10, 1547, and arrived at Callao, -the port of Lima. He had founded a new colony, and left it securely -established in Chili. - -[Illustration: PIZARRO. - -[Fac-simile of the engraving as given in Montanus and Ogilby.—ED.]] - -During the seven years of Valdivia’s absence in Chili, stirring -events had occurred in the land of the Yncas. The marquis returned -to Lima, where he was busily engaged in the work of building, and in -administering the affairs of his vast command. Many of the ruined -followers of Almagro were there also, driven to desperation by the -confiscation of their property. They were called, in derision, the “men -of Chili.” Pizarro treated them with contemptuous indifference, and -expelled the young Almagro from his house. - -The most conspicuous of the malcontents was Juan de Rada; and he -matured a plot for the assassination of the governor. On the 26th of -June, 1541, the conspirators, headed by Rada, ran across the great -square during the dinner hour, and entered the court of Pizarro’s -house.[1479] The marquis had just dined, and his brother Martin de -Alcantara, the judge Velasquez, Francisco de Chaves, and others were -with him. Being unarmed, several of those present, on hearing the -outcry, let themselves down into a garden from the corridor, and -escaped. Chaves went out on the stairs, where he was murdered by the -conspirators, who were running up. The marquis had thrown off his -robe, put on a cuirass, and seized a spear. He was past seventy. His -brother, a cavalier named Gomez de Luna, and two pages were with him. -The assassins numbered nineteen strong men. Pizarro fought valiantly, -until Rada thrust one of his companions on the spear and rushed in. -Alcantara, Luna, and the two pages were despatched. Pizarro continued -to defend himself until a wound in the throat brought him to the -ground. He made the sign of the cross on the floor, and kissed it. -He then breathed his last. The conspirators rushed into the street -shouting, “The tyrant is dead!” The houses of the governor and his -secretary were pillaged. Juan de Rada coerced the municipality and -proclaimed Diego Almagro, the young half-caste lad, governor of Peru. -The body of Pizarro was buried in the cathedral, by stealth, and at -night. - -But the colonists did not immediately submit to the new rule. Alvarez -de Holguin, one of Pizarro’s captains, held Cusco with a small force, -and Alonzo de Alvarado opposed the conspiracy in the north of Peru. -The bishop Valverde, of Cusco, and the judge Velasquez were allowed to -embark at Callao in November, 1541; but they fell into the hands of the -Indians on the island of Puna, in the Gulf of Guayaquil, and were both -killed. - -[Illustration: VACA DE CASTRO. - -[From Herrera (1728), vol. iv. p. 1.—ED.]] - -The followers of Almagro the lad, as he was called, determined to march -from Lima in the direction of Cusco, so as to get between Alvarado -and Holguin. At Xauxa the youthful adventurer had the misfortune to -lose his most trusty adherent. Juan de Rada died of fever. The two most -influential of his supporters who remained were Cristóval de Sotelo and -Garcia de Alvarado,—and they had quarrelled with one another. Their -delays enabled Holguin to pass to the north, and unite his forces with -Alvarado’s. Almagro then established himself at Cusco, where Sotelo was -murdered by his rival Alvarado; and the latter was put to death by the -young Almagro, who assumed the direction of his own affairs. He was -barely twenty-two years of age. - -The Emperor Charles V., long before the death of Pizarro, had decided -upon sending out a royal judge to act as the old conqueror’s coadjutor -and adviser, especially with regard to the treatment of the Indians. -For this delicate post the emperor’s choice fell upon Dr. Don Cristóval -Vaca de Castro, a Judge of the Audience of Valladolid. After a long -voyage the new judge had landed at Buenaventura, a town recently -founded by Pascual de Andagoya, near that river San Juan where Pizarro -had waited in such dire distress during his first voyage. He had a -royal order to assume the post of governor of Peru in the event of -Pizarro’s death; and on arriving at Popayan he received tidings of -the assassination. He then proclaimed his commission as governor, -and advanced southwards, by way of Quito, along the Peruvian coast. -At Huara he was joined by Alvarado and Holguin with their forces. -He entered Lima, and then proceeded, by way of Xauxa, in search of -the assassins. Young Almagro had a force of five hundred Spaniards, -with two hundred horses; and he had a park of artillery consisting of -sixteen pieces under the direction of the veteran Pedro de Candia. -With this force he left Cusco in July, 1542. Vaca de Castro marched -in great haste to Guamanga, in order to secure that important post -before Almagro could reach it from Cusco. The rebels, as they must -be called, took a route along the skirts of the _cordillera_, until -they reached an elevated plateau called Chupas, above and a little to -the south of the newly built town of Guamanga. Their object appears -to have been to cut off the communications of Vaca de Castro with the -coast. In order to approach them, it was necessary for the royal army -to evacuate Guamanga, and ascend a very steep slope to the terrace-like -plateau where Almagro’s army was posted. It was the 16th of September, -1542, and the ascent from Guamanga must have occupied the greater part -of the day. The army of Vaca de Castro was marshalled by the veteran -Francisco de Carbajal, an old soldier who had seen forty years’ service -in Italy before he crossed the Atlantic. Carbajal led the troops into -action with such skill that they were protected by intervening ground -until they were close to the enemy; and when Almagro’s artillery opened -fire on them, the guns were so elevated as to do no execution. This -led young Almagro to suspect Pedro de Candia of treachery, and he -there and then ran the old gunner through the body, and pointed one of -the guns himself with good effect. The royal army now began to suffer -severely from the better-directed artillery fire. Then the opposing -bodies of cavalry charged, while Carbajal led a desperate attack with -the infantry, and captured Almagro’s guns. Holguin fell dead; Alvarado -was driven back, and young Almagro behaved with heroic valor. Yet when -night closed in, the army of Vaca de Castro was completely victorious, -and five hundred were left dead on the field. It was a desperately -contested action. Almagro fled to Cusco with a few followers, where he -was arrested by the magistrates. Vaca de Castro followed closely, and -on arriving in the city he condemned the lad to death. Almagro suffered -in the great square, and was buried by the side of his father in the -church of La Merced. - -Vaca de Castro assumed the administration of affairs in Peru as royal -governor. In the same year the Dominican Friar Geronimo de Loaysa, -a native of Talavera, became bishop of Lima. He was promoted to -the rank of archbishop in 1545. Another Dominican, Juan de Solano, -succeeded Valverde as bishop of Cusco in 1543. Gonzalo Pizarro, when -he returned from his terrible expedition in the forests east of -Quito, was induced by the governor to retire peaceably to his estates -in Charcas. The efforts of Vaca de Castro as an administrator were -directed to regulating the employment of the natives, and to improving -communications. - - * * * * * - -When the good Bartolomé Las Casas returned to Spain, in 1538, he -published his famous work on the destruction of the native race of -America. He protested against the Indians being given to the Spaniards -in _encomienda_, or vassalage for personal service.[1480] At last the -emperor appointed a committee consisting of churchmen and lawyers of -the highest position, to sit at Valladolid in 1542, and to consider the -whole subject. The result was the promulgation of what were called the -“New Laws.” - - I. After the death of the conquerors, the _repartimientos_ of Indians, - given to them in _encomienda_, were not to pass to their heirs, but - be placed directly under the king. Officers of his majesty were to - renounce the _repartimientos_ at once. - - II. All _encomenderos_ in Peru who had been engaged in the factious - wars between the Pizarros and Almagros were to be deprived. - - III. Personal service of the Indians was to be entirely abolished. - -Blasco Nuñez Vela was appointed viceroy of Peru to enforce the “New -Laws,” assisted by a court of justice, of which he was president, -called the _Audiencia_ of Lima. There were four other judges, called -_oidores_, or auditors, named Cepeda, Zarate, Alvarez, and Tejada. -The viceroy and his colleagues embarked at San Lucar on the 3d of -November, 1543. Leaving the judges sick at Panamá, the viceroy landed -at Tumbez on the 4th of March, 1544, with great magnificence, and -proceeded by land to Lima, proclaiming the “New Laws” as he advanced. -The Spanish conquerors were thrown into a state of dismay and -exasperation. They entreated Gonzalo Pizarro to leave his retirement -and protect their interests, and when he entered Cusco he was hailed -as procurator-general of Peru. He seized the artillery at Guamanga, -and assembled a force of four hundred men, while old Francisco de -Carbajal, the hero of the battle of Chupas, became his lieutenant. - -The viceroy was a headstrong, violent man, without judgment or capacity -for affairs. His first act after entering Lima was to imprison the -late governor, Vaca de Castro. The principal citizens entreated him -not to enforce the “New Laws” with imprudent haste. But he would -listen to no arguments; and when the auditors arrived from Panamá, he -quarrelled with them, and acted in defiance of their protests. At last -the auditors ventured upon the bold step of arresting the viceroy in -his palace, and placing him in confinement. He was sent to the island -of San Lorenzo, and a government was formed with the auditor Cepeda -as president, who suspended the “New Laws” until further instructions -could be received from Spain. The auditor Alvarez was commissioned to -embark on board a vessel with the viceroy, and take him to Panamá. - -Meanwhile Gonzalo Pizarro was approaching Lima by rapid marches, and he -entered the capital on the 28th of October, 1544, at the head of twelve -hundred Spaniards and several thousand Indians dragging the artillery, -which had formed the special strength of young Almagro. The _Audiencia_ -submitted; the judges administered the oaths, and Gonzalo was declared -governor and captain-general of Peru. At the same time Vaca de Castro -persuaded the captain of a vessel on board of which he was confined -in Callao Bay to get under way and convey him to Panamá. Accusations -were brought against him in Spain, and he was kept in prison for twelve -years, but was eventually acquitted and reinstated. - -As soon as the ship conveying the viceroy to Panamá was at sea, the -judge Alvarez liberated him. He landed at Tumbez in October, 1544, -denounced Gonzalo Pizarro and the judge Cepeda as traitors, and called -upon all loyal subjects to support him. Volunteers arrived, and Blasco -Nuñez raised his standard at San Miguel de Piura. Gonzalo Pizarro -assembled a rival force at Truxillo; but the viceroy retreated before -him towards Quito, Carbajal pressing closely on his rear. The retreat -was almost a rout. Passing through Quito, the viceroy took refuge at -Pasto, within the jurisdiction of Sebastian Benalcazar, the governor of -Popayan. Early in January, 1546, having received reinforcements, Blasco -Nuñez ventured to advance once more towards Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro -took up a strong position outside; but the viceroy, now accompanied by -Benalcazar, made a detour and entered Quito. On the 18th of January, -1546, the viceroy led his followers to the plains of Anaquito, near the -town, where his enemy was posted, seven hundred strong. The battle was -not long doubtful. Alvarez the judge was mortally wounded. Benalcazar -was left for dead on the field. The viceroy was unhorsed and wounded, -and while lying on the ground his head was struck off by order of Pedro -de Puelles, Pizarro’s governor of Quito. The slaughter was terrific. -Cruel old Carbajal never showed any mercy, and no quarter was given. -Benalcazar, when he recovered, was allowed to return to Popayan; and -Gonzalo Pizarro attended as chief mourner at the funeral of the -viceroy in the cathedral of Quito. - -Leaving a garrison at Quito, under Puelles, Gonzalo began his journey -southwards in July, 1546, and entered Lima in triumph. The only -resistance throughout Peru was from an officer in Charcas named Diego -Centeno, a native of Ciudad Rodrigo, who had come to Peru in 1534 with -Pedro Alvarado. He declared in favor of the viceroy at Chucuito; but -Alonzo Toro, who had been left in command at Cusco by Gonzalo Pizarro, -marched against him, and he fled into the fastnesses of Chichas, in the -far south. Pizarro was undisputed master of Peru, and his lieutenant -Carbajal retired to Charcas to work the silver mines. - -[Illustration: GASCA. - -[This follows the engraving given by Prescott (_History of the Conquest -of Peru_) of the portrait hanging in the sacristy of Saint Mary -Magdalene at Valladolid,—an inscription on which says that Gasca died -in 1567 at the age of seventy-one.—ED.]] - -News of the revolt had reached Spain, and the licentiate Pedro de la -Gasca, an astute and very able ecclesiastic, was appointed to proceed -to Peru, and mediate between the viceroy and the malcontents. He -received very full powers, with large discretion, and was entitled -president of the _Audiencia_. He was very ugly, with a dwarfish body -and exceedingly long, ungainly legs. The president sailed from Spain on -the 26th of May, 1546, and received the news of the viceroy’s death on -his arrival at the isthmus. He brought out with him the announcement -of the revocation of the “New Laws,” owing to the dangerous spirit of -discontent they had caused throughout the Indies. They were withdrawn -by a decree dated at Malines on the 20th of October, 1545. - -[Illustration: PEDRO DE LA GASCA. - -[From Herrera (1728), vol. iv. p. 215.—ED.]] - -The president arrived at Panamá on the 11th of August, 1546, where -he found the fleet of Gonzalo Pizarro, under the command of Pedro -de Hinojosa. Soon afterward Lorenzo de Aldana arrived as an envoy -from Pizarro, but was induced to submit to the president’s authority. -Hinojosa followed the example, and thus Gasca gained possession of the -fleet. When the offer of pardon reached Lima, Gonzalo was advised by -his lieutenant Carbajal to accept the terms; but the auditor Cepeda, -who had turned against the viceroy and administered the oaths of -office to a rebel, felt that there could be no pardon for him. The mad -ambition of Pizarro induced him to listen to Cepeda rather than to -Carbajal, and he finally rejected the offer of pardon; but many of his -old followers deserted him. - -Lorenzo de Aldana was despatched from Panamá, with several vessels, -in February, 1547, and arrived in Callao Bay; while Diego Centeno -once more rose in the south, and began to collect troops. Gonzalo -Pizarro resolved to abandon Lima and march to Arequipa with only five -hundred men, so numerous had been the desertions from his ranks. Aldana -then entered the capital, while Gasca himself sailed from Panamá on -the 10th of April, 1547, landing at Tumbez on the 13th of June. He -advanced to Xauxa, and great numbers flocked to his standard. Pedro de -Valdivia, the governor of Chili, had landed at Callao, and overtook the -president, on his march towards Cusco, at Andahuaylas. - -Gonzalo Pizarro, despairing of being able to make head against the -president Gasca with all the prestige of royal approval on his side, -had determined to retreat into Chili. But he feared to leave Centeno -hanging on his rear, and thought it necessary first to disperse his -forces. Centeno occupied a position near Huarina, at the southeastern -angle of Lake Titicaca, upwards of twelve thousand feet above the level -of the sea. Pizarro’s troops advanced to the attack over an open plain. -He had about four hundred and eighty men, the strength of his army -being in his infantry armed with arquebuses, and disciplined under the -direct supervision of Carbajal. Centeno had a larger force, and was -accompanied by Solano, the bishop of Cusco. Carbajal waited for the -attack of the enemy, and then poured a deadly volley into their ranks. -Centeno’s footmen broke and fled; but his cavalry defeated Pizarro, -and would have won the day, if they too had not been repelled and -broken by the admirable steadiness of Carbajal’s arquebusiers. As it -was, Pizarro’s victory was complete, and three hundred and fifty of -Centeno’s followers were killed. All fugitives taken by Carbajal were -put to death without mercy. - -The doomed Pizarro now abandoned all idea of retreating into Chili. He -marched in triumph to Cusco, while the president Gasca approached by -leisurely marches, gathering reinforcements by the way. With him were -the bishops of Lima and Cusco, the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado, the -veteran Hinojosa, Pascual de Andagoya the first adventurer in search of -Peru, Valdivia the governor of Chili, Centeno, escaped from Huarina, -Cieza de Leon the future historian, and many others well known to fame. -The president’s army crossed the river Apurimac, and advanced to the -plain of Sacsahuana, near Cusco, whither Gonzalo Pizarro came out to -meet him. On the morning of the 9th of April, 1548, the commanders of -both armies made ready for battle. But soon there were symptoms of -desertion on Pizarro’s side. An important cavalier, Garcilasso de la -Vega, galloped across to the army of Gasca. He was followed by the -treacherous auditor Cepeda. Soldiers began to follow in small parties. -Old Carbajal was humming two lines of an old song,— - - “Estos mis cabellicos madre, - Dos á dos me los lleva el ayre.” - -Then desertions took place by companies and squadrons. Pizarro -sorrowfully took his way to the royal camp and gave himself up. -Carbajal was seized by the soldiers. He was hanged and quartered the -following day, and soon afterwards Gonzalo Pizarro was executed in -presence of the army. - -The president entered Cusco on the 12th of April, and began a bloody -assize. Scarcely a day passed without followers of Gonzalo Pizarro -being hanged, flogged, or sent in large batches to the galleys. Two -priests were executed. A canon of Quito, who was tutor to Gonzalo -Pizarro’s little son, was hanged for writing a book called _De bello -justo_. At length, sated with blood, the president left Cusco on the -11th of July with Archbishop Loaysa, and went to a small village called -Huayna-rimac in the neighborhood. He retired into this seclusion to -escape the importunities of his partisans. Here he proceeded to arrange -the distribution of _encomiendas_, or grants of lands and Indians, -among his followers. He allowed a tenth of the Indians to be employed -on forced labor in the mines, thus reversing the humane legislation -advocated by Las Casas. Having completed his work, the president sent -the archbishop to announce his awards at Cusco, and they caused a howl -of rage and disappointed greed. Gasca himself went down to Lima by -the unfrequented route of Nasca, and when a positive order from the -emperor arrived, that all personal service among the Indians should -be abolished, he suspended its publication until he was safe out of -Peru. In January, 1550, the president Gasca sailed for Panamá, leaving -the country in the greatest confusion, and all the most difficult -administrative points to be solved by his successors. The municipality -of Lima wrote a complaint to the emperor, representing the untimely -departure of the president. His abilities and his services have been -much overstated. He himself is the witness to his own revolting -cruelties at Cusco. - -Gasca left the government of Peru, with none of the difficulties -settled, in the hands of the auditors or judges of the royal -_Audiencia_, of which Don Andres de Cianca was president. His -colleagues were Melchor Bravo de Sarabia, Hernando de Santillan, -and Pedro Maldonado. The judges were in charge of the executive -from January, 1550, to the 23d of September, 1551, when Don Antonio -de Mendoza arrived from Mexico as viceroy. They had taken steps to -organize a systematic plan for the instruction of the natives, under -the auspices of Archbishop Loaysa, Friar Thomas de San Martin, and -the indefatigable friar Domingo de Santo Tomas, the first Quichua -scholar. They worked harmoniously under the viceroy Mendoza, who was a -statesman of high rank and great experience. He promulgated the royal -order against the enforced personal service of Indians, anticipating -serious discontents and troubles, which he was resolved to meet and -overcome. But his premature death at Lima, on the 21st of July, 1552, -left the country once more in the hands of the judges, who had to meet -a storm which would sorely test their administrative abilities. - -The ringleader of the malcontents was a cavalier of good family named -Francisco Hernandez Giron. Born at Caceres, in Estremadura, he crossed -the Atlantic in 1535, and joined the unfortunate viceroy Blasco Nuñez -de Vela at Quito, fighting under his banner in the fatal battle of -Anaquito. He also did good service in the army of President Gasca, and -was in the left wing at the rout of Sacsahuana. Gasca had assigned the -plain of Sacsahuana to him, as his _repartimiento_; but he grumbled -loudly, and all the malcontents looked upon him as their leader. The -promulgation of the abolition of personal service was received with -a howl of execration among the conquerors, who looked forward to the -accumulation of wealth by the use of forced labor in the silver mines. -Troubles broke out in Charcas, and Giron resolved to raise the standard -of revolt at Cusco. - -The 12th of November, 1553, was the wedding day of Don Alonzo de -Loaysa, a nephew of the archbishop, who married a young lady named -Maria de Castilla. The _corregidor_ of Cusco and most of the leading -citizens were at the supper. Suddenly Giron presented himself in -cuirass and helmet, with his sword drawn, and a crowd of conspirators -behind him. The street was occupied by a body of cavalry under his -lieutenant, Tomas Vasquez. The guests sprang from their seats, -but Giron told them not to fear, as he only wished to arrest the -_corregidor_. He and the others then put out the lights and drew -their swords. The _corregidor_ took refuge with the ladies in the -drawing-room, and shut the doors. Two guests were stabbed. Many -escaped by the windows and climbed a wall at the back of the house. -The _corregidor_ and other officials were seized and imprisoned. Giron -issued a proclamation declaring that the conquerors would not be robbed -of the fruits of their labors. He soon had a respectable force under -his command; but most of the leading citizens fled to Lima. The rebel -declared that his object was the public good, and to induce the king to -listen to the prayers of his subjects. The _Audiencia_ was called upon -to restore matters to the state they were in at the time of Gasca’s -departure. Tomas Vasquez was sent to Arequipa, and Guamanga also -declared in favor of Giron. - -The governing judges were in great perplexity at Lima. After some -hesitation they put the archbishop Loaysa in command of their army, -with the judge Bravo de Saravia as his colleague. The marshal Alonzo -de Alvarado was in upper Peru, and he also got some loyal cavaliers -round him, and assembled a small force. Giron entered Guamanga Jan. -27, 1554, where he was joined by Tomas Vasquez, from Arequipa; and he -then marched down to the coast. The judges encamped at Até, outside -Lima, with five hundred arquebusiers, four hundred and fifty pikemen, -three hundred cavalry, and fourteen field-pieces. Giron arrived at -Pachacamac on the shores of the Pacific, and the judges advanced to -Surco. But instead of boldly attacking, the rebels turned their backs -and marched southwards along the coast to Yca, followed by a detachment -under an officer named Meneses. Giron turned, and defeated his pursuers -at Villacuri, in the desert between Pisco and Yca, but continued his -retreat to Nasca. He had lost a great opportunity. - -[Illustration: ALONZO DE ALVARADO. - -[Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, iii. 235.—ED.]] - -The royal army advanced to Chincha; but the archbishop quarrelled with -Bravo de Saravia, and where so many commanded, and none were military -men, efficient operations were impossible. Meanwhile Alvarado had -assembled an army for the judges, of seven hundred men, the rendezvous -being La Paz in upper Peru. With this force he entered Cusco on the -30th of March, 1554, and continued his march in search of Giron, who -remained at Nasca, on the coast, until the 8th of May. On that day -the rebels once more ascended the wild passes of the _cordillera_ to -Lucanas, and were soon in the neighborhood of Alvarado’s army, which -now numbered eleven hundred men. The rebels encamped at Chuquinga, in -the wildest part of the Andes, on a mountain terrace by the side of -a deep ravine, with the river Abancay in front. The marshal Alvarado -was on the other side of the ravine, and was advised not to attack, -but to harass the retreat of Giron. But on the 21st of May, under -every possible disadvantage, he ordered the river to be forded, and an -attack to be made. The river was crossed, but the men could not form -on the other side in the face of an active enemy. They fell back, and -the retreat was soon converted into a rout. Alvarado was wounded, but -contrived to escape with Lorenzo de Aldana and the learned Polo de -Ondegardo who accompanied him, leaving seventy dead on the field, and -two hundred and eighty wounded. - -Giron entered Cusco in triumph. The judges, on receiving news of the -disastrous battle of Chuquinga, decided that their army should advance -to Xauxa, and eventually towards Cusco. The _Audiencia_ now consisted -of Dr. Melchor Bravo de Saravia, Hernando de Santillan, Diego Gonzalez -Altamirano, and Martin Mercado. Altamirano was to remain in charge of -the government at Lima, while the other judges marched with the army, -preceded by their officer Pablo de Meneses with the royal standard. -In July, 1554, the three judges, Saravia, Santillan, and Mercado -reached Guamanga, and in August they entered Cusco, having met with no -opposition. Giron had retreated to Pucara, near Lake Titicaca, a very -strong position consisting of a lofty rock rising out of the plain. The -royal army encamped in front of the rock, and the judges sent promises -of pardon to all who would return to their allegiance. Giron hoped that -the royal army would attack him, repeating the error at Chuquinga; but -the judges had resolved to play a waiting game. A night attack led by -Giron was repulsed. Then desertions began, Tomas Vasquez setting the -example. The unfortunate rebel could trust no one. He feared treachery. -He bade a heart-rending farewell to his noble-minded wife, Doña Mencia, -leaving her to the care of the judge Saravia. He rode away in the dead -of night, almost alone, and Pucara was surrendered. Meneses was sent in -chase of Giron, who was captured near Xauxa. He was brought to Lima, -Dec. 6, 1554, and beheaded. His head was put in an iron cage, and -nailed up by the side of those of Gonzalo Pizarro and Carbajal. Ten -years afterward a friend of his wife secretly took all three down, and -they were buried in a convent. Doña Mencia, the widow of Giron, founded -the first nunnery in Lima,—that of “La Encarnacion,”—and died there as -abbess. - -Thus the judges succeeded in putting down this formidable insurrection, -and were able to hand over the country, in a state of outward -tranquillity, to the great viceroy who now came out to establish order -in Peru. - - * * * * * - -Don Andrea Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Cañete, was nominated by -Charles V., at Brussels, to be viceroy of Peru for six years. He came -out with the intention of checking with a firm hand the turbulence of -the military adventurers who were swarming over the country. Writing -to the emperor before he sailed, May 9, 1555, he said that there were -eight thousand Spaniards in Peru, of whom four hundred and eighty-nine -held _repartimientos_, and about one thousand were employed officially -or otherwise. A large portion desired to live in idleness. He proposed -to employ them on expeditions into unknown regions, and he submitted -that no more Spaniards ought to be allowed to come to Peru without good -cause assigned. In a letter to his daughter, the governess Juana, the -emperor approved the policy sketched out by the new viceroy. - -The Marquis of Cañete landed at Payta, and travelling by land, entered -Lima on the 29th of June, 1556. He assumed office with unprecedented -state and solemnity. He was fully resolved to put down sedition once -and for all. He ordered that no Spaniard should leave his town without -permission of the authorities, and for good cause. As regards the -_Audiencia_, he reported to the emperor that the judges were hostile -to each other, and that they lived in such discord that all peace was -hopeless. He spoke favorably of two, and requested that the others -might be recalled. He also reported that the _corregidors_ maintained -quantities of idle soldiers waiting for opportunities of mischief. He -estimated the number of the idlers at three thousand, and said that -the peace of the country was endangered by the immorality, license, -and excesses of these men. The viceroy kept all the artillery in the -country under his own eye, ordering guns to be seized and brought to -him wherever they could be found; and he formed a permanent guard of -four hundred arquebusiers. He then sent for a number of settlers, -of turbulent antecedents, who came to Lima joyfully, expecting that -they were about to receive _repartimientos_. But he disarmed them, -shipped them at Callao, and sent them out of the country. Among these -banished men were included the most notorious disturbers of the peace -in the late civil wars. Altogether thirty-seven were sent to Spain. -Tomas Vasquez and Juan Piedrahita, the chief supporters of Giron, were -beheaded, and the _corregidors_ were authorized to seize and execute -any turbulent or dangerous persons within their jurisdictions. These -were very strong measures, but they were necessary. The intolerable -anarchy under which Peru had groaned for so many years was thus stamped -out. Moderate _encomiendas_ were then granted to deserving officers. - -While the turbulence and cruelty of the Spanish conquerors were checked -with relentless severity, the policy of the Marquis of Cañete towards -the people and their ancient rulers was liberal and conciliatory. In -both courses of action there was wisdom. After the siege of Cusco, -the Ynca Manco, with his family and chief nobles, had taken refuge in -the mountain fastness of Vilcabamba, and there he met his death in -1553, after a disastrous reign of twenty years. He was succeeded by -his son Sayri Tupac, who continued in his secluded hiding-place. The -viceroy thought it important, for the tranquillity of the country and -the peace of mind of the Indians, that the descendant of their ancient -kings should be induced to reside among the Spaniards. The negotiation -was intrusted to the Ynca’s aunt, a princess who had married a Spanish -cavalier, and to Juan de Betanzos, an excellent Quichua scholar. It -was settled that the Ynca should receive the _encomienda_ forfeited -by Giron (the valley of Yucay near Cusco, where he was to reside), -together with a large pension. All was finally arranged, and on the -6th of January, 1558, the Ynca entered Lima, and was most cordially -received by the viceroy. From that time he resided in the valley of -Yucay, surrounded by his family and courtiers, until his death in 1560. - -Several of the Spanish conquerors had married Ynca ladies of the -blood royal, and a number of half-caste youths were growing up in the -principal cities of Peru, who formed links between the Yncas and their -conquerors. There was a school at Cusco where they were educated, -and the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega records many anecdotes of his -early days, and enumerates the names of most of his school-fellows. -The Marquis of Cañete also founded schools at Lima and Truxillo, -and took great pains to supply the Indians with parochial clergy of -good conduct, who were strictly prohibited from trading. In 1558 the -_curacas_, or native chiefs, who had proved their rights by descent -before the _Audiencia_, were allowed to exercise jurisdiction as -magistrates. - -The Marquis of Cañete founded the towns of Cuenca in the province of -Quito, of Santa on the coast to the north of Lima, and of Cañete in a -rich and fertile valley to the south. He also established the hospital -of San Andres at Lima, and built the first bridge over the Rimac. Very -great activity was shown in the introduction of useful plants and -domestic animals. Vines were sent out from Spain and the Canaries, and -a harvest of grapes was reaped near Cusco in 1555. Wheat was first -reaped in the valley of Cañete by a lady named Maria de Escobar, and -olives were planted in 1560. Other fruit trees and garden vegetables -soon followed. - -The king, Philip II., determined to supersede this able viceroy in -1560, appointing a young nobleman named Diego Lopez de Zuñiga y -Velasco, Conde de Nieva, in his place. But the Marquis of Cañete died -at Lima before his successor arrived, on the 30th of March, 1561, -having governed nearly five years. He was buried in the church of San -Francisco, but his bones were afterwards taken to Spain and deposited -with those of his ancestors at Cuenca. The Conde de Nieva entered Lima -on the 27th of April,—a month after the death of the marquis. He was -a handsome young cavalier, of loose morals, and fond of every sort of -pleasure. There is very little doubt that he lost his life owing to -a powerful husband’s jealousy. He was set upon in the street, after -leaving the lady’s house, in the dead of night. He was found dead on -the 20th of February, 1564, and the matter was hushed up to prevent -scandal. The judges of the _Audiencia_ took charge of the government -until the arrival of a successor. - - * * * * * - -During this period the Chilian colony was holding its own, with -difficulty, against the indomitable Araucanian Indians. After the rout -of Sacsahuana, the governor Valdivia took his leave of the president -Gasca, and embarked at Arica on the 21st of January, 1549, with two -hundred men. His lieutenant, Francisco de Villagra, had ruled at -Santiago in his absence, vigilantly thwarting a plot of Alonzo de -Hoz, whom he executed, and suppressing a revolt of the Indians of -Coquimbo and Copiapo. He met Valdivia on his landing at Valparaiso and -accompanied him to the capital. The first expedition of the governor, -after his return, was undertaken with a view to establishing Spanish -influence in the south of Chili. In January, 1550, with two hundred -men, he crossed the Biobio, and intrenched himself in the valley of the -Penco, where he founded the town of Concepcion, repulsing an attack -from a large army of Indians with great slaughter. In the following -year he founded the towns of Imperial and Valdivia still farther south. - -[Illustration: CONCEPTION BAY. - -[Fac-simile of a cut in Ovalle’s _Historica Relacion de Chile_, Rome, -1648.—ED.]] - -The Araucanians now flew to arms in defence of their fatherland, at -the call of their aged chief, Colo-colo. A younger but equally brave -leader, named Caupolican, was elected _toqui_, or general, of the army; -and they began operations by attempting to destroy a Spanish fort -at Tucapel. Valdivia hurried from Concepcion, at the head of fifty -cavalry, and attacked the Araucanian host. The governor had with him -a young Indian lad of eighteen, named Lautaro, as groom. There was -great slaughter among the Araucanians, and they were beginning to give -way, when all the best feelings of Lautaro were aroused at the sight -of his countrymen in peril. On the instant he felt the glow of ardent -patriotism. He went over to the enemy, exhorted them to rally, and -led them once more to the attack. The Spanish force was annihilated, -and the governor was taken prisoner. Led before the _toqui_, young -Lautaro interceded for his master, and the generous Caupolican listened -favorably; but the savage chief Leucaton protested, and felled Valdivia -by a deadly blow with a club on the back of the head. This disaster -took place on the last day of December, 1553. Don Pedro de Valdivia was -in his fifty-sixth year, and by his conquest and settlement of Chili -he won a place in history side by side with Cortés and Pizarro. He was -childless. - -Francisco de Villagra succeeded his old chief as governor of Chili, and -made preparations to repair the disaster. Lautaro became the second -leader of his countrymen, under Caupolican. Their tactics were to allow -the Spaniards to penetrate into their country as far as they pleased, -but to cut off supplies, and harass their retreat. Thus Villagra easily -marched from Arauco to Tucapel; but he was attacked by an immense -army under Lautaro, which stopped his retreat, and he suffered such -severe loss in the battle of Mariguanu that the town of Concepcion was -abandoned in November, 1555. There was hard fighting again in 1556, -in defence of the garrisons at Imperial and Valdivia. Early in the -following year Lautaro was intrenched with an army on the banks of the -Mataquito, when he was surprised at dawn by Villagra. He made a gallant -defence, but was killed; and six hundred warriors fell with him. Thus -died one of the noblest patriots of the American race. - -In the same year the viceroy, Marquis of Cañete, appointed his son, -Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, a youth barely twenty-two years of age, -to be governor of Chili. His cavalry, under Luis de Toledo, marched by -land over the desert of Atacama, while the young governor embarked at -Callao, and sailed for Chili with three vessels conveying seven hundred -infantry. Among the officers was Don Alonso de Ercilla, whose epic poem -records the events of this famous war. Don Garcia landed at Coquimbo -on the 25th of April, 1557, and the cavalry arrived on the following -day. After having assumed the government at Santiago, and ungratefully -dismissed Villagra, to secure the tranquillity of his own rule, he -continued the interminable war. His first operation was to occupy the -island of Quiriquina, off Talcahuano, and to build the fort of Pinto -on the west side of the valley of the Penco. Here he was attacked by -Caupolican with a great army. There were marvellous individual acts -of bravery on both sides; Don Garcia himself was wounded, and two -thousand Araucanians were slain. The governor then crossed the river -Biobio and fought another great battle, Caupolican retreating with -heavy loss. Don Garcia disgraced his victory by hanging twelve captive -chiefs, including the heroic Galvarino. - -[Illustration: GARCIA HURTADO DE MENDOZA. - -[Fac-simile of a copperplate in Ovalle’s _Historica Relacion de Chile_, -Rome, 1648.—ED.]] - -Penetrating far to the south, the town of Osorno was founded beyond -Valdivia, and the archipelago of Chiloe was discovered. During the -governor’s absence in the far south, the _toqui_ Caupolican was -betrayed into the hands of Alonso de Reinosa, the captain in command at -Tucapel, who put him to a horrible death by impalement. - -[Illustration: PERUVIANS WORSHIPPING THE SUN. - -[After the sketch in Benzoni, edition of 1572, p. 168.—ED.]] - -There was now a brief interval of peace. Don Garcia had brought with -him to Chili the good licentiate Gonzalez Marmolejo, afterwards first -bishop of Santiago, who prepared rules for the humane treatment of -the peaceful natives. Only a sixth were allowed to be employed at -the mines; no one was to work who was under eighteen or over fifty; -no laborer was to be forced to work on feast days, and all were to -be paid and supplied with food. On the 5th of February, 1561, Don -Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza embarked at Valparaiso and left Chili, -being succeeded by Francisco de Villagra, the old companion in arms -of Valdivia. Villagra died in 1563, and was succeeded by Rodrigo de -Quiroga. In 1563 the bishopric of Santiago was founded, and in 1565 -the royal _Audiencia_ of Chili was instituted, with Dr. Melchor Bravo -de Saravia as its first president. Its seat was fixed in the city of -Concepcion. - - * * * * * - -We must now return to the course of events in Peru. The scandalous -death of the viceroy Conde de Nieva seems to have induced the king to -choose his successor from among men learned in the law rather than from -the nobility, and to drop the title of viceroy. Lope Garcia de Castro -had been a judge of the _Audiencia_ of Valladolid, and afterwards a -member of the council of the Indies. He was appointed governor and -captain-general of Peru, and president of the _Audiencia_ of Lima, -where he made his public entry Sept. 22, 1564. To avoid scandal, the -belief had been encouraged that the Conde de Nieva had been murdered -in bed. But everybody knew that he had been struck to the ground by -several stout negroes with bags full of sand; that the blows had been -continued until life was extinct; and that after the murder people came -out of the house of the Zarates, and carried the body to the palace. -The culprit was Don Rodrigo Manrique de Lara, a powerful citizen of -proud lineage, who had discovered love passages between his young wife -and her near relative the viceroy. But the judges thought there would -be grave scandal if the delinquent was brought to justice, and the new -governor took the same view. The affair was hushed up. - -Lope de Castro established a mint, imposed the _almojarifazgo_, -or customs dues, and organized the work at the newly-discovered -quicksilver mines of Huancavelica, and at the silver mines. In 1567 -the Jesuits arrived in Peru, and in the same year the second council -of Lima was convoked by Archbishop Loaysa, the governor assisting as -representative of the king. The first council was in 1552. At the -second the decisions of the council of Trent were accepted, and the -parochial arrangements were made; while the governor proceeded with the -work of fixing the divisions of land among the Indians, and marking out -the country into _corregimientos_, or provinces, under _corregidors_. -In 1567 Castro despatched an expedition from Callao, under the command -of his nephew, Alvaro de Mendaña, who discovered the Solomon Islands. -Lope Garcia de Castro governed Peru for five years, handing over his -charge to his successor, in 1569, to return to Spain and resume his -seat at the council board of the Indies. - -Don Francisco de Toledo, second son of the third Count of Oropesa, was -the king’s major-domo, and was advanced in years when he was selected -to succeed the licentiate Lope de Castro. In his case the title of -viceroy was revived, and was retained by his successors until the -independence. Landing at Payta, the viceroy Toledo travelled along -the coast, closely observing the condition both of Spaniards and -Indians; and he then made up his mind to visit every province within -his government. He made his public entrance into Lima on the 26th of -November, 1569. - -Toledo was assisted by statesmen of great ability and experience, who -warmly sympathized with the aboriginal races, and were anxious for -their welfare. Chief among his advisers was the licentiate Polo de -Ondegardo, who had now been several years in Peru, had filled important -administrative posts,—especially as _corregidor_ of Charcas and of -Cusco,—and had studied the system of the government and civilization -of the Yncas with minute attention, especially as regards the tenures -of land, and always with a view to securing justice to the natives. -The licentiate Juan Matienzo was another upright and learned minister -who had studied the indigenous civilization and the requirements -of colonial policy with great care; while in affairs relating to -religion and the instruction of the people, the viceroy consulted the -accomplished Jesuit author, José de Acosta. - -But the conduct of Toledo with regard to the Ynca royal family was -dictated by a narrow view of political expediency, and was alike unwise -and iniquitous. He reversed the generous and enlightened policy of the -Marquis of Cañete. After the death of Sayri Tupac, the Ynca court had -again retired into the mountain fastnesses of Vilcabamba, where the -late Ynca’s two brothers, Titu Cusi Yupanqui and Tupac Amaru, resided -with many native chiefs and followers. When the new viceroy arrived at -Cusco, in January, 1571, the Ynca Titu Cusi sent an embassy to him, -and requested that ministers of religion might be sent to Vilcabamba. -Accordingly, the friar Diego Ortiz arrived at the Ynca court; but -almost immediately afterward Titu Cusi sickened and died, and the -superstitious people, believing that it was the work of the friar, put -him to death. The youthful Tupac Amaru was then proclaimed Ynca, as -successor to his brother. This gave the viceroy the pretext he sought. -He despatched a strong force into Vilcabamba, under the command of -Martin Garcia Loyola, who was married to an Ynca princess, the daughter -of Sayri Tupac. Loyola penetrated into Vilcabamba, and took young Tupac -Amaru prisoner on the 4th of October, 1571. He was brought to Cusco and -confined in a palace, under the shadow of the great fortress, which -until now had belonged to the family of his uncle, the Ynca Paullu. But -the viceroy had seized it as a strong position to be held by Spanish -troops under his uncle Don Luis de Toledo. There was a trial for the -murder of the friar; several chiefs were sentenced to be strangled, and -Tupac Amaru, who was perfectly innocent and against whom there was no -evidence, was to be beheaded. - -The young sovereign was instructed for several days by two monks who -were excellent Quichua scholars, and who spoke the language with -grace and elegance. He was then taken to a scaffold, which had been -erected in the great square. The open spaces and the hills above the -town were covered with dense crowds of people. When the executioner -produced his knife, there was such a shout of grief and horror that the -Spaniards were amazed, and there were few of them with a dry eye. The -boy was perfectly calm. He raised his right arm, and there was profound -silence. He spoke a few simple words of resignation, and the scene was -so heart-rending that the hardest of the conquerors lost self-control. -Led by the bishop and the heads of the monasteries, they rushed to the -house of the viceroy and threw themselves on their knees, praying for -mercy and entreating him to send the Ynca to Spain to be judged by the -king. Toledo was a laborious administrator, but his heart was harder -than the nether millstone. He sent off the chief Alguazil, of Cusco, -to cause the sentence to be executed without delay. The crime was -perpetrated amid deafening shouts of grief and horror, while the great -bell of the cathedral was tolled. The body was taken to the palace of -the Ynca’s mother, and was afterward interred in the principal chapel -of the cathedral, after a solemn service performed by the bishop and -the chapter. Toledo caused the head to be cut off and stuck on a pike -beside the scaffold; but such vast crowds came to worship before it -every day, that it was taken down and interred with the body. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: TEMPLE OF CUSCO. - -[Fac-simile of the engraving as given in Montanus and in Ogilby. -Garcilasso de la Vega describes Cusco soon after the Conquest, and -explains the distribution of buildings which was made among the -conquerors. A plan of the ancient and modern city, showing the -conquerors’ houses, is given in Markham’s _Royal Commentaries of De -la Vega_, vol. ii., and in the _Journal of the Royal Geographical -Society_, 1871, p. 281. A plan of the ancient and modern town, by E. -G. Squier, is given in that author’s _Peru, Land of the Incas_ (New -York), 1877, p. 428. The house of Pizarro is delineated in Charton’s -_Voyageurs_, vol. iii. p. 367; and the remains of the palace of the -first Inca, in Squier’s _Land of the Incas_, p. 451. - -Cieza de Leon says: “Cusco was grand and stately; it must have been -founded by a people of great intelligence.” (Markham’s edition. -_Travels_, pp. 322, 327.) - -Early plans or views of Cusco are given in Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 412 -(see _ante_, p. 554); in Münster’s _Cosmographia_, 1572 and 1598; in -Braun and Hogenberg’s _Civitates orbis terrarum_; in De Bry, part vi., -and in Herrera (1728), vol. iii. p. 161. There is a large woodcut map -of Cusco, in Ant. du Pinet’s _Plantz, Pourtraitz et Descriptions de -plusieurs Villes_, etc., Lyons, 1564. - -Vander Aa published a view at Leyden, and another is in Rycaut’s -translation of Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 12. Accounts of the modern -town are given by Markham, Squier, and others, and there is a view of -it in _Tour du Monde_, 1863, p. 265.—ED.]] - -The judicial murder of Tupac Amaru was part of a settled policy. Toledo -intended to crush out all remains of reverence and loyalty for the -ancient family among the people. He confiscated the property of the -Yncas, deprived them of most of the privileges they had hitherto been -allowed to retain, and even banished the numerous half-caste children -of Spaniards by Ynca princesses. - -At the same time he labored diligently to formulate and establish -a colonial policy and system of government on the ruins of the -civilization of the Yncas. - - * * * * * - -The instructions of the kings of Spain, through their council of the -Indies, were remarkable for beneficence and liberality in all that -concerned the natives. Strict orders were given for their instruction -and kind treatment, and special officers were appointed for their -protection. But at the same time there were incessant demands for -increased supplies of treasure from the mines. It was like the orders -of the directors of the East India Company to Warren Hastings,—justice -to the natives, but more money. The two orders were incompatible. -In spite of their beneficent rules and good intentions, the Spanish -kings must share the guilt of their colonial officers, as regards the -treatment of the natives. It is right, however, that the names of -those conquerors should be recorded who displayed feelings of sympathy -and kindness for their Indian vassals. Lorenzo de Aldana, who took a -prominent and important part in the civil wars, died at Arequipa in -1556, and left all his property to the Indians whom he had received -in _repartimiento_, for the payment of their tribute in future years. -Marcio Sierra de Leguizamo described the happy condition of the people -when the Spaniards arrived, and in his will expressed deep contrition -at having taken part in their destruction. Garcilasso de la Vega was -ever kind and considerate to his Indian vassals. Cieza de Leon in his -writings[1481] shows the warmest sympathy for the Ynca people. There -were, however, too many of the first conquerors of a different stamp. - - * * * * * - -The viceroy Toledo wisely based his legislation on the system of -the Yncas. His elaborate code, called the _Libro de Tasas_, was the -text-book for all future viceroys. He fixed the amount of tribute -to be paid by the Indians, wholly exempting all males under the age -of eighteen, and over that of fifty. He recognized the positions of -hereditary nobles or _curacas_, assigning them magisterial functions, -and the duty of collecting the tribute and paying it to the Spanish -_corregidors_. He enacted that one seventh part of the population of -every village should be subject to the _mita_, or forced labor in -mines or factories; at the same time fixing the distance they might -be taken from their homes, and the payment they were to receive. It -was the abuse of the _mita_ system, and the habitual infraction of the -rules established by Toledo, which caused all the subsequent misery -and the depopulation of the country. Humane treatment of the people -was incompatible with the annual despatch of vast treasure to Spain. -Toledo also fixed the tenures of land, organized local government -by _corregidors_, and specified the duties of all officials, in his -voluminous code of ordinances. - -In the days of this viceroy the Inquisition was introduced into Peru, -but the natives were exempted from its penalties as catechumens. -Heretical Europeans or Creoles were alone exposed to its terrible -jurisdiction. The first _auto da fé_ took place at Lima on November 19, -1573, when a crazy old hermit, suspected of Lutheranism, was burned. -Another was celebrated with great pomp on the 13th of April, 1578, -the viceroy and judges of the _Audiencia_ being present in a covered -stand on the great square of Lima. There were sixteen victims to suffer -various punishments, but none were put to death. - -During the government of Toledo, in 1579, Sir Francis Drake appeared -on the coast of Peru,[1482] and in the following year the viceroy -despatched an important surveying expedition to the Straits of Magellan -under Sarmiento. After a long and eventful period of office, extending -over upwards of twelve years, Don Francisco de Toledo returned to -Spain. He was coldly received by Philip II., who said that he had -not been sent to Peru to kill kings, and dismissed him. He was a -hard-hearted man, but a conscientious and able administrator, and a -devoted public servant. - -Don Martin Henriquez, second son of the Marquis of Alcanizes, was -then viceroy of Mexico, whence he was removed to Peru as successor to -Toledo. He entered Lima on the 28th of September, 1581. He worked -assiduously to carry out the ordinances of his able predecessor in all -branches of administration; but his career was cut short by death -after holding office for eighteen months. He died on the 15th of March, -1583, and was buried in the church of San Francisco. In 1582 he had -founded the college of San Martin, to be under the rule of Jesuits, -and on the 15th of August of the same year the second council of Lima -assembled under the presidency of the archbishop. - -[Illustration: PERU (_after Wytfliet, 1597_).] - -[Illustration: CHILI (_after Wytfliet, 1597_).] - -Loaysa, the first archbishop of Lima, died in 1575, and the see was -vacant for six years. Toribio de Mogrovejo was consecrated at Seville -in 1580, and entered Lima May 24, 1581, at the age of forty-three. He -at once began the study of the Quichua language, to prepare for his -tours of inspection. He had a mule, but generally travelled on foot, -stopping in villages and at wayside huts, instructing, catechising, and -administering the sacraments. He penetrated into the most inaccessible -fastnesses of the Andes and visited all the coast valleys, journeying -over burning deserts, along snowy heights, and through dense forests, -year after year untiringly. He founded the seminary at Lima, for -the education of priests, which is now known by his name. Besides -the council of 1582, he celebrated two other provincial councils in -1592 and 1601, and ten diocesan synods. The principal work of these -assemblies was to draw up catechisms and questions for the use of -priests, with a view to the extirpation of idolatry, and to regulate -parochial work. The good archbishop died at Saña on the coast, during -one of his laborious visitations, on the 23d of March, 1606. He -was canonized in 1680, and is revered as Saint Toribio. During his -archiepiscopate a girl was born at Lima, of very poor and honest -Spanish parents, named Rosa Flores, and was baptized by Saint Toribio -in 1586. Her goodness and charity were equalled by her surpassing -beauty, which she dedicated to God; and after her death, in 1617, a -conclave of theologians decided that she had never strayed from the -right path in thought or deed. She was canonized in 1671, and Santa -Rosa is the patron saint of Lima, with her festival on the 30th of -August.[1483] - -Don Fernando de Torres y Portugal, Conde de Villar Don Pardo, the -successor of Henriquez, did not reach Lima until the 20th of November, -1586. He endeavored to prevent abuses in taking Indians for the _mita_, -and ordered that none should be sent to unsuitable climates. During the -previous forty years negroes had been imported into the coast valleys -of Peru in considerable numbers as slaves, and supplied labor for the -rich cotton and sugar estates. The Conde de Villar was an old man, with -good intentions but limited capacity. He allowed abuses to creep into -the financial accounts, which were in great confusion when he was -superseded in the year 1590. - -Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, the fourth marquis of Cañete, had -already served in Peru, when his father was viceroy, and had won -renown in his war with the Araucanians. He had also seen service in -Germany and Italy. Married to Doña Teresa de Castro y de la Cueva, -granddaughter of the proud Duke of Albuquerque, he was the first -viceroy who had been allowed to take a vice-queen with him to Peru, -and he was also accompanied by her brother, the gallant and chivalrous -Don Beltran de Castro y Cueva, as commander of the forces. On the -6th of January, 1590, the new viceroy made his solemn entry into -Lima, in a magnificent procession of richly adorned Indian nobles, -arquebusiers and pikemen, gentlemen of the household, judges of the -_Audiencia_, professors and students of the University of San Marcos, -and kings-at-arms. The marquis came out with the usual injunctions -to enforce the kindly treatment of Indians, but he received urgent -demands from the king for more and more money. In 1591 he imposed the -_alcabala_, or duties on sales in markets, and on coca. He was obliged -to send increasing numbers of victims to the silver mines, and to the -quicksilver mines of Huancavelica. He made numerous ordinances for the -regulation of industries and of markets, the suppression of gambling, -and the punishment of fugitive slaves. He founded the college of San -Felipe and San Marcos at Lima in 1592. He despatched an important -expedition under Mandaña, which discovered the Marquesas Islands. He -was an active and intelligent ruler; but all the good he attempted to -do was counterbalanced by the calls for treasure from Spain. He sent -home 1,500,000 ducats, besides value in jewels and plate. - -After having governed Peru for six years and a half, the Marquis of -Cañete begged to be allowed to return home. He was succeeded by Don -Luis de Velasco, Marquis of Salinas, who came from Mexico, where he had -been the viceroy. The Marquis of Salinas entered Lima on the 24th of -July, 1596, and governed Peru until the end of 1604. - - * * * * * - -Chili had been comparatively quiet under the immediate successors of -Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, although the war with the Araucanians -had never actually ceased. In 1583 Philip II. selected a military -officer of great experience and approved valor as governor of Chili. -Don Alonso de Sotomayor left Spain for Buenos Ayres with seven hundred -men, and made the journey across the Pampas and over the pass of -Uspallata, reaching Santiago on the 22d of September, 1583. He and his -brother Luis carried on a desultory war against the Araucanians for -several years. During 1588 the attacks of the Indians were led by an -intrepid heroine named Janequeo, who was resolved to avenge the death -of her husband. The governor was superseded in 1592 and proceeded to -Callao, where he commanded a ship, under Don Beltran de Cueva, in the -fleet which attacked and captured Sir Richard Hawkins and his ship. -Sotomayor then returned to Spain. - -The new governor of Chili was Don Martin Garcia Oñez de Loyola, -the same cavalier who married an Ynca princess, and captured young -Tupac Amaru. He was a Basque, of the province of Guipuzcoa, and a -near relative of Saint Ignatius. He arrived at Valparaiso, with four -hundred soldiers and abundant supplies of warlike stores, on the 23d -of September, 1592, reaching Santiago on the 6th of October. The -Araucanians had elected the aged chief Paillamacu as their _toqui_, -with two younger warriors named Pelantaru and Millacalquin as his -lieutenants. Believing the subjugation of Araucaria to be practicable, -the new governor traversed the country between Imperial and Villarica -during the year 1597, but failed to discover his astute foes. In the -spring of 1598 Loyola was at Imperial, where he received a letter from -his wife, the Ynca princess Doña Beatriz Coya, urging him to retreat -to Concepcion, as the Araucanians were rising. He set out for Angol, -accompanied by only sixty officers, on the 21st of November, 1598, and -stopped for the night in the valley of Curalaba. When all were wrapped -in sleep, the tents were attacked by five hundred native warriors, -and the governor was killed, with all his companions. His widow, the -Ynca princess, went to Spain with a young daughter, who was given in -marriage by Philip III. to Juan Henriquez de Borja, heir of the house -of Gandia, and was at the same time created Marquesa de Oropesa. - -[Illustration: SOTOMAYOR. - -[Fac-simile of a part of a copperplate in Ovalle’s _Historica Relacion -de Chili_. Rome, 1648.—ED.]] - -The death of the governor was a signal for a general rising. Within -forty-eight hours there were thirty thousand Araucanian warriors in the -field under the _toqui_ Paillamacu. All the Spanish towns south of the -river Biobio were taken and destroyed, the invasion was hurled back -beyond Concepcion, and the Spaniards were placed on the defensive. - - * * * * * - -The seventeenth century opened in Peru with a period of peace, during -which the system of government elaborated by the viceroy Toledo was to -be worked out to its consequences,—and in Chili, with the prospect of a -prolonged contest and an impoverished treasury. In both countries the -future of the native races was melancholy and without hope. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE king of Spain instituted the office of historiographer of the -Indies, and that post was held for upwards of half a century by the -learned Antonio de Herrera, who died in 1625. All the official reports -and correspondence were placed in his hands, and he had the use of a -great deal of material which is now lost; so that he is indispensable -as an authority.[1484] His great work, _Historia General de las Indias -Occidentales_, covers the whole ground from 1492 to 1554, and is -divided into eight decades, in strict chronological order. The history -of the conquest of Peru and of the subsequent civil wars is recorded -with reference to chronological order as bearing on events in other -parts of the Indies, and not connectedly. The work first appeared in -1601 and 1615, in five folio volumes, and was republished in 1730. The -English version by Stevens, in six octavo volumes (1725), is worthless. -The episode relating to the descent of the river Amazon by Francisco de -Orellana (_Herrera_, dec. vi. lib. ix.), was translated by Clements R. -Markham, C. B., and printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1859 as a part -of the volume called _Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons_. - -Francisco Lopez de Gomara was another compiler, who never personally -visited Peru, and is best known for his history of the conquest of -Mexico. His narrative of the conquest of Peru forms an important -part of his work entitled _Historia de las Indias_. Although he was -a contemporary, and had peculiarly good opportunities for obtaining -trustworthy information, he was careless in his statements, and is an -unsafe authority.[1485] - -Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, born in 1478 of an old Asturian -family, was an eye-witness of the events on the isthmus which directly -led to the discovery of Peru. He went out with the governor Pedro -Arias in 1513, and was at Panamá when Pizarro and Almagro were fitting -out their first expedition. He afterwards resided for many years in -Hispaniola, and at his death, in 1557, he was chronicler of the Indies, -the predecessor of Herrera. He was devoted to historical composition, -interspersing his narrative with anecdotes and personal reminiscences; -but most of his works long remained in manuscript. His two chapters on -the conquest of Peru cover the ground from the landing of Pizarro to -the return of Almagro from Chili.[1486] - -It is, however, a relief to escape from compilers, and to be able -to read the narratives of the actual actors in the events they -describe. The first adventurer who attempted to discover Peru was the -_adelantado_ Pascual de Andagoya, and he has recorded the story of his -failures. Born of a good stock in the province of Alava, Pascual went -out to Darien when very young, with the governor Pedro Arias, in 1514. -After the failure of his first attempt he was in Panamá for some years, -and in 1540 received the government of the country round the Rio San -Juan, the scene of Pizarro’s early sufferings. Here he founded the -town of Buenaventura; but having got into a dispute with Benalcazar -respecting the boundaries of their jurisdictions, Andagoya returned to -Spain, where he remained five years. He accompanied the president Gasca -to Peru, and died at Cusco on the 18th of June, 1548. He had broken -his leg, but was recovering, when fever supervened, which carried him -off. Gasca reported that his death was mourned by all, because he was -such a good man, and so zealous in the service of his country. The -historian Oviedo, who knew him well in the early days of the Darien -colony, speaks of Andagoya as a noble-minded and virtuous person. He -was a man of some education; and his humane treatment of the Indians -entitles his name to honorable mention. His interesting narrative long -remained in manuscript at Seville, but it was at length published by -Navarrete.[1487] An English translation,[1488] by Clements R. Markham, -C. B., with notes and an introduction, was printed for the Hakluyt -Society in 1865.[1489] - -Francisco de Xeres, the secretary of Pizarro, wrote his account of the -early days of the conquest of Peru on the spot, by order (March, 1533) -of his master. He left Spain with Pizarro in January, 1530, returned -to Seville with the first instalment of gold from Caxamarca in July, -1534; and his narrative, which embraces the period between these -dates, was printed at Seville in the same year.[1490] This edition -and that of 1547, printed somewhat carelessly at Salamanca, are -extremely rare.[1491] The third and best-known edition was published -at Madrid in 1749 in the Barcia Collection, _Historiadores primitivos -de las Indias_. Italian editions appeared in 1535,[1492] and in 1556 -in Ramusio;[1493] and a French version was published at Paris by M. -Ternaux-Compans in 1837.[1494] An English translation, with notes and -an introduction by Clements R. Markham, C. B., was printed for the -Hakluyt Society in 1872. There is a freshness and reality in the story -told by Xeres, owing to his having been an eye-witness of all the -events he describes, which the more elaborate accounts of compilers -cannot impart. Xeres has increased the value of his book by inserting -the narrative of Miguel Astete, who accompanied Hernando Pizarro on his -expedition to Pachacamac. - -[Illustration: TITLE OF XERES. VENICE, 1535.] - -Hernando Pizarro wrote a letter to the royal _Audiencia_ of Santo -Domingo, which goes over the same ground as the narratives of Xeres -and Astete, but is of course much briefer. It is peculiarly valuable -as containing the observations of the man of highest rank in the -expedition who was able to write.[1495] The letter is dated November, -1533, and was written on his way to Spain with the treasure. Oviedo -gives it in his _Historic General_,[1496] and it is printed by Quintana -in his _Vidas de Españoles celebres_.[1497] It was translated into -English by Clements R. Markham, C. B., and printed for the Hakluyt -Society in 1872 in the volume of _Reports on the Discovery of Peru_. - -Pedro Sancho, the notary, wrote a note of the distribution of the -ransom of Atahualpa, with a list of the conquerors and the amount each -received. It is contained in the inedited work of Francisco Lopez de -Caravantes, and was reprinted by Quintana in his _Vidas de Españoles -celebres_. An English translation by Clements R. Markham, C. B., was -printed for the Hakluyt Society in 1872, in the volume already cited. -See also _Ramusio_, vol. iii. p. 414, for an Italian version, in which -form it was used by Robertson and Prescott.[1498] - -Vicente de Valverde, the Dominican friar who accompanied Pizarro in -the conquest of Peru and took part in the imprisonment and murder of -Atahualpa, was made bishop of Cusco in 1536. On his way to Spain, in -1541, he landed on the island of Puna, in the Bay of Guayaquil, was -seized by the natives, and put to death with his brother-in-law and -twenty-six other Spaniards. He wrote a detailed _Carta-relacion_ on the -affairs of Peru, which is still inedited. He also addressed letters to -the emperor Charles V., which contain original information of great -value. A copy of one, dated Cusco, April 2, 1539, was among Sir Thomas -Phillipps’s collection of manuscripts. It is frequently quoted by Helps. - -Pedro Pizarro, a cousin of the conqueror, went out as his page in 1530, -when only fifteen. He was an eye-witness of all the events of the -Conquest, and of the subsequent civil wars, having retired to Arequipa -after the assassination of his patron. Here he probably wrote his -_Relaciones del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru_, -finished in 1571. It is a plain, unadorned statement of facts, but -of the highest value as an authority. It remained in manuscript for -centuries, but was at length printed in the _Coleccion de documentos -inéditos para la historia de Espana_, v. 201-388.[1499] - -The death-struggle between the Pizarros and the old marshal Almagro is -fully told in the above general histories; but light is also thrown -upon the story from other directions. Among the manuscripts in the -National Library at Madrid[1500] there is an autobiography by a young -scapegrace of noble birth named Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman, comprising -a period from 1518 to 1543, from his nineteenth to his forty-fourth -year. The early part reminds one of the adventures of Gil Blas; but in -1534 he went to Peru, and was a principal actor in the events which -took place between the departure of Almagro for Chili in 1535 and his -execution in 1538. Don Alonzo seems to have quarrelled with Hernando -Pizarro during the siege of Cusco, and warmly espoused the cause of -Almagro, who made him one of his executors. The latter portion of the -autobiography, including a long letter to the emperor on the conduct -of Hernando Pizarro, is very interesting, while the frankness of Don -Alonzo’s confessions as regards his own motives is most entertaining. -_The Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman_ was translated -and edited by Clements R. Markham, C. B., and printed by the Hakluyt -Society in 1862. It had up to this time escaped notice. - -The last years of the marquis Pizarro were occupied in laying out and -building the capital of Peru, and we are indebted to the researches -of the learned Peruvian, Don Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa, for having -discovered the most detailed account of the founding and early history -of Lima among the manuscripts in the Biblioteca Colombina at Seville. -The _Historia de la Fundacion de Lima_ was written by the Jesuit -Bernabé Cobo between 1610 and 1629, and was first printed under the -superintendence of Dr. De la Rosa in the _Revista Peruana_.[1501] - -The story of the murder of Pizarro is told in the general histories, -and there are some additional particulars in Montesinos. A very -laudatory life of the marquis, which, however, contains the results -of original research, is contained in the _Varones Ilustres del Nuevo -Mundo_, by Fernando Pizarro y Orellana (Madrid, 1639). This work also -contains Lives of Pizarro’s brothers and of Almagro.[1502] - -But by far the best life of Pizarro, both as regards literary merit -and conscientious research, is contained in the _Vidas de Españoles -Celebres_ by Don Manuel Josef Quintana.[1503] Quintana also gives the -texts of the original agreement (1526) between Pizarro, Almagro, and -Luque, and of the capitulation (July 26, 1529, at Toledo) between Queen -Juana and Pizarro. These documents are also given by Prescott in the -Appendix to the second volume of his _Conquest of Peru_.[1504] - -After the assassination of Pizarro, the licentiate Vaca de Castro, -having defeated the younger Almagro, succeeded as governor of Peru, -and the history of his rule is told in his own letters. The first is -to the emperor, reporting his arrival at Santo Domingo, and is very -brief. The second, also to the emperor, is from Quito, and announces -the assassination of Pizarro and the rebellion of Almagro the lad. -The third is addressed to the emperor from Cusco, after the battle of -Chupas, and is a straightforward statement of his proceedings. The -fourth is a long letter from Cusco to his wife on private affairs. -There is also a long letter on the revolt of young Almagro and the -battle of Chupas from the municipality of Cusco to the emperor. These -letters are included in the great official volume of _Cartas de Indias_ -published at Madrid in 1877, pp. 463-521. The _Vida y elojio del -licenciado Vaca de Castro, Gobernador del Peru_, was written by Antonio -de Herrera, the chronicler of the Indies.[1505] - -A good historian accompanied the ill-fated viceroy Blasco Nuñez de Vela -to Lima. Augustin de Zarate was comptroller of accounts for Castile, -and was sent out with the first viceroy to examine into the financial -affairs of Peru. He collected notes and materials during his residence -at Lima, and began the compilation of a history from the discovery by -Pizarro to the departure of Gasca, when he returned to Spain. He had -access to the best official sources of information, and his work is -not without value; but he was strongly prejudiced, and his style is -tedious and inelegant. He assigns as the reason for not having begun -his narrative in Peru, that Carbajal had threatened any one who should -attempt to record his exploits. In the earlier portions he relied on -the testimony of the actors still living; but for the later part he -was himself a spectator and actor. He had not intended to publish it -in his lifetime; but the commendation of the emperor, to whom it was -shown, induced him to depart from his purpose. The original manuscript -of Zarate is or was preserved at Simancas; and Muñoz has disclosed -how the printed volume differs considerably from it, in suppressing -things too frankly stated, and in taking on a literary flavor not in -the draft. Muñoz supposed that Florian d’Ocampo performed this critical -office in passing the book through the press.[1506] His _Historia -del Descubrimiento y Conquista de la Provincia del Peru_ was printed -at Antwerp in 1555,[1507] and a folio edition appeared at Seville in -1577;[1508] but the best edition of Zarate is in the Barcia Collection, -vol. iii. It was included in 1853 in the _Biblioteca de Autores -Españoles_, vol. xxvi.[1509] - -A more important narrative of the civil war, which ended with the -death of the viceroy Blasco Nuñez, was written by Pedro de Cieza de -Leon, and has been recently published. Cieza de Leon landed in South -America when he was barely fifteen, in the year 1534, and during his -military service he conceived a strong desire to write an account of -the strange things that were to be seen in the new world. “Oftentimes,” -he wrote, “when the other soldiers were reposing, I was tiring myself -by writing. Neither fatigue, nor the ruggedness of the country, nor -the mountains and rivers, nor intolerable hunger and suffering have -ever been sufficient to obstruct my two duties; namely, writing, and -following my flag and my captain without fault.” In 1547 he joined -the president Gasca, and was present at the final rout of Gonzalo -Pizarro. He was many years in Peru, and he is certainly one of the -most important authorities on Ynca history and civilization, whether -we consider his peculiar advantages in collecting information, or his -character as a conscientious historian. He lived to complete a great -work, but unfortunately only a small portion of it has seen the light. -The first and second parts of the Chronicle of Cieza de Leon have been -published, but they relate to Ynca civilization and are discussed in -a chapter in the first volume of the present work. The third part, -treating of the discovery and conquest of Peru by Pizarro, is inedited, -though the manuscript is believed to have been preserved. Part IV. was -divided into five books relating the history of the civil wars of the -conquerors. Only the third book has been published in the _Biblioteca -Hispano-Ultramarina_. It was very ably edited by Don Márcos Jiménez de -la Espada (Madrid, 1877), and is entitled _La Guerra de Quito_. The -volume begins with the departure of the viceroy Blasco Nuñez de Vela -from Spain, and consists of fifty-three chapters in the first part, the -concluding portion forming a subsequent volume.[1510] - -The proceedings of the president, Pedro de la Gasca, were recorded -by himself in very full reports to the Council of the Indies, which -almost amount to official diaries. The first, dated at Santa Marta on -his way out, July 12, 1546, has been published in the official volume -of _Cartas de Indias_ (Madrid, 1877). Other published correspondence -throws light on the astute proceedings of the president while he was -at Panamá. His instructions to Lorenzo de Aldana, his letters to -Gonzalo Pizarro, and the detailed report of his agent Paniagua have -been published in the _Revista de Lima_, 1880. His report to the -Council of the Indies, when on his way to attack Gonzalo Pizarro at -Cusco (dated Andahuaylas, March 7, 1548), has not been edited. But the -Chilian historian Don Diego Barros Arana has published[1511] the long -despatch from Gasca to the Council, dated at Cusco, May 7, 1548, in -which he describes the rout of Sacsahuana, the executions of Gonzalo -Pizarro and Carbajal, and the subsequent bloody assize at Cusco. The -document frequently quoted by Prescott (in book v. chap. iii. of his -history)[1512] as _Relacion del Licenciado Gasca MS._ is an abridged -and mutilated copy of this despatch of May 7, 1548, from the Muñoz -Collection,[1513] and is preserved at Simancas. The sentence pronounced -on Gonzalo Pizarro is published in the _Revista Peruana_ (1880), from -the original manuscript of Zarate’s Chronicle.[1514] Gasca continues -his narrative in the despatches to the Council, dated at Lima, Sept. -25 and Nov. 26, 1548, which are also published by Barros Arana.[1515] -There are six other despatches of the president from Lima, dated in -1549, in the _Cartas de Indias_. The invaluable papers of the president -Gasca are not in the Archives at Seville, but have been preserved by -his family.[1516] - -But the best-known historian of the period during which the president -Gasca was in Peru was Diego Fernandez de Palencia, usually called “el -Palentino,” from the place of his birth. He went out to Peru, served -in the army which was raised to put down the rebellion of Giron, and -having collected materials for a history, he was appointed chronicler -of Peru by the viceroy Marquis of Cañete. Fernandez first wrote the -history of the rebellion of Giron, in the suppression of which he was -personally engaged; and afterwards he undertook to write a similar -account of the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro and the administration of -Gasca. Fernandez is a very painstaking writer, and no history of the -time enters so fully into detail; yet it is pleasantly written, and -the graver narrative is frequently relieved by anecdotes of personal -adventures, and by amusing incidents. He is however a thorough-going -partisan, and can see no redeeming feature in a rebellion, nothing -but evil in the acts of rebels. His book is called _Primera y Secunda -Parte de la Historia del Peru, que se mando escrebir á Diego Fernandez, -vecino de la ciudad de Palencia_. It was published at Seville in 1571 -(folio; primera parte, pp. 142; segunda parte, pp. 130). This is the -only edition.[1517] - -The first part of the work of the Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega relates -to the history and civilization of the Yncas, and is discussed in the -first volume of the present work. But the second part is a general -history of the discovery of Peru, and of the civil wars down to the -termination of the administration of the viceroy Toledo in Peru, and -to the death of the governor Loyola in Chili. Like the first part, -the second is rather a commentary than a history, for the Ynca quotes -largely from other writers, especially from the Palentino, always -carefully indicating the quotations and naming the authors. But his -memory was well stored with anecdotes that he had heard when a boy; and -with these he enlivens the narrative, while often a recollection of the -personal appearance or of some peculiarity of the historical character -whose deeds he is recording enables him to give a finishing touch to a -picture. His father was a conqueror and an actor in most of the chief -events of the time;[1518] his mother, an Ynca princess, and born in the -city of Cusco; so the future author had special advantages for storing -up information. He was born in 1539, but a few years after the conquest -and one year after the death of Almagro. He passed his school days at -Cusco, with many other half-caste sons of the conquerors, and went to -Spain in 1560, dying at Cordova in 1616. The first part of his great -work on Peru originally appeared at Lisbon in 1609, the second part at -Cordova in 1617. The second and best edition of the two parts appeared -at Madrid in 1723. The English translation of Sir Paul Rycaut (1688) is -worthless, and there has never been a complete English version of the -second part, which is entitled _Historia General del Peru_. The episode -of the expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro to the land of cinnamon (part ii. -lib. iii.) was translated by Clements R. Markham, C.B., and printed for -the Hakluyt Society in 1859.[1519] - -The licentiate Fernando Montesinos is an authority of some reputation, -but chiefly valuable for his studies of native lore. He was altogether -upwards of fifteen years in Peru. He was there a century after the -conquest. His _Memorias Antiguas Historiales_ exclusively relate to -Ynca history; but his _Annales_ contain a history of the conquest and -of subsequent events, and include some original documents, and a few -anecdotes which are not to be found elsewhere.[1520] - - * * * * * - -The authorities for the final settlement of Peru, after the crushing -of the spirit of revolt by the Marquis of Cañete, are a good deal -scattered. A learned account of the life and administration of Andres -Marquis of Cañete himself will be found in the admirable _Diccionario -Histórico-Biografico del Peru_ by General Mendiburu, published at Lima -in 1880; which also contains a Life of his successor, the licentiate -Lope Garcia de Castro. - -The viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo has left a deeper mark on the -history of Peru by his _Libro de Tasas_ and _Ordenanzas_ relating to -mines and the treatment of Indians. The transactions with reference -to the judicial murder of Tupac Amaru and the persecution of the Ynca -family are briefly related by Garcilasso de la Vega; but there is a -much more detailed account in the _Coronica Moralizada del Orden de -San Augustin en el Peru_ by Fray Antonio de la Calancha, published at -Barcelona in 1638.[1521] Calancha also gives the remorseful will of -Mancio Sierra de Leguizamo, whose life-story is fully related by Don -José Rosendo Gutierrez in the _Revista Peruana_ (tomo ii. 1880). - -The story of the capture and execution of Tupac Amaru by the viceroy -Toledo is told in very full detail by Baltasar d’Ocampo, who was an -eye-witness. His narrative has all the charm of honest truthfulness; -and yet the incidents, thus simply related, are as interesting as -the most ingeniously constructed romance. Unfortunately the story, -as told by Ocampo (_Descripcion de la Provincia de San Francisco de -Villcapampa_), has never been printed. It is among the manuscripts of -the British Museum.[1522] - -Polo de Ondegardo, the learned lawyer, was the principal adviser of -the viceroy Toledo. He arrived in Peru before the president Gasca, -and held the important posts of _corregidor_ of Potosi and of Cusco. -He had a profound knowledge of the Ynca system of government, and -his two _Relaciones_,[1523] addressed to the Marquis of Cañete and -the Conde de Nieva, discuss the land tenures, colonial policy, and -social legislation of the natives. His labors were all undertaken -with a view to adapting the best parts of the Ynca system to the new -polity to be instituted by the Spanish conquerors; and his numerous -suggestions, from this standpoint, are wise and judicious. A feeling -of sympathy for the Indians, and the evidence of a warm desire for -their welfare pervade all his writings. There is another rough draft -of a report by Polo de Ondegardo, a manuscript in the National Library -at Madrid,[1524] which contains much information respecting the -administrative system of the Yncas; and here, also, he occasionally -points out the way in which native legislation might usefully be -imitated by the conquerors. This report of Polo de Ondegardo was -translated by Clements R. Markham, C.B., and printed for the Hakluyt -Society in 1873 in the volume called _Rites and Laws of the Incas_. It -is believed that Polo de Ondegardo died at Potosi in about the year -1580. - -The other adviser of the viceroy Toledo was a man of a very different -character, a hard, relentless politician, indifferent alike to the -feelings and the physical well-being of the conquered people. Judge -Matienzo wrote a work in two parts on the condition of the people, -the _mita_, or forced labor, the tribute, the mining laws, and on the -duties of the several grades of Spanish officials. The _Gobierno de el -Peru_ of Matienzo is a manuscript in the British Museum.[1525] - -The whole body of ordinances and regulations relating to the aboriginal -people and their treatment by the conquerors is fully explained and -discussed by Dr. Don Juan de Solorzano, a profoundly learned jurist, -and member of the Council of the Indies, in his _Politica Indiana_ -(Madrid, 1648). The history of _encomiendas_ in Peru is well and ably -discussed by Enrique Torres Saldamando in the _Revista Peruana_ (vol. -ii. 1880).[1526] - -The second Marquis of Cañete, who was viceroy of Peru in the last -decade of the sixteenth century, was best known for his conduct of the -Araucanian war, when, as a young man, he was governor of Chili. That -famous war formed the subject of the epic poem of Alonzo de Ercilla, -the warrior-poet. Born at Bermeo on the shores of the Bay of Biscay, -where the house of his ancestors is still standing, Ercilla began life -as a page to the prince of Spain, and volunteered to go out and serve -against the Araucanians, when news arrived of an outbreak and the death -of Valdivia. Born in 1533, he was only twenty-one when he set out for -Chili under the command of the youthful governor Garcia Hurtado de -Mendoza. Ercilla was present at seven regular battles, and suffered -much from hardships during the harassing campaigns. He returned to -Spain in 1562, after an absence of eight years. His Araucana[1527] is -a versified history of the war, in which he describes all the events -in their order, enumerates the contending chiefs, with a few lines to -denote the character or special characteristic of each, and is minutely -accurate even in his geographical details. He tells us that much of -the poem was composed in the country, and that by the light of the -camp-fires at night he wrote down what had occurred during the day. -Ticknor looks upon the _Araucana_ as an historical rather than an epic -poem;[1528] and he considers the descriptive powers of Ercillo—except -in relation to natural scenery—to be remarkable, the speeches he puts -in the mouths of Araucanian chiefs often excellent, and his characters -to be drawn with force and distinctness. Pedro de Oña, in his _Arauco -Domado_,[1529] praises the governor, Hurtado de Mendoza, the future -Marquis of Cañete; and Lope de Vega made his Araucanian war the subject -of one of his plays. - -The Life of the viceroy Marquis of Cañete (Garcia) was written by Don -Cristóval Suarez de Figueroa, a man of some literary fame in his day. -When the marquis returned from Peru broken in health, he was treated -with neglect and ingratitude; nor had he received full justice from -Ercilla for his youthful exploits,—at least so thought his heirs when -he died in 1599; and they applied to Suarez de Figueroa to undertake -his biography, placing all the viceroy’s family and official papers in -the author’s hands. The result was the _Hechos de Don Garcia Hurtado de -Mendoza, cuarto Marques de Cañete_, which was printed in 1613.[1530] -It was reprinted in the _Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile_,—a -work published in seven volumes at Santiago in 1864, edited by Don -Diego Barros Arana. This work contains a very full account of the -administration of the marquis while he was viceroy of Peru. - -Pedro de Valdivia has written his own history of his conquest and -settlement of Chili, in his letters to the emperor, Charles V. They -are preserved in the Archives at Seville among the documents sent from -Simancas, and have been published by Claudio Gaye in his _Historia de -Chile_ (Paris, 1846), and also in the first volume of the _Coleccion -de Historiadores de Chile_ (Santiago, 1864). The first of Valdivia’s -despatches is dated from La Serena, Sept. 4, 1545, and the second from -Lima, June 15, 1548. In the third he reports fully on the state of -affairs in Chili, and refers to his own previous career. It is dated -from Concepcion, Oct. 15, 1550. There are two others, dated Concepcion, -Sept. 25, 1551, and Santiago, Oct. 26, 1552, which are short, and not -so interesting. - -Some discontented soldiers brought a series of fifty-seven accusations -against Valdivia, which were considered by the president Gasca at Lima -in October, 1548,—the result being acquittal. The _Acta de Accusacion_ -was published at Santiago in 1873 by Barros Arana, together with -Valdivia’s defence and several other important historical documents. -That accomplished Chilian historian has also edited a very interesting -letter from Pedro de Valdivia to Hernando Pizarro, dated at La Serena -on the 4th of September, 1545, which fell into the hands of the -president Gasca, and remained among his papers; and when he was at -Seville in 1859, he discovered one more unimportant letter from the -Chilian conqueror to Charles V., dated at Santiago, July 9, 1549. The -first book of the records of the Santiago municipality, called the -_Libro Becerro_, embraces the years from 1541 to 1557. It has been -published in the first volume of the _Coleccion de Historiadores de -Chile_, etc. (Santiago, 1861), and contains the appointment of Valdivia -as governor of Chili, the founding of Santiago, with the nomination of -the first municipal officers, ordinances for mines, and other important -entries. - - * * * * * - -There is thus ample original material for the opening chapter of the -history of Chili. Moreover, the first connected work on the subject -was written by one of the early conquerors. Gongora Marmolejo served -under Valdivia, and was an eye-witness of all the stirring events -of the time. His history begins at the discovery of Chili, in 1536, -and is brought down to the year 1575. Written in Santiago, it is -addressed to the president of the Council of the Indies; and though -the style is confused, and often obscure, the narrative has the merit -of impartiality, and supplies many interesting details. It also has -annexed documents, including a letter from Gonzalo Pizarro to Valdivia -giving an account of events in Peru, down to the death of Blasco Nuñez -de Vela. The _Historia de Chile_ of Gongora Marmolejo remained in -manuscript in the Biblioteca de Salazar (H. 45) until it was edited -by Don Pascual de Gayangos, in 1850, for the fourth volume of the -_Memorial Histórico Español_. It has since been published in the -_Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile_. - -The story of the surprise and death of the governor, Martin Garcia de -Loyola, and of the subsequent formidable rising of the Araucanians in -1598, was written in the form of a poem by Captain Fernando Alvarez -de Toledo. The work has no literary merit, and is only valuable as -an historical narrative. The manuscript is in the National Library -at Madrid, and it was published by Don Diego Barros Arana, in the -_Collection d’Ouvrages inédits ou rares sur L’Amérique_ (Paris, 1861). -An interesting modern account of the death of the governor Loyola, -entitled _La sorpresa de Curalava_, was written by the accomplished -Chilian, Miguel Luis Amunátegui, and published as one of his -_Naraciones Históricas_ (Santiago, 1876).[1531] - -The history of Chili, which follows Marmolejo in point of time, is -by Cordova y Figueroa, a native of the country, and a descendant of -Juan de Negrete, one of the followers of Valdivia. Cordova y Figueroa -was born at Concepcion in 1692, served with credit in a war with the -Araucanians, and is believed to have written the history between 1740 -and 1745. Beginning with the expedition of Almagro, it comes down to -the year 1717, and is the most complete history that had been written -up to that date. The manuscript was in the National Library at Madrid, -and a copy was made for the Chilian government, under the auspices of -Don Francisco S. Astaburriaga, who was then minister to Spain. It was -published in the _Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile_. - -In this review of works on the conquest and first settlement of Peru -and Chili, those which refer only to the history and civilization of -the Yncas, or to geography and natural history, have been omitted, as -they receive notice in the chapter on ancient Peru in the first volume -of this History. - -[Illustration] - - - - -EDITORIAL NOTES. - -=A.= CIEZA DE LEON.—It does not seem desirable to divide the -bibliographical record of Cieza de Leon between the present and the -first volume. His work was separated into four parts,—the _first_ -relating to the geography and description of Peru; the _second_, to -the period of the Incas; the _third_, to the Spanish Conquest; the -_fourth_, to the civil wars of the conquerors. The fate of each part -has been distinct. - -=Part I.= Prescott (_Peru_, vol. ii. p. 306) speaks of this as more -properly an itinerary or geography of Peru, presenting the country -in its moral and physical relations as it appeared to the eye of the -conquerors; and not many of them, it is probable, were so impressed -as Cieza de Leon was with the grandeur of the _cordilleras_. This, as -_Parte primera de la chronica del Peru_, was published in folio at -Seville, in 1553. In Rich’s time (1832) it was worth £5 5_s._[1532] It -was reprinted the next year (1554) at Antwerp in two distinct editions. -One, _La chronica del Peru_, in duodecimo, has the imprint of Nucio; -the other, likewise in duodecimo, is printed in an inferior manner, -and sometimes has the name of Bellero, and sometimes that of Steelsio, -as publisher. This last edition has the larger title, _Parte primera -de la chronica del Peru_, etc., and was the one used by Prescott, and -followed by Markham in the translation, _Travels of Cieza de Leon_, -published by the Hakluyt Society in 1864.[1533] - -In 1555 an Italian translation, _La prima parte de la cronica del -... Peru_, appeared at Rome, made by Agostino Cravaliz, or Augustino -di Gravalis.[1534] A second edition—_La prima parte dell’istorie del -Peru_—appeared the next year (1556) at Rome, and is found with the -names of two different publishers.[1535] - -At Venice, in 1560, appeared the _Cronica del gran regno del Peru_. -This makes a work of which the first volume is a reprint of Gravaliz’ -version of Cieza, and volumes ii. and iii. contain an Italian version -of Gomara in continuation offered by the same publisher, Ziletti, under -the title, _La seconda, terza parte delle historie dell India_.[1536] - -The English translation of Stevens (_The Seventeen Years’ Travels -of Peter de Cieza through the mighty Kingdom of Peru and the large -Provinces of Cartagena and Popayan in South America, from the City of -Panama on the Isthmus to the Frontiers of Chile_) was printed at London -in 1709, and appeared both separately and as a part of his collection -of _Voyages_. It gives only ninety-four of the one hundred and nineteen -chapters. - -=Part II.= Rich, though he had heard of this part, supposed it to have -disappeared; and it is spoken of as missing by Markham in 1864, and -by Harrisse in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ (p. 319). The manuscript of it -was meanwhile in the Escurial, preserved in a bad copy made about the -middle or end of the sixteenth century; but it is deficient in chapters -i. and ii. and in part of chapter iii. Another manuscript copy not well -done is in the Academy of History at Madrid. Lord Kingsborough had -a copy, and from this Rich had a fifth copy made, which was used by -Prescott; but it does not appear that any of these students suspected -it to be the second part of Cieza de Leon. Prescott, supposing it to -be written _by_ the president of the Council of the Indies, Sarmiento, -instead of _for_ that officer, ascribed it to him; but Kirk, Prescott’s -editor (_Peru_, vol. ii. p. 308), has recognized its identity, which -Dr. Manuel Gonzales de la Rosa established when he edited the Escurial -manuscript in 1873. This edition, though wholly printed in London, has -not been made public. Following another transcript, and correcting the -spelling, etc., Márcos Jiménez de la Espada printed it at Madrid in -1880 as vol. v. of the _Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina_. An English -translation of it was made by Mr. Markham, and published by the Hakluyt -Society in 1883. - -=Part III.= Markham reports that Espada says that this part is in -existence, but inaccessible. - -=Part IV.= Espada is cited as asserting that books i. and ii. of this -part are in existence, but inaccessible. - -A manuscript of book iii. is in the Royal Library at Madrid, in -handwriting of the middle of the sixteenth century. It covers the -period from the appointment of Blasco Nuñez as viceroy in 1543 to a -period just previous to Gasca’s departure from Panamá for Peru in 1547. -A copy of this manuscript, belonging to Uguina, passed to Ternaux, -thence to Rich, who sold it for £600 to Mr. Lenox; and it is now in the -Lenox Library. - -It has since been included under Espada’s editing in the _Biblioteca -Hispano-Ultramarina_, and was published at Madrid in 1877 as _Tercero -libro de las Guerras Civiles del Peru_.[1537] - -Books iv. (war of Huarina) and v. (war of Xaquixaguana), and two -appended commentaries on events from the founding of the _Audiencia_ to -the departure of the president, and on events extending to the arrival -of the viceroy Mendoza, are not known to exist, though Cieza refers to -them as written. These would complete the fourth part, and end the work. - -What we know of Cieza is mainly derived from himself and the brief -notice in Antonio’s _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_ (Madrid, 1788). The -writer of the foregoing chapter gives an account of Cieza’s career, as -well as it could be made out, in his translation of the _Travels_; but -he supplements that story in the introduction to his version of Part II. - - -=B.= GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA.—The _Primera parte de los Commentarios -reales_ seems to have been printed—according to the colophon at -Lisbon—in 1608, but to have been published in 1609. It has incidental -notices of Spanish-American history, though concerned mainly with -chronicles of the Incas.[1538] - -The second part, called _Historia General del Peru_, was printed at -Cordova in 1616, though most copies are dated 1617. The titles of the -two dates slightly vary. This volume is of larger size than that of -1609.[1539] - -The two parts were reprinted by Barcia at Madrid in 1722-1723.[1540] -There have been later editions of the Spanish at Madrid in 1800, and -in 1829, in four volumes, as a part of a series; _Conquista del Nuevo -Mondo_, in nine volumes, which embraced also Solis’s Mexico, Garcilasso -de la Vega’s Florida, and the Florida of Cardenas y Cano. - -Rycaut’s English _Royal Commentaries of Peru_ (London, 1688) was priced -by Rich (no. 420) in 1832 at £1 4_s._, and is not worth more now.[1541] -Markham’s English version of the first part was issued in two volumes -by the Hakluyt Society in 1869-1871. - -The French version (by J. Baudoin) of the first part was printed at -Paris in 1633 as _Le Commentaire Royal_,[1542] and of the second part -as _Histoire des Guerres Civiles_ in 1650, and again in 1658 and -1672,[1543] and at Amsterdam in 1706.[1544] A French version of the -first part was also printed at Amsterdam in 1715,[1545] and joined with -the book on Florida; another French edition appeared at Amsterdam in -1737.[1546] A new translation of this first part, made by Dalibard, was -printed in Paris in 1744.[1547] Baudoin’s version of both parts was -reissued in Paris in 1830.[1548] There was a German translation in 1798. - -An account of Garcilasso de la Vega and his ancestry is given by -Markham in the introduction to his version of the _Royal Commentaries -of the Yncas_. Another account is in the _Documentos inéditos -(España)_, vol. xvi.[1549] - -The estimate held of him by Robertson has been largely shared among the -older of the modern writers, who seem to think that Garcilasso added -little to what he borrowed from others, though we find some traces in -him of authorities now lost. The later writers are more generous in -their praise of him. Prescott quotes him more than twice as often as he -cites any other of the contemporary sources. (Cf. his _Peru_, vol. i. -p. 289.) - -Helps says that “with the exception of Bernal Diaz and Las Casas, there -is not perhaps any historical writer of that period, on the subject of -the Indies, whose loss would be more felt than that of Garcilasso de la -Vega.” - - -=C.= MEMORANDA.—An early voyage to the coast is supposed to be -indicated in an Italian tract of 1521, mentioned in the catalogue -of the Biblioteca Colombina. It is not now known, except in what -is supposed to be a German version.[1550] The first tidings (March -15, 1533) which Europe got of Pizarro’s success came from a letter -which was addressed to the emperor, probably in Spanish, though we -have no copy of it in that tongue; but it is preserved in Italian, -_Copia delle lettere del prefetto della India, la Nuova Spagna detta_, -a plaquette of two leaves, of which there is a copy in the Lenox -Library. It is supposed to have been printed at Venice.[1551] This -version is also included in the _Libro di Benedetto_ (Venice, 1534). -A German translation was printed at Nuremberg, February, 1534, as -_Newe Zeitung aus Hispanien_, of four leaves.[1552] A French issue, -_Nouvelles certaines des isles du Peru_, dated 1534, is in the British -Museum.[1553] Ticknor[1554] cites Gayangos’ references to a tractate -of four leaves, _La Conquista del Peru_, which he found in the British -Museum.[1555] - -It is not very clear to what city reference is made in a plaquette, -_Letera de la nobil cipta, novamente ritrouvata alle Indie ... data in -Peru adi. xxv de novembre, de MDXXXIIII_. An edition of the next year -(1535) is “data in Zhaual.”[1556] Marco Guazzo’s _Historie di tutte -le cose degne di memoria qual del anno MDXXIIII._, etc., published at -Venice in 1540, gives another early account.[1557] It was repeated in -the edition of 1545 and 1546. - -The _De Peruviæ regionis, inter novi orbis provincias celeberrimæ -inventione_ of Levinus Apollonius of Ghent was published at Antwerp -in 1565, 1566, 1567, for copies with these respective dates are -found;[1558] though Sabin thinks Rich and Ternaux are in error in -assigning an edition to 1565. It covers events from the discovery to -the time of Gasca and the death of Gonzalo Pizarro.[1559] It also -appeared as a third part to the German translation of Benzoni (Basle -1582). - -Ternaux-Compans in his _Voyages_ has preserved in a French version -several early chronicles of minor importance. Such is Miguel Carello -Balbóa’s _Histoire du Peru_ (in vol. xvii.), the work of one who went -to Bogota in 1566, and finished his work at Quito in 1586. It rehearses -the story of the Inca rule, not always agreeing with Garcilasso, and -only touches the Spanish Conquest as it had proceeded before the murder -of Atahualpa.[1560] Another work is the _Histoire du Pérou_ of Father -Anello Oliva, a Jesuit, who was born at Naples in 1593, came to Peru as -a Jesuit in 1597, and died at Lima in 1642. It was apparently written -before 1631; but what Ternaux affords us is only the first of the four -books which constitute the completed work.[1561] Juan de Velasco’s -_Histoire de Quito_, a work of a later day but based on the early -sources, makes volumes xviii. and xix. of Ternaux’s collection. - -Alonso de Ovalle’s historical account of Chili was issued at Rome in -1646, in Italian, as _Historica Relatione del Regno di Cile_, and -the same year at the same place in Spanish, as _Histórica Relacion -del Reyne de Chile_. Six of the eight books are given in English in -Churchill’s _Voyages_ (1732), and in Pinkerton.[1562] - -Among the minor documentary sources there is much of interest to be -found in the _Documentos inéditos (España)_, vols. v., xiii., xxvi., -xlix., l., and li. - -The Ministerio de Fomento of Peru printed at Madrid in 1881 the first -volumes—edited by Jiménez de la Espada—of _Relaciones geográficas de -Indias_. The editor supplied a learned introduction, and the volume -contained twelve documents of the sixteenth century, which were -then published for the first time;[1563] and they contribute to our -knowledge of the condition of the country during that period. - -There are other documents covering the whole course of Peruvian history -in the collection of _Documentos históricos del Peru en las epocas -del coloniage despues de la conquista y de la independencia hasta a -presente, colectados y arreglados por el coronel Manuel Odriozola_, the -first volume of which was published at Lima about twenty-five years ago -(1863). - -Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 320-322) enumerates many copies of -manuscripts preserved in New York and Boston, some of which have since -been printed. There is record of other manuscripts in New York in the -_Magazine of American History_, i. 254. - -The _Varias relaciones del Peru y Chile y Conquista de la isla de -Santa Catalina, 1535-1658 (Madrid, 1879)_[1564] constitutes vol. xiii. -of _Coleccion de libros raros ó curiosos_, which includes anonymous -manuscripts in “Relacion del sitio del Cusco, 1537-1539,” in the -“Rebelion de Giron, 1553,” and in some others of the seventeenth -century. Vol. xvi. of the same _Coleccion_ is edited by Jiménes de la -Espada, and is entitled _Memorias antiguas historiales y políticas del -Perú, por D. Fernando Montesinos, seguidas de las Informaciones acerca -del señorío de los Incas, hechas por mandado de D. Francisco de Toledo, -virey del Perú [1570-1572]_. _Madrid_, 1882. An account of the original -which this edition of the work of Montesinos follows is given in the -preface. The editor criticises the translation by Henri Ternaux-Compans -in his Mémoires historiques sur l’ancien Pérou (forming part of his -_Voyages_), Paris, 1840.[1565] - -[Illustration: PRESCOTT’S LIBRARY.] - -Leclerc in 1878[1566] offered for 2,500 francs an unprinted manuscript -containing the military Lives of Pedro Alvarez de Holguin and Martin -de Almendral (Almendras), consisting of depositions respecting their -services by eye-witnesses, taken in pursuance of a claim by their -families for the possession of titles and property, their ancestors -having been among the conquerors. - -The most conspicuous writers upon Peruvian history in English are -Prescott, Helps, and Markham,—the first two as the historians of the -Conquest, and the third as an annotator of the original sources and -an elucidator of controverted points. Prescott’s _Conquest of Peru_ -was published in 1843. He had been fortunate enough to secure copies -from the manuscript stores which Muñoz had gathered, and Navarrete -allowed his collections to be gleaned for the American’s use. He did -not fail of the sympathy and support of Ternaux and of Gayangos. The -ingenious and active assistance of Obadiah Rich secured him a good -share of the manuscripts of the Kingsborough Collection when that was -scattered. The _Conquest of Peru_ was promptly translated into Spanish, -and published at Madrid in 1847-1848; and again in a version supposed -to have been made by Icazbalceta. It was printed at Mexico in 1849. A -French translation was introduced to the world by Amédée Pichot, and -the English on the continent were soon able to read it in their own -tongue under a Paris imprint. The Dutch and German people were not -long without versions in their vernaculars. Since Mr. Prescott’s death -the revision, which the American reader was long kept from (owing to -the obstructions to textual improvements imposed by the practice of -stereotyping), was made by Mr. Kirk, who had been Prescott’s secretary; -and the new edition, with that gentleman’s elucidatory and corrective -notes, appeared at Philadelphia in 1874. - -As was the case with the hero of Mexico, the chapters in Helps’s -_Spanish Conquest_ on the conqueror of Peru have, since the publication -of that book, been extracted and fitted newly together under the title -of _The Life of Pizarro, with some account of his Associates in the -Conquest of Peru_, published in London in 1869. Pizarro is not, under -Helps’s brush, the abhorrent figure of some other historians. “He is -always calm, polite, dignified,” he says. “He was not one of the least -admirable of the conquerors.” - -Mr. Markham, referring to a visit which he made to Prescott, says: “He -it was who encouraged me to undertake my Peruvian investigations and to -persevere in them. To his kindly advice and assistance I owe more than -I can say, and to him is due, in no small degree, the value of anything -I have since been able to do in furtherance of Peruvian research.” The -first fruit of Mr. Markham’s study was his _Cusco and Lima_ in 1856. -Three years later (1859) he was sent by the British Government to -superintend the collection of cinchona plants and seeds (quinine) in -Peru, and to introduce them into India. In pursuit of this mission, he -formed the acquaintance with the country which was made public in his -_Travels in Peru and India_ in 1862. In 1880 he epitomized his great -knowledge in a useful little handbook on _Peru_, which was published in -London in the series of _Foreign Countries and British Colonies_. His -greatest aid to the historian has come, however, from the annotations -given by him to numerous volumes of the Hakluyt Society, which he -has edited, and in his communications to the _Journal of the Royal -Geographical Society_. - -The Peruvian story is but an incidental feature of Hubert H. Bancroft’s -_Central America_, where Alvarado’s report of May 12, 1535, and -other documents which fell into that author’s hands with the Squier -manuscripts afford in part the basis of his narrative, vol. ii. chap. -vii. Bancroft accounts Pizarro himself the most detestable man in the -Indies after Pedrárias. He collates the authorities on many disputed -points, and is a valuable assistant, particularly for the relations -of operations on the isthmus to those in Peru,—such as the efforts -of Gonzalo Pizarro to make the isthmus the frontier of his Peruvian -government, and Gasca’s method of breaking through it. In his chapter -on “Mines and Mining” in his _Mexico_ (vol. iii.) he incidentally -recapitulates the story of the wealth which was extracted from Peru. - -The dignified and well-balanced story as told in Robertson’s _America_ -(book vi.) is not without use to-day, and his judgment upon authorities -(note cxxv.) is usually sound. He has of course fallen behind that -sufficiency which Dr. Smyth found in him, when he gave his _Lectures on -Modern History_ (lecture xxi.). The latter writer reflected an opinion -not yet outgrown when he says that “Pizarro was, after all, a vulgar -conqueror, and is from the first detested, though he seizes upon our -respect, and retains it in defiance of ourselves, from the powerful -and decisive nature of his courage and of his understanding.” - -The latest English summarized view of the Conquest will be found in R. -G. Watson’s _Spanish and Portuguese South America during the Colonial -Period_ (London, 1884). The author lived in South America about twenty -years ago, in various parts, as a diplomatic agent of the English -government. - - - - -THE - -AMAZON AND ELDORADO. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -IN 1528, in order to follow up the explorations of Ojeda and others on -the coast of Venezuela the Emperor had agreed with the great German -mercantile house of the Velsers to protect a colony to be sent by -them to found cities and to mine on this northern coast.[1567] This -was the origin of the expedition led by Ambrosio de Alfinger to find -a fabulous golden city, of which reports of one kind and another -pervaded the Spanish settlements along the coast. It was in 1530 that -Alfinger started inland. This march produced the usual story of perfidy -and cruelty practised upon the natives, and of attack and misery -experienced by the invaders. Alfinger died on the way, and after two -years (in 1532) what was left of his followers found their way back to -the coast. - -Meanwhile an expedition inland had started under Diego Ordaz in 1531, -by way of the Orinoco; but it had failed, its leader being made the -victim of a mutiny. One of his officers, Martinez, being expelled from -the force for misbehavior, wandered away until he fell into the hands -of people who blindfolded him and led him a great way to a city, where -the bandage was removed from his eyes. Here they led him for a day and -night through its streets till they came to the palace of Inga their -Emperor, with whom being handsomely entertained he stayed eight months, -when, being allowed to return, he came down the Orinoco to Trinidad, -and thence to Porto Rico, where, when dying, he told this tale of -Manoa, as he called the city. He was the first, the story goes, to -apply the name of Eldorado to the alluring kingdom in the depths of the -continent. This is the pretended story as Raleigh sixty years later -learned from a manuscript which Berreo the Governor of Trinidad showed -to him.[1568] - -Again, the Germans made another attempt to penetrate the country and -its mystery. George of Spires, under the imperial sanction, coming from -Spain with four hundred men, started inland from Coro in 1534. He -succeeded in penetrating about fifteen hundred miles, and returned with -the survivors in 1538. - -A lieutenant had played him false. Nicolaus Federmann[1569] had been -disappointed in not getting the command of the expedition, but being -made second, was instructed to follow after his chief with supplies. -Federmann avoided making a junction with George, and wandered at the -head of about two hundred men, who were faithful to him, seeking -glory on his own account, till after three years of labor he emerged -in April, 1539, from the mountain passes upon the plains of Bogotá. -Two years before this (in 1537) Gonzalo Ximenes Quesada, following up -the Magdalena River, had arrived on the same plateau, and completed -the conquest of New Granada. The year following (1538), Sebastian -de Belalcazar, marching north from Quito, had reached the same -point.[1570] - -[Illustration: QUESADA. - -Cf. Markham’s _Travels of Cieza de Leon_, p. 110; and his _Narrative of -Andagoya_, p. xxv.] - -Thus the three explorers from three directions came together. They -joined forces and descended the Magdalena to Santa Martha, where Pedro -Fernandez de Lugo, the associate of Quesada, died, while Quesada -himself proceeded to Spain to obtain the government of the newly -discovered region. Meanwhile Hernan Perez, a brother of Quesada, being -left in command in Bogotá, committed the usual cruel excesses upon the -Chibchas, but finally left them, to follow another adventurer who had -arrived in the track of Federmann, with the same stories of the golden -city. So the recreant Governor joined the new-comer Montalvo de Lugo, -and together they marched eastward on their golden quest. He returned -to Bogotá in a year’s time, wiser but not happier. - -Meanwhile a new expedition was forming on the Venezuela side. Among the -followers of George of Spires had been one Philip von Huten,[1571] who -after George’s death, and when Rodrigo Bastidas had succeeded him, was -made the commander of an expedition which left Coro in 1541 by vessels, -and, prepared for an inland march, landed at Barburata. The next spring -he got on the track of Quesada and resolved to follow it; but the -expedition only journeyed in a circle, and after suffering all sorts of -hardships found itself at the point of setting out. Huten, undaunted, -again started with a smaller force. He encountered and made friends of -the Uaupe Indians, and under their guidance proceeded against the towns -of the Omaguas, where they encountered resistance; and Huten being -wounded, the invaders retreated, and brought to an end another search -for Eldorado. The expedition had added a new synonym, Omaguas, for the -attractive lure. - -[Illustration: SKETCH MAP, AMAZON AND ELDORADO.] - -Huten, on his return to Coro, found that Carbajal had seized the -government. This brutal soldier now executed Huten, and held his -iniquitous sway until the licentiate Juan Perez de Tolosa arrived -with the imperial authority in 1546, when Carbajal was in turn put to -death. Thus ended the German efforts at South American discovery on -this side of the continent. - -Meanwhile Gonzalo Ximenes Quesada’s visit to Spain had failed in -making him the Governor of New Granada, as he had hoped. Luis Alonzo -de Lugo, the son of Quesada’s associate, was the successful applicant -for the position. The new Governor arrived in 1542, but a _residencia_ -interrupted his career, and Pedro de Ursua, a nephew of Armendariz, -the judge who had taken the _residencia_, was sent to Bogotá to take -charge. Thence his patron sent him on the old quest for the rivers -flowing over golden sands. He failed to find Eldorado; but he founded -the city of Pampluna in the wilds, and ruled its stately lots for two -years. Then Armendariz had his downfall in turn, and Pedro de Ursua in -1549 found favor enough with those who then administered the government -to get command of another expedition to Eldorado, during which he -founded another city, which he had to abandon in 1552 because the -natives attacked it so persistently. Next, Pedro was put in command of -Santa Martha, and began to fight the Indians thereabout; but seeking a -larger field, he started for Peru. His fame was sufficient to induce -the authorities at Panamá to engage him to quell the Cimarrones, who -infested the Isthmus. In two years Ursua accomplished this task, and -then went on to Peru, where at Lima, in 1559, the new viceroy Cañete -appointed him to lead a well-equipped expedition to Eldorado and the -Omaguas. If the fabled city should not be reached, the quest for it -would draw away from Cañete’s province the prowling ruffians whom the -cessation of the civil wars had left among the settlements. But it was -thought the quest was more likely to be successful than any previous -one had been, since Viraratu, a coast chieftain of Brazil, had with two -Portuguese recently ascended the Amazon, and had confirmed to Cañete -the old stories of a hidden lake and its golden city. - -Pedro de Ursua started in boats down the Huallaga to the Marañon, and -so on to the neighborhood of Machiparo. At this point, on New Year’s -day, 1561, conspirators murdered Ursua, threw off allegiance to Spain, -and made Fernando de Guzman their sovereign. One Lope de Aguirre was -the leader of the insurrection, and it was not long before Guzman -paid the penalty of his life in turn, and Aguirre became supreme. The -conspirators went on to the mouth of the Negro, but from this point -authorities differ as to their course. Humboldt and Southey supposed -they still kept to the Amazon until they reached the sea. Acuña, -Simon, Acosta, and among the moderns Markham, suppose they ascended -the Negro, crossed by the Cassiquiari canal to the Orinoco, and so -passed on to the ocean; or if not by this route, by some of the rivers -of Guiana. Mr. Markham[1572] balances the testimony. Once on the -ocean, at whatever point, Aguirre steered his vessels for the north -and west till they came to the island of Margarita, then colonized by -the Spanish. Having seized this settlement, Aguirre led his followers -across the intervening waters to Venezuela, with the aim of invading -and conquering New Granada; but in due time a Spanish force led by -Gutierrez de la Peña confronted the traitor and his host, and overthrew -them. Many of Aguirre’s men had deserted him; when killing his own -daughter, that she might not survive to be stigmatized as a traitor’s -child, he was set upon and despatched by his conquerors. - -The earliest account of the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre is a -manuscript in the Royal library at Madrid written by one of the -company, Francisco Vasquez, who remained with Aguirre under protest -till he reached Margarita. Vasquez’s story was a main dependence -of Pedro Simon, in the sixth of the _Primera parte de las Noticias -historiales de las Conquistas de Tierra Firme en las Indias -Occidentales_, published at Cuenca in 1627. Simon, who was born in -Spain in 1574, had come to Bogotá in 1604, in time to glean much from -men still living. After many years of gathering notes, he began to -write his book in 1623. Only one part, which included the affairs of -Venezuela and the expedition of Ursua and Aguirre, was printed. Two -other parts are in existence; and Colonel J. Acosta, in his _Compendio -histórico del descubrimiento y colonizacion de la Nueva Granada en el -siglo décimo sexto_, published at Paris in 1848, made use of them, and -says they are the most valuable recital of the sixteenth century in -existence which relates to these regions.[1573] The account of Simon, -so far as it relates to the expedition of Ursua, has been translated by -William Bollaert, and properly annotated by Mr. Markham; it constitutes -the volume published by the Hakluyt Society in 1861, called _The -Expedition of Pedro de Ursua and Lope de Aguirre in search of Eldorado -and Omagua in 1560-1561_. It has a map which marks the alternative -courses of Aguirre.[1574] - -[Illustration: CASTELLANOS. - -A fac-simile of the portrait in his _Elegias_, p. 10.] - -The main dependence of Simon, besides the manuscript of Vasquez, was a -metrical chronicle by Juan de Castellanos, _Elegias de Varones ilustres -de Indias_, the first part of which, containing, besides the accounts -of Ursua and Aguirre, the exploits of Columbus, Ponce de Leon, Garay, -and others, was printed at Madrid in 1589.[1575] De Bry makes use of -this versified narrative in the eighth part of his _Grand Voyages_. -Castellanos’ first part is reprinted in the _Biblioteca de Autores -Españoles_, 1847-1850, where are also to be found the second and third -parts, printed there for the first time. The text is there edited by -Buenaventura Carlos Aribau. Ercilla has recorded his opinion of the -faithfulness of Castellanos, but Colonel Acosta thinks him inexact. -These second and third parts recount the adventures of the Germans in -their search for Eldorado, and record the conquests of Cartagena by -Lugo, of Popayan by Belalcazar, and of Antischia. A fourth part, which -gave the conquest of New Granada, though used by Piedrahita, is no -longer known. - -Castellanos could well have derived his information, as he doubtless -did, from men who had made part of the exploits which he celebrates; -and as regards the mad pranks of Aguirre, such is also the case with -another contemporary account, preserved in the National Library at -Madrid, which was written by Toribio de Ortiguera, who was at Nombre de -Dios in 1561, and sent forces against Aguirre when that conspirator was -on his Venezuela raid. The story written from the survivors’ recitals -does not materially differ from that of Vasquez. He gives also a short -account of the expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro and Orellana, later to be -mentioned. - -Lucas Fernandez Piedrahita was a native of Bogotá, and, like Garcilasso -de la Vega, had the blood of the Incas in his veins. He became a -priest, and was successively Bishop of Santa Martha and of Panamá, and -after having lived a life of asceticism, and been at one time a captive -of the buccaneers, he died at Panamá in 1688, at the age of seventy. He -depended chiefly in his _Historia General de las Conquistas del nuevo -Reyno de Granada_,[1576] on the _Compendio_ of Ximenes de Quesada, no -longer known, the Elegias of Castellanos, and the Noticia of Simon. He -borrows liberally from Simon, and says but little of Aguirre till he -lands in Venezuela. Aguirre’s career in the _Historia de la Conquista y -poblacion de Venezuela_ of Oviedo y Baños is in like manner condensed -from Simon, and is confined also to his final invasion of the main. The -book is rare, and Markham says that in 1861 even the British Museum -had no copy.[1577] The general historians, De la Vega, Herrera, and -Acosta, give but scant accounts of the Ursua expedition. Markham[1578] -points out the purely imaginative additions given to Aguirre’s story in -Gomberville’s translation of Acuña, misleading thereby not a few later -writers. Much the same incorrectness characterizes the recitals in the -_Viage_ of the Ulloas, in Velasco’s _Historia de Quito_ (1789). - - * * * * * - -The faithlessness of Orellana and his fifty followers in deserting -Gonzalo Pizarro in 1540, while this leader was exploring the forests -of the Cinnamon country, is told in another place. Orellana, as has -been said, was sent forward in an improvised bark to secure food for -Pizarro’s famished followers, but was tempted to pursue the phantom -of golden discovery. This impulse led him to follow the course of the -river to the sea. It gave him the distinction of being the discoverer -of the weary course of the great Amazon. In his intercourse with some -of the river Indians he heard or professed to hear of a tribe of women -warriors whom it was easy, in recognition of the classic story, to name -the Amazons. At one of the native villages on the river the deserters -built themselves a stancher craft than they had escaped in; and so -they sailed on in a pair of adventurous barks, fighting their way -past hostile villages, and repelling attacks of canoes, or bartering -with such of the Indians as were more peaceful. In one of the fights, -when Orellana landed his men for the conflict, it is affirmed that -women led the native horde. From a prisoner they got signs which they -interpreted to mean that they were now in the region of the female -warriors, and not far from all the fabled wealth of which they were in -search. But the marks of the tide on the banks lured them on with the -hope of nearing the sea. They soon got unmistakable signs of the great -water, and then began to prepare their frail crafts for encountering -its perils. They made sails of their cloaks. On the 26th of August they -passed into the Atlantic. They had left the spot where the river Napo -flows into the Amazon on the last day of December, 1541; and now, after -a voyage of nearly eight months, they spread their sails and followed -the coast northward. The vessels parted company one night, but they -reached the island of Cubagua within two days of each other. Here they -found a Spanish colony, and Orellana was not long in finding a passage -to Spain. The story he had to tell was a thrilling one for ears eager -for adventure, and a joyous one for such as listened for the tales of -wealth. Orellana might be trusted to entrap both sorts of listeners. - -The King was the best of listeners. He gave Orellana a commission to -conquer these fabulous countries, and in May, 1544, Orellana sailed -with four ships and four hundred men. Misfortune followed him speedily, -and only two of his vessels reached the river. Up they went for a -hundred leagues or so; but it was quite different making headway -against the current from floating down it, as he had done before. -His men died; his vessels were stranded or broken up; he himself -became ill, and at last died. This ended the attempt; and such of his -followers as could, made their way back to Spain; and New Andalusia, as -the country was to be named, remained without a master. - -Of the expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro there is no account by any -one engaged in it; but we have the traditions of the story told by -Garcilasso de la Vega in the second part, book third, of the _Royal -Commentaries_, and this account is put into English and annotated -by Mr. Markham in the _Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons_, -published by the Hakluyt Society in 1859,—and to this book its editor -contributes a summary of the later explorations of the valley. -Orellana’s desertion and his experiences are told by Herrera in his -_Historia General_; and this, which Markham calls the best account -possessed by us, is also translated by him in the same publication. -Wallace, in his _Amazon and Rio Negro_, has of late years suggested -that the woman-like apparel of the men, still to be found among the -tribes of the upper Amazon, gave rise to the belief in the story of the -female warriors.[1579] - - * * * * * - -The form which the story of Eldorado oftener took, and which it -preserved for many years, gave representation of a large inland sea, -called finally Parima, and of a golden city upon it called Manoa, the -reminiscences of Martinez’s tale. Somehow, as Mr. Markham thinks, these -details were evolved in part out of a custom prevalent on the plains -of Bogotá, where a native chief is said to have gilded himself yearly, -and performed some rites in a large lake. All this array of wealth was -clustered, in the imagination of the conquerors of northern Peru, about -the fabled empire of the Omaguas; and farther south the beckoning -names were Paytiti and Enim. Whatever the names or details, the -inevitable greed for gold in the mind of the Spanish invaders was quite -sufficient to evolve the phantom from every impenetrable region of the -New World. In 1566 Martin de Proveda followed in the track of Ursua; -but sweeping north, his men dropped by the way, and a remnant only -reached Bogotá. He brought back the same rumors of rich but receding -provinces. - -In 1568 the Spanish Government mapped out all this unknown region -between two would-be governors. Pedro Malaver de Silva was to have -the western part, and Diego Fernando de Cerpa to have the eastern as -far as the mouths of the Orinoco. Both of the expeditions which these -ambitious heroes led came to nothing beyond their due share of trials -and aimless wandering; and one of the leaders, Silva, made a second -attempt in 1574, equally abortive, as the one survivor’s story proved -it to be. - -[Illustration: THE MOUTHS OF THE ORINOCO. - -This is a portion of the map given by Schomburgk in his edition of -_Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, published by the Hakluyt Society in -1848.] - -Markham says that the last expedition to achieve any important -geographical discovery was that of Antonio de Berreo in 1582. He had -received by right the adventurous impulse, through his marriage with -the daughter or heiress of Gonzalo Ximenes de Quesada. He followed -down the Cassanare and the Meta, and pursued the Orinoco to its mouth. -The English took up the quest when Raleigh sent Jacob Whiddon in 1594 -to explore the Orinoco. Berreo, who was now the Spanish governor of -Trinidad, threw what obstacles in the way he could; and when Raleigh -arrived with his fleet in 1595, the English leader captured the -troublesome Spaniard, and was confirmed in his belief, by what Berreo -told him, that he could reach the goal. This lure was the lying account -of Juan Martinez, already mentioned. The fortunes of Raleigh have -been told elsewhere,[1580] and the expeditions which he conducted or -planned, says Markham, may be said to close the long roll of searches -after the fabulous Eldorado. - -Nearly the whole of the northern parts of South America had now been -thridded by numerous adventuring parties, but without success in this -fascinating search. There still remained an unknown region in Central -Guiana, where were plains periodically inundated by the overflow of the -Rupununi, Essequibo, and Branco (Parima) rivers. Here must Eldorado be; -and here the maps, shortly after this, placed the mysterious lake and -its auriferous towers of Manoa down to a comparatively recent time. -According to Humboldt[1581] and Schomburgk,[1582] it was after the -return of Raleigh’s and Keymis’s expedition that Hondius was the first -in his _Nieuwe Caerte van het goudreyke landt Guiana_ (1599),[1583] to -introduce the Laguna Parima with its city Manoa in a map. He placed -it between 1° 45´ and 2° north latitude, and made it larger than the -Caspian Sea. - -We find the lake also in the _Nieuwe Wereldt_ of De Laet in 1630, -and in the editions of that year in other languages. Another Dutch -geographer, Jannson, also represented it. Sanson, the French -geographer, puts it one degree north of the equator in his _Terre -Ferme_ in 1656, and is particular enough to place Manoa at the -northwest corner of a squarish inland sea; but he omits it in his -chart of the Amazons in 1680. We find the lake again in Heylin’s -_Cosmographie_ of 1663, and later editions; in Blaeu’s _Atlas_ in -1685. Delisle omits the lake in 1703, but gives a legend in French, as -Homann does in his map in Latin, “In hac regione aliqui ponunt lacum -Parima urbemque Manoa del Dorado.” In another of Delisle’s maps a -small lake appears with the legend: “Guiane proprement dite ou Dorado, -dans laquelle quelques-uns mettent le lac Parime.” We have it again in -the map in Herrera, edition of 1728; and in 1729. Moll, the English -geographer, likewise shows it. In the middle of the century (1760) the -maps of Danville preserve the lake, though he had omitted it in an -earlier edition; and the English edition, improved by Bolton in 1755, -still continues it, as does an Italian edition (Venice) in 1779. The -original Spanish of Gumilla’s _El Orinoco_ (2d edition, Madrid, 1745) -has a map which gives the lake, and it is repeated in the French -edition at Avignon in 1758, and in a later Spanish one at Barcelona in -1781. Kitchen’s map, which was prepared for Robertson’s _History of -America_, again shows it; and it is in the centre of a great water -system in the large map of La Cruz, made by order of the King of -Spain in 1775, which was re-engraved in London the same year. It is -also represented in the maps in the _Historia de la nueva Andalucia_, -of Antonio Caulin,[1584] Madrid, 1779, and in the _Saggio di Storia -Americana_, Rome, 1780. Conrad Mannert’s map, published at Nuremberg in -1803, gives it; as do the various editions of François Depons’ _Voyage -dans l’Amerique méridionale_, Paris, 1806. The lake here is given under -thirty degrees north latitude, and Manoa is put at the northeast corner -of it. - -[Illustration: DE LAET, 1630.] - -The same plate was used for the English version “by an American -gentleman,” published in New York in 1806; while the translation -published in London in 1807, apparently the same with a few verbal -changes, has a like configuration on a map of reduced scale. One of the -latest preservations of the myth is the large map published in London -by Faden in 1807, purporting to be based on the studies of D’Arcy de la -Rochette, where the inland sea is explained by a legend: “Golden Lake, -or Lake Parime, called likewise Parana Pitinga,—that is, White Sea,—on -the banks of which the discoverers of the sixteenth century did place -the imaginary city of Manoa del Dorado.” I have seen it in German maps -as late as 1814, and the English geographer, Arrowsmith, kept it in his -maps in his day.[1585] - -It was left for Humboldt to set the seal of disbelief firmly upon -the story.[1586] Schomburgk says that the inundations of extensive -savannas during the tropical winter gave rise, no doubt, to the fable -of the White Sea, assisted by an ignorance of the Indian language. -Nevertheless, as late as 1844, Jacob A. van Heuvel, in his _Eldorado, -being a Narrative of the Circumstances which gave rise to Reports in -the Sixteenth Century of the Existence of a Rich and Splendid City -in South America_, published in New York, clung to the idea; and he -represents the lake somewhat doubtingly as in 4° north, and between 60° -and 63° west, in the map accompanying his book. - - * * * * * - -Later in the seventeenth century the marvellous story took on -another guise. It was remembered that after the conquest of Peru a -great emigration of Inca Indians had taken place easterly beyond -the mountains, and in the distant forests it was reputed they had -established a new empire; and the names of Paytiti and Enim, already -mentioned, were attached to these new theatres of Inca magnificence. -Stories of this fabulous kingdom continued to be hatched well on into -the eighteenth century, and not a few expeditions of more or less -imposing strength were sent to find this kingdom. It never has been -found; but, as Mr. Markham thinks, there is some reason to believe that -the Inca Indians who fled with Tapac Amaru into the forests may for a -considerable period have kept up their civilization somewhere in those -vast plains east of the Andes. The same writer says that the belief was -not without supporters when he was in Peru in 1853; and he adds that it -is a pleasant reflection that this story may possibly be true.[1587] - -The most considerable attempt of the seventeenth century to make better -known the course of the Amazon was the expedition under Texeira, -sent in 1639 to see if a practicable way could be found to transport -the treasure from Peru by the Amazon to the Atlantic coast. Acuña’s -book on this expedition, _Nuevo descubrimiento del gran Rio de las -Amazons_,[1588] published at Madrid in 1641, is translated in Markham’s -_Valley of the Amazons_, published by the Hakluyt Society. It was not -till 1707, when Samuel Fritz, a Bohemian and a missionary, published -his map of the Amazons at Quito, that we find something better than the -vaguest delineation of the course of the great river.[1589] - - * * * * * - -It is not the purpose of the present essay to continue the story of -the explorations of the Amazon into more recent times; but a word may -be spared for the strange and sorrowful adventures along its stream, -which came in the train of the expedition that was sent out by the -French Government in 1735 to measure an arc of the meridian in Peru, -for comparing the result with a similar measurement in Lapland. The -object was to prove or to disprove the theory of Sir Isaac Newton that -the earth was flattened at the poles. The commissioners—Bouguer, La -Condamine, and Godin (the last accompanied by his wife)—arrived at -Quito in June, 1736. The arc was measured; but the task did not permit -them to think of returning before 1743, when La Condamine resolved to -return by descending the Amazon and then making his way to the French -colony of Cayenne. He and his companion, a Spanish gentleman seeking -some adventure, had their full content of it, but safely accomplished -the journey. - -Another of the commissioners, Godin, having tarried a few years longer -in Peru, had finally proceeded to Cayenne, where he made arrangements -for embarking for France. Through the favor of the Portuguese -Government he had been provided with a galiot of sixteen to twenty oars -on a side, to ascend the river and meet his wife, who on receiving -a message from him was to leave Peru with an escort and come down -the river and meet him. Illness finally prevented the husband from -proceeding; but he despatched the vessel, having on board one Tristan, -who was charged with a letter to send ahead. By some faithlessness -in Tristan, the letter miscarried; but Madame Godin sent a trusty -messenger in anticipation, who found the galiot at Loreto awaiting -her arrival, and returned with the tidings. The lady now started with -her father and two brothers; and they allowed a certain Frenchman who -called himself a physician to accompany them, while her negro servant, -who had just returned over the route, attended them, as well as three -Indian women and thirty Indian men to carry burdens. They encountered -the small-pox among the river Indians, when their native porters -deserted them. They found two other natives, who assisted them in -building a boat; but after two days upon it these Indians also deserted -them. They found another native, but he was shortly drowned. Then their -boat began to leak and was abandoned. On pretext of sending assistance -back, the French physician, taking with him the negro, pushed on to -a settlement; but he forgot his promise, and the faithful black was -so impeded in attempting alone the task of rescue, that he arrived at -the camp only to find unrecognizable corpses. All but the lady had -succumbed. She pushed on alone through the wilderness, encountering -perils that appall as we read; but in the end, falling in with two -Indians, she passed on from one mission station to another, and reached -the galiot. - -Thus a hundred years later than Orellana, the great river still flowed -with a story of fearful hazards and treachery. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -MAGELLAN’S DISCOVERY. - -BY REV. EDWARD E. HALE, D.D. - - -FERNANDO DA MAGALHAENS, or Magalhâes, whom the French and English call -Magellan, was a Portuguese gentleman of good family. He was educated, -as well as his time knew how to educate men, for the business which he -followed through his life,—that of a navigator and a discoverer. He was -a child when Columbus first came home successful from the West Indies; -and as a boy and young man he grew up, in the Court of King John the -Second of Portugal, among people all alive to the exciting novelties -of new adventure. As early as 1505 he went to the East Indies, where -he served the Portuguese Government several years. He was in the -expedition which first discovered the Spice Islands of Banda, Amboyna, -Ternate, and Tidor. Well acquainted with the geography of the East as -far as the Portuguese adventurers had gone, he returned to Portugal. - -King Emmanuel was then upon the throne. Spain owes it to an unjust -slight which Magellan received at the Portuguese Court, that, under her -banner, this greatest of seamen sailed round the world and solved the -problem of ages in reaching the east by way of the west. Magellan was -in the service of the King in Morocco in a war which the Portuguese had -on hand there. He received a slight wound in his knee, which made him -lame for the rest of his life. Returning to Portugal, on some occasion -when he was pressing a claim for an allowance customary to men of his -rank, he was refused, and charged with pretending to an injury which -was really cured. Enraged at this insult, he abandoned his country. He -did this in the lordly style which seems in keeping with a Portuguese -grandee of his time. He published a formal act of renunciation of -Portugal. He went to Spain and took letters of naturalization there. In -the most formal way he announced that he was a subject of the King of -Spain, and should give service and life to that monarch, if he would -use them. - -Magellan had a companion in his exile; this was Ruy Faleiro, a -gentleman of Lisbon, who had also fallen into disgrace at Court. -Faleiro,[1590] like Magellan, was a thorough geographer; and the two -had persuaded themselves that the shortest route to the Spice Islands -of the East was to be found in crossing the Western Ocean. We know -now, that in this conviction they were wrong. Any ordinary map of the -eastern hemisphere includes the Spice Islands or Moluccas, as well -as Portugal, because the distance in longitude east from Lisbon is -less than that of the longitude measured west. It has been proved, -also, that the continent of America extends farther south than that of -Africa. This, Magellan and Faleiro did not know; but they were willing -to take the risk of it. Spain has always held the Philippines,—the -prize which she won as the reward of Magellan’s great discovery,—under -the treaty of 1494, which gave to her half the world beyond the -meridian of three hundred and seventy leagues west from Ferro. She has -held it because Magellan sailed west, and so struck the Philippines; -but, in fact, those islands lie within the half of the world which the -same treaty gave to Portugal. - -[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF MAGELLAN.] - -By mistake or by design, the Philippines, when they were discovered, -were moved on the maps twenty-five degrees east of their true position -on the globe. The Spaniards made the maps. The islands were thus -brought within their half of the world; and this immense error was not -corrected till the voyages of Dampier.[1591] - -Charles V. was no fool. He recognized at once the value of such men -as Magellan and Faleiro. He heard and accepted their plan for a -western voyage to the spice regions. On the 22d of March, 1518, he -bound himself to fit out an expedition at his own cost on their plans, -under Magellan’s orders, on condition that the principal part of -the profits should belong to the Throne. Through years of intrigue, -public and private, in which the Spanish jealousy of Sevillian -merchants and others tried to break up the expedition, Charles was, -for once, faithful to a promise. We must not attempt here to follow -the sad history of such intrigues. On the 10th of August, 1519, the -expedition sailed under Magellan. Poor Faleiro, alas! had gone crazy -in the mean time. What proved even a greater misfortune was that -Juan of Carthagena was put on board the “San Antonio” as a sort of -Japanese spy on Magellan. He was the marplot of the expedition, as the -history will show. He was called a _veedor_, or inspector. —— - -[Illustration: MAGELLAN. - -[Fac-simile of an engraving in Navarrete’s _Coleccion_, vol. iv. It is -also reproduced in Stanley’s _First Voyage round the World by Magellan_ -(Hakluyt Society, 1874); in Cladera’s _Investigaciones históricas_; in -the _Relacion del ultimo viage al estrecho de Magellanes de la fragata -de S. M. Santa Maria de la Cabeza en los anos de 1785 y 1786_ (Madrid, -1788); in the _Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden_ (November, 1804), -p. 269; in August Bürck’s _Magellan oder die erste Reise um die erde_, -Leipsic, 1844; in Rüge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, -p. 402; and in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 81. - -There are two portraits in De Bry,—one a full length in the corner -of a map of America which accompanies the narrative of Benzoni in -part vi., and of Herrera in part xii.; and the other on a map of the -two hemispheres in part xi.; also repeated in Schouten’s _Journal_ -(1618). There are similar pictures in Hulsius, parts vi. and xvi. Cf. -the _Catalogue_ (no. 135) of the Gallery of the New York Historical -Society.—ED.] - -There is something pathetic in contrasting the magnificent fleet with -which Magellan sailed, under the patronage of an emperor, with the -poor little expedition of Columbus. With the new wealth of the Indies -at command, and with the resources now of a generation of successful -discovery, the Emperor directed the dockyards of Seville to meet all -Magellan’s wishes in the most thorough way. No man in the world, -perhaps, knew better than Magellan what he needed. The expedition, -therefore, sailed with as perfect a material equipment as the time -knew how to furnish. It consisted of five ships,—the “Trinidad” and -“San Antonio,” each of 120 Spanish _toneles_, the “Concepcion,” of -90, the “Victoria,” of 85,—long famous as the one vessel which made -the whole voyage,—and the “Santiago,” of 75. For the convenience of -the translators this Spanish word _toneles_ is generally rendered -by the French word _tonneaux_ and the English word _tons_. But in -point of fact the _tonele_ of Seville was one fifth larger than the -_tonelada_ of the north of Spain, which nearly corresponds to our ton; -and the vessels of Magellan and Columbus were, in fact, so much larger -than the size which is generally assigned to them in the popular -histories.[1592] - -[Illustration: MAGELLAN. - -Fac-simile of the engraving in Herrera, i. 293.] - -[Illustration: MAGELLAN. - -Fac-simile of the engraving in Ogilby’s _America_ (p. 79),—the same -used in Montanus’s _Nieuwe Wereldt_.] - -On the 20th of September the fleet had cleared the River Guadalquivir, -and was fairly at sea. Six days afterward it touched at Teneriffe for -supplies; and here was the first quarrel between Magellan and his -watchman, Juan de Carthagena. Up to this point entire secrecy had -been maintained by Magellan as to the route to be pursued. Juan de -Carthagena claimed the right to be informed of all things regarding it. -Magellan refused, probably with considerable scorn. When off Sierra -Leone, a few days after, a similar quarrel broke out; Magellan arrested -Carthagena with his own hand, and put him in the stocks. Of course this -was an insult the most keen, and was meant to be. The other captains -begged Magellan to release the prisoner, and he did so; but still he -kept him under the arrest of one of their number. - -From Sierra Leone they ran across to Brazil and anchored again for -supplies in the magnificent Bay of Rio de Janeiro. By their narrative, -indeed, on the return of the first vessel, was this great estuary -made widely known to the world. It is now known that Magellan was -not the first discoverer. Pero Lopez had explored the bay five years -before; and as early as 1511 a trader named John of Braga, probably a -Portuguese, was established on one of its fertile islands. Indeed, it -is said that the hardy seamen of Dieppe had been there as early as the -beginning of the century. Its first name was the Bay of Cabo-Frio. - -The meridian of Alexander’s Bull had been meant to leave all the -American discoveries in the possession of the King of Spain. But, -unfortunately for him, Brazil runs so far out to the east that a -meridian three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Azores gives -Portugal a considerable part of it; and in point of fact the western -boundary of Brazil has been accommodated quite nearly to the imaginary -line of the Pope. To Magellan and his company it made no difference -whether they were on Portuguese or Spanish soil. They found the -Brazilians friendly. “Though they are not Christians, they are not -idolaters, for they adore nothing. Natural instinct is their only law.” - -This is the phrase of Pigafetta, the young Italian gentleman to whose -_naïve_ book we owe our best and fullest account of the great voyage. -It is clear enough that all the crews enjoyed their stay in the Bay -of Santa Lucia, by which name they called our Bay of Rio de Janeiro. -It was in the heart of the Brazilian summer, for they arrived on the -13th of December. They had been nearly three months at sea, and were -well disposed to enjoy tropical luxuries; and here they stayed thirteen -days. Pigafetta describes the Brazilian hammocks;[1593] and from his -description Europe has taken that word. The same may perhaps be said of -the mysterious word “canoe,” which appears in his narrative under the -spelling “canots.”[1594] - -It was Pigafetta’s first taste of the luxuries of the South American -fields and forests, and he delighted in their cheapness and variety. -“For a king of clubs I bought six chickens,” he writes; “and yet the -Brazilian thought he had made the best bargain,”—as, indeed, in the -condition of the fine arts at Santa Lucia, he had. A knife or a hook, -however, bought no more; yet the natives had no tools of metal. Their -large canoes, which would carry thirty or forty people, were painfully -dug out by knives of stone from the great trees of which they were -made. The Spaniards ate the pineapple for the first time. Pigafetta -does not seem to have known the sugar-cane before; and he describes the -sweet potato as a novelty. “It has almost the form of our turnip, and -its taste resembles that of chestnuts.” Here, also, he gives the name -“patata,” which has clung to this root, and has been transferred to the -white potato also. For a ribbon, or a hawk’s bell, the natives sold a -“basketful.” Their successors would doubtless do the same now. - -[Illustration: INDIAN BEDS. - -[This is Benzoni’s representation of the hammocks which are used by the -natives of the northern shores of South America (edition of 1572, p. -56). See also the second volume, p. 11.—ED.]] - -The Spaniards found the Brazilians perfectly willing to trade. They -went wholly naked,—men and women. Their houses were long cabins.[1595] -The people told stories, which the navigators believed, of the very -great age of their old men, extending it even to one hundred and -forty years. They owned that they were cannibals on occasion; but -they seem to have eaten human flesh only as a symbol of triumph over -conquered enemies. They painted their bodies, and wore their hair -short. Pigafetta says it was woolly; but this must have been a mistake. -Although he says they go naked, he describes a sort of vest made of -paroquet’s feathers. Almost all the men had the lower lip pierced with -three holes, and wore in them little cylinders of stone two inches -long. They ate cassava bread, made in round white cakes from the root -of the manioc.[1596] The voyagers also observed the pecari[1597] and -those curious ducks “whose beak is like a spoon,” described by later -travellers.[1598] - -[Illustration: PART OF SOUTH AMERICA IN THE PTOLEMY OF 1522. - -[A part of the “Tabula Terra Nova” in the _Ptolemy_ of 1522, showing -the acts of cannibals. Similar representations appeared on various -other maps of South America. Cf. Münster’s map of 1540. Vespucius, -in his letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici, was the first to describe the -cannibalism of the Brazilians. Cf. Thevet, _Singularitez de la France -antarctique_, chap. xl., on their cannibalism.—ED.]] - -After a pleasant stay of thirteen days in this bay, Magellan took -the squadron to the embouchure of the River La Plata, which had been -discovered four years before by Juan Diaz de Solis, who lost his -life there. The Spaniards believed the tribe of the Quérandis, before -whose terrible _bolas_ he had fallen, to be cannibals; and they were -probably right in this supposition. Continuing the voyage southward, -Magellan’s fleet observed the two islands now marked as the “Penguins” -and “Lions.” The historian of the voyage notes the penguins and -“sea-wolves” which were then observed there. Passing these islands, -they opened a harbor, since known as Port Desire, where they spent -the Southern winter. It is near the latitude of 50° south. Magellan -supposed it to be in 49° 18´. Hardly had they arrived in this harbor, -in itself sufficiently inhospitable, when the mutiny broke out which -had been brewing, probably, since Magellan’s first insult to John of -Carthagena. The announcement made by Magellan that they were to winter -here gave the signal for the revolt. On Palm Sunday, which fell on -the 1st of April that year, he invited the captains and pilots to -meet on his vessel to attend Mass and to dine with him. Two of the -captains, Mesquita and De Coca, accepted the invitation and came with -their staffs. Mendoza and Quesada did not come. Juan de Carthagena, -it will be remembered, was under arrest, and he, of course, was not -invited. The same night Quesada, with De Carthagena and thirty men, -crossed from the “Concepçion” to the “San Antonio,” and made an -effort to take Mesquita prisoner. At first they succeeded; but the -ship’s master, Eliorraga, defended him and his so bravely that, with -succor from Magellan, he retained the command. The purpose of the -conspirators seems to have been simply to return to Spain without -wintering in so bleak a home. The three rebels sent to Magellan to say -that they would recognize him as their commander, but they were sure -that the King did not propose such an undertaking as this to which he -was committing them. Of course, under the guise of respect, this was -to exact submission from him. Magellan bade them come on board the -flagship. They refused. Magellan kept the boat which they then sent -him, and despatched six men, under Espinosa, to the “Victoria” to -summon Mendoza. Mendoza answered with a sneer. Espinosa at once stabbed -him in the neck, and a sailor struck him down with a cutlass. Magellan -then sent another boat, with fifteen men, who took possession of the -“Victoria.” In every case the crews seem to have taken his side against -their own captains. The next day, the 3d of April, he obtained full -possession of the “Santiago” and “Concepçion.” - -On the 4th of that month he quartered the body of Mendoza and published -his sentence as a traitor. On the 7th he beheaded Quesada, whose own -servant, Molino, volunteered as executioner. When Drake arrived here, -fifty-eight years after, he supposed he found the bones of Mendoza or -Quesada under a gibbet which was still standing. Juan de Carthagena and -the priest Pedro Sanchez de la Reina were convicted as partners in the -mutiny, and sentenced to remain when the ships sailed. This sentence -was afterwards executed. Magellan doubtless felt that these examples -were sufficient, and he pardoned forty of the crew; but, as the reader -will see, the spirit which prompted the mutiny was not yet extinguished. - -They had lived here two months without seeing any of the natives, when -one day, according to the narrative of Pigafetta, a giant appeared -to them when they least expected to see any one. “He was singing and -dancing on the sand, and throwing dust upon his head, almost naked. -The captain sent one of our sailors on shore, with orders to make the -same gestures as tokens of peace. This the man did; he was understood, -and the giant permitted himself to be led to a little island where -the captain had landed. I was there also, with many others. The giant -expressed much astonishment at seeing us. He pointed to heaven, and -undoubtedly meant to say that he thought we descended from heaven. - -“This man,” continues Pigafetta, “was so tall that our heads hardly -came up to his belt. He was well formed; his face was broad and colored -with red, excepting that his eyes were surrounded with yellow, and he -had two heart-shaped spots upon his cheeks. He had but little hair, and -this was whitened with a sort of powder. His dress, or rather cloak, -was made of furs well sewed,—taken from an animal well known in this -region, as we afterwards found. He also wore shoes of the same skin.” - -It seems desirable to copy this description in detail, because here -begins in literature the vexed question as to the existence of giants -in Patagonia. Whether there ever were any there is now doubted, though -the name “Patagonian” is the synonyme of giant in every European -language. While the narrative of Pigafetta is thus distinct in saying -that one giant only appeared at first, another authority, with equal -definiteness, says that six men appeared; and it afterwards appears -that two of these, at least, were larger than the Spaniards. - -The comparison of the details of this last narrative in Herrera -with that of Pigafetta illustrates curiously the perplexity of all -historical inquiry; for we are here distinctly told that there were six -who appeared on the shore and seemed willing to come on board. A boat -was sent for them, and they embarked on the flagship without fear. Once -on deck, the Spaniards offered them a kettle full of biscuit,—which was -enough, as they supposed, for twenty men; but, with the appetite of -hungry Indians, the six devoured it all immediately. They wore mantles -of furs, and carried bows and arrows. The bows were about half a fathom -long; the arrows were barbed with sharp stones. All were shod with -large shoes, like the giant. - -On another day two Indians brought on board a tapir, and it proved that -their dresses were made from the fur of this animal. Magellan gave them -in exchange two red dresses, with which they were well satisfied. It is -not till the next day that Herrera places the visit of the giant. That -author says that the Indian expressed a wish to become a Christian, and -that the Spaniards gave him the name of John. Seeing the crew throwing -some mice overboard, he asked that they might be given to him to eat. -For six days he took all the mice the ship could furnish, and was never -afterward seen. - -More than twenty days later, four Indians of the first party returned -to the ships, and Magellan gave orders that two of them should be -seized to carry home. The men were so large that the Spaniards could -not make them prisoners without treachery. Loading the poor giants -with more gifts than they could well carry, they finally asked each -to accept an iron chain, fitted with manacles. The two Indians were -eager enough to accept the fatal present, and were easily persuaded -to have the chains fastened to their legs, that they might the more -easily carry them away. They found, alas! as so many other men have -found, that what they took for ornament was a cruel snare; but, thus -crippled, they were overpowered. Their screams of rage were heard by -their companions on shore. It was after this treachery that the natives -first attacked the Spaniards. Seeing fires at night, Magellan landed a -party for exploration. Seven Spaniards found the tracks of Indians and -followed them ineffectually. As they returned, however, nine Indians -followed, attacked them, and killed one Castilian. But for their -shields, all the Spaniards would have been killed. The Spaniards closed -upon them with their knives, and put them to flight, visited their -camp, and feasted from the store of meat they found there. The next day -Magellan sent a larger party on shore and buried the dead Castilian. - -The reader is now in possession of all the statements from which we are -to decide the much-disputed question whether, in the time of Magellan, -Patagonia was a land of giants. He is to remember that Pigafetta, who -was the friend and fellow-voyager of the giant Paul, one of the two -captives, does not in other instances go out of his way to invent the -marvellous, though he often does repeat marvellous stories which have -been related by others. It is to be observed that none of the voyagers -pretend to have seen any large number of Patagonians. The largest -number seen at one time was nine; and even if these were different from -the six who came to the ship, fifteen is the largest number of the -native visitors to the squadron. Of these, according to one account, in -which three at least of the authorities agree, two are of extraordinary -height, so that the heads of the Spaniards reached only to their -girdles. It is also said that the feet or shoes of all were large, “but -not disproportionate to their stature.” For three hundred years, on -this testimony, it was perhaps generally believed that the Patagonians -were very large men. The statement was positively made that they were -nine feet high. But as other voyagers, especially in this century, -more and more often brought home accounts in which no such giants -appeared, there was an increasing distrust of the original Spanish -narrative. - -Especially when navigators had to do with the wretched Kemenettes -and Karaikes of the Straits, who are a tribe of really insignificant -stature, was indignation liberally bestowed on the old traveller’s -story; and when, in 1837, the original narrative of the Genoese pilot -was brought to light by Navarrete,—a simple and unexaggerated story; -when it proved that he made no allusion whatever to any persons -of remarkable height,—the whole giant story was declared to be an -invention of Pigafetta, and the gigantic size of the Patagonians was -denounced as a mere traveller’s fable. Such criticism probably goes too -far. - -The simple facts may be taken, and the hasty inference may be -disregarded. Every travelling showman will testify to the fact -that there occasionally appear men, even under the restrictions of -civilization, who are so tall that the Spaniards, not of a large race, -would only come to their girdles.[1599] If Pigafetta is to be believed, -two such men came to Magellan’s squadron. Tall men came to Cook’s -squadron at Honolulu, a hundred years ago, who were quite above the -average of his men. - -[Illustration: GIANT’S SKELETON AT PORTO DESIRE. - -[Fac-simile of a part of the cut of Porto Desire (no. 22) in Lemaire’s -_Speculum orientalis occidentalisque_, etc., 1599.—ED.]] - -Magellan supposed that these were typical men, that they were specimens -of their race. Because he supposed so he captured them and tried to -carry them to Spain. Magellan was mistaken. They were not specimens of -their race; they were extraordinary exceptions to it. But the ready -tribe of geographers, eager to accept marvels from the New World, at -once formed the conclusion that because these two were so large, all -Patagonians would prove to be so. - -Pigafetta drew no such inference, nor is there any evidence that the -Spaniards ever did. On the other hand, six Spaniards, with their -knives, closed fearlessly on nine of these men, and routed them in a -hand-to-hand fight. We may fairly conclude that the delusion which -modern criticism has dispelled was not intentionally called into being -by the navigators, but was rather the deduction drawn from too narrow -premises by credulous Europe.[1600] - -The next voyagers who saw these people were Drake’s party. Fletcher, -writing in the _World Encompassed_, after fifty-eight years, says -distinctly in his narrative of Drake’s arrival at this same Port -Julian: “We had no sooner landed than _two young giants_ repaired to -them.” Again, speaking of the same interview, “he was visited by two of -the inhabitants, whom Magellan named Patagous, or rather Pentagours, -from their huge stature.” And afterward he resumes the matter in these -words: “Magellane was not altogether deceived in naming them giants, -for they generally differ from the common sort of men both in stature, -bigness, and strength of body, as also in the hideousness of their -voice. But yet they are nothing so monstrous or giant-like as they are -reported, there being some Englishmen as tall as the highest of any -we could see. But peradventure the Spaniards did not think that ever -any Englishman would come thither to reprove them, and thereupon might -presume the more boldly to lie,—the name Pentagones, five cubits, viz. -seven foot and half, describing the full height (if not somewhat more) -of the highest of them.” - -[Illustration: QUONIAMBEC. - -[Fac-simile of a copperplate engraving in the English version of -Thevet’s _Portraitures and Lives_ appended to North’s _Plutarch_ -(Cambridge, England) p. 86. Thevet in his text says of this “giant-like -man,” “I have seen him and sufficiently observed him upon the River of -Janaira. He had a great body, proportionably gross, exceeding strong. -His portraiture I brought from that country, with two green stones in -his cheeks and one on his chin.”—ED.]] - -This last sneer is in Fletcher’s worst vein. The etymology of -“Pentagones” is all his own. Magellan’s people say distinctly that they -named the Patagonians from their large feet,—taking the phrase “large -feet” from the large shoes which they wore to protect their feet from -cold. The language is distinct: “Their shoes go four inches above the -great toe, and the space is filled with straw to keep them from the -cold.” These shoes, of this same form, are figured by modern artists, -who have drawn for us the Tehuelches of to-day. It is quite possible -that the false etymology which made “Patagonian” mean “Five-cubit man” -was the real foundation for the general notion of the gigantic size of -the race. - -From these winter quarters Magellan despatched the “Sant Iago” to -examine the coast. The vessel was unfortunately lost on the rocks, -but all the crew were saved. Two sailors returned to the rest of -the squadron with news of the disaster, and the commander sent back -supplies. They were near a hundred miles away from him, but he kept -them supplied with provisions; and they were able to rescue a part of -the stores and equipage of their vessel. At the end of two months, in -which they encamped upon the shore, they rejoined him. It is observed -that with them the winter was so cold that for water for their daily -use they were obliged to melt ice. - -After taking possession of Patagonia in the name of the King of Spain, -by planting a standard on a hill which they called Monte Cristo, -Magellan sailed on the 24th of August from this inhospitable bay. He -now carried out the cruel sentence of the Court on Juan de Carthagena -and the priest Pedro Sanches. He landed them with a supply of biscuit -and wine, and left them to their fate. - -Two days after, following the coast, he entered the River of Santa Cruz -and narrowly escaped shipwreck there. He was able to supply himself -with wood, water, and fish. On the 11th of October he observed an -eclipse of the sun.[1601] - -Still keeping on, during the 21st of October, the day which the Church -consecrated to the “Eleven thousand Virgins,” they discovered a strait, -to which Magellan gave that name. It was the entry to the famous -channel, four hundred and forty miles long, according to his estimate, -which has for so many years borne his name. The depth of water near -the shore, which has since been observed, attracted the attention of -the Spaniards. The mountains which looked down upon it were high, and -covered with snow. - -[Illustration: PIGAFETTA’S MAP. - -[This fac-simile is made from the cut, p. 40 of the French edition of -Amoretti’s _Premier voyage autour du monde par Pigafetta_, Paris, l’an -ix (1801). The reader will observe that the north is at the bottom of -the map. There is a reversed sketch of it elsewhere.—ED.]] - -The crew and the captains, even after the hard experience of the -mutineers, did not hesitate to express their unwillingness to enter the -blind and narrow channel before them. Magellan summoned the commanders -and made to them a formal declaration, of which the substance has been -preserved. He told them that their sovereign and his had sent them for -this very purpose, to discover this strait and to pass through it. If -they were faithless as to its issue, he declared that he had seen in -the archives of the King of Portugal a map, drawn by Martin Behaim, in -which the strait was indicated, and that it opened into the western -ocean. The squadron should not turn back, he said; and he gave his -order for the continuation of the voyage in this determination. If the -vessels separated, the commander of each was to keep on until he had -reached the latitude of 75° S. If then the strait had not been found, -any commander might turn eastward; yet he was not to seek Spain, but to -sail to the Moluccas, which were the objective of the voyage; and the -proper sailing directions were given for reaching those islands by the -route through the Indian Ocean. - -The geographers have been at a loss to reconcile this statement,—that -Martin Behaim had already drawn the strait upon a map or globe,—with -Magellan’s claim to be its discoverer. But, as the reader knows, -there was no lack of straits or of continents on the various maps -before Magellan’s time which could be cited for any theory of any -cosmographer. We know the history of navigation well enough to -understand that, whatever drawings Magellan might have seen or cited, -nothing can shake his reputation as the far-sighted discoverer of the -channel to which, without any hesitation, the world has given his -name.[1602] - -His firmness had so much effect that the captains went back to their -ships, pretending to accede to his wishes. With the “Trinidad” and -“Victoria,” Magellan waited at the entrance of the channel while he -despatched the “San Antonio” and “Concepçion” to complete the survey of -it westward. Hardly had the squadron divided, when a terrible tempest -broke upon both parts of it, lasting thirty-six hours. Magellan’s -ships lost their anchors, and were at the mercy of the wind in the -open bay. The other vessels seem to have run before the gale. At the -moment when their people thought themselves lost, they opened the first -“reach”—if it may so be called—of the strait; they pushed through it -till they came to the bay now known as “Bouçault Bay.” Crossing this, -with increasing confidence, they came into the second channel, which -opens into a second bay larger than the first. After this success they -returned to report their progress to their commander. - -He and his officers, meanwhile, had begun to fear that their companions -had been lost in the tempest. A column of smoke on shore was supposed -to be a signal of the spot where they had taken refuge. But in the -midst of such uncertainty their vessels reappeared, and soon fired -shots from their guns in token of joy. They were as joyfully welcomed; -and, as soon as they could tell their news, the reunited squadron -gladly proceeded through the two channels which they had opened. When -they arrived in the bay which had been the farthest discovery of -the pioneer vessels, they found two channels opening from it. At the -southeast is that marked “Supposé” on Bougainville’s map; and to this -channel Magellan directed Mesquita in the “San Antonio,” and Juan -Serrano in the “Concepçion.” - -Unfortunately the sailing-master of the “San Antonio” was Stephen -Gomez, who hated Magellan with a long-cherished hatred. When Magellan -first arrived in Spain, Gomez was, or thought he was, on the eve of -starting on an expedition of discovery under the patronage of the -Crown. Magellan’s grand plan had broken up this lesser expedition; -and instead of commanding it, Gomez had found himself placed in a -subordinate post under his rival’s command. He now took his chance -to revenge himself as soon as he was directed to survey the new -channel. Before night fell he had escaped from the surveillance of the -“Concepçion.” At night he caballed with the Spaniards of his own crew; -they rose upon their captain Mesquita, a Portuguese, the loyal cousin -of Magellan, and put him in irons. Without delay they then escaped from -the squadron; and returning, through the channels they had traced, to -the Atlantic, they sailed for home. Touching at the forlorn harbor -where they had wintered, they picked up the two mutineers who had been -left there. Indeed, it is fair to suppose that their whole plot dated -back for its origin to the unsuccessful enterprise of the winter.[1603] - -Magellan, on his part, waited for the “San Antonio,” which had been -directed to return in three days. Though the channel which she was to -explore passed between mountains covered with snow, we are told that -the strait where Magellan awaited them lay between regions which were -“the most beautiful in the world.” On the southern side they had, once -and again, observed fires in the night, and they gave to that land the -name of “Tierra del Fuego,” “the Land of Fire,” which it has ever since -preserved. They did not see any of the natives on either coast. The -sailors caught so many fish which resembled the sardines of their home, -that the name of “River of Sardines” was given to a stream which makes -its outlet there. Finding that the “San Antonio” had left him, and -probably suspecting her treachery, Magellan went forward through the -southwestern channel with the “Victoria” and the “Trinidad.” - -It is at this point that we are to place a formal correspondence which -has been preserved by a Portuguese historian[1604] as passing between -Magellan and one of his captains on the question of advancing. These -letters are dated the 22d of November, 1520. Martin Mendoza, in his -reply to Magellan’s letter, agrees that until the 1st of January they -should persevere while the days are long, but urges that the vessels -should lie by in the darkness. He is as resolute in expressing the -conviction that they should be out of the strait before the month of -January is over,—that is, that they should turn about, if necessary, -on January 1, if they had not then reached the Pacific, so as to be -well in the Atlantic again by the first of February; that then they -should give up the original object of the voyage and sail to Cadiz. -The document seems genuine; but, as the reader will see, there was no -occasion for using its counsels. Before the 1st of January they were -free of the strait forever. - -While his squadron loitered in hope of the “San Antonio’s” return, -Magellan sent forward a boat to explore the channel. On the third day -she returned to him with the joyful news that they had opened the -western mouth of the strait. - -The Pacific was found! The chroniclers say that the crews wept for -joy; and they may well have done so. They gave to the Cape—which made -the western end of Tierra del Fuego, on this channel—the name of the -“Desired Cape,” “Cabo Deseado,” which it still retains. - -The squadron did not at once follow. Magellan put back for the other -vessels, and met the “Concepçion” alone. He sent back the “Victoria” -this time to search for his faithless consort. If she were not found, -his orders were that a standard should be planted on high ground, -at the foot of which should be buried a letter, with an account of -the destination of the squadron. Two similar signals were left,—one -on the shore of the first bay, and one on the Isle of Lions, in the -channel. But the “Victoria,” as the reader knows, did not find the “San -Antonio;” she was far away. And with three vessels of his squadron -only, Magellan passed out from the strait which had detained him so -long, into the ocean. They fairly entered upon it on the 28th of -November. - -Pigafetta, in his joy at leaving this strait, which had been the -scene of so much anxiety, describes its natural advantages in glowing -colors. “In fine, I do not believe there is a better strait than this -in the world,” he says. They gave to it the name of “Strait of the -Patagonians;” but the world has long since known it by the name of its -discoverer. “There may be found at any half-league a good harbor,”—such -is the Italian historian’s statement,—“with excellent water, -cedar-wood, sardine-fish, and an abundance of shellfish. There are -also herbs on shore, some of which are bitter, but others are good to -eat,—especially a sort of celery,[1605] which grows near the springs, -of which we made excellent food.” Cook found celery of the same kind -two centuries and a half later, as well as abundance of _Cochlearia_. -So great are the advantages of such supplies for the health of crews -in danger of scurvy, that he thought the passage into the Pacific by -the Straits of Magellan preferable to that by Cape Horn.[1606] In later -days his advice has always been followed by vessels having the aid of -steam. - -Thus ended the only glimpse which Spaniards had of Patagonia for many -years. Magellan’s act of possession held, however; for the country -has no attractions to make it a stake for wars or other controversy. -Magellan looked his last upon it as his squadron gladly steered -northward; and after leaving his Cape Victory,—for he gave that name to -the southwestern point of America,—neither he nor his landed again on -this continent. - -The poor giants who had been so cruelly enslaved never reached Spain. -One was on the “San Antonio” with Serrano, who deserted his commander -in the strait. This one died before they had crossed the Atlantic. -The other was on board the “Trinidad,” the flagship, with Magellan -and Pigafetta, the historian of the expedition. He became fond of -Pigafetta; and when he saw him produce his writing tablet and paper, -he knew what was expected of him, and of his own accord began to give -the names of different objects in the Patagonian language.[1607] One -day when he saw Pigafetta kiss the cross, he told him by signs that -_Setebos_ would enter him and make him a coward. But when he was -himself dying—of scurvy, most likely, which was decimating the crew—he -asked for the cross himself, kissed it, and begged to be baptized. His -captors baptized him, gave him the name of Paul, and he died. - -It would have been natural for Magellan, now that he had attained the -South Sea, to sail by a direct route to the Moluccas, of which he was -in search. Till a very late period the geographers have supposed that -he did; and his track will be found on most of the large globes, to a -period comparatively recent, laid down on a course a little west of -northwest,—as, indeed, Pigafetta says they ran. - -It was not observed by these globe-makers, and in fact to many of them -it was not known, that, if Magellan had taken such a course, he would -have run directly into the teeth of those northwest winds which blow -with great regularity in that part of the Pacific, and he would have -met a steady current in the same direction. In such computations, also, -it was forgotten that Magellan supposed the Pacific to be much narrower -than it is, and that when he left the straits he did not anticipate so -long a voyage as he had. But the fortunate discovery of the log-book -of one of the “pilots” now gives us the declination of the sun and -the computed latitude for every day of the Pacific voyage. It appears -that Magellan held well to the north, not far from the coast of South -America, till he had passed, on the west, the islands of Juan Fernandez -and Masafuera without seeing them, and only then struck to the -northwest, and afterwards to the west.[1608] He thus came out at the -equator at a point which, by their mistaken computation of longitude, -was 152° W. of the meridian of Ferro, 159° 46’ west of our first -meridian of Greenwich. - -The Pacific is now known to us as an ocean studded with islands, the -inhabitants of which are well provided with food from their own land, -and water.[1609] - -[Illustration] - -It was, however, the remarkable fortune of Magellan in this voyage to -sail more than ten thousand miles and see but two of these islands, -both of which were barren and uninhabited. He found no bottom close -to the shore. At the second of the two islands he stopped to fish for -sharks, and gave it the name “Shark’s Island,” or “Tiburones.” The -crew were so impressed by their dismal welcome that they called the -two “Desventuradas,” the “Unfortunate Islands.” These two islands, the -first-born to Europe of the multitudes of the Pacific Ocean, cannot now -be identified.[1610] - -[Illustration: THE LADRONES. - -[This fac-simile is made from the Paris edition of Amoretti’s -_Pigafetta_, p. 62, and shows the catamaran of the natives.—ED.]] - -On the 6th of March the voyagers at last saw two more small islands. -Soon a number of small sails appeared, the islanders coming out to -meet the ships. Their little boats had large triangular-shaped sails -of matting, and they seemed to fly over the water. The Spanish seamen -saw for the first time the curious catamarans of the natives of these -waters. - -Magellan was tempted to land at a third and larger island. This was -either the one since known as Guahan, or that known as Rota; Magellan -called it Ivagana. So many of the natives swarmed upon his ship, and -they were so rapacious in stealing whatever they could lay their hands -on, that he found himself almost at their mercy. They begged him to -land, but stole the boat attached to the stern of his ship. At last -Magellan did land, in a rage. He burned some of their huts, several of -their boats, got back his own, and killed seven men. - -The squadron, after this encounter, continued its westward course, -followed by a hundred canoes. The savages now showed fish, as if they -wished to trade; but the women wept and tore their hair, probably -“because we had killed their husbands.” - -To this group the Spaniards gave the name of “Ladrones, the robbers,” -which it has ever since retained. After three hundred leagues more -of westward sailing, the tired navigators, half starved and dying of -scurvy, made the discovery of Zamal, now called Samar, the first of the -group since known as the Philippines,—a name they took from Philip the -Second. Magellan called them the Archipelago of St. Lazarus, because -he first found how large a group it was on St. Lazarus’ day, the fifth -Sunday in Lent. - -In these islands the navigators were, at first, most cordially -received. By means of a Malayan interpreter they were able to -communicate with the natives. Before six weeks were over, with rapidity -which may well have seemed miraculous, they had converted the king and -many of the princes and people to what they deemed Christianity. But, -alas! the six weeks ended in the defeat of the Spanish men-at-arms in a -battle with a rival prince, in the death of Magellan and the murder of -Serrano, who had been chosen as one of those who should take his place. -The surviving Spaniards withdrew as well as they could from their -exasperated allies. - -They were obliged to destroy one of their ships, which was leaking, -and thus were left with only two. One of these, the “Trinidad,” they -despatched eastward to the American coast; but she failed in this -voyage, and returned to the Philippines. In the other vessel, the -“Victoria,” Sebastian del Cano and his crew, after spending the rest of -that year in the East Indies, sailed for Europe. They left the Island -of Timor on the 11th of February. Though they had nothing but rice -and water for their supplies, they dared not touch at the Portuguese -establishment at Mozambique. After they doubled the Cape of Good Hope, -on the 6th of May, they lost twenty-one men in two months. Their -provisions had failed entirely when, on the 9th of July, they touched -at Santa Argo, in the Cape de Verde Islands. - -Even now they did not dare tell the Portuguese at that island who they -were. They pretended they came from the coast of America. When they -found that the day was Thursday, they were greatly astonished, for by -their own journals it was Wednesday. Twice they sent their boat ashore -for a load of rice, and it returned. The third time they saw that it -was seized. One of the sailors had revealed their secret, and the -jealous Portuguese would no longer befriend them. - -The poor “Victoria,” with such supplies as she had received, was -obliged to run direct for Spain. On the 6th of September she entered -the bay of San Lucar again. By their own computation they had sailed -14,460 leagues. Of sixty men who sailed in her from the Moluccas there -were but eighteen survivors of these almost all were sick. Of the other -forty-two, some had deserted at Timor, some had been condemned to -death for their crimes, and the others had died. This was all that was -returned of two hundred and thirty-seven persons who had sailed three -years before on this magnificent expedition. - -Del Cano was received at Court with the greatest courtesy. The Emperor -gave him a pension of five hundred ducats, and for armorial bearings a -globe with the device— - - “PRIMUS CIRCUMDEDISTI ME.” - -The “Victoria” was richly stored with cloves and other spices. Of these -the sale was carefully managed, and the proceeds were enormous. The -foresight of Magellan was completely justified, and the profits of the -expedition alone immediately tempted the Emperor to fit out another. -The “Victoria” afterward made two voyages to the West Indies, but -never returned to Spain from the second, and her fate is not known. An -ancient representation of her (from Hulsius) is the distinguishing sign -on the cover of the volumes issued in our day by the Hakluyt Society. - -[Illustration] - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -BY EDWARD E. HALE AND THE EDITOR. - -PIGAFETTA, who was born in Vicenza not long after 1490, was -accordingly from twenty-five to thirty years old when he accompanied -Magellan.[1611] He kept a diary of the voyage, a copy of which he gave -to the Emperor; and later, in Italy, he wrote out a more extended -account, copies of which he gave to distinguished persons. Of this -ampler narrative four separate texts, in as many manuscripts, are -preserved to us. - -No. 1 is in French, _Navigation et descouvrement de la Indie superieure -faicte par moi Antoine Pigafete, Vincentin_; on paper, in the National -Library at Paris. It gives the full vocabulary of the Giants’ language, -which is also reprinted in Amoretti. Students engaged in the study of -the geography of the East Indies should not be satisfied with the few -copies given by Amoretti of the maps and representations of the islands -there. In this copy, which is divided throughout into short chapters, -there are many more of these maps than have been engraved. It is -impossible to look at them without believing that they give some idea -of the size and even the shape of the islands visited. Charton calls -this paper manuscript the oldest of those in France. No one can decide -such a question. The illustrations in the vellum manuscript certainly -seem to be nearer the originals than those in this coarser paper one. - -No. 2 is a richly illuminated vellum document, with a text somewhat -softened in the coarse parts. This may have been the copy known to have -been given to Louise of Savoy by Pigafetta. This manuscript is also -in the Paris library. The writing is elegant, and the maps are very -prettily done in body color. They are much more elegant than the maps -in the paper manuscript, which are in rough water-color by some one of -no great artistic skill. The representations given by Amoretti of a -few of the designs are sufficiently good for all practical purposes. -But the picture of the boat with outriggers, illustrating the customs -of the Ladrone Islands, is much more artistic in the vellum manuscript -than it is in Amoretti’s engraving. - -No. 3, the most complete, was owned by M. Beaupré, at Nancy, in 1841, -when Thomassy described it; was sold in the Potier sale in 1851 (no. -506), and passed into the Solar Collection, and in 1861 (Solar sale, -no. 3,238) it was bought by a London dealer, and reached finally the -collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps, who bought it at the Libri sale -(no. 1,139) in 1862. It is a question with critics whether Pigafetta -composed his work in French or in Italian; for there is also a -manuscript (no. 4) in the later language, poorly conceived, however, -and mixed with Spanish, preserved in the Ambrosian Library at Milan. -This was the manuscript published by the Abbé C. Amoretti; it is -written in the character known as _cancelleresco_, on paper folios, -of which the handwriting is of the time of Pigafetta; and it was once -owned by the Cardinal Frederic Borroméo. Raymond Thomassy[1612] gives -several reasons for believing that the French text is the original, but -we have not been satisfied that it was so.[1613] - -In the earliest edition of Pigafetta which we have,—one without date, -and in French, edited by Antoine Fabre,—the text is represented as -being a translation from the Italian. It is possible that, being an -abridgment, it might have followed some abstract which had been made -in that language, possibly an account which in 1524 Pigafetta asked -permission to print,[1614] of the Doge and Council of Venice. This -original French edition is called _Le Voyage et Navigation faict par -les Espaignolz es isles de Mollucques_; and is usually thought to -have been printed in 1525. It is in Gothic type, except the last -four leaves, which are in Roman, as are all the notes.[1615] Harrisse -cites[1616] an Italian edition of Pigafetta with the letter of -Maximilian, as published at Venice in 1534;[1617] but there is little -reason to believe such an edition to exist. - -The earliest undoubted Italian edition was printed, however, in 1536, -and it was professedly a translation from Fabre’s French text, and -there is reason to believe that Ramusio may have been instrumental -in its publication.[1618] It has the name neither of author nor of -printer, but is supposed to have been issued at Venice. It is called -_Il Viaggio fatto da gli Spagnivoli a torno a’l mondo_.[1619] - -Amoretti published the Ambrosian manuscript (no. 4, above) in -1800, at Milan, under the title of _Primo viaggio intorno al globo -terracqueo ossia ragguaglio della navigazione alle Indie orientali d[i] -Magaglianes, 1519-1522_. _Pubblicato per la prima volta da un codice -manuscritto della Biblioteca Ambrosiana di Milano, e corredato di note -da C. Amoretti con un transunto del Trattato di navigazione dello -stesso autore. Milano, 1800._[1620] - -About a month after the return of Del Cano in the “Victoria,” -Maximilian Transylvanus (a son-in-law of Cristóbal de Haro, who had -been a chief advocate of the voyage at the Spanish Court) wrote to -the Cardinal Archbishop of Salzburg a brief account of the voyage, -in a letter dated at Valladolid, Oct. 24, 1522;[1621] and when it -was printed at Cologne in January, 1523, as _De Moluccis insulis_, -and in the following November and again in February, 1524, at Rome, -as _De Hispanorum in orientem navigatione_, its text constituted the -earliest narrative of the voyage which was given in print.[1622] It -was afterward printed in connection with the earliest Italian edition -of Pigafetta; and the English reader will find it in the volume on -Magellan published by the Hakluyt Society. - -Ramusio also tells us that Peter Martyr wrote an account of Magellan’s -voyage, gathered from the lips of the survivors, which he sent to Rome -to be printed, but that in the sack of that city by the Constable de -Bourbon it disappeared. We have but one point of this Martyr narrative -preserved to us, and that is the loss of one day which the “Victory” -had experienced in her westering voyage,—when arriving in Seville -on the 6th of September, 1522, as her crew supposed, they found the -Sevillians calling it the 7th.[1623] - -There are two modern gatherings of the most important documentary -illustrations of this famous voyage,—the one made by Navarrete, and -the other published by the Hakluyt Society. The former constitutes -the fourth volume of Navarrete’s well-known _Coleccion_; and among -the variety of its papers printed or cited largely from the public -archives, illustrating the fitting out of the fleet, its voyage, -and the reception of Del Cano on his return, a few of the more -important may be mentioned. Such is a manuscript from the library of -San Isadro el Real de Madrid, purporting to be by Magellan himself; -but Navarrete does not admit this. He prints for the first time an -original manuscript account in the Seville archives, usually cited -as the Seville manuscript, which bears the title of _Extracto de la -habilitacion_, etc. It gives an enumeration of the company which -composed the force on the fleet. The Navarrete volume also contains -the log-book of Francisco Albo, or Alvaro, printed, it is claimed by -Stanley (who also includes it in the Hakluyt Society volume), from -a copy in the British Museum, which was made from the original at -Simancas. It follows the fortunes of the fleet after they sighted Cape -St. Augustine. Muñoz had found in the Archives of Torre de Tombo a -letter of Antonio Brito to the King of Portugal, and Navarrete gives -this also.[1624] A letter of Jean Sebastian del Cano to Charles V., -dated Sept. 5, 1527, describes the voyage, and is also to be found -here.[1625] - -The Hakluyt Society volume borrows largely from the lesser sources -as given in Navarrete, and among other papers it contains the -brief narrative which is found in Ramusio as that of an “anonymous -Portuguese.” It also gives an English version of what is known as the -account of the Genoese pilot, one Joan Bautista probably. This story -exists in three Portuguese manuscripts: one belongs to the library of -the monks of S. Bento da Sande; another is in the National Library at -Paris; and from these two a text was formed which was printed in 1826 -in the _Noticias Ultramarinhas_ (vol. iv.) of the Lisbon Academy of -History, as “Roteiro da viagem de Fernam de Magalhâes” (1519). A third -manuscript is in the library of the Academy of History at Madrid. As -edited by Luigi Hugues, it is printed in the fifteenth volume of the -_Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_. - -The narrative in the preceding text has shown that the precise -statements of latitude made by the Genoese pilot have wholly destroyed -the value of all speculations as to the route of Magellan from the -Straits to the Ladrones which were published before this “Roteiro” -became known. The track laid down on the older globes is invariably -wrong, and Magellan’s course was in reality that along which the -currents would easily have propelled him, being that of the Antarctic -stream of the Pacific, which Humboldt has explained.[1626] Stanley -also points out that the narrative given in Gaspar Correa’s _Lendas da -India_ is the only authority we have for the warning given to Magellan -at Teneriffe by Barbosa; and for the incident of a Portuguese ship -speaking the “Victoria” as the latter was passing the Cape of Good Hope. - -One Pedro Mexia had seen the fleet of Magellan sail, and had likewise -witnessed the return of Del Cano. A collection of miscellanies, -which he printed as early as 1526, under the title of _Silva_, and -which passed through many editions, affords another contemporary -reference.[1627] It is hardly worth while to enumerate the whole -list of more general historical treatises of the sixteenth and even -seventeenth centuries,[1628] which bring this famous voyage within -their scope. It seems clear, however, that Oviedo had some sources -which are not recognizable now, and some have contended that he had -access to Magellan’s own papers. Herrera in the ninth book of his -eleventh Decade in the same way apparently had information the sources -of which are now lost to us. The story of Magellan necessarily made -part of such books as Osorius’s _De Rebus Emmanuelis gestis_, published -at Cologne in 1581, again in 1597, and in Dutch at Rotterdam in -1661-1663. Burton in his _Hans Stade_ (p. lxxxvi) calls the _Relacion y -derrotero del Viaje y descubrimiento del estrecho de la Madre de Dios, -antes llamado de Magallanes por Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa_, published -in 1580, an unworthy attempt to rob Magellan of his fame. - -The modern studies of Magellan and his career have been in good hands. -Navarrete when he made his most important contribution of material, -accompanied it with a very careful _Noticia biográfica_ of Magellan, in -which he makes exact references to his sources.[1629] - -A critical life of Magellan was prefixed by Lord Stanley to his Hakluyt -Society volume in 1874. R. H. Major in his _Prince Henry the Navigator_ -included an admirable critical account, which was repeated in its -results in his later volume, _Discoveries of Prince Henry_. - -A paper on the search of Magellan and of Gomez for a western passage -was read by Buckingham Smith before the New York Historical Society, -a brief report of which is in the _Historical Magazine_, x. (1866) -229; and one may compare with it the essay by Langeron in the _Revue -Géographique_ in 1877. - -A number of more distinctive monographs have also been printed, -beginning with the _Magellan, oder die Erste Reise um die Erde nach -dem vorhanderen Quellen dargestellt_ of August Bürck, which was -published in Leipsic in 1844.[1630] Dr. Kohl, who had given the subject -much study, particularly in relation to the history of the straits -which Magellan passed, published the results of his researches in -the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde in Berlin_ in 1877,—a -treatise which was immediately republished separately as _Geschichte -der Entdeckungsreisen und Schiffahrten zur Magellan’s Strasse_. In 1881 -Dr. Franz Wieser, a professor in the University at Innspruck, examined -especially the question of any anterior exploration in this direction, -in his _Magalhâes-strasse und Austral Continent auf den globen des -Johannes Schöner_, which was published in that year at Innspruck.[1631] -About the same time (1881) the Royal Academy at Lisbon printed a _Vida -e Viagens de Fernão de Magalhães, com um appendice original_, which, as -the work of Diego de Barros Arana, had already appeared in Spanish. - -The bibliography of Magellan and his voyage is prepared with some care -by Charton in his _Voyageurs_, p. 353; and scantily in St. Martin’s -_Histoire de la Géographie_, p. 370. - - * * * * * - -EDITORIAL NOTE.—A section on the “Historical Chorography of South -America,” tracing the cartographical history of that continent, -together with a note on the “Bibliography of Brazil,” is reserved for -Vol. VIII. - - - - - INDEX. - -[Reference is commonly made but once to a book if repeatedly mentioned -in the text; but other references are made when additional information -about the book is conveyed.] - - - AA, VANDER, his collection, 68; - map of the Pacific coast, 467. - _See_ Vander Aa. - - Abancay River, 544. - - Abarca, P., _Reyes de Aragon_, 68. - - Abayoa, 233. - - Abert, J. W., _Report on New Mexico_, 487, 501. - - Ablyn, _Nieuwe Weerelt_, 410. - - Abreu de Galineo, 36. - - Acadia (Larcadia), 451, 453. - - Acapulco, 392, 441; - view of, 394; - commerce with Philippines, 454. - - Acklin Island, 92. - - Acla, 198, 199, 509. - - Acoma, 485, 487, 504. - - Aconcaqua, 524, 528. - - Acosta, Col. J., _Hist. N. Granada_, 582. - - Acosta, José de, in Peru, 552; - used Duran’s manuscript, 420; - account of him, 420; - _De Natura Novi Orbis_, 420; - on the conversion of the Indians, 420; - on the natives of Peru and Mexico, 420; - _Hist. nat. y moral de las Indias_, 420; - _Beschreibung der America_, 420; - _New Welt_, 420; - _America oder West India_, 420; - _East and West Indies_, 420. - - Actahachi, 248. - - _Actes de la Société d’Ethnologie_, 50. - - Acuco, 487, 490. - - Acuña, bishop of Caracas, 560; - _Rio de las Amazons_, 589; - translated by Gomberville, 584. - - Acus, 477, 480. - - Adda, G. d’, 47. - - Adlard, Geo. _Amye Robsart_, 466. - - Admiral’s map, 112. - - Adrian VI., 235. - - Adrian, Cardinal, 307. - - Æneas Sylvius, 30; - his _Historia_, 31; - annotated by Columbus (cut), 32. - - Africa, geography of, 39; - circumnavigated by the ancients, 40; - sketch-map of explorations (cut), 40; - map of (1490), 41; - supposed to be connected with America, 127; - coast of, by Ptolemy, 165; - map of (1509), 172; - in Pomponius Mela’s map, 180. - - Agathodæmon maps, 28. - - Agile, 246. - - Agnese, Baptista, portolano of Charles V., 222; - map of the Moluccas, 440; - map (1539), 445; - map (1554), 448. - - Agricola, Rudolphus, 182; - his tract _Ad Vadianum_, 182. - - Aguado, Juan, 17. - - Aguilar, 463. - - Aguilar, Conde de, 390. - - Aguilar, Francisco de, 260. - - Aguilar, Marcos de, 386. - - Aguilar, Martin, his voyage, 461. - - Aguirre, F. de, 528. - - Aguirre, Lope de, his revolt from Ursua, 582; - killed, 582; - account of, 582. - - Ahumada, Pedro de, 254. - - Ailly, Pierre d’ (Petrus de Aliacus), 28; - _Ymago Mundi_, 28; - notes on, by Columbus, 29; - fac-simile of them, 31. - _See_ D’Ailly. - - Alabama River, 295. - - Alaman, Lúcas, translates Prescott, 427; - _Historia de la República Méjicana_, ii, 428; - _Historia de Méjico_, 428; - _Disertaciones_, 256, 365. - - Alaminos, Anton de, pilot, 201, 203, 233, 234, 236, 283. - - Alarcon, Hernando, sent to support by sea Coronado’s expedition, 443, - 481; - on the Colorado, 481; - his buried message found, 486. - - Alaska, first fairly mapped, 464; - (Alaschka), 469. - - Albertini, Francesco, _Opusculum de Romæ_, 154; - _De Roma prisca_, 154. - - Albertus Magnus, 28; - his portrait (cut), 29; - _De natura locorum_, 64; - edited by Tanstetter, 173. - - Albo (Alvaro), Francisco, log-book, 615. - - Alcabala, 561. - - Alcalde, duties of, 348. - - Alcaforado, Francisco, 38. - - Alcantara, Francisco Martin de, 512. - - Alcantara, Martin de, 534. - - Alcarraz, Diego d’, 486, 491, 496. - - Alcazar, _Campañía de Jesus_, 279. - - Alcon, Pedro, 511. - - Aldana, 239. - - Aldana, Lorenzo de, 239, 540, 541, 545, 556, 569. - - Alderete, J. de, 528. - - Aleutian Islands, first fairly mapped, 464. - - Aleque, F. X., 399. - - Alexander VI., Pope, 13; - his Bull, 13, 45; - bust of, 44; - addressed by Columbus, 46. - _See_ Bull; Demarcation. - - Alfinger, Ambrosio de, his expedition, 579. - - Alguazil, 553. - - Alibamo (Alimamu, Limamu), 250. - - Allard, Carolus, his _Atlas_, 466. - - Allefonsce, rough sketch-map of the Antilles, 227. - - Allegania, name proposed for the United States, 178. - - Allegretti, Allegri, his _Ephemerides_, 1. - - Allen, J. A., _Bibliography of Cetacea_, 420. - - _Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden_, 140, 593. - - Almagro, Diego, 196, 505; - proclaimed governor of Peru, 534; - his career, 506; - follows Pizarro, 507; - made governor of Tumbez, 512; - breaks with Pizarro, 512; - brings re-enforcements, 517; - likeness, 518; - asks for a province, 518; - agreement with Pizarro, 522; - goes to conquer Chili, 523; - enters and claims Cusco, 525; - conference with Pizarro, 526; - defeated and put in chains, 527; - his son Diego, 527; - killed, 527, 536. - - Almanacs, early, 102. - - Almendral (Almendras), Martin de, 577. - - Alonzo V. (Portugal), 3. - - Altamaha, 246. - - Altamirano, D. G., 545. - - Alva, Duke of, 88. - - Alvarado, Alonzo de, 534, 541; - advances on Cusco, 526; - defeated, 526; - escapes from Cusco, 526; - likeness, 544; - defeated by Giron, 545. - - Alvarado, Garcia de, 535. - - Alvarado, Gomez de, 527. - - Alvarado, Gonzalo, his manuscript on the conquest of Guatemala, 419. - - Alvarado, Hernando de, 503. - - Alvarado, Pedro de, 351; - his portrait, 366, 398; - autog., 367; - with Grijalva, 203; - in Mexico, 367; - at the second siege, 376; - receives Tapia, 380; - in Guatemala, 383; - accounts of his trial, 398, 419; - in Peru, 520; - his report to Cortés, 411; - his despatches from Guatemala, 419; - returns to Guatemala, 522; - new grant to, 522. - - Alvarez, 537, 538. - - Alvaro. _See_ Albo. - - Alviles, Diego, 506. - - Alzate, 375. - - Amador de los Rios, José, edits Oviedo, 346. - - Amaguayo, 233. - - Amandus, _Chronica_, 417. - - Amat di San Filippo, Pietro, _Biog. dei viaggiatori Italiani_, 155; - _mappamondi, etc._, 155; - _Studi biog. e bibliog._, 93. - - Amat, _Dic. de los escritores Catalanes_, 45. - - Amatepeque, 503. - - Amati, _Ricerche_, 51. - - Amazon, 519; - discovered, 528; - history of the, 579; - (Paricura, Marañon, Orellana), 188; - sketch-map, 581. - - Amazons (female warriors), 584, 585; - (in New Mexico), 474. - - Amboyna, 591. - - Amelia Island, 282. - - _America, La_, 47. - - America, in Schöner’s globe (1535), 118; - name on the Tross gores, 120; - on the Da Vinci sketch, 126; - paper on the naming of, by Justin Winsor, 153; - name proposed in _Cosmog. introd._, with fac-similes, 146, 168; - earliest use of name on maps, 171, 172; - should be called Columba, 174; - a part of Asia, 176; - the name first applied to the entire continent (1541), 178; - name of, in editions of Ptolemy, 184. - _See_ North America, South America. - - American Ethnological Society, _Transactions_, 501. - - _American Journal of Numismatics_, 470. - - American Philosophical Society’s _Transactions_, 35. - - _American Review_, 501. - - Amichel, 284; - named by Garay, 237. - - Amigos del Pais, _Informe_, etc., 82. - - Amoretti, Charles, on Maldonado, 456; - publishes Pigafetta, 614. - - Amuca, 589. - - Amunátegui, M. L., _Descub. i conq. de Chile_, 573; - _La sorpresa de Curalava_, 573. - - Anahuac plateau, 358, 359. - - Anaica, 246. - - _Analectic Magazine_, 50. - - _Anales de Aragon_, 68, 421. - - Anaquito, 538. - - Añasco, Juan de, 245, 246. - - Ancients, their references to western lands, 25. - - Ancona, _Yucatan_, 429, 558. - - Ancoras, 449. - - Ancuparius, Thos., 173. - - Andagoya, Pascual de, 196, 199, 212, 505, 541, 564; - his _Relation_, 212, 214, 564; - edited by Markham, 212, 564; - inspector-general, 506; - his life, 564; - in Biru, 506; - founds Buenaventura, 536. - - Andahuaylas, 519. - - Andalusian bibliophiles, 66. - - Anderson, _America not discovered by Columbus_, 33. - - Andes, 514. _See_ Cordilleras. - - Andrade, J. M., 422; - his library, 399; - its sale, 430. - - Anghiera. _See_ Martyr. - - Anian, early use of the name, 445; - on the Asiatic coast, 445. - - Anian, Gulf of, 454. - - Anian Regnum, 452, 454, 459, 472. - - Anian, Straits of, origin of the name, 445; - first on maps, 449; - mentioned, 445, 451, 453, 454, 455, 459, 461, 463, 464, 465, 466, - 467; - Goldson on, 456. - - Anson, _Voyages_, 467. - - Antarctic continent, 119, 433, 454, 457; - (Terra Australis), 459. - - Antichthones, 180. - - Antigua, 197; - abandoned, 199. - _See_ Santa Maria. - - Antilhas, 108. - - Antilles (Antiglie), 220; - (Entillas), 226; - first named, 38. - - Antillia, 105, 115; - (Antiglie), 121; - (island), 36, 38. - - Antischia, 584. - - Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hisp. nova_, 575. - - Antonio de la Ascension, 460. - - Antwerp, _Bull. de la Soc. geog._, 59. - - Anza, 468. - - Apalche, 281. - - Apalache Bay, 243, 283, 288. - - Apalaches, 295. - - Apianus, Petrus (Bienewitz), _Cosmog. liber_, 173, 174, 182; - _Declaratio typi cosmographici_, 176, 182; - account of him, 182; - annotated by G. Frisius, 183; - later editions, 184, 185, 186; - his likeness, from Reusner, 179; - another likeness, 185; - bibliography of, 180, etc.; - his map (1520), 122, 173, 182; - fac-simile of it, 183. - - Apollonius, Levinus, _De Peruviæ regionis_, 576. - - Apurimac, 520. - - Arabs, their marine charts, 94. - - Aragon, archives of, ii.; chronicles of, 68. - - Arana, Diego de, 10; - _Bibliog. de obras anón._, 66, 289. - - Araucanians, 524, 548; - wars of, 561, 573; - poem on, by Ercilla, 571. - - Araucaria, 562. - - Arauco, 524. - - Arbadaos, 244. - - Arbolancha, Pedro de, 196, 211. - - Archæological Institute of America, _Reports_, 502. - - Arche, 491. - - _Archivo dos Açores_, 40. - - _Archivo Mexicano_, 398. - - Arciniega, Sancho de, 278. - - Arctic Ocean (mare septentrionale incognito), 451. - - Ardoino, Ant. defence of C. de Vaca, 286; - _Exámen_, 286. - - Arellano, C. d’, 258. - - Arellano, Tristan d’, 213, 482, 486, 489, 504; - attacked, 495. - - Arenas (Cape), 281. - - Arequipa, 519, 558, 559; - founded, 523. - - Argensola, _Anales de Aragon_, 91; - _Conq. de las islas Malucas_, 616. - - Arguello, Hernando de, 213. - - Arias, Gomez, 503; - seeks De Soto, 253. - - Aribau, B. C., 584. - - Arica, 519. - - Aristotle, 24; - _De mundo_, 26. - - Arizona, 477. - - Arkansas Indians, 294. - - Armas, J. L. de, _Las Cenizas de Colon_, 82. - - Armendariz, 581, 582. - - Armor of Columbus’ time (cut), 4; - of Cortés’ time, 360; - Spanish, 539, 544, 550. - - Arms of Spanish towns and provinces, 409. - - Arnim, T., _Das alte Mexico_, 362, 428. - - Arrowsmith, his maps show Lake Parima, 589. - - Arthus, Gothard, 420; - _India orientalis_, 616. - - Arx Carolina, 269. - - Ascension Bay in Yucatan, 203. - - Asensio, J. M., _Los restos de Colon_, 82. - - Asia, in Pomponius Mela’s map, 180. - - Asian theory, 42. _See_ America. - - Aspa, Ant. de, 89. - - Asseline, David, _Antiquitéz de Dieppe_, 34. - - Astaburriaga, F. S., 573. - - Astete, Miguel, his narrative, 566. - - Astrolabe, 96; - picture of, 96. - - Astronomers, important on early voyages, 148. - - Atabillos, Marquis of, 522. - - Atacama, 559; - desert, 524. - - Atacames, 508. - - Atahualpa, 514; - portraits of, 515, 516; - made prisoner, 516; - offers ransom, 517, 566; - murdered, 517. - - Atienza, Blas de, 520; - with Balbóa, 520. - - Atienza, Blas de (son), _Relacion_, 520. - - Atlantic Ocean, names of, 36; - called “Mare del Nort”, 451. - - Atlantis, 37. - - Atrato (river), 198, 509. - - _Atti della Soc. Ligure di Storia Patria_, 106, 616. - - Attwood’s Bay, 56. - - Aubin manuscripts, 418. - - Audiencia, 348; - of New Spain, 387; - of San Domingo, 382. - - Augustinian friars, 399. - - _Ausland_, _das_, 9, 66, 103. - - Aute (harbor), 243. - - Auto da fé in Peru, 557. - - Autun, d’, 28. - - Avavares (Indians), 244. - - Avendaño, Diego de, 343. - - Avila, Alonso de, 351, 429, 520. - - Avila, Pedro Arias d’, 505; - governor of Nicaragua, 508. - _See_ Pedrárias. - - Avila. _See_ Davila, Gil Gonzales. - - Axacan, 260, 282. - - Ayala, Pedro de, 518. - - Ayays, 253. - - Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, of St. Domingo, 238; - on the Florida coast, 240; - land of, 221; - in Virginia, 241; - dies, 241; - authorities on, 285; - map of his explorations, 285. - - Ayora, 197. - - Azevedo (Jesuit), 278. - - Azores, 105, 115, 451; in 1541, 177; - _Archivo dos Açores_, 40; - rediscovered, 38. - - Aztec civilization, described by Prescott, 425; - doubted by Wilson, 427. - - Aztec literature, 417. - - Aztecs before the Conquest, as described by Sahagun, 416; - driven from Mexico, 445. - - - BABUECA, 127. - - Baccalaos, 128, 432, 434, 436; - (Bacalaos), 223, 228, 446; - (Bacalar), 126; - (Baccallaos), 435; - (Bacallaos), 435; - (Bacaalear), 432; - (Baccalearum regio), 177, 433; - (Bacalhos), 446; - (Baccalos), 451; - (Baqualan), 450; - map of, 435. - - Bachiler, _Apuntes para la hist. de Cuba_, 230. - - Backer, _La compagnie de Jésus_, 420. - - Backstaff, 98, 100. - _See_ Cross-staff. - - Bacon, Fr., _Life of Henry VII._, 3. - - Bacon, Roger, 28; - _Opus Majus_, 28. - - Badajos, Gonzalo de, 198. - - Badajos, Congress of, 439. - - Baerle, K. van, edits Herrera, 461. - - Baez, 282. - - Baguet, “Ces restes de Colomb”, 82. - - Bahamas (Banama), 217; - discovered, 233; - number of, 53; - map, 55; - slaves taken at, 236. - - Bahia de Cavallos, 243. - - Bahia de la Cruz (Apalache), 243, 288. - - Balbóa, M. C., _Histoire du Peru_, 576. - - Balbóa, Vasco Nuñez de, 193; - hears of the Southern Sea, 194; - discovers it, 176, 195, 211, 217, 436, 439, 505; - his trial, 197; - executed, 199, 212, 213; - authorities on, 210; - portrait, 195. - - Balbuena, _El Bernardo_, 430. - - Baldelli, _Milione di Marco Polo_, 156. - - Baldi, _C. Colombo_, 69. - - Baldwin, C. C., 457; - _Prehistoric Nations_, 25. - - Ballenar, 524. - - Balsas, Rio, 198. - - Bamba, river, 521. - - Banchero, G., iv.; ed. of _Codice_, 72. - - Bancroft, Geo., on Prescott, 427. - - Bancroft, H. H., his manuscripts, viii; - on Herrera, 67; - his _Early American Chroniclers_, 207; - his authorities on Mexican history, 399; - criticism of Prescott, 425; - his lists of books on Mexico, 430; - his _Native Races_, 502; - _History of Pacific States_, 502; - _North Mexican States_, 502; - _Central America_, 207, 502, 578; - _Mexico_, 428, 429, 502; - _California_, 502; - _Northwest Coast_, 502; - _New Mexico and Arizona_, 502. - - Banda, 591. - - Bandelier, A. F., on Chimalpain, 412; - bibliography of Yucatan, 215, 429, 430; - _Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sedentary Indians_, - 477, 502; - and the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, 418; - _Ruins in the Valley of Pecos_, 488. - - Bandini, A. M., _Vita di Vespucci_, 131, 154. - - Banks, Sir Joseph, 226. - - Baranda, vii. - - Barbosa, Duarte, _Sommario_, 613. - - Barburata, 581. - - Barcelona, archives at, ii. - - Barcia, Andres Gonzales, _Ensayo cronológico_, 283; - _Historiadores primitivos_, 401; - edits Herrera, 67; - edits G. de la Vega’s _Florida_, 290; - edits Torquemada, 422. - - Barco, Pedro del, 517. - - Barentz, 460. - - Barlæus, _Novus Orbis_, 67. - - Barlow, S. L. M., prints Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, viii.; - his library, 48. - - Baronius, _Annales_, 592. - - Barreiros, _De Ophira regione_, 154. - - Barrio-Nuevo, F. de, 212, 495. - - Barros, Arana Diego de, _Collection d’ouvrages inédits ou rares sur - l’Amérique_, 573; - _Proceso de Valdivia_, 569; - _Coleccion de historiadores de Chile_, 572; - book on Magellan, 617. - - Barros, João de, _Asia_, 90. - - Barrow, _Chronological History of Voyages_, 33, 455. - - Barry, J. J., on Columbus, 69. - - Bartlett, J. R., on C. de Vaca’s route, 287; - on early printing in Mexico, 400. - - Bartolozzi, F., _Ricerche circa scoperte di Vespucci_, 162; - _Relazione_, 162. - - Basanier, 293, 298. - - Basle, treaty of, 80. - - Basos, 449. - - Bassin de Sandacourt, 145, 164. - - Bastidas, Rodrigo, 109, 189, 581; - authorities on his voyage, 206, 207; - his voyage, 22, 204. - - Bauçault bay, 606. - - Baudoin, J., 575. - - Bautista, Joan, pilot, 616. - - Bayuera, C., _Copia de la lettera per Colombo_, 62. - - Bazan, Pedro de, 241. - - Bazares, Guido de, 257. - - Beaupré, 614. - - Becerra, Diego, 198, 441. - - Becher, _Landfall of Columbus_, 54. - - Bede, 28. - - Behaim, Martin, his career, 104; - his claim to early discoveries, 34; - his map of Magellan’s straits, 35, 604; - improves the astrolabe, 97; - on the African coast, 41; - portrait, 104; - his globe, 25, 104; - section of, 105; - described, 105. - - Behring on the Asiatic coast, 464; - his straits, 468. - - Béjar, duque de, 390. - - Belen, river, 22. - - Belgrano, L. T., _Ossa di Colombo_, 83. - - Belknap, Dr. Jeremy, on Columbus, 68; - his _American Biography_, 68. - - Bellegarde, Abbé de, 341. - - Bellegarde, _Histoire universelle_, 410. - - Bellero, Juan, 186; - his map, 227, 412. - - Bellin, Nic., his map of California, 468. - - Belloro, G. T., on Columbus’ birthplace, 84; - _Notizie_, 84. - - Belloy, Marquis de, _Colomb_, 69. - - Benaduci, Lorenzo Boturini, 2; - his manuscripts, 397, 418; - _Idea de una nueva historia_, etc., 418, 429; - _Catalogo_, 429. - - Benalcazar, Seb., 196, 538, 580. - - Beneventanus, Marcus, 121, 154. - - Benincasa, Andreas, portolano, 38. - - Benzoni, Girolamo, 346; - _Historia del mondo nuovo_, 346, 347; - its bibliography, 347; - his portrait, 347; - _Nuovamente ristampata_, etc., 347; - on Columbus, 67; - _Novæ novi orbis historiæ libri_, 297, 347; - in De Bry, 347; - _Der newenn Weldt_, 347; - German versions, 347; - Dutch versions, 347; - English versions, 347. - - Berardi, Juanoto, 131, 142. - - Berckman, A., 184. - - Berendt, C. H., 402. - - Bergenroth, G. A., edits Rolls Series, i.; - _Calendar of Letters_, etc., i.; - finds a Columbus letter, 47; - _Calendar of State Papers_, 47; - on Isabella, 5. - - Bergomas, _Supplementum supplementi_, 64. - _See_ Foresti. - - Beristain, _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americano_, 429. - - Berlin, Catalogue of manuscripts in the library at, 449; - Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, 93; - _Berliner Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, 579. - - Bermuda, 224, 451, 453; - (1511), 110; - (1529), 221; - (1544), 227; - (1556), 228; - first seen, 155; - (Belmudo), 229; - in the early maps, 225. - - Bernaldez, Andrés, _Historia de los reyes católicos_, 47, 83. - - Bernalillo, 488. - - Bernard, A. J., _Geofroy Tory_, 181. - - Berreo, Ant. de, 586. - - Berrio, 236. - - Berthoud, E. L., 467. - - Bertrand in _Journal des Savants_, 471. - - Berwick, Duke of, 88. - - Betanzos, Juan de, 546. - - Beteta, Father Gregory de, 255. - - Bianco, Andrea, his sea-chart, 38, 94. - - _Bibliophile Belge_, 50. - - _Biblioteca de los Americanistas_, 398, 419. - - Biblioteca Colombina, 65. - - Biblioteca Cosatenense, 159. - - _Biblioteca histórica de la Iberia_, 408, 411. - - _Biblioteca nacional y extranjera_, 428. - - _Biblioteca Valenciana_, iii. - - _Bibliotheca Thottiana_, 171. - - _Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_, 579. - - _Bibliothèque Elzévirienne_, 293. - - Biedma, Luys Hernandez de, _Relacion_, 289, 290; - autog., 290. - - Bienewitz. _See_ Apianus. - - Bigotes, 487, 488, 491. - - Bimini, 110, 217, 231, 283; - fountain at, 232; - name transferred to Mexico, 447. - - Biobio river, 532. - - Biondelli, 415. - - Biondo, _De ventis et navigatione_, 421. - - Birú, 198, 199, 505, 509; - visited by Andagoya, 506. - _See_ Peru. - - Bison, 477; - the range of, 244. - _See_ Buffalo. - - Blaeu, _Atlas_, 587; - his maps of California, 467. - - Blanco, Cape, 40, 280, 461; - (Blamquo), 448. - - Blome, _Description_ (1670), 466. - - Bobadilla, 20, 21, 189. - - Bobadilla, Friar Fr. de, 526. - - Bobadilla, Isabel del, 197. - - Boca del Drago, 187. - - Boca de Términos, 203. - - Bocchi, Francesco, _Libri elogiorum_, 154. - - Bœmus, Johannes, _Omnium gentium mores_, 615. - - Boesnier, _Le Mexique conquis_, 430. - - Bogotá, 581; - Federmann and others at, 579. - - Bohan, 531. - - Boissard, _Icones_, 67; - _Bibliotheca_, etc., 67, 73. - - Bojador, Cape, 40. - - Bollaert, Wm., 582. - - Bonhomme, M., 186. - - Boni, G., _Biblioteca Estense_, 107. - - Bonnefoux, Baron de, _Vie de Colomb_, 69. - - Bontier, 36. - - _Bookworm_, 48. - - Borde, P. G. L., _L’île de Trinidad_, 587. - - Borja, J. H. de, 562. - - Borroméo, Fred., Cardinal, 57, 614. - - Bory de Saint-Vincent, _Les Isles Fortunées_, 36. - - Bos, Van den, _Leven en Daden_, 68. - - Bosschaert, 162. - - Bossi, L., _Vita di Colombo_, 68. - - Boston, a ship from, alleged to be met by De Fonte, 462. - - Botero, _Relaciones_, 461. - - Boturini. _See_ Benaduci. - - Bouguer, 590. - - Boulenger, Louis, 120. - - Bourke, J. G., on Coronado, 503. - - Bourne, _Regiment of the Sea_, 98. - - Bowen, his map, 468. - - Braba, 495. - - Bracamoras, 527. - - Bradford Club publications, 290. - - Braga, John of, 596. - - Branco river, 587. - - Brant, Seb., portrait, 59; - _Narrenschiff_, 58. - - Brantôme, _Grands capitaines_, 298. - - Brasilie, 118, 119. - _See_ Brazil. - - Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Popul-Vuh_, 25; - on Spanish cruelty, 343; - his authority, 418; - _Nations civilisées_, 418, 428; - on the manuscript of Bernal Diaz, 428; - edits Bishop Landa’s _Relation_, 429; - his library, 418, 430; - _Codex Chimalpopoca_, 418. - - Braun and Hogenberg, _Civitates_, 378; - _Cités du Monde_, 378. - - Bravo, Melchor, 542, 545, 551. - - Brazil, 228, 435, 436, 437, 446; - bibliography of, 617; - cut off by line of demarcation, 596; - first visited, 150; - in the Lenox globe, 123, 170; - map of coast (1522), 598; - natives of, 597; - cannibals, 597; - called _Terra Sanctæ Crucis_, 169, 219; - (Prisilia), 121; - (Bresilia), 459. - _See_ Prisilia, Brasilie, Bresilia. - - Breckenridge, H. M., _Early Discoveries in New Mexico_, 502. - - Bresil (island), 36, 451, 453. - - Bresilia, 433. - _See_ Brazil. - - Breusing, _Gerhard Kremer_, 471. - - Breusing, A., _Zur Geschichte der Kartographie_, 55. - - Brevoort, J. C., on Spanish-American documents, i, vii; - on Muñoz, iii; - _Remains of Columbus_, 82; - on the arms of Columbus, 88; - on the bibliography of Cortés, 411; - on the bibliography of Gomara, 414; - on Viscaino, 461. - - Breydenbach, B. de, his _Peregrinationes_, 8, 10. - - Briceño, Alonzo, 510. - - Briggs, Master, his map in Purchas, 462, 466. - - Brinton, D. G., 279, 282; - _Aboriginal American Literature_, 419; - _Floridian Peninsula_, 283. - - British Museum, Spanish documents in, vii; - _Index to Manuscripts_, vii; - _Catalogue of Spanish Manuscripts_, vii. - - Brito, Ant., 616. - - Brovius, 592. - - Brown, Rawdon, _Calendar of State Papers_, 1; - and the Venetian archives, viii; - discovery of letters respecting Vespucius, 152. - - Bruzen, la Martinière, _Introduction à l’histoire_, 468. - - Buache, 468; - _Considérations géographiques_, 461; - _Découvertes de l’Amiral de Fonte_, 463; - and Kino’s map, 467; - on Maldonado, 455. - - Buell, Bernardus, 58. - - Buena Ventura, 509, 536. - - Buffalo, early pictures (1542), of, 477, 488, 489; - first Spanish knowledge of, 487. - _See_ Bison. - - Buga, 509. - - Buil (or Boil), 16. - - Bull of demarcation, 592; - the line moved, 592, 596. - _See_ Alexander VI.: Demarcation. - - Bullart, Isaac, 73. - - _Bulletin de la Société d’Anvers_, 82. - - Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, 95. - - Bürck, August, _Magellan_, 593, 617. - - Buriel opposes Delisle’s views on De Fonte, 463. - - Burke, Edmund, _European Settlements in America_, 424. - - Burney, _South Sea Voyages_, 461. - - Burton, _Hans Stade_, 616. - - Bustamante, Carlos Maria de, 398; - edits Cavo’s _Tres Siglos_, 428; - publishes Chimalpain, 412. - - Butler, J. D., on the naming of America, 178; - on portraits of Columbus, 71. - - Büttner, 221. - - Byington, _Choctaw Definer_, 258. - - Bynneman, Henry, 414. - - - CABALLERO, Diego, 239. - - Caballero, oration on Columbus, 81. - - Cabeza de Vaca, 503; - at Culiacan, 474; - _Relacion_, 499. - _See_ Vaca. - - Cabezudo, J. R., 90. - - Cabo. _See_ Cape. - - Cabo, Deseado, 608. - - Cabo Frio, 596. - _See_ Frio. - - Cabot, Sebastian, compared with Columbus, 99; - his records of longitude, 100; - his map, 113, 227, 243; - on Vespucius, 154; - was he on the Florida coast, 231; - apparently ignorantof Gomez’ voyage, 242; - testifies in the Columbus lawsuit, 242; - at La Plata, 440; - an Italian, 2; - with his father discovers North America, 135; - thought it different from Asia, 136. - - Cabral discovers Brazil, 24, 156, 169, 205. - - Cabrera, Bueno, his _Navegacion_, 453. - - Cabrera, Cristóbal, _Manual de adultos_, 400. - - Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez, on the California coast, 444, 481. - - Cabusto, 250. - - Cacama, 364. - - Cadamosto, 40. - - Cadodaguios, 294. - - Cadoret, E., _Vie de Colomb_, 65, 69. - - Caicedo, 194, 209, 210. - - Caicos, 233. - - Cakchiquels, 383. - - Calancha, Ant. de la, _Coronica_, 570. - - Caldera, 524. - - Calderon de la Barca, 427. - - Calderon de la Barca, Juan, in Chili, 531. - - Calendars, published by English Government, i. - - Cali, 509. - - Calicut, 42. - - California, coast of, in maps, 447, etc.; - map by Dudley, 465; - discovered by Cortés, 393; - origin of name, 443; - history by Clavigero, 425. - - California (gulf), map of, by Cortés, 442; - called Gulf of Cortés, 443; - Red Sea, 443; - (Mer Vermiglio), 228; - map of, by Castillo, 443; - by Cabot, 447; - by Freire, 448; - (Mar Vermeio), 449; - map by Wytfliet, 458. - - California (peninsula), Kino’s explorations, 467; - early thought to be an island, 442; - then held to be a peninsula, 445; - so shown on various maps, 445, etc.; - omitted on others, 446; - represented very broad, 228; - distorted in shape, 452; - by Wytfliet, 458; - later reputed to be an island, 461; - maps showing it as peninsula, 461; - earliest insularizing of it, 461; - early suspicions of its insularity, 461; - in Briggs’s map, 462; - an island on a captured Spanish chart, 462; - a peninsula in De Laet, 462; - an island, 466; - varied views, 467. - - Caliquen, 246. - - Callao, 519. - - Callender, _Voyages to Terra Australis_, 162. - - Caluça, 251. - - Calvet de Estella, “De rebus gestis Cortesii”, 397. - - Calveton. _See_ Chauveton. - - Cam, Diego, 41; - on the African coast, 35. - - Camargo, Diego de, at Pánuco, 238; - Muñoz, account of, 418; - his History of Tlaxcala, 418; - his expedition, 284; - names of his followers, 415. - - Camaron, Josef, 261. - - Cambiasi, Count, his sale, iv. - - Camercane (islands), 177. - - Camers, John, edits Mela, 182; - edits Solinus, 173. - - Campanius, on California, 466. - - Campe, Friedrich, _Zum Andenken Pirkheimers_, 102. - - Campeche, 201, 203. - - Campi, _Historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza_, 84. - - Canada, 451, 453. - - _Canadian Monthly_, 97. - - Canaries (islands), 8, 105, 177, 451; - as first meridian, 95; - bibliography of, 36; - settled by Béthencourt, 36. - _See_ Fortunate Islands. - - Canasagua, 247. - - Cañate (town), founded, 547. - - Cañate. _See_ Mendoza. - - Cañaveral, 277. - - Cañaveral, Cape, 263, 264, 295. - - Cancelada, Counts of, 569. - - Cancellieri, F. G., _Diss. sopro Colombo_, viii, 65, 73, 84. - - Cancer de Barbastro, Luis, and the Indians, 254; - in Florida, 255; - killed, 255. - - Cancheto, 187. - - Cancio, 233. - - Candia, P. de, 510, 512, 528, 536. - - Canico. _See_ Cancio. - - Canizares, _El Pleyto de Cortés_, 430. - - Cannibals, 175, 220, 303, 329; - of Brazil, 597; - picture of, 19, 598. - - Cannon, of Cortés’ time, 352; - cast in Mexico, 380. - - Cano, Francisco, 504. - - Cano, Melchior, 315. - - Canoe, Indian (cut), 17; - described by Pigafetta, 596. - - Canovai, S., _Elogio di Vespucci_, 155; - various publications on Vespucius, 155. - - Cantino, Alberto, his map, 43, 107, 231; - sketch, 108; - illustrates Vespucius’ voyage, 156; - type of, 122. - - Cantipratensis, _De rerum natura_, 28. - - Canto, Ernesto do, _Archivo dos Açores_, 38; - _Os Corte-Reaes_, 107. - - Cantù, _Storia universale_, 83. - - Canzio, M., 78. - - Cape. _See_ Arenas, Blanco, Bojador, Cañaveral, Corrientes, Good Hope, - Gracias a Dios, Hatteras, Mendocino, Mesurado, Non, Passado, Race, - Roman, Roxo, Rostro, St. Augustin, St. Helena, St. Roman, San - Francisco, Santa Maria, Stormy, Tiburon, Trafalgar. - _See also_ Cabo. - - Cape Breton (Berton), 451, 453. - - Cape De Verde Islands, 39, 105, 115. - - Cape Gracias á Dios, 353. - - Cape Race (Ras), 453. - - Cape St. Lucas (de Balena), 458. - - Cape St. Vincent, fight at, 1, 2. - - Capiapa, 559. - - “Capitana”, ship, 20. - - Capponi. _See_ Gino. - - Capriolo, _Ritratti_, 72. - - Caravantes, F. L. de, 566. - - Caravels, 7, 48. - - Carbajal, F. de, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 537; - leads Vaca de Castro’s army, 536; - executed, 542. - - Carbajal, _Mexico_, 73. - - Carballido y Zuniga. _See_ Barcia. - - Cardenas, 496. - - Cardenas y Cano, _Florida_, 575. - _See_ Barcia. - - Cárdenas, F. de, his _Coleccion_, vii. - - Cardenas, Garcia Lopez de, 484, 488. - - Cárdenas, Luis de, 397. - - Carderera, V., _Retratos de Colon_, 70. - - Cardona, Nicolas de, 461. - - Careta, 195. - - Caribana (punta), 189. - - Caribbee Islands, 16. - - Carillo, Luis, 198. - - Carleton, J. H., _Excursion to the Ruins of Abo_, etc., 494. - - Carlos (Indian chief), 279, 282. - - Carlos. _See_ Charles. - - Carlyle, Thomas, on Prescott’s letters, 427. - - Carmona, Alonzo de, 290. - - Caroline. _See_ Fort Caroline. - - Carpenter, his _Geography_, 462. - - Carrion, A. de, 511. - - Cartagena, 190, 191, 209, 581; - view of, 192; - taken by Lago, 584; - plundered, 262. - - _Cartas de Indias_, viii, 567; - map in, 222. - - Carthagena, Juan de, 592, 599, 604, 607. - - Carthagena. _See_ Cartagena. - - Cartier, watched by Spanish spies, 254. - - Carvajal, A. S. de, factor of Columbus, iv. - - Carvajal, B. de, 57. - - Carver, the traveller, 469; - his _Travels_, 469. - - Casa de la Contratacion, 57, 348. - - Casa Grande, 482, 502. - - Casas, pursues Olid, 384. - - Caseneuve, 1; - (admiral), 86. - - Casoni, _Annali di Genova_, 83, 90. - - Casqui, 251. - - Cass, Lewis, on Aztec civilization, 427. - - Cassanare River, 586. - - Cassano Serra, Duke de, 450. - - Cassaquiari Canal, 581, 582. - - Cassava bread, 598. - - Castañeda, Gabriel, on the Conquest of the Chichimecs, 419. - - Castañeda, Pédro de, _Relation_, 500. - - Castaño de Sosa, Gaspar, 504. - - Castellani, 342; - _Catalogo_, 435. - - Castellanos, Juan de, his portrait, 583; - _Elegias_, 78, 583. - - Castilla del Oro, 88, 169, 221, 459, 505; - map of, 190, 191. - - Castilla Nueva, 212. - _See_ New Castile. - - Castillo, 244; - fac-simile of his map of California, 444. - - Castro, Lope Garcia de, governor of Peru, 551; - his life, 570. - - Castro, Vaca de, his letters, 567; - his life by Herrera, 567. - - Cat Island, 55. - - Catalan mappemonde, 38, 94. - - Catalutla, 392. - - Catamaran, 611. - - Cataneo on Columbus, 64. - - Catesby, _Carolina_, 53. - - Cathay, 41, 105. - - Catoche, 384; - (punta), 201, 236. - - Caulin, Ant., _Hist. Nueva Andalucia_, 587. - - Caupolican, 548, 549. - - Cavendish, 464; - on Pacific coast, 456; - captures Viscaino, 460. - - Cavo, Andrés, _Tres siglos de México_, 428. - - Caxamalca, 558. - - Caxamarca, 514, 516, 519. - - Cayas, 251. - - Centeno, Diego, 538, 541. - - Cenú, expedition to, 208; - (river), 189. - - Cepeda, 537, 538, 540, 541. - - Cepeda and Carillo, _Ciudad de México_, 375. - - Cermeñon, 453. - - Ceron, George, 259. - - Cerpa, Diego Fernando de, 586. - - Cervantes, Ant. de, 240. - - Cespedes, A. G. de, _Reg. de Navigation_, 45, 461. - - Chachapoyas, 519, 528; - founded, 523. - - Chaco, Rio, 502. - - Chac-xulub-chen, chronicle of, 419. - - Chaix, Paul, _Bassin du Mississipi_, 287. - - Chalco, 369. - - Challcuchima, 520. - - Challeux, Nicolas le (Challus), at Fort Caroline, 296; - _Discours_, 296; - _Histoire mémorable_, 296; - _True and Perfect Description_, 296; - edited by Gravier, 296; - _De Gallorum Expeditione_, 297. - - Champlain, his astrolabe, 97. - - Champoton, 203. - - Chamuscado, F. S., 504. - - Chanaral, 524. - - Chanca, Dr., 57; - on Columbus’ second voyage, 89. - - Channing, Edw., “Companions of Columbus”, 187. - - Chapultepec, 374. - - Charcas, 523, 525. - - Charles III. (Spain), his care of documents, ii. - - Charles V. (Spain), forms archives of Simancas, i. - - Charles V. (Emperor), 88; - autog., 289, 372; - gives a map to Philip II., 222, 445, 446; - portrait in Jovius, 371; - in Herrera, 373; - portrait in title of a Latin _Cortés_, 409. - - Charlesfort (Port Royal), 260, 274; - abandoned, 262. - - Charlevoix on Columbus’ birth, 83; - _Isle Espagnole_, 88. - - Charlotte Islands, 463. - - Charton, his list of sources of Mexican history, 399; - _Voyageurs_, 10, 71. - - Chaumette des Fossé, _Catalogue_, 576. - - Chauveton, Urbain, 297; - translates Benzoni, 347. - - Chavanne, Dr. J., 222. - - Chaves, Diego de, 518. - - Chaves, F. de, 518, 520, 527; - murdered, 534. - - Chaves, Hieronymus, his map, 281; - description of the Atlantic coast, 292. - - Chelaque, 247. - - Cherokees, 247. - - Chesapeake Bay visited by Spaniards, 240, 260, 282. - - Chevalier, M., _Mexique ancien et moderne_, 428. - - Chia, 491. - - Chiaha, 247. - - Chiametla, 442, 482. - - Chibchas, 581. - - Chicaça, 250. - - Chicama, 519. - - Chichilticalli, 482, 487. - - Chilaga, 459. - - Chilca, 558. - - Childe, E. V., translates Santarem’s _Vespuce_, 178. - - Chili, 228, 436, 459; - _Anales de in Universedad_, 56; - coast, 460; - “Conquest and Settlement of”, by Markham, 505; - its earlier history, 524; - sketch-map of the Conquest, 524; - wars with Araucanians, 547; - Valdivia defeated, 549; - Villagra, governor, 549; - G. H. de Mendoza, governor, 549; - Villagra, governor, 551; - Quiroga, governor, 551; - audiencia of, 551; - Wytfliet’s map, 559; - Sotomayor, governor, 561; - Loyola, governor, 561; - sources of information, 571; - _Varias relaciones del Peru y Chile_, 576. - _See_ Almagro, Valdivia. - - Chillan, 524. - - Chiloe, archipelago, 549. - - Chimalhuacan, 369. - - Chimalpain, _Cronica Mexicana_, 418; - translates Gomara, 412; - Bustamante supposes it a native text, 412; - Bandelier deceived, 412. - - Chimborazo, 509. - - Chinan. _See_ Golfo. - - Chincha, 228, 519, 526, 558. - - Chiquito (Colorado), 483. - - Chira River, 515, 519. - - Chirino, Pedro, _Islas Filipinas_, 616. - - Chisca, 248, 251. - - Choco Bay, 509. - - Choctaco Bluff, 291. - - _Choix de documents géog. à la bibl. nat._, 38. - - Cholula, 358, 362. - - Chronometer, 101. - - Chuchama, 506, 507, 509. - - Chucuito, 538. - - Chupas, 536; - battle of, 567. - - Chuquinga, 519; - battle at, 545. - - Cia, 491. - - Cianca, Andres de, 542. - - Cibola, 477, 478, 480, 528; - identified, 483; - the district of, 483; - map of, 485; - expedition to, 503; - seven cities, 458; - various identifications of, 501, 502, 503. - - Ciboletta, 501. - - Cicuyé, 487, 488. - - Cieza de Leon, Pedro de, 541; - career, 568; - fate of his manuscripts, 568; - _La guerra de Quito_, 568; - bibliography of, 573; - _Parte primera de la chronica del Peru_, 573; - various translations, 574; - Parts II., III., and IV., 574; - copy of manuscript in Lenox Library, 574; - _Tercero libro_, 574. - - Cignatao, 224. - - Ciguatan, 449, 473, 474, 499. - - Cimarrones, 582. - - Cimber et Danjon, _Archives curieuses_, 296. - - Cinnamon, Land of, 528, 581. - - Cipango, 8, 24, 25, 105, 116; - described by Marco Polo, 29; - (Cimpangi), 128; - (Zipangri), 118, 119, 121; - (Zipagri), 120; - (Zipancri), 123; - (Zipugna), 124. - _See_ Japan. - - Circourt, A. de, 66. - - Cisneros, Diego, _Ciudad de Mexico_, 378. - - Citri, Bon André de, 424. - - Citri de la Guette, 289. - - Civezza, Marcellino da, _Missions Franciscaines_, 3. - - _Civiltà cattolica_, 69. - - Cladera, C., _Investigaciones históricas_, 35, 78, 83, 105. - - Clarke, _Progress of Maritime Discovery_, 40. - - Clavigero, F. S., account of, 425; - his _Messico_, 425; - _California_, 425; - _Hist. antigua de Méjico_, 425; - _Gesch. von Mexico_, 425; - _History of Mexico_, translated by Cullen, 425; - portrait, 425; - his list of books on Mexico, 430. - - Clavus, Claudius, 28. - - Clemencin on the value of ancient Spanish money, 517. - - Clement, _Bibliog. curieuse_, 182. - - Clement VII., portrait, 407. - - Clemente, C., _Tablas_, 9. - - Clerigo. _See_ Las Casas. - - Climatic lines, 95. - - Clinton, De Witt, on the Spaniards at Onondaga, 283. - - Club, Indian (cut), 16. - - Cnoyen, 95. - - Cobo, Bernabé, _Fundacion de Lima_, 567. - - Coça, 248, 258. - - Coça River, 528. - - Cochiti, 491. - - Cocleius, Johannes, 182. - - Coco, 487. - - _Codex Ramirez_, 375. - - Codine, Jules, _Découverte de la côte d’Afrique_, 40; - _La mer des Indes_, 40, 94. - - Coelho, Gonzalo, his voyage, 151, 162. - - Cofitachiqui, 251. - - Cogolludo, D. L., _Yucathan_, 214, 429. - - Coiba, 509. - - _Coin-Collectors’ Journal_, 470. - - Cole, Humphrey, invented the log, 98. - - _Coleccion de doc. inéd. para la historia España_, vii. - - _Coleccion de doc. inédit. (Españolas en América)_, edited by Pacheco, - etc., vii, 498. - - _Coleccion de libras raros ó curiosos_, 577. - - Coles, Juan, 290. - - Coligny, lives of, 298. - - Coligua, 251. - - Colin, edition of Herrera, 67; _Nieuwe Werelt_, 67. - - Collao, 519, 524, 528, 558. - - Colo-colo, 548. - - Cologne, _Coronica van Coellen_, 59. - - Colmeiro, M., _Los restos de Colon_, 82. - - Colmenares, Rodrigo Enriquez, 193, 210. - - Colombo. _See_ Columbus; Colon. - - Colombo family, genealogical table, 87; - lawsuit, 88; - Harrisse on, 89. - - Colombo, F. G., 72. - - Colombo, Luigi, _Patria del Ammireglio_, 84. - - Colon. _See_ Columbus, Colombo. - - _Colon en Quisqueya_, 65, 82. - - Colon, Luis, 65, 66; - renounces his rights, 88. - - Colon, Pedro, 65. - - Colorado (river), 468, 469, 485, 486; - ascended by Alarcon, 443. - - Columbia proposed as name for the United States, 178. - - Columbia River, 469, 470. - - Columbus. _See_ Colon; Colombo. - - Columbus, Bartholomew, 88; - on the African coast, 41; - takes a map to England, 102; - arrives in Hispaniola, 17; - on the Honduras coast, 22; - in Lisbon, 1; - in England, 3; - portrait, 86; - memoir, 86. - - Columbus, Christopher, birth, 1; - date of birth, 83, 89; - place of birth, 83, 89; - his father, 89; - of humble origin, 84, 89; - genealogy of his family, 87; - signification of his name, 135; - his piratical career, 1; - sells maps, 3; - his marriage, 2, 90; - his geographical theories, 3, 24; - as to size of globe, 24; - as to shape of globe, 99; - his notes on D’Ailly, 29; - on Æneas Sylvius, 32; - his argument from trees drifted ashore, 35; - his alleged intercourse with Spanish pilot, 33; - proposes to Ferdinand and Isabella, 3; - made high admiral, 5; - would rescue the Holy Sepulchre, 5; - his voyages (collectively), 109; - map of the four voyages, 60, 61, 67; - his first voyage, 8, 46, 131; - his ships, 7; - number of his men, 10; - money raised, 91; - his track (map), 9; - his attempt to ascertain longitude by the needle’s declination, 100; - landfall, 9, 52, 92; - his prayer, 9; - supposed he had reached Asia, 136; - usual ascription of his discovery, 183, 598; - builds fort in Hayti, 10; - return voyage, 11; - his reception, 12; - news of the discovery carried to Italy, 48; - effect in Europe, 56; - his second voyage, 15, 131; - observes eclipse of the moon, 98; - returns to Spain, 18; - authorities on second voyage, 57; - his third voyage, 19, 133, 142; - gets information of the Pacific, 211; - Roldan’s revolt, 20; - Bobadilla arrives, 20; - put in chains, 20; - returns to Spain, 20; - authorities on third voyage, 58; - his fourth voyage, 20, 191; - loses an anchor, 59; - authorities on fourth voyage, 59; - his associations with places (Barcelona), 56, - (Costa Rica), 21, - (Cuba), 10, - (Genoa), 2, 90, - (Hayti), 10, - (Honduras), 21, - (Ireland), 2, 33, - (Jamaica), 22, 201, - (Palos), 90, - (Pavia), 90, - (Portugal), 2, 90, - (Rabida), 3, 90, - (Salamanca), 4, 91, - (Santa Fé), 5, - (Segovia), 23; - dies obscurely, 23, 78, 167; - house where he died, 23; - burial, 78; - remains removed to St. Domingo, 80; - supposed reinterment at Havana, 81; - his will, 65; - the lawsuit of his heirs, 10, 204; - his connection with Beatrix Enriquez, 4, 64; - his characteristics, 23, 24; - inexactness, 91; - makes slaves of the natives, 303; - imagined himself inspired, 24; - compared with Cabot, 99; - personal relations and reciprocal influence with Cabot, 136; - with Toscanelli, 2, 90; - with Vespucius, 131, 142, 149, 178; - his companions, 187; - his fame, 65; - early references to, 57, 62, 64; - poems and dramas on, 68; - efforts to canonize him, 69; - Roselly de Lorgues’ efforts, 69; - his name suggested for the New World, 169, 174; - authorities on his career, 24; - documents, i, vii, viii; - his letters-patent, iii; - his privileges, 86; - the “admiral’s map”, 113; - other maps connected with him, 94, 104, 113, 144; - his manuscripts, 65, 89; - at Genoa, iv, 77; - his manuscript on Portuguese discoveries, 35; - his drawing of his triumph, 12; - his letters, 46, 89; - first letter, early editions, 48; - fac-similes of pages, 49-54; - Ambrosian text, 92; - other texts, 50; - turned into rhyme, 51; - in later shapes, 51; - letters lost, ii, - photographed, iv; - his Journal abridged by Las Casas, 91: - his printed writings, 89; - _Cartas y testamento_, 52; - _Copia de la lettera_, 62; - _Lettera rarissima_, 62; - his Journal, 46, 89, 91; - _Libro de las proficias_, 24, 89; - _Epistola C. Colom_ or _De insulis inventis_, 48; - _Eyn Schon hübsch_, etc. 51; - letters in _Cartas de Indias_, viii; - his writings, edited by Torre, 46; - lives and notices of, 62: - (Castellanos), 584, - (Dodge), iv, - (Ferdinand Columbus), 64, 65, - (Giustiniani), 62, - (Harrisse), 88, - (Irving) vi, - (Navarrete), v, - (Robertson), ii, - (Winsor), 1; - descriptions of his person, 69; - likenesses, painted, engraved, and carved,—namely (Berwick-Alba), - 76, - (Borgoña), 76, - (Capriolo), 72, 73, - (Cardenas), 78, - (Cogletto), 73, - (Cuccaro), 72, - (D’Ambras), 73, - (De Bry), 73, 74, 75, - (De Pas), 72, - (Edwards), 78, - (Florence), 72, 73, 74, - (Fuchsius), 76, - (Genoa), 78, - (Havana), 76, 77, - (Jomard), 74, 78, - (Jovius), 70, - (La Cosa), 71, - (Lima), 78, - (Madrid), 78, - (Maella), 76, - (Malpila), 72, - (Mercuri), 73, - (Montanus), 77, 79, - (More), 76, - (Mosaic), 73, - (Opmeer), 72, - (Parmigiano), 76, - (Peschiera), 76, - (Philoponus), 77, - (New Providence), 78, - (Rome), 78, - (Seville), 76, 78, - (Washington), 78; - his coat-armor, 15, 88, 89, 105; - his armor, 4; - his autog., 12; - his handwriting, 14; - his motto, 78. - - Columbus, Diego (brother of Christopher, the Admiral), 2, 16, 87, 88, - 191; - sent to Spain, 17; - returns, 18 - to Cuba, 349; - his house, 88; - his will, ii. - - Columbus, Diego (son of the Admiral), 2, 86; - a royal page, 5; - lawsuit of, 144, 174; - memorial on converting the Indians, 337; - his remains, 80, 81. - - Columbus, Ferdinand, 87, 88; - career of, 65; - his mother, 64; - accompanies his father, 21; - relations with Vespucius, 170, 174; - his alleged map, 43, 206; - his _Historie_, 64; - discredited by Harrisse, 66, 89; - defended by Stevens and D’Avezac, 66; - his library, 65; - his income, 65; - his tomb, 65. - - Columbus, Luis (grandson of the Admiral), his remains, 80, 81. - - Coma, G., 58. - - Comité d’Archéologie Américaine, 50. - - Comogre, 505, 509. - - Compass, 94; - picture of, 94. - _See_ Magnet; Needle. - - _Compendio historiæ_, etc., 68. - - Compostella, 474, 480, 481. - - Cona, 493. - - Conception (Chili), 524; - founded, 548. - - “Concepcion” (ship), 594. - - Concepcion Bay, 548. - - Conches, Feuillet de, 12. - - Conches, Guillaume de, his _Philosophia minor_, 28. - - Conchucos settled, 527. - - Conibas (island), 463. - - Conibas (lake), 457. - - Connasauga River, 247. - - _Conquista del nuevo mondo_, 575; - _del Peru_, 563. - - Consag, his map, 468. - - Contarini, Gasparo, 617. - - Conti, Natale, _Universæ historiæ libri_, 154. - - Conti, V., on Montferrat, 84. - - Cook, Captain James, 469. - - Cooley, W. D., _Maritime Discovery_, 34. - - Coosa River, 248. - - Coosas, 258. - - Coosawattie, 247. - - Copala, 504. - - _Copia delle lettere del prefetto della India_, 575. - - Copiapo, 524, 528, 559. - - Coppée, Henry, “Conquest of Mexico”, 375. - - Coppo, his map sketched, 127; - _Portolano_, 128. - - Coquibacoa, 187, 189. - - Coquimbo, 524, 525, 559. - - Corazones, 482, 486, 496. - - Cordiform projection of maps, 123. - - Cordeiro, Luciano, “Les Portugais dans la découverte de l’Amérique”, - 33. - - Cordeyro, _Historia insulana_, 33. - - Cordilleras of the Andes, 514. - - Cordova, Bishop, 305. - - Cordova (Cordoba), Francisco Hernandez de, 200, 201, 402; - voyage to the Bahamas, 236; - to Yucatan, 214; - dies, 237. - - Cordova, Pedro de, 310. - - Cordova y Figuera, Hist. of Chili, 573. - - Cordova y Salinas, 570. - - Cordova (town), 3. - - Corner, Francesco, 152. - - Coro, 579, 581. - - Coronado, F. V. de, governor of New Gallicia, 474; - account of, 474, 475; - seeks Topira, 480; - autog., 481; - commands expedition to Cibola, 481; - captures the town, 483; - map of his explorations, 485; - arrives at Quivira, 493; - ill, 496; - return march, 497; - sources of information, 498, 499; - his letters, 500; - _Relacion del suceso de la jornada_, 500; - _Traslado_, etc., 500; - Jaramillo’s account, 500; - modern accounts, 501; - his several expeditions, 503; - his expedition connected with voyage on the Pacific coast, 443; - hears of De Soto’s party, 292. - - Coronel, 19. - - Coronelli on California, 467. - - Correa, Gaspar, his account of Da Gama, 44; - _Lendas da India_, 616. - - Correa, Juan, 208. - - Correnti, Cesare, _Lettere autografe di Colombo_, 46. - - Corrientes, Cape, 233, 509. - - Corsica, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84. - - Cortambert, R., _Nouvelle histoire des voyages_, 72, 83. - - Cortereal, Anus, 445. - - Cortereal, Gaspar, 107; - at Hudson’s Straits, 445; - his discovery (_Regalis domus_), 122, 123. - - Cortereal, João Vas Costa, voyage to Newfoundland, 33. - - Cortereale (1527), 219. - - Corterealis, 177. - - Cortés, Francisco, 441. - - Cortés, Hernando, chapter on, by Justin Winsor, 349; - commander of expedition, 204, 349; - suspected by Velasquez, 351; - his cannon, 352; - map of his voyage, 353; - sends messengers to Montezuma, 355; - founds Vera Cruz, 356; - foils Velasquez, 356; - sends treasure to the Emperor, 356; - map of his march to Mexico, 358; - sinks his ships, 359; - numbers of forces in all his expeditions controverted, 359; - at Cholula, 362; - meets Montezuma, 362; - has a flotilla on the lake, 362; - receives tribute from Montezuma, 365; - professes to build ships to leave the country, 365; - Narvaez sent against him, 365; - Cortés defeats him, 367; - returns to Mexico, 368; - shows Montezuma to the Mexicans, 368; - endeavors to leave the city, 368; - the _triste noche_, 369; - at Otumba, 370; - retreats to Tlascala, 370; - his second letter, 371; - builds brigantines, 372; - establishes base at Tescuco, 372; - his marches round Mexico, 374; - brigantines launched, 375; - attacks the city, 376; - captures it, 378; - casts cannon, 380; - sends further treasure to Spain, 382; - sends jugglers to Rome, 407; - receives plenary indulgence, 407; - made governor and captain-general, 382; - seeks passage to Asia, 411, 439; - siezes Pánuco, 382; - sends an expedition to Guatemala, 383; - pursues Olid, 384; - goes to Honduras, 384; - returns to Mexico, 386; - his commission suspended, 386; - goes again to Spain, 387; - made Marqués del Valle de Oajaca, 388; - his wife dies, 389; - marries a daughter of the Conde de Aguilar, 390; - returns to Mexico, 391; - aids Pizarro, 526; - sends expeditions on the Pacific, 393; - builds vessels at Tehuantepec, 393, 441; - discovers California, 393, 442; - last return to Spain, 395; - his descendants, 395; - dies, 396; - his remains, 396; - sources of information on his career, 397; - his letters, 337, 397, 402; - _Vida de Cortés_, 397; - first letter, 402; - its equivalents, 402; - _De rebus gestis Cortesii_, 397, 402; - Peter Martyr on Cortés, 402; - _Newzeit_, etc., 402; - _Trois lettres_, 402; - _Newe Zeittung_, 402; - _Ein Auszug_, etc., 403; - _Translationuss_, etc., 403; - second letter, 284, 403; - _Carta de relaciō_, 403; - _Carta de relacion_, 403; - cut of Cortés before Charles V., 403; - his map of the Gulf of Mexico, 404; - _Præclara_, etc., 404; - fac-simile of its title and reverse, 405, 406; - _La preclara narratione_, 407; - _Ein schöne newe Zeytung_, 408; - edited by Lorenzana, 408; - life by Sands, 408; - _De insulis nuper inventis_, 408; - fac-simile of title, 409; - in Grynæeus’ _Novus orbis_, 409; - _Correspondance de Cortes_, 410; - _Cortesi von dem newen Hispanien_, 410; - _Eroberung von Mexico_, 410; - _Drei Berichte_, 410; - _De Contreyen_, etc., 410; - _Brieven van Cortes_, 410; - _Despatches_ (Folsom’s ed.), 410; - in Willes’ _History of Travayle_, 410; - third letter, 410; - _Carta tercera_, 410; - _Tertia narratio_, 410; - the “secret letter”, 411; - fourth letter, 284, 411; - _La quarta relacion_, 411; - _Este es una carta_, etc., 411; - fifth letter, 411; - _Carta quinta_, 411; - characteristics of his letters, 411; - authorities on his Honduras expedition, 411; - _Ultima carta_, 411; - _Escritos sueltos_, 411; - bibliography by Diaz Balceta, 411; - by Harrisse, 411; - by Brevoort, 411; - account of, in Gomara, 412; - in Bernal Diaz, 414; - in Sahagun, 415; - his marches shown on a map in Jourdanet’s _Bernal Diaz_, 415; - names of his followers, 415; - his career as drawn by Ixtlilxochitl, 417; - by Camargo, 418; - by Brasseur de Bourbourg, 418; - by Ramirez, 419; - by Vasquez, 419; - by Torquemada, 421; - by Solis, 424; - by Robertson, 424; - by Clavigero, 425; - by Prescott, 425; - by R. A. Wilson, 427; - Life by A. Helps, 428; - in fiction, 430; - in drama, 430; - his portraits, 72, 76, 424; - in _Cortés valeroso_, 354; - in Massachusetts Historical Society’s Collection, 357; - in Solis, 360; - in Jovius, 381; - in Herrera, 389; - full-length portrait, 395; - medal likeness, 396; - other portraits, 389; - engraving by Vertue, 424; - his arms, 354; - his banner, 381; - his armor, 390; - his autog., 381. - - Cortés, Martin, 95; _Arte de navegar_, 98. - - Cortina, Conde de, 416. - - Cosa, Juan de la, 16, 187, 189, 208, 209, 210; - vignette of Saint Christopher, 71; - killed, 191; - with Ojeda, 144; - his voyages, 206; - his chart, 135, 206. - _See_ La Cosa. - - Cosco (Aliander, Leander), 177; - his rendering of Columbus’ letter, 47. - - _Cosmographiæ introductio_, fac-similes of pages, 167, etc.; - (1514), 120. - _See_ Waldseemüller. - - Cossette, Captain, 270. - - Costa Rica coast, 21; - _Coleccion de doc. ined._, ix., 398. - _See_ Peralta. - - Costanzo, B., _Hist. Siciliana_, 67. - - Cotoche, 353. - - Cotolendi, _La vie de Colomb_, 66. - - Cotopaxi, 509. - - Council for the Indies, 310, 348. - _See_ Indies. - - Councils, ecclesiastical, in Mexico, records of, 399. - - Court, Dr., his library, 163. - - Cousin, of Dieppe, 34. - - Coxa, 509. - - Coxe, Daniel, _Carolana_, 467. - - Coxe, William, _Russian Discoveries_, 463, 469. - - Coyba, 198. - - Coyohuacan, 375. - - Cozamel, 203, 218, 224, 225, 351, 353, 384. - - Cradock, F., _Wealth Discovered_, 3. - - Cravaliz, Agost., 574. - - _Crevenna Catalogue_, 171. - - Crignet, epitome of Ortelius, 472. - - Cristofano dell’Altissimo, 73. - - Cromberger, 400. - - Cromwell, Oliver, 341. - - Cronabo, 187. - - Crooked Island, 55, 92. - - Cross-staff, 98. - _See_ Backstaff. - - Cuaço, Alonso de, 212. - - Cuba, 106, 115, 126, 128, 228, 229, 432, 435, 437, 451, - (1518), 217, - (1520), 218, - (1527), 220, - (1529), 221, - (1534), 223, - (1536), 225, - (1541), 177; - the name applied to North America, 121; - thought a part of Asia, 16, 106; - bibliography of, 230; - (Couba), 226; - circumnavigated, 214; - conquest of, 214; - (Fernandina), 201; - explored (1508), 201; - island or peninsula, 201; - (Isabell, Isabella, or Ysabella), 108, 111, 114, 118, 123, 125, 170, - 175, 183; - earliest named, 183; - (Juana), 201; - early given a wrong latitude, 96; - letter from (1520), 215; - map of, 450; - in Martyr’s map, 110; - (North America), 127; - in Stobnicza map, 116; - in Sylvanus’ map, 122; - Wytfliet’s map, 230. - - Cubagua, 134, 581, 585. - - Cubanacan, 42. - - Cuccaro, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84. - - Cuenca, 509; - founded, 547. - - Cuellar, F. de, 511. - - Cuellar, Sancho, 520. - - Cuitlahuac, 369. - - Cuitlahuatzin, 370. - - Culebras (gulf), 199. - - Culhuacan, native history of, 418; - _Codex Chimalpopoca_, 418; - _Anales de Cuauhtitlan_, 418. - - Culiacan, S. Miguel de, 441, 475, 482, 485; - (province), 474. - - Cullen, Charles, 425. - - Cumana, 558, 559. - - Cunningham, William, _Cosmographical Glasse_, 67, 176. - - Curalaba, 562. - - Curazao (Curaçoa), 189, 190. - - Curiana, 189, 207. - - Curico, 524. - - Cusco, 228, 514, 516, 517, 519, 558; - claimed by Almagro, 525; - besieged by the Indians, 524; - manuscripts on, 577; - becomes a Spanish town, 520; - view of, 554; - view of temple at, 555; - plan of, by Markham, 556; - by Squier, 556; - palace of Ynca, 556; - other plans and views, 556. - - Cushing, Caleb, on the De Fonte voyage, 463; - on Navarrete’s _Coleccion_, v; - _Reminiscences of Spain_, 84; - on Vespucius, 154, 178. - - Cushing, Frank H., on Zuñi, 483. - - Custodi, Pietro, 46. - - Cutifachiqui, 247. - - Cuyoacan, 369. - - - DABAIBE, 198; - expedition to, 211. - - D’Abreu, 440. - - Daelli, G., _Bibl. rara_, 46. - - D’Ailly, Pierre, his map (1410), 95. - _See_ Ailly. - - Dalibard, 575. - - Dampier, the navigator, 592; - _New Voyage_, 467. - - Danckerts, his maps, 466. - - Dandolo, M., _Oratio_, 62. - - Dandolo, T., _Secoli di Dante e Colombo_, 69; - _Colombo_, 69. - - D’Anville and Lake Parima, 587. - - D’Arcy de la Rochette, 589. - - Darien, 191; - different forms of the name, 191; - settlement at, 204. - - Darwin, Charles, _Voyage of the Beagle_, 609. - - Dati, G., and Columbus’ letter, 51; - _Questa_, etc., 51; - _La lettera_, etc., 51. - - D’Aubigné, _Hist. universelle_, 298. - - D’Avezac, _Aperçus sur la boussole_, 94; - on Columbus’ birth, 83; - _Livre de F. Colomb_, 66; - _Découvertes dans l’Océan Atlantique_, 39; - _Expédition de Béthencourt_, 36; - _Isles d’Afrique_, 36; - _Isles fantastiques_, 36; - _Sur la projection des cartes_, 471; - _Waltze-Müller_, 164; - his writings, 164; - his _Voyages de Vespuce_, 164. - - Dávila. _See_ Pedrárias. - - Dávila, F. A., 213. - - Davila, Gil Gonzales, 213; - _Teatro eclesiástico_, 399, 400. - _See_ Gil. - - Davilla Padilla, _Santiago de México_, 399, 400; - _Varia historia_, 400. - - Da Vinci, Leonardo, sketch of mappemonde ascribed to him, 124, 125, - 126, 172, 234. - _See_ Vinci. - - Davis, W. H. H., _El Gringo_, 502; - _Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, 288, 502. - - D’Avity, Pierre, _Le Monde_, 462. - - Daza, Luis, 257. - - Deane, Charles, on Schöner, 176. - - De Bry, his picture of Columbus, 73, 75; - gets Lemoyne’s papers, 296; - his engravings for Las Casas, 342. - - De Clerck, _Tooneel_, etc., 76. - - De Coca, 599. - - De Costa, B. F., _Columbus and the Geographers of the North_, 33. - - Dee, Dr., his map, 453. - - De Fonte, Bartholemé, his alleged voyage, 462; - coined by Petiver, 462; - faith of Delisle and Buache, 463; - map, 469. - - De Fuca, alleged voyage, 456; - partly believed by Greenhow, 457; - sources of, 457; - Delisle and Buache on, 463. - - De Laet. _See_ Laet. - - Delambre, _L’Astronomie du moyen-âge_, 94. - - Delaplaine, _Repository of Lives_, etc., 139. - - Del Cano, Seb., 224; - commands the “Victoria”, 612; - at the Cape de Verde Islands, 612; - surprise at the loss of a day, 612, 615; - reaches San Lucas, 612; - at Court, 613; - his letter, 616. - - Delisle, 468; - on the insularity of California, 467; - _Découvertes de l’amiral de Fonte_, 463; - opposed by Buriel, 463; - map of Louisiana, 294; - route of De Soto, 294, 295; - _Atlas nouveau_, 294; - and Lake Parima, 587; - map of the _Mer de l’ouest_, 469. - - Demarcation, line of, 99, 441; - in the Cantino map, 108; - on map of 1527, 43. - _See_ Alexander VI., Bull. - - Demersay, A., on the Spanish and Portuguese archives, ii. - - Denis, Ferd., on Sahagun, 416. - - Depons, Fr., _Voyage_, 587. - - _De principiis astronomie_, 432. - - Des Brosses, _Navigations_, 614. - - Deschanel, E., _C. Colomb_, 83. - - Desimoni, C., _Libro di Harrisse_, 86. - - Desjardin, Ernst, _Rapport sur Harrisse_, viii. - - Desmarquets, _Hist. de Dieppe_, 34. - - D’Este, Hercule, 107. - - De Thou, _Hist. universelle_, 297. - - De Vries in the Pacific, 463. - - Dewey, Dr. Orville, on the Spanish conquerors, 314. - - Dexter, Arthur, 426. - - Dexter, George, character and death, ix. - - Deza, Diego de, 4, 91. - - Diaz, Alonzo, 411. - - Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, 16, 196, 201, 214, 427; - with Cordova, 284; - account of, 414; - _Hist. verdadera_, 214, 414; - his autog., 414; - the original manuscript, 414, 415, 428; - two early printed editions, 415; - later editions in various languages, 415; - English texts, 415; - Jourdanet’s edition, 415; - letters in the _Cartas de Indias_, 415; - wounded, 236. - - Diaz, Juan, his _Itinerario_, 215. - - Diaz, Melchior, 481, 482, 485, 486, 503; - dies, 491. - - _Diccionario univ. de hist. y de geog._, 415. - - Diego de la Cruz, 256. - - Diego, Juan, 399. - - Diegus. _See_ Homem. - - Dieppe, histories of, 34. - - Diether, Andrew, 410. - - Dinaux, _Cardinal d’Ailly_, 29. - - Dixon Entrance, 470. - - Dobbs, Arthur, _Countries adjoining to Hudson’s Bay_, 462, 468; - his map, 467. - - _Doctrina Christiana_, 400. - - _Doctrina en Mexicano_, 401. - - Documentary sources of early Spanish-American history, i. - - _Documentos para la historia de Mexico_, 398. - - Dodge, Robert, 106; - _Memorials of Columbus_, iv. - - Domenichi, 67. - - Dominic of the Annunciation, 257. - - Dominicans, 399; - in Florida, 256; - in Cusco, 520; - in Hispaniola, 305, 309. - - Dominico, 188. - - Doncel, Gines, 241. - - Dondero, G. A., _L’onestá di C. Colombo_, 65. - - Doppelmayr, J. G., _Hist. Nachricht_, 105. - - Dorantes, 244, 287. - - Doria, 68. - - Dormer, _Discursos varios_, 343. - - Doyle, William, _British Dominions_, 468. - - Drage, Theodore S., _Northwest Passage_, 463. - - Dragg, _Great Probability of a Northwest Passage_, 463. - - Dragon’s mouth, 586, 588. - - Drake, Sir Francis, his harbor on the California coast, 453; - H. H. Bancroft’s view, 453; - documents in Peralta, 453; - finds remains of Magellan’s mutineers, 599; - his discovery of New Albion, 465; - in the Pacific, 452; - his most northern point reached in the Pacific, 455; - sees giants in Patagonia, 602; - on the coast of Peru, 557. - - Dresden, _Verein für Erdkunde_, 40, 106, 580. - - Drogeo, 472. - - Drummond, _Ilha Terceira_, 38. - - Dryander, J., _Cosmographiæ, introd._, 421. - - Dryden, _Indian Emperor_, 430. - - Dudley, Robert, _Arcano del mare_, 464, 587; - his original drawings, 464; - his career, 464; - map of the California coast, 465; - edition of _Arcano_ (1661), 466. - - Duflot de Mofras, _Mendoza et Navarrete_, v; - _L’Orégon_, 431. - - Dugdale, _Warwickshire_, 466. - - Dulce, Rio, 187. - - Duprat, Elisabeth de Valois, 297. - - Duran, Diego, _Historia_, 419; - his manuscript, 420. - - Durazzo, J., _Elogi_, 68. - - - Duro, C. F., _Peñalosa_, 503; - _Colon y Pinzon_, 284; - _Informe_, etc., 242. - - Duval, his map, 466. - - Dwight, Theodore F., 469. - - - EARTH, Columbus’ idea of the form of, 133; - centre of, in the terrestrial paradise, 99; - a sphere, 24, 25; - size of, 24, 30; - shaped like a pear, 24. - _See_ Globe. - - Echete, 288. - - Echeverri, J. de, _Las Cenizas de Colon_, 81. - - Ecija, 285; - _Relacion_, 286. - - _Eclectic Magazine_, 426. - - Eclipse. _See_ Sun. - - _Edinburgh Review_, 50. - - Edwards, B., _West Indies_, 78. - - Edwards, E., _Memoirs of Libraries_, 65. - - Eguiara y Eguren, _Bibliotheca Mexicana_, 429. - - _Ein schöne newe Zeitung_, 51. - - Eldorado, name first applied, 579; - (South America), history of the belief in, 579. - - _El General San Martin_, 532. - - Eliorraga, 599. - - Ellis, George E., on Las Casas, 299; - on Prescott’s use of the noctograph, 427. - - Ellis, Henry, _Voyage to Hudson’s Bay_, 468. - - Elvas, Gentleman of, his _Relaçam_, 288; - _Virginia richly valued_, 289; - _Historie of Terra Florida_, 289; - _Discovery and Conquest of Florida_ (edited by Rye), 289. - - Emory, W. H., _Notes of a Military Reconnoissance_, 501. - - Enciso, M. F. de, 191, 194, 195, 197; - account of, 193, 208; - _Suma de geografia_, 98, 208. - - Encomiendas, 337, 348, 537, 571. - - Engel, Samuel, _Mémoires_, 468; - _Extraits raisonés_, 468. - - Enim, 585, 589. - - Equator, first crossed on the American side, 187; - first crossed on the Pacific side, 507. - - Eratosthenes, his theory of the Atlantic, 104. - - Ercilla, Alonso de, in Chili, 549; - _Araucana_, 571; - augmented by Osorio, 571. - - Escambia River, 258. - - Escobar, Maria de, 518, 547. - - Escoiqui, _Mexico conquistada_, 430. - - Escondido (river), 281. - - Escurial, documents at, iii. - - Espada, M. J. de la, edits Cieza de Leon, 574; - edits _Memorias antiguas del Peru_, 577; - edits _Relaciones geográficas_, 576. - - Espejo, Ant. de, 497, 504. - - Espinosa, _alcalde mayor_, 197. - - Espinosa, _Chronica apostolica_, 399. - - Espinosa, F. C., _Hist. de Mexico_, 428. - - Espinosa, Gaspar de, 198, 505; - in Lima, 526; - his expedition, 211; - a partner with Pizarro, 507; - dies, 526. - - Espinoza (with Magellan), 599. - - Espiritu Santo, bay named by De Soto, 245; - Rio de, 221, 224, 225, 229; - (1520), 218; - (1527), 219. - _See_ Mississippi. - - Esquivel, Juan de, 191, 201, 214. - - Essenwein, A. O., _Bilder-Atlas_, 352. - - Essequibo River, 187, 581, 587. - - Estancelin, _Navigateurs Normands_, 34, 39. - - Estero de los Lagartos, 203. - - Esteve, R., 76. - - Estienne, H., 186. - - Estotilant, 459, 472. - - Estrada, 386. - - Estrada, Alonzo d’, 475. - - Estrada, Pedro de, 240. - - Etowa, 247. - - _Etudes par les pères de la Compagnie de Jésus_, 69. - - Europe, naming of, 167. - - Eusebius, _Chronicon_, 64. - - Evans, R. S., 481. - - Everett, A. H., and Irving, vi. - - - FABER, Dr. John, 163, 173. - - Fabian, 47. - - Fabié, A. M., _Vida de Las Casas_, 343. - - Fabre, Ant., 614. - - Fabricius de Vagad, _Coronica de Aragon_, 59. - - Faden, his map showing Lake Parima, 589. - - Fairbanks, _Florida_, 292; - _St. Augustine_, 293. - - Faleiro, Ruy, 591, 592. - - Falero, _La longitud en la mar_, 98. - - Falkenstein, _Buchdruckerkunst_, 407. - - Fancourt, C. St. J., _Yucatan_, 429. - - Farfan’s fleet wrecked, 256. - - Faria y Sousa, _Asia Portuguesa_, 34, 616; - _Europa Portuguesa_, 56. - - Farmer, Maria, 76. - - Farrer, Virginia, her map, 466. - - Favolius, Hugo, map-maker, 450. - - Federici, F., his collection, iv. - - Federmann, Nic., _Indianische Historia_, 579; - his expedition, 578. - - Felipina, 257. - - Ferdinand (Spain), sign-manual, 56, 85; - portrait, 85; - dies, 88, 310. - - Ferdinand and Isabella (cut), 6. - - Fergani, Al, 24. - - Feria, Pedro de, 256, 257. - - Fer-Isabelica, 169. - - Fernandez, Alonso, _Hist. eclesiástica_, 399. - - Fernandez, Alvaro, 289. - - Fernández, León, _Coleccion_, 398. - - Fernandez, Val., _Marco Paulo_, etc., 62. - - Fernandina. _See_ Cuba. - - Fernando VI. (Spain), his care of documents, ii. - - Ferraro, G., _Relazione_, 62, 156, 162. - - Ferrebouc, 47. - - Ferrelo (or Ferrer), pilot, 444. - - Ferrer, Jaume, his map, 45; - his _Sentencias_, 45. - - Ferrer, Juan, 256. - - Ferro, meridian of, 95. - - Feuillet de Conches on pictures of Columbus, 70. - - Finæus, Orontius, his globe, 184, 431. - - Fiorentino, F. C., _Chroniche_, 62. - - Fischer, Augustin, _Biblioteca Méjicana_, 430. - - Fischer, Theobald, _Ueber Seekarten_, 93. - - Fisher, L. P., on C. de Vaca, 288. - - Flavigny, Vicomte de, 410. - - Florencia, Fr. de, _Campañia de Jesus_, 399. - - Florida, 228, 229, 432, 435, 436, 453; - (1520), 218, - (1527), 219, - (1541), 177, - (1542), 226, - (1566), 451; - abandoned by the Spanish (1561), 260; - Ribault in, 260; - Laudonnière in, 262; - ancient, by J. G. Shea, 231; - named, 233; - called Cancio, 234; - authorities on its history, 292; - on Menendez, 292; - on Ribault, 293; - on Laudonnière, 294, 296; - on Gourgues, 297; - _La Reprinse de la Floride_, 297; - as a name first confined to the peninsula, 275; - Indian tribes in, 284; - called Isabella, 116; - Jesuits in, 282, 399; - maps of (Cantino), 108, - (Cortés), 404, - (Da Vinci), 124, 126, - (anon.), 292, - (1565), 264, - (1591, Lemoine), 274, - (Ortelius), 472, - (Wytfliet), 281, - (others), 275. - - Florin, Juan. _See_ Verrazano. - - Foglietto, _Elogia_, 84. - - Folieta, U., _Clarorum Ligurum elogia_, 67. - - Folsom, George, on early American discoveries, 34; - _Despatches of Cortés_, 410, 411. - - Fonseca, Juan Rodriguez, 57; - opponent of Las Casas, 310; - head of the council for the Indies, 311; - opposes Columbus, 91, 311; - opposes Cortés, 357, 380. - - Fonseca, bay of, 200. - - Fontaine, _How the World was Peopled_, 25. - - Fontanarossa, Susanna, 89. - - Fontaneda, Hern. de Escalante, _Memoir_, 291. - - Fonte. _See_ De Fonte. - - Force, Peter, 337. - - Foresti, J. P. (Bergomas), _Supplementum supplementi cronicarum_, 52. - - Forlani. _See_ Furlani. - - Formaleoni, _La marine des Vénitiens_, 36. - - Fornari, Baliano de, 66. - - Forquevaulx, Sieur de, his papers, 297. - - Forster, F., _Columbus_, 69. - - Fort Caroline founded, 262; - site of, 264, 270, 274; - map of, 265; - views of, 268, 269; - attacked by Menendez, 271. - - Fort Louis, 294. - - Fortunate Islands, 36. - _See_ Canary Island. - - Foscarini, _Della lett. Ven._, 30. - - Fountain of Youth (Bimini), 283. - - Fousang. _See_ Fusang. - - Fox, G. V., _First Landing-place of Columbus_, 56. - - Francesca (1527), 219. - - Francino, A., his collection, 182. - - Francis of Vittoria, 343. - - Franciscans in Hispaniola, 305; - in Mexico, 399; - histories of, 399. - - Franciscus, monk, _De orbis situ_, 431; - his map, 431. - - Francisque-Michel on Saint-Brandan, 36. - - Franck, Sebastian, _Weltbuch_, 421. - - Frankfort globe, 118, 122. - _See_ Schöner. - - Frankl, poem on Columbus, 73. - - Franklin, Benjamin, on the De Fonte story, 462. - - Franquelin, on California, 467. - - Freccia, 78. - - Freherus, P., _Théâtre_, 73. - - Freire, Juan, his map of the California coast, 447. - - French standard, shown in view, 269. - - Fresnoy, Du, _Méthode pour étudier la géog._, 298. - - Freytas, F. N. de, _Relacion_, 504; - edited by J. G. Shea, 504. - - Friars in Mexico, 399. - _See_ Dominicans, Franciscans, etc. - - Friess, Lorenz (Frisius, Phrysius), 125, 173; - his mappemonde, 174; - _Carta Marina_, 126, 127, 128, 220, 421; - map of Antilles, 218, 220. - - Frio, Cape, 126, 151; - port, 162. - _See_ Cabo. - - Frisius, Gemma, 101; - on longitude, 98; - annotates Apianus, 183. - - Frisius. _See_ Friess. - - Fritz, Samuel, map of the Amazon, 589. - - Fructuoso, Gaspar, _Hist. das ilhas do Porto Santo_, 38. - - Fuca. _See_ De Fuca. - - Fuca Straits, 470. - - Fuchsius, _Metoposcopia_, 76. - - Fuenleal, Bishop, 391; - autog., 391. - - Fuente, Alonso de la, 212. - - Fuentes, F. de, 518. - - Fuentes y Guzman, F. A., _Historia de Guatemala_, 398, 419, 428. - - Fulgosus, B., _Collectanea_, 62. - - Furlani, Paulo de (Forlani), _Carta nautica_, 439; - his maps, 438, - (1560), 449, - (1562), 439, - (1574), 450, 454; - sketched, 454. - - Fusang, 454, 463, 469. - - Fuster, iii. - - - GAFFAREL, Paul, his _Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de - l’ancien continent avant Colomb_, 25, 34; - his _Découverte du Brésil par Cousin_, 34; - his _Hist. du Brésil Français_, 34; - _La Floride Française_, 293. - - Galardi, Ferd. de, _Traité politique_, 33, 65. - - Galdivia Mendoza, V. de, 489. - - Gali, Francisco (Gaule), 455, 462. - - Galiano, 469. - - Gallaeus, Philippus, _Enchiridion_, 450. - - Gallardo, B., _Ensayo_, etc. 24. - - Gallardo, B. J., 422. - - Gallatin, Albert, on the Indian tribes, 296; - on Aztec civilization, 427; - _Ancient Semi-civilization of New Mexico_, 501. - - Gallego, 20, 249. - - Gallegos, Juan, 486, 496, 497. - - Galleon, picture of a, 456. - - Gallinas River, 492. - - Galliot du Pré, 47. - - Gallo, Ant., on Columbus, 52, 89. - - Gallo (island), 508, 509, 513. - - Gallucci, 420. - - Galvarino, 549. - - Gama, João da, 466; - his land, 466; - in the Pacific, 463. - - Gama, Vasco da, his portrait, 42; - autog., 42; - his discovery, 42. - - Gambara, _De nov. C. Columbi_, 67. - - Gambia River, 40. - - Ganges, 113, 435; - in the early discoveries, 168. - - Garabito, 198, 199, 213. - - Garay, Francisco de, 237; - his patent, 237; - governor of Jamaica, 219; - authorities on his voyage, 284; - exploits sung by Castellanos, 584; - land of, 221; - names of his followers, 415; - at Pánuco, 382; - dies, 383, 503. - - Garces, Julian, 343. - - Garcia, Juan, 255. - - Garcia, Nuña, de Toreno, his map, 43. - - Garcia de Resende, _Choronica_, 90. - - Garibay, _Isla de Santo Domingo_, 280. - - Gasca, Pedro de la, likenesses, 539, 540; - president of Peru, 539; - enters Cusco, 542; - leaves Peru, 542; - his reports, 568; - authorities on his career, 569; - his papers, 569. - - Gassarum, A. P., _Libellus_, 421. - - Gastaldi, Jacopo, 433; - _Notizie di Gastaldi_, 435. - - Gaule. _See_ Gali. - - Gay, Sydney Howard, “Amerigo Vespucci”, 129. - - Gayangos, P. de, 47, 400; - his autog., 408; - edits Marmolejo, 573; - _Cartas de Cortés_, 402, 408, 411; - _Catalogue of Spanish manuscripts_, vii. - - Gayarré, _Louisiana_, 292. - - Gaye, Claudio, _Historia de Chile_, 572. - - Gayon, Gonzalo, 260. - - _Gazetta letteraria universale_, 222. - - _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, 44. - - Gazlelu, Domingo de, 564. - - Gelves, Nuño, 89. - - Génard on Ortelius, 471. - - Genoa, birthplace of Columbus, 84; - Academy of, 65; - investigate birthplace of Columbus, 84; - archives of, iv; - home of Columbus, 78; - notarial records of, iv; - papers at, 89. - - George of Spires, 579. - - Georgia (island), 151. - - Geography, histories of, 93. - - Geraldinus, Alex., 4; - his _Itinerarium_, 4. - - German efforts at settling South America, 581; - search for Eldorado, 584. - - Geslin, 50. - - Ghillany, _Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Behaim_, 35. - - Giants in Patagonia, 600; - skeleton of, 602; - seen by Drake, 602; - named from their large feet, 603. - - Gibbons, Edward, of Boston, 462. - - Gil Gonzalez de Avila, 199, 200. - _See_ Davila. - - Gila River, 485. - - Gilbert, Sir H., map, 452. - - Gilles de Gourmont, 158. - - Gino Capponi, Marquis, _Osservazioni_ on Vespucius, 155. - - Giocondo, Giovanni, 146; - the architect, 159, 163, 164. - - Giocondo, Giuliano B. del, 146. - - _Giornale Ligustico_, 102. - - Giovio. _See_ Jovius. - - Girava, _Cosmographia_, 438; - its titlepage, 437; - descriptions of America, 186. - - Giron, Francisco Hernandez, 542; - enters Cusco, 545; - retreats and is captured, 545; - his rebellion, 577. - - Giuntini, F., v. - - Giustiniani (Agostino), 90; - _Psalter_, 64; - fac-similes of page, 63; - _Annali di Genoa_, 64. - - Glareanus, Henricus, 116, 176; - _Geographia_, 25; - its bibliography, 25. - - Glas, Geo., _Conquest of the Canaries_, 36. - - Globe, sphericity of, 104; - picture of an ancient one, 437. - _See_ Earth. - - _Globus mundi_, 171, 172. - - Goatitlan, 374. - - Godfrey, Thomas, his mariner’s bow, 101. - - Godin in Peru, 590; - adventures of his wife, 590. - - Godoy, his report to Cortés, 411. - - Gohory, J., _La terre neuve de Peru_, 564. - - Golfo Chinan, 451. - - Gold coast, 40. - - Golding, Arthur, translation of Mela, 186. - - Goldson, William, _Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific_, 463; - _Straits of Anian_, 456. - - Gomara, Francisco Lopez, account of, 412; - his access to documents, 412; - translated by Chimalpain, 412; - his _Historia general de las Indias_, 412, 563; - descriptions of America, 186; - on the Cortereals, 107; - _Conquista de Mexico_, 412; - on Peru, 412; - _Cronica de la Nueva España_, 412; - _Historia del Capitano Cortés_, 412; - _Historia de México_, 412; - _Conquista de México_, 412; - _Hispania Victrix_, with fac-simile of title, 413; - _Pleasant Historie_, 414; - _Conquista di Messico_, 414; - abridged in Eden’s _Decades_, 414; - in Hakluyt, 414; - bibliography of, by Brevoort, 414. - - Gomberville, 589. - - Gomez, Estevan, 241; - on the North American coast, 241; - with Magellan, 606; - deserts, 607. - - Gomez, Francis, 241. - - Gomez, Pedro, with Valdivia, 528. - - Gomez, archipelago of, 224. - - Gonzaga, F., _De origine religionis Franciscanæ_, 399. - - Gonzales de la Rosa, Manuel, 567; - edits _Cieza de Leon_, 574. - - Good Hope, Cape of, 41. - - Goodall, B., _Tryall of Travell_, 68. - - Goodrich, _Life of so-called Christopher Columbus_, 33, 69. - - Goos, Abraham, his map, 462. - - Gordillo, Francisco, sails to Florida, 238; - his expedition, 285. - - Gorgona (island), 509, 511, 513. - - Gorricio, Gaspar, iv, 26, 89. - - Gossellin, _Géog. des Grecs_, 101. - - Gourgues, Domenic de, his attack on Florida, 280; - “the avenger of the Huguenots”, 298; - _La reprinse de la Floride_, 297; - different manuscripts of it, 297, 298; - no Spanish authorities, 297; - a slaver, 297. - - Goyeneche, Juan de, his life of Solis, 424. - - Gracias á Dios, Cape, 21. - - Graham on the hourly variation of the needle, 100. - - Grajales, Mendoza, 270. - - Gran Quivira, 494. - _See_ Quivira. - - Granada, arms of, 48; - captured, 50; - _In laudem_, etc., 50. - - Granada (island), 226, 588. - - Grand (isle), fabulous, 36. - - Grand Turk Island, 55. - - Grant, Fort, 482. - - Grantham, Lord, ii. - - Grapes in Peru, 547. - - Gravier, Gabriel, edits Challeux, 296; - _Rech. sur les navigations Européens_, 42; - _Le Canarien_, 36, 39; - _Les Normands sur la route des Indes_, 25. - - Gravier, N. F., _Saint-Dié_, 162. - - Gravière, J. de la, _Les marins_, 7, 83. - - Gray, Capt., in the “Washington”, 470. - - Great Circle, 25. - - Great Exuma (island), 55. - - Great Inaqua (island), 55. - - Greco (northeast), 94. - - Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 455; - on the Oregon question, 469; - _Northwest Coast_, 461. - - Greenland, a peninsula of Europe, 28, 111, 123, 433; - relations with Iceland, 33; - seen by Cortereal, 109; - on early maps, 28; - in the Cantino map, 109; - called by various names - (Grotlandia), 432; - (Grutlandia), 451, 453; - (Gronlandia), 434, 435; - (Groenland), 472; - (Groenlant), 452, 459; - (Gruenlant), 115; - (Gronland), 175; - (Terra nova), 446, 447. - - Gregg, _Commerce of the Prairies_, 495. - - Gregoire, Bishop of Blois, his _Apologie_, 325. - - Greiff, B., 162. - - Grieninger, Johannes, 128. - - Grijalva, Juan de, 349, 351, 354; - his expedition, v, 203, 215, 402, 403; - sails with Garay (1523), 238; - _Cronica_, 399; - _Itinerario_, 397; - portrait, 216. - - Grimaldi, 48. - - Grimaldo, 93. - - Grimm, Sigmund, 408. - - Grimston, Edw., 421. - - Groclant, 459, 472. - - Grothe, H., his _Leonardo da Vinci_, 31. - - Grüninger, printer, 169. - - Grynæus, _Novus Orbis_, 62. - - Guachoyanque, 253. - - Guadalaxara, 474. - - Guadalupe, 374; - Our Lady of, 399; - _Coleccion_, 400. - - Guaguanico, 351. - - Guahan, 611. - - Guale, 278. - - Guale (Amelia), Island, 282. - - Gualterotti, R., _L’America_, 154. - - Guamanga, 536, 537. - - Guanahani, 52, 92, 224; - (Guanahan), 221; - (Ganahani), 226; - (Guanao), 177; - Ponce de Leon at, 233. - - Guanape, 558. - - Guandape, 241. - - Guanima, 233. - - Guanuco, 558. - - Guarico, 558. - - Guastecan, 472. - - Guatari River (Wateree), 285. - - Guatemala, 221; - audiencia of, 460; - _Coleccion de doc. antig._, 398, 419; - the _Proceso_ against Alvarado, 419; - Remesal as an authority, 419; - Vasquez’ _Chronica_, 419; - _Historia_ of Fuentes y Guzman, 419; - the _Compendio_ of Domingo Juavros, 419; - expedition to, under Alvarado, 383; - map, 384; - sources of its history, 398, 419. - - Guaxule, 247. - - Guayaquil, 509. - - Guayaquil, Gulf of, 511. - - Guazzo, Marco, _Historie_, 576. - - Guérin, Leon, _Navigateurs Français_, 34, 298. - - Guerra, C., 109, 187, 204, 205. - - Guevara, Juan de, 207. - - Guibert, M. C., _Mémoires de Dieppe_, 34. - - Guicciardini, _Hist. d’Italia_, 154. - - Guinea coast, 39. - - Gumilla, _El Orinoco_, 587. - - Guss, A. L., “Early Indian History of the Susquehanna”, 283. - - Gutierrez, J. R., 570. - - Guyas, 491. - - Guzman, Alonso Enriques de, 566; - his autobiography, 567. - - Guzman, Diego de, expedition to Sinaloa, 503. - - Guzman, Fernando de, his revolt, 582. - - Guzman, Nuño Beltran de, 473; - his expedition to Ciguatan, 499; - distresses the vessels of Cortés, 441, 442; - avoids Cortés, 442; - expedition to Pánuco, 386, 503; - to New Gallicia, 391, 503; - invades Jalisco, 387; - in Mexico, 395; - account of his trial, 398. - - Guzman, Pero Nuñez de, 233. - - Guzman, S., _El peregrino Indiano_, 430. - - - HAAG, _La France protestante_, 298. - - Hacke, _Collection of Voyages_, 466. - - Hackit, Thomas, 293; - his _Florida_, 293. - - Hadley’s quadrant, 101. - - Hagen, Von der, 179. - - Hagenberg, Francis, 471. - - Hain, _Repertorium_, 48. - - Hakluyt, on Drake’s discovery, 455; - _Notable History_, 293; - _Voyages_, 498. - - Hale, E. E., copy of a drawing of a buffalo, 489; - on Coronado’s discovery, 503; - procures Cortés’ map of California, 442; - discovers original of the name of California, 443; - _His Level Best_, 443; - “Magellan’s discovery”, 591; - _Seven Spanish Cities_, 6; - on Palos, 6. - - Hallam, H., _Literature of Europe_, 57, 571. - - Halley and the magnetic poles, 95; - on terrestrial magnetism, 100. - - Hammocks (cut), 11; - in Brazil, 596; - figured, 597. - - Hansen, Léonard de, life of Santa Rosa, 560; - _La bienaventurada Rosa_, 560; - other versions, 560. - - Hardy, Jules, _Les Dieppois en Guinée_, 39. - - Harley, Edward, 226. - - Haro, C. de, 615. - - Haro, H. de, 519, 520. - - Harrassowitz, _Rarissima Americana_, 157. - - Harris, John, the fac-similist, 50. - - Harris, _Collection of Voyages_, 467. - - Harrisse, H., his proposed _Americ Vespuce_, 155; - on Ferdinand Columbus, 66; - criticised by Stevens, 66; - his _D. Fernando Colon_, 66; - his _Fernand Colomb_, 66; - _Les Cortereals_, 33; - _Les sépultures de Colomb_, 80; - _Los restos de Colon_, 83; - his _Cabots_, 93; - _Christophe Colomb_, 88; - _Notes on Columbus_, privately printed, viii; - his _Histoire de C. Colomb attribuée à son fils_, 66; - _Les restes mortels de Colomb_, 83; - _Colomb et la Corse_, 84; - _Les Colombo_, 86; - Desjardin on, viii. - - Hatteras, Cape, 285. - - Hauslab, Freiherr von, his globes, 171. - - Havana, 226, 230, 353; - plundered by the French, 262; - view of, 202. - - Havana (San Cristoval), 351. - - Hawkins, Sir John, 262. - - Hawkins, Sir Richard, captured, 561. - - Haxa, 492. - - Haynes, Henry W., “Early Explorations of New Mexico”, 473; - favors the Zuñi theory of the Seven Cities, 503. - - Hayti (1529), 221; - (1541), 177. - _See_ Hispaniola, Santo Domingo. - - Hazard, Samuel, _Santo Domingo_, 71, 81, 88. - - Helps, Sir Arthur, 337; - _Conquerors of the New World_, 428; - _Spanish Conquest of America_, 69, 204, 428; - _Life of Cortés_, 428; - his map of Cortés’ voyage, 353; - _Life of Pizarro_, 578; - _Life of Columbus_, 69; - _Life of Las Casas_, 343; - his map of the Valley of Mexico, 369. - - Hemez, 495. - - Hennepin, bibliography of, 67; - his maps of the Pacific coast, 466. - - Henriquez, Martin, viceroy of Peru, 557. - - Henry (Prince), the navigator, 2; - portrait (cut), 39; - autog., 39; - lives of, 40. - - Henshaw, H. W., 481. - - Hermano, Diego, 439. - - Hermano de Toledo, 454. - - Hernandez, Pero, _Comentarios_, 286. - - Herrera, A. de, his life of Vaca de Castro, 567; - on Balbóa, 211; - his picture of Columbus, 71; - on Columbus, 67; - account of, 67; - drew largely from Las Casas, 67, 340; - bibliography of, 67; - his _Historia general_, i, 67, 213, 424, 563; - his _Descripcion_, 67; - edited by Barcia, 67; - editions of, 68; - in Vander Aa, Hulsius, etc., 68; - translated by John Stevens, 68, 563; - Robertson’s opinion of it, 424; - on Lake Parima, 587; - and Magellan, 616; - maps (1601), 460; - edited by Van Baerle, 461; - charges Vespucius with falsifying dates, 154; - historiographer, 563. - - Herries, William, 11. - - Hesperides (1541), 177. - - Hessels, J. H., 50. - - Hevia, Diego de, 278. - - Heylin, _Cosmographie_, 466, 587. - - Heyn, Peeter, _Miroir du Monde_, 472; - epitome of Ortelius, 472. - - Hinojosa, Pedro de, 540. - - Hipparchus and lunar tables, 99. - - Hispaniola, 435, 437; - (1541), 177; - (Española), 106, 110; - (Espanholla), 108; - (Espagnolla), 226; - (Hispaniæ insula), 122; - (Isabella), 114, 126; - (Spagnola), 115, 123, 128, 175, 218, 223, 228, 229, 451; - (Spagnolla), 111, 116, 118, 170, 183, 450; - (Spagnollo), 125; - (Spagnuola), 188; - (Spaniola), 217, 432; - Columbus at, 13; - fruits of (cut), 16; - mines, 16; - map of, ascribed to Columbus, 104; - other early maps, 105; - map (1534), 188; - name, 10; - native houses (cut), 11; - curing of sick (cut), 11. - _See_ Hayti, Santo Domingo. - - Hochelaga (Ochelai), 451. - - Höfer, _Nouv. biog. gén._, 83. - - Hogenberg, _Civitates_, 5. - _See_ Braun. - - Hojeda. _See_ Ojeda. - - Holbein, 446. - - Holguin, Pedro Alvarez de, 534; - life of, 577; - killed, 536. - - Homann, and Lake Parima, 587; - his map (1719), 467. - - Homem, Diego, map of the Moluccas, 441; - map (1540), 446; - map (1558), 227, 229, 448; (1568), 449; - _Atlante maritimo_, 449. - - Hondius, Jodocus, his map of Gulf of California, 461; - his circumpolar map, 461; - _Caerte van Guiana_, 587. - - Hondius-Mercator atlas (1613), 461. - _See_ Mercator. - - Honduras, Olid’s expedition to, 382; - map, 384; - Cortés in, 385; - discovered, 191. - - Höniger, Nic., translates Benzoni, 347. - - Honoratus, Fray, 475. - - Honter, bibliography of, 122; - new maps (1561), 123; - _Rudimentorum cosmographiæ libri_, 122, 176. - - Hooke, R., 424. - - Horn, _Ulyssea_, 34. - - Hour-glass, 437. - - Howarth, George, 357. - - Hoz, Alonzo de, 548. - - Hoz, Pedro Sanchos de, 528. - - Huallaga River, 519, 581. - - Huamachuco, 520. - - Huamanga, 520; - founded, 523. - - Huanachuco, 519. - - Huancabamba, 516, 519. - - Huancavelica, 561. - - Huanuco, 519, 520; - settled, 527. - - Huarina, 519, 541; - war of, 574. - - Huascar, 514. - - Huasco, 524. - - Huayna Capac, 514. - - Hüber, Wolfgang, 160. - - Huelen-Guala, 528. - - Huet, Bishop, 420. - - Huguenots in Florida, 293 _et seq._; - hated by the Spanish, 262. - - Hugues, Luigi, 616. - - Hulsius, Levinus, his map “Americæ pars australis”, 587. - - Humaña, Juan de, 504. - - Humboldt, Alex., his _Examen critique_, 68, 178; - autog., 68; - _Krit. Untersuchungen_, 68; - introduction to Ghillany’s _Behaim_, 68; - his _Voyage aux régions équinoxiales_, 206; - _Personal Narrative_, 206, 287, 375; - _Essai politique_, 375; - dissipated the myth of Eldorado, 589; - defence of Vespucius, 178. - - Hurtado, 198. - - Hutchinson, _Two Years in Peru_, 516. - - Huten, Philip von, his expedition, 581. - - Huts in trees, native, 514. - - Hylacomylus. _See_ Waldseemüller. - - - IBARRA, B. de, 106. - - Ibarra, Diego, 504. - - Ibarra, F. de, 504. - - Icaria, 472. - - Icazbalceta, J. G., 397; - autog., 397; - _Apuntes para un catálogo_, etc., 417; - _Coleccion de documentos_, 397, 498; - _Diccionario_, 400; - edits Mendieta, 422; - on Lorenzana, 408; - prints a secret letter of Cortés, 411; - _Vida de Cortés_, 428. - - Iceland (Islandia), 434; - visited by Columbus, 33. - - Ichuse, 257. - - Ideler, J. L., 68. - - Ilacomylus. _See_ Waldseemüller. - - Illapel, 524. - - Imperial (town in Chili), 548. - - Inca Titus and the crown of Peru, 325. - - Inca empire, early reports of, 199. - - Incas. _See_ Yncas. - - India in Pomponius Mela’s map, 180. - - India Superior, 176. - _See_ Asia. - - Indian Ocean as an inland sea, 95, 165. - - Indians, other advocates of, than Las Casas, 343; - described by Las Casas, 318; - estimates of numbers at the time of European contact, 327; - early cuts of, 159, 162; - enslaved by the Spaniards, 303; - sedentary, 473; - pueblo, 473; - the Spaniards’ relations to, 299; - as found by Columbus, 300; - why so named, 169. - - Indies, council for the, and the publication of maps, 471; - their archives, i. - _See_ Council. - - Infantado, Duque del, 89; - his manuscripts, viii. - - Inga, 579; - _West-Indische Spieghel_, 462. - - Inghirami, Fedia, 58. - - Inquisition in Peru, 557; - in Spain, 301, 305; - history by Llorente, 325. - - _Inventio fortunata_, 95. - - Irving, Pierre, _Life of W. Irving_, vi. - - Irving, Theo., _Florida and De Soto_, 290. - - Irving, Washington, his _Columbus_, vi, 68; - _Companions of Columbus_, vi, 204; - manuscript of his account of Columbus at Barcelona, 56; - on portraits of Columbus, 71; - on Vespucius, 155. - - Isabella (of Spain), sign-manual, 56; - her will, 316, 343; - dies, 23, 319; - her character, 5; - story of her jewels pledged, 91. - - Isabella (city), 16. - - Isabella. _See_ Cuba. - - Isleta, 489. - - Isnardi, F., _Dissertazione_, 84; - _Nuovi doc._, 84; - _Patria di Colombo_, 73. - - Italian travellers, 93. - - Italy and American discovery, 2; - Geographical Society, 93. - - Iturri on Muñoz, iii. - - Ivagana, 611. - - Ixtlilxochitl, _Historia Chichimeca_, 417; - his works on New Spain, 417; - _Horribles crueldades_, 417; - _Noticias_, 417; - _Hist. des Chichimiques_, 417; - _Rois de Tezcuco_, 417; - _Relaciones_, 411, 417. - - Iztapalapa, 369, 374, 376, 379. - - Iztapalatzinco, 369. - - - JACKSTAFF, 98, 99. - _See_ Backstaff, Cross-staff. - - _Jahresbericht der tech. Anstalten in Nürnberg_, 119. - - Jal, A., _Archéologie navale_, 7; - _La France maritime_, 12; - _De Paris à Naples_, 12. - - Jahsco, 387. - - Jamaica, 128, 201, - (1511), 110, - (1529), 221, - (1534), 223, - (1541), 177, - (Jamaca), 226, - (Jamaicha), 219, - (Jamaiqua), 229, - (Jamayca), 217, - (Jamacqua), 218; - Columbus at, 22; - a granary, 191; - map, 450; - settled, 214. - - Jamestown, its site occupied by the early Spaniards, 241. - - Janequeo, 561. - - Jannson, _Monde maritime_, 462; - _Orbis maritimus_, 462; - edits _Mercator-Hondius Atlas_, 462. - - Janvier, _Atlas moderne_, 469. - - Japan, 452, - (Cimpaga), 438; - (Giapan), 451, 454, - (Iapon), 464, - (Zipangri), 170; - in Ortelius, 472; - in Toscanelli’s map, 101. - _See_ Cipango. - - Japanese map of the Pacific coast, 460. - - Jaramillo, Juan de, 258; - _Relacion_, 500. - - Jaume. _See_ Ferrer. - - Jayme, Juan, 40; - his Declinatorium, 100. - - Jefferson, Thomas, his picture of Columbus, 73; - engraved, 74. - - Jefferys’s map of De Fonte’s narrative, 469; - _Northwest Coast_, 460; - translates Muller’s voyages to the northwest, 469. - - Jemez, 495. - - Jequetepeque, 516. - - Jerez, G. de, 511. - - Jeronymites, 311. - - Jesso (island), 463; - in the maps, 463; - depicted by Hennepin, 464; - (Terro Esonis), 467. - - Jesuits in Florida, 282; - in Mexico, 399; - in Peru, 552. - - Joan Baptista, Fray, 422. - - Jocundus. _See_ Giocondo. - - John of Gaunt, 39. - - Jomard on likenesses of Columbus, 70; - _Monument à Colomb_, 74. - - Jones, C. C., Jr., on De Soto’s route, 291. - - Jordan River, 240, 292; - whence named 285; - (Pedee), 260. - - Josse, A. L., 424. - - Jourdanet, Denis, edits Sahagun, 417; - _La pression de l’air sur la vie de l’homme_, 375; - his map of the Valley of Mexico, _heliotype_, 375; - _Histoire véridique_, 415. - - _Journal of the Franklin Institute_, 94. - - _Journal of the Military Service Institution_, 375. - - Jovius, Paulus, _Elogia_, 29, 67, 70, 71, 72; - his gallery, 72; - portrait, 70. - - Juan Ponce, Bay of, 283. - - Juan y Ulloa, _El meridiano de demarcacion_, 45. - - Juarros, Domingo, his _Guatemala_, 419. - - Judæis. _See_ Judæus. - - Judæus, Cornelius de, his map, 457; - _Speculum_, 457. - - Jujuy, 525. - - Julius II., Pope, 120. - - - KAEMPFER, 460. - - Kalbfleisch, C. H., 113, 163, 173. - - _Kansas City Review_, 467. - - Karaikes, 601. - - Keating, Maurice, edits Bernal Diaz, 415. - - Kemenettes, 601. - - Kendall, Abraham, in Guiana, 587. - - Kendrick, Capt., in the “Columbia”, 470. - - Kern, R. H., map by, 502. - - Kerr, _Voyages_, 67, 162. - - Kettell, Samuel, translates Columbus’ Journal, or _Personal - Narrative_, 46. - - Keymis, with Raleigh, 587. - - Kingsborough, his bound tracts on Mexico and Peru, 399; - his text of Sahagun, 416. - - Kino, Father, explorations in California, 467; - his map, 467. - - Kirk, J. F., 427; - criticises R. A. Wilson, 427; - edits Prescott’s _Peru_, 578. - - Kitchen’s map shows Lake Parima, 587. - - Klöoen, K. von, “Die Welser”, 579. - - Klunzinger, Karl, _Antheil der Deutschen an der Entdeckung von - Südamerika_, 579. - - Klüpfel, Karl, 579. - - Knight, A. G., _Columbus_, 69. - - Koerius, Petrus, his maps, 464. - - Kohl, Dr. J. G., on discovery in the Gulf of Mexico, 404; - his collection of maps, 93; - his manuscript at Worcester, 127; - his studies of the cartography of the Pacific coast, 431;. - his manuscript memoir on this subject, 127, 431; - on Magellan’s Straits in _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde - in Berlin_, 617;. - republished as _Magellan’s Strasse_, 617; - _Lost Maps_, 117. - - Kolno. _See_ Szkolny. - - Koppe, K. W., 410. - - Kries, _Magellan-Reise_, 615. - - Kublai Khan, 42 - - Külb, 564. - - Küsker, B., 51. - - - LA CAILLE, 276. - - La Condamine, 590; - descends the Amazon, 590. - - La Cosa, Juan de, his map, 106; - account of, 106. - _See_ Cosa. - - La Croix, _Algemeene Weereld Beschryving_, 378. - - La Cruz, his map, 587. - - La Harpe, _Abrégé des voyages_, 463. - - La Paz, 442. - - La Pérouse, 470. - - La Plata, 446, 450; - Magellan at, 598; - called early by Solis, 605. - _See_ Plata. - - La Roche, Jean de, 262. - - La Salle, Cavelier de, his connection with Peñalosa, 504; - place of his death, 294. - - Labanoff, Alex., his maps, 93. - - Labazares, Guido de, 256. - - Laborde, J. B. _Mer du sud_, 468; - _Voyage pittoresque_, 389. - - Labrador, 435, 436, 450, 451; - (Lavorador), 219; - (Laborador), 228, 453; - (terra laboratorum), 122; - early visits to, 34. - - Lacio, publisher, 412. - - Ladrones, 438, 610; - Pigafetta’s map of, 611, 614. - - Laet, J. de, map of Lake Parima, 587, 588. - - Lafitau, _Découv. des Portugais_, 42. - - Lafreri, _Geografia_, 432. - - Lafuente y Alcantara, 47. - - Lake, Arthur, 11. - - Lamartine, _C. Colomb_, 83. - - Lambert, Jehan, 157. - - Lambert, T. H., on the origin of the name America, 179. - - Landa, Diego de, _Relation de Yucatan_, 429. - - Landon, _Galerie historique_, 73. - - Langeac, _Colomb_, 68. - - Langeron on Magellan, 617. - - Lanjuinas, J. D., _Colomb_, 84; - _Études_, 84. - - Laon globe, 28. - - Lapie on Maldonado, 456; - in _Nouv. annales des voyages_, 463. - - Larousse, _Grand dict. universel_, 68. - - Las Alas, Estevan de, 278. - - Las Casas, Antoine, 304. - - Las Casas, Bartholomew, chapter on, by Geo. E. Ellis, 299; - his birth, 303; - arrives in America, 21; - ordained at Hispaniola, 305; - goes to Cuba, 305; - goes to Spain (1515), 307; - returns to Indies, 307; - other visits to Spain, 308; - enters a convent (1522), 313, 333; - made bishop of Chiapa, 314; - dies, 314; - his character, 306, 330; - his exaggerations, 313, 318, 324, 326, 327, 328, 332; - relations to slavery, 304, 312, 325, 326; - on encomiendas, 537; - his colony at Cumana, 313; - his memorials to the Crown, 317; - his “Propositions”, 321, 335; - opposed by Oviedo and Sepulveda, 314, 331; - his opponents, 343; - charges against him, 326, 343; - supported by Herrera and Torquemada, 326; - reviewed by Prescott, 328; - his portrait, 332; - his autog., 333; - authorities on his career, 331; - lives of him, 343; - by Fabié, 343; - by Helps, 343; - by H. H. Bancroft, 343; - by Prescott, 343; - by Llorente, 324, 340; - his writings, 313, 325; - bibliography of, 333; - his _Obras_ (Llorente’s edition), 324, 340; - _Œuvres_, 340; - _Apologética hist._, 340; - his unpublished writings, 337; - _Carta_ (1520), 337; - _Carta_ (1545), 337; - _Carta_ (1554), 337; - _Historia de las Indias_, vii, 89, 174, 317, 339; - fac-simile of indorsement on it, 339; - _Conquista dell’Indie_, 342; - his use of documents, ii; - on De Soto, 254; - on Columbus, ii; - abridges the Journal of Columbus, 46, 91; - his nine tracts, 333, 335; - _Brevissima relacion_, 333; - fac-simile of title, 334; - _Cancionero spiritual_, 333; - _Lo que se signe_, etc., 335; - _Entre los remedios_, 335; - _Aqui se cōtienē unos_, etc., 335; - fac-simile of its title, 336; - _Aqui se contiene una disputa_, 335; - _Este es un tratado_, 335; - _Proposiciones_, 335; - fac-simile of title, 338; - _Principia_, 335; - _Tratado_, 335; - _Explicatio_, 337; - reprinted as _Las obras_, 337; - translations of his tracts, 341; - _Tyrannies et cruautez_, 341; - _The Spanish Colonie_, 341; - _Tears of the Indians_, 341; - _Seer cort Verhael_, 341; - _Spieghel der Sp. Tirannije_, 341; - _Histoire admirable des horribles insolences_, 341; - _Le miroir de la tyrannie_, 341; - _Histoire des Indes_, 351; - _La découverte des Indes_, 341; - _Relation des voyages_, 341; - _Relation of the first voyages_, 342; - _Newe Welt_, 342; - _Narratio regionum Indicarvm_, 342; - _De Bry’s engravings_, 342; - _Account of the first voyages_, 342; - _Popery truly displayed_, 342; - _Old England for ever_, 342; - _Warhafftiger Bericht_, 342; - _Umbständige warhafftige Beschreibung_, 342; - _Regionum Indicarum_, 342; - _Istoria_, 342; - _Il supplice_, etc., 342; - _La libertà pretesa_, 342. - - Las Casas, Francisco de, 200. - - Las Cases (Napoleon’s chamberlain), 304. - - Lasso de la Vega, Gabriel, his _Cortés valeroso_, 354; - _Mexicana_, 354; - his likeness, 355. - - Latitude, errors in, 96; - first use of, 95. - - Latitude and longitude, earliest instance of, in Spanish maps, 224. - - Laudonnière, René, builds Fort Caroline, 262; - _L’histoire notable_, 293; - _Notable History_, 293; - Lemoyne’s account, 296; - _Brevis narratio_, 296; - Challeux’ _Discours_, 296. - - Lautaro, 548; - victorious, 549; - killed, 549. - - Lavazares, Guido de, 504. - - Lavradio, Count de, 42. - - Laws, early Spanish, respecting the New World, 347; - of Mexico, 401. - _See_ New Laws. - - Laycal Bay, 55. - - Le Clercq, _Etablissement de la Foy_, 244. - - Le Verrier, 36. - - League, its length, 45. - - Lebrija, Ant. de, _Prudentii Opera_, 64. - - Ledesma, Pedro de, 176, 204. - - Lefroy, J. H., _Memorials of Bermuda_, 110. - - Legaspi, M. L. de, 616. - - Leguina, Enrique de, _La Cosa_, 107. - - Leguizamo, Marcio Sierra de, 556, 570. - - Leigh, Sir Thomas, 464. - - Leisler, Governor, 76. - - Lelewei, Joachim, _Die Entdeckung der Carthager auf dem Atlantischen - Ocean_, 36; - his map of the Atlantic according to the ancients (cut), 37; - makes an hypothetical map (1501-1503), 109; - on Ortelius, 471, 472. - - Lemaire, _Speculum_, 602. - - Lemoyne de Morgues, Jacques, his account of Laudonnière’s expedition, - 296; - _Brevis narratio_, 296; - translated by Perkins, 296. - - Lenox, James, on the Columbus letters, 47; - his woodcut map (1534), 222; - fac-simile of, 223; - his globe, sketch of, 123, 170; - Lenox Library, 158; - Spanish documents in, iii. - - Leo Africanus, 163; - his _Afrique_, 163. - - Leon, Cieza de, treatment of natives, 556. - - Leon, Jean. _See_ Leo Africanus. - - Lepage, H., _René et Vespuce_, 164. - - Lepe, Diego de, 109, 188; - his voyage, 149; - authorities on his voyage, 204, 205; - his map, 205. - - Leroz, _Geographia de la America_, 288. - - Lester, Charles Edwards, 139. - - _Letera de la nobil cipta_, 576. - - _Lettres édifiantes_, 467. - - Leucaton, 549. - - Levante (east), 94. - - _Leven van Columbus_, 69. - - Levinus Apollonius, 297. - - Lexona, 408. - - _Leyes y ordenanças_, 347. - - Libri’s library, 166. - - _Lichte der Zee-Vaert_, 97. - - _Light of Navigation_, 97. - - Lightfoote, William, _Complaints of England_, 341. - - Lilio, Z., _De origine_, etc., 58. - - Lilius, _Orbis breviarium_, 25. - - Lima, 513, 519, 558; - accounts of its founding, 567; - colleges at, 561; - councils at, 552, 557; - founded, 510, 522; - called “Ciudad de los Reyes”, 522. - - Linati, _Costûmes de Mexique_, 362. - - Lindenau, _Corresp. de Zach_, 221. - - Linschoten _Itinerario_, 457; - editions of, 457; - Wolfe’s translation, 459; - copies of, 459; - maps in, 457; - _Navigatio_, 460; - _Histoire de la navigation_, 460; - _Description de l’Amérique_, 460; - _Beschryvinge_, etc., 460; - the Dutch editions used as sea-manuals, 460; - in De Bry, 460; - bibliography in Sabin, 460; - his life, 460. - - Lions (islands), 599. - - _Lippincott’s Magazine_, 71. - - Lisbon, archives of the Torre do Tombo, ii, viii, 90; - Royal Academy, their _Noticias para nações ultramarinas_, 173, 616. - - _Livres payés en vente publique 1,000 francs_, 27. - - Llama, 505. - - Llorente, Juan Antonio, biographer and editor of Las Casas, 304, 324; - history of the Inquisition, 325; - his work on the Popes, 325. - - Loaysa, Alonzo de, 543. - - Loaysa, Garcia de, 440. - - Loaysa, Geronimo, bishop, 537; - archbishop of Lima dies, 557. - - Lockhart, John I., _Memoirs of Diaz_, 415. - - Log, invention of, 98. - - Lok, Michael, his map, 454. - - Lomas Colmenares, J. B. de, 504. - - Lombards (guns), 7. - - Long Island (Bahamas), 55. - - Longfellow, H. W., on Irving, vi. - - Longitude, errors in, 98; - first use of, 95; - more or less uncertain at sea to-day, 101; - rewards of accurate methods, 100. - _See_ Latitude. - - Lope de Sosa, 209. - - Lope de Vega, on the Araucanian war, 572. - - Lopes, Pero, 596. - - Lopez de Haro, _Nobilario_, 88. - - Lopez, Diego, 492. - - Lopez, map of Mexico, 375. - - Lorea, Ant. de, 560. - - Lorenzana, _Cartas pastorales_, 400; - edits records of ecclesiastical councils, 399; - _Nueva España_, 408, 443; - account of him, 408; - _Historia de Méjico_, 408; - his map of New Spain (_heliotype_), 359; - on Viscaino, 461. - - Lorgues, R. de, _Satan contre Colomb_, 69; - _La croix dans les deux mondes_, 69; - _Chr. Colomb_, 69; - _L’ambassadeur de Dieu_, 69. - - Los Rios, Pedro de, 200. - - Lota, 524. - - Löwenstern, I., on likenesses of Columbus, 70. - - Loyola, Martin Garcia, 553; - governor of Chili, 561; - killed, 562; - sources of information, 573. - - Lucanas, 527, 544. - - Lucayan Islands, map, 61; - their natives carried to Hispaniola, 321. - - Lucayoneque, 238. - - Lud, Walter, 145, 162, 471; - noticed by Henry Stevens, 162; - his _Speculum_, 62, 145, 163. - - Lugtenberg, his map, 464. - - Lugo, F. de, 580. - - Lugo, Luis Alonzo de, 581; - of New Granada, 581. - - Lugo, Montalvo de, 581. - - Luguna, 489, 501. - - Luis, missionary, 497. - - Lullius, Raymond, _Arte de navegar_, 96, 98. - - Luna, Gomez de, 534. - - Luna y Arellano, Tristan de, 257; - his expedition, 258; - returned to Cuba, 259. - - Lunar tables, 99. - - _L’univers pittoresque_, 296. - - Luque, Hernando, 505, 507; - made bishop of Tumbez, 512; - died, 526. - - _Lyuro das obras de Garcia de Resende_, 56. - - - MACDONALD, M., _Guatemozin_, 430. - - Macedo, notice of Ortelius, 471. - - Machin discovers Madeira, 38. - - Machiparo, 582. - - Mackenzie, A. S., 53. - - Macoya, 279. - - Macrobius, 28. - - Macuelas, Juan, 257. - - Madden, Sir Frederick, 337. - - Madeira discovered, 38; - as first meridian, 95. - - Madrid, Academy of History, publications on American history, vii; - Royal Academy, _Memorias_, 70; - Soc. Geog., _Boletin_, 72. - - Maella, M., 76. - - Maese de Campo, 271. - - Maffeius, 62; - _Commentariorum urbanorum libri_, 421; - _Historiarum indicarum libri_, 457. - - Magalhaens. _See_ Magellan. - - Magalhaes de Gandavo, 154. - - _Magasin pittoresque_, 72, 296. - - Magdalen (Indian women), 255. - - Magdalena (Florida river), 243, 288. - - Magdalena (South American river), 189, 513. - - Magellan, Fernando de, career, 591; - different forms of his name, 591; - autog., 592; - sails on his expedition, 592; - portraits of, 72, 75, 76, 593, 594, 595; - his fleet, 593; - quarrels with Juan de Carthagena, 596, 599; - at Rio de Janeiro, 596; - at La Plata, 598; - at Port Desire, 599; - mutiny there, 599; - executes Mendoza and Quesada, 599; - sees a giant, 600; - fights the natives, 601; - takes possession of Patagonia, 604; - observes eclipse of sun, 604; - in the straits, 606; - reaches the Pacific, 608; - his track in the Pacific, 609; - map of it, 610; - at the Ladrones, 611; - at the Philippines, 612; - killed, 612; - sources of information for the voyage, 613; - Pigafetta’s diary, 613, 614; - Max. Transylvanus’ letter, 615; - lost account by Peter Martyr, 615; - documents in Navarrete, 615; - manuscript ascribed to Magellan, 615; - enumeration of his companions, 615; - accounts by Stanley, Major, etc., 617; - bibliography of, 617; - documents published by the Hakluyt Society, 616; - account by Genoese pilot, 616; - shows how Magellan followed the Antarctic current, 616; - account in Oviedo, 616; - in Herrera, 616; - the _Noticia_ of Navarrete, 617. - - Magellan’s Straits, 435, 436, 446, 450, - (1534), 223; - (1541), 177; - treatise on its history by Kohl, 617; - by Wieser, 617; - named after the Eleven thousand Virgins by its discoverer, 604, 605; - prefigured on Behaim’s map, 604; - Pigafetta’s map, 605; - called “Streto Patagonico”, 605; - voyage of the “Santa Maria de la Cabeza”, 593. - - Magini, J. A., edits Ptolemy, 457. - - Magnet, history of the, 94; - variation of, 94; - lines of no variation, 95. - _See_ Compass, Needle. - - Magnetic curves, charts of, 100. - - Magnetic pole, 95. - - Maida (island), 451, 453. - - Maiollo, map of America (1527), 94, 219, 220. - - Major, R. H., _Select Letters of Columbus_, 10, 47; - _Conquest of the Canaries_, 36; - on date of Columbus’ birth, 83; - on the Da Vinci map, 124; - on Vespucius, 178; - _Prince Henry the Navigator_, 40, 617; - _Discoveries of Prince Henry_, 617. - - Mala, 519, 526. - - Maldonado, 21. - - Maldonado (artist), 362. - - Maldonado, Diego, 503; - seeks De Soto, 253. - - Maldonado, Francisco, 250. - - Maldonado, Lorenzo Ferrer de, his disputed voyage, 455; - authorities for, 455; - _Viaggio_, 456; - Memoir by Lapie, 456; - map, 468. - - Maldonado, Pedro de, 542. - - Maldonado, Roderigo, 486, 492. - - Malhado Island, 244. - - Malipiero, Dominico, 106. - - Malloy, Charles, _Affairs maritime_, 83. - - Malpica, 72. - - Malte-Brun, 164; - _Hist. de la géog._, 30. - - Manca, Ynca, 520; - at Vilcabamba, 546; - neglected, 524; - heads an army, 524; - defeated by Orgoñez, 526. - - Mandaña, 561. - - Mandeville, John de, influences Columbus, 27; - _Itinerarius_, 30. - - Maneiro, _De vitis Mexicanorum_, 429. - - Mangi, 42, 105, 118, 438, 454, 472; - mare de, 451, 453. - - Mangon, 42. - - Manigua, 233. - - Manilla, 454. - - Manioc, 598. - - Manipacna River, 259. - - Mannert, Conrad, 587. - - Manno and Promis, _Notizie di Gastaldi_, 439. - - Manoa (city), 585; - first in maps, 587; - in later maps, 587, 588; - disappeared, 589. - - Manrique de Lara, Rodrigo, 551. - - Manta Bay, 509. - - Mantuanus, B., _Opera_, 62. - - _Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, 38. - - Mapocho River, 528. - - Maps of the earliest Spanish and Portuguese discoveries, 93; - early Spanish ones very rare, 174. - _See_ Cordiform. - - Maracaibo, 190; - Lake of, 187. - - Maracayo Lake, 558. - - Maragnon, Rio, 228. - - Maranon (river), 188, 513, 519, 581. - _See_ Amazon. - - Marata, 477, 480. - - Marchand, Guy, or Guiot, printer, 49, 50, 51. - - Marchena of Rábida, 3, 5. - - Marchena, Perez de, 91. - - Marchesi, 48. - - Marchetti, edition of Ortelius, 472. - - Marcos, Fray, 475, 476, 477, 503; - his _Descubrimiento_, 499; - report altered in Ramusio and Hakluyt, 476, 499; - his fictions, 499; - rejoins Coronado, 480; - general of the Franciscans, 481. - - Marcou, Jules, on the naming of America, 179; - _First Discoveries of California_, 443, 467; - on Alarcon’s voyage, 443. - - Mar del Sur. _See_ Pacific. - - Margarita (island), 18, 20, 110, 134, 187, 225, 581, 588; - map, 61; - seized by Aguirre, 582. - - Margry, _Navigations Françaises_, 12, 39. - - Mariames (Indians), 244. - - Mariguana (island), 55, 56. - - Mariguanu, battle of, 549. - - Marin, _Commercio de’ Veneziani_, viii, 90. - - Marina, 355, 396. - - Marini, G. B., 66. - - Marinus, 24. - - Marinus of Tyre, 95. - - Markham, Clements R., “Pizarro, and the Conquest of Peru and Chili”, - 505; - “Critical Essay”, 563; - his _Expeditions into the Valley of the Amazons_, 563, 585, 589; - his _Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrárias Davilla_, 564; - edits Xeres, 564; - _Reports on the Discovery of Peru_, 566; - edits _Life of Guzman_, 567; - _Rules and Laws of the Incas_, 571; - _Travels of Cieza de Leon_, 574; - Garcilasso de la Vega’s _Royal Commentaries_, 575; - encouraged by Prescott, 578; - his _Cusco and Lima_, 578; - _Travels in Peru and India_, 578; - his handbook on _Peru_, 578; - _Search of Eldorado_, 582; - edits Acosta, 421; - edits Andagoya, 212. - - Marmocchi, _Raccolta_, v, 342. - - Marmolejo, G., 528, 551. - - Marmolejo, Gongora, career, 572; - _Hist. de Chile_, 573. - - Marquesas Islands, 561. - - Marquez, Diego, 212, 213. - - Martens, Th., 50. - - Martin, Alonso, 196. - - Martin, Cristóbal, 504. - - Martines, his maps, 450; - (155-?), 450; - (1578), 227, 229; - his map of the Moluccas, 441. - - Martinez, Father, 279. - - Martinez, Henrico, _Reportorio_, 421. - - Martinez, the author of the story of Manoa, 579. - - Martinez receives letter from Toscanelli, 31. - - Martyr, Peter, d’Anghiera, 57, 224; - on Columbus’ second voyage, 58; - _Decades_, 57, 122, 182; - _Epistolæ_, 57; - estimate of, 57; - _De nuper repertis insulis_, 402; - _Extraict ou recueil_, 410; - on Magellan’s voyage, 615; - his map (1511), 109, 110; - _Legatio Babylonica_, 109; - _Summario_ (1534), 222. - - Martyrs, the (islands), 233. - - Massbieau, L., _Mexico_, 378. - - Mata-Lanares, manuscripts of, ii. - - Matagorda Bay, 244. - - Matanzas, 203, 230, 276. - - Mataquito, 549. - - Matienzo, Juan, 552; - his _Gobierno de el Peru_, 571. - - Maule River, 524, 531, 559. - - Mauro, Fra, his map, 41, 94. - - Mauro, Lucio, 414. - - Maury, Mytton, 106. - - Mavila, 248, 291; - battle of, 249; - name how spelled, 291. - - May (river), 295. - - Maya civilization, 429. - - Mayer. _See_ Meyer. - - Mayer, Anton, _Wiens Buchdruckergeschichte_, 184. - - Mayor, Pedro de, 528. - - Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, his library, 430. - - Maxixcatzin, 372. - - McCulloch, _Antiquarian Researches in America_, 296. - - Mead, _Construction of maps_, 470. - - Mecia de Viladestes, map of the Canaries, 36. - - Mecken, Israel van, 352. - - Medici, Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de’, 145; - letter to, from Vespucius, 156. - - Medici, princes, 131. - - Medina, Pedro de, _Arte de navegar_, 7, 98, 176; - his map, 113, 226. - - Medina-Sidonia, Duke of, his manuscripts, viii. - - Medina, _Libro_, 6. - - Meek, Alexander, on De Soto’s march, 296; - _Romantic Passages_, 296. - - Megander, 262. - - Meier, H. L., 290. - - Mela, Pomponius, bibliography of, 180; - his map of the world, 180; - his _Cosmographia_, 180; - _De situ orbis_, 28, 181; - _Cosmographica geographia_, 181; - _De totius orbis descriptione_, 181; - edited by Vadianus, 122, 182; - issued with Solinus, 182; - corrected by Olive and Barbaro, 183; - translated by Golding, 186; - his north and south theory, 26; - on Vespucius, 154. - _See_ Pomponius. - - _Memoirs for the Curious_, 462. - - _Memorial historico Español_, 573. - - Mena, Juan de, 256. - - Mena, Marcos de, 256. - - Mendana, Alvaro de, 552. - - Mendez, Diego, 62. - - Mendiburu, _Diccionario del Peru_, 570. - - Mendieta, Alonzo de, 570. - - Mendieta, G., _Hist. eclesiastica Indiana_, 415, 422. - - Mendocino, Cape, 444, 465; - earliest mention of, 455. - - Mendoza, Andrea Hurtado (Marquis of Cañate), viceroy of Peru, 545; - dies, 547. - - Mendoza, Antonio de, 393, 474; - his autog., 254; - conquers the Chichimecs, 419; - viceroy of Peru, 542. - - Mendoza, Cardinal, 91. - - Mendoza, Garcia Hurtado de, governor of Chili, 549; - defeats Caupolican, 549; - likeness, 550; - leaves Chili, 551; - (fourth Marquis of Cañete), 560; - his life, 572. - - Mendoza Grajales, his _Memoria_, 293. - - Mendoza, Hurtado de, his voyage, 441; - on the Pacific coast, 393. - - Mendoza, Juan Gonzáles de, _Historia del Reino de China_, 504. - - Mendoza, L. T. de, his _Coleccion_, vii. - - Mendoza, Martin, counsels with Magellan in the Straits, 607. - - Mendoza, Pedro de (in Peru), 519. - - Mendoza, P. G. de, archbishop of Toledo, 4. - - Mendoza, one of Magellan’s captains, executed, and remains found by - Drake, 599. - - Mendoza (Chili), 524. - - Menendez de Aviles, Pedro, 260, 283; - directed to conquer Florida, 261; - attacks Ribault, 263; - attacks Fort Caroline, 272; - returns to Spain, 279; - returns to Florida, 282; - on the Chesapeake, 282; - dies, 283; - portrait, 261; - authorities, 293, 297; - _Cartas_, 293; - his victims of the _Epistola supplicatoria_, 297. - - Meneses, 543. - - Meneses, Pablo de, 545. - - Mer de l’ouest, 463, 467, 468, 469. - - Meras, Solis de, 275. - - Mercadillo, 527. - - Mercado, Martin, 545. - - Mercator, Michael, his map, 461. - - Mercator, Gerard, map (1541), 177; - (1569), 449, 452; - and Cnoyen, 95; - his projection, theory of, 470. - _See_ Hondius. - - Mercator, Rumoldus, his map, 457. - - _Mercure de France_, 560. - - Mercuri, engraving of Columbus, 73. - - Mérida, bishop of. _See_ Landa. - - Meridian, first, 95. - _See_ Longitude. - - Mesquita, 599, 607. - - Mesurado, Cape, 40. - - Meta (river), 581, 586. - - Metullus, _America_, 458. - - Mexia, Pedro, _Silva_, 616. - - Mexico (_see_ Cortés), 435; - called Temistitan, 225; - held to be Quinsay, 432; - human sacrifices in, 328; - plans, descriptions, and views of the city, 450; - plan of, before the Conquest, 364; - descriptions of, 364; - lake of, 358; - its causeways, 364, 369; - alleged plan by Montezuma, 364; - Helps’s plan, 369; - Wilson’s plan of the valley, 374; - the lake in Cortés’ day, 375; - shrinkage of the lagunes, 375; - map in Keating’s _Bernal Diaz_, 415; - Jourdanet’s map (_heliotype_), 375, 415; - Humboldt’s map, 375; - Lopez map, 375; - Siguenza’s map, 375; - the waters of its lake supposed to flow into the Pacific, 375; - inundations, 375; - view of the city under the conquerors, 377; - sketch in Bordone’s _Libro_, 378; - new causeways built by the Spaniards, 378; - city rebuilt, 378; - cathedral built, 378; - plan from Ramusio, 379; - other plans, 378; - account by Salazar, 378: other accounts, 378; - Temple of, 408; - second conquest by Cortés, 376; - list of the conquerors and their descendants, 414, 415; - conquest of, sources of information, 397; - the “anonymous conqueror”, 397; - records of the municipality, 398; - records of ecclesiastical councils, 399; - authorities on church history, 399; - documentary sources, 397; - _Documentos para la historia_, 498; - native manuscripts destroyed, 417; - bibliography of, 429; - by Boturini, 429; - by Clavigero, 430; - by Ramirez, 430; - by H. H. Bancroft, 430; - plays and poems on the Conquest, 430; - map of the west coast, 450; - Geographical Society of, 93; - its _Boletin_, 451. - - Mexico, Gulf of, early maps of, 217; - (Golfo Mexicano), 451, 459; - map by Martines, 450; - Cabot’s map, 447; - (mare Cathayum), 433; - Cortés’ map of, 404. - - Meyer. _See_ Mayer. - - Meyer, M. M., 102. - - Meyer, Tobias, 101. - - Meygenberg, 28. - - Michoacan, map of, 400. - - Miculasa (Indian), 250. - - Miggrode, Jacques de, 341. - - Milan, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84. - - Millacalquin, 562. - - Mines and Mining, 578; - in Hispaniola, 16. - - Mint established in Peru, 552. - - Miranda de Azevedo, 440. - - Miranda, Juan de, 504. - - Mirandolo, Pico de, 162. - - Miravalle, Counts of, 362. - - Miruello, 292. - - Miruelo, Diego, pilot, 236, 242. - - Mississippi (river), its supposed course, 282; - crossed by De Soto, 247, 251; - discovered by Pineda, 237; - who discovered it? 292; - called “Espiritu Santo”, 177, 237, 404, 447, 504; - early maps of, 292; - map by Wytfliet, 281; - by Delisle, 294. - _See_ Espiritu Santo. - - _Mittheilungen des Instituts für Oesterreichische - Geschichtsforschung_, 617. - - Mixco, 383. - - Mobile Bay, 295. - - Mocha (island), 531; - (Chili), 524. - - Mogrovejo, Toribio de, bishop, 557. - - Molina, A. de, 511. - - Molineaux globe, 452; - map, 458. - - Moll, Hermann, map (1736), 468; - map of the Pacific coast, 467; - of California (1755), 468; - Lake Parima, 587. - - Moluccas, 150, 217, 440, 610; - discovered, 591; - reached (1511), 441; - expeditions to, 440; - Cortés opens trade with, 393; - supposed way to, 446; - sold by Spain, 441; - early maps, 440, 450 - (1568), 449; - history of, by Argensola, 616. - - Monarchus, Robertus, _Bellum Christ. Princip._, 51. - - Monasterio, 241. - - Monette, J. W., _Valley of the Mississippi_, 296. - - Monroy, Alonso, 528, 529; - goes to Cusco, 530; - dies, 532. - - Monin, H., 40. - - Moniz, Vasco Gill, 90. - - Monserrate, documents at, iii. - - Montaldo, Professor, 54. - - Montanus, 192; - _Nieuwe Weereld_, 466. - - Montejo, Francisco de, 351; - in Yucatan, 429. - - Monteleone, Duke of, 395, 396. - - Monteros, 516. - - Montesinos, Ant. de, 240, 254, 286. - - Montesinos, F., his career, 570; - his _Memorias_, 570, 577; - _Annales_, 570. - - Montezuma, hears of Cortés, 353; - picture of, in Montanus, 361; - in Solis, 363; - other likenesses, 76, 362, 424; - meets Cortés, 362; - in chains, 362; - his descendants, 362; - his appearance and age, 362; - offers tribute to Cortés, 365; - wounded on the parapet, 368; - dies, 368; - his tributaries, 408. - - Montlezun, Baron de, 53. - - _Monthly Miscellany_, 462. - - Moon. _See_ Lunar tables. - - Moqui pueblos, 484, 503. - - Mora, D. de, 519. - - Mora, J. de, 425. - - Mora, _Méjico_, 428. - - Morales, 197. - - Morales, Andrés de, 204. - - Morales, Gaspar de, 505. - - More, Sir Thomas, his _Utopia_, 176. - - Morelli, Cav., _Lettera rarissima_, 62. - - Moreno, his maps, 55. - - Morga, _Philippine Islands_, 616. - - Morgan, L. H., _House and House-Life of the American Aborigines_, 502; - on the seven cities of Cibola, 502. - - Morisotus, _Orbis maritimi_, 34. - - Morris, J. G., 106. - - Morton, Thomas, on the Asiatic extension of North America, 439. - - Moscoso, Luis de, 248; - succeeds De Soto, 253. - - Moscoso, F., 519. - - Motolinia, Toribio, 343; - his life by Ramirez, 343; - his autog., 343; - _Historia_, 397. - - Motupe, 516, 519. - - Mount St. Elias, 469. - - Muller, E., 66. - - Muller, G. F., on voyages to the Northwest, 469. - - Müller, Johannes, of Königsberg (Regiomontanus), 96, 99; - his _Ephemerides_, 96; - his _Tabulæ astron._, 99. - - Müller, Johannes, _Vereine Deutschlands_, 93. - - Mulligan, John, 58. - - _Mundus novus_, 157. - - Mundus Novus (South America), 115, 123. - - Muñoz, Juan, in Florida, 255. - - Muñoz, J. B., autog. of, iii; - his collection of manuscripts, vii, 569; - on Columbus, 68; - his _Historia_ failed to record Vespucius, 153. - - Munroe, Prof. C. E., 352. - - Münster, Seb., his map (1532), 121, 122; - _Novus orbis_, 122. - - Muratori, 90; - _Rerum ital. scriptores_, 48. - - Murphy, B., on the tomb of Cortés, 396. - - Murphy, H. C., 287; - on the bibliography of the _Cosmog. Introd._, 166. - - Murdock, J. B., _Cruise of Columbus_, 54. - - Murr, C. G. von, _Memorabilia_, 35, 221; - _Gesch. des Ritters Behaim_, 35. - - Musters, G. C., on Patagonia, 603. - - Myritius, Johannes, _Opusculum geographicum_, 154, 439; - map, 457. - - - NAHUATL manuscripts, 418. - - Nancy globe, 432; - sketch of, 433. - - Nanipacna, 258. - - Napione, _Del primo scopritore_, 84, 163; - _Patria di Colombo_, 83, 84. - - Napo River, 528, 588. - - Napochies, 258. - - Napoleon I., his havoc among the Spanish archives, i. - - Napoli, Juan de, portolano, 38. - - _Naraciones históricas_, 573. - - Narvaez, Pamphilo de, in Cuba, 201; - has a patent, 242; - disappears, 244; - his landing in Florida, 274; - where did he land? 288; - names of his followers, 415; - sent against Cortés, 365; - treats with Cortés, 366; - released by Cortés, 380; - authorities, 286; - autog., 286; - map of his discoveries, 226. - - Nasca, 519, 543, 558. - - Nata, 509. - - Natchez (Indians), 258, 294. - - _Nation, The_, 71. - - Natives, earliest picture of, 19. - - Nativita, 188. - - _Nautical Magazine_, 82, 100. - - Navarrete, E. F. de, 65; - _La longitud en la mar_, 98. - - Navarrete, M. F. de, account of, iv; - _La historia de la nautica_, v, 98; - on Alonzo de Santa Cruz, 100; - on Andagoya, 212; - his _Coleccion_, v; - _Opúsculos_, v; - _Bibl. mar. Española_, v; - his documents on Magellan, 615; - edits _Doc. inéditos_, vii; - _Sutil y Méxicana_ (atlas), 456, 561; - on Maldonado, 456; - his researches on Columbus, 68, 456; - _Noticia_ of Magellan, 617; - another in his _Opúsculos_, 617; - on Vespucius, 153, 178; - _Viages menores_, 204. - - Navarro, 516. - - Navarro, Joaquin, translates Prescott, 427. - - Navidad, La, 10, 16, 226. - - Navigation, books of, 98. - - Nebrissensis, Ant., 58. - - Needle, declination of, 100; - dip of, 100; - variation of, as a means of ascertaining longitude, 99. - _See_ Magnet, Compass. - - Negrete, Juan de, 573. - - Negro River, 581. - - Negroes in Peru, 560. - _See_ Slavery. - - _Neueröffnetes Amphitheatrum_, 78. - - New Andalusia, 88, 190, 191, 585; - history of, 587. - - New Castile (Peru), 525. - _See_ Castilla nueva. - - New France (Nova Francia), 453. - - New Gallicia, 229, 474, 504; - conquered by Guzman, 391. - - New Granada, 458, 581. - - _New Interlude_, 62. - - New Laws, 537; - revoked, 539. - _See_ Laws. - - New Mexico, Coronado’s incursion into, 473; - sources of information, 498 (_see_ Coronado); - early explorations of, 473; - various expeditions to, 503. - - New Spain, Audiencia, 460; - Lorenzana’s map of, 408; - maps of, 358, 359; - map of, in Herrera, 392; - (Nueva Spanya), 450; - map by Ortelius, 472. - - New Toledo (Chili), 525. - - _New Quarterly Review_, 54. - - New York Historical Society, _Catalogue of Gallery_, 515. - - _Newe Zeitung aus Hispanien_, 576. - - Newfoundland in the Cantino map, 108; - (Terra Cortesia), 121; - early voyages to, 33; - in Sylvanus’ map, 122; - (Terra nova), 450. - - Newton, Sir Isaac, 470; - his theory of a sphere flattened at the poles, 590; - expeditions to verify it, 590. - - Nicaragua, documents on, ix; - Lake of, 200. - _See_ Peralta. - - Nicholas of Lynn, 95. - - Nicholas, Thomas, 414; - translates Zarate, 568. - - Nicolini, Donato, 131. - - Nicoya, Diego de, 191, 198, 200. - - Nicuessa, 88, 209, 210. - - Nieva. _See_ Zuñiga. - - “Nina”, ship, 8, 187. - - Niño, 18, 204, 205. - - Niño, Andrés, 199. - - Niño, Pedro Alonso, 109, 187. - - Nito, 385. - - Nombre de Dios, 189, 190, 223, 228, 446, 509, 581; - settled, 505; - abandoned, 506. - - Non, Cape, 40. - - Nootka Sound, 469, 470. - - Nordenskiöld, A. E., _Trois cartes_, 28; - _Bröderna Zenos_, 121, 436; - edits manuscript of Marco Polo, 30. - - Noreña, Alonso de, 343. - - North’s _Plutarch_, 78. - - North America, the belief in its narrowness, 466; - connected with Asia, 285, 431; - shown as an archipelago, 128. - _See_ America. - - North star, 99. - - Northmen, voyages to America, 33; - their acquaintance with the loadstone, 94. - - Norumbega, 451, 459, 473; - (Anorobagra), 224; - (Norumberga), 453. - - _Noticias históricas de la Nueva España_, 421. - - _Nouvelles certaines des isles du Peru_, 576. - - Nova Galitia. _See_ New Gallicia. - - _Novus orbis_. _See_ Grynæus. - - Nucio, Antwerp publisher, 412. - - Nueva Galicia. _See_ New Gallicia. - - Nuñez de Balbóa. _See_ Balbóa. - - Nuñez Vela, Blasco, 537. - - Nuremberg Chronicle, 34. - - Nuttall, _Travels into Arkansas_, 292. - - Nyeto, Alvaro, 257. - - - _Obras escogidas de filósofos_, 337. - - Ocampo, Baltasar d’, his _Provincia de S. F. de Villcapampa_, 571. - - Ocampo, Florian d’, edits Zarate, 568. - - Ocampo, Garcia de, 189. - - Ocampo, Sebastian de, explores Cuba, 201; - sails around Cuba, 214. - - Ocampo, _Chronica_, 421. - - _Ocean Highways_, 221. - - Ochechiton, 258. - - Ochoa, Martin de, 271, 278. - - Ochuse, 257. - _See_ Ichuse. - - Odérigo, N., has manuscripts of Columbus, iv. - - Odriozola, M., _Doc. históricos del Peru_, 576. - - Oettinger, _Bibl. biog._, 66. - - Ogilby, his map (1671), 466. - - Ojeda, Alonso de, 16, 68, 88, 112, 144, 209, 506; - his voyages, 109, 187, 208; - authorities on, 204; - authorities on his second voyage, 207; - notice of, by Navarrete, v; - accompanied by Vespucius, 149, 153. - - Olano, Lope de, 194. - - Old World, map of (1490), 41. - - Olibahali, 258. - - Olid, Cristóbal de, 214, 351; - at the second siege of Mexico, 376; - in Honduras, 200, 383; - his defection, 384, 411. - - Oliva, Anello, _Hist. du Pérou_, 576. - - Oliva, F. P. de, his account of Columbus, 66. - - Oliva, Johannes, his map, 461. - - Olives planted in Peru, 547. - - Oliveros, 241. - - Omaguas, 581; - fabled empire of, 585. - - Oña, Pedro de, _Arauco Domado_, 572. - - Oñate, Juan de, 461, 504. - - _Once a Week_, 66. - - Ondegardo, Polo de, 545, 552; - career, 571; - _Relaciones_, 523, 571; - his manuscripts, 571. - - Ongania, his _Raccolta di mappamundi_, 107. - - Onondaga, Spanish at, 283. - - Oostanaula River, 247. - - Opmeer, P. van, _Opus chronographicum_, 72. - - Ordaz, Diego, 351; - his expedition, 579. - - _Ordenanzas reales_, 347. - - _Ordinationes legumque collectiones_, 401. - - Ordoñez de Montalvo, _Las sergas de Esplandian_, 443. - - Oregon (river), 469. - - Orellana, Francisco de, 188; - with Gonzalo Pizarro, 528; - courses the Amazon, 447, 528, 584; - Herrera’s account, translated by Markham, 563; - goes to Spain, 585; - returns and dies, 585. - _See_ Amazon. - - Orgoñez, R., 525; - defeats Alvarado, 526; - defeats Manco, 526; - killed, 527. - - Orinoco River, 133; - discovered by Columbus, 20; - explored, 579; - map of the mouths, 586, 588; - explored by Whiddon, 586. - - Orista, 282. - - Orizaba, 358. - - Oropesa, 525, 552, 562. - - Orozco y Berra, 418; - _Cartografia Mexicana_, 93, 166, 375; - _Vallée de Mexico_, 375. - - Orozco, Juan de, 504. - - Orsenius, Ambrose, 471. - - Orsenius, Ferd., 471. - - Ortega, C. de, _Resumen_, 603. - - Ortega, C. F., 418. - - Ortelius, account of, 471; - genealogy of, 471; - life by Van Hulst, 471; - portraits referred to, 471, 472; - notice by Macedo, 471; - his list of authorities, 93, 471; - editions of his _Theatrum_, 471, 472; - which is the original text? 471; - _additamentum_, 471; - French and German translations, 471; - his mappemonde described, 472; - map of the New World, 472; - epitomes of, 472; - map of new Spain, 472; - of Florida, 472; - of Peru, 472; - last edition, by himself, 472; - _Il Theatre del mondo_ (1598), 439; - map (1582), 186. - - Ortis, Alonso, _Los tratados_, 57. - - Ortiz, Diego, 553. - - Ortiz de Matienzo, Juan, 238. - - Ortiz of Narvaez’ expedition, 245; - with De Soto when he died, 252. - - Osimo, d’, _Colomb et Marchena_, 3. - - Osorius, _De rebus Emmanuelis gestis_, 616. - - Osorno, 524; - founded, 549. - - Ostro (south), 94. - - Osuna, Duque d’, 89. - - Otina, 279. - - Otmar, Johannes, 157. - - Ortubia, Juan Peres de, 233. - - Otumba, 358, 369; - victory at, 370, 374. - - Ovalle, _Historica relatione_, 576; - _Historica relacion_, 576; - English version, 576. - - Ovando, Nic. de, 21, 201; - deporting natives from the Lucayan Islands, 328; - at Hispaniola, 23. - - _Overland Monthly_, 288. - - Oviedo y Baños, _Venezuela_, 584. - - Oviedo y Herrera, _Vida de Santa Rosa_, 560. - - Oviedo y Valdés, G. F. de, 197; - in Peru, 563; - his account of Peru, 563; - his career, 209, 343; - _Sumario_, 343, 345; - official chronicler, 343; - _Historia de las Indias_, 343, 345; - critical estimation of his history, 563; - published with Peter Martyr, 563; - printed complete, 346; - correspondent of Ramusio, 343; - knew Cortés, 343; - hated by Las Casas, 314, 345; - bibliography of, 345; - _De la natural hystoria_, 343, 345; - fac-simile of title, 344; - his arms, 345; - _Coronica_, 345; - his autog., 346; - _Histoire naturelle_, 346; - _Libro_ xx, 346; - dies, 346; - unprinted parts of his _Historia_, 346; - life by Amador de los Rios, 346; - _Histoire de Nicaragua_, 346; - letter from (1543), 410; - and Magellan’s papers, 616. - - - PABLOS, JUAN, 400. - - Paca, 559. - - Pacaha, 251. - - Pachacamac, 519; - temple of, 517. - - Pachama, 558. - - Pacheco, J. F., _Coleccion_, vii, 498. - - Pacific coast, discoveries on, 431; - chronology of explorations on, 431. - - Pacific Ocean, 177; - heard of by Columbus, 211; - discovered, 195, 608 (_see_ Balbóa); - various names, 439; - (Mar Pacifico), 452; - (Mare del Sur), 223, 227, 228, 450, 451; - (Mare del Sul), 229; - (Mare del Zur), 459; - named in Pigafetta’s map, 605; - maps of (1513), 440; - (1518), 217; - chart of Magellan’s tract, 610; - trade-winds, 454. - - _Pacific Railroad Reports_, 502. - - Padilla. _See_ Davilla. - - Padilla, Juan de, 484, 497, 503. - - Padilla, Mota, _Nueva Galicia_, 468. - - _Paesi novamente retrovati_, 205. - - Paez, Juan, 445. - - Pafallaya, 250. - - Pagus Hispanorum, 265. - - Paillamacu, 561, 563. - - Palafox y Mendoça, _Virtudes del Indio_, 343. - - Palencia, Fernandez de, career, 569; - _Historia del Peru_, 569; - called “El Palentino”, 569. - - Palentino, el. _See_ Palencia. - - Pallastrelli, B., _La moglie di Colombo_, 85. - - Palmas, Rio de, 242, 281. - - Palos, 5, 6. - - Palos, Juan, likeness of, 287. - - Pampluna, 581. - - Panamá, 228, 229, 435, 509; - documents in, ix; - founded, 198, 199, 212, 505 (1566), 451. - _See_ Peralta. - - Paniagua, 569. - - Pánuco, 229, 353, 382, 386; - Rio, 203 (1520), 218, 225; - named, 237. - - Panzer, _Annalen_, 159. - - Paposo, 524. - - Para, 581. - - Parana, 459. - - Parana Patinga, 589. - - Pardo, Captain, 278. - - Pardo, Juan, 504. - - Pares, Juan de, 507. - - Parestrello at Porto Santo, 38; - his family, 90. - _See_ Perestrello. - - Pareto, Bartolomeus, sea-chart, 38. - - Paria, 114, 169, 177, 218, 223, 588; - (Chili), 525; - discovered, 187; - gulf of, 586 (map), 61; - (1511), 110; - name of, 231. - - Paria, University of, 90. - - Parias, 121, 432; - (in Schöner’s globe), 118. - - Paricura, 188. _See_ Amazon. - - Parima (lake), 585; - first in maps, 587; - in later maps, 587, 588; - disappeared, 589. - - Parima (river), 581. - - Paris, Société de Géographie de, their _Recueil de voyages_, 30. - - Parita (gulf), 198. - - Parkman, F., _Pioneers of France_, 293, 298. - - Parmentier of Dieppe, 105. - - Parmigiano, picture of Columbus, 76. - - Parra, Iacinto de, 560; - _Rosa Laureada_, 560. - - Parrots, land of (Brazil), 598. - - Pas, Crispin de, 72; - _Effigies regum_, etc., 72. - - Pasamonte, 194, 210, 211. - - Pasqual, _Descubr. de la sit. de la America_, 58. - - Pasqualigo, 107. - - Passado, Cape, 507. - - Pastene, J. B., 530; - his likeness, 531. - - Pasto, 509. - - Pastro y Cueva, B. de, 561. - - Patagonia, giants in, 600; - dress of, 600. - _See_ Giants (_regio gigantum_), 432. - - Patalis, 433. - - Patinamit, 383. - - Patiño, 267. - - Paucartambo River, 519. - - Pauli, Reinhold, 337. - - Paulitschke, _Afrika-literatur_, 40. - - Paullu, Ynca, 524, 553. - - Pauthier, G., edits Marco Polo, 30. - - Payta, 519, 546. - - Paytiti, 585, 589. - - Paz, M. de, 511. - - Pearl coast, 20, 106, 169. - - Pearl-fishery, 187. - - Pearl Islands, 197, 198, 199, 505, 509. - - Pecari, 598. - - Pecciolen, M. N., his map, 461. - - Pedrarias, Davilla, 209; - _Lettere di Pietro Arias_, 567; - authorities on, 211; - his character, 196. - _See_ Avila. - - Peignot, _Répertoire_, 163. - - Pelantaru, 562. - - Peña, Gutierrez de la, 582. - - Peña, Nuñez de la, _La Gran Canaria_, 36. - - Peñalosa, Diego de, his discovery of Quivira, 503, 504. - - Penco, 548; - bay, 531. - - Penguins (islands), 599. - - Pensacola, 246, 250, 257, 295; - discovered, 236. - - Peralta, C. de, 510. - - Peralta, Joan Suarez de, _Las Yndias_, 421. - - Peralta, Manuel M. de, _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panama_, ix, 213. - - Perestrello, 2. - _See_ Parestrello. - - Perez de el Christo, Cristóval, _Islas de Canaria_, 36. - - Perez, Juan, 469. - - Perkins, F. B., translates Lemoyne, 296. - - Pernambuco, 228. - - Pernetty, _Voyage_, 602. - - Perthes, Justus, _Mittheilungen_, 471. - - Peru, 433, 435, 436, 446, 450, 459 (1541), 177; - “Conquest and Settlement of”, by Markham, 505; - first rumors of the country, 505; - origin of name, 505; - Ribero first uses it in maps, 505; - likenesses of the viceroys, 532; - under Gasca, 539; - revolt under Giron, 543; - Andrea Hurtado de Mendoza, viceroy, 545; - Zuñiga, viceroy, 547; - sun-worship in, 551; - Castro, governor, 551; - Toledo, viceroy, 552; - relations of natives with the Council of the Indies, 556; - Inquisition introduced, 557; - Henriquez, viceroy, 557; - F. de Torres, viceroy, 560; - Mendoza (fourth marquis of Cañete), 560; - described in the Dutch Apianus, 184; - negroes introduced, 560; - Luis de Velasco, viceroy, 561; - sources of information, 563; - in Gomara, 412; - Xeres on, 345; - gold sent to Europe, 566, 578; - effect on prices, 566; - _Copey etlicher brieff_, 566; - _Libro ultimo_, 566; - authorities on the treatment of the Indians, 571; - later histories, 576; - _Documentos históricos del Peru_, 576; - manuscript sources, 576; - _Varias relaciones del Peru_, 576; - chief modern writers on Peru in English, 577; - quinine in, 578; - attempt to export treasure by the Amazon, 589; - Spanish cruelties in, 318, 319, 320; - the Inca Titus, 325; - maps of, 509; - (Ribero), 505, - (Ortelius), 472, - (Ramusio), 228, - (Wytfliet), 558; - (sketch-maps of the Conquest), 509, 519; - (Ruge’s), 513. - _See_ Pizarro, Birú. - - Peschel, Oscar, on Bianco’s map, 94; - _Die Theilung der Erde_, 45; - _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, 69, 106; - on Columbus’ birth, 83. - - Petatlan, 475, 498; - (river), 244. - - Petavius, _History of the World_, 466. - - Petau. _See_ Petavius. - - _Petit Atlas maritime_, 375. - - Petiver, James, coins the De Fonte story, 462. - - Petrarca, F., _Chronica_, 62. - - Petri, Henri, prints Mela, 184. - - Philesius, 159. _See_ Ringmann, M. - - Philip II., organizes the archives at Simancas, i; - map of, 222. - - Philippine Islands, 592, 610, 612; - conquered by the Spaniards, 454, 616; - histories of, 616. - - Phillipps, Sir Thomas, 337, 427; - his manuscripts, 566, 614. - - Phillips, Henry, Jr., 375. - - Phillips, John (Milton’s nephew), 341. - - Philoponus, F. H., _Nova typis_, etc., 58, 286. - - Phrysius (Frisius). _See_ Friess. - - Phrysius, Gemma, _Cosmographia_, 156; - _De principiis astronomiæ_, 176, 421. - - Piache, 248. - - Pichot, Amédée, edits Prescott’s _Peru_, 577. - - Pickett, _Invasion of Alabama by De Soto_, 291; - _History of Alabama_, 291. - - Piedrahita, Juan, 546. - - Piedrahita, L. F., career, 584; - _Historia general_, 584. - - Pietschmann, R., _Guanahani-Frage_, 55. - - Pigafetta, Antonio, _Trattato di navigazione_, 98; - his narrative edited by Amoretti, 614, 615; - by Fabre, 614; - in different languages, 614; - bibliography of, 615; - his career, 613; - his diary, 613; - its illustrations, 613; - different texts, 613, 614; - _Uno libro_, 614; - and the captive Patagonian, 609. - - Pighius, 154. - - Pigmies, 472. - - Pinart, his library, 430. - - Pineapple found in Brazil, 597. - - Pineda, Alonzo Alvarez de, on the Florida coast, 237. - - Pineda’s expedition, 218. - - Pinet, Ant. du, _Plantz, etc., de plusieurs villes_, 556. - - Pingel, C., _Grönlands Hist. Mindesmaeker_, 34. - - “Pinta”, ship, 8. - - Pinto, fort, 549. - - Pinzon, M. A., espouses Columbus’ theory, 3. - - Pinzon, V. Y., 109, 187; - authorities on his voyage, 204, 205; - Varnhagen on it, 205; - his voyage, 149. - - Pinzon and Solis, voyage of, 153, 154. - - Pinzons, 8, 10, 34; - contribute money to Columbus’ outfit, 5, 91. - - Pirckeymerus, B., _Germaniæ explicatio_, 99; - edits Ptolemy, 102; - portrait, 102. - - Piron, his _Cortés_, 430. - - Piscator. _See_ Visscher. - - Pisco, 510. - - Piura, 515. - - Pizarro, Francisco, 193; - at Panama, 505; - forms a company with Almagro and Luque, 506, 567; - his previous history, 506; - sails on his first expedition, 507, 567; - his second, 507; - left on Gallo, 508; - draws the line on the sand, 510; - names of such as crossed, 510; - goes to Gorgona, 511; - cruises along the coast, 511; - goes to Spain, 512; - takes his brothers to Peru, 512; - breaks with Almagro, 512; - goes to Peru again, 514; - at Tumbez, 514; - at Caxamarca, 516; - imprisons Atahualpa, 516; - exacts ransom, 517; - murders Atahualpa, 517; - line of his march from Tumbez, 519; - sends treasure to Spain, 519; - enters Cusco, 520; - founds Lima, 522; - made a marquis, 522; - reconciliation with Almagro, 522;´ - dispute with Almagro over bounds, 525; - conference with him, 526; - gives command of his army to his brother Hernando, 527; - likenesses of, 75, 76, 532, 533; - his standard, 532; - his body preserved, 532; - in Lima, 534; - killed, 534, 567; - his house in Lima, 534; - his house in Cusco, 556; - sources of his history, 563; - account of treasure sent to Spain, 566; - lives of, 567; - earliest tidings of his success, in the _Copia delle lettere_, etc., - 575; - translations of it, 576; - Helps’s character of him, 578; - H. H. Bancroft’s, 578; - Robertson’s, 578. - _See_ Peru. - - Pizarro, Gonzalo (brother of Francisco), 512; - seized by Almagro, 526; - escapes, 526; - leads his brother’s infantry, 527; - sent to conquer Charcas, 527; - explores east from Quito, 528, 570; - deserted by Orellana, 584; - returns, 528; - on his estates, 537; - leads army against Lima, 537, 538; - enters it, 538; - rejects pardon from Gasca, 540; - defeats Centeno, 541; - surrenders and is executed, 542; - sentenced, 569; - letter to Valdivia, 573. - - Pizarro, Gonzales (father of Francisco), 506. - - Pizarro, Hernando, 512; - his expedition to Pachacamac, 517, 566; - goes to Spain, 520, 522; - returns to Peru, 522; - at Cusco, 523; - captures the Inca fortress, 524; - seized by Almagro, 526; - released, 527; - commands his brother’s army, 527; - attacks Orgoñez, 527; - imprisoned in Spain, 527; - his letter, 566. - - Pizarro, Juan, 512; - at Cusco, 522, 524; - killed, 524. - - Pizarro, Pedro, 512; - his _Relaciones_, 566. - - Pizarro y Orellana, _Varones ilustres_, 68, 567; - his descent, 567. - - Pizignani, his charts, 38, 94. - - Placentia, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84. - - Planacays, 92. - - Plancius, map of, 457. - - Plannck, Stephanus, printer, 48. - - Plata, Rio de la, 228. - _See_ La Plata. - - Plato, _Critias_ and _Timæus_, 26. - - Plautius, C., 58. - - Plisacus sinus, 115. - - Plutarch, translated by North, 516. - - Poggiale, Gaetano, 163. - - Poincy, Louis de, 289. - - Polar Islands, 95. - - Pole Star. _See_ North Star. - - Poleur, Jean, translates Oviedo, 346. - - Polo, Marco, _Milione_, 30; - early manuscript of, 30; - first printed, 30; - editions, 30; - his portrait (cut), 30; - edited by Yule, 30; - by Pauthier, 30. - - Pomar, J. B., on Cholula, 422. - - Pomponius Mela, 164, 168; - edited by Vadianus, 173. - _See_ Mela. - - Ponce de Leon, Juan, his voyage to Bimini, 232, 233; - names Florida, 233; - directed to settle it, 234; - likeness of, 235; - dies, 236; - authorities on, 283; - bay of, 224, 225; - the controverted date of his discovery, 284; - his exploits celebrated by Castellanos, 584; - names of his followers, 415. - - Ponce de Leon, Luis, in Mexico, 386. - - Ponçe Vargas, his manuscript, iii. - - Ponente (west), 94. - - Pontanus, his _Amsterdam_, 461. - - Pontonchan, 203. - - Popayan, 509, 513, 581; - taken by Belalcazar, 584. - - Popellinière, _Les trois mondes_, 454. - - Popocatepetl, 358; - sulphur got from its crater, 380. - - Porcacchi, map (1572), 449; - sketched, 453; - _L’isole_, 449; - copies of, 449; - editions of, 450; - _Carta da navigar_, 450. - - Porco, 558. - - Porras, Diego, 62. - - Porro, Hieronymus, his map in Ptolemy (1597), 457. - - Port Desire, Magellan at, 599; - view of, 602. - - Port Nipe, 55. - - Port Padre, 55. - - Port Royal, 260; - Menendez builds fort, 278. - - _Portfolio_ (Philadelphia), 410. - - Porto Bello, 22, 506. - - Porto Rico, 226; - pillaged, 262. - - Porto Santo, 2; - discovered, 40. - - Porto Seguro, Baron of. _See_ Varnhagen. - - Portolá, 453. - - Portugal, king of, on titlepages, 159, 160. - - Portuguese on the African coast (1489), 41; - their authorities, 90; - their earliest maps, 93; - their possessions in the two Indies, 449; - their supposed early visit to the Pacific coast, 441. - - Postel, Guillaume, _Cosmog. disciplinæ compend._, 35; - _De orbis terræ concordia_, 421. - - Potosi, 558. - - Poussielgue, _Floride_, 298. - - Powell, J. W., _Geographical and Geological Survey_, 502. - - Pradello, alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84. - - Preciado, 443. - - Prescott, W. H., account of, 425; - _Conquest of Mexico_, 425, 426, 427; - _Ferdinand and Isabella_, 425; - criticised by H. H. Bancroft, 425; - portrait, 426; - his manuscript material, vii, 397, 426, 427; - on Columbus, 69; - new editions by Kirk, 427; - translations of, 427; - life by Ticknor, 427; - his letters, 427; - his library, 427; - his manuscripts in Harvard College Library, 427; - his noctograph, 426, 427; - other manuscripts, 427; - eulogy on, by George Bancroft, 427; - view of his library, 577; - _Conquest of Peru_, 577; - translations, 577; - new edition by Kirk, 578; - reads Solis, 424; - alleged leniency to the Spaniards, 313, 328. - - Prévost, Robert, 298. - - Prieto, A. L., _Los restos de Colon_, 81, 82; - _Informe sobre los restos_, 82. - - Prime, W. C., 126. - - Prince, L. B., _New Mexico_, 503. - - Prince, Thomas, on the De Fonte story, 462. - - Prince Albert Land, 95. - - Pringle, Dr., 462. - - Printing, early, in Mexico, 400, 401. - - Prisilia, 114. - _See_ Brazil. - - Promauca Indians, 525. - - Promis, Vincenzo, _Memoriale di Diego Colombo_, 224. - - _Prosopographia_, 389. - - Proveda, M. de, 585. - - _Provisiones, cedulas_, etc. (1563), 347, (1596), 348. - - Prynne, Arthur, abridges Bernal Diaz, 415. - - Ptolemy, Claudius, editions and maps of, 26; - (1475), 27; - (1478), 27, 120; - (1482), 28, 95; - (1486), 28, 33, 95; - (1490), 28, 120; - (1507), 120; - (1508), 62, 95, 109, 120, 121, 154, 155, 220; - (1511), 62, 95, 109, 122, 123, 169, 184; - (1512, Stobnicza), 64, 116, 117, 121, 174; - (1513), 64, 95, 109, 111, 112, 113, 162, 171, 173, 220; - (1520), 112; - (1522), 112, 125, 126, 148, 173, 175, 184, 598; - (1525), 102, 112, 126; - (1535), 95, 112, 127, 176; - (1540), 446; - (1541), 127, 184, 446; - (1542), 446; - (1545), 446; - (1548), 226, 234, 434, 449; - (1552), 184, 234, 446; - (1555), 446; - (1561), 436, 449, 471; - (1562), 437; - (1564), 437; - (1574), 437; - (1597), 457, 472; - (1598), 457; - (1599), 457; - map of the world according to, 165; - his theory of east and west extension, 26, 95; - portraits (cuts), 26, 27; - Angelo’s Latin version of, 26, 27; - early editions, 27; - spread of his views, 27; - maps by Agathodæmon, 28; - manuscripts of, 28; - ibliography of, 93, 438; - recognizes latitude and longitude, 95; - errors of longitude, 101. - - Pucara, 519, 545. - - Pueblo Indians, 473. - _See_ Moqui; Sedentary; Zuñi. - - Puelles, Pedro de, 528, 538. - - Puente, Alonso de la, 213. - - Puerco, Rio, 488. - - Puerto Bello, 509. - - Puerto Deseado, 203. - _See_ Port Desert. - - Puerto Viejo, 509. - - Puga, Vasco de, his edition of laws, 348; - _Provisiones_, 401. - - Puget Sound, 470. - - Puna, 509; - island, 514. - - Puñonrostro, 213. - - - QUADRANT. _See_ Hadley. - - Quadus, map (1600), 460. - - Quaquima, 483. - - Quauhtemotzin, 371; - captured, 378. - - Queh, F. G., on the Cakchiquels, 419. - - Quemado, 509. - - Quérandis, 598. - - Querechos, 492. - - Quesada, Gonzalo Ximenes, conquers New Granada, 580; - his portrait, 580; - goes to Spain, 580; - his _Compendio_, 584; - his daughter marries Berreo, 586. - - Quexos, Pedro de, 238, 240. - - Quiché, 383. - - Quicksilver in Peru, 552. - - Quiguate, 251. - - Quilacara, 532. - - Quillota, 524. - - Quintana, Manuel José, on Balbóa, 210; - _Vidas_, 210, 343, 567; - _Obras_, 343. - - Quintanilla, 5. - - Quintero, 524. - - Quinto, 89. - - Quipana, 251. - - Quir, F. de, his map, 461. - - Quirex, 485, 491. - - Quiriquina, 524; - island, 549. - - Quiro, Alvaro de, 507. - - Quiroga, Rodrigo de, governor of Chili, 528, 551. - - Quiros, 282. - - Quisau, 454. - - Quispicanchi, 511. - - Quito, 509, 513; - audiencia, 460; - histories, 576, 584. - - Quivedo, Bishop, 197. - - Quivira, 451, 459, 465, 472, 491; - (1556), 228; - (1599), 504; - (1662), 504; - (Quivir), 454; - (city), 445; - site transferred to the coast, 445; - map of, 485. - _See_ Gran Quivira. - - Quizquiz, 251. - - Quoniambec, giant, picture of, 603. - - - RÁBIDA, 3, 5; - Columbus at, 90, 91. - - Race, Cape (Rasu), 432. - - Rado, J. de, 519, 525: - plots against Pizarro, 534; - dies, 535. - - Raemdonck. _See_ Van Raemdonck. - - Rafts, Indian, 508. - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, his account of searches for Eldorado, 579; - at Trinidad, 587; - sends out Whiddon, 586; - map of the Orinoco, 587. - - Ramirez, Antonio, 315. - - Ramirez, José Fernando, edits the _Procesos de residencia_, 398; - his library, 398, 399; - _Bibliotheca Mexicana_, 430; - collates Sahagun, 416; - edits Duran, 419; - his life of Motolinia, 343, 397; - notes on Prescott, 427. - - Ramirez, Juan, 241. - - Ramirez, Pedro, translates Bethencourt’s narrative, 36. - - Ramusio, G. B., _Navigationi_, 498, 499; - on Columbus, 67, 83; - his preface to Leo Africanus, 163; - his map (1556), 227, 448; - fac-simile, 228; - knew Oviedo, 343; - and the publication of Pigafetta, 614. - - Ranjel, Rodrigo, on De Soto, 291. - - Ranke, Leopold von, 337. - - Rappahannock, Spaniards on, 282, 283. - - Raynal, G. T., _Les Européens dans les deux Indes_, 40. - - Rayon, I. L., _Archivo Mexicano_, 398. - - Reclus, _Ocean_, 616. - - _Recueil de traites_, 178. - - Regiomontanus. _See_ Müller, Johannes, of Königsberg. - - _Registro Yucateco_, 429. - - Regnault, 47. - - Reina, P. S. de la, 599. - - Reinosa, Alonso de, 551. - - Reisch, Gregor, _Margarita philosophica_, 95, 113; - his map, 114. - - _Relaciones geográficas de Indias_, 576. - - Rem, Lucas, _Tagebuch_, 45, 162. - - Remesal, Ant. de, S. _Vincent de Chyapa_, 91, 343, 399, 419; - on Guatemala, 419. - - Rémon, Alonso, 414. - - Renchini, 58. - - René, Duke, 106, 113, 146, 162, 164; - dies, 169. - - Renteria, Pedro de la, 308. - - Repartimientos, 309, 537. - - Residencia, 14, 398. - - Reusner, Nic., his _Icones_, 26, 27, 59, 70, 102. - - Revelli, S., 78. - - _Revista de Lima_, 569. - - _Revista Peruana_, 567. - - _Revue archéologique_, 70. - - _Revue contemporaine_, 70, 411. - - _Revue de géographie_, 25, 40, 378. - - _Revue de Paris_, 68. - - _Revue des questions historiques_, 66, 178. - - _Revue géographique_, 617. - - _Revue orientale et Américaine_, 50. - - _Revue politique et littéraire_, 34. - - _Revue rétrospective_, 298. - - Rey, F. del, _Cortez en Tabasco_, 430. - - Reynoso, Captain, 279. - - _Rheinisches Archiv_, 51. - - Ribadeneyras, _Biblioteca_, 411. - - Ribault, at Port Royal, 260; - at Fort Caroline, 262; - attacked by Menendez’ fleet, 263; - wrecked, 273; - surrenders, 276; - authorities on his expedition in Florida, 293; - _Histoire de l’expédition_, 293; - _True and Last Discoveries_, 293; - _Whole and True Discovery_, 293; - flayed (?), 297. - - Ribeiro, J. P., _Hist. de real archivo_, ii. - - Ribera, A., 511. - - Ribera, Nic. de, 507, 510. - - Ribero, his map, 43, 206, 221, 233, 505; - its influence, 225; - records Gomez’ discoveries, 242. - - Riccardi Palace (Florence), maps in, 438. - - Rich, Obadiah, 577; - helps Irving, vi. - - Richel, Dionisio, _Compendio_, 400. - - Richelet, Pierre, _La Floride_, 290. - - Richeri, G. B., his collection, iv. - - Richter, J. P., _Da Vinci_, 124. - - Riggs, George W., 287. - - Rimac River, 522, 547. - - Rincon, A. del, 72. - - Ringmann, Mathias, 146, 163, 164; - at work on Ptolemy, 171; - dies, 171. - _See_ Philesius. - - Rio de Janeiro, visited by Magellan, 596; - Pero Lopez at, 596. - - Rio de Palmas, 242, 281. - - Rios, Pedro de los, 508. - - Riquelme, 516. - - Rithaymer, _De orbis terrarum_, 421. - - Ritter, Karl, on Bernal Diaz, 415. - - Rivarolo, F. di, iv. - - Robertson, Dr. William, his use of documents, ii; - on Columbus, ii; - _History of America_, 68, 424; - on Peru, 578; - on Vespucius, 148, 154. - - Rocca Saporiti, 58. - - Roce, Denys, 158. - - Rochefort, César de, _Hist. naturelle des Iles Antilles_, 289; - _Caribby Islands_, 289. - - Rodrigo, B., 528. - - Rodriguez, Juan, 204. - - Rodriguez de Villa Fuerte, Francisco, 511. - - Rogel, Father, 279, 282. - - Roillo Island, 38. - - Rojas, Gabriel de, likeness of, 523. - - Roldan, his revolt, 20; - drowned, 21. - - Rolls Chronicles (British Government), i. - - Roman, Cape, 260. - - Rome (Georgia), 247. - - Rondon, Antonio, 528. - - Roque Cocchia, Bishop, _Los restos de Colon_, 82. - - Roquette, De la, 53, 107. - - Rosaccio, 457. - - Rosaspina, 73. - - Rosny, _Lettre de Colomb_, 49, 50. - - Ross, Thomassina, 206. - - Rossi, _Del discacciamento di Colombo_, 58. - - Rostro hermoso (cape), 188. - - Rota, 611. - - Rotz, his map of the Antilles, 226. - - Rouen, globe at, 34; - Indians at, 64. - - Roure, P. du, _La conquête du Mexique_, 430. - - Roux de Rochelle, _Ferd. Cortez_, 430. - - Roxo, Cape, 237. - - Rudders introduced, 98. - - Ruge, Sophus, _Das Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, 45, 69, 106; - _Weltanschauung des Columbus_, 69; - his map of Cortés’ march, 358; - his map of Guatemala, etc., 384; - his map of Pizarro’s discoveries, 512. - - Ruiz, Bartolomé, 507, 510, 511; - made grand pilot, 512. - - Ruiz, Fray Fr., 504. - - Rum Cay, 55. - - Rupumuni (river), 581, 587. - - Ruscelli, _Carta marina_, 435; - his maps (1544), 432; - (1561), 449; - his text of Ptolemy, 457. - - Russian Academy’s map of the northwest coast, 469. - - Ruy de Pina, _Dom João II._, 90. - - Ruysch and the magnetic pole, 95; - his map, 156; - its connection with Vespucius, 220; - Varnhagen’s view of it, 155. - - Ruyter, _See-Helden_, 77. - - Rycaut, _Royal Commentaries_, 575. - - Rye, W. B., edits the Knight of Elvas, 289; - Biedma, 290. - - - SAAVEDRA, Ceron, 441. - - Saavedra, Juan, 525. - - Sabellicus, M. A., _In rapsod. hist._, 59. - - Sabin, _Works of Las Casas_, 333. - - Sabio, 408. - - Sacchini, _Hist. Societatis Jesu_, 282. - - Sacchuma, 250. - - Sacoahuana, 519. - - Sacsahuaman (Inca fortress), 521. - - Sacsahuana, 520, 541. - - Saeghman, his _Voyages_, 347. - - Saegman Collection, 460. - - _Saggio di storia Americana_, 587. - - Sagras, Ramon de la, _Hist. de Cuba_, 230. - - Sagres, school at, 40. - - Sahagun, F. B., account of him, 415; - his manuscript lost and discovered, 415, 416; - studies the Aztec, 415; - _Evangelarium_, etc., 415; - his manuscripts, 415; - _Sermones_, 415; - his portrait, 415; - _Hist. general de las cosas de Nueva España_, 416; - _Conquista de Mexico_, 416; - his autog., 416; - the text in Kingsborough, 416; - different texts, 416; - _La aparicion de N. S. de Guadelupe_, 416; - contrasted with Bernal Diaz, 416; - article on, by Ferd. Denis, 416; - _Hist. générale des choses_, etc., 417. - - Sails, reefing, 98. - - Saint. _See_ San, Sanct, Santa, Santo. - - St. Augustin, Cape, 188; - early names of, 205. - - St. Augustine, 228, 295; - burned by Drake, 283; - founded by Menendez, 263, 264, 265; - view of, 266. - - Saint-Dié., account of, 162; - its press, 162; - its scholars, 162; - its press broken up, 171. - - St. Elias. _See_ Mount - - St. Francis, Kingdom of, 480. - - St. Helena (cape), 221. - - St. Helena (river), 225, 292. - - St. Iago (Mexico, west coast), 449. - - St. John the Baptist (San Juan Bautista), River, 239, 240. - - St. John’s River (Florida), 262, 265; - Spanish forts at, 280. - - St. Julian, port of, 605. - - St. Lawrence (gulf), 107, 123. - - St. Lazarus Archipelago (northwest coast), 463; - (Philippines), 612. - _See_ San Lazarus. - - St. Lucia, 226. - - Saint-Martin, Vivien de, _Hist. de la géog._, 30, 617. - - St. Matthew (island), 36. - - Saint-Méry, M. de, on Santo Domingo, 80. - - St. Michael’s (Azores), and the first meridian, 95. - - St. Roman, Cape, 221. - - St. Thomas (island), 227, 447, 449, 450, 451. - - Saint-Victor. Geoffroy de, his _Microcosmos_, 28. - - _Sainteté de Colomb_, 69. - - Salamanca, council at, 4; - its university faculty on the making slaves of the Indians, 337; - junto at, 91. - - Salazar, Dominic de, 257. - - Salazar, F. C., his account of Mexico, 378. - - Salazar, Joseph de, _Crisis_, etc., 283. - - Salazar de Mendoza, P., _Monarquia de España_, 68. - - Salazar y Olarte, Ignacio, _La conquista de México_, 422. - - Salazar, usurper in Mexico, 386. - - Salcedo, names of his followers, 415. - - Saldomando, E. T., 571. - - Salinas, 519, 527. - - Salinas, Marquis of. _See_ Velasco. - - Salinerio, _Annot. ad Tacitum_, 83. - - Salmon, _America_, 468. - - Salte, Martin, 213. - - Saltonstall, W., translates the Hondius-Mercator atlas, 462. - - Salvá, vii. - - Salvador, 468. - - Samana (Bahamas), 55, 56, 92. - - Samano, Julian de, 254, 256. - - Samar, 612. - - San. _See_ Sanct, Santa, Santo, St. - - “San Antonio”, 593. - - San Brandan Island, 36. - - San Diego (California), 444. - - San Esteban del Puerto founded by Cortés, 238. - - San Felipe (Chili), 524. - - San Francisco, the older bay so called, 433. - - San Francisco Cape (Peru), 509. - - San Gallan (Pisco), 510. - - San José, Rio, 501. - - San Juan de Ulloa, 203, 352, 353. - - San Juan River, 21, 212, 509, 513; - (Peru), 507. - - San Lazaro Archipelago, 459. - _See_ St. Lazarus. - - San Lorenzo (Peru), 509; - (Nootka), 469. - - San Lucar, 142, 144, 200; - (gulf), 198. - - San Martin, Thomas de, 542. - - San Mateo (bay), 509, 513, 514; - (fort), 279, 282. - - San Miguel, 519; - founded, 515; - (California), 444; - (gulf), 190, 196, 509; - settled (Jamestown), 241; - (Sinaloa), 244. - - San Saba Mountains, 244. - - San Salvador Island, 53. - - San Sebastian, 191. - - San Vicente, Juan de, 265. - - Sana, 519. - - Sanchez (Sanxis), Gabriel (Raphael), 47, 48. - - Sanchez, Gonzalo, 257. - - Sancho, Pedro, 566. - - Sanct Vicente (gulf), 199. - - Sanctæ Crucis Terra (South America), 115. - _See_ Santæ Crucis. - - Sand clocks, 101. - - Sandia Mountains, 488. - - Sandoval, Gonzalo de, 351; - at Villa Rica, 366; - with Cortés, 367; - his raids, 372; - convoys brigantines, 373; - at second siege of Mexico, 376; - confers with Tapia, 380; - in Honduras, 385; - goes to Spain, 387; - autog., 387; - portrait, 388; - dies, 388. - - Sanguinetti, 84. - - Sanguinetti, A., _Origine de F. Colombo_, 65; - _Canonizazione di Colombo_, 69; - _Vita di Colombo_, 69. - - Sanson, Guillaume, 463. - - Sanson, Nic., 466; - died, 463; - his maps show Lake Parima, 587. - - Santa. _See_ San, Santo, St. - - Santa, 511. - - Santa founded, 547. - - Santa Argo, 612. - - Santa Clara Island, 511. - - Santa Cruz, A. de, his variation chart, 100. - - Santa Cruz Bay (California), 442. - - Santa Elena (Port Royal), 259. - - Santa Lucia, Bay of. _See_ Rio de Janeiro. - - Santa Maria (Chili), 524. - - Santa Maria del Antigua del Darien, 193. - - Santa Maria de la Consolacion (cape), 188. - - “Santa Maria”, ship, 8. - - Santa Marta, 189; - (mountain), 169. - - Santa Martha, 580, 581. - - Santa Rosa (bay), 257; - (island), 243. - - Santa Rosa (of Lima), 560; - sources of her history, 560. - - Santæ Crucis (cape), 598. - _See_ Sanctæ Crucis. - - Santangel, Luis de, 5, 46, 91. - - Santarem, Viscount, 178; - his accusations of Vespucius, 155, 178; - _Hist. de la cartographie_, 28, 93; - _Recherches sur Vespuce_, 178; - translated by Childe, 178; - his works on Vespucius, 178. - - Santiago (Chili), 524, 529; - _Libro Becerro_, 572. - - Santiago River (Peru), 509. - - “Santiago de Palos”, ship, 20. - - Santillan, Hernando de, 542, 545. - - Santo. _See_ San, Santa, Saint. - - Santo Domingo, archives of, iv; - Cathedral at, 79, 81; - founded, 20; - Hazard’s book on, 71. - _See_ Hispaniola, Hayti. - - Santo Tomas, Domingo de, 542. - - Sanuto, 95. - - Sanuto, Livio, _Geografia distinta_, 439. - - Sanuto, Marino, his map, 36, 94; - his _Diarii_, 108 - - Saona, 188. - - Saragossa, treaty of, 441 - - Saravia, 509. - - Sargent, Henry, 357. - - Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro, _Relacion_, 616. - - Sarmiento, Bishop, 275. - - Sarmiento’s voyage to Magellan’s Straits, 557. - - Saturiba, 279, 280. - - Sauce, Mateo de, 258. - - Savage, James, on the De Fonte story, 463. - - Savona, 89, 90; - archives, 89; - alleged birthplace of Columbus, 84. - - Savonarola, 131. - - Savorgnanus, Pierre, 404, 410. - - Sayri Tupac, 546; - dies, 552. - - Scandia, 472. - - _Scelta di curiosità letterarie_, 162. - - Schanz, _Englische Handelspolitik_, 3. - - Schedel, Hartmann, _Registrum_, or _Nuremberg Chronicle_, 34, 35. - - Schefer, Ch., 105. - - Scherdigers, Abel, translates Benzoni, 347. - - Scherzer edits Ximenes, 415. - - Schmeller, Dr., on the discovery of Madeira, 38. - - Schmeller, J. A., _See-Karten_, 616. - - Schmiedel, _Vera Historia_, 587. - - Schoetter, M., on Vespucius, 179. - - Schomburgk, R. H., _Barbadoes_, 226. - - Schöner, Johann, _De nuper repertis insulis_, 118; - reprinted by Varnhagen, 118; - globe (1515), 118, 173; - (1520), 119, 173; - his _Luculentissima descriptio_, 118, 173; - his note-book, 113; - _Opusculum geographicum_, 176, 432; - portrait, 117; - references, 117. - - Schonlandia, 437. - - Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes of North America_, 502. - - Schott, Andreas, _Hist. illust._, 51. - - Schott, Charles A., _Variation of the Compass_, 100. - - Schott, T., _Columbus_, 69. - - Schottus, A., 186. - - Schumacher, H. A., _Petrus Martyr_, 110. - - Scott, Winfield, his approach to Mexico, 375. - - Scotto of Genoa, 441. - - Scyllacius, Nic., _De insulis_, etc., 58. - - Sea-manuals, _See_ Navigation. - - Sea of Darkness, 36. - - Sechura, 516; - desert of, 519. - - Sedeño, Father, 282. - - Sedentary Indians, 473. - _See_ Pueblos; Moqui; Zuñi. - - Sédillot, _Les instruments des Arabes_, 94. - - Seeley, J. R., _Expansion of England_, 45, 421, - - Segui, on history of Florence, 154. - - Segura, 372. - - Segura, Father, 282. - - Segura, Juan, 282. - - Segura mission, 282. - - Senaraya, 84. - - Senarega, _De rebus Genuensibus_, 48, 90. - - Seneca, his _Medea_, 26. - - Sepulveda, opposes Las Casas, 314, 333; - his career, 314; - his book printed and seized, 315; - dispute with Las Casas, 315; - his _Democrates Secundus_, 315, 335; - _Apologia_, 335; - _Opera_, 335. - - Serena, 524; - founded, 531. - - Serpent’s mouth, 586. - - Serrano, 194; - murdered, 612. - - Serrano, Juan, 606. - - Serrano, Miguel Sanchez, 258. - - Serraõ, 440. - - Servetus edits Ptolemy, 127. - _See_ Ptolemy (1535). - - Sessa, Duque de, 288. - - Setebos, 597. - - Sentter, _Atlas_, 467. - - Seven Cities (islands), 36, 38; - called Heptapolis, 177. - - Seven Cities (towns in New Mexico), 473, 480. - - Sevilla Nueva (Sevilla d’Oro), in Jamaica, 201. - - Seville, annals of, 68; - archives at, ii, viii; - cathedral of, 65; - views of, 5; - garden of Columbus, 5; - notarial records of, ii. - - Sforza, Ascanio, 57. - - Sforza, Lud., 58. - - Shapley, 462. - - Shea, J. G., on the Remains of Columbus, 80, 83; - on “Ancient Florida”, 231; - on the Segura mission, 282; - on the Spaniards in the - Chesapeake, 282; - edits _Relacion_ of Peñalosa’s expedition, 504. - - Shelvocke, _Voyages_, 467. - - Sherer, _Researches_, 25. - - Ship-language, 597. - - Shipp, Bernard, _De Soto and Florida_, 290. - - Ships, early (cuts), 6, 7, 10, 13, 18, 19, 159; - method of building, 8; - first one built on the North Americancoast, 240. - _See_ Vessels. - - Sicard, Commodore, 352. - - Siguenza, map of Mexico, 375. - - Siguenza y Gongora, 288. - - Silla, 491. - - Silva, Miguel de, 227. - - Silva, Pedro Malaver de, 585. - - Silver Bluff (Georgia), 247. - - Silvius, Willem, edits Zarate, 568. - - Simancas, archives of, i. - - Siméon Remi, edits Sahagun, 417. - - Simon, Pedro, _Noticias_, 582. - - Simpson, J. H., _Coronado’s March_, 502; - _Journal of a Military Reconnoissance_, 502. - - Sinacam, 383. - - Sinaloa, 485, 499. - - Singrein, Jean, 182. - - Sirocco (southeast), 94. - - Sismondi, _Literature of South of Europe_, 571. - - Skolnus. _See_ Szkolny. - - Slafter, E. F., _Incorrect Latitudes_, 96. - - Slave voyages, 215. - - Slavery, African, in the Spanish islands, 304; - connection of Las Casas with, 312; - of Indians, 348; - instituted by Columbus, 303; - its character, 309. - - Slaves captured at the Bahamas, 239. - - Sloane, Hans, 460. - - Sloane manuscripts, early map in, 432. - - Smith, Buckingham, _The Captivity of Ortiz_, 245; - on C. de Vaca’s route, 287; - memoir of, by Shea, 287; - _Cabeça de Vaca_, 289; - his _Coleccion_, 288, 498; - his manuscripts, vii, 288; - on De Soto’s landing, 291. - - Smith, J. J., _American Historical and Literary Curiosities_, 73. - - Smith, W., _Dictionary of Ancient Biography_, 164. - - Smithsonian Institution, _Reports_, 502. - - Smyth, William, _Lectures on Modern History_, 424, 578. - - Snow, _History of Boston_, 463. - - Sobrarius, _Panegyricum_, 62. - - Socorro, 489. - - Soderini, Piero, 145; - addressed by Vespucius, 162, 163. - - Solano, Fr., 570. - - Solano, Juan de, 537. - - Soligo, Christofalo, his chart, 38. - - Solinus, bibliography of, 180; - his _Polyhistor_, 122, 182; - issued with Mela, 182, 186; - edited by Camers, 122, 173. - - Solis, Antonio de, _Conquista de Mexico_, 422, 575; - continuation by Salazar, 422; - account of, 422; - portrait, 423; - editions of, in various languages, 424; - life by Goyeneche, 424. - - Solis, Juan Diaz de, 191. - - Solis de Meras, _Memorial_, 293. - - Solomon Islands discovered, 552. - - Solorzano, Juan de, _Politica Indiana_, 45, 571, 592. - - Sonora, 486. - - Sopete, 492. - - Soria Luce, D. de, 511. - - Sorie, Jacques, sacks Havana, 262, 275. - - Sotelo, C. de, 535. - - Sotil, Alonzo Fernandez, 238. - - Soto, Domingo de, 315; - his summary of the Las Casas controversy, 335. - - Soto, Hernando de, 196, 200; - his expedition, 503; - in Florida, 244; - crosses the Mississippi, 251; - likeness of, 252; - autog., 253; - dies, 253; - spot of his death, 294; - in Peru, 288, 516, 517, 520; - protests against Atahualpa’s death, 518; - authorities on, 288; - _Relaçam verdadeira_, 288; - B. Smith on, 287; - Knight of Elvas, 288; - Biedma, 289; - Garcilasso de la Vega, 290; - Ranjel’s narrative, 291; - Soto’s own letter, 291; - opinions as to his route, 291, 296; - its northerly limit, 292; - his will, 291; - his route in Delisle’s map, 294, 295; - other maps of the route, 295. - - Sotomayor, Alonso de, governor of Chili, 561 - portrait, 562. - - Sotomayor, Juan de V, _Provincia de el Itza_, 429. - - South America, cartographical history of, 617; - maps, 434, 437; - (Ortelius), 472; - (1601), 460; - (Martines), 450; - (_Mundus novus_), 450; - (_TerraSanctæ Crucis_), 122, 123. - _See_ America; Mundus novus. - - South Sea. _See_ Pacific. - - _Southern Cross_, 41, 169. - - _Southern Literary Messenger_, 292. - - Southey, Robert, _Expedition of Orsua_, 582, 583; - _History of Brazil_, 589. - - _Southron, The_, 296. - - Southwell, Sir Robert, 464. - - Souza, Lopez de, _Diario_, 155. - - Spain, arms of (cuts), title, 6, 413; - chroniclers of, 68; - permits various early expeditions, 132; - its government suppresses maps, 113. - _See_ Spanish; Spaniards. - - Spalding, Archbishop, on Prescott, 427. - - Spangenberg, 469. - - Spaniards, administrative and judicial system, 348; - regulations regarding slavery, 348; - their rapacity and cruelty, 301, 306, 319, 326, 327, 343, 417; - and the Indians, 299. - _See_ Spain. - - Spanish arms, 334, 344, 406; - with quarterings, 565. - - Spanish maps, earliest, 93. - - Spanish voyages to the Northwest, 469. - - Sparks, Jared, _Ribault_, 293, 298; - on Vespucius, 139. - - Speed, John, his _Prospect_, 462, 464; - maps (1651), 466. - - Sphericity of the earth, 24. - _See_ Earth; Globe. - - Spice Islands, 441. - _See_ Moluccas. - - Spitzer, F., 445. - - Spotorno. G. B., _Codice dipl. Colombo-Americano_, and editions of, - iv, 68; - on Columbus’ birthplace, 84. - - Sprengel, M. C., on Ribero’s map, 221; - _Beyträgen_, 615; - his version of Muñoz, iii. - - Squier, E. G., _Collection of Documents_, vii; - manuscripts, 578; - map of New Mexico, 501; - on New Mexico, 501; - plan of Inca fortress, 521. - - Stadius, 96. - - Stamler, J., _Dyalogus_, 62. - - Stanley, H. E. J., 44; - edits Morga’s _Philippine Islands_, 616; - life of Magellan, 617. - - Stapfer, J. J., 410. - - Steelsio, Juan, publisher, 412. - - Steinhauser, A., 222. - - Stephen, a negro, 475; - killed at Cibola, 479; - tradition of his death, 483. - - Stevens, Henry, on the ancient geographers, 181; - _American Bibliographer_, 19; - his opinion of Clavigero, 425; - on early Spanish laws, 347; - on Harrisse, 66; - his prints of Las Casas’ writings, 337; - his notice of Lud, 162; - on Ortelius, 471. - - Stevens, John, translates Herrera, 68; - Cieza de Leon, 574. - - Stevens, _History of Georgia_, 291. - - Stobnicza, his introduction to Ptolemy (_see_ Ptolemy); - his map, 116, 121. - - Stocklein, _Reise Beschreibungen_, 589. - - Stoeffler, Johann, _Elucidatio Astrolabii_, 99; - editor of Proclus, 99. - - Stormy Cape, 41. - - Strabo, 24; _De situ orbis_, 25; - on the sphericity of the globe, 104. - - _Studi biografici e bibliografici_, 155. - - Stukely projects an English settlement in Florida (1563), 262. - - Stüven, _De vero novi orbis inventore_, 35. - - Suarez de Figueroa, Cristóval, _Hechos de Mendoza_, 572. - - Sugar-cane, 597. - - Suma River, 519. - - Sumner, Charles, _Prophetic Voices concerning America_, 25. - - Sumner, George, 65; - on Columbus at Barcelona, 56. - - Sun, eclipse observed by Magellan, 604. - - Sun-worship, 551. - - Surco, 543. - - Susquehanna, early Indian history of, 283. - - Suya, 491. - - Sweet potato, 597. - - Sylvanus, B., edits Ptolemy, 122, 123; - his map, 122. - _See_ Ptolemy (1511). - - Szkolny, John, 34. - - - TABASCO, 203, 352, 353, 384. - - Taboga, 507. - - Tacatacura (St. Mary’s), 280, 282. - - Tacuba, 374. - - Tafur, Pedro, 510. - - Taisnier’s _Navigatione_, 98. - - Talavera, 57, 91, 210; - pirate, 191, 193. - - Talcahuano, 549. - - Taliepatua, 250. - - Talladega River, 248. - - Tallasehatchee River, 248. - - Tallise, 248. - - Tamarique, 218. - - Tambo River, 519. - - Tamizey de Larroque, 298. - - Tampa Bay, 246, 288, 295; - its various names, 288. - - Tangarara, 515. - - Tanguijo (Bahia), 203. - - Tanstetter, Georg, edits Albertus Magnus, 173. - - Taos, 495. - - Tapac, Amaru, his flight, 589. - - Tápia, Andrés de, his _Relacion_, 398. - - Tapia, Cristóbal de, 237; - ordered to New Spain, 380. - - Tapir, 600. - - Tascalousa, 278, 295. - - Taschereau, 298. - - Tastaluza, 248, 249. - - Taylor, Alexander S., his version of the _Relacion_ of Cabrillo’s - voyage, 445; - _First Voyage to California_, 445; - - Tehua, 495. - - Tehuantepec, 228, 441, 384, 393; - (Tequantepeque), 229. - - Tehuelches, 603. - - Tejada, 537. - - Tejera, E., _Los restos de Colon_, 82, 83. - - Tejos, 473. - - Tellez, F., _Oratio_, 62. - - Temixtitan, 365, 432. - _See_ Mexico. - - Temporal, Jean, 163. - - Tendilla, 57. - - Tenochtitlan, 365. - _See_ Mexico. - - Tepeaca, 358. - - Tepeacans, 372. - - Tepeyacac, 376. - - Tequeste, 279. - - Ternate, 591. - - Ternaux-Compans, Henri, 427; - his manuscript collection, iii; - his _Voyages_, vi; - his library, vi; - his _Archives des voyages_, vii, 498, 499, 576; - _Recueil de documents_, vii; - _Pièces sur la Floride_, 297; - his collections on Mexico, 417; - publishes part of Oviedo, 346. - - Terra Esonis, 467. - - Terra Ferma, 223. - _See_ Tierra. - - Terra Sanctæ Crucis, 169. - - Terrarossa, 89. - - Terrazas, Francisco de, 397. - - Testu, G., his map, 230. - - Teucaria (river), 494. - - Teutsch, G. D., on Honter, 122. - - Texcoco. _See_ Tezcuco. - - Texcuco, kings of, 417. - - Texeira, explores the Amazon, 589; - map of Pacific coast, 466. - - Teyas, 493. - - Tezcuco, 358, 369, 374. - - _Tezcuco en los ultimos tiempos_, 418. - - Tezozomoc, F. de A., _Cronica Méxicana_, 418. - - _Thesóro de virtudes_, 408. - - Thevenot, map (1663), 463. - - Thevet, André, _Le grand insulaire_, 105; - _Select Lives_, 389; - and Laudonniere’s papers, 297; - _Portraitures and Lives_, 516, 603. - - Thomassy, Raymond, 614; - _Les papes géographes_, 27, 62. - - Thorndike, Israel, 73. - - Thottiana, 58. - - Thule, 37; - (Iceland?), 33. - - Thyle, 446. - - Tiburon (cape), 188. - - Ticknor, George, criticises R. A. Wilson, 427; - _Life of Prescott_, 426, 427; - _Spanish Literature_, 68; - catalogue of his Spanish library, 47. - - Tidor, 591. - - Tierra del Fuego, 435, 450, 459; - explored by De Fonta, 462; - named by Magellan, 607. - - Tierra firme, 169, 189, 209, 218; - trading-voyages to, 208. - _See_ Terra. - - Tiguex, 485, 488, 493, 495. - - Timor, 612, 613. - - Tiraboschi, 65; - _Letteratura italiana_, 83; - _Storia_, 30. - - Tiran, _Archives d’Aragon_, ii. - - Titian, head of Cortes, 424. - - Titicaca, Lake, 519, 558. - - Titu Atauchi, 516, 520, - - Titu Cusi Yupanqui, 552, 553. - - Tizon River, 486. - - Tlacopan, 376. - - Tlalpan, 358. - - Tlascala, 358, 359, 362; - Cortés’ retreat to, 370. - - Tlatelulco, market of, 376. - - Tobar, Pedro de, 484, 496. - - Tobia, Cristóbal de, 285. - - Toboga, 509. - - Toledo, Fernando Alvarez de, 573. - - Toledo, Francisco de, governor of Peru, 552; - his _Libro de Tasas_, 556, 570; - returns to Spain, 557; - _Ordenanzas_, 570. - - Toledo, Luis de, 549. - - Tolm, 459, 472. - - Tolosa, Diego de, 255. - - Tolosa, Juan de, 503, 581. - - Toluca, 358. - - Tome, Rio, 259. - - Ton, English, as compared with the Spanish _toneles_, 594. - - Tonikas, 294. - - Tonnage of ships, 7, 594. - _See_ Ships; Vessels. - - Tonti, his route (1702), 294. - - Tontonteac, 459. - - Tontonteanc, (river), 449. - - Topira, 438, 480, 500. - - Tordesillas, convention of, 14, 45, 592. - - Toreno, Nuño Garcia de, 224; - part of his map, 220, 221. - - Toribio de Benavente. _See_ Motolinia. - - Toribio de Ortiguera, 584. - - Toro, Alonzo, 538. - - Torquemada, Juan de, 460; - _Monarquia Indiana_, 421, 422; - account of, 421; - edited by Barcia from the manuscript, 422; - on Xuares, 287. - - Torre, G. B., _Scritti di Colombo_, iv, 46, 52, 65. - - Torre, Juan de la, 510. - - Torre do Tombo. _See_ Lisbon. - - Torres, Antonio de, 17. - - Torres y Portugal, Fernando de (Conde de Villar don Pardo), 560. - - Tortugas, 278; - (1529), 221; - (1542), 226; - discovered, 233; - on maps, 234. - - Tory, Geofroy, edits Mela, 181; - account of, by Bernard, 181. - - Toscanelli, 2, 3, 30; - his views, 25; - correspondence with Columbus, 30, 31, 90; - map, ii, 38, 101; - restored, 103. - - Tosinus, publisher in Rome, 120. - - Tosti engravings, 73. - - Totonacs, 359. - - Totonteac, 477, 480. - - Tototeac, 472. - - Toulza, P. de, translates Solis, 424. - - _Tour du monde_, 298. - - Tournee, R. de la, 224. - - Touron, _Hist. de l’Amérique_, 256. - - Tovar, Juan, 420. - - Town, building of a, 522. - - Townshend, Thomas, version of Solis, 424. - - Tozen, E., _Entdecker der neuen Welt_, 35. - - Trafalgar (Hatteras), Cape, 221, 285. - - Tramont (north), 94. - - Transylvanus, Maximilian, _De Moluccis insulis_, 615; - _De Hispanorum navigatione_, 615. - - Triango Island, 92. - - Tribaldo, Luis, 504. - - Trinidad, 133, 137, 221; - (Cuba), 353; - discovered, 20; - map, 586. - - _Triste noche_, 369; - tree of, 370. - - Trithemus, Johannes, 121; - _Epist. fam._, 121. - - Trivigiano, Angelo, 106. - - Trivulgio Library, 51, 58. - - Tross gores, 120, 173. - - Trugillo, Sebastian, 341. - - Trujillo, 385. - - Truxillo, Diego (of Alonzo), 511. - - Truxillo, 558; - founded, 523; - (Peru), 519. - - Tschudi, _Antiquedades_, 515. - - Tucapel, 524, 548. - - Tucson, 477. - - Tulla, 251. - - Tumaco, 505, 509. - - Tumbez, 223, 508, 509, 511, 514, 519, 558. - - Tupac Amaru, 552; - captured, 553, 570; - executed, 553; - documents on, 576. - - Turin, _Mém. de l’Académie_, 84. - - Turner, Sharon, 3. - - Turner, W. W., _Pacific R. R. Reports_, 502. - - Turquoise mines, 488. - - Tusayan (Moqui), 484, 485. - - Tutahaco, 487, 489. - - Tuzulutlan, 313. - - Twiss, Sir Travers, _Monograph on Burial-place of Columbus_, 82; - _Oregon Question_, 455. - - Tylor, E. B., _Anahuac_, 428; - confirms Prescott, 428. - - Typographical errors in early books, 153. - - - UAUPE Indians, 581. - - Ucayali River, 519. - - Ucita (Indian), 245. - - Uguina, Antonio de, his manuscripts, iii. - - Uillac Umu, 524. - - Uira-ccocha, Inca, 520. - - Ullibahali, 248. - - Ulloa, Alfonzo de, 65, 568. - - Ulloa, _Carlo V._, 421. - - Ulloa, Francisco de, explores in the Pacific, 395, 442; - his charts, 449. - - United States Naval Institute, _Proceedings_, 54. - - _Univers pittoresque_, 36. - - Urabá (gulf), 189, 509. - - Urano, C. M., translates Bossi’s _Columbo_, 68. - - Urdaneta, Andres de, 445, 454. - - Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, 93. - - Ursua, Pedro de, in Bogota, 581; - founds Pampluna, 581; - quells the Cimarrones, 582; - seeks Eldorado, 520, 582; - murdered, 582; - account of, 582. - - Uspallata, 561. - - Utatlan, 383. - - Uzielli, Gustavo, _Scelta_, etc., 51; - _Atlanti_, etc., 93; - on the early maps, 155. - - - VACA, CABEZA DE, with Narvaez, 243; - his journey overland, 244; - his _Relacion_, 286; - _Naufragios_, etc., 286; - in South America, 286; - autog., 287; - memoir by T. W. Field, 287; - his route, 287. - _See_ Cabeza de Vaca. - - Vaca de Castro, defeats Diego Almagro, 536; - governor of Peru, 537; - imprisoned, 537; - escapes to Panama, 538; - likeness of, 535; - sent to Peru, 536. - - Vacapa, 477. - - Vadianus, adopts the name of America, 173; - edits Pomponius Mela, 173, 182; - his likeness, 181; - bibliography of, 180; - his true name Watt, 182; - letter to Rudolphus Agricola, 182; - his _Epitome_, 176, 184, 186; - its map, 184. - - Valdés, 469. - - Valdivia, Pedro, 193, 194; - leads Pizarro’s infantry, 527; - starts to complete conquest of Chili, 528; - likenesses of, 529, 530; - proceeds against Gonzalo Pizarro, 534; - joins Gasca, 541; - goes to Valparaiso, 548; - killed, 549; - his letters, 572; - accusations against, 572. - - Valdivia (town), 524, 548. - - Valerius, Cornelius, _De sphæra_, 176. - - Valfermosa, 189. - - Valladolid (New Mexico), 495. - - Vallard, Nicholas, his map, 226. - - Valori, Baccio, 163. - - Valparaiso, 524; - named, 525; - name confirmed, 531. - - Valsequa, Gabriel de, his chart, 38, 174. - - Valtanas, D. de, _Compendio_, 84. - - Valverde, V. de, 512; - bishop of Cusco, 520, 566; - death, 566; - _Carta-relacion_, 566. - - Van Brocken, _Colomb_, 69. - - Van Heuvel, J. A., _Eldorado_, 589. - - Van Hulst, Felix, on Ortelius, 471. - - Van Kampen, _Levens van Nederlanders_, 460. - - Van Loon, _Zee-Atlas_, 463, 466. - - Van Raemdonck, his _Mercator_, 471; - _Gérard de Cremer_, 471. - - Van Richthofen, _China_, 119. - - Vancouver on the northwest coast, 470. - - Vander Aa, _Versameling_, 289; - _Zee- und Landreizen_, 289. - _See_ Aa. - - Vandera, Juan de la, 278. - - Varenius, 470. - - Variation-charts, 100. - - Variation of the needle, 45. - _See_ Needle. - - Varnhagen, F. A. de, on the name of America, 178; - his _Schöner e Apianus_, 183; - _Carta de Colon_, 47; - publishes Columbus’ notes on D’Ailly, 29; - prints a Columbus letter, 47; - _Das wahre Guanahani_, 55, 56; - _Verdadera Guanahani_, 91; - edits Lopez de Souza’s Diario, 155; - his _Hist. do Brazil_, 155; - his _Amerigo Vespucci_, 131, 155; - his track of Vespucius’ first voyage, 155; - his various publications on Vespucius, 156; - on Vespucius’ voyage (1497), 231. - - Varthema, _Itinerario_, 215; - copies of, 215. - - Vasari, _Lives of the Painters_, 72. - - Vasconcellos, _D. Juan al Segundo_, 90. - - Vasquez, Alonzo, 291. - - Vasquez de Aillon, Lucas, sent to Mexico, 365, 367. - - Vasquez, Fr., his account of Aguirre, 582; - _Chronica_, 419; - _Guatemala_, 399. - - Vasquez, Pedro, 212. - - Vasquez, Tomas, 543, 545, 546. - - Vattemare, H., 411. - - Vaugondy, his map, 468; - _Observations_, 463. - - Veer, Gustav de, _Prinz Heinrich_, 40. - - Vega, Gabriel Lasso de la, _Cortés valeroso_, 430; - _Mexicana_, 430. - _See_ Lasso. - - Vega, Garcilasso de la, bibliography of, 575; - _Commentarios reales_, 575; - _Hist. general del Peru_, 570, 575; - Rycaut’s _Royal Commentaries_, 575; - Markham’s version, 575; - other versions, 575; - _Florida del Inca_, 290, 575; - _Conquête de la Floride_, 290; - _Eroberung von Florida_, 290; - English version in Shipp’s _De Soto_, 290; - at school in Cusco, 547; - deserts Gonzalo Pizarro, 541; - as a writer, 569. - - Vega, Garcilasso de la (father), 521. - - Vega, Lope de, _Marquez del Valle_, 430. - - Vega, M. de la, gathers documents in Mexico, viii; - _Historia_, 20. - - Velarde, Luis, 467. - - Velasco, Juan de, _Hist. de Quito_, 576, 584. - - Velasco, Luis (an Indian), 279, 282. - - Velasco, Luis de, 454; - anxious to conquer Florida, 256; - father of the Indians, 256. - - Velasco, Luis de (Marquis of Salinas), 561. - - Velasco (river), 463. - - Velasquez (judge in Peru), 534. - - Velasquez de Cuellar, Diego, governor, 349; - portrait, 350; - his adherents, 355; - his intrigues against Cortés, 356, 357; - sends Narvaez against him, 365; - his expedition to Cuba, 201, 237, 305; - death of, 214. - - Velasquez de Leon, 351, 366, 367. - - Velez de Medrano, Juan, 277. - - Velsers, 579. - - Venegas, _Noticia de la California_, 461; - bibliography of, 461. - - Venereal diseases in America, 329. - - Venezuela, 187, 190, 410; - colonies on the coast of, 579; - history of, 584. - - Venice, archives of, viii; - plundered by the Austrians, viii; - _State Papers_, viii; - Columbus at, 90. - - Ventura de Raulica, _Colombo_, 69. - - Vera Cruz (Mexico), 203, 358; - founded, 355, 356; - site shifted, 356. - - Vera Paz, 254. - - Veradus, C., 50. - - Veragua, or Veraguas, Duque de, 65, 87, 88; - his collection of papers, iii, viii, 89. - - Veragua (town), 21, 198, 509. - - Vergara, Juan de, 189, 207, 527. - - Vermejo River, 483. - - Verne, Jules, _Découverte de la terre_, 30, 71. - - Verrazano, supposed pirate, 382. - - _Verscheyde Oost-Indische Voyagien_, 460. - - Vespucci. _See_ Vespucius. - - Vespucius, Americus, chapter on, by S. H. Gay, 129; - an Italian, 2; - spelling of the name, 129, 179; - his forename of German origin, 137, 179; - notices of (Gay), 129; - (Navarrete), v; - (Winsor), 153; - account of his voyages collectively, 142, 145; - in the _Cosmog. introd._, 145; - _Quattuor navigationes_, 166; - his relations with Saint-Dié, 174; - his alleged first voyage, 137, 140, 155; - his second voyage, 149, 150, 153; - with Ojeda, 144, 149, 153, 187; - his third voyage, 145, 150, 156; - in the Portuguese service, 146; - his fourth voyage, 151; - his letter to F. de Medici, 156; - his letter to Soderini, different texts of, 163; - editions of the _Mundus novus_, and translations, 157; - fac-similes of pages, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161; - _De Ora Antarctica_, 159; - his connection with early maps (Ruysch), 220; - (missing map), 156, 174; - as a mariner, 148; - with Coelho, 162; - his character, self-praising, 169; - charged with deceit, 144, 176; - an impostor, 154; - a charlatan, 142; - claims to have discovered the main, 153; - was he on the Florida coast? 231; - named in the _New Interlude_, 62; - the first to describe the cannibals of Brazil, 598; - thought America was Asia, 167; - personal relations with Da Vinci, 172; - with Columbus, 131, 149, 178; - with Cabot, 154; - mentioned by Oviedo, 154; - not mentioned in the Portuguese archives, 137, 154, 155; - appointed pilot-major, 152; - his later voyages, 152; - his death, 152; - his portrait, 72, 74, 75, 140 (Bronzino), 139; - (Parmigiano), 140; - (Peale), 140; - (Montanus), 141; - his autog., 138; - fac-simile of letter, 130; - his descendants, 131. - - Vespucius, Giorgi Antonio, 129. - - Vespucius, Jerome, 129. - - Vespucius, Nastugio, 129. - - Vessels, size of early, 205, 594; - picture of, 267. - _See_ Ships; Tonnage. - - Vetancour, _Teatro Mexicano_, 399. - - Vetancurt, Augustin de, _Teatro Mexicano_, 422; - account of, 422. - - Vetter, Theodor, 179. - - Veytia, Mariano, _Hist. antigua de Mejico_, 418; - _Tezcuco_, 418. - - Vianello, 152, 156. - - “Victoria”, ship, 594; - her fate, 613; - commemorated by the Hakluyt Society, 613. - - Vienna, geographers at, 173, 181; - presses at, 184. - - Viera y Clavijo, _Islas de Canaria_, 36. - - Vigel, _Biblioteca Méxicana_, 340, 418. - - Vilcabamba, 526, 546. - - Villa Rica. _See_ Vera Cruz. - - Villa Riga (Chili), 524. - - Villacuri, 519, 543. - - Villafãne, Angel de, 256; - in Florida, 259; - at Santa Elena, 260. - - Villagra, F. de, 548; - governor of Chili, 549; - defeated at Mariguanu, 549; - in Chili, 551. - - Villagran, F. de, 528. - - Villalobos, Lopes de, voyages, v; - on the Pacific coast, 448. - - Villalta, José Garcia de, translates Irving’s _Columbus_, 68. - - Villault de Belfond, _Costes d’Afrique_, 39. - - Villroel, Gonzalo de, 273. - - Vincent, _Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients_, 41. - - Vincenzius of Beauvais, 28; - his _Speculum_, 28. - - Vinci, Da, acquaintance with Columbus, 31; - his alleged map, 124-126. - _See_ Da Vinci. - - Viranque, 251. - - Viraratu, 582. - - Virchow and Holtzendorff, _Verträge_, 69. - - Virgil on western lands, 25. - - _Virginia richly valued_, 289. - - Viscaino, Seb., 504; - his voyage, 460; - his map of the Pacific coast, 461. - - Visscher, his map of Pacific coast, 466. - - Vitet, _Anc. villes de France_, 39; - _Hist. de Dieppe_, 34. - - Vivien de Saint-Martin, _Hist. de la géog._, 472. - - Viscaino, Juan. _See_ Cosa. - - “Vizcaino”, ship, 20. - - Volafan (_see_ Varnhagen), 47. - - Von Murr, C. G., _Ritter Behaim_, 105; - _Memorabilia_, 96. - - Vopellio, Gaspar, his map, 438, 448; - fac-simile of his map, 436. - - Vorsterman, W., 158. - - Voss, _Nachricht von dem neuen Welt_, 162. - - _Voyages au nord_, 294. - - _Voyagie ofte Schipvaert_, 460. - - - WAGENSEIL, J. C., _Sacra parentalia_, 35; - _Historia_, 35. - - Wagner, _Colombo und seine Entdeckungen_, iv. - - Walckenaer, dies, 107. - - Waldseemüller, Martin (Waltzemüller, Hylacomylus, Ilacomylus), 113, - 147, 220; - his _Cosmographiæ introductio_, 145, 148; - at Saint-Dié, 164; - edits Ptolemy, 264; - bibliography of his _Cosmographiæ introductio_, 164, etc.; - his maps, 125. - - Wallace, _Amazon and Rio Negro_, 585. - - Waltzemüller. _See_ Waldseemüller. - - Warburton, _Conquest of Canada_, 298. - - Warden, _Chron. hist. de l’Amérique_, 296. - - _Warwickshire Historical Collections_, 466. - - Washburn, J. D., reviews Wilson’s _New History_, 427. - - Washita River, 251. - - Water-clocks, 101. - - Wateree River, 240; - (Guatari), 285. - - Watling’s Island, 54. - - Watson, Paul Barron, _Bibliography of Pre-Columbian Discoveries_, 34. - - Watson, R. G., _Spanish and Portuguese South America_, 578. - - Watt, Joachim. _See_ Vadianus. - - Weimar globe, 118. - - Weinhold, Moritz, “Federmann’s Reise”, 580. - - Weise, A. J., _Discoveries of America_, 94. - - Weissenburger, 182. - - Weller, _Repertorium_, 159. - - Wells, Edward, _New Sett of Maps_, 467. - - _Welt-Kugel, Der_, 171. - - Werner, John, of Nuremberg, 101. - - West Indies, when named, 169. - - Wheat introduced into Peru, 518, 547. - - Wheeler, George M., 504; - _Report of Survey_, 443. - - Whiddon, Jacob, explores the Orinoco, 586. - - Whipple, A. W., _Pacific R. R. Reports_, 502. - - White Sea (South America), 589. - - Whitney, J. D., 446; on California, 443. - - Wiesener, _Vespuce et Colomb_, 178. - - Wieser, Franz, _Magalhâes-Strasse_, 617; - _Der Portulan des Königs Philipp_, ii, 178, 222. - - Will und Nopitsch, _Lexicon_, 117. - - Williams, Helen Maria, 206. - - Williams’s _Florida_, 296. - - Wilmer, L. A., _Life of De Soto_, 296, 427. - - Wilson, R. A., _New History of the Conquest of Mexico_, 427; - _Mexico and its Religion_, 427; - _Mexico, its Peasants and its Priests_, 427; - _Mexico, Central America, and California_, 427; - criticised by George Ticknor, 427; - by Kirk, 427; - by J. D. Washburn, 427. - - Winds, names of, 94. - - Winnepeg, Lake, 469. - - Winsor, Justin, “Columbus”, 1; - “Cortés and his Companions”, 349; - “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North America”, 431; - “Documentary Sources of Early Spanish-American History”, i; - on editions of Cieza de Leon, 573; - Garcillasso de la Vega, 575; - _Kohl’s Collection of Early Maps_, 94; - on Las Casas, 343; - “Sources of information” about Magellan’s voyages, 613; - “Vespucius and the naming of America”, 153; - _Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_, 28, 438; - “Early Cartography of the Gulf of Mexico”, 217; - “The Amazon and Eldorado”, 579. - - Wolfenbüttel map, 222. - - Wood, W. M., 66. - - Wright, Edw., _Certain Errors of Navigation_, 466, 470. - - Wuttke, Heinrich, _Gesch. der Erdkunde_, 40, 224. - - Wyse, Lieutenant, 352. - - Wytfliet, Cornelius, 472; - _Descriptionis Ptolemaïcæ augmentum_, 457; - map of California, 458; - map of America, 459; - his map of Peru, 558; - of Chili, 559; - _Rerum Danicarum historia_, 34. - - - XABA, 492. - - Xahila, E. A., _Tecpan Atitlan_, 419. - - Xalisco, 228. - - Xaquixaguana, war of, 574. - - Xauxa, 520, 558; - (river), 519. - - Xeres, Francisco de, with Pizarro, 564; - _Verdadera relacion_, 564; - title of Venice (1535), edition, 565; - a version by Jacques Gohory, 345; - _L’histoire_, 345. - - Ximenes, Cardinal, 307, 311; - opposes African slavery, 312. - - Ximenes, _Origen de los Indios_, 415. - - Ximenes, pilot, killed, 442. - - Xivrey, B. de, _Des premières relations_, 68. - - Xlicia, Mark de, 320. - - Xoloc, 369, 376. - - Xualla, 247. - - Xuarez, Father Juan, 242, 244; - likeness of, 287. - - - YAGUNA, 233. - - Yanez, picture of Columbus, 72. - - Yazoo River, 250. - - Yça, 519, 543. - - Yemassee, 295. - - Yéméniz, Nic., his sale, 166. - - Yncas, Empire of. _See_ Peru. - - Yncas, likenesses of, 515. - - Young, Alex., on Ternaux, vi. - - Yucatan, 109, 177; - its name, 220; - (Iucatan), 220, 221, 223; - (Lucatan), 225; - (Luchatan), 219; - (Iuchita), 219; - coasted, 203; - Cordoba at, 214, 217; - discovered by Pinzon, 209; - authorities on, 429; maps of, 220, 231, 353, 384, 404; - as an island, 128, 220; - _Trois lettres sur la découverte_, 402. - - Yucay, 524, 547. - - Yupaha, 246. - - Yuque-Yunque, 495. - - - ZABALLOS, 280. - - Zacalula built, 380. - - Zacatula, 439, 441. - - Zach, _Correspondance_, v, 84, 221. - - Zalango, 509. - - Zaltieri, map, (1566), 449; - fac-simile, 451. - - Zamacois, N. de, _Hist. de Méjico_, 428. - - Zamal, 612. - - Zamudio, 193, 194. - - Zapata y Mendoza, J. V., _Cronica_, 481. - - Zaragoza, Justo, 419. - - Zarate, Aug. de, 537; - career, 567; - his _Historia_, 568; - translations, 568; - _Conquista de México_, 430; - _De Wonderlijcke ende Warachtighe Historie_, 512. - - _Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, 404. - - _Zeitschrift für wissensch. Geog._, 55. - - Zeni explorations and Columbus, 33; - their map, 28, 437, 472. - - Zeri, Augusto, _Tre lettere di Colombo_, etc., ix. - - Zhaual, 576. - - Ziegler, Alex., _Regiomontanus_, 96. - - Ziegler, his _Schondia_, 433; - map, 434. - - Ziletti, 574. - - Zoa-na-me-la, on Reisch’s map, 114. - - Zorgi, Alessandro, 117. - - Zuazo, 385. - _See_ Cuaço. - - Zuazo, Diego M. de, 213. - - Zucatepec, 383. - - Zumarraga, Bishop, 400. - - Zuñi, 501, 502; - pueblos of, 483. - - Zúñiga, _Anales ecles._, 65, 68. - - Zuñiga y Velasco, Diego Lopes de (Conde de Nieva), Viceroy of Peru, - 547. - - Zurla, _Fra Mauro_, 31; - _Di Marco Polo_, 30. - - Zurita, 256; - on New Spain, 417. - - Zurotus, 180. - - Zutugils, 383. - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - -[1] See further on Herrera _post_, p. 67. - -[2] J. C. Brevoort, on “Spanish-American documents, printed or -inedited,” in _Magazine of American History_, March, 1879; Prescott, -_Mexico_, ii. 91. - -[3] “Of all the narratives and reports furnished to Herrera for his -History, and of which he made such scanty and unintelligent use, very -few have been preserved.”—Markham, _Rites and Laws of the Yncas_, p. -vii. - -[4] An overcrowding of archives in the keeping of the Council of the -Indies was sometimes relieved by sending part of them to Simancas. -Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 281. Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i. -33, says all, or nearly all, the papers relating to Columbus have been -removed to Seville. - -[5] Some of the documents at Simancas and in other repositories, -beginning with 1485, have been edited in the Rolls Series (published -for the English Government) by G. A. Bergenroth and by Gayangos -(London, 1862-1879), in the _Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State -Papers relating to Negotiations between England and Spain_, contained -in five volumes. Vol. i. comes through 1509; and the first paper in -it is a complaint of Ferdinand and Isabella against Columbus for his -participancy in the piratical service of the French in 1485. Various -documents from the archives of Simancas are given in Alaman’s _La -República Megicana_, three volumes, 1844-1849. We get glimpses in the -_Historia_ of Las Casas of a large number of the letters of Columbus, -to which he must have had access, but which are now lost. Harrisse -thinks it was at Simancas, that Las Casas must have found them; for -when engaged on that work he was living within two leagues of that -repository. It seems probable, also, that Las Casas must have had use -of the Biblioteca Colombina, when it was deposited in the convent of -San Pablo (1544-1552), from whose Dominican monks Harrisse thinks it -possible that Las Casas obtained possession of the Toscanelli map. He -regrets, however, that for the personal history of Columbus and his -family, Las Casas furnishes no information which cannot be found more -nearly at first hand elsewhere. See Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i. -122, 125-127, 129, 133. - -[6] Robertson prefixes to his _History_ a list of the Spanish books and -manuscripts which he had used. - -“The English reader,” writes Irving in 1828, when he had published his -own _Life of Columbus_, “hitherto has derived his information almost -exclusively from the notice of Columbus in Dr. Robertson’s _History_; -this, though admirably executed, is but a general outline.”—_Life of -Irving_, ii. 313. - -[7] Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i. 35. He also refers to the -notarial records preserved at Seville, as having been but partially -explored for elucidations of the earliest exploration. He found among -them the will of Diego, the younger brother of Columbus (p. 38). Alfred -Demersay printed in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, June, -1864, a paper, “Une mission geographique dans les archives d’Espagne -et de Portugal,” in which he describes, particularly as regards -their possessions of documents relating to America, the condition at -that time of the archives of the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon (of which, -after 1842 and till his death, Santarem was archivist); those of the -Kingdom of Aragon at Barcelona, and of the Indies at Seville; and -the collections of Muñoz, embracing ninety-five vols. in folio, and -thirty-two in quarto, and of Mata-Lanares, included in eighty folios, -in the Academy of History at Madrid. He refers for fuller details to -Tiran’s _Archives d’Aragon et de Simancas_ (1844), and to Joáo Pedro -Ribeiro’s _Memorias Authenticas para a Historia do real Archivo_, -Lisbon, 1819. - -[8] This authority to search was given later, in 1781 and 1788. - -[9] This volume is worth about five dollars. - -[10] It was he who allowed Irving to use them. - -[11] J. C. Brevoort, in the _Magazine of American History_, March, -1879. Cf. Prescott’s _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 508, and his -_Mexico_, preface. - -[12] Vol. i. p. 56, referring to Fuster’s “Copia de los manuscritos -que recogió D. Juan Bautista Muñoz,” in _Biblioteca Valenciana_, ii. -202-238. - -[13] Harrisse, in his _Notes on Columbus_, p. 5, describes a collection -of manuscripts which were sold by Obadiah Rich, in 1848 or 1849, to -James Lenox, of New York, which had been formed by Uguina, the friend -of Muñoz. There is in the Academy of History at Madrid a collection of -documents said to have been formed by Don Vargas Ponçe. - -[14] Harrisse (_Christophe Columb_, i. 65) refers to an unpublished -fragment in the Lenox Library. The _Ticknor Catalogue_ (p. 244) shows a -discourse on Muñoz read before the Academy of History in 1833, as well -as a criticism by Iturri on his single volume. Harrisse (_Christophe -Colomb_, i. 65) gives the titles of other controversial publications on -the subject of Muñoz’s history. Muñoz died in 1799. It is usually said -that the Spanish Government prevented the continuation of his work. - -[15] _Christophe Colomb_, i. 20. - -[16] See _post_, p. 77. A third copy, made by Columbus’ direction was -sent to his factor in Hispaniola, Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal. This -is not known; and Harrisse does not show that the archives of Santo -Domingo offer much of interest of so early a date. A fourth copy was -deposited in the monastery of the Cuevas at Seville, and is probably -the one which his son, Diego, was directed to send to Gaspar Gorricio. -Cf. Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i. 16-23, 41, 46. - -[17] This letter is given in fac-simile in the Navarrete Collection, -French translation, vol. iii. - -[18] This book was reprinted at Genoa in 1857, with additions, edited -by Giuseppe Banchero, and translated into English, and published in -1823 in London, as _Memorials of a Collection of Authentic Documents_, -etc. A Spanish edition was issued at Havana in 1867 (Leclerc, nos. 134, -135). Wagner, in his _Colombo und seine Entdeckungen_ (Leipsic, 1825), -makes use of Spotorno, and translates the letters. These and other -letters are also given in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_; in the _Lettere -autografe di Colombo_, Milan, 1863; and in Navarrete’s _Coleccion_, -vol. ii. following the text of those in the Veraguas collections. Cf. -_North American Review_, xviii. 417; xxi. 398. - -[19] Dodge also translated the other letters. Photographic fac-similes -of these letters are in the Harvard College Library and in the Library -of the Massachusetts Historical Society. See the _Proceedings_ of the -latter Society, February, 1870. - -[20] _Christophe Colomb_, p. 11. - -[21] Prescott, in the preface to his _Mexico_, speaks of him as -“zealously devoted to letters; while his reputation as a scholar was -enhanced by the higher qualities which he possessed as a man,—by his -benevolence, his simplicity of manners, and unsullied moral worth.” - -[22] His projected work on the Spanish navy was never printed, though -a fragment of it appeared in the _Memorias_ of the Academy of History -(_Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 247). - -[23] Leclerc says it is “difficile à trouver,” and prices it -at 80 francs. The English price is from £2 to £3. A letter by -Navarrete, descriptive of his _Coleccion_, is to be found in Zach’s -_Correspondance_, xi. 446. Cf. also Duflot de Mofras, _Mendoza et -Navarrete_, Paris, 1845, quoted by Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i. 67. - -[24] There is a memoir of him, with a catalogue of his works, in the -_Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, vol. vi.; and of those published -and unpublished in his _Biblioteca marítima Española_, ii. 458-470. -These sixth and seventh volumes have never been published. The sixth -was to cover the voyages of Grijalva and Lopes de Villalobos. Harrisse -(_Christophe Colomb_, i. 68) learned that the _Cartas de Indias_ -(Madrid, 1877) contains some parts of what was to appear in vol. vii. - -[25] Columbus, Vespucius, Ojeda, Magellan, etc. - -[26] It is an alphabetical (by Christian names,—a not uncommon Spanish -fashion) record of writers on maritime subjects, with sketches of their -lives and works. - -[27] Cf. an article in the _North American Review_, xxiv. 265, by Caleb -Cushing. - -[28] These form vols. i. and ii. of Marmocchi’s Collection (Leclerc, -no. 133). - -[29] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 199. - -[30] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 247. - -[31] _Magazine of American History_, iii. 176. Cf., however, -Navarrete’s generous estimate of Irving’s labors in the Introduction to -the third volume of his _Coleccion_. - -[32] The story of this undertaking is told in Pierre Irving’s _Life of -Washington Irving_, vol. ii. chaps. xiv., xv., xvi. The book was kindly -reviewed by Mr. A. H. Everett in the _North American Review_, January, -1829 (vol. xxviii). Cf. other citations and references in Allibone’s -_Dictionary_, 942, and Poole’s _Index_, p. 280. A portion, at least, of -the manuscript of the book is in existence (_Massachusetts Historical -Society’s Proceedings_, xx. 201). Longfellow testified to Irving’s -devotion to his subject (_Proc._, iv. 394). See _post_, p. 68. - -[33] Irving also early made an abridged edition, to forestall the -action of others. - -[34] Their bibliography is fully given in Sabin, vol. ix. p. 150. - -[35] It was completed in twenty volumes, and is now worth from 250 -to 300 francs. See Leclerc, no. 562, for contents; Field’s _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 1,540; Alexander Young in _North American Review_, -xlv. 222. Ternaux died in 1864. Santarem speaks of “the sumptuous -stores of his splendid American library.” Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Central -America_, ii. 759. - -[36] Now worth from $12 to $15. - -[37] Cf. contents in _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 87. - -[38] Cf. _Magazine of American History_, i. 256; ii. 256; (by Mr. -Brevoort), iii. 175 (March, 1879); Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xiv. no. -58,072. Leclerc, _Bibliotheca Americana, Supplément_, no. 3,016, for -22 vols. (300 francs). Harrisse, referring to this collection, says: -“It is really painful to see the little method, discrimination, and -knowledge displayed by the editors.” The documents on Columbus largely -repeat those given by Navarrete. - -[39] Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xiv. no. 58,270. - -[40] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 484; ii. 736. - -[41] Collections like that of Icazbalceta on Mexico may be barely -mentioned in this place, since their characteristics can better -be defined in more special relations. Prescott had eight thousand -manuscript pages of copies of documents relating to Mexico and Peru. -Cf. Preface to his _Mexico_. In 1792 Father Manuel de la Vega collected -in Mexico thirty-two folio volumes of papers, in obedience to an -order of the Spanish Government to gather all documents to be found -in New Spain “fitted to illustrate the antiquities, geography, civil, -ecclesiastical, and natural history of America,” and transmit copies of -them to Madrid (Prescott, Mexico, iii. 409). - -[42] This book was privately printed (ninety-five copies) for Mr. S. -L. M. Barlow, of New York. It has thrice, at least, occurred in sales -(Menzies, no. 894,—$57.50; J. J. Cooke, vol. iii. no. 580; Brinley, no. -17). It is an extremely valuable key to the documentary and printed -references on Columbus’ career. To a very small number (nine) of a -separate issue of the portion relating to the letters of Columbus, a -new Preface was added in 1865. Cf. Ernest Desjardin’s _Rapport sur les -deux ouvrages de bibliographie Américaine de M. Henri Harrisse_ (Paris, -1867, p. 8), extracted from the _Bullétin de la Société de Géographie_. -The article on Columbus in Sabin’s _Dictionary_ (iv. 274, etc.) is -based on Harrisse, with revisions. Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft, -_Central America_, i. 238; Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la géographie_ -(1873), p. 319; F. G. Cancellieri’s _Dessertazioni epistolari -bibliografiche sopra Colombo_, etc. (Rome, 1809). - -[43] The Archives of Venice, at the beginning of this century, -contained memorials of Columbus which can no longer be found (Marin, -_Storia civile e politica del commercio de’ Veneziani_, Venezia, 1800; -Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Additions_, p. xxi). This is perhaps owing -to the Austrian depredation upon the Venetian archives in the Frari -and Marciana in 1803-1805, and in 1866. Not a little, however, of use -has been preserved in the _Calendar of State Papers in the Archives -of Venice_ published by the British Government, in the Rolls Series, -since 1864. They primarily illustrate English history, but afford some -light upon American affairs. Only six volumes (the last volume in three -parts) have been printed. Mr. Rawdon Brown, who edited them, long a -resident of Italy, dying at Venice, Aug. 25, 1883, at eighty, has sent, -during his labors in this field, one hundred and twenty-six volumes of -manuscript copies to the English Public Record Office. - -[44] Of these, twenty-nine are also given in fac-simile; there are -besides about two hundred and fifty fac-similes of autographs. The -volume is priced at 150 marks and 300 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,688. -H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, ii. 606) says of the volume: “There are about -two hundred and twenty-four pages of geographical notes, vocabulary, -biographical data, a glossary, and cuts, maps, and indexes. The -letters and fac-similes, from the first to the last, are valuable in -a historic sense, and the vocabulary is useful; but the biographical -and historical data are not always reliable, numerous errors having -been detected in comparing with official records and with memoranda of -witnesses of the events related.” Mr. Bancroft’s own library is said to -contain twelve hundred volumes of manuscript amassed for his own work; -but a large portion of them, it is supposed, do not concern the Spanish -history of the Pacific coast. - -[45] Mr. Dexter, a graduate of Harvard in 1858, after most serviceable -labors as Recording Secretary of the Massachusetts Historical -Society, resigned that position on account of ill health, and died at -Santa Barbara, California, Dec. 18, 1883. The _Proceedings_ of the -Society for January, 1884, contain tributes to his memory. Various -communications in earlier volumes of the same _Proceedings_ show the -painstaking of his research, and the accuracy of his literary method. -The first chapter in Vol. IV. of the present _History_ was his last -effort in historical study, and he did not live to correct the proofs. -His death has narrowed the circle of those helpful friends who have -been ever ready to assist the Editor in his present labors. - -[46] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xvi. 318; also issued separately. The -letters of Columbus are also translated in the _Magazine of American -History_, January, 1883, p. 53. - -[47] An Italian version of the letters of Columbus and Vespucius, with -fac-similes of the letters (_Tre lettere di Colombo ed Vespucci_), -edited by Augusto Zeri, was printed (six hundred copies) at Rome in -1881. Cf. _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 642. - -[48] Irving’s _Life of Columbus_, app. no. vii. - -[49] Ferdinand Columbus tried to make his readers believe that his -father was of some kinship with this corsair. The story of Columbus -escaping on an oar from a naval fight off Cape St. Vincent, and -entering Portugal by floating to the shore, does not agree with known -facts in his life of the alleged date. (Harrisse, _Les Colombo_, p. -36.) Allegri Allegretti, in his _Ephemerides Senenses ab anno 1450 -usque ad 1496_ (in Muratori, xxiii. 827), gives a few particulars -regarding the early life of Columbus. (Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, -p. 41.) Some of the latest researches upon his piratical life are given -by Rawdon Brown in the _Calendar of State Papers_, 1864, covering -1202-1509, vol. i. - -[50] This name is sometimes given _Palestrello_. - -[51] Rawdon Brown’s _Calendar of State Papers in the Archives of -Venice_, vol. i. (1864). - -[52] Prescott (_Ferdinand and Isabella_, ed. 1873, vol. ii. p. 123) -says: “The discrepancies among the earliest authorities are such as to -render hopeless any attempt to settle with precision the chronology of -Columbus’s movements previous to his first voyage.” - -[53] It cannot but be remarked how Italy, in Columbus, Cabot, and -Vespucius, not to name others, led in opening the way to a new stage -in the world’s progress, which by making the Atlantic the highway of a -commerce that had mainly nurtured Italy on the Mediterranean, conduced -to start her republics on that decline which the Turk, sweeping through -that inland sea, confirmed and accelerated. - -[54] Notwithstanding this disappointment of Columbus, it is claimed -that Alfonso V., in 1474, had consulted Toscanelli as to such a western -passage “to the land where the spices grow.” - -[55] There is great uncertainty about this English venture. Benzoni -says Columbus’s ideas were ridiculed; Bacon (_Life of Henry VII._) -says the acceptance of them was delayed by accident; Purchas says they -were accepted too late. F. Cradock, in the Dedication of his _Wealth -Discovered_, London, 1661, regrets the loss of honor which Henry VII. -incurred in not listening to the project. (Sabin, v. 55.) There is -much confusion of statement in the early writers. Cf. Las Casas, lib. -i. cap. 29; Barcia, _Hist. del Almirante_, cap. 10; Herrera, dec. i. -lib. 2; Oviedo, lib. i. cap. 4; Gomara, cap. 15; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, p. 4. - -[56] As, for instance, Oviedo and Bossi. - -[57] The same whom Isabella advised Columbus to take “as an astrologer” -on one of his later voyages. Cf. P. Augustin d’Osimo’s _Christophe -Colomb et le Père Juan Perez de Marchena; ou, de la co-opération des -franciscains à la découverte de l’Amérique_, 1861, and P. Marcellino da -Civezza’s _Histoire générale des missions franciscaines_, 1863. - -[58] Cf. Schanz on “Die Stellung der beiden ersten Tudors zu den -Entdeckungen,” in his _Englische Handelspolitik_. - -[59] Stevens, _Historical Collection_, vol. i. no. 1,418; Leclerc, no. -235 (120 francs); Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 376; Sabin, vol. vii. no. -27,116; Murphy, no. 1,046. This book, which in 1832 Rich priced at £1 -10_s._, has recently been quoted by Quaritch at £5 5_s._ Harrisse calls -the book mendacious (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 37). The book was written -in 1522; its author was born in 1465, and died in 1525 as bishop of -Santo Domingo. - -[60] There are two views of Seville in Braun and Hogenberg’s _Civitates -orbis terrarum_, published at Antwerp in 1572, and again at Brussels -(in French) in 1574. In one of the engravings a garden near the Puerta -de Goles is marked “Guerta de Colon;” and in the other the words “Casa -de Colon” are attached to the top of one of the houses. Muller, _Books -on America_, 1877, no. 712. The book is in the Harvard College Library. - -[61] Santangel supplied about seventeen thousand florins from -Ferdinand’s treasury. Bergenroth, in his Introduction to the Spanish -State Papers, removes not a little of the mellow splendor which -admirers have poured about Isabella’s character. - -[62] Palos is no longer a port, such has been the work of time and -tide. In 1548 the port is described in Medina’s _Libro de grandezas -y cosas de España_. (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 281.) Irving -described it in 1828. Its present unmaritime character is set forth -by E. E. Hale in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, ii. 159; _Seven Spanish -Cities_, p. 17; and _Overland Monthly_, Jan., 1883, p. 42. - -[63] Cf. Irving, app. no. xvi., on the route of Columbus. Brevoort -in his _Verrazzano_, p. 101, describes the usual route of the early -navigators from Spain to the West Indies. Columbus kept two records of -his progress. One was an unworthily deceitful one (reminding us of an -earlier deceit, when he tampered with the compass to mislead his crew), -by which he hoped to check the apprehensions of his men arising from -his increasing longitude; and the other a dead reckoning of some kind, -in which he thought he was approximately accurate. The story of his -capitulating to his crew, and agreeing to turn back in three days in -case land was not reached, is only told by Oviedo on the testimony of a -pilot hostile to Columbus. - -[64] It may have been on some island or in some canoe; or just as -likely a mere delusion. The fact that Columbus at a later day set -up a claim for the reward for the first discovery on the strength -of this mysterious light, to the exclusion of the poor sailor who -first actually saw land from the “Pinta,” has subjected his memory, -not unnaturally, to some discredit at least with those who reckon -magnanimity among the virtues. Cf. _Navarrete_, iii. 612. - -[65] The prayer used was adopted later in similar cases, under -Balboa, Cortes, Pizarro, etc. It is given in C. Clemente’s _Tablas -chronologicas_, Valencia, 1689. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. -140; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,632; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,376; -Murphy, no. 599; and H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 371. - -[66] Humboldt in his _Cosmos_ (English translation, ii. 422) has -pointed out how in this first voyage the descriptions by Columbus of -tropical scenes convince one of the vividness of his impressions and of -the quickness of his observation. - -[67] Pinzon’s heirs at a later day manifested hostility to Columbus, -and endeavored to magnify their father’s importance in the voyage. -Cf. Irving, App. x. In the subsequent lawsuit for the confirmation of -Columbus’s right, the Pinzons brought witnesses to prove that it was -their urgency which prevented Columbus from giving up the voyage and -turning back. - -[68] This Latin name seems to have been rendered by the Spaniards La -Española, and from this by corruption the English got Hispaniola. - -[69] There is a wide difference as reported by the early writers as to -the number of men which Columbus had with him on this voyage. Ferdinand -Columbus says ninety; Peter Martyr, one hundred and twenty; others say -one hundred and eighty. The men he left at Hayti are reckoned variously -at thirty-nine, forty-three, forty-eight, fifty-five, etc. Major, -_Select Letters_, p. 12, reckons them as from thirty-seven to forty. -The lists show among them an Irishman, “Guillermo Ires, natural de -Galney, en Irlanda,” and an Englishman, “Tallarte de Lajes, Ingles.” -These are interpreted to mean William Herries—probably “a namesake of -ours,” says Harrisse—and Arthur Lake. Bernaldez says he carried back -with him to Spain ten of the natives. - -[70] The line of 1494 gave Portugal, Brazil, the Moluccas, the -Philippines, and half of New Guinea. Jurien de la Gravière, _Les marins -du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_, i. 86. - -[71] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 496, describes the procedures -finally established in laying out towns. - -[72] Navarrete, ii. 143. It is the frequent recurrence of such -audacious and arrogant acts on the part of Columbus which explains his -sad failure as an administrator, and seriously impairs the veneration -in which the world would rejoice to hold him. - -[73] The question of the priority of Columbus’ discovery of the -mainland over Vespucius is discussed in the following chapter. -M. Herrera is said to have brought forward, at the Congrès des -Américanistes held at Copenhagen in 1883, new evidence of Columbus’s -landing on the mainland. Father Manoel de la Vega, in his _Historia del -descobrimiento de la America septentrional_, first published in Mexico -in 1826 by Bustamante, alleges that Columbus in this southern course -was intending to test the theory of King John of Portugal, that land -blocked a westerly passage in that direction. - -[74] Irving, app. xxxiii. - -[75] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. chap. iv., traces -with some care the coast-findings of this voyage and the varying -cartographical records. - -[76] Helps says: “The greatest geographical discoveries have been made -by men conversant with the book-knowledge of their own time.” The age -of Columbus was perhaps the most illustrious of ages. “Where in the -history of nations,” says Humboldt, “can one find an epoch so fraught -with such important results as the discovery of America, the passage -to the East Indies round the Cape of Good Hope, and Magellan’s first -circumnavigation, simultaneously occurring with the highest perfection -of art, the attainment of intellectual and religious freedom, and with -the sudden enlargement of the knowledge of the earth and the heavens?” -_Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 673. - -[77] This manuscript is the _Libro de las profecias_, of which parts -are printed in Navarrete. Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 156, -who calls it a “curious medley of quotations and puerile inferences;” -and refers for an analysis of it to Gallardo’s _Ensayo_, ii. 500. -Harrisse thinks the hand is that of Ferdinand Columbus when a boy, and -that it may have been written under the Admiral’s direction. - -[78] Irving, book i. chap. v.; Humboldt, _Examen critique_ and -_Cosmos_; Major, _Prince Henry of Portugal_, chap. xix. and -_Discoveries of Prince Henry_, chap. xiv.; Stevens, _Notes_; Helps, -_Spanish Conquest_; and among the early writers, Las Casas, not to name -others. - -[79] Columbus, it is well known, advocated later a pear-shape, instead -of a sphere. Cf. the “Tercer viage” in Navarrete. - -[80] Robertson’s _America_, note xii. Humboldt cites the ancients; -_Examen critique_, i. 38, 61, 98, etc. - -[81] Ferdinand Columbus says that the Arab astronomer, Al Fergani, -influenced Columbus to the same end; and these views he felt were -confirmed by the reports of Marco Polo and Mandeville. Cf. Yule’s -_Marco Polo_. vol. i. p. cxxxi. - -[82] By a great circle course the distance would have been reduced to -something short of five thousand eight hundred miles. (Fox in _U. S. -Coast Survey Report_, 1880, app. xviii.) Marco Polo had not distinctly -said how far off the coast of China the Island of Cipango lay. - -[83] Cf. D’Avezac in _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, -August-October, 1857, p. 97. Behaim in his globe placed China 120° west -of Cape St. Vincent; and Columbus is supposed to have shared Behaim’s -views and both were mainly in accord with Toscanelli. Humboldt, _Examen -Critique_, ii. 357. - -[84] Not long from the time of his first voyage the _Orbis breviarium_ -of Lilius, which later passed through other editions and translations, -summarized the references of the ancients (Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._ no. -1,670). But Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 180, holds that the -earliest instance of the new found islands being declared the parts -known to the ancients, and referred to by Virgil in the 6th book of the -Æneid,— - -“Jacet extra sidera tellus,” etc., - -is in the _Geographia_ of Henricus Glareanus, published at Basle in -1527. Cf. also Gravier, _Les Normands sur la route des Indes_, Rouen, -1880, p. 24; Harrisse, _Bibl. Am. Vet._ 262. Mr. Murphy, in placing the -1472 edition of Strabo’s _De Situ orbis_ in his American collection, -pointed to the belief of this ancient geographer in the existence of -the American continent as a habitable part of the globe, as shown when -he says: “Nisi Atlantici maris obstaret magnitudo, posse nos navigare -per eundem parallelum ex Hispania in Indiam, etc.” Cf. further, Charles -Sumner’s _Prophetic Voices concerning America_; also in his _Works_; -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. 68, 122; Baldwin’s _Prehistoric Nations_, -399; Fontaine’s _How the World was peopled_, p. 139; Las Casas, -_Historia general_; Sherer, _Researches touching the New World_, 1777; -_Recherches sur la géographie des anciens_, Paris, 1797-1813; _Memoirs_ -of the Lisbon Academy, v. 101; Paul Gaffarel, _L’Amérique avant -Colomb_, and his “Les Grecs et les Romains, ont ils connu l’Amérique?” -in the _Revue de Géographie_ (1881), ix. 241, etc.; Ferdinand Columbus’ -life of his father, and Humboldt’s examination of his views in his -_Examen critique_; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Introduction to his -_Popul-Vuh_. - -Glareanus, above referred to, was one of the most popular of the -condensed cosmographical works of the time; and it gave but the -briefest reference to the New World, “de regionibus extra Ptolemæum.” -Its author was under thirty when he published his first edition in 1527 -at Basle. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, i. -90). Cf. also _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 142; Huth, ii. 602; Weigel, 1877, -p. 82, priced at 18 marks. It was reprinted at Basle, the next year, -1528 (Trömel, 3), and again in 1529. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 143, 147.) -Another edition was printed at Freiburg (Brisgau) in 1530, of which -there are copies in Harvard College and Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, no. -95) libraries. (Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 147; Muller, 1877, no. 1,232.) -There were other Freiburg imprints in 1533, 1536, 1539, 1543, and 1551. -(_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 183, 212, 248; _Additions_, 121; Carter-Brown, i. -160; White Kennett, p. 12; Trömel, no. 12; Murphy, 1049.) There were -Venice imprints in 1534, 1537, 1538, 1539, and 1544. (_Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, 225, 228, 259; _Additions_, 120; Lancetti, _Buchersaal_, i. 79.) -An edition of Venice, without date, is assigned to 1549. (_Catalogue -of the Sumner Collection in Harvard College Library._) Editions were -issued at Paris in 1542, with a folded map, “Typus cosmographicus -universalis,” in 1550 (Court, 144), and in 1572, the last repeating -the map. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 139.) The text of all these editions is -in Latin. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,536, etc., enumerates most of the -editions. - -[85] Such as Plato’s in his _Critias_ and _Timæus_, and Aristotle’s in -his _De Mundo_, cap. iii., etc. - -[86] Harrisse, _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima; Additions_, no. 36. - -[87] Bernaldez tells us that Columbus was a reader of Ptolemy and of -John de Mandeville. Cf. on the spreading of Ptolemy’s views at this -time Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen âge_, ii. p. 122; Thomassy, _Les -papes géographes_, pp. 15, 34. There are copies of the 1475 edition of -Ptolemy in the Library of Congress and the Carter-Brown Library (cf. -also _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,044); of the 1478 edition, the only -copy in this country, so far as known, is the one in the Carter-Brown -Library, added to that collection since its catalogue was printed. The -Perkins copy in 1873 brought £80 (cf. _Livres payés en vente publique -1,000 francs_, etc., p. 137). It was the first edition with maps. -Lelewel (vol. ii. p. 124) had traced the influence of the Agathodæmon -(Ptolemean) maps on the cartography of the Middle Ages. The maps -representing the growth of geographical ideas anterior to Columbus -will be examined in another place. The Ulm edition of Ptolemy, 1482, -showed in its map of the world a part of what is now called America in -representing Greenland; but it gave it a distinct relation to Europe, -by making Greenland a peninsula of the Scandinavian north. There seems -reason to believe that this map was made in 1471, and it passes for the -earliest engraved map to show that northern region,—“Engrone-land,” -as it is called. If we reject the Zeno map with its alleged date of -1400 or thereabout (published long after Columbus, in 1558), the -oldest known delineations of Greenland (which there is no evidence -that Columbus ever saw, and from which if he had seen them, he could -have inferred nothing to advantage) are a Genoese manuscript map in -the Pitti palace, which Santarem (_Histoire de la Cartographie_, -vol. iii. p. xix) dates 1417, but which seems instead to be properly -credited to 1447, the peninsula here being “Grinlandia” (cf. Lelewel, -_Epilogue_, p. 167; _Magazine of American History_, April, 1883, p. -290); and the map of Claudius Clavus, assigned to 1427, which belongs -to a manuscript of Ptolemy, preserved in the library at Nancy. This, -with the Zeno map and that in the Ptolemy of 1482, is given in _Trois -cartes précolombiennes représentant Groenland, fac-simile présentés -au Congrès des Américanistes à Copenhague; par A. E. Nordenskiöld_, -Stockholm, 1883. In the Laon globe (1486-1487) “Grolandia” is put -down as an island off the Norway coast. There is a copy of this 1482 -edition of Ptolemy in the Carter-Brown Library, and another is noted in -the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,046. Its maps were repeated in the 1486 -edition, also published at Ulm; and of this there was a copy in the -Murphy Collection (no. 2,047,—bought by President White, of Cornell); -and another belongs to the late G. W. Riggs, of Washington. In 1490 the -Roman edition of 1478 was reproduced with the same maps; and of this -there is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library; and another is shown in -the _Murphy Catalogue_ (no. 2,048). A splendidly illuminated copy of -this edition sold in the Sunderland sale (part v. no. 13,770) has since -been held by Quaritch at _£_600. See further on these early editions of -Ptolemy in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_, published by -Harvard University. - -[88] Gravier, _Les Normands sur la route des Indes_, Rouen, 1880, p. 37. - -[89] Humboldt, _Cosmos_ (Eng. ed.), ii. 619. The _Speculum naturale_ -of Vincenzius (1250) is an encyclopædic treatise, closely allied -with other treatises of that time, like the _De rerum natura_ of -Cantipratensis (1230), and the later work of Meygenberg (1349). - -[90] Humboldt, _Examen Critique_, i. 61, 65, 70; ii. 349. Columbus -quoted this passage in October, 1498, in his letter from Santo Domingo -to the Spanish monarch. Margry, _Navigations Françaises_, Paris, 1867, -p. 71, “Les deux Indes du XV^e siècle et l’influence Française sur -Colomb,” has sought to reflect credit on his country by tracing the -influence of the _Imago mundi_ in the discovery of the New World; but -the borrowing from Bacon destroys his case. (Major, _Select Letters of -Columbus_, p. xlvii; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 84.) If Margry’s -claim is correct, that there was an edition of the _Imago mundi_ -printed at Nuremberg in 1472, it would carry it back of the beginning -of Columbus’s advocacy of his views; but bibliographers find no edition -earlier than 1480 or 1483, and most place this _editio princeps_ ten -years later as Humboldt does. It is generally agreed that the book was -written in 1410. A copy of this first edition, of whatever date, is -preserved in the Colombina Library in Seville; and it was the copy used -by Columbus and Las Casas. Its margins are annotated, and the notes, -which are by most thought to be in the hand of Columbus, have been -published by Varnhagen in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie -de Paris_, January, 1858, p. 71, and by Peschel in his _Geschichte -des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 112,—who, however, ascribes the -notes to Bartholomew Columbus. A fac-simile of part of them is given -on p. 31. Cf. Major, _Prince Henry_, p. 349; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. -3; _Murphy catalogue_, no. 27, bought by Cornell Univ. and Dinaux, -_Cardinal P. d’Ailly_, Cambray, 1824. - -[91] Mandeville had made his Asiatic journey and long sojourn -(thirty-four years) thirty or forty years later than Marco Polo, and -on his return had written his narrative in English, French, and Latin. -It was first printed in French at Lyons, in 1480. The narrative is, -however, unauthentic. - -[92] A copy of this edition is in the Colombina Library, with marginal -marks ascribed to Columbus, but of no significance except as aids to -the memory. Cf. _Harper’s Monthly_, xlvi. p. 1. - -[93] There were other editions between his first voyage and his -death,—an Italian one in 1496, and a Portuguese in 1502. For later -editions, cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Am. Vet._, no. 89; Navarrete, _Bibl. -maritima_, ii. 668; Brunet, iii. 1,406; Saint-Martin, _Histoire de -la Géographie_, p. 278. The recent editions of distinctive merit -are those, in English, of Colonel Yule; the various texts issued in -the _Recueil de voyages et de mémoires publiés par la Société de -Géographie de Paris; and Le livre de Marco Polo, rédigé, en Français -sous sa dictée en 1298 par Rusticien de Pise, publ. pour la 1^e fois -d’après 3 MSS. inéd., av. variantes, comment. géogr. et histor., -etc._, par G. Pauthier. 2 vols. Paris: Didot, 1865. Cf. Foscarini, -_Della lett. Ven._ 239; Zurla, _Di Marco Polo_; Maltebrun, _Histoire -de la Géographie_; Tiraboschi, _Storia della lett. Ital._, vol. iv.; -Vivien de Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la Géographie_, p. 272; and the -bibliography of the MSS. and printed editions of the _Milione_ given -in Pietro Amat di S. Filippo’s _Studi biog. e bibliog._, published by -the Società Geografica Italiana in 1882 (2d ed.). A fac-simile of a -manuscript of the fourteenth century of the _Livre de Marco Polo_ was -prepared under the care of Nordenskiöld, and printed at Stockholm in -1882. The original is in the Royal Library at Stockholm. - -[94] The actual distance from Spain westerly to China is two hundred -and thirty-one degrees. - -[95] Cf. Zurla, _Fra Mauro_, p. 152; Lelewel, ii. 107. - -[96] The Italian text of Toscanelli’s letter has been long known -in Ferdinand Columbus’ Life of his father; but Harrisse calls it -“très-inexact et interpolée;” and, in his _Bibl. Am. Vet. Additions_ -(1872), p. xvi, Harrisse gives the Latin text, which he had already -printed, in 1871, in his _Don Fernando Colon_, published at Seville, -from a copy made of it which had been discovered by the librarian of -the Colombina, transcribed by Columbus himself in a copy of Æneas -Sylvius’ (Pius II.’s) _Historia rerum ubique gestarum_, Venice, -1477, preserved in that library. Harrisse also gives a photographic -fac-simile of this memorial of Columbus. Cf. D’Avezac, in the _Bulletin -de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, October, 1873, p. 46; and -Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 41. The form of the letter, as given -in Navarrete, is translated into English in Kettell’s _Journal of -Columbus_, p. 268, and in Becher’s _Landfall of Columbus_, p. 183. Cf. -Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen âge_, ii. 130; _Bulletin de la Société -de Géographie_, 1872, p. 49; Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_, p. 225. H. Grothe, in his _Leonardo da Vinci_, Berlin, -1874, says that Da Vinci in 1473 had written to Columbus respecting a -western passage to the Indies. - -[97] Navarrete, iii. 28. - -[98] Note xvii. - -[99] Appendix xi. - -[100] Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 1147, and Sabin, _Dictionary_, vii. -no. 26,342, give different dates. - -[101] Goodrich’s _Life of the so-called Christopher Columbus_. Cf. -Luciano Cordeiro, “Les Portugais dans la découverte de l’Amérique,” in -Congrès des Américanistes, 1875, i. 274. - -[102] Humboldt sees no reason to doubt that Iceland was meant. -(_Examen critique_, i. 105; v. 213; _Cosmos_, ii. 611.) It may be -remarked, however, that “Thyle” and “Islanda” are both laid down in -the Ptolemy map of 1486, which only signifies probably that the old -and new geography were not yet brought into accord. Cf. _Journal of -the American Geographical Society_, xii. 170, 177, where it is stated -that records prove the mild winter for Iceland in 1477, which Columbus -represents at Thule. - -[103] A like intimation is sustained by De Costa in _Columbus and the -Geographers of the North_, Hartford, 1872; and it is distinctly claimed -in Anderson’s _America not discovered by Columbus_, 3d edition, 1883, -p. 85. It is also surmised that Columbus may have known the Zeni map. - -[104] Humboldt discusses the question whether Columbus received any -incentive from a knowledge of the Scandinavian or Zeni explorations, -in his _Examen critique_, ii. 104; and it also forms the subject of -appendices to Irving’s _Columbus_. - -[105] This problem is more particularly examined in Vol. I. Cf. also -Vol. IV. p. 3. - -[106] Harrisse, _Les Cortereals_, p. 25, who points out that Behaim’s -globe shows nothing of such a voyage,—which it might well have done if -the voyage had been made; for Behaim had lived at the Azores, while -Cortereal was also living on a neighboring island. Major, _Select -Letters of Columbus_, p. xxviii, shows that Faria y Sousa, in _Asia -Portuguesa_, while giving a list of all expeditions of discovery from -Lisbon, 1412-1460, makes no mention of this Cortereal. W. D. Cooley, in -his _Maritime and Island Discovery_, London, 1830, follows Barrow; but -Paul Barron Watson, in his “Bibliography of pre-Columbian Discoveries” -appended to the 3d edition (Chicago, 1883) of Anderson’s _America -not discovered by Columbus_, p. 158, indicates how Humboldt (_Examen -critique_, i. 279), G. Folsom (_North American Review_, July, 1838), -Gaffarel (_Études_, p. 328), Kohl (_Discovery of Maine_, p. 165), and -others dismiss the claim. If there was any truth in it, it would seem -that Portugal deliberately cut herself off from the advantages of it in -accepting the line of demarcation in 1493. - -[107] Edition of 1597, folio 188. - -[108] Follows Wytfliet in his _Rerum Danicarum historia_, 1631, p. 763. - -[109] _Ulyssea_, Lugduni, 1671, p. 335. - -[110] _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, xii. 170. Asher, -in his _Henry Hudson_, p. xcviii, argues for Greenland. - -[111] Gomara, _Historia general de las Indias_, Medina, 1553, and -Anvers, 1554, cap. xxxvii, folio 31; and Herrera, _Historia general_, -Madrid, 1601, dec. 1, lib. 6, cap. 16. Later writers have reiterated -it. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 152, who is doubtful; -Lelewel, iv. 106, who says he reached Labrador; Kunstmann, _Entdeckung -Amerikas_, p. 45. Watson, in his _Bibliography of the pre-Columbian -Discoveries_, cites also the favorable judgment of Belleforest, -_L’histoire universelle_, Paris, 1577; Morisotus’ _Orbis maritimi_, -1643; Zurla’s _Marco Polo_, 1818; C. Pingel in _Grönlands Historisk -Mindesmaeker_, 1845; Gaffarel, _Étude_, 1869; and De Costa, _Columbus -and the Geographers of the North_, 1872, p. 17. - -[112] _America not discovered by Columbus_, p. 164. Estancelin, in his -_Recherches sur les voyages et découvertes des navigateurs Normands -en Afrique, dans les Indes orientales, et en Amérique; suivies -d’observations sur la marine, le commerce, et les établissemens -coloniaux des Français_, Paris, 1832, claims that Pinzon, represented -as a companion of Cousin, was one of the family later associated with -Columbus in his voyage in 1492. Léon Guérin, in _Navigateurs Français_, -1846, mentions the voyage, but expresses no opinion. Parkman, _Pioneers -of France_, p. 169, does not wholly discredit the story. Paul Gaffarel, -_Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent avant -Colomb_, Paris, 1869, and _Découverte du Brésil par Jean Cousin_, -Paris, 1874, advocates the claim. Again, in his _Histoire du Brésil -Français_, Paris, 1878, Gaffarel considers the voyage geographically -and historically possible. (Cf. also a paper by him in the _Revue -politique et littéraire_, 2 mai, 1874.) It is claimed that the white -and bearded men whom, as Las Casas says, the natives of Hispaniola -had seen before the coming of the Spaniards, were the companions of -Cousin. Cf. Vitet’s _Histoire de Dieppe_, Paris, 1833, vol. ii.; David -Asseline’s _Antiquitéz et chroniques de Dieppe, avec introduction -par Hardy, Guérillon, et Sauvage_, Paris, 1874, two vols.; and the -supplemental work of Michel Claude Guibert, _Mémoires pour servir à -l’histoire de Dieppe_, Paris, 1878, two vols. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. -47,541; Dufossé, _Americana_, nos. 4,735, 9,027. - -[113] The ordinary designation of Hartmann Schedel’s _Registrum huius -operis libri cronicarum cū figuris et ymagībus ab inicio mūdi_, -Nuremberg, 1493, p. 290. The book is not very rare, though much sought -for its 2,250 woodcuts; and superior copies of it bring from $75 to -$100, though good copies are often priced at from $30 to $60. Cf. -_Bibliotheca Spenceriana_; Leclerc, no. 533; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. -12, 18; Huth, iv. 1305; Sunderland, no. 2,796; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 13; Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,402; Cooke, no. -2,961; Murphy, no. 2,219, with a note by that collector. - -[114] Cf. Von Murr, _Memorabilia bibliothecarum Norimbergensium_, vol. -i. pp. 254-256: “nec locus ille de America loquitur, sed de Africa.” - -[115] Watson’s _Bibliography of pre-Columbian Discoveries of America_, -p. 161, enumerates the contestants; and Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, -nos. 13, 14, epitomizes the authorities. The earliest reference, -after Schedel, seems to be one in Guillaume Postel’s _Cosmographicæ -disciplinæ compendium_, Basle, 1561, in which a strait below South -America is named Behaim’s Strait; but J. Chr. Wagenseil, in his _Sacra -parentalia_, 1682, earliest urged the claim, which he repeated in -his _Historia universalis_, while it was reinforced in Stüven’s or -Stuvenius’ _De vero novi orbis inventore_, Frankfort, 1714. (Copy -in Harvard College Library; cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 195.) -The first important counter-argument appeared in E. Tozen’s _Der -wahre und erste Entdecker der Neuen Welt, Christoph Colon, gegen die -ungegründeten Ausprüche, welche Americus Vespucci and Martin Behaim -auf diese Ehre machen, vertheidiget_, Göttingen, 1761. (Sabin, xii. -489.) Robertson rejected the claim; and so, in 1778, did C. G. von -Murr, in his _Diplomatische Geschichte des Ritters Behaim_, published -at Nuremberg (2d ed., Gotha, 1801; Jansen’s French translation, Paris, -1801 and Strasburg, 1802; also appended to Amoretti’s _Pigafetta_; -English in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, 1812). A letter from Otto to Benjamin -Franklin, in the _American Philosophical Society’s Transactions_, 1786, -ii. 263, urged the theory. Dr. Belknap, in 1792, in the Appendix to his -_Discourse on Columbus_, dismissed it. Cladera, in his _Investigaciones -históricas sobre los principales descubrimientos de los Españoles_, -Madrid, 1794, was decidedly averse, replying to Otto, and adding a -translation of Von Murr’s essay. (Leclerc, nos. 118, 2,505.) Amoretti, -in his Preface to _Pigafetta’s Voyage_, Paris, 1801, argues that -Columbus’ discoveries convinced Behaim of his own by comparison. -Irving says the claim is founded on a misinterpretation of the Schedel -passage. Humboldt, in his _Examen critique_, i. 256, enters into a long -adverse argument. Major, in his _Select Letters of Columbus_, and in -his _Prince Henry_, is likewise decided in opposition. Ghillany, in -his _Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim_, is favorable. -Gaffarel, _Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien -continent avant Colomb_, Paris, 1869, is sceptical. - -It seems to be a fact that Behaim made a map showing the straits -passed by Magellan, which Pigafetta refers to; and it is also clear -that Schöner, in globes made earlier, also indicated a similar strait; -and Schöner might well have derived his views from Behaim. What we -know of Behaim’s last years, from 1494 to 1506, is not sufficient -to fill the measure of these years; and advocates are not wanting -who assign to them supposed voyages, on one of which he might have -acquired a personal knowledge of the straits which he delineated. Such -advocates are met, and will continue to be answered, with the likelier -supposition, as is claimed, of the Straits in question being a happy -guess, both on Behaim’s and Schöner’s part, derived from the analogy -of Africa,—a southern extremity which Behaim had indeed delineated on -his globe some years before its actual discovery, though not earlier -than the existence of a prevalent belief in such a Strait. Cf. Wieser, -_Magalhâes-Strasse_. - -[116] Las Casas is said to have had a manuscript by Columbus respecting -the information derived by him from Portuguese and Spanish pilots -concerning western lands. - -[117] These were accounted for by the westerly gales, the influence -of the Gulf Stream not being suspected. Humboldt, _Cosmos_, English -translation, ii. 662; _Examen critique_, ii. 249. - -[118] See Major’s Preface to his _Prince Henry_. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, -_Central America_, i. 373, for the successive names applied to the -Atlantic. - -[119] Cf. _Les voyages merveilleux de Saint-Brandan à la recherche -du paradis terrestre. Légende en vers du XI^e siècle, publiée avec -introduction par Francisque-Michel_, Paris, 1878; and references in -Poole’s _Index_, p. 159. - -[120] Humboldt points this island out on a map of 1425. - -[121] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 156-245; Kunstmann, -_Entdeckung Amerikas_, pp. 6, 35; D’Avezac on the “Isles fantastiques,” -in _Nouvelles annales des voyages_, April, 1845, p. 55. Many of these -islands clung long to the maps. Becher (_Landfall of Columbus_) speaks -of the Isle of St. Matthew and Isle Grande in the South Atlantic being -kept in charts till the beginning of this century. E. E. Hale tells -amusingly of the Island of Bresil, lying off the coast of Ireland -and in the steamer’s track from New York to England, being kept on -the Admiralty charts as late as 1873. _American Antiquarian Society -Proceedings_, Oct. 1873. Cf. Gaffarel, _Congrès des Américanistes_, -1877, i. 423, and Formalconi’s _Essai sur la marine ancienne des -vénitiens; dans lequel on a mis au jour plusieurs cartes tirées de la -bibliothèque de St. Marc, antérieures à la découverte de Christophe -Colomb, & qui indiquent clairement l’existence des isles Antilles. -Traduit de l’italien par le chevalier d’Hénin_, Venise, 1788. - -[122] There are seven inhabitable and six desert islands in the group. - -[123] Cf. _Die Entdeckung der Carthager und Griechen auf dem -Atlantischen Ocean_, by Joachim Lelewel, Berlin, 1831, with two maps -(Sabin, x. 201) one of which shows conjecturally the Atlantic Ocean of -the ancients (see next page). - -[124] Two priests, Bontier and Le Verrier, who accompanied him, wrote -the account which we have. Cf. Peter Martyr, dec. i. c. 1; Galvano, p. -60; Muñoz, p. 30; Kunstmann, p. 6. - -[125] Charton (_Voyageurs_, iii. 75) gives a partial bibliography of -the literature of the discovery and conquest. The best English book is -Major’s _Conquest of the Canaries_, published by the Hakluyt Society, -London, 1872, which is a translation, with notes, of the Béthencourt -narrative; and the same author has epitomized the story in chapter ix. -of his _Discoveries of Prince Henry_. There is an earlier English book, -George Glas’s _Discovery and Conquest of the Canary Islands_, London, -1764, 1767, which is said to be based on an unpublished manuscript -of 1632, the work of a Spanish monk, J. de Abreu de Galineo, in the -island of Palma. The Béthencourt account was first published in Paris, -1630, with different imprints, as _Histoire de la première descovverte -et conqueste des Canaries_. Dufossé prices it at from 250 to 300 -francs. The original manuscript was used in preparing the edition, -_Le Canarien_, issued at Rouen in 1874 by G. Gravier (Leclerc, no. -267). This edition gives both a modern map and a part of that of Mecia -de Viladestes (1413); enumerates the sources of the story; and (p. -lxvi) gives D’Avezac’s account of the preservation of the Béthencourt -manuscript. The Spanish translation by Pedro Ramirez, issued at Santa -Cruz de Tenerife in 1847, was rendered from the Paris, 1630, edition. - -Cf. Nuñez de la Peña’s _Conquista y antiguedades de las Islas de la -Gran Canaria_, Madrid, 1676, and reprint, Santa Cruz de Tenerife, 1847; -Cristóval Perez de el Christo, _Las siete Islas de Canaria_, Xeres, -1679 (rare, Leclerc, no. 644,—100 francs); Viera y Clavijo, _Historia -general de las Islas de Canaria_, Madrid, four volumes, 1772-1783 -(Leclerc, no. 647, calls it the principal work on the Canaries); Bory -de Saint Vincent, _Essais sur les Isles Fortunées_, Paris, an xi. -(1803); _Les Iles Fortunées_, Paris, 1869. D’Avezac, in 1846, published -a _Note sur la première expéditien de Béthencourt aux Canaries_, and -his “Isles d’Afrique” in the _Univers pittoresque_ may be referred to. - -[126] It is given by Lelewel, _Géographie du Moyen Age_; and has been -issued in fac-simile by Ongania at Venice, in 1881. It is also given in -Major, _Prince Henry_, 1868 edition, p. 107, and in Marco Polo, edition -by Boni, Florence, 1827. Cf. Winsor’s _Kohl Collection of Early Maps_, -issued by Harvard University. - -[127] This chart is given by Jomard, pl. x., and Santarem, pl. 40. -Ongania published in 1881 a Pizigani chart belonging to the Ambrosian -Library in Milan, dated 1373. - -[128] This map is given in _Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, -vol. xiv. part 2; in Santarem, pl. 31, 40; Lelewel, pl. xxix.; -Saint-Martin’s _Atlas_, pl. vii.; Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_, 1881, and full size in fac-simile in _Choix de documents -géographiques conservés à la Bibliothèque Nationale_, Paris, 1883. - -[129] Winsor’s _Kohl Collection of early maps_, part i., no. 17. - -[130] Cf. Santarem, _Histoire de la Cartographie_, iii. 366, and -the references in Winsor’s _Kohl Collection_, part i. no. 19; and -_Bibliography of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1478. A sea-chart of Bartolomeus -de Pareto, A. D. 1455, shows “Antillia” and an island farther west -called “Roillo.” Antillia is supposed also to have been delineated -on Toscanelli’s map in 1474. In 1476 Andreas Benincasa’s portolano, -given in Lelewel, pl. xxxiv. and Saint-Martin, pl. vii. shows an -island “Antilio;” and again in the portolano belonging to the Egerton -manuscripts in the British Museum, and supposed to represent the -knowledge of 1489, just previous to Columbus’s voyage, and thought -by Kohl to be based on a Benincasa chart of 1463, the conventional -“Antillia” is called “Y de Sete Zitade.” It is ascribed to Christofalo -Soligo. Behaim’s globe in 1492 also gives “Insula Antilia genannt Septe -Citade.” Cf. Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 116. The name “Antilhas” -seems first to have been transferred from this problematical mid-ocean -island to the archipelago of the West Indies by the Portuguese, for -Columbus gave no general name to the group. - -[131] Cf. Kunstmann, _Entdeckung Amerikas_, pp. 1, etc.; Drummond, -_Annales da Ilha Terceira_; Ernesto do Canto, _Archivo dos Açores_; -Major’s _Discoveries of Prince Henry_, chap. x.; _Quarterly Review_, -xi. 191; Cordeyro’s _Historia insulana_, Lisbon, 1717. - -[132] Appendix xxv. - -[133] Vol. ii. part 2, p. 1; also Purchas, ii. 1672. - -[134] Edition of 1868, pp. xvii and 69; Kunstmann, _Entdeckung -Amerikas_, p. 4. - -[135] Cf. Gaspar Fructuoso’s _Historia das Ilhas do Porto-Santo, -Madeira, Desertas e Selvagens_, Funchal, 1873. - -[136] Cf. _Studi biog. e bibliog._ i. 137, which places Perestrello’s -death about 1470. - -[137] It has sometimes been put as early as 1440; but 1460 is the -date Major has determined after a full exposition of the voyages of -this time. _Prince Henry_ (1868 edition), p. 277. D’Avezac _Isles de -l’Afrique_, Paris, 1848. - -[138] Prince Henry, edition of 1868, pp. xxiv and 127. Guibert, in -his _Ville de Dieppe_, i. 306 (1878), refers, for the alleged French -expedition to Guinea in 1364, to Villault de Belfond, _Relation -des costes d’Afrique appelées Guinée_, Paris, 1669, p. 409; Vitet, -_Anciennes villes de France_, ii. 1, Paris, 1833; D’Avezac _Découvertes -dans l’océan atlantique antérieurement aux grands explorations du XV^e -siècle_, p. 73, Paris, 1845; Jules Hardy, _Les Dieppois en Guinée en -1364_, 1864; Gabriel Gravier, _Le Canarien_, 1874. - -[139] Cf. Jurien de la Gravière’s _Les marins du XV^e et du XVI^e -siècle_, vol. i. chap. 2. - -[140] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 144, 161, 329; ii. 370; _Cosmos_, -ii. 561; Jules Codine’s _Mémoire géoqraphique sur la mer des Indes_, -Paris, 1868. - -[141] Irving, app. xiv. - -[142] _Prince Henry_, p. 116 (1868). Cf. _Studi biog. e bibliog. della -Soc. Geog. Ital._, ii. 57. - -[143] The author tells, in his preface, the condition of knowledge -regarding his subject which he found when he undertook his work, and -recounts the service the Royal Academy of Sciences at Lisbon has -done since 1779 in discovering and laying before the world important -documents. - -[144] Gustav de Veer’s _Prinz Heinrich der Seefahrer, und seine Zeit_, -Dantzig, 1864, is a more popular work, and gives lists of authorities. -Cf. H. Monin in the _Revue de géographie_, December, 1878. - -[145] There is some question if the school of Sagres had ever an -existence; at least it is doubted in the _Archivo dos Açores_, iv. 18, -as quoted by Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 40. - -[146] Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 261; _adds_ 154. - -[147] Major (p. xvi) has more or less distrust of Cadamosto’s story as -given in the _Paese novamente_. Cf. the bibliography in _Studi biog. e -bibliog. della Soc. Geog. Ital._, i. 149 (1882); and Carter-Brown, i. -101, 195, 202, 211; also _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, no. 83. - -[148] “Through all which I was present,” said Bartholomew, in a note -found by Las Casas. - -[149] The original is now preserved at Venice, in the Biblioteca -Marciana. A large photographic fac-simile of it was issued at Venice, -in 1877, by Münster (Ongania); and engraved reproductions can be found -in Santarem, Lelewel, and Saint-Martin, besides others in Vincent’s -_Commerce and Navigations of the Ancients_, 1797 and 1807; and in -Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, 1881. A copy on -vellum, made in 1804, is in the British Museum. - -[150] Cf. G. Gravier’s _Recherches sur les navigations Européennes -faites an moyen-âge_, Paris, 1878. - -[151] Navarrete, i. 304, ii. 280; Bandini’s _Amerigo Vespucci_, pp. -66, 83; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 26, iv. 188, 233, 250, 261, v. -182-185; and his preface to Ghillany’s _Behaim_; Harrisse, _Ferdinand -Colomb_, pp. 121-127; Major’s _Prince Henry_, p. 420; Stevens’s -_Notes_, p. 372. When the natives of Cuba pointed to the interior of -their island and said “Cubanacan,” Columbus interpreted it to mean -“Kublai Khan;” and the Cuban name of Mangon became to his ear the Mangi -of Sir John Mandeville. - -[152] Dec. i. c. 8. - -[153] Da Gama’s three voyages, translated from the narrative of Gaspar -Correa, with other documents, was edited for the Hakluyt Society by -H. E. J. Stanley, in 1869. Correa’s account was not printed till -1858, when the Lisbon Academy issued it. Cf. Navarrete, vol. i. p. -xli; Ramusio, i. 130; Galvano, p.93; Major, _Prince Henry_, p. 391; -Cladera, _Investigaciones históricas_; Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la -géographie_, p. 337; Clarke, _Progress of Maritime Discovery_, p. 399; -Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ pp. 109, 135, 188, -189; Lucas Rem’s _Tagebuch_, 1494-1542, Augsburg, 1861; Charton’s -_Voyageurs_, iii. 209 (with references), etc. - -“Portugal,” says Professor Seeley, “had almost reason to complain of -the glorious intrusion of Columbus. She took the right way, and found -the Indies; while he took the wrong way, and missed them.... If it be -answered in Columbus’s behalf, that it is better to be wrong and find -America, than to be right and find India, Portugal might answer that -she did both,”—referring to Cabral’s discovery of Brazil (_Expansion of -England_, p. 83). - -[154] The Bull is printed in Navarrete, ii. 23, 28, 130; and in the -app. of Oscar Peschel’s _Die Theilung der Erde unter Papst Alexander -VI. und Julius II._, Leipsic, 1871. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., -Additions_, gives the letter of May 17, 1493, which Alexander VI. -sent with the Bulls to his nuncio at the court of Spain, found in the -archives of the Frari at Venice. Cf. also Humboldt, _Examen critique_, -iii. 52; Solorzano’s _Política Indiana_; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. i. -no. 745; and the illustrative documents in Andres Garcia de Céspedes’ -_Reg. de nav._, Madrid, 1606. - -[155] There is more or less confusion in the estimates made of the -league of this time. D’Avezac, _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie -de Paris_, September and October, 1858, pp. 130-164, calls it 5,924 -metres. Cf. also Fox, in the _U. S. Coast Survey Report_, 1880, p. 59; -and H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 190. - -[156] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 17, 44, 56, etc. - -[157] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 54; _Cosmos_, v. 55. Columbus -found this point of no-variation, Sept. 13, 1492. In the latter part -of the sixteenth century, for a similar reason, St. Michael’s in the -Azores was taken for the first meridian, but the no-variation then -observable at that point has given place now to a declination of -twenty-five degrees. - -[158] See the documents in Navarrete, ii. 116, and Peschel’s _Theilung -der Erde unter Papst Alexander VI. und Julius II._ - -[159] Cf., however, Juan y Ulloa’s _Dissertacion sobre el meridiano de -demarcation_, Madrid, 1749, in French, 1776. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. -no. 910; and “Die Demarcations-linie” in Ruge’s _Das Zeitalter der -Entdeckungen_, p. 267. - -[160] In 1495 Jaume Ferrer, who was called for advice, sent a -manuscript map to the Spanish Monarchs to be used in the negotiations -for determining this question. (Navarrete; also Amat, _Diccionario de -los escritores Catalanes_.) Jaume’s different treatises are collected -by his son in his _Sentencias cathólicas_, 1545. (Leclerc, no. 2,765, -1,000 francs; Harrisse, _Bibl. Am. Vet._, no. 261; _Additions_, no. -154.) This contains Jaime’s letter of Jan. 27, 1495, and the Monarchs’ -reply of Feb. 28, 1495; and a letter written at the request of Isabella -from Burgos, Aug. 5, 1495, addressed to “Christofol Colō en la gran -Isla de Cibau.” - -[161] Cf. _North American Review_, nos. 53 and 55. - -[162] Cf. portions in German in _Das Ausland_, 1867, p. 1. - -[163] It is in Italian in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_. - -[164] Brunet, _Supplément_, col. 277. - -[165] It appeared in the series _Biblioteca rara_ of G. Daelli. - -[166] Cf. _Historical Magazine_, September, 1864. - -[167] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Additions_, p. vi., calls this -reproduction extremely correct. - -[168] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xii. - -[169] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 387; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, vol. i. no. -1,380; Sabin, iv. 277; Leclerc, no. 132. It was noticed by Don Pascual -de Gayangos in _La America_, April 13, 1867. Cf. another of Varnhagen’s -publications, _Carta de Cristóbal Colon enviada de Lisboa á Barcelona -en Marzo de 1493_, published at Vienna in 1869. It has a collation of -texts and annotations (Leclerc, no. 131). A portion of the edition was -issued with the additional imprint, “Paris, Tross, 1870.” Of the 120 -copies of this book, 60 were put in the trade. Major, referring to -these several Spanish texts, says: “I have carefully collated the three -documents, and the result is a certain conclusion that neither one nor -the other is a correct transcript of the original letter,”—all having -errors which could not have been in the original. Major also translates -the views on this point of Varnhagen, and enforces his own opinion -that the Spanish and Latin texts are derived from different though -similar documents. Varnhagen held the two texts were different forms of -one letter. Harrisse dissents from this opinion in _Bibl. Amer. Vet. -Additions_, p. vi. - -[170] Cf. Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxix. - -[171] Prescott’s _Ferdinand and Isabella_, revised edition, ii. 108; -Sabin, vol. ii. no. 4,918; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, no. 7, who -reprints the parts in question, with a translation. - -[172] _Cosmos_, English translation, ii, 641. - -[173] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 32. - -[174] He points out how the standard _Chronicles_ and _Annals_ -(Ferrebouc, 1521; Regnault, 1532; Galliot du Pré, 1549; Fabian, 1516, -1533, 1542, etc.), down to the middle of the sixteenth century, utterly -ignored the acts of Columbus, Cortes, and Magellan (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ -p. ii). - -[175] Murr, _Histoire diplomatique de Behaim_, p. 123. - -[176] They are mentioned in Senarega’s “De rebus Genuensibus,” printed -in Muratori’s _Rerum Italicarum scriptores_, xxiv. 534. Cf. Harrisse, -_Notes on Columbus_, p. 41. - -[177] Harrisse says that when Tross, of Paris, advertised a copy at a -high price in 1865, there were seven bidders for it at once. Quaritch -advertised a copy in June, 1871. It was priced in London in 1872 at -£140. - -[178] This view is controverted in _The Bookworm_, 1868, p. 9. Cf. -1867, p. 103. The ships are said to be galleys, while Columbus sailed -in caravels. - -[179] But compare his _Cooke Catalogue_, no. 575; also, -_Pinart-Bourbourg Catalogue_, p. 249. - -[180] M. de Rosny was born in 1810, and died in 1871. M. Geslin -published a paper on his works in the _Actes de la Société -d’Ethnologie_, vii. 115. A paper by Rosny on the “Lettre de Christoph -Colombe,” with his version, is found in the _Revue Orientale et -Américaine_, Paris, 1876, p. 81. - -[181] The earliest English version of this letter followed some one -edition of the Cosco-Sanchez text, and appeared in the _Edinburgh -Review_ in 1816, and was reprinted in the _Analectic Magazine_, ix. -513. A translation was also appended by Kettell to his edition of the -_Personal Narrative_. There is another in the _Historical Magazine_, -April, 1865, ix. 114. - -[182] It was priced by Rich in 1844 at £6 6s.; and by Robert Clarke, of -Cincinnati, in 1876, at $200. There was a copy in the J. J. Cooke sale -(1883), vol. iii. no. 574, and another in the Murphy sale, no. 2,602. - -[183] Sabin, vol. v. no. 18,656; Major, p. xc, where the poem is -reprinted, as also in Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, p. 186; _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, no. 8, p. 461. This first edition has sixty-seven octaves; -the second, sixty-eight. Stevens’s _Hist. Coll._, vol. i. no. 129, -shows a fac-simile of the imperfect first edition. - -[184] _Notes on Columbus_, p. 185; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 9; -_Additions_, no. 3; Lenox’s _Scyllacius_, p. lii. The last stanza is -not in the other edition, and there are other revisions. A fac-simile -of the cut on the title of this Oct. 26, 1493, edition is annexed. -Other fac-similes are given by Lenox, and Ruge in his _Geschichte des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 247. This edition was reprinted at -Bologna, 1873, edited by Gustavo Uzíelli, as no. 136 of _Scelta di -curiosità letterarie inedite_, and a reprint of Cosco’s Latin text was -included. - -[185] Lenox’s _Scyllacius_, p. lv, with fac-similes of the cuts; -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 19; _Notes on Columbus_, p. 123; _Huth_, i. -337. The elder Harris made a tracing of this edition, and Stevens had -six copies printed from stone; and of these, copies are noted in the -C. Fiske-Harris Catalogue, no. 553; Murphy, no. 632; Brinley, no. 14; -Stevens’s (1870) _Catalogue_, no. 459; and _Hist. Coll._, vol. i. nos. -130, 131. The text was reprinted in the _Rheinisches Archiv_, xv. 17. -It was also included in _Ein schöne newe Zeytung_, printed at Augsburg -about 1522, of which there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown -libraries. _Scyllacius_, p. lvi; Brunet, _Supplément_, col. 277; -Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 115. The latest enumeration of these -various editions is in the _Studi biog. e bibliog. della Soc. Geog. -Ital._, 2d edition, Rome, 1882, p. 191, which describes some of the -rare copies. - -[186] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 175; _Carter-Brown_, no. 105; -Lenox, _Scyllacius_, p. lviii; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, vol. i. no. 163, -and _Bibl. Geog._, no. 2,383; Muller (1872), no. 387; J. J. Cooke, -no. 2,183; O’Callaghan, no. 1,836. The letter is on pages 116-121 of -the _Bellum_, etc. The next earliest reprint is in Andreas Schott’s -_Hispaniæ illustratæ_, Frankfort, 1603-1608, vol. ii. (Sabin, vol. -viii. no. 32,005; Muller, 1877, no. 2,914; Stevens, 1870, no. 1,845). -Of the later reproductions in other languages than English, mention may -be made of those in Amati’s _Ricerche Storico-Critico-Scientifiche_, -1828-1830; Bossi’s _Vita di Colombo_, 1818; Urano’s edition of Bossi, -Paris, 1824 and 1825; the Spanish rendering of a collated Latin text -made by the royal librarian Gonzalez for Navarrete, and the French -version in the Paris edition of Navarrete; G. B. Torre’s _Scritti di -Colombo_, Lyons, 1864; _Cartas y testamento di Colon_, Madrid, 1880. -There is in Muratori’s _Rerum Italicarum scriptores_ (iii. 301) an -account “De navigatione Columbi,” written in 1499 by Antonio Gallo, of -Genoa; but it adds nothing to our knowledge, being written entirely -from Columbus’s own letters. - -The earliest compiled account from the same sources which appeared in -print was issued, while Columbus was absent on his last voyage, in -the _Nouissime Hystoriarum omnium repercussiones, que supplementum -Supplementi Cronicarum nuncupantur ... usque in annum 1502_, of Jacopo -Filippo Foresti (called Bergomenses, Bergomas, or some other form), -which was dated at Venice, 1502 (colophon, 1503), and contained a -chapter “De insulis in India,” on leaf 441, which had not been included -in the earlier editions of 1483, 1484, 1485, 1486, and 1493, but is -included in all later editions (Venice, 1506; Nuremberg, 1506; Venice, -1513, 1524; Paris, 1535), except the Spanish translation (Harrisse, -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 42, 138, 204, and _Additions_, nos. 11, -75; Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 25,083, 25,084; Stevens, 1870, no. 175, -$11; Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 19, 27; Murphy, no. 226; Quaritch, -no. 11,757, £4). There are copies in the Library of Congress, the -Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries, and in the National Library in Paris. - -[187] _Sull’importanza d’un manoscritto inedito della Biblioteca -Imperiale di Vienna per verificare quale fu la prima isola scoperta dal -Colombo, ... Con una carta geographica_, Vienna, 1869, sixteen pages. -Varnhagen’s paper first appeared in the _Anales de la Universedad de -Chile_, vol. xxvi. (January, 1864). - -[188] Evora, 1545, and often reprinted. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, -p. 45; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 265. - -[189] A fac-simile of Irving’s manuscript of his account of this -reception is given in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._ xx. 201. - -[190] Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 170; Major’s -_Select Letters_, p. lxvi; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. -ix. - -[191] Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxxii. - -[192] Humboldt (_Examen critique_, ii. 279-294) notes the letters -referring to Columbus; and Harrisse, (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 129) -reprints these letters, with translations. In the 1670 edition the -Columbus references are on pp. 72-77, 81, 84, 85, 88-90, 92, 93, 96, -101, 102, 116. - -[193] There are eight hundred and sixteen in all (1488 to 1525), and -about thirty of them relate to the New World. He died in 1526. - -[194] Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 76. - -[195] _Literature of Europe_, vol. i. cap. 4, § 88. - -[196] _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 507, and p. 77. Referring to -Hallam’s conclusion, he says: “I suspect this acute and candid critic -would have been slow to adopt it had he perused the correspondence in -connection with the history of the times, or weighed the unqualified -testimony borne by contemporaries to Martyr’s minute accuracy.” - -[197] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 282; Irving, _Columbus_, app. -xxvii.; Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p. 87; H. H. Bancroft’s _Central -America_, i. 312. A bibliography of Martyr’s works is given on another -page. - -[198] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 255; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. -135; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 10; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,714. - -[199] It is not certain when this discourse was printed, for the -publication is without date. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 136; -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 11; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 11,175; _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 4. There are copies of this little tract of -eight leaves in the Force Collection (Library of Congress), and in the -Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Others are in the Vatican, Grenville -Collection, etc. Cf. Court, no. 255. - -[200] It is given in Italian in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_, p. 372; -and in English in Major’s _Select Letters of Columbus_, repeated in -the appendix of Lenox’s reprint of Scyllacius. The “Memorial ... sobre -el suceso de su segundo viage á las Indias,” in Navarrete, is also -printed, with a translation, by Major, p. 72. - -[201] They were all presentation-copies; but one in Leclerc, no. 2,960, -is priced 400 francs. The Menzies copy brought $35. - -[202] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 16; _Notes on Columbus_, p. -125. Cf. _Intorno ad un rarissimo opusculo di Niccolò Scillacio_, -Modena, 1856, by Amadeo Ronchini, of Parma. - -[203] Cf. _ante_ a note for the bibliography of Martyr, in Vol. I. - -[204] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 36, refers, for curious details -about Buell, to Pasqual’s _Descubrimiento de la situacion de la -América_, Madrid, 1789, and the letter of the Pope to Boil in Rossi’s -_Del discacciamento di Colombo dalla Spagnuola_, Rome, 1851, p. 76. - -[205] There are two copies in Harvard College Library. Cf. Rich (1832), -no. 159, £2 2_s._; Carter-Brown, ii. no. 252; Quaritch, £6 16_s._ -6_d._; O’Callaghan, no. 1,841; Murphy, no. 1,971; Court, nos. 271, 272. - -[206] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 2. - -[207] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 16, 17, 276, 356; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, -nos. 5, 6. - -[208] Folios 11 and 40. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 17; Sabin, vol. x. -no. 41,067. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 55, says Rich errs in -stating that an earlier work of Lilio (1493) has a reference to the -discovery. - -[209] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 7. - -[210] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, no. 126. The _Coronica de Aragon_, -of Fabricius de Vagad, which was published in 1499, makes reference to -the new discoveries (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 9), as does -the _Coronica van Coellen_, published at Cologne, 1499, where, on the -verso of folio 339, it speaks of “new lands found, in which men roam -like beasts” (Murphy, no. 254; Baer, _Incunabeln_, 1884, no. 172, at -160 marks; London Catalogue (1884), £12 10_s._). In 1498, at Venice, -was published Marc. Ant. Sabellicus’ _In rapsodiam historiarum_ (copy -in British Museum), which has a brief account of Columbus’ family and -his early life. This was enlarged in the second part, published at -Venice in 1504 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 21). An anchor lost by Columbus -on this voyage, at Trinidad, is said to have been recovered in 1880 -(_Bulletin de la Société Géographique d’Anvers_, v. 515). - -[211] _Que escribió D. Cristóbal Colon á los ... Rey y Reina de -España._ Cf. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 127. It is given, with -an English translation, in Major’s _Select Letters_; also in the -_Relazione delle scoperte fatte da C. Colombo, da A. Vespucci, e da -altri dal_ 1492 _al_ 1506, _tratta dai manoscritti della Biblioteca -di Ferrara e pubblicata per la prima volta ed annotata dal Prof. G. -Ferraro_, at Bologna, in 1875, as no. 144 of the _Scelta di curiosità -letterarie inedite o rare dal secolo_ xiii _al_ xvii. A French -translation is given in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 174. - -[212] It is usually said that Ferdinand Columbus asserts it was -printed; but Harrisse says he can find no such statement in Ferdinand’s -book. - -[213] Vol. i. pp. 277-313. - -[214] It is a little quarto of six leaves and an additional blank -leaf (Lenox, _Scyllacius_, p. lxi; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. -36). There is a copy in the Marciana, which Harrisse compared with -the Morelli reprint, and says he found the latter extremely faithful -(_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 17). - -[215] Leclerc, no. 129. - -[216] In Italian in Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo_, p. 396. - -[217] This is also in Italian in Torre, p. 401, and in English in -Major’s _Select Letters_. - -[218] Stevens (_Notes_, etc., p. 31) is said by Harrisse (_Bibl. -Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. 35) to be in error in saying that Valentim -Fernandez’s early collection of Voyages, in Portuguese, and called -_Marco Paulo_, etc., has any reference to Columbus. - -[219] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 43, 67, and p. 463; _Additions_, nos. -22, 40; Thomassy, _Les papes géographes_. - -[220] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 49. See the chapter on Vespucius. - -[221] Ibid., _Additions_, no. 27. - -[222] Ibid., no. 28. - -[223] Ibid., no. 30. - -[224] Sabin, vol. vi. no. 24,395. - -[225] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 51, 52; Murphy, no. 2,353; Stevens, -_Bibl. Geog._, no. 2,609. There are copies in the Library of Congress, -Harvard College Library, etc. - -[226] Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,140; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 39; _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, no. 34; Graesse, ii. 645; Brunet, ii. 1421. There were -later editions in 1518, 1565, 1567, 1578, 1604, 1726, etc. - -[227] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 35. - -[228] See Vol. III. pp. 16, 199; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 464, 518; and -_Additions_, no. 38. - -[229] In the section “inventio novarum insularum,” _Bibl. Amer. Vet., -Additions_, no. 39. - -[230] Brunet, iv. 915; _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 44. - -[231] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 57; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 73. -There is a copy in the Boston Athenæum. - -[232] Carter-Brown, no. 48; Murphy, no. 32. - -[233] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 75. - -[234] Cf. bibliographical note on Columbus in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, -iii. 190. - -[235] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 1,554; _Bibl. Hist._ -(1870), no. 1,661; J. J. Cooke, no. 2,092; Murphy, no. 2,042 (bought -by Cornell University); Panzer, vii. 63; Graesse, v. 469; Brunet, -iv. 919; Rosenthal (1884); Baer, _Incunabeln_ (1884), no. 116. Cf. -Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 74, for the note and translation; -and other versions in _Historical Magazine_, December, 1862, and in -the _Christian Examiner_, September, 1858. Also, see _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 88, for a full account; and the reduced fac-simile of title -in Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 51. The book is not very rare, though -becoming so, since, as the French sale-catalogues say, referring to -the note, “Cette particularité fait de ce livre un objet de haute -curiosité pour les collectionneurs Américains.” Harrisse says of -it: “Although prohibited, confiscated, and otherwise ill-treated by -the Court of Rome and the city authorities of Genoa, this work is -frequently met with,—owing, perhaps, to the fact that two thousand -copies were printed, of which only five hundred found purchasers, while -the fifty on vellum were distributed among the sovereigns of Europe -and Asia.” (Cf. Van Praet, _Catalogue des livres sur vélin_, i. 8.) -Its price is, however, increasing. Forty years ago Rich priced it at -eighteen shillings. Recent quotations put it, in London and Paris, at -£7, 100 marks, and 110 francs. The Editor has used the copy in the -Harvard College Library, and in the Boston Public Library,—which last -belonged to George Ticknor, who had used George Livermore’s copy before -he himself possessed the book. Ticknor’s _Spanish Literature_, i. 188; -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, x. 431. - -[236] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 220; Stevens, _Historical Collections_, -vol. i. no. 242. There is a copy in Harvard College Library. - -[237] We know that Ferdinand bought a copy of this book in 1537; cf. -Harrisse, _Fernand Colomb_, p. 27. - -[238] _Historical Collections_, vol. i, no. 1,554. - -[239] On the question of the connection of Columbus with his second -companion, Donna Beatrix Enriquez who was of a respectable family in -Cordova,—that there was a marriage tie has been claimed by Herrera, -Tiraboschi, Bossi, Roselly de Lorgues, Barry, and Cadoret (_Vie -de Colomb_, Paris, 1869, appendix); and that there was no such -tie, by Napione (_Patria di Colombo_ and Introduction to _Codice -Colombo-Americano_), Spotorno, Navarrete, Humboldt, and Irving. Cf. -_Historical Magazine_ (August, 1867), p. 225; _Revue des questions -historiques_ (1879), XXV. 213; Angelo Sanguinetti’s _Sull’origine di -Ferdinando Colombo_ (Genoa, 1876), p. 55; Giuseppe Antonio Dondero’s -_L’onestá di Cristoforo Colombo_ (Genoa, 1877), p. 213; Harrisse, -_Fernand Colomb_, p. 2; D’Avezac, in _Bulletin de la Société de -Géographie_ (1872), p. 19. It may be noted that Ferdinand de Galardi, -in dedicating his _Traité politique_ (Leyden, 1660) to Don Pedro Colon, -refers to Ferdinand Colon as “Fernando Henriquez.” (Stevens, _Bibl. -Geog._, no. 1,147). - -The inference from Columbus’ final testamentary language is certainly -against the lady’s chastity. In his codicil he enjoins his son Diego -to provide for the respectable maintenance of the mother of Ferdinand, -“for the discharge of my conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul.” -Irving and others refer to this as the compunction of the last hours -of the testator. De Lorgues tries to show that this codicil was made -April 1, 1502 (though others claim that the document of this date was -another will, not yet found), and only copied at Segovia, Aug. 25, -1505, and deposited in legal form with a notary at Valladolid, May -19, 1506. Columbus dying May 20,—the effect of all which is only to -carry back, much to Columbus’ credit, the compunction to an earlier -date. The will (1498), but not the codicil, is given in Irving, app. -xxxiv. Cancellieri, in his _Dissertazioni_, gives it imperfectly; but -it is accurately given in the _Transactions_ of the Genoa Academy. Cf. -Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_) p. 160; Torre’s _Scritti di Colombo; -Colon en Quisqueya_, Santo Domingo (1877), pp. 81, 99; _Cartas y -testamento_, Madrid, 1880; Navarrete, _Coleccion_; and elsewhere. - -[240] De Lorgues, on the authority of Zúñiga (_Anales eclesiásticos_, -p. 496), says he was born Aug. 29, 1487, and not Aug. 15, 1488, as -Navarrete and Humboldt had said. Harrisse (_Fernand Colomb_, p. 1) -alleges the authority of the executor of his will for the date Aug. 15, -1488. The inscription on his supposed grave would make him born Sept. -28, 1488. - -[241] Prescott (_Ferdinand and Isabella_, ii. 507) speaks of Ferdinand -Columbus’ “experience and opportunities, combined with uncommon -literary attainments.” Harrisse calculates his income from the bequest -of his father, and from pensions, at about 180,000 francs of the -present day. (_Fernand Colomb_, p. 29.) - -[242] There has been close scrutiny of the publications of Europe in -all tongues for the half century and more following the sketch of -Guistiniani in 1516, till the publication of the earliest considerable -account of Columbus in the Ulloa version of 1571, to gather some -records of the growth or vicissitudes of the fame of the great -discoverer, and of the interest felt by the European public in the -progress of events in the New World. Harrisse’s _Bibliotheca Americana -Vetustissima_, and his _Additions_ to the same, give us the completest -record down to 1550, coupled with the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ for the -whole period. - -[243] A copy of the inscription on his tomb in Seville, with a -communication by George Sumner, is printed in Major’s _Select Letters -of Columbus_, p. lxxxi. - -[244] Cf. Edwards, _Memoirs of Libraries_, and a Memoir of Ferdinand, -by Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete, in _Colec. de doc. inéd._, vol. -xvi. A fac-simile of the first page of the manuscript catalogue of the -books, made by Ferdinand himself, is given in Harrisse’s _D. Fernando -Colon_, of which the annexed is the heading:— - -[Illustration] - -There is a list of the books in B. Gallardo’s _Ensayo de una -bibliotheca de libros españoles raros_. Harrisse gives the fullest -account of Ferdinand and his migrations, which can be in part traced by -the inscriptions in his books of the place of their purchase; for he -had the habit of so marking them. Cf. a paper on Ferdinand, by W. M. -Wood, in _Once a Week_, xii. 165. - -[245] Barcia says that Baliano began printing it simultaneously in -Spanish, Italian, and Latin; but only the Italian seems to have been -completed, or at least is the only one known to bibliographers. (_Notes -on Columbus_, p. 24.) Oettinger (_Bibl. biog._, Leipsic, 1850) is in -error in giving an edition at Madrid in 1530. The 1571 Italian edition -is very rare; there are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and -Lenox libraries. Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._ Leclerc (no. 138) -prices it at 200 francs. The Sobolewski copy (no. 3,756) sold in 1873 -for 285 francs, was again sold in 1884 in the Court Sale, no. 77. -The _Murphy Catalogue_ (no. 2,881) shows a copy. This Ulloa version -has since appeared somewhat altered, with several letters added,—in -1614 (Milan, priced in 1832, by Rich, at £1 10_s._; recently, at 75 -francs; Carter-Brown, ii. 165); in 1676 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol. -ii. no. 1,141, priced at 35 francs and 45 marks); in 1678 (Venice, -Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,181, priced at 50 francs); in 1681 (Paris, -Court Sale, no. 79); in 1685 (Venice, Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,310, -priced at £1 8_s._); and later, in 1709 (Harvard College Library), -1728, etc.; and for the last time in 1867, revised by Giulio Antimaco, -published in London, though of Italian manufacture. Cancellieri cites -editions of 1618 and 1672. A French translation, _La Vie de Cristofle -Colomb_, was made by Cotolendi, and published in 1681 at Paris. There -are copies in the Harvard College and Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. -ii. no. 1,215) libraries. It is worth from $6 to $10. A new French -version, “traduite et annotée par E. Muller,” appeared in Paris -in 1879, the editor calling the 1681 version “tronqué, incorrect, -décharné, glacial.” An English version appears in the chief collections -of Voyages and Travels,—Churchill (ii. 479), Kerr (iii. 1), and -Pinkerton (xii. 1). Barcia gave it a Spanish dress after Ulloa’s, -and this was printed in his _Historiadores primitivos de las Indias -occidentales_, at Madrid, in 1749, being found in vol. i. pp. 1-128. -(Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 893.) - -[246] _Historical Collections_ (1881), vol. i. no. 1,379. - -[247] The Spanish title of Harrisse’s book is _D. Fernando Colon, -historiador de su padre: Ensayo crítico, Sevilla_, 1871. It was not -published as originally written till the next year (1872), when it bore -the title, _Fernand Colomb: sa vie, ses œuvres; Essai critique_. Paris, -Tross, 1872. Cf. Arana, _Bibliog. de obras anónimas_ Santiago de Chile -(1882), no. 176. - -[248] Le Comte Adolphe de Circourt in the _Revue des questions -historiques_, xi. 520; and _Ausland_ (1873). p. 241, etc. - -[249] Harrisse, _Fernand Colomb_, p. 152. - -[250] Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,478. Also in 1558, 1559. - -[251] Sabin, vol. v. no. 17,971. - -[252] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 293. - -[253] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 340; Leclerc, nos. 226-228; J. J. -Cooke, no. 575. There were other editions in 1583 and 1585; they have a -map of Columbus’ discoveries. Sabin, vol. vii. no. 26,500. - -[254] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,161-6,162; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 509. -There was a second edition, _Bibliotheca, sive thesaurus virtutis et -gloriæ_, in 1628. - -[255] Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,195. - -[256] He assumed his mother’s name, but sometimes added his -father’s,—Herrera y Tordesillas. Irving (app. xxxi. to his _Life of -Columbus_) says he was born in 1565. - -[257] _Life of Columbus_, app. xxxi.; Herrera’s account of Columbus is -given in Kerr’s _Voyages_, iii. 242. - -[258] _Central America_, i. 317; cf. his _Chroniclers_, p. 22. - -[259] _Dictionary_; also issued separately with that of Hennepin. - -[260] In comparing Rich’s (1832, £4 4_s._) and recent prices, there -does not seem to be much appreciation in the value of the book during -the last fifty years for ordinary copies; but Quaritch has priced the -Beckford (no. 735, copy so high as £52. There are copies in the Library -of Congress, Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Boston Public Library. -Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_; Sabin, no. 31,544; Carter-Brown, ii. 2; -Murphy, 1206; Court, 169. - -[261] Sabin, no. 31,539. This _Descripcion_ was translated into -Latin by Barlæus, and with other tracts joined to it was printed at -Amsterdam, in 1622, as _Novus orbis sive descriptio Indiæ occidentalis_ -(Carter-Brown) vol. ii., no. 266; Sabin, no. 31,540; it is in our -principal libraries, and is worth $10 or $15). It copies the maps of -the Madrid edition, and is frequently cited as Colin’s edition. The -Latin was used in 1624 in part by De Bry, part xii. of the _Grands -voyages_. (Camus, pp. 147, 160; Tiele, pp. 56, 312, who followed other -engravings than Herrera’s for the Incas). There was a Dutch version, -_Nieuwe Werelt_, by the same publisher, in 1622 (Sabin, no. 31,542; -Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 264), and a French (Sabin, no. 31,543; -Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 265; Rich, 1832, £1 10_s._; Quaritch, £2 -12_s._ 6_d._). - -[262] There are copies in the Boston Athenæum, Boston Public, and -Harvard College libraries (Sabin, nos. 31,541, 31,546; Carter-Brown, -vol. iii. nos. 376, 450; Huth, vol. ii. no. 683; Leclerc, no. 278, one -hundred and thirty francs; Field, no. 689; ordinary copies are priced -at £3 or £4; large paper at £10 or £12). A rival but inferior edition -was issued at Antwerp in 1728, without maps, and with De Bry’s instead -of Herrera’s engravings (Sabin, no. 31,545). A French version was -begun at Paris in 1659, but was reissued in 1660-1670 in three volumes -(Sabin, nos. 31,548-31,550; Field, no. 690; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. -875; Leclerc, no. 282, sixty francs), including only three decades. -Portions were included in the Dutch collection of Van der Aa (Sabin, -nos. 31,551, etc.; Carter-Brown, iii. 111). It is also included in -Hulsius, part xviii. (Carter-Brown, i. 496). The English translation of -the first three decades, by Captain John Stevens, is in six volumes, -London, 1725-1726; but a good many liberties are taken with the text -(Sabin, no. 31,557; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 355). New titles were -given to the same sheets, in 1740, for what is called a second edition -(Sabin, no. 31,558). “How many misstatements are attributed to Herrera -which can be traced no nearer that author than Captain John Stevens’s -English translation? It is absolutely necessary to study this latter -book to see where so many English and American authors have taken -incorrect facts” (H. Stevens, _Bibliotheca Hist._, p. xiii.). - -[263] Such as the _Anales de Aragon_, 1610; the _Compendio historial -de las chrónicas y universal historia de todos los reynos de España_, -1628; Zúñiga’s _Annales eclesiasticos y seculares de Seville_, 1677; -_Los reyes de Aragon, por Pedro Abarca_, 1682; and the _Monarquía de -España, por Don Pedro Salazar de Mendoza_, 1770. The _Varones ilustres -del nuevo mondo_ of Pizarro y Orellana, published at Madrid in 1639, -contained a Life of Columbus, as well as notices of Ojeda, Cortes, -Pizarro, etc. - -[264] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,440; Asher, no. 355; Trömel, no. 366; -Muller (1872), no. 126. - -[265] Sabin, vol. v. no. 21,418. Cf. Arana’s _Bibliografía de obras -anónimas_, Santiago de Chile (1882), no. 143. - -[266] Sabin, vol. x. no. 38,879. Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p. -190) enumerates some of the earlier and later poems, plays, sonnets, -etc., wholly or incidentally illustrating the career of Columbus. Cf. -also his _Fernand Colomb_, p. 131, and Larousse’s _Grand dictionnaire -universel_, vol. iv. The earliest mention of Columbus in English poetry -is in Baptist Goodall’s _Tryall of Trauell_, London, 1630. - -[267] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 45; xii. 65. - -[268] A French version, by C. M. Urano, was published at Paris in -1824; again in 1825. It is subjected to an examination, particularly -as regards the charge of ingratitude against Ferdinand, in the French -edition of Navarrete, i. 309 (Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,464). - -[269] There was a Spanish translation, made by José Garcia de Villalta, -published in Madrid in 1833. - -[270] In vol. iii., “De quelques faits relatifs à Colomb et à Vespuce.” -In vol. i. he reviews the state of knowledge on the subject in -1833. The German text, _Kritische Untersuchungen_, was printed in a -translation by Jules Louis Ideler, of which the best edition is that -of Berlin, 1852, edited by H. Müller. Humboldt never completed this -work. The parts on the early maps, which he had intended, were later -cursorily touched in his introduction to Ghillany’s _Behaim_. Cf. -D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 2, and B. de Xivrey’s _Des premières -relations entre l’Amerique et l’Europe d’après les recherches de A. de -Humboldt_, Paris, 1835,—taken from the _Revue de Paris_. - -[271] _History of Spanish Literature_, i. 190. - -[272] Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 50) speaks of Prescott as -“eloquent but imaginative.” - -[273] The work was patronized by the Pope, and was reproduced in great -luxury of ornamentation in 1879. An English abridgment and adaptation, -by J. J. Barry, was republished in New York in 1869. A Dutch -translation, _Leven en reizen van Columbus_, was printed at Utrecht in -1863. - -[274] Some of the other contributions of this movement are these: -Roselly de Lorgues, _Satan contre Christophe Colomb, ou la prétendue -chute du serviteur de Dieu_, Paris, 1876; Tullio Dandolo’s _I secoli di -Dante e Colombo_, Milan, 1852, and his _Cristoforo Colombo_, Genovese, -1855; P. Ventura de Raulica’s _Cristoforo Colombo rivendicato alla -chiesa_; Eugène Cadoret, _La vie de Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1869,—in -advocacy of canonization; Le Baron van Brocken, _Des vicissitudes -posthumes de Christophe Colomb, et de sa béatification possible_, -Paris, 1865,—which enumerates most of the publications bearing on -the grounds for canonization; Angelo Sanguineti, _La Canonizzazione -di Cristoforo Colombo_, Genoa, 1875,—the same author had published a -_Vita di Colombo_ in 1846; _Sainteté de Christophe Colomb, résumé des -mérites de ce serviteur de Dieu, traduit de l’Italien_, twenty-four -pages; _Civiltà cattolica_, vol. vii.; a paper, “De l’influence de la -religion dans les découvertes du XV^e siècle et dans la découverte -de l’Amérique,” in _Etudes par des Pères de la Compagnie de Jésus_, -October, 1876; Baldi, _Cristoforo Colombo glorificato dal voto -dell’Episcopato Cattolico_, Genoa, 1881. A popular Catholic Life is -Arthur George Knight’s _Christopher Columbus_, London, 1877. - -[275] There are various reviews of it indicated in Poole’s _Index_, p. -29; cf. H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, ii. 488. - -[276] A somewhat similar view is taken by Maury, in _Harpers’ Monthly_, -xlii. 425, 527, in “An Examination of the Claims of Columbus.” - -[277] From which the account of Columbus’ early life is translated in -Becher’s _Landfall of Columbus_, pp. 1-58. - -[278] An English translation, by R. S. H., appeared in Philadelphia -in 1878. We regret not being able to have seen a new work by Henry -Harrisse now in press: _Christophe Colomb, son origine, sa vie, ses -voyages, sa famille, et ses descendants, d’après documents inédits, -avec cinq tableaux généalogiques et un appendice documentaire_. [See -_Postscript_ following this chapter.] - -[279] Fr. Forster, _Columbus, der Entdecker der Neuen Welt_, second -edition, 1846. - -[280] Oscar Peschel, _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, -second edition, 1877. - -[281] Sophus Ruge, _Die Weltanschauung des Columbus_, 1876; _Das -Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, 1883. Cf. Theodor Schott’s “Columbus und -seine Weltanschauung,” in Virchow and Holtzendorff’s _Vorträge_, xiii. -308. - -[282] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 50. - -[283] It appeared in the _Revue contemporaine_, xxiv. 484, and was -drawn out by a paper on a newly discovered portrait of Columbus, -which had been printed by Jomard in the _Bulletin de la Société de -Géographie_; by Valentin Carderera’s _Informe sobre los retratos -de Cristóbal Colon_, printed by the Royal Academy of History at -Madrid, in 1851, in their _Memorias_, vol. viii.; and by an article, -by Isidore Löwenstern, of the Academy of Sciences at Turin, in the -_Revue Archéologique_, x. 181. The paper by Jomard was the incentive -of Carderera. both treatises induced the review of Löwenstern; while -Feuillet de Conches fairly summed up the results. There has been -no thorough account in English. A brief letter on the subject by -Irving (printed in the _Life of Irving_, vol. iv.) was all there -was till Professor J. D. Butler recently traced the pedigree of -the Yanez picture, a copy of which was lately given by Governor -Fairchild to the Historical Society of Wisconsin. Cf. Butler’s paper -in the _Collections_ of that Society, vol. ix. p. 76 (also printed -separately); and articles in _Lippincott’s Magazine_, March, 1883, and -_The Nation_, Nov. 16, 1882. - -[284] The vignette is given in colored fac-simile in Major’s _Select -Letters of Columbus_, 2d edition. Herrera’s picture was reproduced in -the English translation by Stevens, and has been accepted in so late -a publication as Gay’s _Popular History of the United States_, i. 99. -Cf. also the portrait in the 1727-1730 edition of Herrera, and its -equivalent in Montanus, as shown on a later page. There is a vignette -portrait on the titlepage of the 1601 edition of Herrera. - -[285] The edition of Florence, 1551, has no engravings, but gives the -account of Columbus on p. 171. - -[286] _Magazine of American History_, June, 1884, p. 554. - -[287] Cf. _Boletin de la Sociedad geográfica de Madrid_, vol. vi. A -portrait in the collection of the Marquis de Malpica is said closely to -resemble it. One belonging to the Duke of Veraguas is also thought to -be related to it, and is engraved in the French edition of Navarrete. -It is thought Antonio del Rincon, a painter well known in Columbus’ -day, may have painted this Yanez canvas, on the discoverer’s return -from his second voyage. Carderera believed in it, and Banchero, in his -edition of the _Codice Colombo Americano_, adopted it (_Magazine of -American History_, i. 511). The picture now in the Wisconsin Historical -Society’s Rooms is copied directly from the Yanez portrait. - -[288] This Capriolo cut is engraved and accepted in Carderera’s -_Informe_. Löwenstern fails to see how it corresponds to the written -descriptions of Columbus’ person. It is changed somewhat from the -1575 cut; cf. _Magasin pittoresque_, troisième année, p. 316. The two -cuts, one or the other, and a mingling of the two, have given rise -apparently to a variety of imitations. The head on panel preserved now, -or lately, at Cuccaro, and belonging to Fidele Guglielmo Colombo, is -of this type. It was engraved in Napione’s _Della patria di Colombo_, -Florence, 1808. The head by Crispin de Pas, in the _Effigies regum -ac principum_, of an early year in the seventeenth century, is also -traced to these cuts, as well as the engraving by Pieter van Opmeer -in his _Opus chronographicum_, 1611. Landon’s _Galerie historique_ -(Paris, 1805-1809), also shows an imitation; and another is that on -the title of Cancellieri’s _Notizia di Colombo_. Navarrete published -a lithograph of the 1575 cut. Cf. Irving’s letter. A likeness of this -type is reproduced in colors, in a very pleasing way, in Roselly de -Lorgues’ _Christophe Colomb_, 1879, and in woodcut, equally well done, -in the same work; also in J. J. Barry’s adaptation of De Lorgues, New -York, 1869. Another good woodcut of it is given in _Harpers’ Monthly_ -(October, 1882), p. 729. It is also accepted in Torre’s _Scritti di -Colombo_. - -[289] See 3 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., vii. 285; _Proc._, vol. ii. pp. 23, -25, 289. - -[290] There are two portraits thought to have some relation with this -Florentine likeness. One was formerly in the Collection d’Ambras, in -the Tyrol, which was formed by a nephew of Charles V., but was in 1805 -removed to the museum in Vienna. It is on panel, of small size, and has -been engraved in Frankl’s German poem on Columbus. The other is one -whose history Isnardi, in his _Sulla patria di Colombo_, 1838, traces -back for three centuries. It is now, or was lately, in the common -council hall at Cogoleto. - -[291] What is known as the Venetian mosaic portrait of Columbus, -resembling the De Bry in the head, the hands holding a map, is engraved -in _Harpers’ Monthly_, liv. 1. - -[292] A proof-copy of this engraving is among the Tosti Engravings in -the Boston Public Library. - -[293] Engravings from De Bry’s burin also appeared, in 1597, in -Boissard’s _Icones quinquaginta virorum ad vivum effictæ_; again, -in the _Bibliotheca sive thesaurus virtutis et gloriæ_ (Frankfort, -1628-1634), in four volumes, usually ascribed jointly to De Bry and -Boissard; and, finally, in the _Bibliotheca chalcographica_ (Frankfort, -1650-1664), ascribed to Boissard; but the plates are marked Jean -Théodore de Bry. The De Bry type was apparent in the print in Isaac -Bullart’s _Académie des Sciences et des Arts_, Paris, 1682; and a few -years later (1688), an aquaforte engraving by Rosaspina came out in -Paul Freherus’ _Théâtre des hommes célèbres_. For the later use made of -this De Bry likeness, reference may be made, among others, to the works -of Napione and Bossi, Durazzo’s _Eulogium_, the _Historia de Mexico_ -by Francisco Carbajal Espinosa, published at Mexico, in 1862, tome i, -J. J. Smith’s _American Historical and Literary Curiosities_, sundry -editions of Irving’s _Life of Columbus_, and the London (1867) edition -of Ferdinand Columbus’ Life of his father. There is a photograph of -it in Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_. De Bry engraved various other -pictures of Columbus, mostly of small size,—a full-length in the corner -of a half-globe (part vi.); a full-length on the deck of a caravel -(in part iv., re-engraved in Bossi, Charton, etc.); a small vignette -portrait, together with one of Vespucius, in the Latin and German -edition of part iv. (1594); the well-known picture illustrating the -anecdote of the egg (part iv.). Not one of these has any claim to be -other than imaginative. His larger likeness he reproduced in a small -medallion as the title of the Herrera narrative (part xii., German and -Latin, 1623-1624), together with likenesses of Vespucius, Pizarro, and -Magellan. Another reminiscence of the apocryphal egg story is found in -a painting, representing a man in a fur cap, holding up an egg, the -face wearing a grin, which was brought forward a few years ago by Mr. -Rinck, of New York, and which is described and engraved in the _Compte -rendu_ of the Congrès des Américanistes, 1877, ii. 375. - -[294] There was a movement at this time (1845) to erect a monument in -Genoa. - -[295] _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 95. The medallion on the tomb in the -cathedral at Havana is usually said to have been copied from this -picture; but the picture sent to Havana to be used as a model is -said, on better authority, to have been one belonging to the Duke -of Veraguas,—perhaps the one said to be in the Consistorial Hall at -Havana, which has the garb of a familiar of the Inquisition; and -this is represented as the gift of that Duke (_Magazine of American -History_, i. 510). - -[296] It is re-engraved in the English and German translations. -Carderera rejects it; but the portrait in the Archives of the Indies at -Seville is said to be a copy of it; and a copy is in the Pennsylvania -Academy of Arts in Philadelphia. A three-quarters length of Columbus, -representing him in ruff and armor, full face, mustache and imperial, -right hand on a globe, left hand holding a truncheon, called “Cristoval -Colon: copiado de un Quadro origl. que se conserva en la familia,” was -engraved, and marked “Bart. Vazque. la Grabo, 1791.” - -[297] It is still unaccountably retained in the revised 1873 edition. - -[298] Cf. their _Proceedings_, April, 1853. - -[299] It was restored in 1850 (_Magazine of American History_, v. 446). - -[300] Such are the following: (1) In full dress, with ruff and rings, -said to have been painted by Sir Anthony More for Margaret of the -Netherlands, and taken to England in 1590,—engraved in one of the -English editions of Irving, where also has appeared an engraving of a -picture by Juan de Borgoña, painted in 1519 for the Chapter-room of -the Cathedral of Toledo. (2) A full-length in mail, with ruff, in the -Longa or Exchange at Seville, showing a man of thirty or thirty-five -years, which Irving thinks may have been taken for Diego Columbus. -(3) An engraving in Fuchsius’ _Metoposcopia et ophthalmoscopia_, -Strasburg, 1610 (Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vii. 89). (4) An engraving in -N. De Clerck’s _Tooneel der beroemder hertogen_, etc., Delft, 1615,—a -collection of portraits, including also Cortes, Pizarro, Magellan, -Montezuma, etc. (5) A full-length, engraved in Philoponus, 1621. (6) An -old engraving, with pointed beard and ruff, preserved in the National -Library at Paris. (7) The engraving in the _Nieuwe en onbekende -Weereld_ of Montanus, 1671-1673, repeated in Ogilby’s _America_, and -reproduced in Bos’s _Leven en Daden_, and in Herrera, edition 1728. -A fac-simile of it is given herewith. Cf. Ruyter’s _See-Helden_, -Nuremberg, 1661. (8) A copper plate, showing a man with a beard, -with fur trimmings to a close-fitting vestment, one hand holding an -astrolabe, the other pointing upward,—which accompanies a translation -of Thevet’s account of Columbus in the appendix to the Cambridge, 1676, -edition of North’s _Plutarch_. (9) An old woodcut in the _Neueröffnetes -Amphitheatrum_, published at Erfurt in 1723-1724 (_Brinley Catalogue_, -no. 48). (10) A man with curly hair, mustache and imperial, ruff and -armor, with a finger on a globe,—engraved in Cristóbal Cladera’s -_Investigaciones históricas, sobre los principales descubrimientos de -los Españoles en el mar Oceano en el siglo XV. y principios del XVI._, -Madrid, 1794. (11) Columbus and his sons, Diego and Ferdinand, engraved -in Bryan Edwards’ _The History, civil and commercial, of the British -Colonies in the West Indies_, 1794; again, 1801. Feuillet de Conches in -his essay on the portraits calls it a pure fantasy. - -[301] A view of this receptacle of the papers, with the bust and the -portfolio, is given in _Harpers’ Monthly_, vol. liv., December, 1876. - -[302] It is engraved in the first edition of the _Codice diplomatico -Colombo-Americano_, and in the English translation of that book. It is -also re-engraved in the Lenox edition of _Scyllacius_. Another bust in -Genoa is given in the French edition of Navarrete. Of the bust in the -Capitoline Museum at Rome—purely ideal—there is a copy in the New York -Historical Society’s Gallery, no. 134. The effigies on the monument at -Seville, and the bust at Havana, with their costume of the latter part -of the sixteenth century, present no claims for fidelity. Cf. _Magazine -of American History_, i. 510. - -[303] There is a model of it in the Public Library of Boston, a -photograph in Harrisse’s _Notes_, p. 182, and engravings in De Lorgues, -Torri, etc. There is also a view of this monument in an article on -Genoa, the home of Columbus, by O. M. Spencer, in _Harpers’ Monthly_, -vol. liv., December, 1876. The mailed figure on the Capitol steps at -Washington, by Persico, is without claim to notice. There is a colossal -statue at Lima, erected in 1850 by Salvatore Revelli, a marble one at -Nassau (New Providence), and another at Cardeñas, Cuba. - -[304] Navarrete, ii. 316. - -[305] The _Informe de la Real Academia_ says there is no proof of it; -and of the famous inscription.— - -“A Castilla y á Leon Nuevo Mundo dió Colon,”— - -said to have been put on his tomb, there is no evidence that it ever -was actually used, being only proposed in the _Elegías_ of Castellanos, -1588. - -[306] They are in the Archives at Madrid. Harrisse found one in the -Archives of the Duke of Veraguas (_Los restos_, etc., p. 41). The -orders are printed by Roque Cocchia, Prieto, Colmeiro, etc. - -[307] Harrisse, _Los restos_, p. 44. - -[308] Pricto, _Exámen_, etc., p. 18. - -[309] Colmeiro, p. 160. - -[310] Quoted in Harrisse, _Les sépultures_, etc., p. 22. - -[311] _Synodo Diocesan del Arzobispado di Santo Domingo_, p. 13. - -[312] Plans of the chancel, with the disposition of the tombs in 1540 -or 1541, as now supposed, are given in Tejera, p. 10; Cocchia, p. 48, -etc. - -[313] Published both in French and English at Philadelphia in 1796. - -[314] Harrisse, _Los restos_, p. 47. - -[315] Navarrete, ii. 365; Prieto’s _Exámen_, p. 20; Roque Cocchia, p. -280; Harrisse, _Los restos_, app. 4. - -[316] Irving’s account of this transportation is in his _Life of -Columbus_, app. i. Cf. letter of Duke of Veraguas (March 30, 1796) in -_Magazine of American History_, i. 247. At Havana the reinterment took -place with great parade. An oration was delivered by Caballero, the -original manuscript of which is now in the Massachusetts Historical -Society’s Library (cf. _Proceedings_, ii. 105, 168). Prieto (_Los -restos_) prints this oration; Navarrete (vol. ii. pp. 365-381) gives -extracts from the official accounts of the transfer of the remains. - -[317] The Spanish consul is said to have been satisfied with the -precautions. Cf. _Do existen depositadas las cenizas de Colon?_ by Don -José de Echeverri (Santander, 1878). There are views of the Cathedral -in Hazard’s _Santo Domingo_, p. 224, and elsewhere. - -[318] Which some have supposed was received in Columbus’ body in his -early piratical days. - -[319] This plate was discovered on a later examination. - -[320] Both of these inscriptions are given in fac-simile in Cocchia, -p. 290; in Tejera, p. 30; and in Armas, who calls it “inscripcion -auténtica—escritura gótica-alemana” of the sixteenth century. - -[321] Fac-similes of these are given in the _Informe de la Real -Academia_, Tejera (pp. 33, 34), Prieto, Cocchia (pp. 170, 171), Shea’s -paper, and in Armas, who calls the inscription, “Apócrifas—escritura -inglesa de la épocha actual.” - -[322] _Descubrimiento de los verdaderos restos de Cristóbal Colon: -carta pastoral_, Santo Domingo, 1877,—reprinted in _Informe de la Real -Academia_, p. 191, etc. - -[323] The Bishop, in his subsequent _Los restos de Colon_ (Santo -Domingo, 1879), written after his honesty in the matter was impugned, -and with the aim of giving a full exposition, shows, in cap. xviii. -how the discovery, as he claimed it, interested the world. Various -contemporaneous documents are also given in _Colon en Quisqueya, -Coleccion de documentos_, etc., Santo Domingo, 1877. A movement was -made to erect a monument in Santo Domingo, and some response was -received from the United States. _New Jersey Historical Society’s -Proceedings_, v. 134; _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, iii. 465. - -[324] Mr. J. C. Brevoort, in “Where are the Remains of Columbus?” in -_Magazine of American History_, ii. 157, suggests that the “D. de la -A.” means “Dignidad de la Almirantazgo.” - -[325] This was a view advanced by J. I. de Armas in a Caracas -newspaper, later set forth in his _Las cenizas de Cristóbal Colon -suplantadas en la Catedral de Santo Domingo_, Caracas, 1881. The same -view is taken by Sir Travers Twiss, in his _Christopher Columbus: A -Monograph on his True Burial-place_ (London, 1879), a paper which -originally appeared in the _Nautical Magazine_. M. A. Baguet, in “Où -sont ces restes de Colomb?” printed in the _Bulletin de la Société -d’Anvers_ (1882), vi. 449, also holds that the remains are those of the -grandson, Cristoval Colon. For an adverse view, see the _Informe_ of -the Amigos del Pais, published at Santo Domingo, 1882. Cf. also Juan -Maria Asensio, _Los restos de Colon_, segunda ed., Sevile, 1881. - -[326] Originally in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, -October, 1878. Cf. also his paper in the _Revue critique_, Jan. 5, -1878, “Les restes mortels de Colomb.” - -[327] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 3. - -[328] Pages 1177-1181: “Ueber das Geburtsjahre des Entdeckers von -America.” - -[329] _Année véritable de la naissance de Christophe Colomb, et revue -chronologique des principales époques de sa vie_, in _Bulletin de la -Société de Géographie_, Juillet, 1872; also printed separately in 1873, -pp. 64. - -[330] Based on a statement in the Italian text of Peter Martyr (1534) -which is not in the original Latin. - -[331] Also in Prévost’s _Voyages_, and in Tiraboschi’s _Letteratura -Italiana_. - -[332] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 252. - -[333] _Nouvelle biographie générale_, xi. 209. - -[334] _Christophe Colomb_, Paris, 1862. - -[335] _Christopher Colomb._ - -[336] _Les marins du XV^e et du XVI^e siècle_, i. 80. - -[337] _Patria di Colombo._ - -[338] _Storia universale._ - -[339] _Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 97; _Ausland_, 1866, p. 1178. - -[340] _Investigaciones históricas_, p. 38. - -[341] _Annali di Genova_,1708, p. 26. - -[342] _Annotationes ad Tacitum._ - -[343] These various later arguments are epitomized in Ruge, _Das -Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 219. - -[344] Charles Malloy’s _Treatise of Affairs Maritime_, 3d ed., London, -1682; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 69. - -[345] Documentary proof, as it was called, has been printed in the -_Revue de Paris_, where (August, 1841) it is said that the certificate -of Columbus’ marriage has been discovered in Corsica. Cf. Margry, -_Navigations Françaises_, p. 357. The views of the Abbé Martin -Casanova, that Columbus was born in Calvi in Corsica, and the act of -the French President of Aug. 6, 1883, approving of the erection of a -monument to Columbus in that town, have been since reviewed by Harrisse -in the _Revue critique_ (18 Juin, 1883), who repeats the arguments for -a belief in Genoa as the birthplace, in a paper, “Christophe Colomb et -la Corse,” which has since been printed separately. - -[346] Domingo de Valtanas, _Compendio de cosas notables de España_, -Seville, 1550; _Bibl. Amer. Vet.,_ no. 183. - -[347] The claim is for Pradello, a village neighboring to Placentia. -Cf. Campi, _Historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza,_, Piacenza, 1651-1662, -which contains a “discorso historico circa la nascita di Colombo,” -etc.; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 67; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. -711. - -[348] Napione, in _Mémoires de l’Académie de Turin_ (1805), xii. 116, -and (1823) xxvii. 73,—the first part being printed separately at -Florence, in 1808, as _Della Patria di Colombo_, while he printed, in -1809, _Del primo scopritore del continente del nuovo mondo_. In the -same year J. D. Lanjuinais published at Paris, in reference to Napione, -his _Christophe Colomb, ou notice d’un livre Italien concernant cet -illustre navigateur_. Cf. the same author’s _Etudes_ (Paris, 1823), -for a sketch of Columbus, pp. 71-94; _Dissertazioni di Francesco -Cancellieri sopra Colombo_, Rome, 1809; and Vicenzio Conti’s historical -account of Montferrat. In 1853 Luigi Colombo, a prelate of the Roman -Church, who claimed descent from an uncle of the Admiral, renewed the -claim in his _Patria e biografia del grande ammiraglio D. Cristoforo -Colombo de’ conti e signori di Cuccaro_, Roma, 1853. Cf. _Notes on -Columbus_, p. 73. - -[349] _Ragionamento nel quale si confirma l’opinione generale intorno -al patria di Cristoforo Colombo_, in vol. iii. of the _Transactions_ of -the Society. - -[350] A view of the alleged house and chamber in which the birth took -place is given in _Harpers’ Monthly_, vol. liv., December, 1876. - -[351] In his _Clarorum Ligurum elogia_, where the Genoese were taunted -for neglecting the fame of Columbus. - -[352] See his will in Navarrete, and in Harrisse’s _Fernan Colon_. - -[353] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. xix, 2. - -[354] The claims of Savona have been urged the most persistently. The -Admiral’s father, it seems to be admitted, removed to Savona before -1469, and lived there some time; and it is found that members of the -Colombo family, even a Cristoforo Colombo, is found there in 1472; but -it is at the same time claimed that this Cristoforo signed himself -as of Genoa. The chief advocate is Belloro, in the _Corres. Astron. -Géograph. du Baron de Zach_, vol. xi., whose argument is epitomized by -Irving, app. v. Cf. Giovanni Tommaso Belloro, _Notizie d’atti esistenti -nel publico archivio de’ notaj di Savona, concernenti la famiglia di -Cristoforo Colombo_, Torino, 1810, reprinted by Spotorno at Genoa in -1821. Sabin (vol. ii. no. 4,565), corrects errors of Harrisse, _Notes -on Columbus_, p. 68. Other claims for these Genoese towns are brought -forward, for which see Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_; J. R. Bartlett, -in _Historical Magazine_, February, 1868, p. 100; Felice Isnardi’s -_Dissertazione_, 1838, and _Nuovi documenti_, 1840, etc. Caleb -Cushing in his _Reminiscences of Spain_, i. 292 (Boston, 1833), gave -considerable attention to the question of Columbus’ nativity. - -[355] Bernardo Pallastrelli’s _Il suocero e la moglie di C. Colombo_ -(Modena, 1871; second ed., 1876), with a genealogy, gives an account -of his wife’s family. Cf. also _Allgemeine Zeitung_, Beilage no. 118 -(1872), and _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873. - -[356] Philip Casoni’s _Annali di Genova_, Genoa, 1708. - -[357] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 73. Harrisse, in his _Les -Colombo de France et d’Italie, fameux marins du XV^e siècle_, 1461-1492 -(Paris, 1874), uses some new material from the archives of Milan, -Paris, and Venice, and gathers all that he can of the Colombos; and -it does not seem probable that the Admiral bore anything more than a -very remote relationship to the family of the famous mariners. Major -(_Select Letters_, p. xliii) has also examined the alleged connection -with the French sea-leader, Caseneuve, or Colon. Cf. Desimoni’s -_Rassegna del nuovo libro di Enrico Harrisse: Les Colombo de France -et d’Italie_ (Parigi, 1874, pp. 17); and the appendices to Irving’s -_Columbus_ (nos. iv. and vi.) and Harrisse’s _Les Colombo_ (no. vi). - -[358] Conferred by the Convention of 1492; ratified April 23, 1497; -confirmed by letter royal, March 14, 1502. - -[359] Such as New Andalusia, on the Isthmus of Darien, intrusted to -Ojeda; and Castilla del Oro, and the region about Veragua, committed to -Nicuessa. There was a certain slight also in this last, inasmuch as Don -Diego had been with the Admiral when he discovered it. - -[360] The ruins of Diego Columbus’ house in Santo Domingo, as they -appeared in 1801, are shown in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 186, and -Samuel Hazard’s _Santo Domingo_, p. 47; also pp. 213, 228. - -[361] Papers relating to Luis Colon’s renunciation of his rights as -Duke of Veraguas, in 1556, are in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y -Panamá_, Madrid, 1883, p. 162. - -[362] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 3. Leclerc (_Bibl. Amer._, no. -137) notes other original family documents priced at 1,000 francs. - -[363] The arms granted by the Spanish sovereigns at Barcelona, May 20, -1493, seem to have been altered at a later date. As depicted by Oviedo, -they are given on an earlier page. Cf. Lopez de Haro, _Nobiliario -general_ (Madrid, 1632), pt. ii. p. 312; Muñoz, _Historia del nuevo -mundo_, p. 165; _Notes and Queries_ (2d series), xii. 530; (5th series) -ii. 152; _Mem. de la Real Academia de Madrid_ (1852), vol. viii.; -Roselly de Lorgues, _Christophe Colomb_ (1856); _Documentos inéditos_ -(1861), xxxi. 295; _Cod. diplom. Colombo-Americano_, p. lxx; Harrisse, -_Notes on Columbus_, p. 168; Charlevoix, _Isle Espagnole_, i. 61, 236, -and the engraving given in Ramusio (1556), iii. 84. I am indebted to -Mr. James Carson Brevoort for guidance upon this point. - -[364] Vol. i. of the _Studi_ is a chronological account of Italian -travellers and voyages, beginning with Grimaldo (1120-1122), and -accompanied by maps showing the routes of the principal ones. Cf. -Theobald Fischer, “Ueber italienische Seekarten und Kartographen des -Mittelalte’s,” in _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu_ -Berlin, xvii. 5. - -As to the work which has been done in the geographical societies -of Germany, we shall have readier knowledge when Dr. Johannes -Müller’s _Die wissenschaftlichen Vereine und Gesellschaften -Deutschlands,—Bibliographie ihrer Veröffentlichungen_, now announced -in Berlin, is made public. One of the most important sale-catalogues -of maps is that of the Prince Alexandre Labanoff Collection, Paris, -1823,—a list now very rare. Nos. 1-112 were given to the world, and -1480-1543 to America separately. - -[365] Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, etc., vol. i., preface, -pp. xxxix, 1, and 194. After the present volume was printed to this -point, and after Vols. III. and IV. were in type, Mr. Arthur James -Weise’s _Discoveries of America to the year 1525_ was published in -New York. A new draft of the Maiollo map of 1527 is about its only -important feature. - -[366] See an enumeration of all these earlier maps and of their -reproductions in part i. of _The Kohl Collection of Early Maps_, by the -present writer. Bianco’s map was reproduced in 1869 at Venice, with -annotations by Oscar Peschel; and Mauro’s in 1866, also at Venice. - -[367] _Literature of Europe_, chap. iii. sect. 4. - -[368] Cf., on the instruments and marine charts of the Arabs, Codine’s -_La mer des Indes_, p. 74; Delambre, _Histoire de l’astronomie du -moyen-âge_; Sédillot’s _Les instruments astronomiques des Arabes_, etc. - -[369] Major, _Prince Henry_ (1868 ed.), pp. 57, 60. There is some -ground for believing that the Northmen were acquainted with the -loadstone in the eleventh century. Prescott (_Ferdinand and Isabella_, -1873 ed., ii. III) indicates the use of it by the Castilians in 1403. -Cf. Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, p. 280; _Journal of the -Franklin Institute_, xxii. 68; _American Journal of Science_, lx. 242. -Cf. the early knowledge regarding the introduction of the compass -in Eden’s Peter Martyr (1555), folio 320; and D’Avezac’s _Aperçus -historiques sur la boussole_, Paris, 1860, 16 pp.; also Humboldt’s -_Cosmos_, Eng. tr. ii. 656. - -[370] For instance, the map of Bianco. The variation in Europe was -always easterly after observations were first made. - -[371] Hakluyt, i. 122. - -[372] _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, xii. 185. - -[373] It is supposed to-day to be in Prince Albert Land, and to make -a revolution in about five hundred years. Acosta contended that there -were four lines of no variation, and Halley, in 1683, contended for -four magnetic poles. - -[374] Cf. notes on p. 661, _et seq._, in Bunbury’s _History of Ancient -Geography_, vol. i., on the ancients’ calculations of latitude and -measurements for longitude. Ptolemy carried the most northern parts -of the known world sixty-three degrees north, and the most southern -parts sixteen degrees south, of the Equator, an extent north and -south of seventy-nine degrees. Marinus of Tyre, who preceded Ptolemy, -stretched the known world, north and south, over eighty-seven degrees. -Marinus had also made the length of the known world 225 degrees east -and west, while Ptolemy reduced it to 177 degrees; but he did not, nor -did Marinus, bound it definitely in the east by an ocean, but he left -its limit in that direction undetermined, as he did that of Africa in -the south, which resulted in making the Indian Ocean in his conception -an inland sea, with the possibility of passing by land from Southern -Africa to Southern Asia, along a parallel. Marinus had been the first -to place the Fortunate Islands farther west than the limits of Spain in -that direction, though he put them only two and a half degrees beyond, -while the meridian of Ferro is nine degrees from the most westerly part -of the main. - -[375] Cf. Lelewel, pl. xxviii., and Santarem, _Histoire de la -cartographie_, iii. 301, and _Atlas_, pl. 15. - -[376] Cf. editions of 1482, 1486, 1513, 1535. - -[377] The earliest instance in a _published_ Spanish map is thought to -be the woodcut which in 1534 appeared at Venice in the combination of -Peter Martyr and Oviedo which Ramusio is thought to have edited. This -map is represented on a later page. - -[378] There was a tendency in the latter part of the sixteenth century -to remove the prime meridian to St. Michael’s, in the Azores, for the -reason that there was no variation in the needle there at that time, -and in ignorance of the forces which to-day at St. Michael’s make -it point twenty-five degrees off the true north. As late as 1634 a -congress of European mathematicians confirmed it at the west edge of -the Isle de Fer (Ferro), the most westerly of the Canaries. - -[379] Edmund Farwell Slafter, _History and Causes of the Incorrect -Latitudes as recorded in the Journals of the Early Writers, Navigators, -and Explorers relating to the Atlantic Coast of North America_ -(1535-1740). Boston: Privately printed, 1882. 20 pages. Reprinted from -the _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._ for April, 1882. - -[380] Regiomontanus,—as Johannes Müller, of Königsberg, in Franconia, -was called, from his town,—published at Nuremberg his _Ephemerides_ -for the interval 1475-1506; and these were what Columbus probably -used. Cf. Alex. Ziegler’s _Regiomontanus, ein geistiger Vorläufer -des Columbus_, Dresden, 1874. Stadius, a professor of mathematics, -published an almanac of this kind in 1545, and the English navigators -used successive editions of this one. - -[381] Cf. Kohl, _Die beiden General-Karten von Amerika_, p. 17, and -Varnhagen’s _Historia geral do Brazil_, i. 432. - -[382] Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 630, 670; Reisch’s _Margarita -philosophica_ (1535), p. 1416; D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 64. - -[383] Cf. Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen-âge_, ii. 160. The rules of -Gemma Frisius for discovering longitude were given in Eden’s _Peter -Martyr_ (1555), folio 360. An earlier book was Francisco Falero’s -_Regimiento para observar in longitud en la mar_, 1535. Cf. E. F. de -Navarrete’s “El problema de la longitud en la mar,” in volume 21 of the -_Doc. inéditos (España)_; and _Vasco da Gama_ (Hakluyt Soc.), pp. 19, -25, 33, 43, 63, 138. - -[384] _The Germaniæ, ex variis scriptoribus perbrevis explicatio_ of -Bilibaldus Pirckeymerus, published in 1530, has a reference to this -eclipse. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 96; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 1,992. -The paragraph is as follows: “Proinde compertum est ex observatione -eclypsis, quæ fuit in mense Septembri anno salutis 1494. Hispaniam -insulam, quatuor ferme horarum intersticio ab Hyspali, quæ Sibilia est -distare, hoc est gradibus 60, qualium est circulus maximus 360, medium -vero insulæ continet gradus 20 circiter in altitudine polari. Navigatur -autem spacium illud communiter in diebus 35 altitudo vero continentis -oppositi, cui Hispani sanctæ Marthæ nomen indidere, circiter graduum -est 12 Darieni vero terra et sinus de Uraca gradus quasi tenent 7½ -in altitudine polari, unde longissimo tractu occidentem versus terra -est, quæ vocatur Mexico et Temistitan, a qua etiam non longa remota est -insula Jucatan cum aliis nuper repertis.” The method of determining -longitude by means of lunar tables dates back to Hipparchus. - -[385] These were the calculations of Regiomontanus (Müller), who calls -himself “Monteregius” in his _Tabulæ astronomice Alfonsi regis_, -published at Venice in the very year (1492) of Columbus’ first voyage. -(Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 83.) At a later day the Portuguese accused -the Spaniards of altering the tables then in use, so as to affect the -position of the Papal line of Demarcation. Barras, quoted by Humboldt, -_Cosmos_, Eng. tr. ii. 671. - -Johann Stoeffler was a leading authority on the methods of defining -latitude and longitude in vogue in the beginning of the new era; cf. -his _Elucidatio fabricæ ususque astrolabii_, Oppenheim, 1513 (colophon -1512), and his edition of _In Procli Diadochi sphæram omnibus numeris -longe absolutissimus commentarius_, Tübingen, 1534, where he names one -hundred and seventy contemporary and earlier writers on the subject. -(Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, nos. 2,633-2,634.) - -[386] The polar distance of the North Star in Columbus’ time was 3° -28´; and yet his calculations made it sometimes 5°, and sometimes 10°. -It is to-day 1° 20´ distant from the true pole. _United States Coast -Survey Report_, 1880, app. xviii. - -[387] Santarem, _Histoire de la cartographie_, vol. ii. p. lix. -Columbus would find here the centre of the earth, as D’Ailly, Mauro, -and Behaim found it at Jerusalem. - -[388] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 658. Humboldt also points out how -Columbus on his second voyage had attempted to fix his longitude by -the declination of the needle (Ibid., ii. 657; v. 54). Cf. a paper on -Columbus and Cabot in the _Nautical Magazine_, July, 1876. - -It is a fact that good luck or skill of some undiscernible sort enabled -Cabot to record some remarkable approximations of longitude in an -age when the wildest chance governed like attempts in others. Cabot -indeed had the navigator’s instinct; and the modern log-book seems to -have owed its origin to his practices and the urgency with which he -impressed the importance of it upon the Muscovy Company. - -[389] Appendix xix. of the _Report of the United States Coast Survey_ -for 1880 (Washington, 1882) is a paper by Charles A. Schott of “Inquiry -into the Variation of the Compass off the Bahama Islands, at the -time of the Landfall of Columbus in 1492,” which is accompanied by a -chart, showing by comparison the lines of non-variation respectively -in 1492, 1600, 1700, 1800, and 1880, as far as they can be made out -from available data. In this chart the line of 1492 runs through -the Azores,—bending east as it proceeds northerly, and west in its -southerly extension. The no-variation line in 1882 leaves the South -American coast between the mouths of the Amazon and the Orinoco, and -strikes the Carolina coast not far from Charleston. The Azores to-day -are in the curve of 25° W. variation, which line leaves the west coast -of Ireland, and after running through the Azores sweeps away to the St. -Lawrence Gulf. - -[390] Navarrete, _Noticia del cosmografo Alonzo de Santa Cruz_. - -[391] Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 672; v. 59. - -[392] _Cosmos_, v. 55. - -[393] _Cosmos_, v. 59. - -[394] Charts of the magnetic curves now made by the Coast Survey -at Washington are capable of supplying, if other means fail, and -particularly in connection with the dipping-needle, data of a ship’s -longitude with but inconsiderable error. The inclination or dip was not -measured till 1576; and Humboldt shows how under some conditions it can -be used also to determine latitude. - -In 1714 the English Government, following an example earlier set -by other governments, offered a reward of £20,000 to any one who -would determine longitude at sea within half a degree. It was -ultimately given to Harrison, a watchmaker who made an improved -marine chronometer. An additional £3,000 was given at the same time -to the widow of Tobias Meyer, who had improved the lunar tables. It -also instigated two ingenious mechanicians, who hit upon the same -principle independently, and worked out its practical application,—the -Philadelphian, Thomas Godfrey, in his “mariner’s bow” (_Penn. Hist. -Soc. Coll._, i. 422); and the Englishman, Hadley, in his well-known -quadrant. - -It can hardly be claimed to-day, with all our modern appliances, that a -ship’s longitude can be ascertained with anything more than approximate -precision. The results from dead-reckoning are to be corrected in three -ways. Observations on the moon will not avoid, except by accident, -errors which may amount to seven or eight miles. The difficulties -of making note of Jupiter’s satellites in their eclipse, under the -most favorable conditions, will be sure to entail an error of a half, -or even a whole, minute. This method, first tried effectively about -1700, was the earliest substantial progress which had been made; -all the attempts of observation on the opposition of planets, the -occultations of stars, the difference of altitude between the moon -and Jupiter, and the changes in the moon’s declination, having failed -of satisfactory results (Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 671). John -Werner, of Nuremberg, as early as 1514, and Gemma Frisius, in 1545, -had suggested the measure of the angle between the altitude of the -moon and some other heavenly body; but it was not till 1615 that it -received a trial at sea, through the assiduity of Baffin. The newer -method of Jupiter’s satellites proved of great value in the hands of -Delisle, the real founder of modern geographical science. By it he cut -off three hundred leagues from the length of the Mediterranean Sea, and -carried Paris two and a half degrees, and Constantinople ten degrees, -farther west. Corrections for two centuries had been chiefly made in a -similar removal of places. For instance, the longitude of Gibraltar had -increased from 7° 50´ W., as Ptolemy handed it down, to 9° 30´ under -Ruscelli, to 13° 30´ under Mercator, and to 14° 30´ under Ortelius. It -is noticeable that Eratosthenes, who two hundred years and more before -Christ was the librarian at Alexandria and chief of its geographical -school, though he made the length of the Mediterranean six hundred -geographical miles too long, did better than Ptolemy three centuries -later, and better even than moderns had done up to 1668, when this sea -was elongated by nearly a third beyond its proper length. Cf. Bunbury, -_History of Ancient Geography_, i. 635; Gosselin, _Géog. des Grecs_, p. -42. Sanson was the last, in 1668, to make this great error. - -The method for discovering longitude which modern experience has -settled upon is the noting at noon, when the weather permits a view of -the sun, of the difference of a chronometer set to a known meridian. -This instrument, with all its modern perfection, is liable to an -error of ten or fifteen seconds in crossing the Atlantic, which may -be largely corrected by a mean, derived from the use of more than -one chronometer. The first proposition to convey time as a means of -deciding longitude dates back to Alonzo de Santa Cruz, who had no -better time-keepers than sand and water clocks (Humboldt, _Cosmos_, -Eng. tr., ii. 672). - -On land, care and favorable circumstances may now place an object -within six or eight yards of its absolute place in relation to the -meridian. Since the laying of the Atlantic cable has made it possible -to use for a test a current which circles the earth in three seconds, -it is significant of minute accuracy, in fixing the difference of time -between Washington and Greenwich, that in the three several attempts to -apply the cable current, the difference between the results has been -less than 7/100 of a second. - -But on shipboard the variation is still great, though the last fifty -years has largely reduced the error. Professor Rogers, of the Harvard -College Observatory, in examining one hundred log-books of Atlantic -steamships, has found an average error of three miles; and he reports -as significant of the superior care of the Cunard commanders that the -error in the logs of their ships was reduced to an average of a mile -and a half. - -[395] Lelewel, ii. 130. - -[396] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 210. - -[397] The breadth east and west of the Old World was marked -variously,—on the Laon globe, 250°; Behaim’s globe, 130°; Schöner’s -globe, 228°; Ruysch’s map, 224°; Sylvanus’ map, 220°; and the -Portuguese chart of 1503, 220°. - -[398] This sea-chart was the first which had been seen in England, and -almanacs at that time had only been known in London for fifteen years, -with their tables for the sun’s declination and the altitude of the -pole-star. - -[399] Cf. _Atti della Società Ligure_, 1867, p. 174, Desimoni in -_Giornale Ligustico_, ii. 52. Bartholomew is also supposed to have been -the maker of an anonymous planisphere of 1489 (Peschel, _Ueber eine -alte Weltkarte_, p. 213). - -[400] Strabo, i. 65. Bunbury, _Ancient Geography_, i. 627, says the -passage is unfortunately mutilated, but the words preserved can clearly -have no other signification. What is left to us of Eratosthenes are -fragments, which were edited by Seidel, at Göttingen, in 1789; again -and better by Bernhardy (Berlin, 1822). Bunbury (vol. i. ch. xvi.) -gives a sufficient survey of his work and opinions. The spherical shape -of the earth was so generally accepted by the learned after the times -of Aristotle and Euclid, that when Eratosthenes in the third century, -B.C. went to some length to prove it, Strabo, who criticised him two -centuries later, thought he had needlessly exerted himself to make -plain what nobody disputed. Eratosthenes was so nearly accurate in his -supposed size of the globe, that his excess over the actual size was -less than one-seventh of its great circle. - -[401] There is a manuscript map of Hispaniola attached to the copy of -the 1511 edition of Peter Martyr in the Colombina Library which is -sometimes ascribed to Columbus; but Harrisse thinks it rather the work -of his brother Bartholomew (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, _Add._, xiii.) A map -of this island, with the native divisions as Columbus found them, is -given in Muñoz. The earliest separate map is in the combined edition of -Peter Martyr and Oviedo edited by Ramusio in Venice in 1534 (Stevens, -_Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 1,778). _Le discours de la navigation de -Jean et Raoul Parmentier, de Dieppe_, including a description of Santo -Domingo, was edited by Ch. Schefer in Paris, 1883; a description of the -“isle de Haity” from _Le grand insulaire et pilotage d’André Thevet_ is -given in its appendix. - -[402] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 647. One of these early engravings is -given on page 15. - -[403] Navarrete, i. 253, 264. - -[404] Navarrete, i. 5. - -[405] Navarrete, iii. 587. - -[406] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 34; Morelli’s _Lettera -rarissima_ (Bassano, 1810), appendix. A “carta nautica” of Columbus is -named under 1501 in the _Atti della Società ligure_, 1867, p. 174, and -_Giornale Ligustico_, ii. 52. - -[407] Of La Cosa, who is said to have been of Basque origin, we know -but little. Peter Martyr tells us that his “cardes” were esteemed, and -mentions finding a map of his in 1514 in Bishop Fonseca’s study. We -know he was with Columbus in his expedition along the southern coast -of Cuba, when the Admiral, in his folly, made his companions sign -the declaration that they were on the coast of Asia. This was during -Columbus’ second voyage, in 1494; and Stevens (_Notes_, etc.) claims -that the way in which La Cosa cuts off Cuba to the west with a line of -green paint—the conventional color for “terra incognita”—indicates this -possibility of connection with the main, as Ruysch’s scroll does in his -map. The interpretation may be correct; but it might still have been -drawn an island from intimations of the natives, though Ocampo did not -circumnavigate it till 1508. The natives of Guanahani distinctly told -Columbus that Cuba was an island, as he relates in his Journal. Stevens -also remarks how La Cosa colors, with the same green, the extension -of Cuba beyond the limits of Columbus’ exploration on the north coast -in 1492. La Cosa, who had been with Ojeda in 1499, and with Rodrigo -de Bastidas in 1501, was killed on the coast in 1509. Cf. Enrique -de Leguina’s _Juan de la Cosa, estudio biográfico_ (Madrid, 1877); -Humboldt’s _Examen critique_ and his _Cosmos_, Eng. tr. ii., 639; De -la Roquette, in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, -Mai, 1862, p. 298; Harrisse’s _Cabots_, pp. 52, 103, 156, and his _Les -Cortereal_, p. 94; and the references in Vol. III. of the present -_History_, p. 8. - -[408] Vol. III. p. 8. The fac-simile there given follows Jomard’s. -Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, p. 40), comparing Jomard’s reproduction -with Humboldt’s description, thinks there are omissions in it. Becher -(_Landfall of Columbus_) speaks of the map as “the clumsy production -of an illiterate seaman.” There is also a reproduction of the American -parts of the map in Weise’s _Discoveries of America_, 1884. - -[409] Ongania, of Venice, announced some years ago a fac-simile -reproduction in his _Raccolta di mappamundi_, edited by Professor -Fischer, of Kiel. It was described in 1873 by Giuseppe Boni in _Cenni -storici della Reale Biblioteca Estense in Modena_, and by Gustavo -Uzielli in his _Studi bibliografici e biografici_, Rome, 1875. - -[410] Pages 143, 158. - -[411] He was born about 1450; _Les Cortereal_, p. 36. Cf. E. do Canto’s -_Os Corte-Reaes_ (1883), p. 28. - -[412] _Les Cortereal_, p. 45. - -[413] See Vol. IV. chap. 1. - -[414] Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 50, translates this. - -[415] Printed for the first time in Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, app. -xvii. From Pasqualigo and Cantino down to the time of Gomara we find no -mention of these events; and Gomara, writing fifty years later, seems -to confound the events of 1500 with those of 1501. Gomara also seems -to have had some Portuguese charts, which we do not now know, when he -says that Cortereal gave his name to some islands in the entrance of -the gulf “Cuadrado” (St. Lawrence?), lying under 50° north latitude. -Further than this, Gomara, as well as Ramusio, seems to have depended -mainly on the Pasqualigo letter; and Herrera followed Gomara (Harrisse, -_Les Cortereal_, p. 59). Harrisse can now collate, as he does (p. 65), -the two narratives of Pasqualigo and Cantino for the first time, and -finds Cortereal’s explorations to have covered the Atlantic coast from -Delaware Bay to Baffin’s Bay, if not farther to the north. - -[416] Harrisse, _Les Cortereal_, p. 71. - -[417] Ibid., p. 96. - -[418] Some have considered that this Atlantic coast in Cantino may in -reality have been Yucatan. But this peninsula was not visited earlier -than 1506, if we suppose Solis and Pinzon reached it, and not earlier -than 1517 if Cordova’s expedition was, as is usually supposed, the -first exploration. The names on this coast, twenty-two in number, are -all legible but six. They resemble those on the Ptolemy maps of 1508 -and 1513, and on Schöner’s globe of 1520, which points to an earlier -map not now known. - -[419] These earliest Spanish voyages are,— - -1. Columbus, Aug. 3, 1492—March 15, 1493. - -2. Columbus, Sept. 25, 1493—June 11, 1496. - -3. Columbus, May 30, 1498—Nov. 25, 1500. - -4. Alonzo de Ojeda, May 20, 1499—June, 1500, to the Orinoco. - -5. Piro Alonzo Niño and Christoval Guerra, June, 1499—April, 1500, to -Paria. - -6. Vicente Yañez Pinzon, December, 1499—September, 1500, to the Amazon. - -7. Diego de Lepe, December, 1499 (?)—June, 1500, to Cape St. Augustin. - -8. Rodrigo de Bastidas, October, 1500—September, 1502, to Panama. - - -[420] The Greenland peninsula seems to have been seen by Cortereal in -1500 or 1501, and to be here called “Ponta d’Asia,” in accordance with -the prevalent view that any mainland hereabout must be Asia. - -[421] See fac-simile on page 112, _post._ - -[422] Plate 43 of his _Géographie du Moyen-âge_. - -[423] De Costa points out that La Cosa complains of the Portuguese -being in this region in 1503. - -[424] _Catalogue_ of February, 1879, pricing a copy of the book, -with the map, at £100. This Quaritch copy is now owned by Mr. C. -H. Kalbfleisch, of New York, and its title is different from the -transcription given in Sabin, the Carter-Brown and Barlow catalogues, -which would seem to indicate that the title was set up three times at -least. - -[425] _Verrazano_, p. 102. - -[426] The editions of 1516 and 1530 have no map, and no _official_ map -was published in Spain till 1790. The Cabot map of 1544 is clearly from -Spanish sources, and Brevoort is inclined to think that the single copy -known is the remainder after a like suppression. The Medina sketch of -1545 is too minute to have conveyed much intelligence of the Spanish -knowledge, and may have been permitted. - -[427] Vol ii. p. 143. - -[428] This edition will come under more particular observation in -connection with Vespucius. There are copies in the Astor Library and -in the libraries of Congress, of the American Antiquarian Society, -and of Trinity College, Hartford (Cooke sale, no. 1,950), and in the -Carter-Brown, Barlow, and Kalbfleisch collections. There was a copy in -the Murphy sale, no. 2,052. - -[429] Cf. Santarem in _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ -(1837), viii. 171, and in his _Recherches sur Vespuce et ses voyages_, -p. 165; Wieser’s _Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 10. It will be seen that -in the Latin quoted in the text there is an incongruity in making a -“Ferdinand” king of Portugal at a time when no such king ruled that -kingdom, but a Ferdinand did govern in Spain. The Admiral could hardly -have been other than Columbus, but it is too much to say that he made -the map, or even had a chief hand in it. - -[430] Cf. Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 620, 621. - -[431] A heliotype fac-simile is given in Vol. III. p. 9, where are -various references and a record of other fac-similes; to which may be -added Varnhagen’s _Novos estudos_ (Vienna, 1874); Ruge’s _Geschichte -des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_; Weise’s _Discoveries of America_; and -on a small scale in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. - -[432] This supposition is not sustained in Wieser’s _Karte des B. -Colombo_ (1893). - -[433] Pope Julius II. (July 28, 1506) gave to Tosinus, the publisher, -the exclusive sale of this edition for six years. It was first issued -in 1507, and had six new maps, besides those of the editions of 1478 -and 1490, but none of America. There are copies in the Carter-Brown -Library; and noted in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,049; and one -was recently priced by Rosenthal, of Munich, at 500 marks. It was -reissued in 1508, with a description of the New World by Beneventanus, -accompanied by this map of Ruysch; and of this 1508 edition there are -copies in the Astor Library, the Library of Congress, of the American -Geographical Society, of Yale College (Cooke sale, vol. ii. no. 1,949), -and in the Carter-Brown and Kalbfleisch collections. One is noted in -the Murphy sale, no. 2,050, which is now at Cornell University. - -[434] H. H. Bancroft (_Central America_, p. 116) curiously intimates -that the dotted line which he gives in his engraving to mark the place -of this vignette, stands for some sort of a _terra incognita_! - -[435] _Les Cortereal_, p. 118. - -[436] Harrisse, Cabots, p. 164. In his _Notes on Columbus_, p. 56, he -conjectures that it sold for forty florins, if it be the same with the -map of the New World which Johannes Trithemus complained in 1507 of his -inability to buy for that price (_Epistolæ familiares_, 1536). - -[437] Its date was altered to 1530 when it appeared in the first -complete edition of Peter Martyr’s _Decades_. There are fac-similes -in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ and in Santarem’s Atlas. It will be -considered further in connection with the naming of America. See -_post_, p. 183. - -[438] Pl. xviii. - -[439] The bibliography of Honter has been traced by G. D. Teutsch in -the _Archiv des Vereins für Siebenbürgische Landeskunde_, neue Folge, -xiii. 137; and an estimate of Honter by F. Teutsch is given in Ibid., -xv. 586. The earliest form of Honter’s book is the _Rudimentorum -cosmographiæ libri duo_, dated 1531, and published at Cracow, in a -tract of thirty-two pages. It is a description of the world in verse, -and touches America in the chapter, “Nomina insularum oceani et maris.” -It is extremely rare, and the only copy to be noted is one priced -by Harrassowitz (_Catalogue_ of 1876, no. 2), of Leipsic, for 225 -marks, and subsequently sold to Tross, of Paris. Most bibliographers -give Cracow, with the date 1534 as the earliest (Sabin, no. 32,792; -Muller, 1877, no. 1,456,—37.50 fl.); there was a Basle edition of -the same year. (Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 194; Wieser, -_Magalhâes-Strasse_, p. 22.) Editions seem to have followed in 1540 -(queried by Sabin, no. 32,793); in 1542 (if Stevens’s designation of -his fac-simile of the map is correct, _Notes_, pl. 3); in 1546, when -the map is inscribed “Universalis cosmographia ... Tiguri, J. H. V. -E. [in monogram], 1546.” (Harrisse, no. 271; Muller, 1877, no. 1,457; -Carter-Brown, no. 143; Sabin, no. 32,794.) The same map, which is part -of an appendix of thirteen maps, was repeated in the Tiguri edition of -1548, and there was another issue the same year at Basle. (Harrisse, -no. 287; Sabin, no. 32,795; Weigel, 1877, no. 1,268.) The maps were -repeated in the 1549 edition. (Sabin, no. 32,796; Carter-Brown, no. -153.) The edition at Antwerp in 1552 leaves off the date. (Harrisse, -no. 287; Weigel, no. 1,269; Murphy, no. 1,252.) It is now called, -_Rvdimentorvm cosmographicorum libri III. cum tabellis geographicis -elegantissimis. De uariarum rerum nomenclaturis per classes, liber I_. -There was a Basle edition the same year. The maps continued to be used -in the Antwerp edition of 1554, the Tiguri of 1558, and the Antwerp of -1660. - -In 1561 the edition published at Basle, _De cosmogaphiæ rudimentis -libri VIII._, was rather tardily furnished with new maps better -corresponding to the developments of American geography. (Muller, 1877, -no. 1,459.) The Tiguri publishers still, however, adhered to the old -plates in their editions of 1565 (Carter-Brown, no. 257; Sabin, no. -32,797); and the same plates again reappeared in an edition, without -place, published in 1570 (Muller, 1877, no. 1,457), in another of -Tiguri in 1583, and in still another without place in 1590 (Murphy, no. -1,253; Muller, 1872, no. 763; Sabin, no. 32,799). - -[440] Harrisse (_Les Cortereal_, p. 121) says there is no Spanish map -showing these discoveries before 1534. - -[441] Vol. III. p. 212, and the present volume, page 170. - -[442] Vol. xl.; also Major’s _Prince Henry_, p. 388. - -[443] J. P. Richter, _Literary Works of Da Vinci_, London, 1883, -quoting the critic, who questions its assignment to the great Italian. - -[444] The Portuguese portolano of about this date given in Kunstmann, -pl. 4, is examined on another page. - -[445] This Strasburg edition is particularly described in D’Avezac’s -_Waltzemüller_, p. 159. (Cf. Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, 176; -his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 117; and Winsor’s _Bibliography of -Ptolemy’s Geography_ sub anno 1522.) The maps closely resemble those -of Waldseemüller in the edition of 1513; and indeed Frisius assigns -them as re-engraved to Martin Ilacomylus, the Greek form of that -geographer’s name. There are copies of this 1522 Ptolemy in the Harvard -College, Carter-Brown, Cornell University, and Barlow libraries, and -one is noted in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,054, which is now in the -Lenox Library. The map of Frisius (Lorenz Friess, as he was called in -unlatinized form) was reproduced in the next Strasburg edition of 1525, -of which there are copies in the Library of Congress, in the New York -Historical Society, Boston Public, Baltimore Mercantile, Carter-Brown, -Trinity College, and the American Antiquarian Society libraries, and in -the collections of William C. Prime and Charles H. Kalbfleisch. There -were two copies in the Murphy sale, nos. 2,055 and 2,056, one of which -is now at Cornell University. Cf. references in Winsor’s _Bibliography -of Ptolemy_. - -This “L. F. 1522” map (see p. 175), as well as the “Admiral’s map,” -was reproduced in the edition of 1535, edited by Servetus, of which -there are copies in the Astor, the Boston Public, and the College of -New Jersey libraries, and in the Carter-Brown and Barlow collections. A -copy is also noted in the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,057, which is now -at Cornell University. - -The American maps of these editions were again reproduced in the -Ptolemy, published at Vienna in 1541, of which there are copies in -the Carter-Brown, Brevoort, and Kalbfleisch collections. Cf. Winsor’s -_Bibliography of Ptolemy_. - -[446] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 133. The edition of 1530 has no -maps (ibid., no. 158). - -[447] There is a copy in the Grenville Collection in the British -Museum. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 144; Zurla, _Fra Mauro_, -p. 9, and his _Marco Polo_, ii. 363. Harrisse, in his _Notes on -Columbus_, p. 56, cites from Morelli’s _Operette_, i. 309, a passage in -which Coppo refers to Columbus. - -[448] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) gives the various ways of spelling -the name by different authors as follows: “Albericus (_Madrignano_, -_Ruchamer_, _Jehan Lambert_); Emeric (_Du Redouer_); Alberico or -Americo (_Gomara_); Morigo (_Hojeda_); Amerrigo (_Muñoz_); Americus -(_Peter Martyr_); Almerigo Florentino (_Vianello_); De Espuche, -Vespuche, Despuche, Vespuccio (_Ramusio_); Vespuchy (_Christ. -Columbus_).” Varnhagen uniformly calls him Amerigo Vespucci; and that -is the signature to the letter written from Spain in 1492 given in the -_Vita_ by Bandini. - -[449] The facts relative to the birth, parentage, and early life of -Vespucci are given by the Abbé Bandini in his _Vita e lettere di -Amerigo Vespucci_, 1745, and are generally accepted by those whose -own researches have been most thorough,—as Humboldt in his _Examen -Critique_; Varnhagen in his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère, ses -écrits, sa vie, et ses navigations_, and in his _Nouvelles recherches_, -p. 41, where he reprints Bandini’s account; and Santarem in his -_Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages_, as the -English translation is called. In relation to representatives of the -family in our day, see Lester’s _Vespucius_, p. 405. The newspapers -within a year have said that two female descendants were living in -Rome, the last male representative dying seven years ago. - -[450] Humboldt says that it cannot be true of either voyage, and relies -for proof upon the documentary evidence of Vespucci’s presence in Spain -during the absence of Columbus upon those expeditions. But he makes -a curious mistake in regard to the first, which, we think, has never -been noticed. Columbus sailed on his first voyage in August, 1492, -and returned in March, 1493. Humboldt asserts that Vespucci could not -have been with him, because the letter written from Cadiz and jointly -signed by him and Donato Nicolini was dated Jan. 30, 1493. But Humboldt -has unaccountably mistaken the date of that letter; it was not 1493, -but 1492, seven months before Columbus sailed on his first voyage. The -_alibi_, therefore, is not proved. There is indeed no positive proof -that Vespucci was not on that voyage; but, on the other hand, there -is nothing known of that period of his life to suggest that he was; -and, moreover, the strong negative evidence is—unusually strong in his -case—that he never claimed to have sailed with Columbus. - -[451] _The history of the Life and Actions of Admiral Christopher -Colon._ By his son, Don Ferdinand Colon. [For the story of this book, -see the previous chapter.—ED.] - -[452] _Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, with other Original -Documents relating to his Four Voyages to the New World._ Translated -and edited by R. H. Major, Esq., of the British Museum, London. Printed -for the Hakluyt Society, 1847. - -[453] The very name he bore had a divine significance, according to the -fanciful interpretation of his son, Don Ferdinand Colon. For as the -name Christopher, or Christophorus,—the Christ-bearer,—was bestowed -upon the Saint who carried the Christ over deep waters at his own -great peril, so had it fallen upon him, who was destined to discover -a new world, “that those Indian nations might become citizens and -inhabitants of the Church triumphant in heaven.” Nor less appropriate -was the family name of Columbus, or Colomba,—a dove,—for him who showed -“those people, who knew him not, which was God’s beloved Son, as the -Holy Ghost did in the figure of a dove at Saint John’s baptism; and -because he also carried the olive-branch and oil of baptism over the -waters of the ocean like Noah’s dove, to denote the peace and union of -these people with the Church, after they had been shut up in the ark of -darkness and confusion.” Saint Christopher carrying Christ, appears as -a vignette on Cosa’s chart. - -[454] _A Discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his Discovery, -etc._ Translated from Ramusio (1550) by Hakluyt for his _Principal -Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation_, 1589, and -in later editions. - -[455] [See Vol. III. chap. i.—ED.] - -[456] For the distinction which possibly Cabot meant to convey between -_terra_ and _insula_, see Biddle’s _Memoir of Sebastian Cabot_ (London -1831), p. 54. - -[457] Humboldt (_Examen critique_, vol. iv.), supported by the -authority of Professor Von der Hugen, of the University of Berlin, -shows that the Italian name Amerigo is derived from the German Amalrich -or Amelrich, which, under the various forms of Amalric, Amalrih, -Amilrich, Amulrich, was spread through Europe by the Goths and other -Northern invaders. - -[458] [See Vol. III. p. 53.—ED.] - -[459] On the 20th of May, according to one edition of the letter,—that -published by Hylacomylus at St-Dié. - -[460] [After a picture in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s -Gallery (no. 253), which is a copy of the best-known portrait of -Vespucius. It is claimed for it that it was painted from life by -Bronzino, and that it had been preserved in the family of Vespucius -till it was committed, in 1845, to Charles Edwards Lester, United -States consul at Genoa. It is engraved in Lester and Foster’s _Life -and Voyages of Americus Vespucius_ (New York, 1846), and described -on p. 414 of that book. Cf. also Sparks’s statement in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, iv. 117. It has been also engraved in Canovai among -the Italian authorities, and was first, I think, in this country, -produced in Philadelphia, in 1815, in Delaplaine’s _Repository of -the Lives and Portraits of distinguished American characters_, and -later in various other places. The likeness of Vespucius in the Royal -Gallery at Naples, painted by Parmigianino, is supposed to be the -one originally in the possession of the Cardinal Alexander Farnese -(_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, iii. 370, by Jomard). -That artist was but eleven years old at the death of Vespucius, and -could not have painted Vespucius from life. A copy in 1853 was placed -in the gallery of the American Antiquarian Society (_Proceedings_, -April, 1853, p. 15; Paine’s _Portraits and Busts_, etc., no. 28). C. -W. Peale’s copy of the likeness in the gallery of the Grand Duke of -Tuscany is in the collection belonging to the Pennsylvania Historical -Society (_Catalogue_, 1872, no. 148). There is also a portrait in the -gallery of the New York Historical Society (_Catalogue_, no. 131), -but the origin of it is not named. De Bry gives vignette portraits -in parts iv., vi., and xii. of his _Grands Voyages_. See Bandini’s -_Vita e lettere di Vespucci_, chap. vii. for an account of the various -likenesses.—ED.] - -[461] “Et quoniam in meis hisce bis geminis navigationibus, tam -varia diversaque, ac tam a nostris rebus, et modis differentia -perspexi, idcirco libellum quempiam, quem Quatuor diætas sive quatuor -navigationes appello, conscribere paravi, conscripsique; in quo maiorem -rerum a me visarum partem distincte satis juxta ingenioi mei tenuitatem -collegi: verumtamen non adhuc publicavi.” From the _Cosmographiæ -introductio_ of Hylacomylus (Martin Waldseemüller). St.-Dié, 1507. -Repeated in essentially the same words in other editions of the letter. - -[462] In the original: _En este viage que este dicho testigo hizo trujo -consigo a Juan de la Cosa, piloto, e Morigo Vespuche, e otros pilotos_. -The testimony of other pilots confirmed that of Ojeda. The records -of this trial are preserved among the archives at Seville, and were -examined by Muñoz, and also by Washington Irving in his studies for the -_Life of Columbus_. See also _ante_, p. 88. - -[463] The title of this work is _Cosmographiæ introductio cum quibusdam -geometriæ ac astronomiæ principiis ad eam rem necessariis. Insuper -quatuor Americi Vespucii navigationes_. The name of the editor, -Martinus Hylacomylus, is not given in the first edition, but appears in -a later, published at Strasburg in 1509. [See _post_, p. 167.—ED.] - -[464] See Major’s _Henry the Navigator_, p. 383. The title of Lud’s -four-leaved book is _Speculi orbis succinctiss. sed neque pœnitenda -neque inelegans declaratio et canon_. - -[465] “_Et quarta orbis pars quam quis Americus invenit, Amerigen quasi -Americi terram, sive Americam nuncupare licet._” - -[466] “_Nunc vero et hæc partes sunt latius lustratæ, et alia quarta -Pars per Americum Vesputium, ut in sequentibus audietur, inventa est, -quam non video cur quis iure vetet ab America inventore, sagacis -ingenii viro, Amerigen quasi Americi terram sive Americam dicendum, cum -et Europa et Asia a mulieribus sua sortitæ sint nomina._” _Hylacomylus._ - -[467] [Vespucci himself says that his mission was “per ajutare a -discoprire.” An astronomer was an important officer of all these early -expeditions. Isabella urged Columbus not to go without one on his -second voyage; and in his narrative of his fourth voyage, Columbus -contends that there is but one infallible method of making a ship’s -reckoning, that employed by astronomers. Cf. Humboldt, _Cosmos_, Eng. -tr., ii. 671.—ED.] - -[468] Herrera,—of whom Robertson says that “of all Spanish writers he -furnishes the fullest and most authentic information upon American -discoveries”—accuses Vespucci of “falsehoods” in pretending to have -visited the Gulf of Paria before Columbus. - -[469] [Varnhagen thinks there is reason to believe, from the letter -of Vianello, that Vespucius made a voyage in 1505 to the northern -coast of South America, when he tracked the shore from the point of -departure on his second voyage as far as Darien; and he is further of -the opinion, from passages in the letters of Francesco Corner, that -Vespucius made still a final voyage with La Cosa to the coast of Darien -(_Postface_ in _Nouvelles recherches_, p. 56). Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. -Vet., Additions_, p. xxvii) gives reasons, from letters discovered by -Rawdon Brown at Venice, for believing that Vespucius made a voyage in -1508.—ED.] - -[470] Cf. Navarrete, iii. 297, for the instructions of the King. - -[471] “Noticias exactas de Americo Vespucio,” in his _Coleccion_, -iii. 315. The narrative in English will be found in Lester’s _Life of -Vespucius_, pp. 112-139. - -[472] May 10, 20, 1497, and Oct. 1, 15, 18, 1499. - -[473] Cf. _Examen critique_, iv. 150, 151, 273-282; v. 111, 112, -197-202; _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 678. - -[474] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 50, 267, 268, 272; Harrisse, -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 57; Navarrete, iii. 317. - -[475] This part is given in English in Lester, p. 175. - -[476] It is translated in Lester, pp. 151-173; cf. Canovai, p. 50. - -[477] These instances are cited by Santarem. Cf. Ternaux’s -_Collection_, vol. ii. - -[478] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 64; Humboldt, _Examen -critique_, v. 209. There were other editions of Albertini in 1519 and -1520, as well as his _De Roma prisca_ of 1523, repeating the credit -of the first discovery in language which Muller says that Harrisse -does not give correctly. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 96, 103, 106; -_Additions_, 56, 74; Muller, _Books on America_ (1872), no. 17. - -[479] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 107. - -[480] Editions at Venice in 1572 and 1589 (Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,161). - -[481] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 96. - -[482] Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,102. - -[483] Carter-Brown, ii. 114. It was reprinted at Florence in 1859, and -at Milan in 1865. - -[484] Santarem enumerates various others; cf. Childe’s translation, -p. 34 etc. Bandini (_Vita e lettere di Vespucci_, cap. vii.) also -enumerates the early references. - -[485] Though Guicciardini died in 1540, his _Historia d’Italia_ -(1494-1532) did not appear at Florence till 1564, and again at Venice -in 1580. Segni, who told the history of Florence from 1527 to 1555, and -died in 1559, was also late in appearing. - -[486] Dec. i. lib. iv. cap. 2; lib. vii. c. 5. - -[487] Robertson based his disbelief largely upon Herrera (_History of -America_, note xxii.). - -[488] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 793; Murphy, no. 142; Leclerc, no. -2,473. There was a German translation in 1748 (Carter-Brown, iii. 866; -Sabin, vol. i. no. 3,150), with annotations, which gave occasion to a -paper by Caleb Cushing in the _North American Review_, xii. 318. - -[489] Santarem reviews this literary warfare of 1788-1789 (Childe’s -translation, p. 140). - -[490] Sabin (_Dictionary_, iii. 312) gives the following contributions -of Canovai: (1) _Difensa d’Amerigo Vespuccio_, Florence, 1796 (15 pp). -(2) _Dissertazione sopra il primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci alle Indie -occidentali_, Florence, 1809. (3) _Elogio d’Amerigo Vespucci ... con -una dissertazione giustificativa_, Florence, 1788; con illustrazioni ed -aggiunte [Cortona], 1789; no place, 1790, Florence, 1798. (4) _Esame -critico del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo_, Florence, -1811. Cf. Il Marquis Gino Capponi, _Osservazioni sull’esame critico -del primo viaggio d’Amerigo Vespucci al nuovo mondo_, Florence, 1811. -Leclerc, no. 400; copy in Harvard College Library. (5) _Lettera allo -Stampat. Sig. P. Allegrini a nome dell’ autore dell’elogio prem. di -Am. Vespucci_, Florence, 1789. (6) _Monumenti relativi al giudizio -pronunziato dall’Accademia Etrusca di Cortona di un Elogio d’Amerigo -Vespucci_, Florence, 1787. (7) _Viaggi d’ Amerigo Vespucci con la vita, -l’elogio e la dissertazione giustificativa_, Florence, 1817; again, -1832. There was an English version of the _Elogio_ printed at New Haven -in 1852. Canovai rejects some documents which Bandini accepted; as, for -instance, the letter in Da Gama, of which there is a version in Lester, -p. 313. Cf. also Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, pp. 67, 69, where it is -reprinted. - -[491] Irving got his cue from this, and calls the voyage of 1497 pure -invention. The documents which Navarrete gives are epitomized in -Lester, p. 395, and reprinted in Varnhagen’s _Nouvelles recherches_, p. -26. - -[492] Childe’s translation, p. 24. - -[493] Childe’s translation, pp. 65, 66. - -[494] There is another laying down of his course in a map published -with a volume not seldom quoted in the present work, and which may be -well described here: _Studi biografici e bibliografici sulla storia -della geografia in Italia publicati in occasione del IIIº Congresso -Geografico Internazionale, Edizione seconda_, Rome, 1882. Vol. i. -contains _Biografia dei viaggiatori Italiani, colla bibliografia delle -loro opere per Pietro Amat di San Filippo_. The special title of vol. -ii. is _Mappamondi, carte nautiche, portolani ed altri monumenti -cartografici specialmente Italiani dei secoli XIII-XVII, per Gustavo -Uzielli e Pietro Amat di San Filippo_. - -[495] He gives his reasons for this landfall in his _Le premier -voyage_, p. 5. - -[496] We have no positive notice of Bermuda being seen earlier than the -record of the Peter Martyr map of 1511. - -[497] See Vol. III. p. 8, and the present volume, p. 115. - -[498] Where (p. 106) he announced his intention to discuss at some -future time the voyages of Vespucius, and to bring forward, “selon -notre habitude,” some new documentary evidence. He has since given -the proposed title: _Americ Vespuce, sa Correspondance_, 1483-1491; -_soixante-huit lettres inédites tirées du porte-feuille des Médicis_, -with annotations. - -[499] See p. 108. - -[500] This Vianello document was printed by Ferraro in his _Relazione_ -in 1875. - -[501] His publications on the subject of Vespucius are as follows: -(1) _Vespuce et son premier voyage, ou notice d’une découverte et -exploration du Golfe du Méxique et des côtes des États-Unis en 1497 -et 1498, avec le texte de trois notes de la main de Colomb_, Paris, -1858. This had originally appeared from the same type in _Bulletin -de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, January and February, 1858; -and a summary of it in English will be found in the _Historical -Magazine_, iv. 98, together with a letter from Varnhagen to Buckingham -Smith. (2) _Examen de quelques points de l’Histoire géographique du -Brésil,—second voyage de Vespuce_, Paris, 1858. (3) _Amerigo Vespucci, -son caractère, ses écrits, sa vie, et ses navigations_, Lima, 1865. -(4) _Le premier voyage de Amerigo Vespucci définitivement expliqué -dans ses détails_, Vienna, 1869. (5) _Nouvelles recherches sur les -derniers voyages du navigateur florentin, et le reste des documents -et éclaircissements sur lui_, Vienna, 1869. (6) _Postface auxt rois -livraisons sur Amerigo Vespucci_, Vienna, 1870. This is also given as -pages 55-57 of the _Nouvelles recherches_, though it is not included -in its contents table. (7) _Ainda Amerigo Vespucci, novos estudos e -achegas, especialmente em favor da interpretaçāo dada à sua 1ª viagem, -em 1497-1498, ás Costas do Yucatan_, Vienna, 1874, eight pages, with -fac-similes of part of Ruysch’s map. Cf. _Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. nac. -do R. de Janeiro_, no. 839. (8) _Cartas de Amerigo Vespucci_, in the -_Rev. do Inst. Hist._, i. 5. - -[502] Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 61. - -[503] It is reprinted in Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 78. The -manuscript is not in Vespucius’ hand (_Bulletin de la Société de -Géographie de Paris_, April, 1858). Varnhagen is not satisfied of its -genuineness. - -[504] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 1, 34; Major, _Prince -Henry_, p. 375; Navarrete, iii. 46, 262; Ramusio, i. 139; Grynæus, -p. 122; Galvano, p. 98. Santarem, in his iconoclastic spirit, will -not allow that Vespucius went on this voyage, or on that with Coelho -in 1503,—holding that the one with Ojeda and La Cosa is the only -indisputable voyage which Vespucius made (Childe’s translation, p. -145), though, as Navarrete also admits, he may have been on these -or other voyages in a subordinate capacity. Santarem cites Lafitau, -Barros, and Osorius as ignoring any such voyage by Vespucius. Vespucius -says he could still see the Great Bear constellation when at 32° -south; but Humboldt points out that it is not visible beyond 26° south -latitude. - -[505] This was a cousin of Lorenzo the Magnificent; he was born in -1463, and died in 1503. Cf. Ranke’s letter in Humboldt’s _Examen -critique_, and translated in Lester’s _Life and Voyages of Vespucius_, -p. 401. Varnhagen has an “Étude bibliographique” on this 1503 letter in -his _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., p. 9. - -[506] Varnhagen is confident (_Postface_ in _Nouvelles recherches_, p. -56) that Vespucius was aware that he had found a new continent, and -thought it no longer Asia, and that the letter of Vespucius, on which -Humboldt based the statement of Vespucius’ dying in the belief that -only Asia had been found, is a forgery. - -[507] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 26; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 74; -Carter-Brown, i. 26; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,919; Brunet, vol. v. -col. 1,155; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 766. - -[508] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 31; Carter-Brown, i. 21; Ternaux, no. 6; -_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 766; Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,154; Huth, -p. 1525. A copy was sold in the Hamilton sale (1884) for £47, and -subsequently held by Quaritch at £55. The _Court Catalogue_ (no. 369) -shows a duplicate from the Munich Library. Harrassowitz, _Rarissima -Americana_ (91 in 1882), no. 1, priced a copy at 1,250 marks. - -[509] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 22. - -[510] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 22; _Bibliotheca -Grenvilliana_, p. 766; Court, no. 368; Quaritch (no. 321, title 12,489) -held a copy at £100. - -[511] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 24. - -[512] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 25; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, ii. 766; -Huth, v. 1525. - -[513] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 27. - -[514] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 28. - -[515] Cf. also Libri (_Catalogue_ of 1859); Brunet, vol. v. col. 1, -155; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 30. “La petite édition de la -lettre de Vespuce à Médicis sur son troisième voyage, imprimée à Paris -chez Gilles de Gourmont, vendue à Londres en 1859 au prix de £32 10s., -et placée dans la riche collection de M. James Lenox de New York, -n’existe plus dans le volume à la fin duquel elle était reliée à la -Bibliothèque Mazarine.” D’Avezac: _Waltzemüller_, p. 5. - -[516] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 29; Huth, v. 1525; Humboldt, _Examen -critique_, v. 7, describing a copy in the Göttingen Library; -_Bibliophile Belge_, v. 302. - -[517] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 30; Carter-Brown, i. 23. A copy was (no. -233) in a sale at Sotheby’s, London, Feb. 22, 1883. It seems probable -that no. 14 of Harrisse’s _Additions_, corresponding to copies in the -Lenox, Trivulziana, and Marciana libraries, is identical with this. - -[518] Harrisse, _Additions_, p. 12, where its first page is said -to have thirty-three lines; but the _Court Catalogue_ (no. 367), -describing what seems to be the same, says it has forty-two lines, and -suggests that it was printed at Cologne about 1503. - -[519] _Additions_, p. 13, describing a copy in the British Museum. -Varnhagen (_Amerigo Vespucci_, Lima, 1865, p. 9) describes another copy -which he had seen. - -[520] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 39; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 24; -Brunet, vol. v. col. 1,155; Court, no. 370; Huth, v. 1526; D’Avezac, -_Waltzemüller_; p. 91. Tross, of Paris, in 1872, issued a vellum -fac-simile reprint in ten copies. Murphy, no. 2,615; Court, no. 371. - -[521] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. 36. - -[522] This title is followed on the same page by a large cut of the -King of Portugal with sceptre and shield. The little plaquette has -six folios, small quarto (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 33). A fac-simile -edition was made by Pilinski at Paris (twenty-five copies), in 1861. -Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 25, with fac-simile of title; Murphy, -no. 2,616; Huth, v. 1525; O’Callaghan, no. 2,328; Cooke, no. 2,519. -There is a copy of this fac-simile, which brings about $5 or $6, in -the Boston Public Library. Cf. also Panzer, _Annalen, Suppl._, no. 561 -_bis_, and Weller, _Repertorium_, no. 335. - -[523] There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (_Catalogue_, vol. -i. no. 586). It seems to be Harrisse’s no. 37, where a copy in the -British Museum is described. - -[524] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) says he describes his no. 38 from -the Carter-Brown and Lenox copies; but the colophon as he gives it does -not correspond with the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, nor with the Dresden -copy as described by Ruge. Cf. also Panzer, _Annalen_, vol. i. p. 271, -no. 561; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 6. - -[525] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 34. - -[526] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 21. - -[527] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 20, following Weller’s -_Repertorium_, no. 320. - -[528] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 40; there is a copy in the Lenox Library. - -[529] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 41; Heber, vol. vi. no. 3,846; Rich, no. -1; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 160. - -[530] Vol. v. col. 1156; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 50. - -[531] _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie d’Anvers_, 1877, p. 349. - -[532] There is a copy of this fac-simile in the Boston Public Library -[G. 302, 22]. Cf. _Historical Magazine_, xxi. 111. - -[533] _Ricerche istorico-critiche circa alle scoperte d’Amerigo -Vespucci con l’aggiunta di una relazione del medesimo fin ora -inedita_ (Florence, 1789), p. 168. He followed, not an original, but -a copy found in the Biblioteca Strozziana. This text is reprinted in -Varnhagen’s _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 83. - -[534] Cf. the _Relazione delle scoperte fatte da C. Colombo, da A. -Vespucci_, etc., following a manuscript in the Ferrara Library, edited -by Professor Ferraro, and published at Bologna in 1875 as no. 144 of -the series _Scelta di curiosità letterarie inedite e rare dal secolo -XIII al XVII_. - -[535] Lucas Rem’s _Tagebuch aus den Jahren 1494-1542_. _Beitrag zur -Handelsgeschichte der Stadt Augsburg. Mitgetheilt mit Bemerkungen und -einem Anhange von noch ungedruckten Briefen und Berichten über die -Entdeckung des newen Seeweges nach Amerika und Ost-Indien, von B. -Greiff._ Augsburg, 1861. This privately printed book in a “kurtzer -Bericht aus der neuen Welt, 1501,” is said to contain an account of a -voyage of Vespucius, probably this one (Muller, _Books on America_, -1877, no. 2,727). - -[536] _Hist. geral do Brazil_ (1854), p. 427. Cf. Navarrete, iii. 281, -294; Bandini, p. 57; Peschel, _Erdkunde_ (1877), p. 275; Callender’s -_Voyages to Terra Australis_ (1866), vol. i.; Ramusio, i. 130, 141. - -[537] That portion of it relating to this voyage is given in English in -Lester, p. 238. - -[538] N. F. Gravier in his _Histoire de Saint-Dié_, published at Épinal -in 1836, p. 202, depicts the character of Lud and the influence of his -press. Lud died at St.-Dié in 1527, at the age of seventy-nine. - -[539] Cf. his _Notes_, etc., p. 35. - -[540] Varnhagen’s _Le premier voyage_, p. 1. - -[541] Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci, son caractère_, etc., p. 28; -D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, p. 46; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., -Additions_, p. xxiv. - -[542] Napione puts it in this year in his _Del primo scopritore_, -Florence, 1809. - -[543] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 87) describes it from a copy -in the British Museum which is noted in the _Grenville Catalogue_, p. -764, no. 6,535. D’Avezac, in 1867, noted, besides the Grenville copy, -one belonging to the Marquis Gino Capponi at Florence, and Varnhagen’s -(_Waltzemüller_, p. 45; Peignot, _Répertoire_, p. 139; Heber, vol. -vi. no. 3,848; Napione, _Del primo scopritore del nuovo mondo_, 1809, -p. 107; Ebert, _Dictionary_, no. 27,542; Ternaux, no. 5). Harrisse in -1872 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxiv), added a fourth copy, -belonging to the Palatina in Florence (Biblioteca Nazionale), and -thinks there may have been formerly a duplicate in that collection, -which Napione describes. The copy described by Peignot may have been -the same with the Heber and Grenville copies; and the Florence copy -mentioned by Harrisse in his _Ferdinand Colomb_, p. 11, may also be -one of those already mentioned. The copy which Brunet later described -in his _Supplément_ passed into the Court Collection (no. 366); and -when that splendid library was sold, in 1884, this copy was considered -its gem, and was bought by Quaritch for £524, but is now owned by Mr. -Chas. H. Kalbfleisch, of New York. The copies known to Varnhagen in -1865 were—one which had belonged to Baccio Valori, used by Bandini; one -which belonged to Gaetano Poggiale, described by Napione; the Grenville -copy; and his own, which had formerly belonged to the Libreria de -Nuestra Señora de las Cuevas de la Cartuja in Seville. The same text -was printed in 1745 in Bandini’s _Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci_, -and in 1817 in Canovai’s _Viaggi d’Americo Vespucci_, where it is -interjected among other matter, voyage by voyage. - -[544] There was also a French edition at Antwerp the same year, and -it was reprinted in Paris in 1830. There were editions in Latin at -Antwerp in 1556, at Tiguri in 1559, and an Elzevir edition in 1632 -(Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 211). - -[545] Cf. Varnhagen, _Le premier voyage_, p. 1. - -[546] Bandini, p. xxv; Bartolozzi, _Recherche_, p. 67. - -[547] Santarem dismisses the claim that Vespucius was the intimate of -either the first or second Duke René. Cf. Childe’s translation, p. -57, and H. Lepage’s _Le Duc René II. et Améric Vespuce_, Nancy, 1875. -Irving (_Columbus_, app. ix.) doubts the view which Major has contended -for. - -[548] Varnhagen, ignorant of Lud, labors to make it clear that Ringmann -must have been the translator (_Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 30); he learned -his error later. - -[549] See the chapters of Bunbury in his _History of Ancient -Geography_, vol. ii., and the articles by De Morgan in Smith’s -_Dictionary of Ancient Biography_, and by Malte-Brun in the _Biographie -universelle_. - -[550] See Vol. IV. p. 35, and this volume, p. 112. - -[551] Cf. D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 8; Lelewel, Moyen-âge, p. 142; -N. F. Gravier, _Histoire de la ville de Saint-Dié_, Épinal, 1836. The -full title of D’Avezac’s work is _Martin Hylacomylus Waltzemüller, -ses ouvrages et ses collaborateurs_. _Voyage d’exploration et de -découvertes à travers quelques épîtres dédicatoires, préfaces, et -opuscules du commencement du XVI^e siècle: notes, causeries, et -digressions bibliographiques et autres par un Géographe Bibliophile_ -(_Extrait des Annales des Voyages_, 1866). Paris, 1867, pp. x. 176, -8vo. D’Avezac, as a learned writer in historical geography, has put -his successors under obligations. See an enumeration of his writings -in Sabin, vol. i. nos. 2,492, etc., and in Leclerc, no. 164, etc., and -the notice in the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society, -April, 1876. He published in the _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie -de Paris_, 1858, and also separately, a valuable paper, _Les voyages -de Améric Vespuce au compte de l’Espagne et les mesures itinéraires -employées par les marins Espagnols et Portugais des XV^e et XVI^e -siècles_ (188 pp.). - -[552] They bear the press-mark of the St.-Dié Association, which is -given in fac-simile in Brunet, vol. ii. no. 316. It is also in the -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 33, and in the _Murphy Catalogue_, p. 94. - -[553] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 35; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., -Additions_, no. 24. - -[554] D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 28. - -[555] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 44; _Additions_, no. 24; D’Avezac, -_Waltzemüller_, p. 31. It is said that an imperfect copy in the -Mazarine Library corresponds as far as it goes. D’Avezac says the -Vatican copy, mentioned by Napione and Foscarini, cannot be found. - -[556] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 45. - -[557] _Catalogue_, no. 679, bought (1884) by President White of Cornell -University. - -[558] _Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 28. - -[559] _Cat. Hist. Brazil, Bibl. Nac. do Rio de Janeiro_, no. 825. - -[560] Described by Humboldt. - -[561] _Catalogue_, i. 356. - -[562] _Waltzemüller_, p. 52, etc. - -[563] Cf. Brunet, ii. 317; Ternaux, no. 10. - -[564] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 46; _Additions_, no. 24. - -[565] _Catalogue_, i. 29. It was Ternaux’s copy, no. 10. - -[566] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 25; Leclerc, no. 600 (100 -francs); D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 58. - -[567] Cf. D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 111, and Orozco y Berra’s -_Cartografia Mexicana_ (Mexico, 1871), p. 19. - -[568] How Europe, which on a modern map would seem to be but one -continent with Asia, became one of three great continents known -to the ancients, is manifest from the world as it was conceived -by Eratosthenes in the third century. In his map the Caspian Sea -was a gulf indented from the Northern Ocean, so that only a small -land-connection existed between Asia and Europe, spanned by the -Caucasus Mountains, with the Euxine on the west and the Caspian on -the east; just as the isthmus at the head of the Arabian Gulf also -joined Libya, or Africa, to Asia. Cf. Bunbury’s _History of Ancient -Geography_, i. 660. - -[569] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 182; but Varnhagen thinks -Humboldt was mistaken so far as Vespucius was concerned. - -[570] As early as 1519, for instance, by Enciso in his _Suma de -geographia_. - -[571] _Examen critique_, i. 181; v. 182. - -[572] Suggested by Pizarro y Orellano in 1639; cf. Navarrete, French -tr., ii. 282. - -[573] _Pilgrimes_, iv. 1433. - -[574] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 291. - -[575] See p. 122. - -[576] Humboldt (_Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 420) particularly instances -his descriptions of the coast of Brazil. For fifteen hundred years, as -Humboldt points out (p. 660), naturalists had known no mention, except -that of Adulis, of snow in the tropical regions, when Vespucius in -1500 saw the snowy mountains of Santa Marta. Humboldt (again in his -_Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 664, 667), according Vespucius higher literary -acquirements than the other early navigators had possessed, speaks of -his extolling not ungracefully the glowing richness of the light and -picturesque grouping and strange aspect of the constellations that -circle the Southern Pole, which is surrounded by so few stars,—and -tells how effectively he quoted Dante at the sight of the four stars, -which were not yet for several years to be called the Southern Cross. -Irving speaks of Vespucius’ narrative as “spirited.” - -[577] Harrisse, no. 60; Brunet, ii. 319. - -[578] Harrisse, _Fernand Colomb_, p. 145. - -[579] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 62; _Additions_, no. 31; Huth, v. 1,526; -Varnhagen, _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 31. Cf. Navarrete, _Opúsculos_, i. 94. - -[580] Equally intended, as Varnhagen (_Le premier voyage_, p. 36), -thinks to be accompanied by the Latin of the _Quattuor navigationes_. - -[581] This little black-letter quarto contains fourteen unnumbered -leaves, and the woodcut on the title is repeated on Bii, _verso_, -E, _recto_, and Eiiii, _verso_. There are five other woodcuts, one -of which is repeated three times. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. -61; also p. 462) reports only the Harvard College copy, which was -received from Obadiah Rich in 1830. There are other entries of this -tract in Panzer, vi. 44, no. 149, under Argentorati (Strasburg), -referring to the _Crevenna Catalogue_, ii. 117; Sabin, vii. 286; -_Grenville Catalogue_, p. 480; Graesse, iii. 94; Henry Stevens’s -_Historical Nuggets_, no. 1,252, pricing a copy in 1862 at £10 10_s._; -Harrassowitz (81, no. 48), pricing one at 1,000 marks; Huth, ii. 602; -Court, no. 145; _Bibliotheca Thottiana_, v. 219; and Humboldt refers -to it in his _Examen critique_, vi. 142, and in his introduction to -Ghillany’s _Behaim_, p. 8, note. Cf. also D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, -p. 114; Major’s _Prince Henry the Navigator_, p. 387, and his paper in -the _Archæologia_, vol. xl.; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 173. -D’Avezac used a copy in the Mazarine Library. A German translation, -printed also by Grüninger at Strasburg, appeared under the title, _Der -Welt Kugel_, etc. (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 32.) Varnhagen -(_Le premier voyage_, p. 36) thinks this German text the original one. - -[582] Cf. Harrisse, _Cabots_, 182; D’Avezac, _Allocution à la Société -de Geographie de Paris_, Oct. 20, 1871, p. 16; and his _Waltzemüller_, -p. 116. - -[583] See this Vol. p. 120. - -[584] No. 4,924 of his _Catalogue_, no. xiv. of that year. - -[585] This Latin text of Bassin was also printed at Venice in 1537 -(_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 156; Leclerc, no. 2,517). Humboldt -(_Examen critique_, iv. 102, 114) and others have been misled by a -similarity of title in supposing that there were other editions of the -_Cosmographiæ introductio_ published at Ingoldstadt in 1529, 1532, and -at Venice in 1535, 1541, 1551, and 1554. This book, however, is only -an abridgment of Apian’s _Cosmographia_, which was originally printed -at Landshut in 1524. Cf. Huth, i. 357; Leclerc, no. 156; D’Avezac, -_Waltzemüller_, p. 124. The Bassin version of the voyages was later the -basis of the accounts, either at length or abridged, or in versions -in other languages, in the _Paesi novamente_ and its translations; -in the _Novus orbis_ of 1532 (it is here given as addressed to René, -King of Sicily and Jerusalem), and later, in Ramusio’s _Viaggi_, vol. -i. (1550); in Eden’s _Treatyse of the Newe India_ (1553); in the -_Historiale description de l’Afrique_ of Leo Africanus (1556),—cf. -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 211, 229; in De Bry, first and second -parts of the Grands voyages, and third and fourth of the _Petits -voyages_, not to name other of the older collections; and among later -ones in Bandini, _Vita e lettere di Vespucci_ (pp. 1, 33, 46, 57), -and in the _Collecção de noticias para a historia e geografia das -nações ultramarinas_ (1812), published by the Royal Academy of Lisbon. -Varnhagen reprints the Latin text in his _Amerigo Vespucci_, p. 34. - -[586] Depicted on p. 118. Cf. Wieser, _Magalhaês-Strasse_, pp. 26, 27. - -[587] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 142. - -[588] The original edition appeared at Vienna in 1514; but it was -reprinted at Strasburg in 1515. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 671; _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, nos. 76, 77, 78; Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, 70; -Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 48. - -[589] See the following section of the present chapter. - -[590] See a fac-simile of this part of the map in the chapter on -Magellan. - -[591] Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), no. 1,272; _Bibliotheca -geographica_, no. 1,824. - -[592] See p. 112. - -[593] See chapter on Magellan. - -[594] Helps, however, cannot trace him at work upon it before 1552, and -he had not finished it in 1561; and for three centuries yet to come it -was to remain in manuscript. - -[595] Book i. cap. 140. - -[596] Harrisse (_Fernand Colomb_, p. 30), says: “The absence of -nautical charts and planispheres, not only in the Colombina, but in all -the muniment offices of Spain, is a signal disappointment. There is one -chart which above all we need,—made by Vespucius, and which, in 1518, -was in the collection of the Infanta Ferdinand, brother of Charles V.” -A copy of Valsequa’s chart of 1439 which belonged to Vespucius, being -marked “Questa ampla pelle di geographia fù pagata da Amerigo Vespucci -cxxx ducati di oro di marco,” was, according to Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. -Vet. Add._, p. xxiii), in existence in Majorca as late as 1838. - -[597] The letters AM appear upon the representation of the New World -contained in it. - -[598] Cf. on Gemma Frisius’ additions to Apianus’ _Cosmographia_, -published in Spanish from the Latin in 1548, what Navarrete says in his -_Opúsculos_, ii. 76. - -[599] Antwerp, 1544, cap. xxx. “America ab inventore Amerio [_sic_] -Vesputio nomen habet;” Antwerp, 1548, adds “alii Bresiliam vocât;” -Paris, 1548, cap. xxx., “de America,” and cap. xxxi. “de insulis apud -Americam;” Paris, 1556, etc. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. -156, 252, 279; _Additions_, nos. 92, 168. - -[600] “Quam ab Americo primo inventore Americam vocant.” - -[601] “Insularum America cognominata obtenditur.” - -[602] Sir Thomas More in his _Utopia_ (which it will he remembered -was an island on which Vespucius is represented as leaving one of his -companions), as published in the 1551 edition at London, speaks of -the general repute of Vespucius’ account,—“Those iiii voyages that be -nowe in printe and abrode in euery mannes handes.” Cf. _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 162. William Cuningham, in his _Cosmographical -Glasse_ (London, 1559), ignores Columbus, and gives Vespucius the -credit of finding “America” in June, 1497 (Ibid., no. 228). - -[603] See p. 119. - -[604] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 178; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 106; -Charles Deane’s paper on Schöner in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -October, 1883. - -[605] _Examen critique_, v. 174. Here is a contemporary’s evidence that -Vespucius supposed the new coasts to be Asia. - -[606] “Tota itaque quod aiunt aberrant cœlo qui hanc continentem -Americâ nuncupari contendunt, cum Americus multo post Columbû eandê -terram adieret, nec cum Hispanis ille, sed cum Portugallensibus, ut -suas merces commutaret, èo se contulito.” It was repeated in the -edition of 1541. - -[607] Pedro de Ledesma, Columbus’ pilot in his third voyage, deposed in -1513 that he considered Paria a part of Asia (Navarrete, iii. 539). - -[608] _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 676. - -[609] Wieser, _Der Portulan des Königs Philipp_, vol. ii. Vienna, 1876. - -[610] See instances cited by Prof. J. D. Butler, _Transactions_ of the -Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, vol. ii. (1873, 1874). There was an -attempt made in 1845, by some within the New York Historical Society, -to render tardy justice to the memory of Columbus by taking his name, -in the form of Columbia, as a national designation of the United -States; but it necessarily failed (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 315). -“Allegania” was an alternative suggestion made at the same time. - -[611] This letter is preserved in the Archives of the Duke of Veraguas. -It has been often printed. Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 149. - -[612] Vizconde de Santarem (Manoel Francisco de Barros y Sousa), -_Researches respecting Americus Vespucius and his Voyages_. Translated -by E.V. Childe (Boston, 1850), 221 pp. 16mo. This is a translation of -the _Recherches historiques, critiques et bibliographiques sur Améric -Vespuce et ses voyages_, which was published in Paris in 1842. Santarem -had before this sought to discredit the voyages claimed for Vespucius -in 1501 and 1503, and had communicated a memoir on the subject to -Navarrete’s _Coleccion_. He also published a paper in the _Bulletin -de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ in October, 1833, and added -to his statements in subsequent numbers (October, 1835; September, -1836; February and September, 1837). These various contributions were -combined and annotated in the _Recherches_, etc., already mentioned. -Cf. his _Memoria e investigaciones históricas sobre los viajes de -Américo Vespucio_, in the _Recueil complet de traités_, vi. 304. -There is a biography of Vespucius, with an appendix of “Pruebas é -ilustraciones” in the _Coleccion de Opúsculos_ of Navarrete, published -(1848) at Madrid, after his death. - -[613] Such, for instance, was Caleb Cushing’s opinion in his -_Reminiscences of Spain_, ii. 234. - -[614] Eng. tr., ii. 680. - -[615] These chapters are reprinted in Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_, -1870-1871. - -[616] His theory was advanced in a paper on “The Origin of the Name -America” in the _Atlantic Monthly_ (March, 1875), xxxv. 291, and in -“Sur l’origine du nom d’Amérique,” in the _Bulletin de la Société de -Géographie de Paris_, June, 1875. He again advanced his theory in the -_New York Nation_, April 10, 1884, to which the editors replied that it -was “fatally ingenious,”—a courteous rejoinder, quite in contrast with -that of H. H. Bancroft in his _Central America_ (i. 291), who charges -the Professor with “seeking fame through foolishness” and his theory. -Marcou’s argument in part depends upon the fact, as he claims, that -Vespucius’ name was properly Albericus or Alberico, and he disputes -the genuineness of autographs which make it Amerigo; but nothing was -more common in those days than variety, for one cause or another, -in the fashioning of names. We find the Florentine’s name variously -written,—Amerigo, Merigo, Almerico, Alberico, Alberigo; and Vespucci, -Vespucy, Vespuchi, Vespuchy, Vesputio, Vespulsius, Despuchi, Espuchi; -or in Latin Vespucius, Vespuccius, and Vesputius. - -[617] The Germans have written more or less to connect themselves with -the name as with the naming,—deducing Amerigo or Americus from the Old -German Emmerich. Cf. Von der Hagen, _Jahrbuch der Berliner Gesellschaft -für Deutsche Sprache_, 1835; _Notes and Queries_, 1856; _Historical -Magazine_, January, 1857, p. 24; Dr. Theodor Vetter in _New York -Nation_, March 20, 1884; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 52. - -[618] Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, ii. 352-368. - -[619] [Cf. the section on the “Historical chorography of South America” -in which the gradual development of the outline of that continent is -traced.—ED.] - -[620] It should be remembered that Columbus on his fourth voyage had -sailed along the coast from Cape Honduras to Nombre de Dios, and that -Vicente Yañez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis, coasting the shores of -the Gulf of Honduras, had sailed within sight of Yucatan in 1506; and -therefore that in 1508 the coast-line was well known from the Cabo de -S. Augustin to Honduras. - -[621] [This name in the early narratives and maps appears as Tarena, -Tariene, or Darien, with a great variety of the latter form. Cf. -Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 326.—ED.] - -[622] This Vasco Nuñez was a bankrupt farmer of Española who went with -Bastidas on his voyage to the Gulf of Urabá and had been so carefully -concealed aboard Enciso’s ship that the officers sent to apprehend -absconding debtors had failed to discover him. - -[623] [See the chapter on Peru.—ED.] - -[624] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.] - -[625] Not the Córdoba of Nicaragua. - -[626] [From this point the story is continued in the chapter on -Cortés.—ED.] - -[627] _Coleccion de los viages y déscubrimientos, que hicieron por mar -los Españoles desde fines del siglio XV._, por Don Martin Fernandez -de Navarrete. The third volume of this series constitutes the _Viages -menores, y los de Vespucio; Poblaciones en el Darien, suplemento -al tomo II_, Madrid, 1829. [Cf. the Introduction to the present -volume.—ED.] - -[628] Cf. _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 436-438; H. H. Bancroft, -_Central America_, i. 198. [Cf. Introduction to the present volume.—ED.] - -[629] [Cf. the chapters on Columbus, Las Casas, and Pizarro.—ED.] - -[630] Navarrete, iii. 5, _note_ 1, and 539, 544; Humboldt, _Examen -critique_, i. 88, _note_. - -[631] _Coleccion_, iii. 538-615. - -[632] Besides this original material, something concerning this first -voyage of Ojeda is contained in Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 132; Las Casas, -ii. 389-434 (all references to Oviedo and Las Casas in this chapter -are to the editions issued by the _Real Academia_); Herrera, dec. i. -lib. 4, chaps. i.-iv.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 4-11, 167, 543-545; -Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 313, and iv. 195, 220; Helps, _Spanish -Conquest_, i. 263, 280, ii. 106; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 9-27; -Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 111, 118, 308; Ruge, _Geschichte des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 322. There is also a notice of Ojeda -by Navarrete in his _Opúsculos_, i. 113. - -[633] [On this see note on p. 7 of the present volume.—ED.] - -[634] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 12, _note_ 1. - -[635] _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 525. - -[636] Page 117, ed. 1532. For other references to this voyage, see -Peter Martyr (dec. i. chap. viii.), whose account is based on the -above; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. v.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, -iii. 11-18, 540-542; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 220; Bancroft, -_Central America_, i. 111; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 28-32. - -[637] Chapters cxii. and cxiii. In Latin in Grynæus, p. 119, edition of -1532. - -[638] Varnhagen, _Examen de quelques points de l’histoire géographique -du Brésil_, pp. 19-24; Varnhagen, _Historia geral do Brazil_ (2d ed.), -i. 78-80. - -[639] Cf. Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 19, _note_. Humboldt (_Examen -critique_, i. 313) says that Vicente Yañez saw the coast forty-eight -days before Cabral left Lisbon. As to the exact date of Vicente Yañez’ -landfall, the _Paesi novamente_ (chap. cxii.) gives it as January -20, while Peter Martyr (dec. i. chap. ix.), who usually follows the -_Paesi novamente_, in his description of this and of the Guerra and -Niño voyages gives it as “Septimo kalendas Februarii,” or January 26. -But the difference is unimportant. [Cf. further the section on the -“Historical Chorography of South America,” in which the question is -further examined.—ED.] - -[640] Navarrete, iii. 547 _et seq._ - -[641] See also Navarrete, _Notice chronologique_, in _Quatre voyages_, -i. 349, and Humboldt, Introduction to Ghillany’s _Behaim_, p. 2, -where he says, in the description of the La Cosa map, that Cabo de S. -Augustin, whose position is very accurately laid down on that map, -was first called Rostro Hermoso, Cabo Sta. Maria de la Consolacion, -and Cabo Sta. Cruz. In this he is probably correct; for if Vicente -Yañez or Lepe did not discover it, how did La Cosa know where to place -it?—unless he revised his map after 1500. This is not likely, as the -map contains no hint of the discoveries made during his third voyage -undertaken with Rodrigo de Bastidas in 1500-1502. Cf. Stevens, _Notes_, -p. 33, note. - -[642] Cf. two _Real provisions_ of date Dec. 5. 1500, in Navarrete, -iii. 82, 83; and see also a _Capitulacion_ and _Asiento_ of date Sept. -5, 1501, in _Documentos inéditos_, xxx. 535. Other references to this -voyage are,—Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. vi.; Navarrete, iii. 18-23; -Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 221; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. -112; and Irving, _Companions_, pp. 33-41. - -[643] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 552-555. - -[644] Ibid., iii. 552. - -[645] Ibid., iii. 80, 81. - -[646] _Capitulacion_, etc., Sept. 14, 1501 (_Documentos inéditos_, -xxxi. 5); _Cédulas_, November, 1501 (_Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 100, -102); another cédula of January, 1502 (_Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. -119). See also Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. vii.; Navarrete, iii. 23, -594; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 314, iv. 221; Bancroft, _Central -America_, i. 113; and Irving, _Companions_, p. 42. - -[647] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 5, and _note_, and p. 539; Humboldt, -_Examen critique_, i. 88, and _note_. [Cf. the section in the present -volume on “The Early Maps of the Spanish and Portuguese Discoveries,” -_ante_, p. 106.—ED.] - -[648] Cf. _Voyage aux régions équinoxiales du nouveau continent fait en -1799, 1800, 1801, 1802, 1803, et 1804, par Alexandre de Humboldt et A. -Bonpland, rédigé par Alexandre de Humboldt, avec un atlas géographique -et physique_ (8 vols.), Paris, 1816-1832. Translated into English by -Helen Maria Williams, and published as _Personal Narrative of Travels -to the Equinoctial Regions_, etc. (7 vols.), London, 1818-1829. There -is another translation, with the same title, by Thomassina Ross (7 -vols.), London, 1818-1829, of which a three-volume edition was brought -out in 1852. - -[649] _Examen critique de l’histoire de la géographie du nouveau -continent_, etc., par A. de Humboldt, Paris, 1836-1839. This was first -published in _Voyage de Humboldt et Bonpland_. Cf. _Bibliography of -Humboldt_, vol. iii. - -[650] (1) With Columbus—September, 1493 to June, 1496. (2) With -Ojeda—May, 1499 to June, 1500. (3) With Bastidas—October, 1500 to -September, 1502. (4) In command—1504 to 1506. (5) In command—1507 to -1508. (6) With Ojeda—1509. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, v. 163; -also Navarrete, _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 208. - -[651] [See further on the La Cosa map, Vol. III. of the present -_History_, p. 8, and the present volume, p. 106, where fac-similes and -sketches are given.—ED.] - -[652] Answers to the sixth question (_Coleccion_, iii. 545), reviewed -by the editor on pp. 591 and 592 of the same volume. - -[653] _Documentos inéditos_, ii. 362. It was partially translated in -Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 186, _note_. - -[654] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, ii. 416. - -[655] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 230. - -[656] _Título_ (1502, April 3), _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 129. - -[657] _Documentos inéditos_, ii. 366. - -[658] Ibid., xxxvii. 459. - -[659] Oviedo, i. 76, and ii. 334; Las Casas, iii. 10. Something may -also be found in Herrera, dec. i. lib. 4, chap. xiv., and in Navarrete, -_Coleccion_, iii. 25; Quintana, _Obras completas_ in _Biblioteca de -autores Españoles_, xix. 281; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, i. 360, iv. -224; Helps, i. 281; and Irving, _Companions_, p. 43-45. - -[660] Vol. i. pp. 114, 183-194. - -[661] Cf. _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 44. - -[662] _Chroniclers_, p. 44. - -[663] [There is a further estimate in another part of the present -work.—ED.] - -[664] _Coleccion_, pp. 28, 168, 591; see also Humboldt, _Examen -critique_, i. 360, and iv. 226; and Irving, _Companions_, pp. 46-53. - -[665] _Coleccion_, iii. 85. - -[666] Ibid., iii. 89. - -[667] Ibid., iii. 91. - -[668] Ibid., iii. 103, 105-107. - -[669] Ibid., ii. 420-436. - -[670] _Tierra de riego_, Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 32. - -[671] Navarrete, iii. 32, _note_ 3. In this note he mentions Enciso’s -_Suma de geografía_ as an authority. - -[672] _Central America_, i. 339, _note_. - -[673] Navarrete, _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 432; but see also -Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 192, _note_. - -[674] Irving, _Companions_, pp. 126-129. See _Memorial que dió el -bachiller Enciso de lo ejecutado por el en defensa de los Reales -derechos en la materia de los indios, in Documentos inéditos_, i. 441. -This document contains, pp. 442-444, the celebrated _requerimiento_ -which Pedrárias was ordered to read to the natives before he seized -their lands. A translation is in Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 397, -_note_. It may also be found in Oviedo, iii. 28. Bancroft in the above -note also indicates the depositary of the _requerimiento_ drawn up for -the use of Ojeda and Nicuesa. With regard to this Cenú expedition, see -also Enciso, _Suma de geografía_, p. 56. - -[675] Cited in this chapter as _Documentos inéditos_. [See further on -this collection in the Introduction to the present volume.—ED.] - -[676] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 109; and see also _Biblioteca -marítima española_, ii. 210, 211. - -[677] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 220. - -[678] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 161. - -[679] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 360. - -[680] Ibid., xxxi. 250. - -[681] _Coleccion_, iii. 169. - -[682] _Coleccion_, iii. 162. - -[683] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 46; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. -228; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 6, chap. xvii. But this discovery is denied -by Harrisse. - -[684] “Collector of penalties.” Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 473. - -[685] [The bibliographical history of Oviedo’s writings is given in the -note following the chapter on Las Casas. Harrisse, who gives a chapter -on Oviedo in his _Christophe Colomb_, p. 97, points out how rarely he -refers to original documents.—ED.] - -[686] _Real cédula por la cual, con referencia á lo capitulado con -Diego de Nicuesa y Alonso de Hojeda, y al nombramiento de ámbos por -cuatro años para gobernadores de Veragua el primero y de Urabá et -segundo, debiendo ser Teniente suyo Juan de la Cosa, se ratifica -el nombramiento á Hojeda_ (June 9, 1508), Navarrete, _Coleccion_, -iii. 116; in the original spelling, and bearing date May 9, 1508, in -_Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 25. The “_capitulado_” mentioned in the -above title is in _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 29-43, and is followed -by the _Real cédula para Xoan de la Cossa sea capitan e gobernador por -Alhonso Doxeda; e en las partes donde esthobiere el dicho Doxeda su -Lugar Thiniente_ (June 9, 1508); and see also _Capitulacion que se toma -con Diego de Nicuesa y Alonso de Ojeda_ (June 9, 1508), _Documentos -inéditos_, xxii. 13. - -[687] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 118; _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. -46; and see also Ibid., p. 52. - -[688] _Cédula_, _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 51. - -[689] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 386 and note; probably presented in -1516. Cf. _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 666. - -[690] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxi. 529, 533. - -[691] Ibid., xxxii. 101. - -[692] Ibid., xxxii. 103. - -[693] Ibid., xxxii. 231, 236, 240, 257. - -[694] See document of October 5, 1511, in Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. -120, and of Oct. 6, 1511, in _Documentos inéditos_, xxxii. 284. - -[695] Other references are Oviedo, ii. 421; Las Casas, iii. 289-311; -Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 7, chaps. vii., -xi., xiv.-xvi., and lib. 8, iii.-v.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 170; -Quintana, _U. S._, pp. 281, 301; Helps, i. 287-296; Bancroft, _Central -America_, i. 289-301; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 54-102. - -[696] See, however, on the career of Nicuesa after leaving Cartagena -the following authorities: Oviedo, ii. 465-477; Las Casas, iii. -329-347; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chaps. ii.-iii.; Herrera, dec. i. -lib. 7, chap. xvi., and lib. 8, chaps. i.-iii. and viii.; _Vidas de -Españoles célebres_ in vol. xix. of _Biblioteca de autores Españoles, -obras completas del Excímo Sr. D. Manuel José Quintana_, p. 283; Helps, -i. 303-317; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 289-308, and 336, _note_; -Irving, _Companions_, pp. 103-117, 138-146. - -[697] Cf. Navarrete, _Biblioteca marítima española_, ii. 409. - -[698] Quintana, _U. S._, pp. 281-300. - -[699] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 358-375. - -[700] _Narrative ... of Pascual de Andagoya_, translated by C. R. -Markham for the Hakluyt Society, 1865, Introduction, pp. iii, xix. - -[701] Oviedo, iii. 4-21; Las Casas, iii. 312-328, iv. 66-134; Peter -Martyr, dec. ii. chaps. iii.-vi., dec. iii. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. -i. lib. 9 and 10, with the exception of chap. vii. of book 10, which -relates to Pedrárias, and of a few other chapters with regard to the -affairs of Velasquez, etc.; Galvano, Hakluyt Society ed., p. 124; -Helps, i. 321-352, and chap. iv. of his _Pizarro_; Bancroft, _Central -America_, i. 129, 133, 330-385, 438; and _Mexico_, iii. 558; Irving, -_Companions_, pp. 136-212 and 254-276; Ruge, _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_, p. 347. - -[702] Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 364, _note_. Irving unluckily -followed Peter Martyr, as Bancroft shows. [Humboldt is inclined to -magnify the significance of the information which Columbus in his -third voyage got, as looking to a knowledge, by the Spaniards, of the -south sea as early as 1503. Cf. his _Relation historique du voyage aux -régions équinoxiales_, iii. 703, 705, 713; _Cosmos_, Eng. tr. (Bohn), -ii. 642; _Views of Nature_ (Bohn), p. 432.—ED.] - -[703] _Coleccion_, iii. 337-342. - -[704] Ibid., iii. 342-355. - -[705] Ibid., iii. 355. - -[706] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 282. - -[707] Ibid., ii. 526; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 375. Cf. Navarrete’s -_nota_ on the credibility of Vasco Nuñez in Ibid., p. 385. Portions of -this letter have been translated by Markham in the notes to pages 1 and -10 of Andagoya’s _Narrative_, published by the Hakluyt Society. - -[708] Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xiii. no. 56,338; also vol. x. no. -41,604. - -[709] Letter from the King to Pedrárias, Sept. 23, 1514 (_Documentos -inéditos_, xxxvii. 285); to Alonso de la Fuente, nuestro Thesoréro de -Castilla del Oro, same date (_Doc. in._, p. 287); to other officials -(_Doc. in._, p. 289); to Vasco Nuñez (_Doc. in._, p. 290). See also -some extracts printed in the same volume, pp. 193-197. - -[710] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 5-75. - -[711] Ibid., xx. 5-119. - -[712] _Carta de Alonso de la Puente_ [_thesoréro_ of Tierra-Firme] -_y Diego Marquez_, 1516 (_Documentos inéditos_, ii. 538); _Carta al -Mr. de Zevres el lycenciado Çuaço_, 1518 (_Documentos inéditos_, i. -304). _Alonso do Çuaço_, or _Zuazo_, was j_uez de Residencia en Santo -Domingo_. Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, i. 292, _note_. - -[713] _Relacion de los sucesos de Pedrárias Dávila en las provincias de -Tierra firme ó Castilla del oro, y de lo occurido en el descubrimiento -de la mar del Sur y costas del Perú y Nicaragua, escrita por el -Adelantado Pascual de Andagoya_, in Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. -393-456. The portion bearing on the events described in this chapter -ends at page 419. This has been translated and edited with notes, a -map, and introduction by Clements R. Markham, in a volume published by -the Hakluyt Society, London, 1865. [Cf. chapter on Peru, and the paper -on Andagoya by Navarrete in his _Opúsculos_, i. 137.—ED.] - -[714] Cf. Navarrete, _Noticia biográfica del Adelantado Pascual de -Andagoya_, _Coleccion_, iii. 457; also _Biblioteca marítima española_, -ii. 519; and Markham’s translation of Andagoya’s _Relacion_, pp. -xx.-xxx. - -[715] [See the bibliography of Herrera on p. 67, ante.—ED.] - -[716] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 311. - -[717] See also Oviedo, iii. 21-51, 83 _et seq._; Las Casas, iv. -135-244; Peter Martyr, dec. ii. chap. vii. dec. iii. chaps. i.-iii., -v., vi., and x., and dec. v. chap. ix.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 1, 2, 3, -dec. iii. lib. 4, 5, 8, 9, and 10 _passim_; Quintana, _U. S._, p. 294; -Helps, i. 353-388; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 386-431; Irving, -_Companions_, pp. 212-276. - -[718] _Documentos inéditos_, xxxvii. 215-231. - -[719] Oviedo, iii. 56; Las Casas, iv. 230-244; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. -chap. ix.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 2, chaps. xiii., xv., and xxi.; -Quintana, _U. S._, pp. 298-299; Helps, i. 389-411; Bancroft, _Central -America_, i. 432-459; Irving, _Companions_, pp. 259-276. Cf. Manuel M. -De Peralta, _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el siglo XVI_. (Madrid, -1883), pp. ix, 707, for documents relating to Pedrárias in Costa Rica -and Nicaragua, and p. 83 for Diego Machuca de Zuazo’s letter to the -Emperor, written from Granada, May 30, 1531, referring to the death of -Pedrárias. - -[720] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 5, partly translated in Bancroft, -_Central America_, i. 480, _note_. - -[721] Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 481, _note_. - -[722] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 20. - -[723] Ibid., xiv. 25. - -[724] Ibid., xiv. 47. - -[725] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 413-418; Markham’s translation, pp. -31-38; see also Oviedo, iii. 65 _et seq._; Las Casas, v. 200 _et seq._; -Peter Martyr, dec. vi. chaps. ii.-viii.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 3, -chap. xv. and lib. 4 etc., dec. iii. lib. 4, chaps. v. and vi.; Helps, -iii. 69-76. - -[726] Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 483, _note_. [See the -Introduction to the present volume.—ED.] - -[727] _Central America_, i. 478-492, 512-521, and 527-538. This letter, -which is dated at Santo Domingo (March 6, 1524), has since been printed -in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en el Siglo XVI_. (Madrid, -1883), p. 3, where is also (p. 27) his _Itinerario_, beginning “21 de -Enero de 1522.” - -[728] For Esquivel and Jamaica, see Herrera, dec. i. lib. 8, chap. -v.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 171. For Ocampo’s voyage, Oviedo, i. -495; Las Casas, iii. 210; Herrera, dec. i. lib. 7, chap. i.; Stevens’s -_Notes_, p. 35; Helps, i. 415, and ii. 165. - -[729] See also Herrera, dec. i. lib. 9, chaps. iv., vii., and xv.; -also lib. 10, chap. viii.; Helps, i. 415-432, and _Vida de Cortés_ in -Icazbalceta, _Coleccion ... para la historia de México_, i. 319-337. -[There is a little contemporary account of the conquest of Cuba in the -Lenox Library, _Provinciæ ... noviter reperta in ultima navigatione_, -which seems to be a Latin version of a Spanish original now lost -(_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 101). On the death of Velasquez, see _Magazine -of American History_, i. 622, 692.—ED.] - -[730] _Coleccion_, iii. 53. - -[731] Oviedo, i. 497; Las Casas, iv. 348-363; Peter Martyr, dec. -iv. chap. i.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. 2, chap. xvii.; Navarrete, -_Coleccion_, iii. 53; Cogolludo, _Historia de Yucatan_, 3; Prescott, -_Mexico_, i. 222; Helps, ii. 211-217; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. -132, and _Mexico_, i. 5-11. - -[732] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.] - -[733] _History of Mexico_, i. 7, _note_ 4. - -[734] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 5, 6, _notes_. - -[735] _Memorial del negocio de D. Antonio Velasquez de Bazan_, etc., -_Documentos Inéditos_, x. 80-86; this extract is on p. 82. - -[736] _Historia verdadera_, chaps. viii.-xiv. - -[737] _Historia general_, i. 502-537. - -[738] As to the identity of Juan Diaz, see note to Bernal Diaz, -_Historia verdadera_, ed. of 1632, folio 6; Oviedo, i. 502; Herrera, -dec. ii. lib. 31, chap. i. As to his future career, see Bancroft, -_Mexico_, ii. 158 and _note_ 5. The full title of this account of -Juan Diaz is: _Itinerario del armata del Re catholico in India verso -la isola de Iuchathan del anno M.D.XVIII. alla qual fu presidente & -capitan generale Ioan de Grisalva: el qual e facto per el capellano -maggior de dicta armata a sua altezza_. - -[739] [A copy of this, which belonged to Ferdinand Columbus, is in the -Cathedral Library at Seville. The book is so scarce that Muñoz used a -manuscript copy; and from Muñoz’ manuscript the one used by Prescott -was copied. Maisonneuve (1882 _Catalogue_, no. 2,980) has recently -priced a copy at 600 francs. There is a copy in the Carter-Brown -Library (_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 65), and was sold the present year -in the Court sale (no. 362). It was reprinted in 1522, 1526 (Murphy, -no, 2,580), and 1535,—the last priced by Maisonneuve (no. 2,981) at -400 francs. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 98, 114, 137, 205, -and _Additions_, no. 59. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (i. 119) puts -a Venice edition, without date, under 1536. Ternaux gives a French -translation in his _Relations et mémoires_, vol. x. Icazbalceta has -given a Spanish version from the Italian, together with the Italian -text, in his _Coleccion de documentos para la historia de México_, i. -281; also see his introduction, p. xv. He points out the errors of -Ternaux’s version. Cf. Bandelier’s “Bibliography of Yucatan” in _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc._ (October, 1880), p. 82. Harrisse in his _Bibl. Amer. -Vet., Additions_, no. 60, cites a _Lettera mādata della insula de -Cuba_, 1520, which he says differs from the account of Juan Diaz.—ED.] - -[740] Las Casas, iv. 421-449. Other references to this voyage -are,—Peter Martyr, dec. iv. chaps. iii. and iv.; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. -3, chaps. i., ii., ix., x., and xi.; Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 55; -Cogolludo, _Historia de Yucathan_, p. 8; Brasseur de Bourbourg, iv. 50; -Helps, ii. 217; Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 132; and _Mexico_, PP. -15-35. - -[741] This map has seemingly some relation to a map, preserved in the -Propaganda at Rome, of which mention is made by Thomassy, _Les papes -géographes_, p. 133. - -[742] See notes following chap. vi. - -[743] Yucatan seems to have been first named, or its name at least -was first recorded, as Yuncatan by Bartholomew Columbus (_Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, p. 471). There are various theories regarding the origin of the -name. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 11, 12; Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 223. -A new Government map of Yucatan was published in 1878 (_Magazine of -American History_, vol. iii. p. 295). - -[744] As given by Kunstmann. See Vol. IV. p. 36 of the present work. - -[745] See notes following chap. vi. - -[746] See _ante_, p. 218. - -[747] See _ante_, p. 43. - -[748] See _ante_, p. 127. - -[749] See Vol. IV. p. 26. - -[750] See _post_, p. 221. - -[751] See Vol. III. p. 11. - -[752] See _post_, p. 223. - -[753] See Vol. IV. p. 42. - -[754] Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 21; Valentini in _Magazine of American -History_, iii. 295, who supposes that the land usually thought to -be an incomplete Cuba in Ruysch’s map of 1508 (p. 115, _ante_) is -really Yucatan, based on the results of the so-called first voyage -of Vespucius, and that its seven Latin names correspond to a part of -the nineteen Portuguese names which are given on the western shore of -the so-called Admiral’s map of the Ptolemy of 1513 (p. 112, _ante_). -Peschel (_Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1865, p. 235) also suggests that -this map is the work of Vespucius. - -[755] Page 43. The best reproduction of it is in Kohl’s _Die beiden -ältesten General-Karten von Amerika_; and there is another fac-simile -in Santarem’s _Atlas_, no. xiv. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. -184, and his preface to Ghillany’s _Behaim_; Harrisse, _Cabots_, pp. -69, 172; Murr, _Memorabilia bibliothecarum_ (Nuremberg, 1786), ii. -97; Lindenau, _Correspondance de Zach_ (October, 1810); Lelewel, -_Géographie du moyen-âge_, ii. 110; 110; _Ocean Highways_ (1872). - -[756] _Les papes géographes_, p. 118. - -[757] See Vol. IV. p. 38. - -[758] Cf. Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iii. 184; _Gazetta letteraria -universale_ (May, 1796), p. 468; Santarem in _Bulletin de la Société de -Géographie_ (1847), vii. 310, and in his _Recherches sur la découverte -des pays au-delà du Cap-Bojador_, pp. xxiii and 125; Murr, _Histoire -diplomatique de Behaim_, p. 26; Lelewel, _Géographie du moyen-âge_, ii. -166. - -[759] See _ante_, p. 92. - -[760] One hundred copies issued. - -[761] Dr. J. Chavanne in _Mittheilungen der k. k. geographischen -Gesellschaft in Wien_ (1875), p. 485; A. Steinhauser in Ibid., p. -588; _Petermann’s Mittheilungen_ (1876), p. 52; Malte-Brun in the -_Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris_ (1876), p. 625; Dr. -Franz Wieser’s “Der Portulan des Infanten und nachmaligen Königs -Philipp II. von Spanien,” printed in the _Sitzungsberichte der -philosophisch-historischen Classe der kaiserlichen Akademie der -Wissenschaften in Wien_, lxxxii. 541 (March, 1876), and also printed -separately. - -[762] _Cabots_, p. 168. - -[763] See Vol. III. p. 19 - -[764] _Catalogue_, no. 349, p. 1277. - -[765] Cf. Vincenzo Promis, _Memoriale di Diego Colombo con nota sulla -bolla di Alessandro VI_. (Torino, 1869), p. 11; Heinrich Wuttke, “Zur -Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Hälfte des Mittelalters,” in the -_Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_ (1870), vol. vi. -and vii. p. 61, etc.; Wieser, _Der Portulan_, etc., p. 15. - -[766] Vol. IV. p. 26. - -[767] Vol. III. p. 17. - -[768] See _post_, p. 432. - -[769] Vol. III. p. 11. - -[770] Vol. IV. p. 46. - -[771] Vol. IV. p. 40. - -[772] Kohl, ignorant of the Peter Martyr map of 1511 (see p. 110), -mistakes in considering that the map must be assigned to a date later -than 1530, for the reason that the Bermudas are shown in it. - -[773] This may be the map referred to by R. H. Schomburgk in his -_Barbadoes_ (London, 1848), as being in the British Museum, to which -it was restored in 1790, after having been in the possession of Edward -Harley and Sir Joseph Banks. - -[774] See Vol. IV. p. 41. - -[775] See _ante_, p. 177. - -[776] See Vol. IV. p. 42. - -[777] Cf. Schomburgk’s _Barbadoes_, p. 256. - -[778] See “Hist. Chorography of S. America.” - -[779] See Vol. IV. p. 43, and fac-simile given in “Hist. Chorography of -South America.” - -[780] See “Hist. Chorography of S. America.” - -[781] Figured in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, -1870. - -[782] See _post_, p. 433. - -[783] See _post_, p. 450. - -[784] See _post_, p. 438. - -[785] See Vol. IV. p. 93. - -[786] See Vol. IV. p. 79. - -[787] See _post_, p. 449. - -[788] See Vol. IV. pp. 94, 373. - -[789] See Vol. IV. p. 95. - -[790] See Vol. IV. p. 96. - -[791] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 97. - -[792] Harrisse, _Jean et Sebastien Cabot, leur origine et leurs -voyages_ (Paris, 1882), pp. 97-104. The Cabot claim appears in Peter -Martyr, _Decades_ (Basle, 1533), dec. iii. lib. 6, folio 55; Ramusio, -_Viaggi_ (1550-1553), tom. i. folio 414; Jacob Ziegler, _Opera varia_ -(Argentorati, 1532), folio xcii. [Cf. the present _History_ Vol. III. -chap. i., where it is shown that the person not named by Ramusio was -Gian Giacomo Bardolo.—ED.] - -[793] _Historical Magazine_, 1860, p. 98. Varnhagen ascribes the names -of the Cantino and subsequent Ptolemy maps to Vespucius. The name -Paria near Florida seems certainly to have come from this source. [The -question of this disputed voyage is examined in chapter ii. of the -present volume.—ED.] - -[794] James Carson Brevoort, _Verrazano the Navigator_, p. 72. - -[795] Harrisse, _Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau Monde_, pp. -111, 151. [The Cantino map is sketched on p. 108.—ED.] - -[796] _P. Martyris Angli Mediolanensis opera. Hispali Corumberger_, -1511. [A fac-simile of this map in given on p. 110.—ED.] - -[797] King to Ceron and Diaz, Aug. 12, 1512. - -[798] Las Casas was certainly mistaken in saying that Ponce de Leon -gave the name Bimini to Florida; the name was in print before it -appears in connection with him, and is in his first patent before he -discovered or named Florida (Las Casas, _Historia de las Indias_, lib. -ii. chap. xx., iii. p. 460). - -[799] _Capitulacion que el Ray concedió á Joan Ponce de Leon para que -vaya al descubrimiento de la ysla de Bemini. Fecha en Burgos a xxiij de -hebrero de Dxij a^o._ - -[800] Letter of the King to Ceron and Diaz, Aug. 12, 1512; the King to -Ponce de Leon, and letter of the King, Dec. 10, 1512, to the officials -in the Indies. - -[801] The King, writing to the authorities in Española July 4, 1513, -says: “Alegrome de la ida de Juan Ponce á Biminy; tened cuidado de -proveerle i avisadme de todo.” - -[802] _Memoir on a Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci_ communicated to -the Society of Antiquaries by R. H. Major, who makes its date between -1513 and 1519,—probably 1514. The _Ptolemy_ printed at Basle 1552 -lays down Terra Florida and Ins. Tortucarum, and the map in Girava’s -_Cosmography_ shows Florida and Bacalaos; but the B. de Joan Ponce -appears in _La geografia di Clavdio Ptolomeo Alessandrino_, Venice, -1548. [A fac-simile of the sketch accredited to Da Vinci is given on p. -126.—ED.] - -[803] _Asiento y capitulacion que se hizo demas con Joan Ponce de Leon -sobre la ysla Binini y la ysla Florida_, in the volume of _Asientos y -capitulaciones_(1508-1574), Royal Archives at Seville, in _Coleccion de -documentos inéditos_, xxii. pp. 33-38. - -[804] _Cédula_ to the Jeronymite Fathers, July 22, 1517 (_Coleccion de -documentos inéditos_, xi. 295-296). One of these surreptitious voyages -was made by Anton de Alaminos as pilot (Ibid., pp. 435-438). [See -_ante_, p. 201, for the voyage of Alaminos.—ED.] - -[805] Ponce de Leon to Charles V., Porto Rico, Feb. 10, 1521. - -[806] Extracted from a letter of Ponce de Leon to the Cardinal of -Tortosa (who was afterward Pope Adrian VI.), dated at Porto Rico, -February 10, 1521. - -[807] Herrera, dec. iii. book 1, chap. xiv.; Oviedo, lib. 36, chap. i. -pp. 621-623; Barcia, _Ensaio cronologico_, pp. 5, 6. - -[808] Oviedo (edition of Amador de los Rios, ii. 143), gives in his -_Derrotero_, “la bahia que llaman de Miruelos” as west of Apalache Bay. -See Barcia’s _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 2. - -[809] [The Córdoba of chap. iii. _ante_.—ED.] - -[810] [See chap. vi. of the present volume.—ED.] - -[811] The great river might be supposed to be the Rio Grande; but its -volume is scarcely sufficient to justify the supposition, while the -Mississippi is indicated on the map of his province with its name R. -del Espiritu Santo, evidently given by Garay. - -[812] [See _ante_, p. 218.—ED.] - -[813] [See chapter vi. of the present volume.—ED.] - -[814] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos; Act of taking possession by Quexos. - -[815] Testimony of Pedro de Quexos. - -[816] Act of possession; Testimony of Aldana. - -[817] Answer of Ayllon to Matienzo. - -[818] Navarrete, _Coleccion_, iii. 69. - -[819] Ibid., p. 153. - -[820] _Cédula_, June 12, 1523. - -[821] _Cédula_ given at Burgos. - -[822] Interrogatories of Ayllon; Testimony of Quexos. - -[823] Testimony of Alonzo Despinosa Cervantes and of Father Antonio de -Cervantes, O.S.D., in 1561. The date is clearly fixed after May 26, and -before June 9, as Ayllon testified on the former day, and on the latter -his procurator appeared for him. Navarrete is wrong in making him sail -about the middle of July (_Coleccion_, iii. 72). - -[824] If Ayllon really reached the Jordan, this was the Wateree. - -[825] [See Vol. III. p. 130.—ED.] - -[826] See _ante_, p. 221; and references to reproductions, on p. 222. - -[827] Duro, _Informe relativo a los pormenores de descubrimiento del -Nuevo Mundo_, Madrid, 1883. p. 266, where Cabot’s testimony in the -Colon-Pinzon suit is given. - -[828] [See chapter vi. of this volume.—ED.] - -[829] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 86. - -[830] “Aqui desembarco Panfilo de Narvaez.” Mappemonde of Sebastian -Cabot in Jomard. This map has always been supposed to be based on -Spanish sources; but owing to the strict prohibition of publication in -Spain, it was probably printed elsewhere, “in Brussels or Amsterdam, or -some such place,” as Gayangos thinks. It is seemingly engraved on wood -(Smith’s _Relation of Alvar Nuñez Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 56); or at least -some have thought so. - -[831] Compare Cabeza de Vaca’s account, Oviedo, lib. 35, chap. i.-vii., -pp. 582-618; and the French accounts of La Salle’s expedition,—Joutel -and Anastase Douay in Le Clercq, _Établissement de la Foi_, for the -animals and plants of the district. - -[832] _Relaçam verdadeira_ (Evora, 1557), chaps. i.-vi., continued -in Smith’s translation, pp. 1-21; in Hakluyt’s Supplementary Volume -(London, 1812), pp. 695-712; and in Force’s _Tracts_. Rangel in Oviedo, -book xvii. chap. xxii. p. 546. - -[833] Biedma’s _Relacion_ in Smith’s _Coleccion_, and his _Soto_, p. -231; _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, iii. 414-441. - -[834] Cf. Buckingham Smith on “The Captivity of Ortis,” in the appendix -to his _Letter on De Soto_. - -[835] Oviedo, i. 547. - -[836] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xi.; Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 43-44; -Biedma, Ibid., 234. - -[837] Oviedo, i. 554-557. - -[838] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xii.-xv.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s -_Soto_, pp. 49-68, 236-241; Rangel in Oviedo, _Historia General_, i. -562. - -[839] Oviedo, i. 563. - -[840] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xv.-xvi.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s -_Soto_, pp. 66-77, 240-242; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 563-566. - -[841] It is variously written also _Mavila_ and _Mavilla_. - -[842] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chs. xvii.-xix.; Biedma, _Relacion_; -Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 80-90, 242-245. - -[843] See Smith’s _Soto_, p. 90; Rangel in Oviedo, i. 569. The requiems -said years afterward to have been chanted over Soto’s body are -therefore imaginary. No Mass, whether of requiem or other, could have -been said or sung after the battle of Mauila. - -[844] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xx.-xxi.; Biedma, _Relacion_; Smith’s -_Soto_, pp. 91-100, 246-248; Rangel in Oviedo, _Historia General_, -chap. xxviii. pp. 571-573. - -[845] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xxii.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in Smith, -_Soto_, pp. 101-105, 249-250; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo. - -[846] Oviedo, p. 573. - -[847] _Relaçam verdadeira_, chap. xxiii., xxiv.; Biedma, _Relacion_, -in Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 106-117, 250-252; Hakluyt; Rangel in Oviedo. -Compare _Relacion_ of Coronado’s expedition in Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. -153. - -[848] Rangel in Oviedo, i. 576. - -[849] Oviedo, p. 577. Here, unfortunately, his abridgment of Rangel -ends. The contents of two subsequent chapters are given, but not the -text. - -[850] _Relaçam verdad._, chaps. xxv.-xxx.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in -Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 118-149, 252-257. - -[851] _Relaçam verdad._, chaps. xxxi.-xlii.; Biedma, _Relacion_, in -Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 150-196, 257-261. - -[852] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 24; Gomara, _Hist. gen._, lib. -i. c. 45. - -[853] Cf. Vol. IV. chap. 2. - -[854] Documents printed in Smith’s _Coleccion_, pp. 103-118. - -[855] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 24. - -[856] Las Casas, _Destruccion de las Indias_. _De las provincias de la -Tierra Firme por la parte que se llama la Florida_,—a chapter written -partly before and partly after Moscoço’s arrival in Mexico. [See the -chapter on Las Casas, following the present one.—ED.] - -[857] The best account of this affair is a “Relacion de la Florida -para el Ill^{mo} Señor Visorrei de la N^a España la qual trajo Fray -Greg^o de Beteta,” in Smith’s _Coleccion_, pp. 190-202. The first -part is by Cancer himself, the conclusion by Beteta. There are also -extant “Requirimentos y respuestas que pasaron en la Nao S^a Maria de -la Encina,” and the Minutes of discussions between the missionaries, -and the Captain’s order to his pilot and sailors. There is a somewhat -detailed sketch of Cancer’s life in Davila Padilla’s _Historia de -la fundacion de la Provincia de Santiago de México_, 1596, chapters -liv.-lvii., and a brief notice in Touron, _Histoire de l’Amérique_, vi. -81. Cf. Herrera, dec. viii. lib. 5, p. 112; Gomara, c. xlv.; Barcia, -_Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 25-26. - -[858] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 26. - -[859] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 28-29. “Don Luis Velasco a los -officiales de Sevilla,” Mexico, November, 1554. Farfan to same, Jan. -3, 1555. The vessels were wrecked at Cape Santa Elena, 9° N. Villafañe -was sent to rescue the survivors. Davila Padilla gives details in his -sketches of Fathers Diego de la Cruz, Juan de Mena, Juan Ferrer, and -Marcos de Mena. - -[860] “The Viceroy has treated this matter in a most Christian -way, with much wisdom and counsel, insisting strenuously on their -understanding that they do not go to conquer those nations, nor do -what has been done in the discovery of the Indies, but to settle, and -by good example, with good works and with presents, to bring them to a -knowledge of our holy Faith and Catholic truth.”—FATHER PEDRO DE FERIA, -_Letter of March 3, 1559_. - -[861] Alaman, _Disertaciones históricas_, vol. iii., apendice, p. 11. - -[862] _Declaracion de Guido de Bazares de la Jornada que hizo á -descubrir las puertos y vaias q^e hai en la costa de la Florida_, -Feb. 1, 1559. A poor translation of this document is given in French -in Ternaux’ _Voyages_, vol. x., and a still worse one in English in -French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana_, etc., new series, ii. -236. - -[863] _Relacion de Dn Luis de Velasco a S. M. Mexico_, Sept. 24, 1559. -This was written after receiving, on the 9th, the letters sent by -Tristan de Luna on the galleon. It is given in B. Smith’s _Coleccion_, -p. 10. See Davila Padilla, _Historia de la fundacion de la Provincia de -Santiago de México_ (Madrid, 1596), chaps. lviii.-lix., pp. 231-234. -Ichuse in some documents is written Ochuse. - -[864] _Testimony of Cristóval Velasquez._ - -[865] Davila Padilla (p. 236) says August 20; but it was evidently -September. - -[866] _Letter of Velasco_, Oct. 25, 1559, citing a letter of Tristan -de Luna. Said by Montalvan and Velasquez to have been one hundred and -fifty men, horse and foot, under Mateo de Sauce, the sergeant-major, -and Captain Christopher de Arellano, accompanied by Fathers -Annunciation and Salazar (_Testimony of Miguel Sanchez Serrano_). He -remained three months at Ichuse before he heard from Ypacana; and -though urged to go there, lingered five or six months more. - -[867] _Letter of Tristan de Luna to the King_, Sept. 24, 1559, in -_Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 280-283. - -[868] _Letter of Velasco to Luna_, Oct. 25, 1559; Davila Padilla, book -i. chap. lxi. pp. 242-244. - -[869] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 33-34; Davila Padilla, book i. -chap. lxii., pp. 245-246. - -[870] Ochechiton, like Mississippi, means great river,—from _okhina_, -river; _chito_, great (Byington’s _Choctaw Definer_, pp. 79, 97). - -[871] Testimony of soldiers. - -[872] Davila Padilla, book i. chap. lxiii.-lxvi. pp. 247-265. - -[873] These I take to be the Rio Manipacna and Rio Tome. - -[874] Ceron, _Respuesta_, Sept. 16, 1560. Velasco, _Letter, Aug. -20-Sept. 3, 1560_; Davila Padilla, book i. p. 268. - -[875] Davila Padilla, p. 270. The labors of Cancer and of Feria and his -companions are treated briefly in the _Relacion de la fundacion de la -Provincia de Santiago_, 1567. Cf. _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, -v. 447. - -[876] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 34-41; Davila Padilla, pp. -271-277. - -[877] _Testimony of Velasquez and Miguel Sanchez Serrano._ The -expedition sent out by Tristan de Luna to occupy Santa Elena was -composed of three vessels, bearing one hundred men. The vessels were -scattered in a storm, and ran to Mexico and Cuba. After that Pedro -Menendez, who was in command of a fleet sailing from Vera Cruz, -was ordered to run along the Atlantic coast for a hundred leagues -above Santa Elena. _Letter of Velasco_, Sept. 3, 1560; _Testimony of -Montalvan_. - -[878] _Testimonio de Francisco de Aguilar, escrivano que fue en la -jornada á la Florida con Angel de Villafañe Relacion del reconocimiento -que hizo el Capitan General Angel de Villafañe de la costa de la -Florida, y posesion que tomó ... desde 33° hasta 35°._ Testimony of -Montalvan, Velasquez, Serrano, etc. The Indian, however, may have been -found among a still more southerly tribe. - -[879] A council held in Mexico of persons who had been in Florida -agreed that the royal order was based on accurate information (_Parecer -que da S. M. el conséjo de la Nueva España_, March 12, 1562). Tristan -de Luna sailed to Spain, and in a brief, manly letter solicited of the -King an investigation into his conduct, professing his readiness to -submit to any punishment if he was deemed deserving of it (_Memorial -que dió al Rey Don Tristan de Luna y Arellano dandole cuenta del suceso -de la jornada de la Florida_). - -[880] There is a copperplate engraving of “Pedro Menendez de Aviles, -Natural de Avilés en Asturias, Comendador de la orden de Santiago, -Conquistador de la Florida, nombrado Gral de la Armada contra -Jnglaterra. Murió en Santander A^o 1574, á los 55, de edad.” Drawn by -Josef Camaron, engraved by Franco de Paula Marte, 1791 (7⅛ × 11⅜ -inches). Mr. Parkman engraved the head for his _France in the New -World_, and Dr. Shea used the plate in his _Charlevoix_. - -[881] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xxii. 242. - -[882] “They burned it [Havana], with all the town and church, and -put to death all the inhabitants they found, and the rest fled to -the mountains; so that nothing remained in the town that was not -burned, and there was not an inhabitant left alive or dwelling there” -(_Memorial de Pedro Menendez de Aviles á S.M. sobre los agravios ... -que recivio de los oficiales de la casa de contratacion_, 1564). -Menendez was personally cognizant, as he sent a vessel and men from his -fleet to help restore the place. - -[883] [Laudonnière’s account of this relief is translated in the -_Hawkins Voyages_ (p. 65), published by the Hakluyt Society. A project -of the English for a settlement on the Florida coast (1563), under -Stukely, came to nought. Cf. Doyle’s _English in America_, p. 55.—ED.] - -[884] “En fermant ceste lettre i’ay eu certain aduis, comme dom Petro -Melandes se part d’Espagne, pour aller à la coste de la Nouvelle -Frāce; vous regarderez n’endurer qu’il n’entrepreine sur nous non -plus qu’il veut que nous n’entreprenions sur eux.” As Mr. Parkman -remarks, “Ribault interpreted this into a command to attack the -Spaniards.”—_Pioneers of France in the New World._ - -[885] _Relacion de Mazauegos. Relacion de lo subcedido en la Habana -cerca de la entrada de los Franceses._ Smith, _Coleccion_, p. 202. -_Relacion de los robos que corsarios franceses han hecho 1559-1571. -Relacion de los navios quo robaron franceses los años de 1559 y 1560._ - -[886] One was commanded by Captain Cossette (_Basanier_, p. 105). - -[887] Letter of Menendez to the King, dated Province of Florida, Sept. -11, 1565. Mendoza Grajales, _Relacion de la jornada de P^o Menendez_, -1565. - -[888] Letter of Menendez to the King, Oct. 15, 1565; Mendoza Grajales, -_Relacion_ in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ (edited by Pacheco, -etc.), iii. 441-479. - -[889] Mendoza Grajales, _Relacion_. - -[890] Jacques de Sorie, in 1555, at Havana, after pledging his word -to spare the lives of the Spaniards who surrendered, put them and -his Portuguese prisoners to death; negroes he hung up and shot while -still alive (_Relacion de Diego de Mazauegos, MS._; Letter of Bishop -Sarmiento in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, v. 555). Priests, -especially those of religious Orders, met no mercy at the hands of the -French cruisers at this period, the most atrocious case being that of -the Portuguese Jesuit Father Ignatius Azevedo, captured by the French -on his way to Brazil with thirty-nine missionary companions, all of -whom were put to death, in 1570. In all my reading, I find no case -where the French in Spanish waters then gave quarter to Spaniards, -except in hope of large ransom. Two of the vessels found at Caroline -were Spanish, loaded with sugar and hides, captured near Yaguana by the -French, who threw all the crew overboard; and Gourgues, on reaching -Florida, had two barks, evidently captured from the Spaniards, as to -the fate of whose occupants his eulogists observe a discreet silence. - -[891] This is the Spanish account of Solis de Meras. Lemoyne, who -escaped from Caroline, gives an account based on the statement of a -Dieppe sailor who made his way to the Indians, and though taken by the -Spaniards, fell at last into French hands. Challeux, the carpenter of -Caroline, and another account derived from Christophe le Breton, one of -those spared by Menendez, maintain that Menendez promised La Caille, -under oath and in writing to spare their lives if they surrendered. -This seems utterly improbable; for Menendez from first to last held to -his original declaration, “_el que fuere herege morira_.” Lemoyne is so -incorrect as to make this last slaughter take place at Caroline. - -[892] Menendez to the King,—writing from Matanzas, Dec. 5, 1565; and -again from Havana, Dec. 12, 1565. Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 91. - -[893] Juan de la Vandera, _Memoir_,—in English in _Historical -Magazine_, 1860, pp. 230-232, with notes by J. G. Shea, from the -original in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, iv. 560-566, and in -Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_. There is also a version in B. F. -French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ (1875), p. -289. - -[894] Letter of Menendez, October 15, 1566, in Alcazar, _Chrono. -historia de la Compañía de Jesus en la provincia de Toledo_ (Madrid, -1710), vol. ii. dec. iii. año vi. cap. iii., translated by Dr. D. G. -Brinton in the _Historical Magazine_, 1861, p. 292. - -[895] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, p. 133. - -[896] _La Reprise de la Floride_, etc. Garibay says briefly that they -went to Florida and destroyed and carried off the artillery of San -Mateo, and then menaced Havana (_Sucesos de la Isla de Santo Domingo_). - -[897] _Parecer que da á S. M. la Audiencia de Nueva España_, Jan. 19, -1569. The fort at San Mateo was not immediately restored; a new fort, -San Pedro, was established at Tacatacuru (_Coleccion de documentos -inéditos_, xii. 307-308). Stephen de las Alas in 1570 withdrew the -garrisons, except fifty men in each fort,—a step which led to official -investigation (Ibid., xii. 309, etc.). - -[898] Barcia, _Ensaio cronológico_, pp. 137-146. For the Jesuit mission -in Florida, see Alegambe, _Mortes illustres_, pp. 44, etc.; Tanner, -_Societas militans_, pp. 447-451; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 9, 1570, in the -_Chrono. historia de la Compañia de Jesus en la Provincia de Toledo_, -by Alcazar (Madrid, 1710), ii. 145, translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton in -the _Historical Magazine_, 1861, p. 327, and chap. v. of his _Floridian -Peninsula_; Letter of Rogel, Dec. 2, 1569, MS.; one of Dec. 11, 1569, -in _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xii. 301; one of Quiros and -Segura from Axacan, Sept. 12, 1570; Sacchini, _Historia Societatis -Jesu_, part iii., pp. 86, etc. - -[Dr. Shea, in 1846, published a paper in the _United States Catholic -Magazine_, v. 604 (translated into German in _Die Katolische Kirche -in den V. S. von Nordamerika_, Regensburg, 1864, pp. 202-209), on the -Segura mission; and another in 1859 in the _Historical Magazine_, -iii. 268, on the Spanish in the Chesapeake from 1566 to 1573; and -his account of a temporary Spanish settlement on the Rappahannock in -1570 is given in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, or the “Log Chapel on -the Rappahannock” in the _Catholic World_, March, 1875. Cf. present -_History_, Vol. III. p. 167, and a paper on the “Early Indian History -of the Susquehanna,” by A. L. Guss, in the _Historical Register; Notes -and Queries relating to the Interior of Pennsylvania_, 1883, p. 115 _et -seq._ De Witt Clinton, in a Memoir on the Antiquities of the Western -Parts of New York, published at Albany in 1820, expressed an opinion -that traces of Spanish penetration as far as Onondaga County, N. Y., -were discoverable; but he omitted this statement in his second edition. -Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,718.—ED.] - -[899] This officer, Fairbanks, in his misunderstanding of Spanish and -Spanish authorities, transforms into Marquis of Menendez! - -[900] Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, pp. 146-151. - -[901] _Historia general de las Indias_ (ed. 1601), dec. i. lib. ix. -cap. 10-12, p. 303 (313). - -[902] _Historia general_ (1535), part i. lib. xix. cap. 15, p. clxii. - -[903] [The Peter-Martyr map (1511) represents a land called Bimini -(“illa de Beimeni”—see _ante_ p. 110) in the relative position of -Florida. The fountain of perpetual youth, the search for which was -a part of the motive of many of these early expeditions, was often -supposed to exist in Bimini; but official documents make no allusion -to the idle story. Dr. D. G. Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 99) -has collected the varying statements as to the position of this -fountain.—ED.] - -[904] Oviedo, Madrid (1850), lib. xvi. cap. 11, vol. i. p. 482. - -[905] _Primera y segunda parte de la historia general de las Indias_ -(1553), cap. 45, folio xxiii. - -[906] _Dos libros de cosmografia_ (Milan, 1556), p. 192. - -[907] Bernal Diaz, _Historic verdadera_ (1632). - -[908] _Cabeça de Vaca_, Washington, 1851. [It is also sketched _ante_, -p. 218.—ED.] - -[909] _De insulis nuper inventis_ (Cologne, 1574), p. 349. - -[910] _Ensayo cronológico para la historia general de la Florida, -por Don Gabriel de Cardenas y Cano_ [anagram for Don Andres Gonzales -Barcia], Madrid, 1723. [He includes under the word “Florida” the -adjacent islands as well as the main. Joseph de Salazars’ _Crísis del -ensayo cronológico_ (1725) is merely a literary review of Barcia’s -rhetorical defects. Cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 51.—ED.] - -[911] Barcia, in the _Introduccion a el Ensayo cronológico_, pp. -26, 27, discusses the date of Ponce de Leon’s discovery. He refutes -Remesal, Ayeta, and Moreri, who gave 1510, and adopts the date 1512 as -given by the “safest historians,” declaring that Ponce de Leon went to -Spain in 1513. The date 1512 was adopted by Hakluyt, George Bancroft, -and Irving; but after Peschel in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_ called attention to the fact that Easter Sunday in 1512 -did not fall on March 27, the date given by Herrera, without mentioning -the year, but that it did fall on that day in 1513, Kohl (_Discovery of -Maine_, p. 240), George Bancroft, in later editions, and others adopted -1513, without any positive evidence. But 1512 is nevertheless clung to -by Gravier in his “Route du Mississippi” (_Congrès des Américanistes_, -1878, i. 238), by Shipp in his _De Soto and Florida_, and by H. H. -Bancroft in his _Central America_ (vol. i. p. 128). Mr. Deane, in a -note to Hakluyt’s use of 1512 in the _Westerne Planting_ (p. 230), -says the mistake probably occurred “by not noting the variation which -prevailed in the mode of reckoning time.” The documents cited in -chapter iv. settle the point. The _Capitulacion_ under which Ponce de -Leon sailed, was issued at Burgos, Feb. 23, 1512. He could not possibly -by March 27 have returned to Porto Rico, equipped a vessel, and reached -Florida. The letters of the King to Ceron and Diaz, in August and -December 1512, show that Ponce de Leon, after returning to Porto Rico, -was prevented from sailing, and was otherwise employed. The letter -written by the King to the authorities in Española, July 4, 1513, shows -that he had received from them information that Ponce de Leon had -sailed in that year. - -[912] _Coleccion_ (_Viages minores_), iii. 50-53. - -[913] _Historia verdadera_ (1632), cap. vi. p. 4, _verso_. - -[914] Duro, _Colon y Pinzon_, p. 268. - -[915] Oviedo (ed. Amador de los Rios), lib. xxi. cap. 7, vol. ii. -p. 139; Herrera, _Historia general_, dec. ii. p. 63; Navarrete, -_Coleccion_, iii. 53; Barcia, _Ensayo cronológico_, p. 3; Peter Martyr, -dec. iv. cap. 1; Torquemada, i. 350; Gomara, folio 9; Icazbalceta, -_Coleccion_, i. 338. - -[916] _Real cédula dando facultád á Francisco de Garay para poblar in -provincia de Amichel en la costa firme_, Burgos, 1521. - -[917] _Coleccion_, iii. 147-153. - -[918] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, ii. 558-567. - -[919] _Decades_, dec. v. cap. 1. - -[920] In his _Historia_. - -[921] _Historia_, dec. ii. lib. x, cap. 18. - -[922] [Cf. the bibliography of these letters in chap. vi. The notes in -Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_ are a good guide to the study of the -various Indian tribes of the peninsula at this time.—ED.] - -[923] [Cf. chap. vi. of the present volume.—ED.] - -[924] Vol. xxvi. pp. 77-135. - -[925] Epis. June 20, 1524, in _Opus epistolarum_, pp. 471-476. - -[926] _Historia_, lib. xxxiii. cap. 2, p. 263. - -[927] _Historia_, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. 5. Cf. also Barcia, _Ensayo -cronológico_, p. 8, and Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed.), pp. 133, 153. - -[928] _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, x. 40-47; and the “testimonio -de la capitulacion” in vol. xiv. pp. 503-516. - -[929] Vol. xxxiv. pp. 563-567; xxxv. 547-562. - -[930] Vol. iii. p. 69. His conjectures and those of modern writers -(Stevens, _Notes_, p. 48), accordingly require no examination. As -the documents of the first voyage name both 33° 30´ and 35° as the -landfall, conjecture is idle. - -[931] Dec. ii. lib. xi. cap. 6. This statement is adopted by many -writers since. - -[932] Pedro M. Marquez to the King, Dec. 12, 1586. - -[933] Gomara, _Historia_, cap. xlii.; Herrera, _Historia_, dec. iii. -lib. v. cap. 5. - -[934] Vol. ii. lib. xxi. cap. 8 and 9. - -[935] Ecija, _Relacion del viage_ (June-September, 1609). - -[936] Vol. iii. pp. 72-73. Recent American writers have taken another -view. Cf. Brevoort, _Verrazano_, p. 70; Murphy, _Verrazzano_, p. 123. - -[937] _Historia_, lib. xxxvii. cap. 1-4, in vol. iii. pp. 624-633. - -[938] _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 347. - -[939] Galvano (Hakluyt Society’s ed., p. 144) gives the current account -of his day. - -[940] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 28. The _capitulacion_ is given in the -_Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 74. - -[941] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 239; Sabin, vol. iii. no. -9,767. There is a copy in the Lenox Library. Cf. the _Relacion_ as -given in the _Documentos inéditos_, vol. xiv. pp. 265-279, and the -“Capitulacion que se tomó con Panfilo de Narvaez” in vol. xxii. p. -224. There is some diversity of opinion as to the trustworthiness -of this narrative; cf. Helps, _Spanish Conquest_, iv. 397, and -Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 17. “Cabeça has left an artless -account of his recollections of the journey; but his memory sometimes -called up incidents out of their place, so that his narrative is -confused.”—BANCROFT: _History of the United States_, revised edition, -vol. i. p. 31.—ED.] - -[942] The _Comentarios_ added to this edition were by Pero Hernandez, -and relate to Cabeza de Vaca’s career in South America. - -[943] [There are copies of this edition in the Carter-Brown -(_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 197) and Harvard College libraries; cf. -Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,768. Copies were sold in the Murphy (no. 441), -Brinley (no. 4,360 at $34), and Beckford (_Catalogue_, vol. iii. no. -183) sales. Rich (no. 28) priced a copy in 1832 at £4 4_s._ Leclerc -(no. 2,487) in 1878 prices a copy at 1,500 francs; and sales have been -reported at £21, £25, £39 10_s._, and £42.—ED.] - -[944] [Vol. i. no. 6. Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Field, _Indian -Bibliography_, no. 79.—ED.] - -[945] [_Nova typis transacta navigatio Novi Orbis_, 1621. Ardoino’s -_Exámen apologético_ was first published separately in 1736 -(_Carter-Brown_, iii. 545).—ED.] - -[946] Vol. iii. pp. 310-330. - -[947] Following the 1555 edition, and published in his _Voyages_, at -Paris. - -[948] Vol. iv. pp. 1499-1556. - -[949] [_Menzies Catalogue_, no. 315; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. -227-229.—ED.] - -[950] [Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliog._, no. 364.,—ED.] - -[951] Printed by Munsell at Albany, at the charge of the late Henry -C. Murphy. [Dr. Shea added to it a memoir of Mr. Smith, and Mr. T. W. -Field a memoir of Cabeza de Vaca.—Ed.] - -[952] [The writing of his narrative, not during but after the -completion of his journey, does not conduce to making the statements -of the wanderer very explicit, and different interpretations of his -itinerary can easily be made. In 1851 Mr. Smith made him cross the -Mississippi within the southern boundary of Tennessee, and so to pass -along the Arkansas and Canadian rivers to New Mexico, crossing the Rio -Grande in the neighborhood of thirty-two degrees. In his second edition -he tracks the traveller nearer the Gulf of Mexico, and makes him cross -the Rio Grande near the mouth of the Conchos River in Texas, which he -follows to the great mountain chain, and then crosses it. Mr. Bartlett, -the editor of the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (see vol. i. p. 188), who -has himself tracked both routes, is not able to decide between them. -Davis, in his _Conquest of New Mexico_, also follows Cabeza de Vaca’s -route. H. H. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 63) finds no ground -for the northern route, and gives (p. 67) a map of what he supposes to -be the route. There is also a map in Paul Chaix’ _Bassin du Mississipi -au seizième siècle_. Cf. also L. Bradford Prince’s _New Mexico_ (1883), -p. 89.—ED.] The buffalo and mesquite afford a tangible means of fixing -the limits of his route. - -[953] Including the petition of Narvaez to the King and the royal -memoranda from the originals at Seville (p. 207), the instructions to -the factor (p. 211), the instructions to Cabeza de Vaca (p. 218), and -the summons to be made by Narvaez (p. 215). Cf. French’s _Historical -Collections of Louisiana_, second series, ii. 153; _Historical -Magazine_, April, 1862, and January and August, 1867. - -[954] Smith’s _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 100; Torquemada (_Monarquia -Indiana_, 1723, iii. 437-447) gives Lives of these friars. Barcia says -Xuarez was made a bishop; but Cabeza de Vaca never calls him bishop, -but simply commissary, and the portrait at Vera Cruz has no episcopal -emblems. Torquemada in his sketch of Xuarez makes no allusion to his -being made a bishop. and the name is not found in any list of bishops. -We owe to Mr. Smith another contribution to the history of this region -and this time, in a _Coleccion de varios documentos para la historia -de la Florida y tierras adyacentes_,—only vol. i. of the contemplated -work appearing at Madrid in 1857. It contained thirty-three important -papers from 1516 to 1569, and five from 1618 to 1794; they are for the -most part from the Simancas Archives. This volume has a portrait of -Ferdinand V., which is reproduced _ante_, p. 85. Various manuscripts of -Mr. Smith are now in the cabinet of the New York Historical Society. - -[955] Oviedo’s account is translated in the _Historical Magazine_, -xii. 141, 204, 267, 347. [H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican States_, i. -62) says that the collation of this account in Oviedo (vol. iii. pp. -582-618) with the other is very imperfectly done by Smith. He refers -also to careful notes on it given by Davis in his _Spanish Conquest -of New Mexico_, pp. 20-108. Bancroft (pp. 62, 63) gives various other -references to accounts, at second hand, of this expedition. Cf. also -L. P. Fisher’s paper in the _Overland Monthly_, x. 514. Galvano’s -summarized account will be found in the Hakluyt Society’s edition, p. -170.—ED.] - -[956] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 27. - -[957] _Cabeça de Vaca_, p. 58; cf. Fairbanks’s _Florida_, chap. ii. - -[958] _Cabeça de Vaca_, pp. 20, 204. - -[959] [Tampa is the point selected by H. H. Bancroft (_No. Mexican -States_, i. 60); cf. Brinton’s note on the varying names of Tampa -(_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 113).—ED.] - -[960] B. Smith’s _De Soto_, pp. 47, 234. - -[961] _Nouvelle France_, iii. 473. - -[962] Barcia, p. 308. The Magdalena may be the Apalachicola, on -which in the last century Spanish maps laid down Echete; cf. Leroz, -_Geographia de la America_ (1758). - -[963] The manuscript is in the Hydrographic Bureau at Madrid. The -Lisbon Academy printed it in their (1844) edition of the Elvas -narrative. Cf. Smith’s _Soto_, pp. 266-272; _Historical Magazine_, v. -42; _Documentos inéditos_, xxii. 534. [It is dated April 20, 1537. In -the following August Cabeza de Vaca reached Spain, to find that Soto -had already secured the government of Florida; and was thence turned to -seek the government of La Plata. It was probably before the tidings of -Narvaez’ expedition reached Spain that Soto wrote the letter regarding -a grant he wished in Peru, which country he had left on the outbreak -of the civil broils. This letter was communicated to the _Historical -Magazine_ (July, 1858, vol. ii. pp. 193-223) by Buckingham Smith, with -a fac-simile of the signature, given on an earlier page (_ante_, p. -253).—ED.] - -[964] [Rich in 1832 (no. 34) cited a copy at £31 10_s._, which at -that time he believed to be unique, and the identical one referred -to by Pinelo as being in the library of the Duque de Sessa. There is -a copy in the Grenville Collection, British Museum, and another is -in the Lenox Library (B. Smith’s _Letter of De Soto_, p. 66). It was -reprinted at Lisbon in 1844 by the Royal Academy at Lisbon (Murphy, -no. 1,004; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 596). Sparks says of it: “There -is much show of exactness in regard to dates; but the account was -evidently drawn up for the most part from memory, being vague in its -descriptions and indefinite as to localities, distances, and other -points.” Field says it ranks second only to the Relation of Cabeza de -Vaca as an early authority on the Indians of this region. There was -a French edition by Citri de la Guette in 1685, which is supposed to -have afforded a text for the English translation of 1686 entitled _A -Relation of the Conquest of Florida by the Spaniards_ (see Field’s -_Indian Bibliography_, nos. 325, 340). These editions are in Harvard -College Library. Cf. Sabin, _Dictionary_, vi. 488, 491, 492; Stevens, -_Historical Collections_, i. 844; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. -1,274; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,324, 1,329; Arana, _Bibliografía -de obras anónimas_ (Santiago de Chile, 1882), no. 200. The Gentleman of -Elvas is supposed by some to be Alvaro Fernandez; but it is a matter -of much doubt (cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 20). There is a -Dutch version in Gottfried and Vander Aa’s _Zee-und Landreizen_ (1727), -vol. vii. (Carter-Brown, iii. 117).—ED.] - -[965] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 86; Murphy, no. 1,118. Rich (no. 110) -priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.] - -[966] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,338. - -[967] [It is also in Vander Aa’s _Versameling_ (Leyden, 1706). The -_Relaçam_ of the Gentleman of Elvas has, with the text of Garcilasso -de la Vega and other of the accredited narratives of that day, -contributed to the fiction which, being published under the sober title -of _Histoire naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles_ (Rotterdam, 1658), -passed for a long time as unimpeached history. The names of César de -Rochefort and Louis de Poincy are connected with it as successive -signers of the introductory matter. There were other editions of it in -1665, 1667, and 1681, with a title-edition in 1716. An English version, -entitled _History of the Caribby Islands_, was printed in London in -1666. Cf. Duyckinck, _Cyclopædia of American Literature_, supplement, -p. 12; Leclerc, nos. 1,332-1,335, 2,134-2,137.—ED.] - -[968] [A copy of the original Spanish manuscript is in the Lenox -Library.—ED.] - -[969] _Recueil des pièces sur la Floride._ - -[970] In the volume already cited, including Hakluyt’s version of the -Elvas narrative. It is abridged in French’s _Historical Collections of -Louisiana_, apparently from the same source. - -[971] Pages 47-64. Irving describes it as “the confused statement of an -illiterate soldier.” Cf. _Documentos inéditos_, iii. 414. - -[972] [Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 42; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,815; -Leclerc, no. 881, at 350 francs; Field, _Indian Bibliography_ no. 587; -Brinley, no. 4,353. Rich (no. 102) priced it in 1832 at £2 2_s._—ED.] - -[973] [Brinton (_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 23) thinks Garcilasso had -never seen the Elvas narrative; but Sparks (_Marquette_, in _American -Biography_, vol. x.) intimates that it was Garcilasso’s only written -source.—ED.] - -[974] [Theodore Irving, _The Conquest of Florida by Hernando de -Soto_, New York, 1851. The first edition appeared in 1835, and there -were editions printed in London in 1835 and 1850. The book is a -clever popularizing of the original sources, with main dependence -on Garcilasso (cf. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 765), whom its -author believes he can better trust, especially as regards the purposes -of De Soto, wherein he differs most from the Gentleman of Elvas. -Irving’s championship of the Inca has not been unchallenged; cf. Rye’s -Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. The Inca’s account is -more than twice as long as that of the Gentleman of Elvas, while -Biedma’s is very brief,—a dozen pages or so. Davis (_Conquest of New -Mexico_, p. 25) is in error in saying that Garcilasso accompanied De -Soto.—ED.] - -[975] [There was an amended edition published by Barcia at Madrid in -1723 (Carter-Brown, iii. 328; Leclerc, no. 882, at 25 francs); again -in 1803; and a French version by Pierre Richelet, _Histoire de la -conquête de la Floride_, was published in 1670, 1709, 1711, 1731, -1735, and 1737 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,050; vol. iii. nos. 132, -470; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 965). A German translation by H. L. -Meier, _Geschichte der Eroberung von Florida_, was printed at Zelle -in 1753 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 997) with many notes, and again -at Nordhausen in 1785. The only English version is that embodied in -Bernard Shipp’s _History of Hernando de Soto and Florida_ (p. 229, -etc.),—a stout octavo, published in Philadelphia in 1881. Shipp uses, -not the original, but Richelet’s version, the Lisle edition of 1711, -and prints it with very few notes. His book covers the expeditions to -North America between 1512 and 1568, taking Florida in its continental -sense; but as De Soto is his main hero, he follows him through his -Peruvian career. Shipp’s method is to give large extracts from the most -accessible early writers, with linking abstracts, making his book one -mainly of compilation.—ED.] - -[976] _Letter of Hernando de Soto, and Memoir of Hernando de Escalante -Fontaneda._ [The transcript of the Fontaneda Memoir is marked by Muñoz -“as a very good account, although it is by a man who did not understand -the art of writing, and therefore many sentences are incomplete. On -the margin of the original [at Simancas] are points made by the hand -of Herrera, who doubtless drew on this for that part [of his _Historia -general_] about the River Jordan which he says was sought by Ponce de -Leon.” This memoir on Florida and its natives was written in Spain -about 1575. It is also given in English in French’s _Historical -Collection of Louisiana_ (1875), p. 235, from the French of Ternaux; -cf. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 26. The Editor appends various -notes and a comparative statement of the authorities relative to the -landing of De Soto and his subsequent movements, and adds a list of the -original authorities on De Soto’s expedition and a map of a part of the -Floridian peninsula. The authorities are also reviewed by Rye in the -Introduction to the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Smith also printed the -will of De Soto in the _Hist. Mag._ (May, 1861), v. 134.—ED.] - -[977] [A memorial of Alonzo Vasquez (1560), asking for privileges -in Florida, and giving evidences of his services under De Soto, is -translated in the _Historical Magazine_ (September, 1860), iv. 257.—ED.] - -[978] [Buckingham Smith has considered the question of De Soto’s -landing in a paper, “Espiritu Santo,” appended to his _Letter of De -Soto_ (Washington, 1854), p. 51.—ED.] - -[979] [Colonel Jones epitomizes the march through Georgia in chap. ii. -of his _History of Georgia_ (Boston, 1883). In the _Annual Report_ of -the Smithsonian Institution, 1881, p. 619, he figures and describes two -silver crosses which were taken in 1832 from an Indian mound in Murray -County, Georgia, at a spot where he believed De Soto to have encamped -(June, 1540), and which he inclines to associate with that explorer. -Stevens (_History of Georgia_, i. 26) thinks but little positive -knowledge can be made out regarding De Soto’s route.—ED.] - -[980] [Pages 25-41. Pickett in 1849 printed the first chapter of his -proposed work in a tract called, _Invasion of the Territory of Alabama -by One Thousand Spaniards under Ferdinand de Soto in 1540_ (Montgomery, -1849). Pickett says he got confirmatory information respecting the -route from Indian traditions among the Creeks.—ED.] - -[981] “We are satisfied that the Mauvila, the scene of Soto’s bloody -fight, was upon the north bank of the Alabama, at a place now called -Choctaw Bluff, in the County of Clarke, about twenty-five miles above -the confluence of the Alabama and Tombigbee” (Pickett, i. 27). The name -of this town is written “Mauilla” by the Gentleman of Elvas, “Mavilla” -by Biedma, but “Mabile” by Ranjel. The _u_ and _v_ were interchangeable -letters in Spanish printing, and readily changed to _b_. (Irving, -second edition, p. 261). - -[982] Bancroft, _United States_, i. 51; Pickett, Alabama, vol. i.; -Martin’s _Louisiana_, i. 12; Nuttall’s _Travels into Arkansas_ (1819), -p. 248; Fairbanks’s _History of Florida_, chap. v.; Ellicott’s -_Journal_, p. 125; Belknap, _American Biography_, i. 192. [Whether this -passage of the Mississippi makes De Soto its discoverer, or whether -Cabeza de Vaca’s account of his wandering is to be interpreted as -bringing him, first of Europeans, to its banks, when on the 30th of -October, 1528, he crossed one of its mouths, is a question in dispute, -even if we do not accept the view that Alonzo de Pineda found its mouth -in 1519 and called it Rio del Espiritu Santo (Navarrete, iii. 64). The -arguments pro and con are examined by Rye in the Hakluyt Society’s -volume. Cf., besides the authorities above named, French’s _Historical -Collections of Louisiana_; Sparks’s _Marquette_; Gayarré’s _Louisiana_; -Theodore Irving’s _Conquest of Florida_; Gravier’s _La Salle_, chap. -i., and his “Route du Mississipi” in _Congrès des Américanistes_ -(1877), vol. i.; De Bow’s _Commercial Review_, 1849 and 1850; _Southern -Literary Messenger_, December, 1848; _North American Review_, July, -1847.—ED.] - -[983] Jaramillo, in Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 160. - -[984] [See chap. vii. on “Early Explorations of New Mexico.”—ED.] - -[985] _Pioneers of France in the New World_; cf. Gaffarel, _La Floride -Française_, p. 341. - -[986] There is a French version in Ternaux’ _Recueil de la Floride_, -and an English one in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana -and Florida_ (1875), ii. 190. The original is somewhat diffuse, but is -minute upon interesting points. - -[987] Cf. Sparks, _Ribault_, p. 155; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p. -20. Fairbanks in his _History of St. Augustine_ tells the story, mainly -from the Spanish side. - -[988] Edited by Charles Deane for the Maine Historical Society, pp. 20, -195, 213. - -[989] _Life of Ribault_, p. 147. - -[990] [This original English edition (a tract of 42 pages) is extremely -scarce. There is a copy in the British Museum, from which Rich had -transcripts made, one of which is now in Harvard College Library, -and another is in the Carter-Brown Collection (cf. Rich, 1832, no. -40; Carter-Brown, i. 244). The text, as in the _Divers Voyages_, is -reprinted in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_ -(1875), p. 159. Ribault supposed that in determining to cross the -ocean in a direct westerly course, he was the first to make such an -attempt, not knowing that Verrazano had already done so. Cf. Brevoort, -_Verrazano_, p. 110; Hakluyt, _Divers Voyages_, edition by J. W. Jones, -p. 95. See also Vol. III. p. 172.—ED.] - -[991] [This is the rarest of Hakluyt’s publications, the only copy -known in America being in the Lenox Library (Sabin, vol. x. no. -39,236)—ED.] - -[992] [Brinton, _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 39. The original French text -was reprinted in Paris in 1853 in the _Bibliothèque Elzévirienne;_ and -this edition is worth about 30 francs (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, -no. 97; Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,235). The edition of 1586 was priced -by Rich in 1832 at £5 5_s._, and has been sold of late years for -$250, £63, and 1,500 francs. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,662; Sabin, vol. x. -no. 39,234; Carter-Brown, i. 366; Court, nos. 27, 28; Murphy, no. -1,442; Brinley, vol. iii. no. 4,357; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, p. -24. Gaffarel in his _La Florida Française_ (p. 347) gives the first -letter entire, and parts of the second and third, following the 1586 -edition.—ED.] - -[993] Cf. Stevens _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870,) p. 224; Brinton, -_Floridian Peninsula_, p. 32. - -[994] _Brevis narratio eorum quæ in Florida Americæ provīcia Gallis -acciderunt, secunda in illam Navigatione, duce Renato de Laudoñiere -classis Præfecto: anno MDLXIIII. Quæ est secunda pars Americæ. -Additæ figuræ et Incolarum eicones ibidem ad vivū expressæ, brevis -etiam declaratio religionis, rituum, vivendique ratione ipsorum. -Auctore Iacobo Le Moyne, cui cognomen de Morgues, Laudoñierum in ea -Navigatione Sequnto._ [There was a second edition of the Latin (1609) -and two editions in German (1591 and 1603), with the same plates. Cf. -Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 399, 414; Court, no. 243; Brinley, vol. iii, -no. 4,359. The original Latin of 1591 is also found separately, with -its own pagination, and is usually in this condition priced at about -100 francs. It is supposed to have preceded the issue as a part of De -Bry (Dufossé, 1878, nos. 3,691, 3,692). - -The engravings were reproduced in heliotypes; and with the text -translated by Frederick B. Perkins, it was published in Boston in 1875 -as the _Narrative of Le Moyne, an Artist who accompanied the French -Expedition to Florida under Laudonnière_, 1564. These engravings -have been in part reproduced several times since their issue, as in -the _Magazin pittoresque_, in _L’univers pittoresque_, in Pickett’s -_Alabama_, etc.—ED.] - -[995] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,631-32; Carter-Brown, i. 262. - -[996] [Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,634; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 263. An -English translation, following the Lyons text, was issued in London -in 1566 as _A True and Perfect Description of the Last Voyage of -Ribaut_, of which only two copies are reported by Sabin,—one in the -Carter-Brown Library (vol. i. no. 264), and the other in the British -Museum. This same Lyons text was included in Ternaux’ _Reçueil de -pièces sur la Floride_ and in Gaffarel’s _La Floride Française_, p. 457 -(cf. also pp. 337-339), and it is in part given in Cimber and Danjon’s -_Archives curieuses de l’histoire de France_ (Paris, 1835), vi. 200. -The original Dieppe text was reprinted at Rouen in 1872 for the Société -Rouennaise de Bibliophiles, and edited by Gravier under the title: -_Deuxième voyage du Dieppois Jean Ribaut à la Floride en 1565, précédé -d’une notice historique et bibliographique_. Cf. Brinton, _Floridian -Peninsula_, p. 30.—ED.] - -[997] [O’Callaghan, no. 463; Rich (1832), no. 60. There was an edition -at Cologne in 1612 (Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,300; Carter-Brown, ii. -123). Sparks (_Life of Ribault_, p. 152) reports a _De navigatione -Gallorum in terram Floridam_ in connection with an Antwerp (1568) -edition of Levinus Apollonius. It also appears in the same connection -in the joint German edition of Benzoni, Peter Martyr, and Levinus -printed at Basle in 1582 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344). It may have -been merely a translation of Challeux or Ribault (Brinton, _Floridian -Peninsula_, p. 36)—ED.]. - -[998] Murphy, nos. 564, 2,853. - -[999] Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,630; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 330; -Dufossé, no. 4,211. - -[1000] This petition is known as the _Epistola supplicatoria_, and is -embodied in the original text in Chauveton’s French edition of Benzoni. -It is also given in Cimber and Danjon’s _Archives curieuses_, vi. -232, and in Gaffarel’s _Floride Française_, p. 477; and in Latin in -De Bry, parts ii. and vi. (cf. Sparks’s _Ribault_, appendix). [There -are other contemporary accounts or illustrations in the “Lettres et -papiers d’état du Sieur de Forquevaulx,” for the most part unprinted, -and preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, which were used -by Du Prat in his _Histoire d’Élisabeth de Valois_ (1859), and some of -which are printed in Gaffarel, p. 409. The nearly contemporary accounts -of Popellinière in his _Trois mondes_ (1582) and in the _Histoire -universelle_ of De Thou, represent the French current belief. The -volume of Ternaux’ _Voyages_ known as _Recueil de pièces sur la Floride -inédites_, contains, among eleven documents, one called _Coppie d’une -lettre venant de la Floride, ... ensemble le plan et portraict du fort -que les François y ont faict_ (1564), which is reprinted in Gaffarel -and in French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, vol. -iii. This tract, with a plan of the fort on the sixth leaf, _recto_, -was originally printed at Paris in 1565 (Carter-Brown, i. 256). None -of the reprints give the engravings. It was seemingly written in the -summer of 1564, and is the earliest account which was printed.—ED.] - -[1001] _Ensayo cronológico._ - -[1002] [Parkman, however, inclines to believe that Barcia’s acceptance -is a kind of admission of its “broad basis of truth.”—ED.] - -[1003] Page 340. Cf. _Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_, iv. 72. - -[1004] [They are: _a._ Preserved in the Château de Vayres, belonging to -M. de Bony, which is presumably that given as belonging to the Gourgues -family, of which a copy, owned by Bancroft, was used by Parkman. It was -printed at Mont-de-Marsan, 1851, 63 pages. - -_b._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 1,886. Printed by -Ternaux-Compans in his _Recueil_, etc., p. 301, and by Gaffarel, p. -483, collated with the other manuscripts and translated into English in -French’s _Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida_, ii. 267. -This copy bears the name of Robert Prévost; but whether as author or -copyist is not clear, says Parkman (p. 142). - -_c._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 2,145. Printed at Bordeaux in -1867 by Ph. Tamizey de Larroque, with preface and notes, and giving -also the text marked _e_ below. - -_d._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 3,384. Printed by Taschereau in -the _Revue rétrospective_ (1835), ii. 321. - -_e._ In the Bibliothèque Nationale, no. 6,124. See _c_ above. - -The account in the _Histoire notable_ is called an abridgment by -Sparks, and of this abridgment there is a Latin version in De Bry, part -ii.,—_De quarta Gallorum in Floridam navigatione sub Gourguesio_. See -other abridgments in Popellinière, _Histoire des trois mondes_ (1582), -Lescarbot, and Charlevoix.] - -[1005] _Floridian Peninsula_, p. 35. - -[1006] Such as Wytfliet’s _Histoire des Indes_; D’Aubigné’s _Histoire -universelle_ (1626); De Laet’s _Novus orbis_, book iv.; Lescarbot’s -_Nouvelle France_; Champlain’s _Voyages_; Brantôme’s _Grands capitaines -François_ (also in his _Œuvres_). Faillon (_Colonie Française_, i. 543) -bases his account on Lescarbot. - -[1007] Cf. Shea’s edition with notes, where (vol. i. p. 71) Charlevoix -characterizes the contemporary sources; and he points out how the Abbé -du Fresnoy, in his _Méthode pour étudier la géographie_, falls into -some errors. - -[1008] _American Biography_, vol. vii. (new series). - -[1009] Boston, 1865. Mr. Parkman had already printed parts of this in -the _Atlantic Monthly_, xii. 225, 536, and xiv. 530. - -[1010] Paris, 1875. He gives (p. 517) a succinct chronology of events. - -[1011] Cf., for instance, Bancroft’s _United States_, chap. ii.; Gay’s -_Popular History of the United States_, chap. viii.; Warburton’s -_Conquest of Canada_, app. xvi.; Conway Robinson’s _Discoveries in -the West_, ii. chap. xvii. _et seq._; Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_; -Fairbanks’s _Florida_; Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_,—among American -writers; and among the French,—Guérin, _Les navigateurs Français_ -(1846); Ferland, _Canada_; Martin, _Histoire de France_; Haag, _La -France protestante_; Poussielgue, “Quatre mois en Floride,” in _Le tour -du monde_, 1869-1870; and the Lives of Coligny by Tessier, Besant, and -Laborde. There are other references in Gaffarel, p. 344. - -There is a curious article, “Dominique de Gourgues, the Avenger of the -Huguenots in Florida, a Catholic,” in the _Catholic World_, xxi. 701. - -[1012] _The Acts of the Apostles_, xxviii. 2-6. - -[1013] [See Chapter I.—ED.] - -[1014] Llorente adds that he had a personal acquaintance with a branch -of the family at Calahorra, his own birthplace, and that the first of -the family went to Spain, under Ferdinand III., to fight against the -Moors of Andalusia. He also traces a connection between this soldier -and Las Cases, the chamberlain of Napoleon, one of his councillors -and companions at St. Helena, through a Charles Las Casas, one of the -Spanish seigneurs who accompanied Blanche of Castile when she went to -France, in 1200, to espouse Louis VIII. - -[1015] There is a variance in the dates assigned by historians for -the visits of both Las Casas and his father to the Indians. Irving, -following Navarrete, says that Antoine returned to Seville in 1498, -having become rich (_Columbus_ iii. 415). He also says that Llorente -is incorrect in asserting that Bartholomew in his twenty-fourth year -accompanied Columbus in his third voyage, in 1498, returning with -him in 1500, as the young man was then at his studies at Salamanca. -Irving says Bartholomew first went to Hispaniola with Ovando in 1502, -at the age of about twenty-eight. I have allowed the dates to stand -in the text as given by Llorente, assigning the earlier year for the -first voyage of Las Casas to the New World as best according with the -references in writings by his own pen to the period of his acquaintance -with the scenes which he describes. - -[1016] The administration of affairs in the Western colonies of Spain -was committed by Ferdinand, in 1511, to a body composed chiefly of -clergy and jurists, called “The Council for the Indies.” Its powers -originally conferred by Ferdinand were afterward greatly enlarged by -Charles V. These powers were full and supreme, and any information, -petition, appeal, or matter of business concerning the Indies, though -it had been first brought before the monarch, was referred by him for -adjudication to the Council. This body had an almost absolute sway -alike in matters civil and ecclesiastical, with supreme authority -over all appointments and all concerns of government and trade. It -was therefore in the power of the Council to overrule or qualify in -many ways the will or purpose or measures of the sovereigns, which -were really in favor of right or justice or humane proceedings in the -affairs of the colonies. For it naturally came about that some of its -members were personally and selfishly interested in the abuses and -iniquities which it was their rightful function and their duty to -withstand. At the head of the Council was a dignitary whose well-known -character and qualities were utterly unfavorable for the rightful -discharge of his high trust. This was Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, -successively Bishop of Badajoz, Valencia, and Burgos, and constituted -“Patriarch of the Indies.” He had full control of colonial affairs for -thirty years, till near his death in 1547. He bore the repute among -his associates of extreme worldliness and ambition, with none of the -graces and virtues becoming the priestly office, the duties of which -engaged but little of his time or regard. It is evident also that he -was of an unscrupulous and malignant disposition. He was inimical to -Columbus and Cortés from the start. He tried to hinder, and succeeded -in delaying and embarrassing, the second westward voyage of the great -admiral. (Irving’s _Columbus_, iii.; Appendix XXXIV.) He was a bitter -opponent of Las Casas, even resorting to taunting insults of the -apostle, and either openly or crookedly thwarting him in every stage -and effort of his patient importunities to secure the intervention of -the sovereigns in the protection of the natives. The explanation of -this enmity is found in the fact that Fonseca himself was the owner of -a _repartimiento_ in Hispaniola, with a large number of native slaves. - -[1017] There is an extended Note on Las Casas in Appendix XXVIII. of -Irving’s _Columbus_. That author most effectively vindicates Las Casas -from having first advised and been instrumental in the introduction of -African slavery in the New World, giving the dates and the advisers and -agents connected with that wrong previous to any word on the subject -from Las Casas. The devoted missionary had been brought to acquiesce -in the measure on the plausible plea stated in the text, acting from -the purest spirit of benevolence, though under an erroneous judgment. -Cardinal Ximenes had from the first opposed the project. - -[1018] As will appear farther on in these pages, Las Casas stands -justly chargeable with enormous exaggerations of the number or -estimate of the victims of Spanish cruelty. But I have not met with -a single case in any contemporary writer, nor in the challengers and -opponents of his pleadings at the Court of Spain, in which his hideous -portrayal of the forms and methods of that cruelty, its dreadful and -revolting tortures and mutilations, have been brought under question. -Mr. Prescott’s fascinating volumes have been often and sometimes very -sharply censured, because in the glow of romance, chivalric daring, -and heroic adventure in which he sets the achievements of the Spanish -“Conquerors” of the New World he would seem to be somewhat lenient to -their barbarities. In the second of his admirable works he refers as -follows to this stricture upon him: “To American and English readers, -acknowledging so different a moral standard from that of the sixteenth -century, I may possibly be thought too indulgent to the errors of the -Conquerors;” and he urges that while he has “not hesitated to expose -in their strongest colors the excesses of the Conquerors, I have given -them the benefit of such mitigating reflections as might be suggested -by the circumstances and the period in which they lived” (Preface to -the _Conquest of Mexico_). - -It is true that scattered over all the ably-wrought pages of Mr. -Prescott’s volumes are expressions of the sternest judgment and the -most indignant condemnation passed upon the most signal enormities of -these incarnate spoilers, who made a sport of their barbarity. But -those who have most severely censured the author upon the matter now -in view have done so under the conviction that cruelty unprovoked and -unrelieved was so awfully dark and prevailing a feature in every stage -and incident of the Spanish advance in America, that no glamour of -adventure or chivalric deeds can in the least lighten or redeem it. The -underlying ground of variance is in the objection to the use of the -terms “Conquest” and “Conquerors,” as burdened with the relation of -such a pitiful struggle between the overmastering power of the invaders -and the abject helplessness of their victims. - -As I am writing this note, my eye falls upon the following extract -from a private letter written in 1847 by that eminent and highly -revered divine, Dr. Orville Dewey, and just now put into print: “I -have been reading Prescott’s _Peru_. What a fine accomplishment there -is about it! And yet there is something wanting to me in the moral -nerve. History should teach men how to estimate characters; it should -be a teacher of morals; and I think it should make us _shudder_ at the -names of Cortez and Pizarro. But Prescott does not; he seems to have a -kind of sympathy with these inhuman and perfidious adventurers, as if -they were his heroes. It is too bad to talk of them as the soldiers of -Christ; if it were said of the Devil, they would have better fitted the -character” (_Autobiography and Letters of Orville Dewey, D.D._ p. 190). - -[1019] Juan Ginez de Sepulveda, distinguished both as a theologian -and an historian, was born near Cordova in 1490, and died in 1573. -He was of a noble but impoverished family. He availed himself of his -opportunities for obtaining the best education of his time in the -universities of Spain and Italy, and acquired an eminent reputation -as a scholar and a disputant,—not, however, for any elevation of -principles or nobleness of thought. In 1536 he was appointed by Charles -V. his historiographer, and put in charge of his son Philip. Living -at Court, he had the repute of being crooked and unscrupulous, his -influence not being given on the side of rectitude and progressive -views. His writings concerning men and public affairs give evidence of -the faults imputed to him. He was vehement, intolerant, and dogmatic. -He justified the most extreme absolutism in the exercise of the royal -prerogative, and the lawfulness and even the expediency of aggressive -wars simply for the glory of the State. Melchior Cano and Antonio -Ramirez, as well as Las Casas, entered into antagonism and controversy -with his avowed principles. One of his works, entitled _Democrates -Secundus, seu de justis belli causis_, may be pronounced almost brutal -in the license which it allowed in the stratagems and vengefulness -of warfare. It was condemned by the universities of Alcala and -Salamanca. He was a voluminous author of works of history, philosophy, -and theology, and was admitted to be a fine and able writer. Erasmus -pronounced him the Spanish Livy. The disputation between him and Las -Casas took place before Charles in 1550. The monarch was very much -under his influence, and seems to some extent to have sided with him -in some of his views and principles. Sepulveda was one of the very few -persons whom the monarch admitted to interviews and intimacy in his -retirement to the Monastery at Yuste. - -It was this formidable opponent—a personal enemy also in jealousy and -malignity—whom Las Casas confronted with such boldness and earnestness -of protest before the Court and Council. It was evidently the aim of -Sepulveda to involve the advocate of the Indians in some disloyal or -heretical questioning of the prerogatives of monarch or pope. It seemed -at one time as if the noble pleader for equity and humanity would come -under the clutch of the Holy Office, then exercising its new-born -vigor upon all who could be brought under inquisition for constructive -or latent heretical proclivities. For Las Casas, though true to his -priestly vows, made frequent and bold utterances of what certainly, in -his time, were advanced views and principles. - -[1020] Juan Antonio Llorente, eminent as a writer and historian, both -in Spanish and French, was born near Calahorra, Aragon, in 1756, -and died at Madrid in 1823. He received the tonsure when fourteen -years of age, and was ordained priest at Saragossa in 1779. He was -of a vigorous, inquisitive, and liberal spirit, giving free range to -his mind, and turning his wide study and deep investigations to the -account of his enlargement and emancipation from the limitations of -his age and associates. He tells us that in 1784 he had abandoned -all ultramontane doctrines, and all the ingenuities and perplexities -of scholasticism. His liberalism ran into rationalism. His secret or -more or less avowed alienation from the prejudices and obligations of -the priestly order, while it by no means made his position a singular -or even an embarrassing one under the influences and surroundings -of his time, does at least leave us perplexed to account for the -confidence with which functions and high ecclesiastical trusts were -committed to and exercised by him. He was even made Secretary-General -of the Inquisition, and was thus put in charge of the enormous mass -of records, with all their dark secrets, belonging to its whole -history and processes. This charge he retained for a time after the -Inquisition was abolished in 1809. It was thus by a singular felicity -of opportunity that those terrible archives should have been in the -care, and subject to the free and intelligent use, of a man best -qualified of all others to tell the world their contents, and afterward -prompted and at liberty to do so from subsequent changes in his own -opinions and relations. To this the world is indebted for a _History -of the Inquisition_, the fidelity and sufficiency of which satisfy all -candid judgments. He was restive in spirit, provoked strong opposition, -and was thus finally deprived of his office. After performing a -variety of services not clerical, and moving from place to place, he -went to Paris, where, in 1817-1818, he courageously published the -above-mentioned _History_. He was interdicted the exercise of clerical -functions. In 1822, the same year in which he published his Biography -and French translation of the principal works of Las Casas, he -published also his _Political Portraits of the Popes_. For this he was -ordered to quit Paris,—a deep disappointment to him, causing chagrin -and heavy depression. He found refuge in Madrid, where he died in the -following year. - -[1021] Mr. Ticknor, however, says that these two treatises “are not -absolutely proved” to be by Las Casas.—_History of Spanish Literature_, -i. 566. - -[1022] _Conquest of Mexico_, i. 80, _n._ Of his _Short Account of the -Destruction of the Indies_, this historian says: “However good the -motives of its author, we may regret that the book was ever written.... -The author lent a willing ear to every tale of violence and rapine, and -magnified the amount to a degree which borders on the ridiculous. The -wild extravagance of his numerical estimates is of itself sufficient -to shake confidence in the accuracy of his statements generally. Yet -the naked truth was too startling in itself to demand the aid of -exaggeration.” The historian truly says of himself, in his Preface to -the work quoted: “I have not hesitated to expose in their strongest -colors the excesses of the conquerors.” - -[1023] Llorente, i. 365, 386. - -[1024] [Helps (_Spanish Conquest_) says: “Las Casas may be thoroughly -trusted whenever he is speaking of things of which he had competent -knowledge.” Ticknor (_Spanish literature_, ii. 31) calls him “a -prejudiced witness, but on a point of fact within his own knowledge -one to be believed.” H. H. Bancroft (_Early American Chroniclers_, -p. 20; also _Central America_, i. 274, 309; ii. 337) speaks of the -exaggeration which the zeal of Las Casas leads him into; but with due -abatement therefor, he considers him “a keen and valuable observer, -guided by practical sagacity, and endowed with a certain genius.”—ED.] - -[1025] Sabin’s _Works of Las Casas_, and his _Dictionary_, iii. -388-402, and x. 88-91; Field’s _Indian Bibliography_; _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_; Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, pp. 18-24; the _Huth -Catalogue_; Brunet’s Manuel, etc. - -[1026] [Field says it was written in 1540, and submitted to the Emperor -in MS.; but in the shape in which it was printed it seems to have been -written in 1541-1542. Cf. Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 860, 870; -Sabin, _Works of Las Casas_, no. 1; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 164; -Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 38; and _Catalogue_, p. 62. The -work has nineteen sections on as many provinces, ending with a summary -for the year 1546. This separate tract was reprinted in the original -Spanish in London, in 1812, and again in Philadelphia, in 1821, for -the Mexican market, with an introductory essay on Las Casas. Stevens, -_Bibliotheca historica_, 1105; cf. also _Coleccion de documentos -inéditos_ (_España_), vol. vii. - -The _Cancionero spiritual_, printed at Mexico in 1546, is not assigned -to _Bartholomew_ Las Casas in Ticknor’s _Spanish Literature_, iii. 44, -but it is in Gayangos and Vedia’s Spanish translation of Ticknor. Cf. -also Sabin, vol. x. no. 39,122; Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet., Additions_, -No. 159.—ED.] - -[1027] [Field does not give it a date; but Sabin says it was written in -1552. Cf. Field, nos. 860, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 2; Carter-Brown, i. -165; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.—ED.] - -[1028] [Field says it was written “soon after” no. 1; Sabin places it -in 1543. Cf. Field, no. 862, 870, _note_; Carter-Brown, i. 166; Sabin, -3; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 595; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62.—ED.] - -[1029] [Sabin says it was written in America in 1546-1547. Field, nos. -863, 870, _note_; Carter-Brown, i. 167; Sabin, no. 6.—ED.] - -[1030] [There seems, according to Field (nos. 864, 865), to have been -two distinct editions in 1552, as he deduces from his own copy and from -a different one belonging to Mr. Brevoort, there being thirty-three -variations in the two. Quaritch has noted (no. 11,855, priced at £6 -6_s._) a copy likewise in Gothic letter, but with different woodcut -initials, which he places about 1570. Cf. Field, p. 217; Carter-Brown, -i. 168; Sabin, no. 8; _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 62. - -The initial work of Sepulveda, _Democrates Secundus_, defending the -rights of the Crown over the natives, was not published, though he -printed his _Apologia pro libro de justis belli causis_, Rome, 1550 -(two copies of which are known), of which there was a later edition in -1602; and some of his views may be found in it. Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish -Literature_, ii. 37; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 24, and _Bib. -Amer. Vet._, no. 303; and the general histories of Bancroft, Helps, and -Prescott. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, no. 173, shows a MS. copy of -Sepulveda’s book. It is also in Sepulveda’s _Opera_, Cologne, 1602, p. -423; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 15.—ED.] - -[1031] [Sabin dates it in 1543. Cf. Field, nos. 866, 870, _note_; -Sabin, no. 4; Carter-Brown, i. 170.—ED.] - -[1032] [Sabin says it was written in Spain in 1548 Cf. Field, nos. 867, -870, _note_; Sabin, no. 7; Carter-Brown, i. 171.—ED.] - -[1033] [Field, nos. 868, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 9; Carter-Brown, i. -169.—ED.] - -[1034] [This is the longest and one of the rarest of the series. Sabin -says it was written about 1543. There were two editions of the same -date, having respectively 80 and 84 leaves; but it is uncertain which -is the earlier, though Field supposes the fewer pages to indicate the -first. Field, nos. 869, 870, _note_; Sabin, no. 5; Carter Brown, i. -172.—ED.] - -[1035] [It is only of late years that the entire series has been -described. De Bure gives only five of the tracts; Dibdin enumerates -but seven; and Llorente in his edition omits three, as was done in the -edition of 1646. Rich in 1832 priced a set at £12 12_s._ A full set is -now worth from $100 to $150; but Leclerc (nos. 327, 2,556) has recently -priced a set of seven at 700 francs, and a full set at 1,000 francs. An -English dealer has lately held one at £42. Quaritch has held four parts -at £10, and a complete set at £40. Single tracts are usually priced -at from £1 to £5. Recent sales have been shown in the Sunderland (no. -2,459, 9 parts); Field (no. 1,267); Cooke (vol. iii. no. 369, 7 parts); -Stevens, _Hist. Coll._ (no. 311, 8 parts); Pinart (no. 536); and Murphy -(no. 487) catalogues. The set in the Carter-Brown Library belonged -to Ternaux; that belonging to Mr. Brevoort came from the Maximillian -Library. The Lenox Library and Mr. Barlow’s Collection have sets. There -are also sets in the Grenville and Huth collections. - -The 1646 reprint, above referred to, has sometimes a collective title, -_Las Obras_, etc., but most copies, like the Harvard College copy, lack -it. As the titles of the separate tracts (printed in this edition in -Roman) retained the original 1552 dates, this reprint is often called a -spurious edition. It is usually priced at from $15 to $30. Cf. Sabin, -no. 13; Field, p. 216; Quaritch, no. 11,856; Carter-Brown, i. 173; ii. -584; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 312; Cooke, iii. 370. - -Some of the Tracts are included in the _Obras escogidas de filósofos_, -etc. Madrid, 1873.—ED.] - -[1036] [Field, no. 870, and _note_; Sabin, no. 11; the Carter-Brown -Collection lacks it. It was reprinted at Tübingen, and again at Jena, -in 1678. It has never been reprinted in Spain, says Stevens (_Bibl. -Hist._, no. 1,096).—ED.] - -[1037] [“Not absolutely proved to be his,” says Ticknor (_Spanish -Literature_, ii. 37).—ED.] - -[1038] [There were a hundred copies of these printed. They are:— - -1. _Memorial de Don Diego Colon sobre la conversion de las gentes de -las Yndias._ With an Epistle to Dr. Reinhold Pauli. It is Diego Colon’s -favorable comment on Las Casas’s scheme of civilizing the Indians, -written at King Charles’s request. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 881. - -2. _Carta_, dated 1520, and addressed to the Chancellor of Charles, in -which Las Casas urges his scheme of colonization of the Indians. Mr. -Stevens dedicates it to Arthur Helps in a letter. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. -Coll._, i. 882; the manuscript is described in his _Bibl. Geog._, no. -598. - -3. _Paresçer o determinaciō de los señores theologos de Salamanca_, -dated July 1, 1541. This is the response of the Faculty of Salamanca -to the question put to them by Charles V., if the baptized natives -could be made slaves. Mr. Stevens dedicates the tract to Sir Thomas -Phillipps. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 883. - -4. _Carta de Hernando Cortés._ Mr. Stevens, in his Dedication to -Leopold von Ranke, supposes this to have been written in 1541-1542. It -is Cortes’ reply to the Emperor’s request for his opinions regarding -_Encomiendas_, etc., in Mexico. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 884. - -5. _Carta de Las Casas_, dated Oct. 22, 1545, with an abstract in -English in the Dedication to Colonel Peter Force. It is addressed to -the Audiencia in Honduras, and sets forth the wrongs of the natives. -Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 885. The manuscript is now in the Huth -Collection, _Catalogue_, v. 1,681. - -6. _Carta de Las Casas_ to the Dominican Fathers of Guatemala, -protesting against the sale of the reversion of the _Encomiendas_. Mr. -Stevens supposes this to have been written in 1554, in his Dedication -to Sir Frederick Madden. Cf. Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 886. A set of -these tracts is worth about $25. The set in the Cooke Sale (vol. iii. -no. 375) is now in Harvard College Library; another set is shown in -the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 488, and there is one in the Boston Public -Library.—ED.] - -[1039] Field, p. 219. - -[1040] Vol. i. p. 160. - -[1041] [Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, says volumes i. and -ii. are in the Academy; but volume iii. is in the Royal Library. Cf., -however, the “Advertencia preliminar” of the Madrid (1875) edition of -the _Historia_ on this point, as well as regards the various copies of -the manuscript existing in Madrid.—ED.] - -[1042] [Such is Quintana’s statement; but Helps failed to verify it, -and says he could only fix the dates 1552, 1560, 1561 as those of any -part of the writing. _Life of Las Casas_, p. 175.—ED.] - -[1043] [I trace no copy earlier than one Rich had made. Prescott had -one, which was probably burned in Boston (1872). Helps used another. -There are other copies in the Library of Congress, in the Lenox -Library, and in H. H. Bancroft’s Collection.—ED.] - -[1044] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 119, says the purpose of the -Academy at one time was to annotate the manuscript, so as to show Las -Casas in a new light, using contemporary writers.—ED.] - -[1045] [It is worth from $30 to $40. It is called _Historia de las -Indias, ahora por primera vez dada á luz por el Marqués de la Fuensanta -del Valle y José Sancho Rayon_. It contains, beginning in vol. v. at -p. 237, the _Apologética historia_ which Las Casas had written to -defend the Indians against aspersions upon their lives and character. -This latter work was not included in another edition of the _Historia_ -printed at Mexico in two volumes in 1877-1878. Cf. Vigel, _Biblioteca -Mexicana_. Parts of the _Apologética_ are given in Kingsborough’s -_Mexico_, vol. viii. Cf. on the _Historia_, Irving’s _Columbus_, App.; -Helps’s _Spanish Conquest_ (Am. ed.), i. 23, and _Life of Las Casas_, -p. 175; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 39; Humboldt’s _Cosmos_ -(Eng. tr.), ii. 679; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 309; -Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 378; Quintana’s _Vidas_, iii. 507.—ED.] - -[1046] [Llorente’s version is not always strictly faithful, being -in parts condensed and paraphrastic. Cf. Field, no. 889; Ticknor, -_Spanish Literature_, ii. 38, and _Catalogue_, p. 62; Sabin, nos. 14, -50; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 309. This edition, besides a -life of Las Casas, contains a necrology of the Conquerors, and other -annotations by the editor.—ED.] - -[1047] [This earliest version is a tract of 70 leaves, printed probably -at Brussels, and called _Seer cort Verhael vande destructie van -d’Indien_. Cf. Sabin, no. 23; Carter-Brown, i. 320; Stevens, _Bibl. -Hist._, no. 1,097. The whole series is reviewed in Tiele’s _Mémoire -bibliographique_ (who gives twenty-one editions) and in Sabin’s _Works -of Las Casas_ (taken from his _Dictionary_); and many of them are noted -in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ and in Muller’s _Books on America_, -1872 and 1877. This 1578 edition was reissued in 1579 with a new title, -_Spieghel der Spaenscher Tirannije_, which in some form continued -to be the title of subsequent editions, which were issued in 1596, -1607, 1609, 1610, 1612 (two), 1620 (two), 1621, 1627 (?), 1634, 1638, -1663, 1664, etc. Several of these editions give De Bry’s engravings, -sometimes in reverse. A popular chap-book, printed about 1730, is made -up from Las Casas and other sources.—ED.] - -[1048] [This included the first, second, and sixth of the tracts of -1552. In 1582 there was a new edition of the _Tyrannies_, etc., printed -at Paris; but some copies seem to have had a changed title, _Histoire -admirable des horribles insolences_, etc. It was again reissued with -the original title at Rouen in 1630. Cf. Field, 873, 874; Sabin, -nos. 41, 42, 43, 45; Rich (1832); Stevens, _Bibl. Hist._, no. 1,098; -Leclerc, nos. 334, 2,558; Carter-Brown, i. 329, 345, 347; O’Callaghan, -no. 1,336; a London catalogue (A. R. Smith, 1874) notes an edition of -the _Histoire admirable des horribles Insolences, Cruautez et tyrraines -exercées par les Espagnols_, etc., Lyons, 1594.—ED.] - -[1049] [It is a tract of sixty-four leaves in Gothic letter, and is -very rare, prices being quoted at £20 and more. Cf. Sabin, no. 61; -Carter-Brown, i. 351; Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, 596, _Huth Catalogue_, i. -271. Cf. William Lightfoote’s _Complaints of England_, London, 1587, -for English opinion at this time on the Spanish excesses (Sabin, vol. -x. no. 41,050), and the _Foreign Quarterly Review_ (1841), ii. 102.—ED.] - -[1050] [Field, p. 877; Carter-Brown, ii. 804; Sabin, no. 60. The first -tract is translated in Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, iv. 1,569.—ED.] - -[1051] [Some copies read, _Account of the First Voyages_, etc. Cf. -Field, no. 880; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,556; Sabin, no. 63; -Stevens, _Bibl. Geog._, no. 603; and _Prince Library Catalogue_, p. -34. Another English edition, London, 1689, is called _Popery truly -display’d in its Bloody Colours_. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,374; -Sabin, no. 62. Another London book of 1740, _Old England for Ever_, is -often called a Las Casas, but it is not his. Field, no. 888.—ED.] - -[1052] [Sabin, no. 51; Carter-Brown, i. 510; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, -i. 319. It has no place. Muller calls a _Warhafftiger Bericht_ of -1599, with no place, the earliest German edition, with De Bry’s, -engravings,—which were also in the Oppenheim edition of 1613, -_Warhafftiger und gründlicher Bericht_, etc. Cf. Sabin, no. 54; -Carter-Brown, ii. 146. A similar title belongs to a Frankfort edition -of 1597 (based on the Antwerp French edition of 1579), which is -noted in Sabin, no. 52, and in _Bib. Grenvilliana_, ii. 828, and was -accompanied by a volume of plates (Sabin, no,. 53). - -There seem to be two varieties of the German edition of 1665, -_Umbständige warhafftige Beschreibung der Indianischen Ländern_. Cf. -Carter-Brown, ii. 957; Sabin, no. 55; Field, no. 882. Sabin (no. 56) -also notes a 1790 and other editions.—ED.] - -[1053] [It followed the French edition of 1579, and was reissued at -Oppenheim in 1614. Cf. Field, p. 871; Carter-Brown, i. 453, 524; ii. -164; Sabin, nos. 57, 58. - -The Heidelberg edition of 1664, _Regionum Indicarum per Hispanos olim -devastatarum descriptio_, omits the sixteen pages of preliminary matter -of the early editions; and the plates, judging from the Harvard College -and other copies, show wear. Sabin, no. 59; Carter-Brown, ii. 944.—ED.] - -[1054] [As in the _Istoria ò brevissima relatione_, Venice, 1626, 1630, -and 1643, a version of the first tract of 1552, made by Castellani. -It was later included in Marmocchi’s _Raccolta di viaggi_. Cf. Sabin, -nos. 16, 17, 18; Carter-Brown, ii. 311, 360, 514; Leclerc, no. 331; -Field, no. 885; Stevens, _Hist. Coll._, i. 315; _Bibl. Hist._, no. -1,100. The sixth tract was translated as _Il supplice schiavo Indiano_, -and published at Venice in 1635, 1636, and 1657. Cf. Carter-Brown, ii. -434, 816; Field, no. 886; Sabin, nos. 20, 21. It was reissued in 1640 -as _La libertà pretesa_. Sabin, no. 19; Field, no. 887; Carter-Brown, -ii. 473. The eighth and ninth tracts appeared as _Conquista dell’Indie -occidentali_, Venice, 1645. Cf. Field, no. 884; Sabin, no. 22; -Carter-Brown, ii. 566.—ED.] - -[1055] In Harvard College Library, with also the _Ordenanzas reales del -Conseio de las Indias_, of the same date. - -[1056] There are convenient explanations and references respecting -the functions of the Casa de la Contratacion, the Council of the -Indies, the Process of the Audiencia, and the duties of an Alcalde, in -Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. pp. 270, 280, 282, 297, 330. - -[1057] See chap. iii. p. 203, _ante_. - -[1058] At Medellin, in Estremadura, in 1485. - -[1059] They are given in Pacheco’s _Coleccion_, xii. 225, Prescott’s -_Mexico_, app. i., and elsewhere. Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 55. - -[1060] There is much conflict of testimony on the respective share -of Cortés and Velasquez in equipping the expedition. H. H. Bancroft -(_Mexico_, i. 57) collates the authorities. - -[1061] Prescott makes Cortés sail clandestinely; Bancroft makes his -departure a hurried but open one; and this is Helps’s view of the -authorities. - -[1062] The authorities are not in unison about all these figures. Cf. -H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 70. - -[1063] See the long note comparing some of these accounts in H. H. -Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 102, etc. - -[1064] Marina did more. She impressed Cortés, who found her otherwise -convenient for a few years; and after she had borne him children, -married her to one of his captains. What purports to be a likeness of -her is given in Cabajal’s _México_, ii. 64. - -[1065] Prescott (_Mexico_, revised edition, i. 345) points out how this -site was abandoned later for one farther south, where the town was -called Vera Cruz Vieja; and again, early in the seventeenth century, -the name and town were transferred to another point still farther -south,—Nueva Vera Cruz. These changes have caused some confusion in -the maps of Lorenzana and others. Cf. the maps in Prescott and H. H. -Bancroft. - -[1066] There is some discrepancy in the authorities here as regards -the openness or stealth of the act of destroying the fleet. See the -authorities collated in Prescott, _Mexico_, new edition, i. 369, 370. - -[1067] The estimates of numbers in all the operations throughout the -Conquest differ widely, sometimes very widely, according to different -authorities. The student will find much of the collation of these -opposing statements done for him in the notes of Prescott and Bancroft. - -[1068] Fac-simile of an engraving on copper in the edition of Solis -printed at Venice in 1715, p. 29. It is inscribed: “Cavato da vn -originale fatto iñazi chei si portassi alla Conqvista del Messico.” - -[1069] Fac-simile of the copper plate in the Venice edition of Solis -_Conquista_ (1715) inscribed “Cavato dall’originale venvto dal Messico -al Ser^{mo} G. D. di Toscana.” - -[1070] H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 378) and Prescott (new edition vol. -ii., p. 231) collate the authorities. - -[1071] There are a variety of views as to the force Cortés now -commanded; cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 424. - -[1072] Prescott (_Mexico_, new ed., ii. 309) collates the diverse -accounts. - -[1073] It must be mentioned that the Spaniards have been accused -of murdering Montezuma. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 464) collates the -different views of the authorities. Cortes sent the body out of the -fort. Indignities were offered it; but some of the imperial party got -possession of it, and buried it with such honor as the times permitted. - -[1074] There are difficulties about the exact date; cf. H. H. Bancroft, -_Mexico_, i. 472. - -[1075] Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 488) collates the various authorities; so -does Prescott (_Mexico_, new ed., ii. 364) of the losses of this famous -_triste Noche_. - -[1076] The figures usually given are enormous, and often greatly vary -with the different authorities. In this as in other cases where numbers -are mentioned, Prescott and Bancroft collate the several reckonings -which have been recorded. - -[1077] Their chief was Juan Florin, who has been identified by some -with Verrazano. - -[1078] H. H. Bancroft (_Central Mexico_, i. 626) collates as usual the -various estimates of Alvarado’s force. - -[1079] There is some doubt whether the alleged plot was not, after all, -a fiction to cover the getting rid of burdensome personages. H. H. -Bancroft (_Central America_, i. 555) collates the various views, but it -does not seem that any unassailable conclusion can be reached. - -[1080] Part of a view of Acapulco as given in Montanus and Ogilby, -p. 261, showing the topography, but representing the later fort and -buildings. The same picture, on a larger scale, was published by Vander -Aa at Amsterdam. A plan of the harbor is given in Bancroft’s _Mexico_, -iii. 25. The place had no considerable importance as a Spanish -settlement till 1550 (Ibid., ii. 420). Cf. the view in Gay’s _Popular -History of the United States_, ii. 586. - -[1081] The remains of Cortés have rested uneasily. They were buried -at Seville; but in 1562 his son removed them to New Spain and placed -them in a monastery at Tezcuco. In 1629 they were carried with pomp -to Mexico to the church of St. Francis; and again, in 1794, they were -transferred to the Hospital of Jesus (Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 465), -where a monument with a bust was placed over them. In 1823, when a -patriotic zeal was turned into the wildness of a mob, the tomb was -threatened, and some soberer citizens secretly removed the monument -and sent it (and later the remains) clandestinely to his descendant, -the Duke of Monteleone, in Palermo, where they are supposed now to -be, if the story of this secret shipment is true (Prescott, _Mexico_, -iii. 335; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, pp. 219, 220; Bancroft, -_Mexico_, iii. 479, 480). Testimony regarding the earlier interment -and exhumation is given in the _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_ -(_España_), xxii. 563. Cf. B. Murphy on “The Tomb of Cortés” in the -_Catholic World_, xxxiii. 24. - -For an account of the family and descendants of Cortés, see Bancroft, -ii. 480; Prescott, iii. 336. The latter traces what little is known of -the later life of Marina (vol. iii. p. 279). - -[1082] Those pertaining to Cortés in vols. i.-iv. of the _Documentos -inéditos_ (_España_) had already appeared. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, pp. 213-215, enumerates the manuscripts which had been collected -by Prescott. Clavigero had given accounts of the collections in the -Vatican, at Vienna, and of those of Boturini, etc. - -[1083] Sabin, vol. xx. no. 34,153. In the Introduction to both volumes -Icazbalceta discusses learnedly the authorship of the various papers, -and makes note of considerable bibliographical detail. The edition was -three hundred copies, with twelve on large paper. - -[1084] Vol. i. 281; see also _ante_, p. 215. - -[1085] Vol. i. 368. This plan is given on an earlier page. Cf. -Bancroft, _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 15. - -[1086] See chap. v. p. 343. - -[1087] _Mexico_, ii. 96. A part of it was printed in the _Documentos -inéditos_ as “Ritos antiquos... de las Indias.” Cf. Kingsborough, vol. -ix. - -[1088] _Mexico_, i. 405. - -[1089] Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 147. - -[1090] Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,154-34,156; Quaritch, _Ramirez -Collection_ (1880), no. 89, priced it at £40. - -[1091] This institution is clearly defined by Helps, iii. 141. Cf. -Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 250. - -[1092] Prescott, _Mexico_, ii. 272; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 373; -_Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,092; _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 770. -The book has a portrait of Alvarado, and is enriched with notes by -Ramirez. The manuscript of the charges against Alvarado was discovered -in 1846 among some supposed waste-papers in the Mexican Archives which -the licentiate, Ignacio Rayon, was then examining (Bancroft, _Central -America_, ii. 104). - -[1093] _Mexico_, ii. 9. Bancroft says he uses a copy made from one -which escaped the fire that destroyed so much in 1692, and which -belonged to the Maximilian Collection. Quaritch offered, a few years -since, as from the Ramirez Collection, for £175, the Acts of the -Municipality of Mexico, 1524-1564, in six manuscript volumes. Bancroft -(_Mexico_, iii. 508, etc.), enumerates the sources of a later period. - -[1094] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, p. xxxiv. - -[1095] There appeared in 1882, in two volumes, in the _Biblioteca de -los Americanistas_, a _Historia de Guatemala ó recordación Florida -escrita el siglo XVII por el Capitán D. Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y -Guzman ... publica por primera vez con notas é ilustraciones D. Justo -Zaragoza_. - -[1096] Quaritch in his _Catalogue_, no. 321, _sub_ 11,807, shows a -collection of forty-seven for _£_50, apparently the Ramirez Collection. -Cf. Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,567, etc. - -[1097] _Mexico_, vol. i. p. viii. - -[1098] Indeed, the footnotes of Prescott are meagre by comparison. -The enumeration of the manuscript sources on the Conquest given in -Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iii. 420, shows what provision of this sort -was most to be depended on thirty years ago. There is a set of nine -folios in Harvard College Library, gathered by Lord Kingsborough, -called _Documentos para el historia de México y Peru_. It includes -some manuscripts; but they are all largely, perhaps wholly, of a later -period than the Conquest. - -[1099] Quaritch, who in his _Catalogue_ of 1870 (no. 259, _sub_ 376) -advertised for £105 the original manuscripts of three at least of these -councils (1555, 1565, 1585), intimates that they never were returned -into the Ecclesiastical Archives after Lorenzana had used them in -preparing an edition of the Proceedings of these Councils which he -published in 1769 and 1770,—_Concilios provinciales de México_,—though -in the third, and perhaps in the first, he had translated apparently -his text from the Latin published versions. Bancroft describes these -manuscripts in his _Mexico_, ii. 685. The Acts of the First Council had -been printed (1556) before Lorenzana; but the book was suppressed, and -the Acts of the Third Council had been printed in 1622 in Mexico, and -in 1725 at Paris. The Acts of the Third also appeared in 1859 at Mexico -with other documents. The readiest source for the English reader of the -history of the measures for the conversion of the Indians and for the -relation of the Church to the civil authorities in New Spain are sundry -chapters (viii., xix., etc.) in Bancroft’s _Central America_, and -others (ix., xix., xxxi., xxxii.) in his _Mexico_. (Cf. references in -Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 209.) The leading Spanish authorities -are Torobio Motolinia, Mendieta, and Torquemada, all characterized -elsewhere. Alonso Fernandez’ _Historia eclesiástica de nuestros -tiempos_ (Toledo, 1611) is full in elucidation of the lives of the -friars and of their study of the native tongues. (Cf. Rich, 1832, £2 -2_s._; Quaritch, 1870, £5; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 190.) Gil Gonzales -Davila’s _Teatro eclesiástico de la primitiva Iglesia de las Indias_ -(Madrid, 1649-1655) is more important and rarer (Quaritch, 1870, £8 -8_s._; Rosenthal, Munich, 1884, for 150 marks; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. -189). Of Las Casas and his efforts, see the preceding chapter in the -present volume. - -The Orders of friars are made the subject of special treatment in -Bancroft’s _Mexico_. The Franciscans were the earliest to arrive, -coming, in response to the wish of Cortés, in 1524. There are -various histories of their labors,—Francisco Gonzaga’s _De origine -seraphicæ religionis Franciscanæ_, Rome, 1587 (Carter-Brown, i. 372); -sections of Torquemada and the fourth part of Vetancour’s _Teatro -Mexicano_, Mexico, 1697-1698; Francisco Vasquez’ _Chronica ... de -Guatemala_, 1714; Espinosa’s _Chronica apostolica_, 1746 (Sabin, vi. -239; Carter-Brown, iii. 827), etc. Of the Dominicans we have Antonio -de Remesal’s _Historia de la S. Vincent de Chyapa_, Madrid, 1619 -(Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 339, 736), and Davilla Padilla’s -_Santiago de México_, mentioned in the text. Of the Augustinian friars -there is Juan de Grijalva’s _Cronica_, Mexico, 1624. Of the books on -the Jesuits who came late (1571, etc.), there is a note in Bancroft’s -_Mexico_, iii. 447, showing as of chief importance Francisco de -Florencia’s _Compañia de Jesus_ (Mexico, 1694), while the subject was -taken up under the same title by Francisco Javier Alegre, who told the -story of their missions from 1566 in Florida to 1765. The manuscript of -this work was not printed till Bustamante edited it in 1841. - -The legend or belief in our Lady of Guadalupe gives a picturesque and -significant coloring to the history of missions in Mexico, since from -the day of her apparition the native worship, it is said, steadily -declined. It is briefly thus: In 1531 a native who had received a -baptismal name of Juan Diego, passing a hill neighboring to the city of -Mexico, was confronted by a radiant being who announced herself as the -Virgin Mary, and who said that she wished a church to be built on the -spot. The native’s story, as he told it to the Bishop, was discredited, -until some persons sent to follow the Indian saw him disappear -unaccountably from sight. - -It was now thought that witchcraft more than a heavenly interposition -was the cause, until, again confronting the apparition, Diego was -bidden to take some roses which the Lady had handled and carry them in -his mantle to the Bishop, who would recognize them as a sign. When the -garment was unrolled, the figure of the Virgin was found painted in its -folds, and the sign was accepted. A shrine was soon erected, as the -Lady had wished; and here the holy effigy was sacredly guarded, until -it found a resting-place in what is thought to be the richest church -in Mexico, erected between 1695 and 1709; and there it still is. It -has been at times subjected to some ecclesiastical scrutiny, and there -have been some sceptics and cavillers. Cf. Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. -407, and authorities there cited. Lorenzana in his _Cartas pastorales_ -(1770) has given a minute account of the painting (Carter-Brown, vol. -iii. no. 1,749; Sabin, vol, xii. no. 56,199; and the _Coleccion de -obras pertenecientes a la milagrosa aparicion de Nuestra Señora de -Guadalupe_). - -[1100] Carter-Brown, i. 496; Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 723. There is a -copy in Harvard College Library. There were later editions at Brussels -in 1625 (Carter-Brown, ii. 300; Stevens, _Historical Collection_, i. -177), and again at Valladolid in 1634 as _Varia historia de la Nueva -España y Florida, segunda impresion_ (Carter-Brown, ii. 412). - -[1101] We read in the 1596 edition (p. 670) that one Juan Pablos was -the first printer in Mexico, who printed, as early as 1535, a religious -manual of Saint John Climachus. The book, however, is not now known -(Sabin, vi. 229), and there is no indisputable evidence of its former -existence; though a similar story is told by Alonzo Fernandez in his -_Historia eclesiástica_ (Toledo, 1611), and by Gil Gonzales Davila in -his _Teatro eclesiástico_ (Madrid, 1649),—who gives, however, the date -as 1532. The _Teatro_ is of further interest for the map of the diocese -of Michoacan and for the arms of the different dioceses. It is in two -volumes, and is worth from thirty to forty dollars. - -The subject of early printing in Mexico has been investigated by -Icazbalceta in the _Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia_, -v. 961 (published in Mexico in 1854), where he gives a list of Mexican -imprints prior to 1600 (Carter-Brown, i. 129, 130). A similar list is -given in connection with an examination of the subject by Harrisse -in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 232. Mr. John Russell Bartlett gives -another list (1540 to 1600) in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 131, -and offers other essays on the subject in the _Historical Magazine_, -November, 1858, and February, 1865, and again in the new edition of -Thomas’s _History of Printing_ (Worcester, 1875), i. 365, appendix. - -The earliest remaining example of the first Mexican press which we have -is a fragmentary copy of the _Manual de adultos_ of Cristóbal Cabrera, -which was originally discovered in the Library of Toledo, whence it -disappeared, to be again discovered by Gayangos on a London bookstall -in 1870. It is supposed to have consisted of thirty-eight leaves, -and the printed date of Dec. 13, 1540, is given on one of the leaves -which remain (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 232; _Additions_, no. 123, with -fac-similes, of which a part is given in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -i. 131). Harrisse, perhaps, is in error, as Quaritch affirms (_Ramirez -Collection_, 1880, no. 339), in assigning the same date, 1540, to -an edition of the _Doctrina Christiana_ found by him at Toledo; and -there seem to have been one or two other books issued by Cromberger -(_Catalogue Andrade_, nos. 2,366, 2,367, 2,369, 2,477) before we come -to an acknowledged edition of the _Doctrina Cristiana_—which for a -long time was held to be the earliest Mexican imprint—with the date -of 1544. It is a small volume of sixty pages, “impressa en México, -en casa de Juan Cromberger” (Rich, 1832, no. 14; Sabin, vol. iv, no. -16,777; Carter-Brown, i. 134, with fac-similes of title; _Bookworm_, -1867, p. 114; Quaritch, no. 321, _sub_ 12,551). Of the same date is -Dionisio Richel’s _Compendio breve que tracta a’ la manera de como se -hā de hazer las processiones_, also printed, as the earlier one was, by -command of Bishop Zumarraga, this time with a distinct date,—“Año de M. -D. _xliiij_.” A copy which belonged to the Emperor Maximilian was sold -in the Andrade sale (no. 2,667), and again in the Brinley sale (no. -5,317). Quaritch priced Ramirez’ copy in 1880 at £52. - -The lists above referred to show eight separate issues of the Mexican -press before 1545. Icazbalceta puts, under 1548, the _Doctrina en -Mexicano_ as the earliest instance known of a book printed in the -native tongue. Up to 1563, with the exception of a few vocabularies -and grammars of the languages of the country, of the less than forty -books which are known to us, nearly all are of a theological or -devotional character. In that year (1663) Vasco de Puga’s Collection of -Laws—_Provisiones, cédulas, instrucciones de su Majestad_—was printed -(Quaritch, _Ramirez Collection_, 1880, no. 236, £30). Falkenstein in -his _Geschichte der Buchdruckerkunst_ (Leipsic, 1840) has alleged, -following Pinelo and others, that a Collection of Laws—_Ordinationes -legumque collectiones_—was printed in 1649; but the existence of such -a book is denied. Cf. Thomas, _History of Printing_, i. 372; Harrisse, -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 288. - -[1102] Quaritch, _Ramirez Collection_ (1880), no. 28, £15; Sabin, vol. -1. no. 3,349; Carter-Brown, iii. 893; Rich, _Bibl. Nova Amer._ (1835), -p. 95; Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 126; Leclerc, no. 50,—400 -francs; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 79. - -[1103] Navarrete first printed it in his _Coleccion_, i. 421; it was -included also in Vedia’s _Historiadores primitivos de Indias_ (Madrid, -1852); and Gayangos, in his _Cartas de Hernan Cortés_ (Paris, 1866) -does not hesitate to let it stand for the first letter, while he also -annotates it. It is likewise printed in the _Biblioteca de autores -Españoles_, vol. xxii., and by Alaman in his _Disertaciones sobre la -historia de la República Mejicana_, vol. i., appendix, with a sketch -of the expedition. Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 360, iii. 428; H. H. -Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 169. - -[1104] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 170. It is supposed that still a third -letter went at the same time, which is now known to us. Three letters -of this time were found in 1866 among some old account-books in a -library sold in Austria. Two of them proved to be written in Spain upon -the news of Cortés’ discoveries, while one was written by a companion -of Cortés shortly after the landing on the Mexican coast, but is not -seemingly an original, for it is written in German, and the heading -runs: _Newzeit wie unnsers aller-gnadigistn hern des Romischn und -hyspaenischn Koningsleut Ain Costliche Newe Lanndschafft habn gefundn_, -and bears date June 28, 1519. There are some contradictions in it to -the received accounts; but these are less important than the mistake -of a modern French translator, who was not aware of the application -of the name of Yucatan, at that time, to a long extent of coast, -and who supposed the letters referred to Grijalva’s expedition. The -original text, with a modern German and French version, appears in a -small edition (thirty copies) which Frederic Muller, of Amsterdam, -printed from the original manuscript (cf. his _Books on America_, -1872, no. 1,144; 1877, no. 2,296, priced at 120 florins) under the -title of _Trois lettres sur la découverte de Yucatan_, Amsterdam, 1871 -(Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 66; Muller, _Books on America_, 1877, no. -2,296; C. H. Berendt in _American Bibliopolist_, July and August, 1872; -Murphy, no. 2,795). - -One of the news-sheets of the time, circulated in Europe, is preserved -in the Royal Library at Berlin. A photo-lithographic fac-simile was -published (one hundred copies) at Berlin in 1873. It is called: -_Newe Zeittung. von dem lande. das die Sponier funden haben ym 1521. -iare genant Iucatan_. It is a small quarto in gothic type, of four -unnumbered leaves, with a woodcut. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 70, with -fac-simile of title; Carter-Brown, i. 69; Muller (1877), no. 3,593; -Sobolewski, no. 4,153. - -[1105] Prescott used a copy taken from Muñoz’ transcript. - -[1106] Cf. Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 262; Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 72. - -[1107] Cf. Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), p. 103; _Historical -Collections_, i. 342; and the section on “Early Descriptions of -America” in the present work. - -[1108] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 179. - -[1109] Sabin, vi. 126; Carter-Brown, i. 63. - -[1110] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 105. - -[1111] _Mexico_, i. 547. - -[1112] Cf. Harrisse _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 118; Carter-Brown, i. 71; -Brunet, ii. 310; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,933; Folsom, introduction to -his edition. The Lenox and Barlow libraries have most, if not all, of -the various early editions of the Cortés letters. - -[1113] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,934; Carter-Brown, i. 73; Brunet, ii. -311; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 84; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 120; -Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 27. - -[1114] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 81; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 118, 125; -Brunet, ii. 312; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Huth, i. 353; -C. Fiske Harris, _Catalogue_, no. 896; _Cooke Catalogue_, vol. iii. -no. 623; Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 3,479; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,947; -Panzer, vii. 466; Menzel, _Bibl. Hist._, part i. p. 269; Ternaux, p. -32; Heber, vol. vi. no. 2,415 and ix. 910; Murphy Catalogue, no. 676; -Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 85. The book, when it contains -the large folding plan of Mexico and the map of the Gulf of Mexico, is -worth about $100. The plan and map are missing from the copy in the -Boston Public Library. [D. 3101., 56, no. 1]. - -[1115] Cf. Brunet, ii. 312, and _Supplément_, col. 320; Carter-Brown, -i. 82, which shows a map with inscriptions in Italian; _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 129; Pinart, no. 262; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,951; Panzer, -vol. viii. no. 1,248; Court, nos. 90, 91; Heber, vol. vi. no. 1,002, -and x. 848; Walckenaer, no. 4,187. There are copies with another -colophon (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 130), connecting two printers with -it,—Lexona and Sabio. F. S. Ellis, London, 1884 (no. 60), priced a copy -at £52 10_s_., and Dufossé (no. 14,184) at 200 francs. - -[1116] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,950, and xiii. 56,052; _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 119; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166. - -[1117] It is very rare, but Tross, of Paris, had a copy in his hands in -1866. - -[1118] Annexed herewith in fac-simile. - -[1119] Cf. Arana, _Bibliografía de obras anónimas_ (1882) no. 244. - -[1120] Cf. the notice of Cortés in R. C. Sands’s _Writings_, vol. i. - -[1121] The original edition of Lorenzana is usually priced at $10 to -$20. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,938, 16,939, and vol. x. p. 462; H. -H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 378 (with a sketch of Lorenzana); Brunet, -_Supplément_, i. 321; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,750; Leclerc, no. -155; Sobolewski, no. 3,767; F. S. Ellis (1884), £2 2_s._ - -[1122] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,942. Bancroft (_Mexico_, i. 549), -speaking of Gayangos’ edition, says: “Although a few of Lorenzana’s -blunders find correction, others are committed; and the notes of -the archbishop are adopted without credit and without the necessary -amendment of date, etc.,—which often makes them absurd.” - -[1123] The book is variously priced from $20 to $60. Cf. _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, no. 168; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 100; _Biblioteca -Grenvilliana_, p. 167; Leclerc, no. 152; Sunderland, no. 3,480; Pinart, -no. 261; O’Callaghan, no. 683; Sabin, vol. iv. nos. 16,947-16,949. -There were also Latin versions in the _Novus orbis_ of Grynæus, 1555 -and 1616. - -[1124] The only copy known is noted in Tross’s _Catalogue_, 1866, no. -2,881. It is in Roman letter, sixteen leaves. - -[1125] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,953. - -[1126] Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 297; Ternaux, p. 57; Trömel, p. 14; -Brunet, ii. 312; Stevens, _Nuggets_, i. 188; O’Callaghan, no. 989; -Sobolewski, no. 3,766; J. J. Cooke, iii. 624 (copy now in Harvard -College Library). It is usually priced at £2 or £3. Dufossé (1884, no. -14,185) held a copy at 100 francs. - -[1127] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,958. - -[1128] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,959. - -[1129] Cf. Carter-Brown, iii. 113. - -[1130] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,962. - -[1131] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,964. - -[1132] Cf. on the second letter, Prescott, _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., ii. -425. - -[1133] Cf. Rich, (1832) no. 5,—£10 10_s._; Stevens, _American -Bibliographer_, p. 84; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Panzer, vii. -122; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; Ternaux, no. 26; Brunet, ii. 311; -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 121; Carter-Brown, i. 74; Sabin, vol. iv. no. -16,935. - -[1134] Priced by F. S. Ellis (1884) at £18 18_s._ - -[1135] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. 83; Ternaux, no. 33; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, -no. 126; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 167; Brunet, ii. 312; Sabin, -vol. iv. no. 16,948; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 87. There is -a copy of the 1524 edition in the Boston Public Library. [D. 3101. 56, -no. 2]. - -[1136] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,936; Carter-Brown, i. 85; Brunet, ii. -311; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 135; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 166. - -[1137] The only copy known is that in the Carter-Brown Library -(_Catalogue_, no. 88). Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,937; _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 138; Stevens, _American Bibliographer_, p. 85; Brunet, -ii. 312; Panzer, x. 28; Heber, vol. vii. no. 1,884; _Bibliotheca -Grenvilliana_, p. 166; Ternaux, no. 34. - -[1138] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,940. - -[1139] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,941; Carter-Brown, i. 84; Court, no. -89; Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 248. - -[1140] A letter about the Olid rebellion is lost; Helps, iii. 37. - -[1141] Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,943. - -[1142] Cf. H. Vattemare in _Revue contemporaine_, 1870, vii. 532. - -[1143] Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 266. Cf. references on this expedition -to Honduras in H. H. Bancroft’s _Central America_, i. 537, 567, 582; -ii. 144; and his _Native Races_, iv. 79. This Honduras expedition is -also the subject of one of Ixtlilxochitl’s _Relaciones_, printed in -Kingsborough’s ninth volume. - -[1144] _Cartas al Emperador_ (Sept. 11, 1526, Oct. 10, 1530), in -_Documentos inéditos_ (_España_), i. 14, 31, and in Kingsborough’s -_Mexico_, vol. viii.; _Memorial al Emperador_ (1539) in _Documentos -inéditos_, iv. 201. Cf. also Purchas, v. 858, and Ramusio, iii. 187. -His _Última y sentidisima carta_, Feb. 3, 1544, is given in _Documentos -inéditos_, i. 41, and in Prescott’s _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., iii. 460. -Other letters of Cortés are in the Pacheco _Coleccion_ and in that of -Icazbalceta. The twelfth volume of the _Biblioteca histórica de la -Iberia_ (Mexico, 1871), with the special title of _Escritos sueltos de -Cortés_, gives nearly fifty documents. Icazbalceta, in the introduction -of vol. i. p. xxxvii. of his _Coleccion_, gives a list of the _escritos -sueltos_ of Cortés in connection with a full bibliography of the series -of _Cartas_, with corrections, derived largely from Harrisse, in vol. -ii. p. lxiii. - -[1145] _Mexico_, i. 549, 696. “Ever ready with a lie when it suited his -purpose; but he was far too wise a man needlessly to waste so useful an -agent.”—_Early American Chroniclers_, p. 16. - -[1146] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._) gives numerous references on -Cortés. It is somewhat singular that there is no mention of him in the -_Novus orbis_ of 1532, and none in De Bry. Mr. Brevoort prepared the -article on Cortés in Sabin’s _Dictionary_. - -[1147] Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 30; Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. -474, and _Peru_, ii. 304, 457; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. -314, his _Mexico_, and his _Early American Chroniclers_, p. 21. - -[1148] There are curious stories about this book, in which there -is not entire accord with one another. The fact seems to be that -Bustamante got hold of the manuscript, and supposed it an original work -of Chimalpain, and announced it for publication in a Spanish dress, -as translated from the Nahuatl, under the title of _Historia de las -conquistas de Hernando Cortés_, under which name it appeared in two -volumes in Mexico in 1826 (_Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 207). Bandelier -and others referring to it have supposed it to be what the title -represented (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, new series, i. 84; cf. _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, p. 204); but it is printed in Spanish nevertheless, and is -nothing more than a translation of Gomara. Bustamante in his preface -does not satisfy the reader’s curiosity, and this Mexican editor’s -conduct in the matter has been the subject of apology and suspicion. -Cf. Quaritch’s _Catalogues_, nos. 11,807, 12,043, 17,632; H. H. -Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 315; Sabin, vii. no. 27,753. Quaritch -adds that Bustamante’s text seems rather like a modern improvement of -Gomara than a retranslation, and that a manuscript apparently different -and called Chimalpain’s history was sold in the Abbé Fischer’s sale in -1869. - -[1149] It is a small folio, and has become extremely rare, owing, -perhaps, in part to the attempted suppression of it. Quaritch in 1883 -priced a copy at £75. It should have two maps, one of the Indies, the -other of the Old World (Ternaux, no. 61; Carter-Brown, nos. 177, 178; -Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; _Library of an Elizabethan Admiral_, -1883, no. 338; Leclerc, no. 2,779; Rich (1832), no. 23, £10 10_s._; -Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,724; Murphy, no. 1,062). - -[1150] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 179, 180; Sabin, vol. vii. no. -27,725; Leclerc, 800 francs. Mr. J. C. Brevoort has a copy. Sabin (no. -27,726) notes a _Conquista de México_ (Madrid, 1553) which he has not -seen, but describes it at second hand as having the royal arms where -the Medina edition has the arms of Cortés, and intimates that this last -may have been the cause of the alleged suppression. - -[1151] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 187, 188, with a fac-simile of the -title of the former; and on p. 169 is noted another Saragossa edition -of 1555. Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,727, 27,728. - -[1152] _Historia de México_, Juan Steelsio, and again Juan Bellero -(with his map); _La historia general de las Indias_, Steelsio. These -are in Harvard College Library. Sabin (vol. vii. nos. 27,729-27,732) -notes of these Antwerp editions,—_Historia general_, Nucio, Steelsio, -and Bellero; _Historia de México_, Bellero, Lacio, Steelsio; and -_Conquista de México_, Nucio. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (nos. -189-193) shows the _Historia de México_ with the Steelsio and Bellero -imprints, and copies of the _Historia general_ with the imprints of -Bellero and Martin Nucio. Quaritch prices the Bellero _México_ at £5 -5_s._ Rich priced it in 1832 at £3 3_s._ There is a Steelsio México in -the Boston Public Library. Cf. _Huth Catalogue_, ii. 605; Murphy, nos. -1,057-1,059; Court, nos. 146, etc. Of the later Spanish texts, that in -Barcia’s _Historiadores primitivos_ (1748-1749) is mutilated; the best -is that in the _Biblioteca de autores Españoles_, published at Madrid -in 1852. - -[1153] Such, at least, is the condition of the copy in Harvard College -Library; while the two titles are attached to different copies in the -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. nos. 199, 210. The _México_ is also -in the Boston Athenæum. Cf. _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. 989. Sabin -(vol. vii. nos. 27,734-27,735) says the 1555 title is a cancelled one. -Mr. Brevoort possesses a _Historia generale delle Indie occidentali_ -(Rome, 1556), which he calls a translation of part i. Cf. Sabin, vol. -vii. no. 27,736; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 200. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. -111) prices a copy at £2 2_s._ Sabin (no. 27,737) also notes a Gomara, -as published in 1557 at Venice, as the second part of a history, of -which Cieza de Leon’s was the first part. - -[1154] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 232, 233, 250, 306, 541; Sabin, -vol. vii. nos. 27,739-27,745. The _Historia general_ was published in -Venice in 1565 as the second part of a _Historie dell’Indie_, of which -Cieza de Leon’s _Historie del Peru_ was the first part, and Gomara’s -_Conquista di Messico_ (1566) was the third. This Italian translation -was made by Lucio Mauro. The three parts are in Harvard College Library -and in the Boston Public Library (Sabin, vol. vii. no. 27,738). - -[1155] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 273, 274, 314, 324, 334, 357, 371, -375; Sabin, vol. vii. nos. 27,746-27,750; Murphy, nos. 1,059, 1,061; -O’Callaghan, no. 990. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 108) prices the 1569 -edition at £10 10_s._ The 1578 and 1558 editions are in Harvard College -Library,—the latter is called _Voyages et conquestes du Capitaine -Ferdinand Courtois_. Cf. Sabin, vol. iv. no. 16,955. Harrisse says that -Oviedo, as well as Gomara, was used in this production. There were -later French texts in 1604, 1605, and 1606. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. -nos. 34, 46; Rich (1832), no. 104; Sabin (vol. vii. no. 27,749) also -says of the 1606 edition that pp. 67-198 are additional to the 1578 -edition. - -[1156] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 323; Menzies, no. 814; Crowninshield, -no. 285; Rich (1832), no. 58; Brinley, no. 5,309; Murphy, no. 1,060. -There are copies of this and of the 1596 reprint in Harvard College -Library; and of the 1578 edition in the Massachusetts Historical -Society’s Library and in Mr. Deane’s Collection; cf. Vol. III. pp. 27, -204. An abridgment of Gomara had already been given in 1555 by Eden in -his _Decades_, and in 1577 in Eden’s _History of Travayle_; and his -account was later followed by Hakluyt. - -[1157] The bibliography of Gomara in Sabin (vol. vii. p. 395) was -compiled by Mr. Brevoort. The _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. p. 169) -gives a list of editions; cf. Leclerc, no. 243, etc. - -[1158] Bancroft (_Mexico_, ii. 339) gives references for tracing the -Conquerors and their descendants. - -[1159] _Mexico_, ii. 146; cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Early Chroniclers_, p. -14. - -[1160] Ibid., ii. 459. - -[1161] Ibid., i. 473. - -[1162] Bancroft speaks of the account’s “exceeding completeness, its -many new facts, and varied version” (_Mexico_, i. 697). - -[1163] Scherzer (in his edition of Ximenes’ _Las historias del origen -de los Indios de esta provincia de Guatemala_, 1857) says that the text -as published is very incorrect, and adds that the original manuscript -is in the city library at Guatemala. Brasseur says he has seen it -there. It is said to have a memorandum to show that it was finished -in 1605 at Guatemala. We have no certain knowledge of Diaz’ death to -confirm the impression that he could have lived to the improbable -age which this implies. (Cf. _Magazine of American History_, i. 129, -328-329.) There are two editions of it, in different type, which -have the seal of authenticity. One was dated in 1632; the other, -known as the second edition, is without date, and has an additional -chapter (numbered wrongly ccxxii.) concerning the portents among the -Mexicans which preceded the coming of the Spaniards. It is explained -that this was omitted in the first edition as not falling within the -personal observation of Diaz. (Cf. Sabin, vol. vi. nos. 19,978, 19,979; -Carter-Brown, ii. 387; Murphy, no. 790; Court, nos. 106, 107; Leclerc, -no. 1,115. Rich priced it in his day at $10; it now usually brings -about $30.) There are later editions of the Spanish text,—one issued at -Mexico in 1794-1795, in four small volumes (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,980; -Leclerc, no. 1,117, 40 francs); a second, Paris, 1837 (Sabin, vol. vi. -no. 19,981); and another, published in 1854, in two quarto volumes, -with annotations from the Cortés letters, etc. It is also contained in -Vedia’s edition of the _Historiadores primitivos_, vol. ii. There are -three German editions, one published at Hamburg in 1848, with a preface -by Karl Ritter, and others bearing date at Bonn, 1838 and 1843 (Sabin, -vi. no. 19,986-19,987). There are two English versions,—one by Maurice -Keating, published at London in 1800 (with a large map of the Lake of -Mexico), which was reprinted at Salem, Mass., in 1803 (Sabin, vol. vi. -nos. 19,984-19,985). Mr. Deane points out how Keating, without any -explanation, transfers from chap. xviii. and other parts of the text -sundry passages to a preface. A second English translation,—_Memoirs -of Diaz_,—by John Ingram Lockhart, was published in London in 1844 -(Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,983), and is also included in Kerr’s _Voyages_, -vols. iii. and iv. Munsell issued an abridged English translation by -Arthur Prynne at Albany in 1839 (Sabin, vol. vi. no. 19,982). The best -annotated of the modern issues is a French translation by D. Jourdanet, -_Histoire véridique de la conquête de la Nouvelle Espagne_, Paris, -1876. In the following year a second edition was issued, accompanied -by a study on the human sacrifices of the Aztecs, and enriched with -notes, a bibliography, and a chapter from Sahagun on the vices of -the Mexicans. It also contained a modern map of Mexico, showing the -marches of Cortés; the map of the valley, indicating the contraction -of the lake (the same as used by Jourdanet in other works), and a -reproduction of a map of the lake illustrating the operations of -Cortés, which follows a map given in the Mexican edition of Clavigero. -A list of the _Conquistadores_ gives three hundred and seventy-seven -names, which are distinguished apart as constituting the followers of -Cortés, Camargo, Salcedo, Garay, Narvaez, and Ponçe de Leon. This list -is borrowed from the _Diccionario universal de historia y de geografia, -... especialmente sobre la república Mexicana_, 1853-1856. (Cf. -_Norton’s Literary Gazette_, Jan. 15, 1835, and _Revue des questions -historiques_, xxiii. 249.) This _Diccionario_ was published at Mexico, -in 1853-1856, in ten volumes, based on a similar work printed in Spain, -but augmented in respect to Mexican matters by various creditable -collaborators, while vols. viii., ix., and x. are entirely given to -Mexico, and more particularly edited by Manuel Orozco y Berra. The -work is worth about 400 francs. The _Cartas de Indias_ (Madrid, 1877) -contained a few unpublished letters of Bernal Diaz. - -[1164] Sahagun’s study of the Aztec tongue was a productive -one. Biondelli published at Milan in 1858, from a manuscript by -Sahagun, an _Evangelarium epistolarium et lectionarium Aztecum sive -Mexicanum, ex antiquo codice Mexicano nuper reperto_; and Quaritch -in 1880 (_Catalogue_, p. 46, no. 261, etc.) advertised various -other manuscripts of his _Sermones in Mexicano_, etc. Jourdanet in -his edition (p. x.) translates the opinion of Sahagun given by his -contemporary and fellow-Franciscan, Fray Geronimo Mendieta, in his -_Historia eclesiastica Indiana_ (Mexico, 1860) p. 633. There is a -likeness of Sahagun in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, -published at Mexico in 1846, vol. iii. - -[1165] A part of the original manuscript of Sahagun was exhibited, says -Brinton (_Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 27), at the Congrès des -Américanistes at Madrid in 1881. - -[1166] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,348. Stevens (_Historical -Collections_, vol. i., no. 1,573) mentions a copy of this edition, -which has notes and collations with the original manuscript made by Don -J. F. Ramirez. Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 316. - -[1167] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 208. - -[1168] The book was called: _La aparicion de N^{tra}. Señora de -Guadalupe de México, comprobada con la refutation del argumento -negativo que presenta Muñoz, fundandose en el testimonio del P. Fr. -Bernardino Sahagun; ó sea: Historia original de este escritor, que -altera la publicada en 1829 en el equivocado concepto de ser la unica y -original de dicho autor. Publícala, precediendo una disertacion sobre -la aparicion guadalupana, y con notas sobre la conquista de México_. -Cf. _Ticknor Catalogue_, p. 46. - -[1169] _Spanish Conquest_, ii. 346. - -[1170] _Magazine of American History_ (November, 1881) p. 378. Cf. -other estimates in H. H. Bancroft’s _Mexico_, i. 493, 696; _Native -Races_, iii. 231-236; _Early Chroniclers_, pp. 19, 20. Bernal Diaz and -Sahagun are contrasted by Jourdanet in the introduction to his edition -of the latter. Cf. also Jourdanet’s edition of Bernal Diaz and the -article on Sahagun by Ferdinand Denis in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_. - -[1171] Prescott’s _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed. ii. 38. - -[1172] Prescott, _Mexico_, iii. 214. - -[1173] Mr. Brevoort reviewed this edition in the _Magazine of American -History_. - -[1174] Vols. x. and xvi. In one of these is the _Chronica -Compendiosissima_ of Amandus (Antwerp, 1534), which contains the -letters of Peter of Ghent, or De Mura,—_Recueil des pièces relatives à -la Conquête du Mexique_, pp. 193-203. Cf. Sabin, vol. i. no. 994. - -[1175] Vol. xi. Zurita is also given in Spanish in the _Coleccion de -documentos inéditos_, vol. ii. (1865), but less perfectly than in -Ternaux. The document was written about 1560. - -[1176] Vols. viii., xii., xiii. - -[1177] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1540-1541. - -[1178] Ibid., no. 767. - -[1179] Ibid., no. 766; Sabin, vol. ix. p. 168. Cf. Brinton, _Aboriginal -American Authors_, p. 15. - -[1180] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 163, 174, 206, 207; vol. iii. p. -105; and H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 339, 697; vol. ii. p. -24; Kingsborough, vol. ix. - -[1181] Brinton, _Aboriginal American Literature_, p. 24. - -[1182] Icazbalceta, in his _Apuntes para un Catálogo de Escritores en -lenguas indigenas de America_ (Mexico, 1866), gives a summary of the -native literature preserved to us. Cf. Brinton’s _Aboriginal American -Authors_, p. 14, etc., on natives who acquired reputation as writers of -Spanish. - -[1183] Vol. i. p. lxxiv; and on p. lxxviii he gives accounts of various -manuscripts, chiefly copies, owned by himself. He also traces the rise -of his interest in American studies, while official position in later -years gave him unusual facilities for research. His conclusions and -arguments are often questioned by careful students. Cf. Bandelier, in -_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880, p. 93. - -[1184] In the introduction to this volume Brasseur reviews the native -writers on the Conquest. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. i. p. 493, vol. ii. -p. 488) thinks he hardly does Cortés justice, and is prone to accept -without discrimination the native accounts, to the discredit of those -of the conquerors. Brasseur gives abundant references; and since the -publication of the _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, we have a compact -enumeration of his own library. - -[1185] He enumerates a few of the treasures, vol. i. p. lxxvi. - -[1186] The list is not found in all copies. _Murphy Catalogue_, p. 300. -F. S. Ellis (London, 1884) prices a copy at £2 2_s._ - -[1187] Born at Puebla 1710; died 1780. - -[1188] Published in three volumes in Mexico in 1836. Edited by C. F. -Ortega. Cf. Prescott, _Mexico_, book i. chap. i. Veytia also edited -from Boturini’s collection, and published with notes at Mexico in -1826, _Tezcuco en los ultimos tiempos de sus antiguos reyes_ (_Murphy -Catalogue_, no. 428). - -[1189] _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 26, where are notices of other -manuscripts on Tlaxcalan history. - -[1190] Cf. _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (1845), vol. ii. p. 129, etc. - -[1191] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 286; Bancroft, _Mexico_, vol. i. -p. 200. - -[1192] _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 237. - -[1193] Brinton’s _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 26. Mr. A. F. -Bandelier is said to be preparing an edition of it. - -[1194] Cf. _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, 1844-1849. Ternaux’s -translation is much questioned. Cf. also Kingsborough, vol. ix., and -the _Biblioteca Mexicana_ of Vigel, with notes by Orozco y Berra. - -[1195] _Aboriginal American Authors_, p. 28. - -[1196] Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. p. 686. Bandelier has given -a partial list of the authorities on the conquest of Guatemala in -the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880; and Bancroft (_Central -America_, vol. i. p. 703, vol. ii. p. 736) characterizes the principal -sources. Helps (end of book xv. of his _Spanish Conquest_) complained -of the difficulty in getting information of the Guatemala affairs; but -Bancroft makes use of all the varied published collections of documents -on Spanish-American history, which contain so much on Guatemala; and -to his hands, fortunately, came also all the papers of the late E. G. -Squier. A _Coleccion de Documentos Antiguos de Guatemala_, published in -1857, has been mentioned elsewhere, as well as the _Proceso_ against -Alvarado, so rich in helpful material. The general historians must all -be put under requisition in studying this theme,—Oviedo, Gomara, Diaz, -Las Casas, Ixtlilxochitl, and Herrera, not to name others. Antonio -de Remesal’s is the oldest of the special works, and was written on -the spot. His _Historia de Chyapa_ is a Dominican’s view; and being -a partisan, he needs more or less to be confirmed. A Franciscan -friar, Francisco Vasquez, published a _Chronica de la Provincia del -Santissimo Nombre de Jesus de Guatemala_ in 1714, a promised second -volume never appearing. He magnified the petty doings of his brother -friars; but enough of historical interest crept into his book, together -with citations from records no longer existing, to make it valuable. -He tilts against Remesal, while he constantly uses his book; and the -antagonism of the Franciscans and Dominicans misguides him sometimes, -when borrowing from his rival. He lauds the conquerors, and he suffers -the charges of cruelty to be made out but in a few cases (Bancroft, -_Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 736). The _Historia de Guatemala_ -of Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman is quoted by Bancroft from -a manuscript copy (_Central America_, vol. ii. p. 736), but it has -since been printed in Madrid in 1882-1883, in two volumes, with -annotations by Justo Zaragoza, as one of the series _Biblioteca de los -Americanistes_. Bancroft thinks he has many errors and that he is far -from trustworthy, wherever his partiality for the conquerors is brought -into play. The chief modern historian of Guatemala is Domingo Juarros, -who was born in that city in 1752, and died in 1820. His _Compendio de -la historia de la Ciudad de Guatemala_ was published there, the first -volume in 1808 and the second in 1818; and both were republished in -1857. It was published in English in London in 1823, with omissions -and inaccuracies,—according to Bancroft. The story of the Conquest is -told in the second volume. Except so far as he followed Fuentes, in his -partiality for the conquerors, Juarros’ treatment of his subject is -fair; and his industry and facilities make him learned in its details. -Bancroft (_Central America_, vol. ii. pp. 142, 737) remarks on his -omission to mention the letters of Alvarado, and doubts, accordingly, -if Juarros could have known of them. - -Of the despatches which Alvarado sent to Cortés, we know only two. -Bandelier (_American Antiquarian Society’s Proceedings_, October, -1880) says that Squier had copies of them all; but Bancroft (_Central -America_, vol. i. p. 666), who says he has all of Squier’s papers, -makes no mention of any beyond the two,—of April 11 and July 28, -1524,—which are in print in connection with Cortés’ fourth letter, in -Ramusio’s version, except such as are of late date (1534-1541), of -which he has copies, as his list shows (Cf. also Ternaux, vol. x., -and Barcia, vol. i. p. 157). Ternaux is said to have translated from -Ramusio. Oviedo uses them largely, word for word. Herrera is supposed -to have used a manuscript History of the Conquest of Guatemala by -Gonzalo de Alvarado. - -[1197] Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. ii. p. 165. - -[1198] A copy is in the Force Collection, Library of Congress, and -another in Mr. Bancroft’s, from whose _Mexico_, vol. i. p. 461, we -gather some of these statements. - -[1199] Cf. Backer, _Bibliothèque des écrivains de la Compagnie de -Jésus_; Markham’s introduction to his edition of Acosta in the Hakluyt -Society’s publications. - -[1200] The original edition of the _De natura_ is scarce. Rich priced -it at £1 1_s._ fifty years ago; Leclerc, no. 2,639, at 150 francs -(cf. also Carter-Brown, i. 379; Sabin, i. 111,—for a full account -of successive editions; Sunderland, i. 23). It was reprinted at -Salamanca in 1595, and at Cologne in 1596. The latter edition can -usually be bought for $3 or $4. Cf. Field, no. 9; Stevens, _Bibliotheca -Historica_, no. 9; Murphy, no. 11, etc. - -[1201] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._; ordinary copies are now -worth about £2 or £3, but fine copies in superior binding have reached -£12 12_s._ (Cf. Leclerc, no. 5—200 francs; Sunderland, i. 24; J. A. -Allen, _Bibliography of Cetacea_, p. 24,—where this and other early -books on America are recorded with the utmost care.) Other Spanish -editions are Helmstadt, 1590 (Bartlett); Seville, 1591 (Brunet, -Backer); Barcelona, 1591 (Carter-Brown, i. 478; Leclerc, no. 7); -Madrid, 1608 (Carter-Brown, ii, 61; Leclerc, no. 8) and 1610 (Sabin); -Lyons, 1670; and Madrid, 1792, called the best edition, with a notice -of Acosta. - -The French editions followed rapidly: Paris, by R. Regnault, 1597 -(Brunet, Markham); 1598 (Leclerc, no. 10—100 francs; Dufossé, 125 -francs, 140 francs, 160 francs); 1600 (Leclerc, no. 11; Bishop Huet’s -copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris has notes which are printed -by Camus in his book on De Bry); 1606 (Leclerc, nos. 12, 13); 1616 -(Carter-Brown, ii. 177; Leclerc, no. 2,639—50 francs); 1617 (Leclerc, -no. 14); 1619 (Sabin); 1621 (Rich). An Italian version, made by -Gallucci, was printed at Venice in 1596 (Leclerc, no. 15). - -There were more liberties taken with it in German. It was called -_Geographische und historische Beschreibung der America_, when printed -at Cologne in 1598, with thirty maps, as detailed in the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. 520. Antonio (_Biblioteca Hispana Nova_) gives the date -1599. At Cologne again in 1600 it is called _New Welt_ (Carter-Brown, -i. 548), and at Wesel, in 1605, _America oder West India_, which is -partly the same as the preceding (Carter-Brown, ii. 31). Antonio gives -an edition in 1617. - -The Dutch translation, following the 1591 Seville edition, was made -by Linschoten, and printed at Haarlem in 1598 (Leclerc, no. 16); and -again, with woodcuts, in 1624 (Carter-Brown, ii. 287; Murphy, no. 9). -It is also in Vander Aa’s collection, 1727. It was from the Dutch -version that it was turned (by Gothard Arthus for De Bry in his _Great -Voyages_, part ix.) into German, in 1601; and into Latin, in 1602 and -1603. - -The first English translation did not appear till 1604, at London, -as _The naturall and morall historie of the East und West Indies. -Intreating of the remarkable things of Heaven, of the Elements, -Mettalls, Plants, and Beasts which are proper to that Country; Together -with the Manners, Ceremonies, Lawes, Governements, and Warres of the -Indians. Written in Spanish by Ioseph Acosta, and translated into -English by E[dward] G[rimston]._ Rich priced it fifty years ago at -£1 16s.; it is usually priced now at from four to eight guineas (cf. -Carter-Brown, ii. 21; Field, no. 8; Menzies, no. 4; Murphy, no. 8). It -was reprinted, with corrections of the version, and edited by C. R. -Markham for the Hakluyt Society in 1880. - -[1202] This is extremely rare. Quaritch, who said in 1879 that only -three copies had turned up in London in thirty years, prices an -imperfect copy at £5. (_Catalogue_, no. 326 _sub._ no. 17,635.) - -It is worth while to note how events in the New World, during the early -part of the sixteenth century, were considered in their relation to -European history. Cf. for instance, Ulloa’s _Vita dell’imperator Carlo -V._ (Rome, 1562), and such chronicles as the _Anales de Aragon_, first -and second parts. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ and _Additions_), and -the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i.) will lead the student to this -examination, in their enumeration of books only incidentally connected -with America. To take but a few as representative: - -Maffeius, _Commentariorum urbanorum libri_, Basle, 1530, with its -chapter on “loca nuper reperta.” (Harrisse, _Additions_, no. 93; -edition of 1544, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ no. 257, and _Additions_, no. 146. -Fabricius cites an edition as early as 1526.) - -Laurentius Frisius, _Der Cartha Marina_, Strasburg, 1530. (Harrisse, -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 151; _Addition_s, no. 90.) - -Gemma Phrysius, _De Principiis Astronomiæ et Cosmographicæ_, with its -cap. xxix., “De insulis nuper inventis.” (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., -Additions_, no. 92.) There are later editions in 1544 (_Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 252), 1548; also Paris, in French, 1557, etc. - -Sebastian Franck, _Weltbuch_, Tübingen, 1533-1534, in which popular -book of its day a separate chapter is given to America. The book in -this first edition is rare, and is sometimes dated 1533, and again -1534. (Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 174, 197; Sabin, vi. -570; Carter-Brown, i. 111; Muller, 1877, no. 1,151; H. H. Bancroft, -_Mexico_, i. 250.) There was another edition in 1542 (_Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 238; Stevens, _Bbliotheca Historica_, no. 738), and later in -Dutch and German, in 1558, 1567, 1595, etc. (Leclerc, nos. 212, 217, -etc.). - -George Rithaymer, _De orbis terrarum_, Nuremberg, 1538, with its “De -terris et insulis nuper repertis” (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. -119). - -Achilles P. Gassarum, _Historiarum et chronicarum mundi epitomes -libellus_, Venice, 1538, with its “insulæ in oceano antiquioribus -ignotæ.” - -Ocampo, _Chronica general de España_, 1543, who, in mentioning the -discovery of the New World, forgets to name Columbus (_Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 242; Sabin, vol. xiii.). - -Guillaume Postel, _De orbis terræ concordia_, Basle, about 1544 (_Bibl. -Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 145). - -John Dryander, _Cosmographiæ introductio_, 1544 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet., -Additions_, no. 147). - -Biondo, _De ventis et navigatione_, Venice, 1546, with cap. xxv. on the -New World (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 274). - -Professor J. R. Seeley, in his _Expansion of England_ (p. 78), has -pointed out how events in the New World did not begin to react upon -European politics, till the attacks of Drake and the English upon the -Spanish West Indies instigated the Spanish Armada, and made territorial -aggrandizement in the New World as much a force in the conduct of -politics in Europe as the Reformation had been. The power of the -great religious revolution gradually declined before the increasing -commercial interests arising out of trade with the New World. - -[1203] Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 667. He died in 1604. - -[1204] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 47,812. Icazbalceta showed Torquemada’s -debt to Mendieta by collations. (Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 668.) No -author later than Torquemada cites it. Barcia was not able to find -it, and it was considered as hopelessly lost. In 1860 its editor was -informed that the manuscript had been found among the papers left by D. -Bartolomé José Gallardo. Later it was purchased by D. José M. Andrade, -and given to Icazbalceta, at whose expense it has been published -(_Boston Public Library Catalogue_). - -[1205] Carter-Brown, ii. 176; Sunderland, vol. v. no. 12,536. Some -of the bibliographies give the date 1613, and the place Seville. Cf. -further on Torquemada, Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 786; _Early American -Chroniclers_, p. 23; Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 53. - -[1206] Carter-Brown, iii. 339; Leclerc, no. 370; Field, no. 1,557; -Court, no. 354. It is in three volumes. Kingsborough in his eighth -volume gives some extracts from Torquemada. - -[1207] Baptista published various devotional treatises in both Spanish -and Mexican, some of which, like his _Compassionario_ of 1599, are -extremely rare. Cf. Leclerc, no. 2,306; Quaritch, _The Ramirez -Collection_, 1880, nos. 25, 26. - -[1208] Again in four volumes, Mexico, 1870-1871. Cf. Bancroft, -_Mexico_, iii. 507. - -[1209] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,300. - -[1210] _Mexico_, i. 187. - -[1211] _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. no. 196. - -[1212] Cf., for accounts and estimates, Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, -vol. iii. no. 196; Prescott, _Mexico_, vol. iii. p. 208; Bancroft, -_Mexico_, vol. i. pp. 186, 697; _Early Chroniclers_, p. 22. Editions of -Solis became, in time, numerous in various languages. Most of them may -be found noted in the following list:— - -_In Spanish._ Barcelona, 1691, accompanied by a Life of Solis, by Don -Juan de Goyeneche, Madrid, 1704, a good edition; Brussels, 1704, with -numerous plates; Madrid, 1732, two columns, without plates; Brussels, -1741, with Goyeneche’s Life; Madrid, 1748, said to have been corrected -by the author’s manuscript; Barcelona, 1756; Madrid, 1758; Madrid, -1763; Barcelona, 1771; Madrid, 1776; Madrid, 1780; Madrid, 1783-1784,—a -beautiful edition, called by Stirling “the triumph of the press of -Sancha” (cf. Ticknor Catalogue, p. 335; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. -1,300); Barcelona, 1789; Madrid, 1791, 1798, 1819, 1822; Paris, 1827; -Madrid, 1828, 1829, 1838; Barcelona, 1840; Paris, 1858, with notes. -Sabin (vol. iv. nos. 16,944-16,945) gives abridged editions,—Barcelona, -1846, and Mexico, 1853. An edition, London, 1809, is “Corregida por -Augustin Luis Josse,” and is included in the _Biblioteca de autores -españoles_, in 1853. - -_In French._ The earliest translation was made by Bon André de Citri -et de la Guette, and appeared with two different imprints in Paris -in 1691 in quarto (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. 1427-1428). Other editions -followed,—La Haye, 1692, in 12mo; Paris, 1704, with folding map and -engravings reduced from the Spanish editions; Paris, 1714, with plates; -Paris, 1730, 1759, 1774, 1777, 1844, etc.; and a new version by -Philippe de Toulza, with annotations, published in Paris in 1868. - -_In Italian._ The early version was published at Florence in 1699, with -portraits of Solis, Cortés, and Montezuma (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. -1,577). An edition at Venice in 1704 is without plates; but another, in -1715, is embellished. There was another at Venice in 1733. - -_In Danish._ Copenhagen, 1747 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 859). - -_In English._ Thomas Townsend’s English version was published in London -in 1724, and was reissued, revised by R. Hooke in 1753, both having -a portrait of Cortés, by Vertue, copied “after a head by Titian,” -with other folding plates based on those of the Spanish editions -(Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 350, 588; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, -nos. 1,464, 1,465). There were later editions in 1753. - -It was when he was twenty-eight years old, that Prescott took his first -lesson in Spanish history in reading Solis, at Ticknor’s recommendation. - -[1213] The story as the English had had it up to this time—except so -far as they learned it in translations of Solis—may be found in Burke’s -_European Settlements in America_, 1765, part i. pp. 1-166. - -[1214] Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,518. It was written in Spanish, but -translated into Italian for publication. A Spanish version, _Historia -Antigua de Mégico_, made by Joaquin de Mora, was printed in London in -1826, and reprinted in Mexico in 1844 (Leclerc, nos. 1,103, 1,104, -2,712). A German translation, _Geschichte von Mexico_, was issued at -Leipsic in 1789-1790, with notes. This version is not made from the -original Italian, but from an English translation printed in London -in 1787 as _The History of Mexico_, translated by Charles Cullen. It -was reprinted in London in 1807, and in Philadelphia in 1817 (Field, -_Indian Bibliography_, p. 326). - -[1215] _Early American Chronicles_, p. 24. - -[1216] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 697; also Prescott, _Mexico_, i. 53. - -[1217] Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 700; Leclerc, no. 846. - -[1218] _Bibliotheca Historica_, no. 377. - -[1219] There is a portrait of Clavigero in Cumplido’s edition of -Prescott’s _Mexico_ (1846), vol. iii. - -[1220] _Voyageurs_, iii. 422. - -[1221] Mr. H. H. Bancroft (_Mexico_, vol. i, p. 7, _note_), however, -charges his predecessor with parading his acquisition of this then -unprinted material, and with neglecting the more trustworthy and -more accessible chroniclers. He also speaks (_Mexico_, i. 701) of an -amiable weakness in Prescott which sacrificed truth to effect, and to -a style which he calls “magnificent,” and to a “philosophic flow of -thought,”—the latter trait in Prescott being one of his weakest; nor is -his style what rhetoricians would call “magnificent.” - -[1222] Mr. R. A. Wilson makes more of it than is warranted, in -affirming that “Prescott’s inability to make a personal research” -deprives us of the advantage of his integrity and personal character -(_New Conquest of Mexico_, p. 312). - -[1223] Ticknor’s _Prescott_, quarto edition, pp. 167-172. - -[1224] It was soon afterward reprinted in London and in Paris. - -[1225] Cf. the collation of criticisms on the _Mexico_, given by -Allibone in his _Dictionary of Authors_, and by Poole in his _Index -to Periodical Literature_. Archbishop Spalding, in his _Miscellanea_, -chapters xiii. and xiv., gives the Catholic view of his labors; and -Ticknor, in his _Life of Prescott_, prints various letters from Hallam, -Sismondi, and others, giving their prompt expressions regarding the -book. In chapters xiii., xiv., and xv. of this book the reader may -trace Prescott through the progress of the work, not so satisfactorily -as one might wish however, for in his diaries and letters the historian -failed often to give the engaging qualities of his own character. It -is said that Carlyle, when applied to for letters of Prescott which -might be used by Ticknor in his Life of the historian, somewhat -rudely replied that he had never received any from Prescott worth -preserving. Prescott’s library is, unfortunately, scattered. He gave -some part of it to Harvard College, including such manuscripts as he -had used in his _Ferdinand and Isabella_; and some years after his -death a large part of it was sold at public auction. It was then found -that, with a freedom which caused some observation, the marks of his -ownership had been removed from his books. Many of his manuscripts -and his noctograph were then sold, perhaps through inadvertence, for -the family subsequently reclaimed what they could. The noctograph and -some of the manuscripts are now in the cabinet of the Massachusetts -Historical Society (cf. _Proceedings_, vol. xiii. p. 66), and other -manuscripts are in the Boston Public Library (_Bulletin of Boston -Public Library_, iv. 122). A long letter to Dr. George E. Ellis, -written in 1857, and describing his use of the noctograph, is in the -same volume (Proceedings, vol. xiii. p. 246). The estimate in which -Prescott was held by his associates of that Society may be seen in the -records of the meeting at which his death was commemorated, in 1859 -(_Proceedings_, iv. 167, 266). There is a eulogy of Prescott by George -Bancroft in the _Historical Magazine_, iii. 69. Cf. references in -Poole’s _Index_, p. 1047. - -[1226] Philadelphia and London, 1859. - -[1227] This correspondence was civil, to say the least. Bancroft -(_Mexico_, i. 205), with a rudeness of his own, calls Wilson “a fool -and a knave.” - -[1228] _American Ethnological Society Transactions_, vol. i. - -[1229] Also in _Boston Daily Courier_, May 3, 1859. Cf. _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._ v. 101; _Atlantic Monthly_, April and May, 1859, by John -Foster Kirk; Allibone’s _Dictionary_, vol. ii. p. 1669. L. A. Wilmer, -in his _Life of De Soto_ (1859) is another who accuses Prescott of -accepting exaggerated statements. Cf. J. D. Washburn on the failure of -Wilson’s arguments to convince, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October -21, 1879, p. 18. - -[1230] Edition of 1874, ii. 110. - -[1231] Page 147. - -[1232] Born about 1817, and knighted in 1872. - -[1233] _Indian Bibliography_, no. 682. - -[1234] Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 488. - -[1235] Cf. _Revue des deux mondes_, 1845, vol. xi. p. 197. The book -was later translated into English. He also published in 1863 and in -1864 _Le Mexique ancien et moderne_, which was also given in an English -translation in London in 1864. Cf. _British Quarterly Review_, xl. 360. - -[1236] Ruge, in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, tells -the story with the latest knowledge. - -[1237] Both books command good prices, ranging from $25 to $50 each. - -[1238] _Mexico_, i. 697; ii. 788,—where he speaks of N. de Zamacois’ -_Historia de Méjico_, Barcelona, 1877-1880, in eleven volumes, as -“blundering;” and Mora’s _Méjico y sus Revoluciones_, Paris, 1836, in -three volumes, as “hasty.” Bancroft’s conclusion regarding what Mexico -itself has contributed to the history of the Conquest is “that no -complete account of real value has been written.” Andrés Cavo’s _Tres -siglos de México_ (Mexico, 1836-1838, in three volumes) is but scant -on the period of the Conquest (Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 508). It was -reprinted in 1852, with notes and additions by Bustamante, and as part -of the _Biblioteca Nacional y Extranjera_, and again at Jalapa in 1860. - -[1239] Vol. ii. chaps. xxi. and xxx., p. 648. - -[1240] _Mexico_, ii. 455-456. - -[1241] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,350. - -[1242] Rich, 1832, no. 422; Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 650. It was -reprinted at Mérida in 1842, and again in 1867. - -[1243] Leclerc, nos. 1,172, 2,289. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, -1880, p. 85, where will be found Bandelier’s partial bibliography of -Yucatan. - -[1244] Cf. Field. 1605; _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1880, -p. 89. The book is not so rare as it is sometimes claimed; Quaritch -usually prices copies at from £2 to £5. - -[1245] Field, p. 522. - -[1246] The _Registro Yucateco_, a periodical devoted to local -historical study, and published in Mérida, only lived for two years, -1845-1846. - -[1247] Cf. Sabin, vol. ii. no. 6,834, and references. There is a copy -of Boturini Benaduci in Harvard College Library. A portrait of him is -given in Cumplido’s edition of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii. - -[1248] It is rare. Quaritch in 1880 priced Ramirez’ copy at £12. It was -printed, “Mexici in Ædibus Authoris.” - -[1249] Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xiii. - -[1250] It contained nearly fourteen hundred entries about Mexico, or -its press. Another collection, gathered by a gentleman attached to -Maximilian’s court, was sold in Paris in 1868; and still another, -partly the accumulation of Père Augustin Fischer, the confessor of -Maximilian, was dispersed in London in 1869 as a _Biblioteca Mejicana_. -Cf. Jackson’s _Bibliographies Géographiques_, p. 223. - -[1251] Many of these afterwards appeared in B. Quaritch’s _Rough List_, -no. 46, 1880. The principal part of a sale which included the libraries -of Pinart and Brasseur de Bourbourg (January and February, 1884) also -pertained to Mexico and the Spanish possessions. - -[1252] Cf. for instance his _Native Races_, iv. 565; _Central America_, -i. 195; _Mexico_, i. 694, ii. 487, 784; _Early Chroniclers_, p. 19, -etc. It is understood that his habit has been to employ readers to -excerpt and abstract from books, and make references. These slips are -put in paper bags according to topic. Such of these memoranda as are -not worked into the notes of the pertinent chapter are usually massed -in a concluding note. - -[1253] The general bibliographies of American history are examined in -a separate section of the present work and elsewhere in the present -chapter something has been said of the bibliographical side of various -other phases of the Mexican theme. Mr. A. F. Bandelier has given a -partial bibliography of Yucatan and Central America, touching Mexico, -however, only incidentally, in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, -1880. Harrisse, in his _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 212, has given a partial -list of the poems and plays founded upon the Conquest. Others will -be found in the _Chronological List of Historical Fiction_ published -by the Boston Public Library. Among the poems are Gabriel Lasso de -la Vega’s _Cortés Valeroso_, 1588, republished as _Mexicana_ in 1594 -(Maisonneuve, no. 2,825—200 francs); Saavedra Guzman’s _El Peregrino -indiano_, Madrid, 1599 (Rich, 1832, no. 86, £4 4_s._); Balbuena’s _El -Bernardo_, a conglomerate heroic poem (Madrid, 1624), which gives one -book to the Conquest by Cortés (Leclerc, no. 48—100 francs); Boesnier’s -_Le Mexique Conquis_, Paris, 1752; Escoiquiz, _México Conquistada_, -1798; Roux de Rochelle, _Ferdinand Cortez_; P. du Roure, _La Conquête -du Mexique_. - -Among the plays,—Dryden’s _Indian Emperor_ (Cortés and Montezuma); -Lope de Vega’s _Marquez del Valle_; Fernand de Zarate’s _Conquista de -México_; Canizares, _El Pleyto de Fernan Cortes_; F. del Rey, _Hernand -Cortez en Tabasco_; Piron, _Cortes_; Malcolm MacDonald, _Guatemozin_ -(Philadelphia, 1878), etc. - -[1254] Dr. Kohl’s studies on the course of geographical discovery -along the Pacific coast were never published. He printed an abstract -in the _United States Coast Survey Report_, 1855, pp. 374, 375. A -manuscript memoir by him on the subject is in the library of the -American Antiquarian Society (_Proceedings_, 23 Apr. 1872, pp. 7, -26) at Worcester. So great advances in this field have since been -made that it probably never will be printed. There is a chronological -statement of explorations up the Pacific coast in Duflot de Mofras’ -_Exploration du territoire de l’Orégon_ (Paris, 1844), vol. i. chap. -iv.; but H. H. Bancroft’s _Pacific States_, particularly his _Northwest -Coast_, vol. i., embodies the fullest information on this subject. In -the enumeration of maps in the present paper, many omissions are made -purposely, and some doubtless from want of knowledge. It is intended -only to give a sufficient number to mark the varying progress of -geographical ideas. - -[1255] See _ante_, pp. 106, 115. - -[1256] Cf. maps _ante_, on pp. 108, 112, 114, 127. - -[1257] This map is preserved in the Royal Library at Munich, and is -portrayed in Kunstmann’s _Atlas_, pl. iv., and in Stevens’s _Notes_, -pl. v. Cf. Kohl, _Discovery of Maine_ (for a part), no. 10; and -Harrisse’s _Cabots_, p. 167. - -[1258] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 131. - -[1259] A sketch of the map is given by Lelewel, pl. xlvi. - -[1260] The _Novus Orbis_ (Paris) has sometimes another map; but -Harrisse says the Finæus one is the proper one. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, -nos. 172, 173. - -[1261] Vol. III. p. 11. This reduction, there made from Stevens’s -_Notes_, pl. iv., is copied on a reduced scale in Bancroft’s _Central -America_, vol. i. p. 149. Stevens also gives a fac-simile of the -original, and a greatly reduced reproduction is given in Daly’s _Early -Cartography_. Its names, as Harrisse has pointed out (_Cabots_, p. -182), are similar to the two Weimar charts of 1527 and 1529. The -bibliography of this Paris Grynæus is examined elsewhere. - -[1262] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 127. - -[1263] _Brit. Mus. Cat. of Maps_, 1844, p. 22. - -[1264] Vol. for 1877, p. 359. Cf. the present History, Vol. I. p. 214; -IV. 81. - -[1265] See Vol. III. p. 18. - -[1266] _Epilogue_, p. 219. - -[1267] This edition was in small octavo, with sixty maps, engraved on -metal, of which there are seven of interest to students of American -cartography. They are of South America (no. 54), New Spain (no. 55), -“Terra nova Bacalaos” or Florida to Labrador (no. 56), Cuba (no. 57), -and Hispaniola (no. 58). The copies in America which have fallen under -the Editor’s observation are those in the Library of Congress, in -the Astor and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the collections of Mr. -Barlow and Mr. Kalbfleisch in New York, and of Prof. Jules Marcou in -Cambridge. There was one in the Murphy Collection, no. 2,067. It is -worth from $15 to $25. Cf. on Gastaldi’s maps, Zurla’s _Marco Polo_ -ii. 368; the _Notizie di Jacopo Gastaldi_, Torino, 1881; Castellani’s -_Catalogo delle più rare opere geografiche_, Rome, 1876, and other -references in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1548; and -Vol. IV. p. 40 of the present History. - -[1268] This edition is in small quarto and contains six American maps: - -no. 1, “Orbis Descriptio;” no. 2, “Carta Marina;” no. 3, a reproduction -of the Zeni map; no. 4, “Schonlandia” (Greenland region, etc.); no. -5, South America; no. 6, New Spain; no. 7, “Tierra nueva,” or eastern -coast of North America; no. 8, Brazil; no. 9, Cuba; no. 10, Hispaniola. - -These maps were repeated in the 1562, 1564, and 1574 editions of -Ptolemy. The copies in America of these editions known to the -Editor are in the following libraries: Library of Congress, 1561, -1562, 1574; Boston Public Library, 1561; Harvard College Library, -1562; Carter-Brown Library, 1561, 1562, 1564, 1574; Philadelphia -Library, 1574; Astor Library, 1574; S. L. M. Barlow’s, 1562, 1564; -James Carson Brevoort’s, 1562; J. Hammond Trumbull’s, 1561; Trinity -College (Hartford), 1574; C. C. Baldwin’s (Cleveland) 1561; Murphy -Catalogue, 1561, 1562, 1574,—the last two bought by President A. D. -White of Cornell University. These editions of Ptolemy’s _Geographica_ -are described, and their American maps compared with the works of -other contemporary cartographers, in Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy’s -Geography_ (1884). - -[1269] _Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870, pages -62; plates vi., vii., ix. - -[1270] These and other maps of the Palazzo are noted in _Studi -biografici e bibliografici della società geografica italiana_, Rome, -1882, ii. 169, 172. - -[1271] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 209; Leclerc, _Bibliotheca -Americana_, no. 240; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 1,047. The map is very -rare. Henry Stevens published a fac-simile made by Harris. This and a -fac-simile of the title of the book are annexed. Cf. Orozco y Berra, -_Cartografia Mexicana_, 37. - -[1272] Sabin, _Dictionary of books relating to America_, vii. 27,504; -Stevens, _Historical Collections_, i. 2,413 (books sold in London, -July, 1881). The Harvard College copy lacks the map. Mr. Brevoort’s -copy has the map, and that gentleman thinks it belongs to this edition -as well as to the other. - -[1273] The Catalogue of the British Museum puts under 1562 a map by -Furlani called _Univerales Descrittione di tutta la Terra cognosciuta -da Paulo di Forlani_. A “carta nautica” of the same cartographer, -now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, is figured in Santarem’s -_Atlas_. (Cf. _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, 1839; and -_Studi biografici e bibliografici_, ii. p. 142). Thomassy in his -_Papes géographes_, p. 118, mentions a Furlani (engraved) map of -1565, published at Venice, and says it closely resembles the Gastaldi -type. Another, of 1570, is contained in Lafreri’s _Tavole moderne di -geografia_, Rome and Venice, 1554-1572 (cf. Manno and Promis, _Notizie -di Gastaldi_, 1881, p. 19; Harrisse, _Cabots_, p. 237). Furlani, in -1574, as we shall see, had dissevered America and Asia. As to Diego -Hermano, cf. Willes’ _History of Trauvayle_ (London, 1577) fol. 232, -_verso_. - -[1274] There are copies in the Library of Congress and in the -Carter-Brown Library. Dufossé recently priced it at 25 francs. - -[1275] Morton’s _New English Canaan_, Adams’s edition, p. 126. - -[1276] See _ante_, p. 104. - -[1277] Magellan and his companions seem to have given the latter name, -according to Pigafetta, and Galvano and others soon adopted the name. -(Cf. Bancroft, _Central America_, vol. i. pp. 135, 136, 373; and the -present volume, _ante_, p. 196). - -[1278] Brevoort (_Verrazano_, p. 80) suspects that the Vopellio map -of 1556 represents the geographical views of Cortés at this time. -Mr. Brevoort has a copy of this rare map. See _ante_, p. 436, for -fac-simile. - -[1279] Cf. collation of references in Bancroft, _No. Mexican States_, -i. 18; _Northwest Coast_, i. 13. - -[1280] Pacheco, _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, xxiii. 366. - -[1281] Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 258. - -[1282] These are given in Navarrete, v. 442. Cf. other references in -Bancroft, _Mexico_, ii. 258, where his statements are at variance with -those in his _Central America_, i. 143. - -[1283] _Documentos inéditos_, xiv. 65, where a report describes this -preliminary expedition. - -[1284] In 1524 Francisco Cortés in his expedition to the Jalisco coast -heard from the natives of a wooden house stranded there many years -earlier, which may possibly refer to an early Portuguese voyage. H. H. -Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 15. - -[1285] Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_, ii. 180, and references. - -[1286] Cf. Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. chap. iii., on -this voyage, with full references. - -[1287] Cf. Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. chap. ii., with -references; p. 29, on Guzman’s expedition, and a map of it, p. 31. - -[1288] The Rev. Edward E. Hale procured a copy of this when in Spain -in 1883, and from his copy the annexed woodcut is made. Cf. Gomara, -folio 117; Herrera, Decade viii. lib. viii. cap. ix. and x. Bancroft -(_Central America_, i. 150) writes without knowledge of this map. - -[1289] The Spanish is printed in Navarrete, iv. 190. - -[1290] This expedition of Cortés is not without difficulties in -reconciling authorities and tracing the fate of the colonists which -he sought to plant at Santa Cruz. Bancroft has examined the various -accounts (_North Mexican States_, i. 52, etc.). - -[1291] Cortés had called California an island as early as 1524, in a -report to the Emperor, deducing his belief from native reports. De Laet -in 1633 mentions having seen early Spanish maps showing it of insular -shape. - -[1292] Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 322; Bancroft’s _Mexico_, ii. 425; -_Central America_, i. 152, and _North Mexican States_, i. 79, with -references. The accounts are not wholly reconcilable. It would seem -probable that Ulloa’s own ship was never heard from. Ramusio gives a -full account (vol. iii. p. 340) by one of the companions of Ulloa, on -another ship. - -[1293] At least so says Herrera (Stevens’s edition, vi. 305). Castañeda -defers the naming till Alarcon’s expedition. Cabrillo in 1542 used the -name as of well-known application. The origin of the name has been a -cause of dispute. Professor Jules Marcou is in error in stating that -the name was first applied by Bernal Diaz to a bay on the coast, and -so was made to include the whole region. He claims that it was simply -a designation used by Cortés to distinguish a land which we now know -to be the hottest in the two Americas,—Tierra California, derived from -“calida fornax,” fiery furnace. (Cf. _Annual Report of the Survey west -of the hundredth Parallel_, by George M. Wheeler, 1876, p. 386; and -_Annual Report of the Chief of Engineers_, U.S.A., 1878, appendix, also -printed separately as _Notes upon the First Discoveries of California -and the Origin of its Name_, by Jules Marcou, Washington, 1878.) -Bancroft (_California_, i. 65, 66) points out a variety of equivalent -derivations which have been suggested. The name was first traced in -1862, by Edward E. Hale, to a romance published, it is supposed, in -1510,—_Las Sergas de Esplandian_, by Garcia Ordoñez de Montalvo, which -might easily enough have been a popular book with the Spanish followers -of Cortés. There were later editions in 1519, 1521, 1525, and 1526. In -this romance Esplandian, emperor of the Greeks, the imaginary son of -the imaginary Amadis, defends Constantinople against the infidels of -the East. A pagan queen of Amazons brings an army of Amazons to the -succor of the infidels. This imaginary queen is named Calafia, and her -kingdom is called “California,”—a name possibly derived from “Calif,” -which, to the readers of such a book, would be associated with the -East. California in the romance is represented as an island rich with -gold and diamonds and pearls. The language of the writer is this:— - -“Know that on the right hand of the Indies there is an island called -California, very close to the side of the Terrestrial Paradise; and it -was peopled by black women, without any man among them, for they lived -in the fashion of Amazons. They were of strong and hardy bodies, of -ardent courage and great force. Their island was the strongest in all -the world, with its steep cliffs and rocky shores. Their arms were all -of gold, and so was the harness of the wild beasts which they tamed to -ride; for in the whole island there was no metal but gold. They lived -in caves wrought out of the rock with much labor. They had many ships, -with which they sailed out to other countries to obtain booty.” - -That this name, as an omen of wealth, struck the fancy of Cortés is -the theory of Dr. Hale, who adds “that as a western pioneer now gives -the name of ‘Eden’ to his new home, so Cortés called his new discovery -‘California.’” (Cf. Hale in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April 30, 1862; -in _Historical Magazine_, vi. 312, Oct. 1862; in _His Level Best_, p. -234; and in Atlantic Monthly, xiii. 265; J. Archibald in _Overland -Monthly_, ii. 437, Prof. J. D. Whitney in article “California” in -_Encyclopædia Britannica_.) Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. -p. 82; and _California_, vol. i. p. 64) points out how the earliest use -of the name known to us was in Preciado’s narrative (Ramusio, vol. iii. -p. 343) of Ulloa’s voyage; and that there is no evidence of its use by -Cortés himself. It was applied then to the bay or its neighborhood, -which had been called Santa Cruz or La Paz. - -[1294] Kohl, _Maps in Hakluyt_, p. 58. - -[1295] Cf. _post_, chap. vii. - -[1296] _Notes_, etc., p. 4. - -[1297] We have Alarcon’s narrative in Ramusio, iii. 363; Herrera, -Dec. vi. p. 208; Hakluyt, iii. 425, 505; Ternaux-Compans’ _Voyages_, -etc., ix. 299. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 93) gives -various references. An intended second expedition under Alarcon, with a -co-operating fleet to follow the outer coast of the peninsula, failed -of execution. The instructions given in 1541 to Alarcon for his voyage -on the California coast, by order of Mendoza, are given in B. Smith’s -_Coleccion_, p. 1. - -[1298] These are the ship’s figures; but it is thought their reckoning -was one or two degrees too high. - -[1299] Attempts have been made. Cf. Bancroft, _California_, i. 70; -_Northwest Coast_, i. 38. - -[1300] The source of our information for this voyage is a _Relacion_ -(June 27, 1542, to April 14, 1543) printed in Pacheco’s _Coleccion -de documentos inéditos_, xiv. 165; and very little is added from -other sources, given in Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 133. -Buckingham Smith gave the _Relacion_ earlier in his _Coleccion de -varios Documentos para la historia de la Florida y Tierras adyacentes_ -(Madrid, 1857, vol. i. p. 173). A translation is contained in Wheeler’s -_United States Geological Survey_, vol. vii., with notes, and an -earlier English version by Alexander S. Taylor was published in San -Francisco in 1853, as _The First Voyage to the Coast of California_. -Cf. also Bancroft’s _California_, i. 69; _Northwest Coast_, i. 137. -It is thought that Juan Paez was the author of the original, which is -preserved among the Simancas papers at Seville. Herrera seems to have -used it, omitting much and adding somewhat, thus making the narrative -which, till the original was printed, supplied the staple source to -most writers on the subject. In 1802 Navarrete summarized the story -from this _Relacion_ in vol. xv. of his _Documentos inéditos_. Bancroft -(vol. i. p. 81) cites numerous unimportant references. - -[1301] _Nouvelle Espagne_ (i. 330), where, as well as in other of the -later writers, it is said the name “Anian” came from one of Cortereal’s -companions. But see H. H. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 36, -55, 56, where he conjectures that the name is a confused reminiscence -at a later day of the name of _Anus_ Cortereal, mentioned by Hakluyt in -1582. - -[1302] There was at one time a current belief in the story of a Dutch -vessel being driven through such a strait to the Pacific, passing the -great city of Quivira, which had been founded by the Aztecs after they -had been driven from Mexico by the Spaniards. Then there are similar -stories told by Menendez (1554) and associated with Urdaneta’s name -(cf. Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 51); and at a later day -other like stories often prevailed. The early maps place the “Regnum -Anian” and “Quivira” on our northwestern coast. Bancroft (_Northwest -Coast_, vol. i. pp. 45, 49) thinks Gomara responsible for transferring -Quivira from the plains to the coast. See Editorial Note at the end of -chap. vii. - -It is sometimes said (see Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 55) -that the belief in the Straits of Anian sprang from a misinterpretation -of a passage in Marco Polo; but Bancroft (p. 53) cannot trace the name -back of 1574, as he finds it in one of the French (Antwerp) editions -of Ortelius of that year. Ortelius had used the name, however, in his -edition of 1570, but only as a copier, in this as in other respects, -of Mercator, in his great map of 1569, as Bancroft seems to suspect. -Porcacchi (1572), Furlani or Forlani (1574), and others put the name on -the Asian side of the strait, where it is probable that it originally -appeared. Bancroft (p. 81) is in error in saying that the name “Anian” -was “for the first time” applied to the north and south passage between -America and Asia, as distinct from the east and west passage across the -continent, in the “Mercator Atlas of 1595;” for such an application is -apparent in the map of Zalterius (1566), Mercator (1569), Porcacchi -(1572), Forlani (1574), Best’s Frobisher (1578),—not to name others. - -[1303] Sketched in this History, Vol. IV. p. 46. - -[1304] Harrisse (_Cabots_, p. 193) places it about 1542. - -[1305] It is described by Malte Brun in the _Bulletin de la Société -de Géographie_, 1876, p. 625; and an edition of a hundred copies of a -photographic reproduction, edited by Frédéric Spitzer, was issued in -Paris in 1875. There is a copy of the last in Harvard College Library. -A similar peninsula is shown in plate xiv. of the same atlas. - -[1306] Repeated in 1545. - -[1307] See Vol. IV. p. 41. - -[1308] See _ante_, p. 177. - -[1309] This edition, issued at Basle, had twenty modern maps designed -by Münster, two of which have American interest:— - -_a._ _Typus universalis_,—an elliptical map, showing America on the -left, but with a part of Mexico (Temistitan) carried to the right of -the map, with a strait—“per hoc fretū iter patet ad molucas”—separating -America from India superior on the northwest. - -_b._ _Novæ insulæ_,—the map reproduced in Vol. IV. p. 41. - -There are copies of this 1540 edition of Ptolemy in the Astor Library, -in the collections of Mr. Barlow, Mr. Deane, and President White of -Cornell, while one is noted in the Murphy Catalogue, no. 2,058, which -is now in the library of the American Geographical Society. This -edition was issued the next year with the date changed to 1541. Cf. -Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_. The same maps were also used in the -Basle edition of 1542, with borders surrounding them, some of which -were designs, perhaps, of Holbein. There are copies of this edition in -the Astor Library, and in the collections of Brevoort, Barlow, and J. -H. Trumbull, of Hartford. The _Murphy Catalogue_ shows another, no. -2,066. - -[1310] The “Typus universalis” of this edition, much the same as in the -edition of 1540, was re-engraved for the Basle edition of 1552, with a -few changes of names: “Islandia,” for instance, which is on the isthmus -connecting “Bacalhos” with Norway, is left out, and so is “Thyle” on -Iceland, which is now called “Island.” This last engraving was repeated -in Münster’s _Cosmographia_ in 1554. - -There are copies of the Ptolemy of 1545 in the libraries of Congress -and of Harvard College, and in the Carter-Brown Collection. One is also -owned by J. R. Webster, of East Milton, Mass., and another is shown in -the _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 2,078. - -Copies of the 1552 edition are in the libraries of Congress, of -New York State, and of Cornell University. The Sobolewski copy is -now in the collection of Prof. J. D. Whitney, Cambridge, Mass. Dr. -O’Callaghan’s copy was sold in New York, in December, 1882; the Murphy -copy is no. 2,065 of the _Murphy Catalogue_. - -The maps were again reproduced in the Ptolemy of 1555. - -[1311] _Ante_, p. 435. - -[1312] Plates vi., vii., ix., as shown in the _Jahrbuch des Vereins für -Erdkunde in Dresden_, 1870. - -[1313] Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 137. - -[1314] See _ante_, p. 436. - -[1315] See _ante_, p. 228. - -[1316] This map of Homem is given on another page. His delineation of -the gulf seems to be like Castillo’s, and is carried two degrees too -far north as in that draft; but Castillo’s names are wanting in Homem, -who lays down the peninsula better, following, as Kohl conjectures, -Ulloa’s charts. He marks the coast above 33° as unknown, showing that -he had no intelligence of Cabrillo’s voyage. - -[1317] See _ante_, p. 438. - -[1318] See _post_, p. 451. - -[1319] See Vol. IV. p. 92. The 1568 map is a part of an _Atlante -maritimo_, of which a full-size colored fac-simile of the part -showing the Moluccas is given in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters -der Entdeckungen_. It is a parchment collection of twenty-seven maps -showing the Portuguese possessions in the two Indies. Cf. _Katalog der -Handschriften der Kais. Off. Bibl. zu Dresden_, 1882, vol. i. p. 369. - -[1320] See Vol. IV. p. 369; and the note, _post_, p. 470. - -[1321] See p. 452. - -[1322] There is a full-size fac-simile in Jomard’s _Monuments de la -Géographie_, pl. xxi., but it omits the legends given in the tablets; -in Lelewel, vol. i. pl. v.; also cf. vol. i. p. xcviii, and vol. -ii. pp. 181, 225; and, much reduced from Jomard, in Daly’s _Early -Cartography_, p. 38. - -[1323] Cf. Vol III. p. 34; Vol. IV. p. 372; and the note, _post_, p. -471. - -[1324] See the map, _post_, p. 453. - -[1325] There are copies of this first edition in the Harvard College, -Boston Public, Astor, and Carter-Brown libraries, and in the Brevoort -Collection. It should have thirty small copperplate maps, inserted -in the text. Cf. _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 292; Stevens, -_Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 648; _O’Callaghan Catalogue_, no. -1,866 (now Harvard College copy); Court, no. 284; Rich, _Catalogue_ -(1832), nos. 51, 55, etc. - -Two of its maps show America, but only one gives the western coast, -while both have the exaggerated continental Tierra del Fuego. The map -sketched in the text is given in fac-simile in Stevens’s _Notes_. -Both maps were repeated in the 1576 edition (Venice, with 1575 in the -colophon). This edition shows forty-seven maps; and pp. 157-184 (third -book) treat of America. Besides a map of the world it has a “carta da -navigar” (p. 198), maps of Cuba and other islands, and a plan of Mexico -and its lake. There are copies in the Boston Public and Harvard College -libraries, Mr. Deane’s Collection, etc. Cf. Stevens, _Historical -Collections_, vol. i. no. 82; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 309; Muller -(1872), no. 1,255. - -Another edition was issued at Venice in 1590. Cf. _Boston Public -Library Catalogue_, no. 6271.14, Carter-Brown, i. 393; Murphy, no. -2,010. Later editions were issued at Venice in 1604 (forty-eight maps); -in 1605 (Carter-Brown, ii. 40); and in 1620 (Carter-Brown, ii. 241; -Cooke, no. 2,858, now in Harvard College Library), which was published -at Padua, and had maps of North America (p. 161), Spagnolla (p. 165), -Cuba (p. 172), Jamaica (p. 175), Moluccas (p. 189), and a mappemonde -(p. 193). The last edition we have noted was issued at Venice in 1686, -with the maps on separate leaves, and not in the text as previously. - -[1326] Plate vi. He describes it in vol. i. p. ci, and ii. p. 114. He -says it was taken from Spain to Warsaw, and has disappeared. - -[1327] It has two maps, varying somewhat, “Typus orbis terrarum” and -“Americæ sive novi orbis nuova descriptio,”—the work of Hugo Favolius. -Cf. Leclerc, no. 206; Muller (1877), no. 1,198. The text is in verse. - -[1328] See p. 454. - -[1329] Cf. the map, as given in Vol. III. p. 203. Bancroft (_Northwest -Coast_, vol. i. p. 58) epitomizes Gilbert’s arguments for a passage. -Willes gives reasons in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 24. - -[1330] See fac-simile in Vol. III. p. 102. - -[1331] Cf. the sketch of the California coast from this last in Vol. -III. p. 80. - -The question of the harbor in which Drake refitted his ship for his -return voyage by Cape of Good Hope has been examined in another place -(Vol. III. pp. 74, 80). Since that volume was printed, H. H. Bancroft -has published vol. i. of his _History of California_; and after giving -a variety of references on Drake’s voyage (p. 82) he proceeds to -examine the question anew, expressing his own opinion decidedly against -San Francisco, and believing it can never be settled whether Bodega or -the harbor under Point Reyes (Drake’s Bay of the modern maps) was the -harbor; though on another page (p. 158) he thinks the spot was Drake’s -Bay, and in a volume previously issued (_Central America_, vol. ii. p. -419) he had given a decided opinion in favor of it. In his discussion -of the question, he claims that Dr. Hale and most other investigators -have not been aware that the harbor behind Point Reyes was discovered -in 1595 by Cermeñon (p. 96), and then named San Francisco; and that -it is this old San Francisco, visited by Viscaino in 1603, and sought -by Portolá in 1769, when this latter navigator stumbled on the -Golden Gate, which is the San Francisco of the old geographers and -cartographers, and not the magnificent harbor now known by that name -(p. 157). He adds that the tradition among the Spaniards of the coast -has been more in favor of Bodega than of Drake’s Bay; while the modern -San Francisco has never been thought of by them. Beyond emphasizing the -distinction between the old and new San Francisco, Mr. Bancroft has -brought no new influence upon the solution of the question. He makes a -point of a Pacific sea-manual of Admiral Cabrera Bueno, published at -Manilla in 1734 as _Navegacion Especulation_, being used to set this -point clear for the first time in English, when one of his assistants -wrote a paper in the _Overland Monthly_ in 1874. The book is not very -scarce; Quaritch advertised a copy in 1879 for £4. Bancroft (p. 106) -seems to use an edition of 1792, though he puts the 1734 edition in -his list of authorities. Various documents from the Spanish Archives -relating to Drake’s exploits in the Pacific have been published (since -Vol. III. was printed) in Peralta’s _Costa Rica, Nicaragua y Panamá en -el siglo XVI_, Madrid, 1883, p. 569, etc. - -[1332] See the sketch in Vol. IV. p. 98. - -[1333] Cf. Sabin, vol. x. p. 75; Court, 185, 186; Carter-Brown, vol. i. -p. 292; Huth, iv. 1,169; Stevens’s _Historical Collections_, vol. i. -no. 135, and Vol. III. of the present History, p. 37, for other mention -of Popellinière’s _Les Trois Mondes_. The third world is the great -Antarctic continent so common in maps of this time. - -[1334] Lok’s map from Hakluyt’s _Divers Voyages_ is given in fac-simile -in Vol. III. p. 40 and Vol. IV. p. 44. There is a sketch of it in -Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 151, and in his _Northwest -Coast_, vol. i. p. 65. - -[1335] The question of Fusang, which Kohl believes to be Japan, is -discussed in Vol. I. - -[1336] Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 1865, pp. 322, 395; J. C. -Brevoort in _Magazine of American History_, vol. i. p. 250; Burney, -_Voyages_, vol. i., and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. -139, where there are references and collections of authorities. - -[1337] Gali’s letter is in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 526, copied from -Linschoten. Cf. inscription on the Molineaux map of 1600 in this -History, Vol. III. p. 80, and Bancroft, _California_, vol. i. p. 94. -The map which Gali is thought to have made is not now known (Kohl, -_Maps in Hakluyt_, 61). Bancroft says that Gali’s mention of Cape -Mendocino is the earliest, but it is not definitely known by whom that -prominent point was first named. - -[1338] This map is sketched in Vol. III. p. 42. - -[1339] It is claimed that Maldonado presented his memoir in 1609 to the -Council of the Indies, and asked for a reward for the discovery; and -there are two manuscripts purporting to be the original memoir. One, -of which trace is found in 1672, 1738, 1775, 1781 (copied by Muñoz), -and printed in 1788, was still existing, it is claimed, in 1789, and -was reviewed in 1790 by the French geographer Buache, who endeavored -to establish its authenticity; and it is translated, with maps, in -Barrow’s _Chronological History of Voyages_, etc. Another manuscript -was found in the Ambrosian library in 1811, and was published at Milan -as _Viaggio dal mare Atlantico al Pacifico_, translated from a Spanish -manuscript (Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 1,746), and again -in French at Plaisance in 1812. The editor was Charles Amoretti, -who added a discourse, expressing his belief in it, together with a -circumpolar map marking Maldonado’s track. (Harvard College Library, -no. 4331.2.) This book was reviewed by Barrow in the _Quarterly -Review_, October, 1816. Cf. Burney’s _Voyages_, vol. v. p.167. A -memoir by the Chevalier Lapie, with another map of the “Mer polaire,” -is printed in the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, vol. xi. (1821). -Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 98) reproduces Lapie’s map. Navarrete -searched the Spanish Archives for confirmation of this memoir,—a search -not in vain, inasmuch as it led to the discovery of the documents -with which he illustrated the history of Columbus; and he also gave -his view of the question in vol. xv. of his _Coleccion de documentos -inéditos_ in the volume specially called _Examen historico-critico -de los Viages y Descubrimientos apócrifos del capitan Lorenzo Ferrer -Maldonado, de Juan de Fuca y del almirante Bartolomé de Fonte: memoria -comenzada por D. M. F. de Navarrete, y arreglada y concluida por D. -Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete_. Bancroft calls it an elaboration -of the voyage of the _Sutil y Méxicana_. (Cf. Arcana, _Bibliographia -de obras anonimas_, 1882, no. 408.) Goldson in his _Memoir on the -Straits of Anian_ places confidence in the Maldonado memoir. Cf. -Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 92), who recapitulates the -story and cites the examiners of it, _pro_ and _con_, and gives (p. 96) -Maldonado’s map of the strait. - -[1340] Vol. iii. p. 849. - -[1341] On Cavendish’s Pacific Explorations. See Vol. III., chap. ii. - -[1342] Greenhow in his _Oregon_ contends for a certain basis of truth -in De Fuca’s story. Cf. Navarrete in the _Coleccion de documentos -inéditos_, vol. xv., and Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. -146, and _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 71-80), who pronounces it pure -fiction, and in a long note gives the writers _pro_ and _con_. - -[1343] In his _Speculum Orbis Terræ_. Cf. Muller, (1872), no. 1,437, -and Vol. IV. p. 97 of this History. This map of 1593 gives to the lake -which empties into the Arctic Ocean the name “Conibas,”—an application -of the name that Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 84) finds no -earlier instance of than that in Wytfliet in 1597. - -[1344] _Mapoteca Colombiana_ of Uricoechea, nos. 16, 17, and 18. - -[1345] Copy in Harvard College Library. Cf. _Mapoteca Colombiana_, no. -19. - -[1346] The map of Plancius was first drafted—according to -Blundeville—in 1592, and is dated 1594 in the Dutch Linschoten of -1596, where it was republished. It was re-engraved, but not credited -to Plancius, in the Latin Linschoten of 1599. The English Linschoten -of 1598 has a map, re-engraved from Ortelius, which is given in the -Hakluyt of 1589. - -[1347] _Mapoteca Colombiana_, nos. 20 and 21. Cf. this History, Vol. -IV. p. 99[internal link-vol 4]. - -[1348] Cf. nos. 2, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35. This 1597 edition of Ptolemy was -issued at Cologne, under the editing of Jean Antonio Magini, a Paduan, -born in 1556. (Cf. Lelewel, _Epilogue_, 219.) The maps showing America -are,— - -No. 2. A folding map of the two spheres, drawn by Hieronymus Porro from -the map which Rumoldus Mercator based on his father’s work. - -Nos. 28 and 32. Asia, showing the opposite American shores. - -Nos. 34-35. America, of the Mercator type, but less accurate than -Ortelius. There are copies of this edition in the library of the -Massachusetts Historical Society, and in Mr. Brevoort’s collection. -(Walckenaer, no. 2,257; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,259; Graesse, vol. v. -p. 502.) - -This same edition is sometimes found with the imprint of Arnheim, and -copies of this are in the Library of Congress and in the Carter-Brown -Collection. (Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 514; Graesse, v. 502.) - -An edition in Italian, 1598 (with 1597 in the colophon), embodying -the works of Magini and Porro, was published at Venice; and there are -copies of this in the Library of Congress and in the Philadelphia -Library; also in the collections of J. Carson Brevoort, President White -of Cornell University, and C. C. Baldwin, of Cleveland. - -The text of Ruscelli, edited by Rosaccio, was printed at Venice in -1599, giving three maps of the world and nine special American maps. -There is a copy of this edition in the Carter-Brown Library, and one -was sold in the Murphy sale (no. 2,077). The Magini text was again -printed at Cologne in 1608, and of this there are copies in the Harvard -College and Carter-Brown libraries. - -[1349] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 369.[internal link-vol 4] - -[1350] This and the other maps were repeated in the six Dutch editions, -in the second and third French, and in the original Latin edition. The -third Dutch edition, in three parts, is the rarest of the editions in -that language; the first part being without date, while the second and -third are dated respectively 1604 and 1605. The fourth Dutch edition is -dated 1614, the fifth 1623 (a reprint of the 1614), the sixth 1644 (a -reprint of the 1623). Cf. Tiele, _Bibliographie sur les journaux des -navigateurs_, nos. 80, 82, 86, 88, 90; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 503, -vol. ii. no. 547; Stevens, _Bibliotheca historica_, no. 1,148; Muller, -_Books on America_, 1872, nos. 2,185, 2,188, 2,190; and 1877, nos. -1,880, 1,882, 1,883, 1,884. - -The English translation by Wolfe (1598) is mentioned in Vol. III. p. -206. It was so rare in 1832 that Rich priced it at £8 8_s._; and yet -Crowninshield bought his copy in 1844 at a Boston auction for $10.50. -The Roxburgh copy had brought £10 15_s._, and the Jadis copy the same. -Smith, the London dealer, in 1874 advertised one for £7 15_s._ 6_d._ -The Menzies copy (no. 1,254) brought $104. There was a copy sold in the -Beckford sale, 1883, no. 1,813, and another in the Murphy sale, no. -1,498. - -The first Latin edition, _Navigatio ac Itinerarium_, was printed in -1599, its first part being translated, with some omissions, from the -Dutch, and the description of America being omitted from the second -part. It was reissued with a new title in 1614,—an edition very rare; -but there are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. Cf. -Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 542, vol. ii. no. 167; Leclerc, no. 360—150 -francs; Murphy, no. 1,499; Tiele, no. 81; Muller, 1872, no. 2,196; -1877, nos. 1,890, 1,891; and Rosenthal (Munich, 1883)—100 marks. - -The earliest French edition, _Histoire de la Navigation_, etc., bears -two different imprints of Amsterdam, 1610, though it is thought to -have been printed by De Bry at Frankfort. A second is dated Amsterdam, -1619 (part i. being after the French edition of 1610, and parts ii. -and iii. being translated from the Dutch). It has usually appended to -it a _Description de l’Amérique_ (Amsterdam, 1619), pp. 88 and map. -America is also described in the _Beschryvinge van verscheyde landen_ -(Amsterdam, 1619), included in the Saegman Collection (Carter-Brown, -vol. ii. no. 1,024). A third French edition, “augmentée,” but a reprint -of the 1619 edition, appeared at Amsterdam in 1638. Cf. Carter-Brown, -vol. ii. nos. 104, 105, 214, 454; Leclerc, 362 (1610 edition)—130 -francs; Trömel, no. 58; Tiele, nos. 83, 87, 89; Muller (1872), no. -2,193 (1877), nos. 1,887, 1,888, 1,889; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, -no. 941; Leclerc, no. 2,845 (1638 edition)—250 francs; Rich, 1832 (1638 -edition), no. 219—£1 10_s._; Murphy, nos. 2,977, 2,978; Quaritch (1638 -edition)—£8 10_s._ - -There are copies of the editions of 1596, 1598, and 1599 in Mr. Deane’s -collection. The Dutch editions are rarely in good condition; this is -said to be on account of the general use made of them as sea-manuals. -The Latin and German texts in De Bry are not much prized. (Camus, p. -189; Tiele, p. 90.) Sabin (_Dictionary_, vol. x. p. 375) gives the -bibliography of Linschoten. His life is portrayed in Van Kampen’s -_Levens van beroemde Nederlanders_, Haarlem, 1838-1840. He was with -Barentz on his first and second Arctic voyages. Cf. _Voyagie ofte -Schipvaert by Noorden_, 1601; again, 1624; Tiele, no. 155; Murphy, no. -1,497; Muller, 1872, no. 2,064, and 1877, no. 1,893. His voyages are -included in _Verscheyde Oost-Indische Voyagien_, Amsterdam, _circa_ -1663. - -[1351] Sabin, xii. 48,170. - -[1352] Vol. III. p. 80. - -[1353] This Herrera map was reproduced in the 1622 edition, and so late -as 1723 in Torquemada, with a few changes. The Herrera of 1601 has the -following American maps:— - -Page 2. The two Americas. - -Page 7. The West India Islands. - -Page 21. The Audiencia of New Spain. - -Page 33. The Audiencia of Guatemala. - -Page 38. South America. - -Page 47. Audiencia of Quito. - -Page 63. The Chile coast. - -Jefferys, in his _Northwest Passage_, gives a fac-simile of the -American hemisphere. - -The Quadus map of 1600, showing the California peninsula, is sketched -in Vol. IV. p. 101. - -The Japanese map, showing the west coast, which Kaempfer gave to Hans -Sloane, and which figures so much in the controversy of the last -century over the “mer de l’ouest,” is supposed to have been drawn -between 1580 and 1600. - -[1354] Biscayer he is sometimes called. - -[1355] Greenhow, _Oregon and California_, 89; Bancroft doubts -Viscaino’s presence (_North Mexican States_, i. 148). - -[1356] Torquemada gives the chief information on this voyage. Bancroft -(_North Mexican States_, i. 151) cites other writers. - -[1357] Our knowledge of this expedition comes largely from the account -of a Carmelite priest, Antonio de la Ascension, who accompanied it, -and whose report, presented in the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid, is -printed in Pacheco’s _Coleccion de documentos_, viii. 539. Torquemada -used it, and so did Venegas in his _Noticia de la California_ (Madrid, -1757; English edition, London, 1759; French edition, Paris, 1767; -German, 1769). Cf. on Venegas, Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 1,172, -1,239, 1,601, 1,710; field, _Indian Bibliography_, nos. 1,599, 1,600; -Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 281. An abridged narrative from -Lorenzana is given in the _Boletin_ of the Mexican Geographical -Society, vol. v., 1857. Navarrete adds some other documents in his -_Coleccion_, xv. Bancroft (_North Mexican States_, i. 154-155, and -_California_, i. 98) enumerates other sources; as does J. C. Brevoort -in the _Magazine of American History_, i. 124. - -[1358] Bancroft does not believe that he went beyond the Oregon line -(42°), and considers his Cape Blanco to be the modern St. George -(_History of California_, i. 104; _Northwest Coast_, i. 84). - -[1359] Bancroft, _Mexico_, iii. 3; _California_, ii. 97; _North Mexican -States_, i. 153. A sketch of Viscaino’s map from Cape Mendocino south -is given in this History, Vol. III. p. 75. The map was published, -as reduced from the thirty-six original sheets by Navarrete, in the -_Atlas para el viage de las goletas Sutil y Méxicana al reconocimiento -del Estrecho de Juan de Fuca_ (1802). Cf. Navarrete, xv.; Greenhow’s -_Northwest Coast_ (1840), p. 131; Burney’s _South Sea Voyages_ (1806), -vol. ii. (with the map); and Bancroft, _North Mexican States_, i. 156; -_California_, i. 97, and _Northwest Coast_, i. 101, 146. - -[1360] This is reproduced in Charton’s _Voyageurs_, iv. 184, 185. - -[1361] There is a draught of it in the Kohl Collection. Cf. _Catalogue -of Manuscript Maps in the British Museum_ (1844), i. 33. - -[1362] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 101) refers to the suspicions of -Father Ascension in 1603, of Oñate in 1604, and of Nicolas de Cardona -in or about 1617, that California was an island; but there was on their -part no cartographical expression of the idea. - -[1363] In Purchas’s _Pilgrims_, iii. 853, in 1625. This map is sketched -in Bancroft’s _North Mexican States_, i. 169. - -[1364] This Spanish chart here referred to is not identified, though -Delisle credits it—according to Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 103)—to -Jannson’s _Monde Maritime_. If by this is meant Jannson’s _Orbis -Maritimus_, it was not till 1657 that Jannson added this volume to -his edition of the _Mercator-Hondius Atlas_. Carpenter’s _Geography_ -(Oxford, 1625) repeats Purchas’s story, and many have followed it -since. In Heylin and Ogilby, the story goes that some people on the -coast in 1620 were carried in by the current, and found themselves in -the gulf. The Spanish chart may have been the source of the map in the -Amsterdam _Herrera_ of 1622. - -[1365] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 104) sketches a similar map -which appeared in 1624 at Amsterdam in Inga’s _West Indische Spieghel_. -Muller, _Books on America_, 1872, no. 805; 1877, no. 1,561. - -[1366] It was repeated in later editions. Bancroft uses no earlier -edition than that of 1633. The edition of 1625 did not contain the map -of 1630. - -[1367] In 1636 a report was made by the Spanish on the probable -inter-oceanic communication by way of the Gulf of California. Cf. -_Documentos inéditos_, xv. 215; Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 107. - -[1368] Paris, 1637, five volumes, folio. Bancroft gives his map in his -_Northwest Coast_, i. 107. - -[1369] Arthur Dobbs reprinted it in his _Countries adjoining to -Hudson’s Bay_, in 1744,—according to Bancroft. - -[1370] He is particular to describe this ship as owned by Major -Gibbons, who was on board, and as commanded by one Shapley. Major -Edward Gibbons was a well-known merchant of Boston at this time, -and the story seems first to have attracted the notice of the local -antiquaries of that city, when Dr. Franklin brought it to the attention -of Thomas Prince; and upon Prince reporting to him evidence favorable -to the existence of such persons at that time, Franklin addressed a -letter to Dr. Pringle, in which he considers the story “an abridgment -and a translation, and bad in both respects;” and he adds, “If a -fiction, it is plainly not an English one; but it has none of the -features of fiction.” (Cf. Sabin’s _American Bibliopolist_, February, -1870, p. 65.) Dr. Snow examined it in his _History of Boston_ (p. 89), -and expressed his disbelief in it. Caleb Cushing in the _North American -Review_ (January, 1839) expressed the opinion that the account was -worthy of investigation; which induced Mr. James Savage to examine it -in detail, who in the same periodical (April, 1839, p. 559) set it at -rest by at least negative proof, as well as by establishing an _alibi_ -for Gibbons at the date assigned. It may be remarked that among the -English there was no general belief in a practicable western passage at -this time, and the directors of the East India Company had given up the -hope of it after Baffin’s return in 1616. - -[1371] It was very easy for the credulous to identify the Archipelago -of St. Lazarus with the Charlotte Islands. The map of Delisle and -Buache, published in Paris in 1752 in _Nouvelles Cartes des Découvertes -de l’Amiral de Fonte_, endeavors to reconcile the voyages of De Fuca -and De Fonte. The map is reproduced in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, -i. 128. Under 45° there are two straits entering a huge inland “mer de -l’ouest,” the southerly of which is supposed to be the one found by -Aguilar in 1603, and the northerly that of De Fuca in 1592. Under 60° -is the St. Lazarus Archipelago, and thridding the adjacent main are -the bays, straits, lakes, and rivers which connect the Pacific with -Hudson’s Bay. The next year (1753) Vaugondy, in some _Observations -critiques_, opposed Delisle’s theory; and the opposing memoirs were -printed in Spanish, with a refutation of Delisle by Buriel, in Venegas’ -_California_, in 1757. Some years later the English geographer Jefferys -attacked the problem in maps appended to Dragg’s _Great Probability of -a Northwest Passage_, which was printed in London in 1768. Jefferys -made the connection with Baffin’s Bay, and bounded an island—in -which he revived the old Chinese legend by calling it Fusang—by De -Fuca’s Straits on the south and De Fonte’s Archipelago on the north. -Foster, in 1786, and Clavigero, in 1798, repudiated the story; but it -appealed sufficiently to Burney to induce him to include it in his -_Chronological History of Voyages to the South Seas_, vol. iii. (1813). -William Goldson, in his _Passage between the Atlantic and Pacific, in -two Memoirs on the Straits of Anian and the Discoveries of De Fonte_ -(Portsmouth, England, 1793), supposed that De Fonte got into the Great -Slave Lake! Navarrete has examined the question in his _Documentos -inéditos_, xv., as he had done at less length in his _Sutil y Méxicana_ -in 1802, expressing his disbelief; and so does Bancroft in his -_Northwest Coast_, i. 115, who cites additionally (p. 119) La Harpe, -_Abrégé des Voyages_ (1816), vol. xvi., and Lapie, _Nouvelles Annales -des Voyages_ (1821), vol. xi., as believing the story. A “Chart for the -better understanding of De Font’s letter” appeared in _An Account of a -Voyage for the Discovery of a Northwest Passage_, by Theodore Swaine -Drage (clerk of the “California”), London, 1749, vol. ii. - -[1372] _Recueil de Voyages au Nord_, Amsterdam, 1732, vol. iv.; Coxe’s -_Discoveries of the Russians in the North Pacific_, 1803. - -[1373] Sanson adopted it, and it is laid down in Van Loon’s _Zee Atlas_ -of 1661, where, in the chart “Nova Granada en l’Eylandt California,” -it is marked as the thither shore of the Straits of Anian, and called -“Terra incognita,”—and Van Loon had the best reputation of the -hydrographers of his day. The map published by Thevenot in 1663 also -gives it. - -Nicolas Sanson died in 1667, and two years later (1669), his son -Guillaume reissued his father’s map, still with the island and the -interjacent land, which in Blome’s map, published in his _Description_ -(1670), and professedly following Sanson, is marked “Conibas.” Later, -in 1691, we have another Sanson map; but though the straits still -bound easterly the “Terre de Jesso,” they are without name, and open -easterly into a limitless “mer glaciale.” Hennepin at a later day put -a special draught of it in the margin of his large map (1697), where -it has something of continental proportions, stretching through forty -degrees of longitude, north of the thirty-eighth parallel; and from -Hennepin Campanius copied it (1702) in his _Nya Swerige_, p. 10, as -shown herewith (p. 464). - -[Illustration: TERRE DE IESSO.] - -It is also delineated in 1700 in the map of the Dutchman, Lugtenberg. -The idea was not totally given up till Cook’s map of his explorations -in 1777-1778 appeared, which was the first to give to the peninsula of -Alaska and the Aleutian islands a delineation of approximate accuracy; -and this was fifty years after Behring, in 1728, had mapped out the -Asiatic shore of this region. - -[1374] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1873. and _Memorial History -of Boston_, i. 59. Kohl’s Washington Collection has several draughts -from the charts at Munich. An earlier edition (1630) of the _Arcano del -Mare_ is sometimes mentioned. - -[1375] See Vols. III. and IV., index; George Adlard’s _Amye Robsart -and Leicester_, 1870; _Warwickshire Historical Collections_; Dugdale’s -_Warwickshire_, p. 166. - -[1376] Vol. i. lib. ii. p. 19. The other maps are numbered xxxi., -xxxii., and xxxiii. A second edition, “Corretta e accresciuta secondo -l’originale des medesimo Duca, che si conserva nella libreria del -Convento de Firenze della Pace,” appeared at Florence in 1661. - -[1377] Sanson put it in his atlas made in 1667; Delisle rejected it in -1714; Bowen adhered to it in 1747. - -[1378] It is worth while to note Virginia Farrer’s map of Virginia, -given in Vol. III. p. 465, for the strange belief which with some -people prevailed in England in 1651, that the Pacific coast was at -the foot of the western slope of the Alleghanies,—a belief which was -represented in 1625 by Master Briggs in Purchas (vol. iii. p. 852), -where he speaks of the south sea “on the other side of the mountains -beyond our falls, which openeth a free and fair passage to China.” - -[1379] “Autore, N. I. Piscator.” - -[1380] Born 1600; died 1667. - -[1381] 1669, and later editions. Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, i. 115) -is led to believe that Heylin copied this map in 1701 from Hacke’s -_Collection of Voyages_ (1699), thirty years after he had published his -own map in 1669. - -[1382] It is copied in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, i. 110. - -[1383] It is also an island in Coronelli’s globe of 1683. Cf. Marcou’s -_Notes_, p. 5. - -[1384] Marcou’s _Notes_, p. 5. - -[1385] _New Voyage round the World._ The map is sketched in Bancroft’s -_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 195; cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol. -i. pp. 112, 119, for other data. - -[1386] It was re-engraved in Paris in 1754 by the geographer Buache, -and later in the margin of a map of North America published by Sayer -of London. It is given in fac-simile in Jules Marcou’s paper on the -first discoverers of California, appended to the _Annual Report of the -Chief of Engineers, U. S. A._, 1878, and is also sketched in Bancroft’s -_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 499. Cf. his _Northwest Coast_, vol. -i. pp. 113, 115, 120, where it is shown that Kino never convinced all -his companions that the accepted island was in fact a peninsula. One of -his associates, Luis Velarde (_Documentos para la historia de México_, -ser. iv. vol. i. p. 344), opposed his views. The view is advanced by E. -L. Berthoud in the _Kansas City Review_ (June, 1883), that a large area -between the head of the gulf and the ocean, now below the sea level, -was at one time covered with water, and that the island theory was -in some way connected with this condition, which is believed to have -continued as recently as the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. - -[1387] This map is reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. -p. 114; as well as a map of Vander Aa (1707) on page 115. - -[1388] _Recueil des Voyages au Nord_, vol. iii. p. 268. - -[1389] Bancroft cites Travers Twiss (_Oregon Question_, 1846) as -quoting a map of Delisle in 1722, making it a peninsula. - -[1390] Cf. Saint-Martin, _Histoire de la géographie_ p. 423. - -[1391] _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123. - -[1392] Cf. something of the sort in Dobbs’s map of 1744, given in -Bancroft, _Northw. Coast_, i. 123. - -[1393] Shelvocke says he accepted current views, unable to decide -himself. - -[1394] Reproduced in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 123. - -[1395] It is in the Kohl Collection, and is sketched in Bancroft’s -_North Mexican States_, vol. i. p. 463; _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. -125, 126. - -[1396] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 126, 129) thinks his -book more complete than any earlier one on the subject. As late as 1755 -Hermann Moll, the English cartographer, kept the _island_ in his map. - -[1397] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 127, 128) thinks that a -theory, started in 1751 by Captain Salvador, and reasserted in 1774 by -Captain Anza, that the Colorado sent off a branch which found its way -to the sea above the peninsula, was the last flicker of the belief in -the insularity of California. - -[1398] Delisle was born in 1688 and died in 1747; Buache lived from -1700 to 1773. Other cartographical solutions of the same data are -found in William Doyle’s _Account of the British Dominions beyond -the Atlantic_ (London, 1770), and in the _Mémoires sur la situation -des pays septentrionaux_, by Samuel Éngel, published at Lausanne in -1765. Engel’s maps were repeated in a German translation of his book -published in 1772, and in his _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits dans -les parties septentrionales de l’Asie et de l’Amérique_, also published -at Lausanne in 1779. - -[1399] Buache’s “Mer de l’ouest” was re-engraved in J. B. Laborde’s -_Mer du Sud_ (Paris, 1791), as well as a map of Maldonado’s -explorations. Cf. Samuel Engel’s _Extraits raisonés des Voyages faits -dans les parties septentrionales_ (Lausanne, 1765 and 1779), and -Dobbs’s _Northwest Passage_ (1754). - -[1400] Jefferys also published at this time (2d ed. in 1764) _Voyages -from Asia to America, for completing the discoveries of the Northwest -Coast, with summary of voyages of the Russians in the Frozen sea, tr. -from the high Dutch of S. Muller_ [should be G. F. Muller], _with -3 maps_: (1) _Part of Japanese map_ [this is sketched in Bancroft, -_Northwest Coast_, i. p. 130]. (2) _Delisle and Buache’s fictitious -map._ (3) _New Discoveries of Russians and French._ - -Muller’s book was also published in French at Amsterdam in 1766. Cf. -also William Coxe’s _Account of the Russian discoveries between Asia -and America_ (2d ed. rev.), _London_, 1780, and later editions in 1787 -and 1803; also, see Robertson’s _America_, note 43. - -[1401] Sketched in Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, Vol. i. p. 131. - -[1402] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 124) gives a Russian -map of 1741, which he says he copied from the original in the Russian -archives. - -[1403] There is in the department of State at Washington a volume of -copies from manuscripts in the hydrographic office at Madrid, attested -by Navarrete, and probably procured by Greenhow at the time of the -Oregon question. It is called _Viages de los Españoles a la costa -norveste de la America en los años de 1774-1775-1779, 1788 y 1790_. -My attention was drawn to them by Theodore F. Dwight, Esq., of that -department. - -[1404] The details of this and subsequent explorations are given with -references in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 151 _et seq._ -Such voyages will be only briefly indicated in the rest of the present -paper. - -[1405] Malaspina with a Spanish Commission in 1791, and later Galiano -and Valdés, explored the coast, and their results were published in -1802. Cf. Navarrete, _Sutil y Mexicana_. - -[1406] It is sketched by Bancroft, _Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 135. - -[1407] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 169) reproduces a part -of his map. - -[1408] Bancroft (_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. p. 133) reproduces his map. - -[1409] Bancroft (Ibid., i. 176) reproduces a part of his map. - -[1410] Cf. _Memorial History of Boston_, vol. iv. p. 208; _Historical -Magazine_, vol. xviii. p. 155; _Harper’s Magazine_, December, 1882; -Bulfinch, _Oregon and El Dorado_, p. 3. The report on the claims of the -heirs of Kendrick and Gray, for allowance for the rights established by -them for the U. S. Government, is printed in the _Historical Magazine_, -September, 1870. A medal struck on occasion of this voyage is engraved -in Bulfinch. Cf. also _American Journal of Numismatics_, vi. 33, 63; -vii. 7; _Coin-Collectors Journal_, vi. 46; _Magazine of American -History_, v. 140. The fullest account yet given of this expedition is -in Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, i. 185 _et seq._ He had the help of a -journal kept on one of the ships. - -[1411] Bancroft’s _Northwest Coast_, vol. i., must be consulted for -these later and for subsequent exploring and trading voyages. - -[1412] _Relation de Castañeda_, in Ternaux-Compans, _Voyages_, etc., -ix. i. - -[1413] _Segunda relacion de Nuño de Guzman_, in Icazbalceta, _Coll. de -Docs._, ii. 303; _Quarta relacion_, in Ibid., p. 475; _García de Lopez’ -Relacion_, in Pacheco’s _Coll. Doc. Inéd._, tom. xiv. pp. 455-460. - -[1414] [See _ante_, p. 391.—ED.] - -[1415] _Relacion de Cabeça de Vaca_, translated by Buckingham Smith -(chap. xxxi. p. 167). - -[1416] [See _ante_, p. 243 in Dr. J. G. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient -Florida.”—ED.] - -[1417] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 249. - -[1418] _A relation of the Rev. Frier Marco de Nica touching his -discovery of the kingdom of Cevola or Cibola_ in Hakluyt’s _Voyages_, -etc., iii. 438 (edition of 1810). - -[1419] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 9. - -[1420] [See _ante_, p. 431, “Discoveries on the Pacific Coast of North -America,” for the explorations up that coast by Cortés.—ED.] - -[1421] Mr. A. F. Bandelier puts this place “in southern Arizona, -somewhat west from Tucson.” _Historical Introduction to Studies among -the Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, p. 8. - -[1422] This word was borrowed by the Spaniards from the native -languages, and applied by them to the Bison. [As early as 1542 Rotz -drew pictures of this animal on his maps.—ED.] - -[1423] Castañeda, however, relates the circumstances of Stephen’s death -somewhat differently, stating that the negro and his party, on their -arrival at Cibola, were shut up in a house outside the city, while -for three days the chiefs continued to question him about the object -of his coming. When told that he was a messenger from two white men, -who had been sent by a powerful prince to instruct them in heavenly -things, they would not believe that a black man could possibly have -come from a land of white men, and they suspected him of being the spy -of some nation that wished to subjugate them. Moreover, the negro had -the assurance to demand from them their property and their women; upon -which they resolved to put him to death, without, however, harming any -of those with him, all of whom, with the exception of a few boys, were -sent back, to the number of sixty. (_Relation_, p. 12.) This latter -statement, as well as that in relation to the libidinous practices of -the negro, are confirmed by Coronado. _Relation_; Hakluyt’s _Collection -of Voyages (Principall Navigations)_, iii. 454. - -[1424] Ternaux-Compans, ix. 283, 290. - -[1425] Alarcon set sail on the 9th of May, 1540, and by penetrating to -the upper extremity of the Gulf of California, proved that California -was not an island, as had been supposed. He made two attempts to -ascend the Colorado in boats, and planted a cross at the highest point -he reached, burying at its foot a writing, which, as will be seen, -was subsequently found by Melchior Diaz. His report of this voyage, -containing valuable information in regard to the natives, can be found -in Hakluyt, _Voyages_, iii. 505 (ed. 1810); translated from Ramusio, -_Navigationi_, iii. 363 (ed. 1565). There is a French translation -in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 299. This information about California is -supplemented by the narrative of the voyage made two years later by -Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo along the Pacific shore of the peninsula, -and up the northwest coast probably as far as the southern border of -Oregon. It was printed in Buckingham Smith’s _Coleccion_, p. 173; -and subsequently in Pacheco’s _Documentos inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. -165. A translation by Mr. R. S. Evans, with valuable notes by Mr. -H. W. Henshaw, is given in vol. vii. (Archæology) of _United States -Geological Survey west of the one hundredth Meridian_. [See also the -present volume, p. 443.—ED.] - -[1426] Extracts from a report sent back by Melchior Diaz while on this -journey are given in a letter from Mendoza to the Emperor Charles V., -dated April 17, 1540, in Ternaux-Compans, ix. 290. - -[1427] Chichiltic-calli, or Red House, is generally supposed to be -the ruined structure, called _Casa Grande_, in southern Arizona, near -Florence, a little south of the river Gila, and not far from the -Southern Pacific Railroad. But Mr. A. F. Bandelier, after a thorough -topographical exploration of the regions, is inclined to place it -considerably to the southeast of this point upon the river Arivaypa, in -the vicinity of Fort Grant. [This question is further examined in Vol. -I. of the present History.—ED.] - -[1428] Jaramillo has given a very full itinerary of this march, -describing with great particularity the nature of the country and the -streams crossed (Ternaux-Compans, ix. 365-369). When the results of the -latest explorations of Mr. A. F. Bandelier in this region are published -by the Archæological Institute of America, there is good reason to hope -for an exact identification of most if not all these localities, which -at present is impossible. There can be little doubt, however, that the -Vermejo is the Colorado Chiquito. - -[1429] In the _Proceedings_ of the American Antiquarian Society for -October, 1881, I have given in detail the reasons for identifying -Cibola with the region of the present Zuñi pueblos. Mr. Frank H. -Cushing has made the important discovery that this tribe has preserved -the tradition of the coming of Fray Marcos, and of the killing of the -negro Stephen, whom they call “the black Mexican,” at the ruined pueblo -called Quaquima. They claim also to have a tradition of the visit of -Coronado, and even of Cabeza de Vaca. - -[1430] Coronado’s relation as given in English in Hakluyt, _Collection -of Voyages_, etc., iii. 453 (reprint, London, 1810). - -[1431] Tusayan can be clearly identified as the site of the present -Moqui villages. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 15. - -[1432] It is plain that this river was the Colorado; the description of -the Grand Cañon cannot fail to be recognized. Bandelier, _Historical -Introduction_, p. 15. The name by which it was called was the Tizon, -the Spanish word for “fire-brand,” which the natives dwelling upon its -banks were reported to be in the habit of carrying upon their winter -journeyings. Castañeda, p. 50. - -[1433] Castañeda, _Relation_, p. 48; Ibid., p. 46, “Middle of October.” - -[1434] Davis (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 160) suggests that he should have -written “northwest.” The anonymous Relacion (Pacheco’s _Documentos -Inéditos_, tom. xiv. p. 321) states that he travelled “westward.” - -[1435] [See _ante_, p. 443, in the section of “Discoveries on the -Pacific Coast.”—ED.] - -[1436] The identity of Acuco with the modern pueblo of Acoma is -perfectly established. See the plates and description in Lieutenant -Abert’s report, _Senate Executive Documents, no. 41, 30th Congress, 1st -Session_, p. 470. Jaramillo is evidently wrong in naming this place -Tutahaco, p. 370. Hernando d’Alvarado in his Report calls it Coco. - -[1437] Davis (_The Spanish Conquest of New Mexico_, p. 185, note) -places Tiguex on the banks of the Rio Puerco; and General Simpson -(_Coronado’s March_, p. 335), on the Rio Grande, below the Puerco. But -Mr. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, pp. 20-22), from documentary -evidence, places it higher up the Rio Grande, in the vicinity of -Bernalillo; corresponding perfectly with the “central point” which -Castañeda declared it to be (p. 182). - -[1438] Alvarado’s report of this expedition can be found in Buckingham -Smith’s _Coleccion de documentos_, p. 65; Pacheco’s _Documentos -Inéditos_, tom. iii. p. 511. He says, “Partimos de Granada veinte y -nueve de Agosto de 40, la via de Coco.” - -[1439] General J. H. Simpson, _Coronado’s March_, p. 335, has -identified Cicuyé with Old Pecos. Additional arguments in support of -this opinion may be found in Bandelier’s _Visit to the Aboriginal Ruins -in the Valley of Pecos_, p. 113. - -[1440] The turquoise mines of Cerillos, in the Sandia Mountains, are -about twenty miles west of Pecos. Bandelier’s _Visit_, pp. 39, 115. - -[1441] Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 22) places Tutahaco -in the vicinity of Isleta, on the Rio Grande, in opposition to -Davis’s opinion (_Spanish Conquest_, p. 180) that it was at Laguna. -Coronado subsequently sent an officer southward to explore the -country, who reached a place some eighty leagues distant, where the -river disappeared in the earth, and on his way discovered four other -villages. (Castañeda, p. 140.) These, Bandelier places near Socorro. -(_Ibid._, p. 24.) General Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 323, note) -discusses the question of the disappearance of the river. - -[1442] Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 101) says the siege terminated at the -close of 1542; but it is clear, from the course of the narrative, that -it must have been early in 1541. - -[1443] All the authorities agree in identifying Chia with the modern -pueblo of Cia, or Silla, and in placing Quirex in the Queres district -of Cochití, Santo Domingo, etc. - -[1444] Letter of Coronado to the Emperor Charles the Fifth; -Ternaux-Compans, vol. ix. p. 356. Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 113) says -it was on May 5. - -[1445] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 336) has given the -reasons for regarding this river as the Gallinas, which is a tributary -of the Pecos. - -[1446] Jaramillo (_Relation_ p. 374) says that this was “much nearer -New Spain;” but Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 120) makes them to have -passed by this very village. - -[1447] In his _Letter to Charles V._ (p. 358), Coronado states that -having marched forty-two days after parting from the main body of -his force, he arrived at Quivira in about sixty-seven days (p. 359). -This gives twenty-five days for accomplishing the distance to the -point of separation, instead of thirty-seven, as stated by Castañeda -(_Relation_, pp. 127, 134), who estimates that they had travelled two -hundred and fifty leagues from Tiguex, marching six or seven leagues a -day, as measured by counting their steps. - -[1448] _Letter to Charles V._, p. 360. There is a great difference of -opinion as to the situation of Quivira. The earlier writers, Gallatin, -Squier, Kern, Abert, and even Davis, have fallen into the error of -fixing it at Gran Quivira, about one hundred miles directly south -of Santa Fé, where are to be seen the ruins of a Franciscan Mission -founded subsequently to 1629. See _Diary of an excursion to the ruins -of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, in New Mexico_, 1853, by Major J. H. -Carleton (Smithsonian Report, 1854, p. 296). General Simpson, however, -(_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) argues against this view, and maintains -that Coronado “reached the fortieth degree of latitude, or what is -now the boundary line between the States of Kansas and Nebraska, well -on toward the Missouri River.” Judge Savage believes that he crossed -the plains of Kansas and came out at a point much farther west, upon -the Platte River. _Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society_, -April, 1881, p. 240. Prince (_History of New Mexico_, p. 141) thinks -that “Coronado traversed parts of the Indian Territory and Kansas, -and finally stopped on the borders of the Missouri, somewhere between -Kansas City and Council Bluffs.” Judge Prince, who is President of -the Hist. Society of New Mexico, adds that it would be impossible -from what Castañeda tells us, to determine the position of Quivira -with certainty. Bandelier (_Historical Introduction_, p. 25) is not -satisfied that he reached as far northeast as General Simpson states, -and believes that he moved more in a circle. - -[1449] Jaramillo (_Relation_, p. 377) says “it was about the middle of -August;” but according to Castañeda (_Relation_, p. 141), Coronado got -back to Tiguex in August. - -[1450] Hemez evidently is the Jemez pueblos; and Yuque-Yunque has been -identified as the Tehua pueblos, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, etc., -north of Santa Fé. Bandelier, _Historical Introduction_, p. 23. - -[1451] General J. H. Simpson (_Coronado’s March_, p. 339) has -identified Braba with the celebrated pueblo of Taos, where such a -stubborn resistance was made to the American arms in 1847. Of this, -Gregg, in his _Commerce of the Prairies_, had given a description -corresponding perfectly with that of Castañeda’s _Relation_, p. 139. - -[1452] _Carta, April 23, 1584, Documentos inéditos_, tom. xv. p. 180; -Hakluyt, _Voyages_, etc. iii. 462 (edition of 1810). - -[1453] _Coronado’s March_, p. 324. - -[1454] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.] - -[1455] [See _ante_, p. 290.—ED.] - -[1456] [See _ante_, p. 397.—ED.] - -[1457] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vii. The latest volumes read -on the titlepage: _Coleccion de documentos inéditos relativos al -descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones -españolas de América y Oceanía sacados de los Archivos del reino y muy -especialmente del de Indias. Competentemente autorizada._—ED.] - -[1458] [See Introduction, _ante_, p. vi.—ED.] - -[1459] [For bibliography of this _Relacion_ see _ante_, p. 286.—ED.] - -[1460] [See _ante_, p. 287.—ED.] - -[1461] Senate Executive Documents, No. 41, 30th Congress, 1st Session, -1848. - -[1462] Senate Executive Documents, No. 64, 31st Congress, 1st Session, -1850. - -[1463] Cf. also _Journal of the American Geographical Society_, vol. v. -p. 194, and _Geographical Magazine_ (1874), vol. i. p. 86. - -[1464] This is his _North Mexican States_, vol. i. pp. 27, 71-76, -82-87, which is at present his chief treatment of the subject. He -touches it incidentally in his _Central America_, vol. i. p. 153; -_Mexico_, vol. ii. pp. 293, 465-470; _California_, vol. i. p. 8; -_Northwest Coast_, vol. i. pp. 44-46; but he promises more detailed -treatment in his volumes on _New Mexico and Arizona_, which are yet to -be published. - -[1465] See _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1857, and October, 1878. - -[1466] No attempt is made to establish a theory in another recent -compendium, Shipp’s _De Soto and Florida_ ch. vii. - -[1467] [Cf. Markham’s _Royal Commentary of G. de la Vega_, vol. i. -chap. iv. Kohl says that the name “Peru” first occurs in Ribero’s -map (1529), and that his delineations of the coast of Peru were made -probably after Pizarro’s first reports.—ED.] - -[1468] Nombre de Dios was abandoned on account of its unhealthy -situation, in the reign of Philip II., and Puerto Bello then became the -chief port on the Atlantic side. - -[1469] [Authorities do not agree on the date of his birth, placing it -between the years 1470 and 1478. Prescott, i. 204. Harrisse, _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, p. 317.—ED.] - -[1470] [His followers probably numbered about a hundred. Herrera places -them as low as eighty; Father Naharro, at one hundred and twenty-nine. -Prescott, i. 211.—ED.] - -[1471] Helps translates them:— - -“My good Lord Governor, Have pity on our woes; For here remains the -butcher, To Panamá the salesman goes.” - -Prescott (_Peru_, vol. i. p. 257) has thus rendered them into English:— - -“Look out, Señor Governor, For the drover while he’s near; Since he -goes home to get the sheep For the butcher, who stays here.” - - -[1472] (_a_) Bartolomé Ruiz, of Moguer, the pilot. - -(_b_) Pedro de Candia, a Greek, who had charge of Pizarro’s artillery, -consisting of two falconets; an able and experienced officer. After -the death of Pizarro he joined the younger Almagro, who, suspecting -him of treachery, ran him through at the battle of Chupas. He left a -half-caste son, who was at school at Cusco with Garcilasso de la Vega. - -(_c_) Cristóval de Peralta, a native of Baeza, in Andalusia. He was one -of the first citizens of Lima when that city was founded,—in 1535. - -(_d_) Alonzo Briceño, a native of Benavente. He was at the division of -Atahualpa’s ransom, and received the share of a cavalry captain. - -(_e_) Nicolas de Ribera, the treasurer, was one of the first citizens -of Lima in 1535. He passed through all the stormy period of the civil -wars in Peru. He deserted from Gonzalo Pizarro to the side of the -president, Gasca, and was afterwards captain of the Guard of the Royal -Seal. He is said to have founded the port of San Gallan, the modern -Pisco. Ribera was born at Olvera, in Andalusia, of good family. He -eventually settled near Cusco, and died, leaving children to inherit -his estates. - -(_f_) Juan de la Torre, a native of Benavente, in Old Castile. He was a -stanch adherent of Gonzalo Pizarro, and was at the battle of Anaquito, -where he showed ferocious enmity against the ill-fated viceroy, Blasco -Nuñez de Vela. He married a daughter of an Indian chief near Puerto -Viejo, and acquired great wealth. After the battle of Sacsahuana, in -1548, he was hanged by order of the president, Gasca. He was a citizen -of Arequipa, and left descendants there. - -(_g_) Francisco de Cuellar, a native of Cuellar; but nothing more is -known of him. - -(_h_) Alonzo de Molina, a native of Ubeda. He afterwards landed at -Tumbez, where it was arranged that he should remain until Pizarro’s -return; but he died in the interval. - -(_i_) Domingo de Soria Luce, a native of the Basque Provinces, probably -of Guipuzcoa; but nothing more is known of him. - -(_j_) Pedro Alcon. He afterwards landed on the coast of Peru, fell in -love with a Peruvian lady, and refused to come on board again. So the -pilot Ruiz was obliged to knock him down with an oar, and he was put in -irons on the lower deck. Nothing more is known of him. - -(_k_) Garcia de Jerez (or Jaren). He appears to have made a statement -on the subject of the heroism of Pizarro and his companions, Aug. 3, -1529, at Panamá. _Documentos inéditos, tom._ xxvi. p. 260, quoted by -Helps, vol. iii. p. 446. - -(_l_) Anton de Carrion. Nothing further is known of him. - -(_m_) Martin de Paz. Nothing further is known of him. - -(_n_) Diego de Truxillo (Alonzo, according to Zarate). He was -afterwards personally known to Garcilasso at Cusco. He appears to -have written an account of the discovery of Peru, which is still in -manuscript. _Antonio_, ii. 645; also, _Leon Pinelo_. - -(_o_) Alonzo Ribera (or Geronimo) was settled at Lima, where he had -children. - -(_p_) Francisco Rodriguez de Villa Fuerte was the first to cross the -line drawn by Pizarro. He was afterwards a citizen of Cusco, having -been present at the siege by the Ynca Manco, and at the battle of -Salinas. Garcilasso knew him, and once rode with him from Cusco to -Quispicanchi, when he recounted many reminiscences of his stirring -life. He was still living at Cusco in 1560, a rich and influential -citizen. [Mr. Markham has given the number as sixteen in his _Reports -on the Discovery of Peru_, p. 8, together with his reasons for it, -which do not commend themselves, however, to Kirk, the editor of -Prescott (_History of the Conquest of Peru_, edition of 1879, i. 303). -Helps dismisses the story of the line as the melodramatic effort of a -second-rate imagination. Cf. also Markham’s _Travels of Cieza de Leon_, -p. 419.—ED.] - -[1473] See the section on “El Dorado,” _post_. - -[1474] [Accounts of the space to be filled differ. Cf. Prescott’s -_Peru_, i. 422; Humboldt’s _Views of Nature_ (Bohn’s ed.), 410, -430.—ED.] - -[1475] [Prescott (_History of the Conquest of Peru_, i. 453) enters -into an explanation of his conversion of the money of Ferdinand and -Isabella’s time into modern equivalents, and cites an essay on this -point by Clemencin in vol vi. of the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of -History at Madrid.—ED.] - -[1476] [Atahualpa was hurriedly tried on the charge of assassinating -Huascar and conspiring against the Spaniards. Oviedo speaks of the -“villany” of the transaction. Cf. Prescott, _History of the Conquest of -Peru_, vol. i. p. 467. Pizarro’s secretary, Xeres, palliates the crime -as being committed upon “the greatest butcher that the world ever saw.” - -Prescott (_Peru_, ii. 473, 480) prints several of the contemporary -accounts of the seizure and execution of Atahualpa. He says that -Garcilasso de la Vega “has indulged in the romantic strain to an -unpardonable extent in his account of the capture; ... yet his version -has something in it so pleasing to the imagination, that it has ever -found favor with the majority of readers. The English student might -have met with a sufficient corrective in the criticism of the sagacious -and sceptical Robertson.” There are the usual stories of a comet at the -time of the death of the Ynca. Cf. Humboldt, _Views of Nature_, pp. -421, 429.—ED.] - -[1477] They are as follows:— - -(_a_) Hernando de Soto, the explorer of Florida and discoverer of the -Mississippi. - -(_b_) Francisco de Chaves, a native of Truxillo. He was murdered at -Lima, in 1541, in attempting to defend the staircase against the -assassins of Pizarro. Zarate says that when he died he was the most -important personage in Peru, next to Pizarro. - -(_c_) Diego de Chaves, brother of Francisco, whose wife, Maria de -Escobar, introduced the cultivation of wheat into Peru. - -(_d_) Francisco de Fuentes, in the list of those who shared the ransom. - -(_e_) Pedro de Ayala. Diego de Mora, afterwards settled at Truxillo on -the coast of Peru. The president, Gasca made him a captain of cavalry, -and he was subsequently corregidor of Lima. - -(_g_) Francisco Moscoso. - -(_h_) Hernando de Haro, taken prisoner by the Ynca Titu Atauchi, but -treated kindly. - -(_i_) Pedro de Mendoza, in the list of those who shared the ransom. - -(_j_) Juan de Rada, a stanch follower of Almagro. He accompanied -his chief on his expedition to Chili, and avenged his death by the -assassination of Pizarro. - -(_k_) Alonzo de Avila. - -(_l_) Blas de Atienza was the second man who ever embarked on the -Pacific, when he served under Vasco Nuñez de Balbóa in 1513. He settled -at Truxillo; and his daughter Inez accompanied Pedro de Ursua in 1560 -in his ill-fated expedition to discover El Dorado. His son Blas was a -friar, who published a book called _Relacion de los Religiosos_, at -Lima, in 1617. - -[Cf. also note in Markham’s _Reports on the Discovery of Peru_, p. -104.—ED.] - -[1478] There is no record, however, that a special designation for the -marquisate was ever granted to Pizarro. It is therefore an error to -call him Marquis of Atabillos, as he is sometimes designated. He signed -himself simply the Marquis Pizarro. - -[1479] [A view of the house of Francisco Pizzaro, as it is now or was -recently existing, is shown in Hutchinson’s _Two Years in Peru_, vol, -i. p. 311.—ED.] - -[1480] [See chap. v.—ED.] - -[1481] For the writings of Cieza de Leon, see the “Critical Essay,” -_post_. - -[1482] [See Vol. III. p. 66—ED.] - -[1483] [A life of Santa Rosa, by Léonard de Hansen, was printed at -Rome in 1664. A Spanish translation, _La bienaventurada Rosa_, etc., -by Father Iacinto de Parra, was published at Madrid in 1668. It is -enlarged upon the original from documents gathered to induce the Pope -to canonize her. De Parra, in his _Rosa Laureada_ (Madrid, 1670), gives -an account of the movement to effect her canonization; and an account -of the solemnities on the occasion of its consummation is printed -in the _Mercure de France_ (1671). A Spanish translation of Hansen, -by Antonio de Lorea, was issued at Madrid in 1671; and a Portuguese -version appeared at Lisbon in 1669 and 1674. Another Life, by Acuña, -bishop of Caracas, was printed at Rome in 1665. A metrical _Vida de -Santa Rosa_, by Oviedo y Herrera has the imprint of Madrid, 1711. (Cf. -Leclerc, 1705, 1754-56, 1784, 1812-1813.)—ED.] - -[1484] [See Introduction (p. i) and p. 67.—ED.] - -[1485] [Cf. the chapter on Cortés.—ED.] - -[1486] [The bibliography of Oviedo is traced in a note following the -chapter on Las Casas. Prescott has measured him as an authority in his -_Peru_ (Kirk’s edition, vol. ii. p. 305). Helps speaks of his history -as a “mass of confusion and irrelevancy; but at the same time,” he -adds, “it is a most valuable mine of facts.” A paper, appended to -the combined edition of Peter Martyr and Oviedo published at Venice -in 1534, seems to have been enlarged upon a tract _La Conquista del -Peru_, published at Seville in 1534 (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._ p. 199), and -is thought to bear some relation to the “Relatione d’un Capitano -Spagnuolo” given in Ramusio, vol. iii. (_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, -vol. ii. p. 536; Sabin, xvi, no. 61,097).—ED.] - -[1487] _Coleccion de viages y descubrimientos_, vol. iii. no. vii. p. -393. - -[1488] [_Narrative of the Proceedings of Pedrárias Davilla, and of the -Discovery of the South Sea and Coasts of Peru_, etc.—ED.] - -[1489] [Oviedo traces Andagoya’s career in vol. iv. p. 126. Cf. -Bancroft’s _Central America_, vol. i. p. 503; Helps, vol. iii. p. 426; -and the notice in Pacheco, _Coleccion de documentos inéditos_, vol. -xxxix. p. 552.—ED.] - -[1490] [_Verdadera relacion de la Conquista del Peru._ There is a copy -in the Lenox Library. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 198.—ED.] - -[1491] [There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown libraries. -Quaritch in 1873 priced it at £35; Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 277; -Ternaux, no. 54; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 146. It is sometimes bound -with Oviedo’s _Coronica_, and F. S. Ellis (1882, no. 221) prices the -combined edition at £105. The _Huth Catalogue_, vol. v. p. 1628, shows -an edition, _Conquista del Peru_, black-letter, without place or date, -which Harrisse thinks preceded this 1547 edition. The Huth copy is the -only one known.—ED.] - -[1492] [This Italian version (Venetian dialect) was made by Domingo de -Gazlelu, and appeared at Venice; and a fac-simile of the title is given -here with showing the arms of the emperor. Rich (no. 11) in 1832 priced -it at £1 4_s._; Quaritch of late years has held it at £5 and £7; F. S. -Ellis (1884) at £12, 12_s._; and Leclerc (no. 2,998) at 750 francs. -There are copies in the Lenox, Harvard College, and Carter-Brown -(_Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 116) libraries. It was reprinted at Milan the -same year in an inferior manner, and a copy of this edition is in the -British Museum. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 200, 201; _Bibliotheca -Grenvilliana_, p. 818; Huth, p. 1628; Court, no. 376. What is said to -be a translation of this Italian version into French, _L’histoire de -la terre neuve du Peru_, Paris, 1545, signed I. G. (Jacques Gohory), -purports to be an extract from Oviedo’s _Historia_, Cf. _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 264; _Court Catalogue_, no. 175.—ED.] - -[1493] [Vol. iii. p. 378.—ED.] - -[1494] [_Voyages_, etc., vol. iv. This edition is worth about eight -francs. A German edition is recorded as made by Külb at Stuttgard in -1843.—ED.] - -[1495] [Prescott says (_Peru_, vol. i. p. 385) “Allowing for the -partialities incident to a chief actor in the scenes he describes, no -authority can rank higher.”—ED.] - -[1496] Chap. xv. lib. 43. - -[1497] Paris, 1845, p. 180. - -[1498] [Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, no. 109, notes, but -not _de visu_, a plaquette enumerating the treasure sent to Spain by -Pizarro in 1534. F. S. Ellis (1884, no. 235) priced at £21 a second -copy of the tract mentioned by Harrisse (no. 108) as known only in a -copy in a private library in New York, entitled _Copey etlicher brieff -so auss Hispania Kummen seindt_, 1535, which purports to be translated -through the French from the Spanish. Ellis pronounces it a version -of Harrisse’s no. 109, the only copy known of which was, as he says, -lost in a binder’s shop. Cf. the _Libro ultimo de le Indie occidentale -intitulato nova Castiglia, e del Conquisto del Peru_, published at -Rome, May, 1535 (Sunderland, vol. i. no. 265). For the effect of -Peruvian gold on prices in Europe, see Brevoort’s _Verrazano_, p. -iii.—ED.] - -[1499] [It would seem to have been used by Herrera. Navarrete -communicated a copy to Prescott, who characterizes it in his _Conquest -of Peru_, ii. 72.—ED.] - -[1500] _Papeles Manuscripts Originales y Ineditos_, G. 127. - -[1501] Lima, 1880. - -[1502] [The author of the _Varones_ was a grandson of the daughter of -Francisco Pizarro (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 465). H. H. Bancroft, _Central -America_, ii. 273.—ED.] - -[1503] [It was published at Madrid in 1807, 1830, 1833, and at Paris in -1845.—ED.] - -[1504] [Harrisse (_Bibl. Am. Vet._, 132) quotes from Asher’s Catalogue, -1865, a _Lettere di Pietro Arias_, 1525, without place, which he -supposes to refer to the first expedition of Almagro, Pizarro, and -Luque.—ED.] - -[1505] [Cf. the notice of Herrera with references, given in the -Introduction.—ED.] - -[1506] [Prescott, ii. 494.—ED.] - -[1507] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Library (_Catalogue_, no. -207). Quaritch priced it in 1879 at £9.—ED.] - -[1508] [There is a copy in the Carter-Brown Collection (no. 316); and -others were sold in the Brinley (no. 5,346) and Murphy (no. 2,808) -sales, as well as in the Sunderland (no. 13,521) and the Old Admiral’s -sales (no. 329) in England. Quaritch priced a copy at £16 10s. in -1883,—a rapid advance on earlier sales, but exceeded in 1884 by F. S. -Ellis (£21). Leclerc (giving the date 1557) priced it in 1878 at 400 -francs (no. 1,862).—ED.] - -[1509] [Zarate was early translated into other languages. An Italian -version appeared at Venice in 1563, translated by Alfonzo Ulloa -(Carter-Brown, i. 246; Leclerc, 1865—100 francs; Stevens—£3 3_s._). -Muller (_Books on America_ (1872), nos. 1,231, etc.) enumerates five -Dutch editions, the earliest edited by Willem Silvius, Antwerp, 1564 -(the Carter-Brown copy is dated 1563, _Catalogue_, no. 245). In 1573 a -new title and preface were put to the sheets of this edition. In 1596, -1598, and 1623 there were editions at Amsterdam. There were French -versions published at Amsterdam in 1700, 1717, 1718, 1719, and at Paris -in 1706, 1716, 1742, 1752-54, 1830. An English translation, made by T. -Nicholas, was published at London in 1581 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. p. -285; Murphy, 2,213). Ellis priced a copy in 1884 at £28.—ED.] - -[1510] [For a detailed bibliography of the manuscripts and editions -of Cieza de Leon, with various references, see the Editorial Note -following this chapter.—ED.] - -[1511] [In his _Proceso de Pedro de Valdivia i otros documentos -inéditos concernientes a este conquistador, reunidos i anotados por -Diego Barros Arana_, Santiago de Chile (1873), 80 pp. 392.—ED.] - -[1512] [The Philadelphia edition, 1879, vol. ii. p. 406.—ED.] - -[1513] The historiographer Juan Bautista Muñoz intended to have written -an exhaustive history of America, but he only completed one volume. -He however made copies of documents from the Seville Archives in 1782 -and 1783, which form one hundred and fifty volumes. They are now in -various libraries, but the greater part belongs to the Real Academia de -la historia de Madrid. [See the Introduction to the present volume, p. -iii.—ED.] - -[1514] Prescott’s copy (in his Appendix, vol. ii. p. 471) unfortunately -contains various inaccuracies. - -[1515] _Ubi supra._ - -[1516] [Helps speaks of these family papers as in the possession of the -Counts of Cancelada, and he used copies which were procured for him by -Gayangos. _Spanish Conquest_, New York edition, iv. 227.—ED.] - -[1517] [Rich (no. 48) priced this edition in 1832 at £5 5_s._; Leclerc -(no. 1,733) in 1878 at 800 francs. The Council of the Indies is said to -have tried to check its circulation. A copy is in the Carter-Brown (i. -282) Collection; and another was sold in the Court sale recently (no. -128).—ED.] - -[1518] [A view of what is called the house of Garcilasso de la Vega is -given in Squier’s Peru, _Land of the Incas_, p. 449.—ED.] - -[1519] [A detailed bibliographical note of Garcilasso de la Vega’s -works on Peru is given in Note B, following the present chapter.—ED.] - -[1520] [Prescott, who had copies of both manuscripts, speaks of the -opportunities which Montesinos enjoyed in his official visits to -Peru, of having access to repositories, and of making an inspection -of the country. He adds that a comparison of his narrative with -other contemporary accounts leads one sometimes to distrust him. -“His writings seem to me,” he says, “entitled to little praise, -either for the accuracy of their statements or the sagacity of their -reflections.”—ED.] - -[1521] [Cf. Rich, no. 226 £2 10_s._; Sabin, vol. iii. no. 9,870; -Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 450; Dufossé, no. 11,818,—2,180 francs. A -second part was printed at Lima in 1653 by Cordova y Salinas, the same -who published a Life of Francisco Solano, the apostle of Peru, at Lima -in 1630, which appeared, augmented by Alonzo de Mendieta, at Madrid in -1643 (Leclerc, nos. 1,714. 1,731).—ED.] - -[1522] Additional Manuscripts, 17, 585. - -[1523] [These are dated 1561 and 1570. The originals are in -the Escurial; copies are at Simancas. A copy, made for Kingsborough, -became Prescott’s, who records his estimate of it (_Peru_, vol. i. p. -181). It is said that Herrera made use of Ondegardo’s manuscript.—ED.] - -[1524] Quarto on parchment, B. 135. - -[1525] Additional Manuscripts, 5,469. - -[1526] [Cf. notes to chap. on Las Casas.—ED.] - -[1527] [The first edition, of only fifteen cantos, was printed at -Madrid in 1569. This was enlarged with a second part when issued at -Antwerp in 1575; again at Madrid, in 1578; and at Lisbon, in 1581-88. A -third part was printed at Madrid in 1589, and at Antwerp in 1597; and -the three parts, with a general title, appeared at Madrid in 1590,—the -first complete edition as Ercilla wrote it. Two parts were again issued -at Antwerp in 1586; and other editions appeared at Barcelona in 1592, -and at Perpignan in 1596. A fourth and a fifth part were added by -Osorio after Ercilla’s death, and appeared at Salamanca, 1597, and at -Barcelona, 1598. There were later complete editions at Madrid, 1633, -1776, 1828; at Lyons, 1821; and at Paris, 1824 and 1840. Cf. Sabin, -vol. vi. no. 22,718; Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 465; Hallam, -_Literature of Europe_, ii. 284; Sismondi, _Literature of South of -Europe_, ii. 271.—ED.] - -[1528] [“A military journal done into rhyme,” as Prescott calls -it,—_History of the Conquest of Peru_, ii. 108.—ED.] - -[1529] [Published at Lima, 1596. Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. -469; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,300; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 506.—ED.] - -[1530] [This was reissued in 1616. Rich, no. 143—£1 4_s._—ED.] - -[1531] [The _Descubrimiento i Conquista de Chile_ of Miguel Luis -Amunátegui, published at Santiago de Chile in 1862, was a work -presented to the University of Chili in 1861.—ED.] - -[1532] Cf. Rich, no. 24; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 176; Murphy, no. -462; Sunderland, vol. iii. no. 7,575; Sabin, vol. iv. no. 13,044. - -[1533] Cf. Rich, nos. 26, 27—£1 1_s._ and £1 10_s._; Sabin, -13,045-13,046; Cooke, no. 523; Carter-Brown vol. i. nos. 185, 186; -Court, no. 63; Ternaux, no. 66; Brinley, no. 5,345; Leclerc, no. -1,706,—200 francs; Quaritch, £5 and £10; F. S. Ellis (1884) £7 10_s._ -The latest Spanish edition, _Crónica del Peru_, constitutes vol. xxvi. -of the _Biblioteca de Autores Españoles_, published at Madrid in 1852. - -[1534] Sabin, no. 13,047; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 198. - -[1535] There are copies in the Lenox and Carter-Brown (vol. i. no. 208) -libraries. Cf. Sabin, nos. 13,048-13,049; Leclerc, no. 1,707; Tröwel, -no. 19. - -[1536] There are copies in the Boston Public, Lenox, and Carter-Brown -(vol. i. nos. 231, 249, 254) libraries. A set is worth about $20. -(Sabin, nos. 13,050-13,052; Field, 314, 315; Rich, no. 39—10_s._; -Court, no. 64; Leclerc, no. 1,708; Sobolewski, 3,744; Dufossé, no. -8,978.) Some copies are dated 1564, and dates between 1560 and 1564 are -on the second and third volumes (Sabin, no. 13,053). These three parts -were again reprinted at Venice in 1576 (Sabin, no. 13,054; Leclerc, no. -1,709; Cooke, no. 524). - -[1537] Cf. Leclerc, nos. 2,503, 2,672; _Coleccion de documentos -inéditos (España)_ vol. lxviii. - -[1538] Rich priced it in 1832 at £1 10_s._, and Leclerc in 1878 (no. -1,740) at 100 francs. There are copies in the Carter-Brown (vol. ii. -no. 96), Boston Public, and Harvard College libraries; and others were -sold in the Murphy (no. 2,589) and O’Callaghan (no. 963) collections. -Cf. Sunderland, vol. ii. no. 5,358; vol. v. no. 12,814; Ticknor, -_Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 146. - -[1539] There are copies in the Boston Public, Harvard College, and -Carter-Brown (vol. ii. nos. 183, 197) libraries. Rich priced it in 1832 -at £1 10_s._; Leclerc (no. 1,741) in 1878 at 100 francs. Cf. Murphy, -no. 2,590; Huth, vol. ii. p. 574. - -[1540] Leclerc, no. 1,742; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. nos. 327-329; Field, -589. - -[1541] Cf. Prescott’s _Peru_, vol. i. p. 294; Field, 592. - -[1542] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 405; Leclerc, no. 1,745. - -[1543] Ibid., vol. ii. nos. 700, 842; Leclerc, no. 1,744. - -[1544] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 82. - -[1545] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 205. - -[1546] Ibid., vol. iii. no. 561; Field, no. 591. - -[1547] Leclerc, no. 1,746; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 768. - -[1548] Ibid., no. 1,747. - -[1549] Cf. Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, vol. iii. p. 188. - -[1550] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 102; _Additions_, no. 65. - -[1551] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 193; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 537; -_Bibliotheca Heberiana_, vol. i. no. 1,961. - -[1552] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 195; _Libri Catalogue_ (reserved part), -no. 32. There is a copy in the Lenox Library. - -[1553] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 196; _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 537. - -[1554] _Spanish Literature_, ii. 40. - -[1555] Cf. Sabin, vol. xiii. no. 54,945. - -[1556] Cf. Carter-Brown, i. nos. 111, 113; _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. -191, 206; Leclerc, nos. 2,839, at 1,200 francs. - -[1557] _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, nos. 124, 153, 157. - -[1558] Leclerc, no. 1,689. - -[1559] Cf. Rich, no. 44—£1 4s.; Carter-Brown, i. 268; Quaritch, £3 3s.; -Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 9,515; Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,761; Huth, i. 41; -Cohn (1884), no. 113, at 75 marks. The _Catalogue de M. A. Chaumette -des Fossé’s_, Paris, 1842, is mainly of books pertaining to Peru. - -[1560] Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 67. - -[1561] Leclerc, no. 1,808. - -[1562] Rich, no. 253—£3 3s.; Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 57,971, 57,972; -Carter-Brown, ii. 592; Quaritch, £6 6_s._; Sunderland (1883), £5; -Rosenthal (1884), 60 marks. - -[1563] Leclerc, no. 3,029. - -[1564] Leclerc, no. 2,928. - -[1565] _Boston Public Library Catalogue._ - -[1566] _Bibliotheca Americana_, no. 1,687. - -[1567] Cf. Karl Klüpfel, in the _Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins -in Stuttgart_, no. xlvii. (1859); Karl Klunzinger, _Antheil der -Deutschen an der Entdeckung von Südamerika_, Stuttgart, 1857; and K. -von Klöoen’s “Die Welser in Augsburg als besitzer von Venezuela,” in -the _Berliner Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, v. 441. - -[1568] Cf. Schomburgk’s _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, p. 17. -Raleigh’s enumeration of the various searches for Eldorado in this book -are annotated by Schomburgk. - -[1569] An account of an earlier expedition by Federmann in this -region, _Indianische Historia_, recounting experiences in 1529-1531, -was printed in 1557 at Hagenaw. Ternaux, in the first volume of his -_Voyages_, etc. (Paris, 1837), gave a translation of it, with an -introduction. His route, as marked by Klunzinger in the book already -cited, is not agreed to by Dr. Moritz Weinhold, in _Uber Nicolaus -Federmann’s Reise in Venezuela_, 1529-1531, printed in the _Dritter -Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden, 1866, Anhang_, p. -93; also in 1868. - -[1570] Fac-simile of engraving in Herrera, iii. 213. - -[1571] He is sometimes called Uten, Utre, Urra, etc. - -[1572] Introduction of his _Search for Eldorado_. - -[1573] Manuscript copies of these parts are in the Lenox Library. - -[1574] Cf. Markham’s introduction to this volume; H. H. Bancroft’s -_Central America_, ii. 61. _The Expedition of Orsua and the Crime of -Aguirre_, by Robert Southey, was published at London in 1821. This was -written for Southey’s _History of Brazil_, but was omitted as beyond -its scope, and first published in the _Edinburgh Annual Register_, vol. -iii. part 2, and then separately. - -[1575] Ticknor, _Spanish Literature_, ii. 471. There are copies in the -Boston Public, Harvard College, and Lenox libraries. - -[1576] Printed at Amberes in 1688; Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. -1,364. There are copies in Harvard College and Lenox libraries. Cf. H. -H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 62. The book is worth £5 to £10. -Only the _Parte primera_ was printed; it comes down to 1563. - -[1577] There are copies in the Lenox and Harvard College libraries. - -[1578] _Search for Eldorado_, p. xliii. - -[1579] Schomburgk, in his _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_ (p. lvi), -enumerates the various references to the Amazon story among the early -writers on South America. Cf. Van Heuvel, _Eldorado_, chaps. vii. and -viii. Acuña’s account in 1641 is translated in Markham’s _Expeditions -into the Valley of the Amazons_, sect. 71; and also p. 123, Note. - -[1580] Vol. III. p. 117, etc. One of the latest accounts is contained -in P. G. L. Borde’s _Histoire de l’ile de la Trinidad sous le -gouvernement espagnol_, 1498, etc, (Paris, 1876-1883, vol. i.). Abraham -Kendall, who had been on the coast with Robert Dudley, and is the -maker of one of the portolanos in Dudley’s _Arcano del mare_, was with -Raleigh and of use to him. Kohl (Collection, no. 374) gives us from the -British Museum a map which he supposes to be Raleigh’s. - -[1581] _Personal Narrative_, chap. 17. - -[1582] _Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, published by Hakluyt Society -(1848), p. li. - -[1583] Schomburgk says that Levinus Hulsius availed himself of this -map in constructing his _Americæ pars Australis_, which accompanies -the _Vera Historia_ of Schmiedel, published at Nuremberg in 1599. Cf. -Uricoechea, _Mapoteca Colombiana_, p. 90, no. 5. - -[1584] He was in the boundary expedition of Solano. Humboldt calls this -map the combination of two traced by Caulin in 1756. - -[1585] This enumeration has by no means mentioned all the instances of -similar acceptance of the delusion. - -[1586] Cf. his _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., p. 159; _Views of Nature_, p. 188. -He asks: “Can the little reed-covered lake of Amuca have given rise -to this myth?... It was besides an ancient custom of dogmatizing -geographers to make all considerable rivers originate in lakes.” Cf. -also Humboldt’s _Personal Narrative_ and Southey’s _History of Brazil_. - -[1587] Markham’s _Valley of the Amazons_, p. xlv. - -[1588] This book is rare. It was priced by Rich in 1832 (no. 234) at -£8 8_s._ The unsatisfactory French translation by De Gomberville was -printed at Paris in 1682. Dufossé recently priced this edition at 150 -francs. The original Spanish is said to have been suppressed by Philip -IV. but such stories are attached too easily to books become rare. -There was a copy in the Cooke sale (1884, no. 10). The _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_ (vol. ii. no. 484) shows a copy. - -[1589] It can be found in Stocklein’s _Reise Beschreibungen_, a -collection of Jesuit letters from all parts of the World. Markham’s -_Valley of the Amazons_, p. xxxiii. - -[1590] On Faleiro’s contributions to the art of navigation, see -Humboldt’s _Cosmos_, Eng. tr., ii. 672. - -[1591] [It will be remembered that the original Bull of 1493 fixed -the meridian 100 leagues (say 400 miles) west of the Azores or Cape -De Verde Islands, supposing them to lie north and south of each -other; whereas the limit in force after June 7, 1494, was 370 leagues -(say 1,080 miles) west of the Azores, since Portugal, complaining -of the first limit, had negotiated with Spain for a new limit, the -Pope assenting; and this final limit was confirmed by a convention -at Tordesillas at the date above given. Cf. Popellinière, _Les trois -mondes_, Paris, 1582; Baronius, _Annales_ (ed. by Brovius, Rome), vol. -xix.; Solorzano, _Politica Indiana_.—ED.] - -[1592] [See note, Vol. II., p. 7.—ED.] - -[1593] But the word _hamac_ is Haytian, not Brazilian. The hammock -itself had been noticed by Columbus. Peter Martyr describes it, and -Oviedo figures it in narrating the second voyage. [Cf. Schomburgk’s -_Raleigh’s Discovery of Guiana_, pp. 40, 65.—ED.] - -[1594] [See p. 17 of Vol. II., for a contemporary drawing of a -canoe.—ED.] - -[1595] Which they called _boi_, according to Pigafetta; but this name -has not been traced since his time. The Brazilian name of house was -_oca_. Of twelve “Brazilian” words given in Pigafetta, five found their -way into European languages. But, oddly enough, three of these were not -Brazilian, but were “ship-language,” and borrowed from the West Indies. -These are _cacich_ for “king,” _hamac_ for “bed,” _maiz_ for “millet;” -perhaps _canot_ is to be added. But _Setebos_, the name of their god or -devil, is Pigafetta’s own. Shakspeare was struck by it, and gives it to -Caliban’s divinity. - -[1596] Jatropha manihot. - -[1597] Sus dorso cistifero (Linnæus). - -[1598] Anas rostro plano ad verticem dilatato (Linnæus). - -[1599] O’Brien, the Irish giant, was eight feet four inches high. His -skeleton is in the College of Surgeons in London. - -[1600] [Cf. note on the alleged height of the Patagonians in Thevet’s -_La France antarctique_, Gaffarel’s ed., p. 287. Schouten testifies to -finding bones in a grave ten feet and more of stature; and Pernetty’s -_Voyage aux Isles Malonines_ (Paris, 1770) gives the testimony of -an engraving to their large stature (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, -no. 1,200). There is a cut of two enormous Patagonians standing -beside a European in Don Casimiro de Ortega’s _Resumen histórico del -primer viage hecho al rededor del mundo, emprendido por Hernando de -Magallanes_ (Madrid, 1769). Statements of their unusual height have -been insisted upon even in our day by travellers. One of the most -trustworthy of recent explorers (1869-1870) of Patagonia, Lieutenant G. -C. Musters, says that the men average six feet, some reaching six feet -four inches; while the average of the women is five feet four.—ED.] - -[1601] Herrera gives the observation in some detail; but M. Charton -says it was not visible there. - -[1602] [See the section on “The Historical Chorography of South -America.”—ED.] - -[1603] [For Gomez’ subsequent career see Dr. Shea’s chapter on “Ancient -Florida,” in Vol. II., and- chapter i. of Vol. IV.—ED.] - -[1604] Juan de Barros. - -[1605] Apium dulce. - -[1606] See Cook’s _First Voyage_, i. 70, 74. - -[1607] Pigafetta has preserved the vocabulary of ninety words which -in this way he made. The words, he says, are to be pronounced in the -throat. A few of the words are these: Ears, _sanc_; eyes, _ather_; -nose, _or_; breast, _othey_; eyelids, _sechechiel_; nostrils, -_oresche_; mouth, _piam_; a chief, _hez_. - -[1608] This might have been inferred from Pigafetta’s map of the -strait, in which the western shore of Patagonia and Chili are well laid -in; but that inference seems to have escaped the globe-makers. - -[1609] Most observers forget, however, when they look upon a map of -this ocean, that the name of an island or group upon the map may cover -a hundred, not to say a thousand, times as much space on the paper as -the island or group takes up on the surface of the world. Dr. Charles -Darwin calls attention to such forgetfulness, in the _Voyage of the -Beagle_. - -[1610] The identification attempted on the map (taken from the Hakluyt -Society’s volume on Magellan) is one of many conjectures. - -[1611] He died in 1534. A brother-in-law of Magellan, Duarte Barbosa, -who was killed at the same time with his chief, prepared a manuscript -in 1516, which was printed by Ramusio in Italian as _Sommario di -tutti li regni dell’Indie orientali_. This paper, describing from -such sources as were available the eastern regions, had not a little -influence on Magellan. The original Portuguese was printed by the -Lisbon Academy in their _Noticias Ultramarinhas_, in 1813. - -[1612] _Bulletin de in Société de Géographie_, September, 1843. - -[1613] Pigafetta himself mentions a manuscript, _Uno libro scripto de -tutti le cose passate de giorno in giorno nel viaggio_, written by his -own hand, and presented by him to Charles the Fifth. Harrisse thinks it -was written in French, and describes the manuscripts, _Bibl. Amer. Vet. -Add._, pp. xxx-xxxiii. - -[1614] This petition is given in Stanley’s _Magellan_, and in -Harrisse’s _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, p. xxviii. - -[1615] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 134; Carter-Brown, no. 86; Brunet, iv. -650; Des Brosses, _Navigations aux terres Australes_, i. 121; Panzer, -viii. 217; Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_, ii. 376. - -[1616] On the strength of _Livres Curieux_, p. 29. - -[1617] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 192. - -[1618] Ramusio included it in his _Viaggi_ in 1554, with annotations. - -[1619] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, 215; _Bibliotheca Hebernana_, ix. 3,129; -_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, no. 548; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 2,753; -Libri, 1861, no. 288; Carter-Brown, i. 118; Court, no. 372. There is -also a copy in the Lenox Library. Wiley, of New York, priced a copy in -1883, at $145. - -[1620] A French version of this text was issued at Paris in 1801; and -the Italian text was again printed in 1805. Pigafetta’s story is given -in English in Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, i. 188; in German in Sprengel’s -_Beyträgen_, and in Kries’s _Beschreibung von Magellan-Reise_, Gotha, -1801. Cf. a bibliography of the manuscript and printed editions of -Pigafetta in the _Studi biografici e bibliografici_, published by the -Società Geografica Italiana (2d ed., 1882), i. 262. - -[1621] The date in Navarrete is October 5. - -[1622] All three of these editions are in the Lenox Library, and the -first two are in the Carter-Brown. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, -nos. 122, 123, 124. Leclerc priced the Cologne edition at 500 francs, -and the Rome (1523) at 350. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._ nos. 376, 377. Dufossé -(nos. 11,003, 12,348) puts the Cologne edition at 500 francs, and -again (no. 14,892) at 380. The _Court Catalogue_ (Paris, 1884) shows -the Cologne edition (no. 220) and the Rome (1524) edition (no. 221). -Brunet is in error in calling the Roman edition the earliest. A Cologne -copy in the Murphy sale (1884) brought $75; _Catalogue_, no. 2,519. -One in F. S. Ellis’s _Catalogue_ (1884), no. 188, is priced at £42. -Cf. Sabin, xi. 47,038-47,042; Carter-Brown, no. 75; Graesse, iv. 451; -Ternaux, no. 129. It was also inserted in Latin in the _Novus Orbis_ of -1537 (p. 585), and of 1555 (p. 524), and in Johannes Bœmus’s _Omnium -gentium mores_, etc., Antwerp, 1542; in Italian in Ramusio (i. 347); -in Spanish, in Navarrete (iv. 249, dated October 5, and not 24). The -narrative in Hulsius (no. xxvi.) is taken from Ortelius and Chauveton. -Cf. Panzer, vol. vi., no. 375; Stevens, _Nuggets_, no. 1,868; -_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_, p. 454; Ternaux, nos. 29, 30; Graesse, iv. -451, 452; _Bibliotheca Heberiana_, i. 4,451; ii. 3,687; vi. 2,331; vii. -4,123; Leclerc, no. 69; _Bibl. Amer. Vet. Add._, no. 136. - -[1623] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 229, where other missing accounts are -mentioned. - -[1624] Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. 229. - -[1625] Cf. J. A. Schmeller’s _Über einige älten handscriftliche -Seekarten_, Munich, 1844, which is an extract from the _Abhandlungen -d. Baier. Akad. d. Wissensch._, iv. 1. It is announced (1884) that -Harrisse is preparing an annotated edition of the letter. - -[1626] Cf. Reclus, _Ocean_, bk. i., chap. ix. and Chart. - -[1627] Cf. _Bibl. Am. Vet._, nos. 80, 81, 132, 133, 161; Carter-Brown, -i. 212, 283, 336; ii. 221; Sabin, xii. p. 90; _Ticknor, Catalogue_, p. -226. - -[1628] Among them may be mentioned, for instance, such books as -Argensola’s _Conquista de las islas Malucas_, Madrid, 1609, which a -hundred years later was made familiar to French and English readers -by editions at Amsterdam in 1707, and by being included in Stevens’s -_Collection of Voyages_ in 1708, while the German version appeared at -Frankfort in 1711 (cf. Carter-Brown, ii. 77; iii. 92, 104, 119, 147); -Gotard Arthus’s _India Orientalis_, Cologne, 1608; Farya y Sousa’s -_Asia Portuguesa_, Lisbon, 1666-1675. The final conquest of the -Philippines was not accomplished till 1564, when by order of Philip -II., Miguel Lopez de Legaspi led a fleet from Navidad in New Spain. For -this and the subsequent history of the island see Antonio de Morga’s -_Philippine Islands_ (Mexico, 1609) as translated and annotated for -the Hakluyt Society by H. E. J. Stanley, 1868. Cf. Pedro Chirino’s -_Relacion de las islas Filipinas_, Rome, 1604 (Rich, _Catalogue of -Books_ (1832), no. 99; Sabin, _Dictionary_, iv. 12,836). - -[1629] Cf. also a notice by Navarrete in his _Op[usculo]s_, i. 143, -with (p. 203) an appendix of “Pruebas, ilustraciones y documentos.” - -[1630] Sabin, iii. 9,208. - -[1631] Wieser has also drawn attention in the _Mittheilungen des -Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung_, v. (heft iii.) to -“ein Bericht des Gasparo Contarini über die Heimkehr der Victoria von -der Magalhâes’schen Expedition,” with ample annotation. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -—Obvious errors were corrected. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. 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