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diff --git a/old/50801-0.txt b/old/50801-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 73c6d31..0000000 --- a/old/50801-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,43948 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Narrative and Critical History of America, -Vol. I (of 8), by Various, Edited by Justin Winsor - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. I (of 8) - Aboriginal America - - -Author: Various - -Editor: Justin Winsor - -Release Date: December 31, 2015 [eBook #50801] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. I (OF 8)*** - - -E-text prepared by Giovanni Fini, Dianna Adair, Bryan Ness, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images -generously made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries -(https://archive.org/details/americana) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file - which includes the more than 200 original illustrations. - See 50801-h.htm or 50801-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/50801/50801-h/50801-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/50801/50801-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive/American Libraries. See - http://www.archive.org/details/narrcrithistamerica01winsrich - - -Transcriber’s note: - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Text enclosed by equal signs is in bold face (=bold=). - - A carat character is used to denote superscription. A - single character following the carat is superscripted - (example: M^o). Multiple superscripted characters are - enclosed by curly brackets (example: 540.7^{mm}). - - - - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -Aboriginal America - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF AMERICA - -Edited by - -JUSTIN WINSOR - -Librarian of Harvard University -Corresponding Secretary Massachusetts Historical Society - -VOL. I - - - - - - - -Boston and New York -Houghton, Mifflin and Company -The Riverside Press, Cambridge - -Copyright, 1889, -by Houghton, Mifflin and Company. -All rights reserved. - - -The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U. S. A. -Electrotyped and Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company. - - - - -[Illustration] - - - - -To - -CHARLES WILLIAM ELIOT, LL. D. - -PRESIDENT OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY. - -_DEAR ELIOT:_ - -_Forty years ago, you and I, having made preparation together, entered -college on the same day. We later found different spheres in the world; -and you came back to Cambridge in due time to assume your high office. -Twelve years ago, sought by you, I likewise came, to discharge a duty -under you._ - -_You took me away from many cares, and transferred me to the more -congenial service of the University. The change has conduced to the -progress of those studies in which I hardly remember to have had a lack -of interest._ - -_So I owe much to you; and it is not, I trust, surprising that I desire -to connect, in this work, your name with that of your_ - -_Obliged friend_, - -[Illustration] - -CAMBRIDGE, 1889. - - - - - CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. - - [_The cut on the title represents a mask, which forms the centre of - the Mexican Calendar Stone, as engraved in D. Wilson’s Prehistoric - Man, i. 333, from a cast now in the Collection of the Society of - Antiquaries of Scotland._] - - - INTRODUCTION. - - PART I. AMERICANA IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. _The Editor_ i - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Portrait of Professor Ebeling, iii; of - James Carson Brevoort, x; of Charles Deane, xi. - - - PART II. EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA, AND COLLECTIVE ACCOUNTS - OF THE EARLY VOYAGES THERETO. _The Editor_ xix - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Title of the _Newe Unbekanthe Landte_, xxi; of - Peter Martyr’s _De Nuper sub D. Carolo repertis insulis_ - (1521), xxii; Portrait of Grynæus, xxiv; of Sebastian - Münster, xxvi, xxvii; of Monardes, xxix; of De Bry, xxx; - of Feyerabend, xxxi. - - - CHAPTER I. - - THE GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS CONSIDERED IN - RELATION TO THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. _William H. - Tillinghast_ 1 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Maps by Macrobius, 10, 11, 12; Carli’s _Traces of - Atlantis_, 17; Sanson’s _Atlantis Insula_, 18; Bory de St. - Vincent’s _Carte Conjecturale de l’Atlantide_, 19; Contour - Chart of the Bottom of the Atlantic Ocean, 20; The - Rectangular Earth, 30. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 33 - - NOTES 38 - - A. The Form of the Earth, 38; B. Homer’s Geography, 39; C. - Supposed References to America, 40; D. Atlantis, 41; E. - Fabulous Islands of the Atlantic in the Middle Ages, 46; - F. Toscanelli’s Atlantic Ocean, 51. G. (_By the Editor._) - Early Maps of the Atlantic Ocean, 53. - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Map of the Fifteenth Century, 53; Map of Fr. - Pizigani (A.D. 1367), and of Andreas Bianco (1436), 54; - Catalan Map (1375), 55; Map of Andreas Benincasa (1476), 56; - Laon Globe, 56; Maps of Bordone (1547), 57, 58; Map made at - the End of the Fifteenth Century, 57; Ortelius’s Atlantic - Ocean (1587), 58. - - - CHAPTER II. - - PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. _Justin Winsor_ 59 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Norse Ship, 62; Plan of a Viking Ship 63, and her - Rowlock, 63; Norse Boat used as a Habitation, 64; Norman Ship - from the Bayeux Tapestry, 64; Scandinavian Flags, 64; - Scandinavian Weapons, 65; Runes, 66, 67; Fac-simile of the - Title of the Zeno Narrative, 70; Its Section on Frisland, 71; - Ship of the Fifteenth Century, 73; The Sea of Darkness, 74. - - CRITICAL NOTES 76 - - A. Early Connection of Asiatic Peoples with the Western Coast - of America, 76; B. Ireland the Great, or White Man’s - Land, 82; C. The Norse in Iceland, 83; D. Greenland and - its Ruins, 85; E. The Vinland Voyages, 87; F. The Lost - Greenland Colonies, 107; G. Madoc and the Welsh, 109; H. - The Zeni and their Map, 111; I. Alleged Jewish Migration, - 115; J. Possible Early African Migrations, 116. - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Behring’s Sea and Adjacent Waters, 77; Buache’s - Map of the North Pacific and Fusang, 79; Ruins of the Church - at Kakortok, 86; Fac-simile of a Saga Manuscript and - Autograph of C. C. Rafn, 87; Ruin at Kakortok, 88; Map of - Julianehaab, 89; Portrait of Rafn, 90; Title-page of - _Historia Vinlandiæ Antiguæ per Thormodum Torfæum_, 91; - Rafn’s Map of Norse America, 95; Rafn’s Map of Vinland (New - England), 100; View of Dighton Rock, 101; Copies of its - Inscription, 103; Henrik Rink, 106; Fac-simile of the - Title-page of Hans Egede’s _Det gamle Gronlands nye - Perlustration_, 108; A British Ship of the Time of Edward I, - 110; Richard H. Major, 112; Baron Nordenskjöld, 113. - - THE CARTOGRAPHY OF GREENLAND. _The Editor_ 117 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: The Maps of Claudius Clavus (1427), 118, 119; of - Fra Mauro (1459), 120; Tabula Regionum Septentrionalium - (1467), 121; Map of Donis (1482), 122; of Henricus Martellus - (1489-90), 122; of Olaus Magnus (1539), 123; (1555), 124; - (1567), 125; of Bordone (1547), 126; The Zeno Map, 127; as - altered in the Ptolemy of 1561, 128; The Map of Phillipus - Gallæus (1585), 129; of Sigurd Stephanus (1570), 130; The - Greenland of Paul Egede, 131; of Isaac de la Peyrère (1647), - 132. - - - CHAPTER III. - - MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. _Justin Winsor_ 133 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Clavigero’s Plan of Mexico, 143; his Map of - Anahuac, 144; Environs du Lac de Méxique, 145; Brasseur de - Bourbourg’s Map of Central America, 151. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 153 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Manuscript of Bernal Diaz, 154; Sahagún, 156; - Clavigero, 159; Lorenzo Boturini, 160; Frontispiece of his - _Idea_, with his Portrait, 161; Icazbalceta, 163; Daniel G. - Brinton, 165; Brasseur de Bourbourg, 170. - - NOTES 173 - - I. The Authorities on the so-called Civilization of Ancient - Mexico and Adjacent Lands, and the Interpretation of such - Authorities, 173; II. Bibliographical Notes upon the - Ruins and Archæological Remains of Mexico and Central - America, 176; III. Bibliographical Notes on the - Picture-Writing of the Nahuas and Mayas, 197. - - ILLUSTRATIONS: The Pyramid of Cholula, 177; The Great Mound of - Cholula, 178; Mexican Calendar Stone, 179; Court of the - Mexico Museum, 181; Old Mexican Bridge near Tezcuco, 182; The - Indio Triste, 183; General Plan of Mitla, 184; Sacrificial - Stone, 185; Waldeck, 186; Désiré Charnay, 187; Charnay’s Map - of Yucatan, 188; Ruined Temple at Uxmal, 189; Ring and Head - from Chichen-Itza, 190; Viollet-le-Duc’s Restoration of a - Palenqué Building, 192; Sculptures from the Temple of the - Cross at Palenqué, 193; Plan of Copan, 194; Yucatan Types of - Heads, 195; Plan of Quirigua, 196; Fac-simile of Landa’s - Manuscript, 198; A Sculptured Column, 199; Palenqué - Hieroglyphics, 201; Léon de Rosny, 202; The Dresden Codex, - 204; Codex Cortesianus, 206; Codex Perezianus, 207, 208. - - - CHAPTER IV. - - THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. _Clements R. Markham_ 209 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Map of Northwestern South - America, 210; Early Spanish Map of Peru, 211; Llamas, 213; - Architectural Details at Tiahuanaca, 214; Bas-Reliefs, 215; - Doorway and other Parts, 216; Image, 217; Broken Doorway, - 218; Tiahuanaca Restored, 219; Ruins of Sacsahuaman, 220; - Inca Manco Ccapac, 228; Inca Yupanqui, 228; Cuzco, 229; - Warriors of the Inca Period, 230; Plan of the Temple of the - Sun, 234; Zodiac of Gold, 235; Quipus, 243; Inca Skull, 244; - Ruins at Chucuito, 245; Lake Titicaca, 246, 247; Map of the - Lake, 248; Primeval Tomb, Acora, 249; Ruins at Quellenata, - 249; Ruins at Escoma, 250; Sillustani, 250; Ruins of an - Incarial Village, 251; Map of the Inca Road, 254; Peruvian - Metal-Workers, 256; Peruvian Pottery, 256, 257; Unfinished - Peruvian Cloth, 258. - - CRITICAL ESSAY 259 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: House in Cuzco in which Garcilasso was born, 265; - Portraits of the Incas in the Title-page of Herrera, 267; - William Robertson, 269; Clements R. Markham, 272; Márcos - Jiménez de la Espada, 274. - - NOTES 275 - - I. Ancient People of the Peruvian Coast, 275; II. The - Quichua Language and Literature, 278. - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Mummy from Ancon, 276; Mummy from a Huaca at - Pisco, 277; Tapestry from the Graves of Ancon, 278; Idol from - Timaná, 281. - - - CHAPTER V. - - THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA IN CONTACT WITH THE FRENCH AND - ENGLISH. _George E. Ellis_ 283 - - CRITICAL ESSAY. _George E. Ellis and the Editor_ 316 - - - CHAPTER VI. - - THE PREHISTORIC ARCHÆOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. _Henry W. Haynes_ 329 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Palæolithic Implement from the Trenton Gravels, - 331; The Trenton Gravel Bluff, 335; Section of Bluff near - Trenton, 338; Obsidian Spear Point from the Lahontan Lake, - 349. - - THE PROGRESS OF OPINION RESPECTING THE ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY OF - MAN IN AMERICA. _Justin Winsor_ 369 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Benjamin Smith Barton, 371; Louis Agassiz, 373; - Samuel Foster Haven, 374; Sir Daniel Wilson, 375; Professor - Edward B. Tylor, 376; Hochelagan and Cro-magnon Skulls, 377; - Theodor Waitz, 378; Sir John Lubbock, 379; Sir John William - Dawson, 380; Map of Aboriginal Migrations, 381; Calaveras - Skull, 385; Ancient Footprint from Nicaragua, 386; - Cro-magnon, Enghis, Neanderthal, and Hochelagan Skulls, 389; - Oscar Peschel, 391; Jeffries Wyman, 392; Map of Cape Cod, - showing Shell Heaps, 393; Maps of the Pueblo Region, 394, - 397; Col. Charles Whittlesey, 399; Increase A. Lapham, 400; - Plan of the Great Serpent Mound, 401; Cincinnati Tablet, 404; - Old View of the Mounds on the Muskingum (Marietta), 405; Map - of the Scioto Valley, showing Sites of Mounds, 406; Works at - Newark, Ohio, 407; Major J. W. Powell, 411. - - - APPENDIX. - - _Justin Winsor._ - - I. Bibliography of Aboriginal America 413 - - II. The Comprehensive Treatises on American Antiquities 415 - - III. Bibliographical Notes on the Industries and Trade of the - American Aborigines 416 - - IV. Bibliographical Notes on American Linguistics 421 - - V. Bibliographical Notes on the Myths and Religions of America 429 - - VI. Archæological Museums and Periodicals 437 - - ILLUSTRATIONS: Mexican Clay Mask, 419; Quetzalcoatl, 432; The - Mexican Temple, 433; The Temple of Mexico, 434; Teoyaomiqui, - 435; Ancient Teocalli, Oaxaca, Mexico, 436. - - - INDEX 445 - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - -_By the Editor._ - - -PART I. AMERICANA IN LIBRARIES AND BIBLIOGRAPHIES. - -HARRISSE, in the Introduction of his _Bibliotheca Americana -Vetustissima_, enumerates and characterizes many of the bibliographies -of Americana, beginning with the chapter, “De Scriptoribus rerum -Americanarum,” in the _Bibliotheca Classica_ of Draudius, in 1622.[1] -De Laet, in his _Nieuwe Wereldt_ (1625), gives a list of about -thirty-seven authorities, which he increased somewhat in later -editions.[2] The earliest American catalogue of any moment, however, -came from a native Peruvian, Léon y Pinelo, who is usually cited by the -latter name only. He had prepared an extensive list; but he published -at Madrid, in 1629, a selection of titles only, under the designation -of _Epitome de la biblioteca oriental i occidental_,[3] which included -manuscripts as well as books. He had exceptional advantages as -chronicler of the Indies. - -In 1671, in Montanus’s _Nieuwe weereld_, and in Ogilby’s _America_, -about 167 authorities are enumerated. - -Sabin[4] refers to Cornelius van Beughem’s _Bibliographia Historica_, -1685, published at Amsterdam, as having the titles of books on America. - -The earliest exclusively American catalogue is the _Bibliothecæ -Americanæ Primordia_ of White Kennett,[5] Bishop of Peterborough, -published in London in 1713. The arrangement of its sixteen hundred -entries is chronological; and it enters under their respective dates -the sections of such collections as Hakluyt and Ramusio.[6] It -particularly pertains to the English colonies, and more especially to -New England, where, in the eighteenth century, three distinctively -valuable American libraries are known to have existed,—that of the -Mather family, which was in large part destroyed during the battle -of Bunker Hill, in 1775; that of Thomas Prince, still in large part -existing in the Boston Public Library; and that of Governor Hutchinson, -scattered by the mob which attacked his house in Boston in 1765.[7] - -In 1716 Lenglet du Fresnoy inserted a brief list (sixty titles) in his -_Méthode pour étudier la géographie_. Garcia’s _Origen de los Indias de -el nuevo mundo_, Madrid, 1729, shows a list of about seventeen hundred -authors.[8] - -In 1737-1738 Barcia enlarged Pinelo’s work, translating all his titles -into Spanish, and added numerous other entries which Rich[9] says were -“clumsily thrown together.” - -Charlevoix prefixed to his _Nouvelle France_, in 1744, a list with -useful comments, which the English reader can readily approach in -Dr. Shea’s translation. A price-list which has been preserved of the -sale in Paris in 1764, _Catalogue des livres des ci-devant soi-disans -Jésuites du Collége de Clermont_, indicates the lack of competition at -that time for those choicer Americana, now so costly.[10] The _Regio -patronatu Indiarum_ of Frassus (1775) gives about 1505 authorities. -There is a chronological catalogue of books issued in the American -colonies previous to 1775, prepared by S. F. Haven, Jr., and appended -to the edition of Thomas’s _History of Printing_, published by the -American Antiquarian Society. Though by no means perfect, it is a -convenient key to most publications illustrative of American history -during the colonial period of the English possessions, and printed in -America. Dr. Robertson’s _America_ (1777) shows only 250 works, and it -indicates how far short he was of the present advantages in the study -of this subject. Clavigero surpassed all his predecessors in the lists -accompanying his _Storia del Messico_, published in 1780,—but the -special bibliography of Mexico is examined elsewhere. Equally special, -and confined to the English colonies, is the documentary register -which Jefferson inserted in his _Notes on Virginia_; but it serves to -show how scanty the records were a hundred years ago compared with the -calendars of such material now. Meuzel, in 1782, had published enough -of his _Bibliotheca Historica_ to cover the American field, though he -never completed the work as planned. - -In 1789 an anonymous _Bibliotheca Americana_ of nearly sixteen hundred -entries was published in London. It is not of much value. Harrisse -and others attribute it to Reid; but by some the author’s name is -differently given as Homer, Dalrymple, and Long.[11] - -An enumeration of the documentary sources (about 152 entries) used by -Muñoz in his _Historia del nuevo mundo_ (1793) is given in Fustér’s -_Biblioteca Valenciana_ (ii. 202-234) published at Valencia in -1827-1830.[12] - -There is in the Library of Congress (Force Collection) a copy of an -_Indice de la Coleccion de manuscritos pertinecientes a la historia de -las Indias_, by Fraggia, Abella, and others, dated at Madrid, 1799.[13] - -In the Sparks collection at Cornell are two other manuscript -bibliographies worthy of notice. One is a _Biblioteca Americana_, by -Antonio de Alcedo, dated in 1807. Sparks says his copy was made in 1843 -from an original which Obadiah Rich had found in Madrid.[14] - -Harrisse says that another copy is in the Carter-Brown Library; and -he asserts that, excepting some additions of modern American authors, -it is not much improved over Barcia’s edition of Pinelo. H. H. -Bancroft[15] mentions having a third copy, which had formerly belonged -to Prescott. - -The other manuscript at Cornell is a _Bibliotheca Americana_, prepared -in twelve volumes by Arthur Homer, who had intended, but never -accomplished, the publication of it. Sparks found it in Sir Thomas -Phillipps’s library at Middlehill, and caused the copy of it to be -made, which is now at Ithaca.[16] - -In 1808 Boucher de la Richarderie published at Paris his _Bibliothèque -universelle des voyages_,[17] which has in the fifth part a critical -list of all voyages to American waters. Harrisse disagrees with Peignot -in his favorable estimate of Richarderie, and traces to him the errors -of Faribault and later bibliographers. - -The _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americana_ of Dr. José Mariano Beristain de -Souza was published in Mexico in 1816-1821, in three volumes. Quaritch, -pricing it at £96 in 1880, calls it the rarest and most valuable of -all American bibliographical works. It is a notice of writers who were -born, educated, or flourished in Spanish America, and naturally covers -much of interest to the historical student. The author did not live to -complete it, and his nephew finished it. - -In 1818 Colonel Israel Thorndike, of Boston, bought for $6,500 the -American library of Professor Ebeling, of Germany, estimated to contain -over thirty-two hundred volumes, besides an extraordinary collection -of ten thousand maps.[18] The library was given by the purchaser to -Harvard College, and its possession at once put the library of that -institution at the head of all libraries in the United States for the -illustration of American history. No catalogue of it was ever printed, -except as a part of the General Catalogue of the College Library issued -in 1830-1834, in five volumes. - -Another useful collection of Americana added to the same library was -that formed by David B. Warden, for forty years United States Consul at -Paris, who printed a catalogue of its twelve hundred volumes at Paris, -in 1820, called _Bibliotheca Americo-Septentrionalis_. The collection -in 1823 found a purchaser at $5,000, in Mr. Samuel A. Eliot, who gave -it to the College.[19] - -[Illustration: EBELING.[20]] - -The Harvard library, however, as well as several of the best -collections of Americana in the United States, owes more, perhaps, to -Obadiah Rich than to any other. This gentleman, a native of Boston, -was born in 1783. He went as consul of the United States to Valencia -in 1815, and there began his study of early Spanish-American history, -and undertook the gathering of a remarkable collection of books,[21] -which he threw open generously, with his own kindly assistance, to -every investigator who visited Spain for purposes of study. Here he -won the respect of Alexander H. Everett, then American minister to -the court of Spain. He captivated Irving by his helpful nature, who -says of him: “Rich was one of the most indefatigable, intelligent, and -successful bibliographers in Europe. His house at Madrid was a literary -wilderness, abounding with curious works and rare editions. ... He was -withal a man of great truthfulness and simplicity of character, of an -amiable and obliging disposition and strict integrity.” Similar was the -estimation in which he was held by Ticknor, Prescott, George Bancroft, -and many others, as Allibone has recorded.[22] In 1828 he removed -to London, where he established himself as a bookseller. From this -period, as Harrisse[23] fitly says, it was under his influence, acting -upon the lovers of books among his compatriots, that the passion for -forming collections of books exclusively American grew up.[24] In those -days the cost of books now esteemed rare was trifling compared with -the prices demanded at present. Rich had a prescience in his calling, -and the beginnings of the great libraries of Colonel Aspinwall, Peter -Force, James Lenox, and John Carter Brown were made under his fostering -eye; which was just as kindly vigilant for Grenville, who was then -forming out of the income of his sinecure office the great collection -which he gave to the British nation in recompense for his support.[25] -In London, watching the book-markets and making his catalogue, Rich -continued to live for the rest of his life (he died in February, 1850), -except for a period when he was the United States consul at Port -Mahon in the Balearic Islands. His bibliographies are still valuable, -his annotations in them are trustworthy, and their records are the -starting-points of the growth of prices. His issues and reissues of -them are somewhat complicated by supplements and combinations, but -collectors and bibliographers place them on their shelves in the -following order: - -1. _A Catalogue of books relating principally to America, arranged -under the years in which they were printed_ (1500-1700), London, 1832. -This included four hundred and eighty-six numbers, those designated -by a star without price being understood to be in Colonel Aspinwall’s -collection. Two small supplements were added to this. - -2. _Bibliotheca Americana Nova, printed since 1700 (to 1800)_, London, -1835. Two hundred and fifty copies were printed. A supplement appeared -in 1841, and this became again a part of his. - -3. _Bibliotheca Americana Nova_, vol. i. (1701-1800); vol. ii. -(1801-1844), which was printed (250 copies) in London in 1846.[26] - -It was in 1833 that Colonel Thomas Aspinwall, of Boston, who was for -thirty-eight years the American consul at London, printed at Paris -a catalogue of his collection of Americana, where seven hundred and -seventy-one lots included, beside much that was ordinarily useful, a -great number of the rarest of books on American history. Harrisse has -called Colonel Aspinwall, not without justice, “a bibliophile of great -tact and activity.” All but the rarest part of his collection was -subsequently burned in 1863, when it had passed into the hands of Mr. -Samuel L. M. Barlow,[27] of New York. - -M. Ternaux-Compans, who had collected—as Mr. Brevoort thinks[28]—the -most extensive library of books on America ever brought together, -printed his _Bibliothèque Américaine_[29] in 1837 at Paris. It -embraced 1,154 works, arranged chronologically, and all of them of a -date before 1700. The titles were abridged, and accompanied by French -translations. His annotations were scant; and other students besides -Rich have regretted that so learned a man had not more benefited his -fellow-students by ampler notes.[30] - -Also in 1837 appeared the _Catalogue d’ouvrages sur l’histoire de -l’Amérique_, of G. B. Faribault, which was published at Quebec, and was -more specially devoted to books on New France.[31] - -With the works of Rich and Ternaux the bibliography of Americana -may be considered to have acquired a distinct recognition; and the -succeeding survey of this field may be more conveniently made if we -group the contributors by some broad discriminations of the motives -influencing them, though such distinctions sometimes become confluent. - -First, as regards what may be termed professional bibliography. One of -the earliest workers in the new spirit was a Dresden jurist, Hermann E. -Ludewig, who came to the United States in 1844, and prepared an account -of the _Literature of American local history_, which was published in -1846. This was followed by a supplement, pertaining wholly to New York -State, which appeared in _The Literary World_, February 19, 1848. He -had previously published in the _Serapeum_ at Leipsic (1845, pp. 209) -accounts of American libraries and bibliography, which were the first -contributions to this subject.[32] Some years later, in 1858, there -was published in London a monograph on _The Literature of the American -Aboriginal Linguistics_,[33] which had been undertaken by Mr. Ludewig -but had not been carried through the press, when he died, Dec. 12, -1856.[34] - -We owe to a Franco-American citizen the most important bibliography -which we have respecting the first half century of American history; -for the _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_ only comes down to 1551 -in its chronological arrangement. Mr. Brevoort[35] very properly -characterizes it as “a work which lightens the labors of such as have -to investigate early American history.”[36] - -It was under the hospitable roof of Mr. Barlow’s library in New York -that, “having gloated for years over second-hand compilations,” -Harrisse says that he found himself “for the first time within reach -of the fountain-heads of history.” Here he gathered the materials for -his _Notes on Columbus_, which were, as he says, like “pencil marks -varnished over.” These first appeared less perfectly than later, in -the _New York Commercial Advertiser_, under the title of “Columbus -in a Nut-shell.” Mr. Harrisse had also prepared (four copies only -printed) for Mr. Barlow in 1864 the _Bibliotheca Barlowiana_, which is -a descriptive catalogue of the rarest books in the Barlow-Aspinwall -Collection, touching especially the books on Virginian and New England -history between 1602 and 1680. - -Mr. Barlow now (1864) sumptuously printed the _Notes on Columbus_ -in a volume (ninety-nine copies) for private distribution. For some -reason not apparent, there were expressions in this admirable treatise -which offended some; as when, for instance (p. vii), he spoke of being -debarred the privileges of a much-vaunted public library, referring -to the Astor Library. Similar inadvertences again brought him hostile -criticism, when two years later (1866) he printed with considerable -typographical luxury his _Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima_, which -was published in New York. It embraces something over three hundred -entries.[37] The work is not without errors; and Mr. Henry Stevens, -who claims that he was wrongly accused in the book, gave it a bad -name in the _London Athenæum_ of Oct. 6, 1866, where an unfortunate -slip, in making “Ander Schiffahrt”[38] a personage, is unmercifully -ridiculed. A committee of the Société de Géographie in Paris, of which -M. Ernest Desjardins was spokesman, came to the rescue, and printed a -_Rapport sur les deux ouvrages de bibliographie Américaine de M. Henri -Harrisse_, Paris, 1867. In this document the claim is unguardedly -made that Harrisse’s book was the earliest piece of solid erudition -which America had produced,—a phrase qualified later as applying to -works of American bibliography only. It was pointed out that while -for the period of 1492-1551 Rich had given twenty titles, and Ternaux -fifty-eight, Harrisse had enumerated three hundred and eight.[39] - -Harrisse prepared, while shut up in Paris during the siege of 1870, -his _Notes sur la Nouvelle France_, a valuable bibliographical essay -referred to elsewhere.[40] He later put in shape the material which he -had gathered for a supplemental volume to his _Bibliotheca Americana -Vetustissima_, which he called _Additions_,[41] and published it in -Paris in 1872. In his introduction to this latter volume he shows how -thoroughly he has searched the libraries of Europe for new evidences of -interest in America during the first half century after its discovery. -He notes the depredations upon the older libraries which have been -made in recent years, since the prices for rare Americana have ruled -so high. He finds[42] that the Biblioteca Colombina at Seville, as -compared with a catalogue of it made by Ferdinand Columbus himself, has -suffered immense losses. “It is curious to notice,” he finally says, -“how few of the original books relating to the early history of the New -World can be found in the public libraries of Europe. There is not a -literary institution, however rich and ancient, which in this respect -could compare with three or four private libraries in America. The -Marciana at Venice is probably the richest. The Trivulgiana at Milan -can boast of several great rarities.” - -For the third contributor to the recent bibliography of Americana, we -must still turn to an adopted citizen, Joseph Sabin, an Englishman by -birth. Various publishing enterprises of interest to the historical -student are associated with Mr. Sabin’s name. He published a quarto -series of reprints of early American tracts, eleven in number, and an -octavo series, seven in number.[43] He published for several years, -beginning in 1869, the _American Bibliopolist_, a record of new books, -with literary miscellanies, largely upon Americana. In 1867 he began -the publication (five hundred copies) of the most extensive American -bibliography yet made, _A Dictionary of books relating to America, from -its discovery to the present time_. The author’s death, in 1881,[44] -left the work somewhat more than half done, and it has been continued -since his death by his sons.[45] - -In the _Notas Para una bibliografia de obras anonimas i seudonimas_ -of Diego Barros Arana, published at Santiago de Chile in 1882, five -hundred and seven books on America (1493-1876), without authors, are -traced to their writers. - - * * * * * - -As a second class of contributors to the bibliographical records of -America, we must reckon the students who have gathered libraries for -use in pursuing their historical studies. Foremost among such, and -entitled to be esteemed a pioneer in the modern spirit of research, is -Alexander von Humboldt. He published his _Examen critique de l’histoire -de la géographie du nouveau continent_,[46] in five volumes, between -1836 and 1839.[47] “It is,” says Brevoort,[48] “a guide which all -must consult. With a master hand the author combines and collates all -attainable materials, and draws light from sources which _he_ first -brings to bear in his exhaustive investigations.” Harrisse calls it -“the greatest monument ever erected to the early history of this -continent.” - -Humboldt’s library was bought by Henry Stevens, who printed in 1863, -in London, a catalogue of it, showing 11,164 entries; but this was not -published till 1870. It included a set of the _Examen critique_, with -corrections, and the notes for a new sixth volume.[49] Harrisse, who -it is believed contemplated at one time a new edition of this book, -alleges that through the remissness of the purchaser of the library -the world has lost sight of these precious memorials of Humboldt’s -unperfected labors. Stevens, in the _London Athenæum_, October, 1866, -rebuts the charge.[50] - -Of the collection of books and manuscripts formed by Col. Peter Force -we have no separate record, apart from their making a portion of the -general catalogue of the Library of Congress, the Government having -bought the collection in 1867.[51] - -The library which Jared Sparks formed during the progress of his -historical labors was sold about 1872 to Cornell University, and is now -at Ithaca. Mr. Sparks left behind him “imperfect but not unfaithful -lists of his books,” which, after some supervision by Dr. Cogswell and -others, were put in shape for the press by Mr. Charles A. Cutter of -the Boston Athenæum, and were printed, in 1871, as _Catalogue of the -Library of Jared Sparks_. In the appendix was a list of the historical -manuscripts, originals and copies, which are now on deposit in Harvard -College Library.[52] - -In 1849 Mr. H. R. Schoolcraft[53] printed, at the expense of the United -States Government, a _Bibliographical Catalogue of books, etc., in -the Indian tongues of the United States_,—a list later reprinted with -additions in his _Indian Tribes_ (in 1851), vol. iv.[54] - -In 1861 Mr. Ephraim George Squier published at New York a monograph -on authors who had written in the languages of Central America, -enumerating one hundred and ten, with a list of the books and -manuscripts on the history, the aborigines, and the antiquities of -Central America, borrowed from other sources in part. At the sale of -Mr. Squier’s library in 1876, the catalogue[55] of which was made by -Mr. Sabin, the entire collection of his manuscripts fell, as mentioned -elsewhere,[56] into the hands of Mr. Hubert Howe Bancroft of San -Francisco. - -Probably the largest collection of books and manuscripts[57] which -any American has formed for use in writing is that which belongs to -Mr. Bancroft. He is the organizer of an extensive series of books on -the antiquities and history of the Pacific coast. To accomplish an -examination of the aboriginal and civilized history of so large a -field[58] as thoroughly as he has unquestionably made it, within a -lifetime, was a bold undertaking, to be carried out in a centre of -material rather than of literary enterprise. The task involved the -gathering of a library of printed books, at a distance from the purely -intellectual activity of the country, and where no other collection of -moment existed to supplement it. It required the seeking and making -of manuscripts, from the labor of which one might well shrink. It was -fortunate that during the gathering of this collection some notable -collections—like those of Maximilian,[59] Ramirez, and Squier, not to -name others—were opportunely brought to the hammer, a chance by which -Mr. Bancroft naturally profited. - -Mr. Bancroft had been trained in the business habits of the book -trade, in which he had established himself in San Francisco as early -as 1856.[60] He was at this time twenty-four years old, having been -born of New England stock in Ohio in 1832, and having had already four -years residence—since 1852—in San Francisco as the agent of an eastern -bookseller. It was not till 1869 that he set seriously to work on his -history, and organized a staff of assistants.[61] They indexed his -library, which was now large (12,000 volumes) and was kept on an upper -floor of his business quarters, and they classified the references -in paper bags.[62] His first idea was to make an encyclopædia of -the antiquities and history of the Pacific Coast; and it is on the -whole unfortunate that he abandoned the scheme, for his methods were -admirably adapted to that end, but of questionable application to a -sustained plan of historical treatment. It is the encyclopedic quality -of his work, as the user eliminates what he wishes, which makes and -will continue to make the books that pass under his name of the first -importance to historical students. - -In 1875 the first five volumes of the series, denominated by -themselves _The Native Races of the Pacific States_, made their -appearance. It was clear that a new force had been brought to bear upon -historical research,—the force of organized labor from many hands; -and this implied competent administrative direction and ungrudged -expenditure of money. The work showed the faults of such a method, in -a want of uniform discrimination, and in that promiscuous avidity of -search, which marks rather an eagerness to amass than a judgment to -select, and give literary perspective. The book, however, was accepted -as extremely useful and promising to the future inquirer. Despite -a certain callowness of manner, the _Native Races_ was extremely -creditable, with comparatively little of the patronizing and flippant -air which its flattering reception has since begotten in its author or -his staff. An unfamiliarity with the amenities of literary life seems -unexpectedly to have been more apparent also in his later work. - -In April, 1876, Mr. Lewis H. Morgan printed in the _North American -Review_, under the title of “Montezuma’s Dinner,” a paper in which he -controverted the views expressed in the _Native Races_ regarding the -kind of aboriginal civilization belonging to the Mexican and Central -American table-lands. A writer of Mr. Morgan’s reputation commanded -respect in all but Mr. Bancroft, who has been unwise enough to charge -him with seeking “to gain notoriety by attacking” his (Mr. B.’s) views -or supposed views. He dares also to characterize so well-known an -authority as “a person going about from one reviewer to another begging -condemnation for my _Native Races_.” It was this ungracious tone which -produced a divided reception for his new venture. This, after an -interval of seven years, began to make its appearance in vol. vi. of -the “Works,” or vol. i. of the _History of Central America_, appearing -in the autumn of 1882. - -The changed tone of the new series, its rhetoric, ambitious in parts, -but mixed with passages which are often forceful and exact, suggestive -of an ill-assorted conjoint production; the interlarding of classic -allusions by some retained reviser who served this purpose for one -volume at least; a certain cheap reasoning and ranting philosophy, -which gives place at times to conceptions of grasp; flippancy -and egotism, which induce a patronizing air under the guise of a -constrained adulation of others; a want of knowledge on points where -the system of indexing employed by his staff had been deficient,—these -traits served to separate the criticism of students from the ordinary -laudation of such as were dazed by the magnitude of the scheme. - -Two reviews challenging his merits on these grounds[63] induced -Mr. Bancroft to reply in a tract[64] called _The Early American -Chroniclers_. The manner of this rejoinder is more offensive than -that of the volumes which it defends; and with bitter language he -charges the reviewers with being “men of Morgan,” working in concert to -prejudice his success. - -But the controversy of which record is here made is unworthy of the -principal party to it. His important work needs no such adventitious -support; and the occasion for it might have been avoided by ordinary -prudence. The extent of the library upon which the work[65] is based, -and the full citation of the authorities followed in his notes, and the -more general enumeration of them in his preliminary lists, make the -work pre-eminent for its bibliographical extent, however insufficient, -and at times careless, is the bibliographical record.[66] - -The library formed by the late Henry C. Murphy of Brooklyn to assist -him in his projected history of maritime discovery in America, of which -only the chapter on Verrazano[67] has been printed, was the creation -of diligent search for many years, part of which was spent in Holland -as minister of the United States. The earliest record of it is a -_Catalogue of an American library chronologically arranged_, which was -privately printed in a few copies, about 1850, and showed five hundred -and eighty-nine entries between the years 1480 and 1800.[68] - -[Illustration: JAMES CARSON BREVOORT.] - -There has been no catalogue printed of the library of Mr. James Carson -Brevoort, so well known as a historical student and bibliographer, to -whom Mr. Sabin dedicated the first volume of his _Dictionary_. Some of -the choicer portions of his collection are understood to have become a -part of the Astor Library, of which Mr. Brevoort was for a few years -the superintendent, as well as a trustee.[69] - -The useful and choice collection of Mr. Charles Deane, of Cambridge, -Mass., to which, as the reader will discover, the Editor has often had -recourse, has never been catalogued. Mr. Deane has made excellent use -of it, as his tracts and papers abundantly show.[70] - - * * * * * - -A distinct class of helpers in the field of American bibliography -has been those gatherers of libraries who are included under the -somewhat indefinite term of collectors,—owners of books, but who -make no considerable dependence upon them for studies which lead to -publication. From such, however, in some instances, bibliography has -notably gained,—as in the careful knowledge which Mr. James Lenox -sometimes dispensed to scholars either in privately printed issues or -in the pages of periodicals. - -[Illustration: CHARLES DEANE.] - -Harrisse in 1866 pointed to five Americana libraries in the United -States as surpassing all of their kind in Europe,—the Carter-Brown, -Barlow, Force, Murphy, and Lenox collections. Of the Barlow, Force (now -in the Library of Congress), and Murphy collections mention has already -been made. - -The Lenox Library is no longer private, having been given to a board -of trustees by Mr. Lenox previous to his death,[71] and handsomely -housed, by whom it is held for a restricted public use, when fully -catalogued and arranged. Its character, as containing only rare or -unusual books, will necessarily withdraw it from the use of all but -scholars engaged in recondite studies. It is very rich in other -directions than American history; but in this department the partial -access which Harrisse had to it while in Mr. Lenox’s house led him to -infer that it would hold the first rank. The wealth of its alcoves, -with their twenty-eight thousand volumes, is becoming known gradually -in a series of bibliographical monographs, printed as contributions -to its catalogue, of which six have thus far appeared, some of them -clearly and mainly the work of Mr. Lenox himself. - -Of these only three have illustrated American history in any -degree,—those devoted to the voyages of Hulsius and Thévenot, and to -the Jesuit Relations (Canada).[72] - -The only rival of the Lenox is the library of the late John Carter -Brown, of Providence, gathered largely under the supervision of -John Russell Bartlett; and since Mr. Brown’s death it has been more -particularly under the same oversight.[73] It differs from the Lenox -Library in that it is exclusively American, or nearly so,[74] and -still more in that we have access to a thorough catalogue of its -resources, made by Mr. Bartlett himself, and sumptuously printed.[75] -It was originally issued as _Bibliotheca Americana: A Catalogue of -books relating to North and South America in the Library of John -Carter Brown of Providence, with notes by John Russell Bartlett_, in -three volumes,—vol. i., 1493-1600, in 1865 (302 entries); vol. ii., -1601-1700, in 1866 (1,160 entries); vol. iii., 1701-1800, in two parts, -in 1870-1871 (4,173 entries). - -In 1875 vol. i. was reprinted with fuller titles, covering the -years 1482[76]-1601, with 600 entries, doubling the extent of that -portion.[77] Numerous facsimiles of titles and maps add much to its -value. A second and similarly extended edition of vol. ii. (1600-1700) -was printed in 1882, showing 1,642 entries. The _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, as it is ordinarily cited, is the most extensive printed -list of all Americana previous to 1800, more especially anterior to -1700, which now exists.[78] - -Of the other important American catalogues, the first place is to be -assigned to that of the collection formed at Hartford by Mr. George -Brinley, the sale of which since his death[79] has been undertaken -under the direction of Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull,[80] who has prepared -the catalogue, and who claims—not without warrant—that it embraces -“a greater number of volumes remarkable for their rarity, value, and -interest to special collectors and to book-lovers in general, than were -ever before brought together in an American sale-room.”[81] - -The library of William Menzies, of New York, was sold in 1875, -from a catalogue made by Joseph Sabin.[82] The library of Edward -A. Crowninshield, of Boston, was catalogued in Boston in 1859, but -withdrawn from public sale, and sold to Henry Stevens, who took a -portion of it to London. It was not large,—the catalogue shows less -than 1,200 titles,—and was not exclusively American; but it was rich in -some of the rarest of such books, particularly in regard to the English -Colonies.[83] - -The sale of John Allan’s collection in New York, in 1864, was a -noteworthy one. Americana, however, were but a portion of the -collection.[84] An English-American flavor of far less fineness, but -represented in a catalogue showing a very large collection of books and -pamphlets,[85] was sold in New York in May, 1870, as the property of -Mr. E. P. Boon. - -Mr. Thomas W. Field issued in 1873 _An Essay towards an Indian -Bibliography, being a Catalogue of books relating to the American -Indians_, in his own library, with a few others which he did -not possess, distinguished by an asterisk. Mr. Field added many -bibliographical and historical notes, and gave synopses, so that -the catalogue is generally useful to the student of Americana, as -he did not confine his survey to works dealing exclusively with the -aborigines. The library upon which this bibliography was based was -sold at public auction in New York, in two parts, in May, 1875 (3,324 -titles), according to a catalogue which is a distinct publication from -the _Essay_.[86] - -The collection of Mr. Almon W. Griswold was dispersed by printed -catalogues in 1876 and 1880, the former containing the American -portion, rich in many of the rarer books. - -Of the various private collections elsewhere than in the United -States, more or less rich in Americana, mention may be made of the -_Bibliotheca Mejicana_[87] of Augustin Fischer, London, 1869; of the -Spanish-American libraries of Gregorio Beéche, whose catalogue was -printed at Valparaiso in 1879; and that of Benjamin Vicuña Mackenna, -printed at the same place in 1861.[88] - -In Leipsic, the catalogue of Serge Sobolewski (1873)[89] was -particularly helpful in the bibliography of Ptolemy, and in the voyages -of De Bry and others. Some of the rarest of Americana were sold in -the Sunderland sale[90] in London in 1881-1883; and remarkably rich -collections were those of Pinart and Bourbourg,[91] sold in Paris in -1883, and that of Dr. J. Court,[92] the first part of which was sold in -Paris in May, 1884. The second part had little of interest. - - * * * * * - -Still another distinctive kind of bibliographies is found in the -catalogues of the better class of dealers; and among the best of such -is to be placed the various lists printed by Henry Stevens, a native of -Vermont, who has spent most of his manhood in London. In the dedication -to John Carter Brown of his _Schedule of Nuggets_ (1870), he gives -some account of his early bibliographical quests.[93] Two years after -graduating at Yale, he says, he had passed “at Cambridge, reading -passively with legal Story, and actively with historical Sparks, all -the while sifting and digesting the treasures of the Harvard Library. -For five years previously he had scouted through several States during -his vacations, prospecting in out-of-the-way places for historical -nuggets, mousing through town libraries and country garrets in search -of anything old that was historically new for Peter Force and his -American Archives.... From Vermont to Delaware many an antiquated -churn, sequestered hen-coop, and dilapidated flour-barrel had yielded -to him rich harvests of old papers, musty books, and golden pamphlets. -Finally, in 1845, an irrefragable desire impelled him to visit the -Old World, its libraries and book-stalls. Mr. Brown’s enlightened -liberality in those primitive years of his bibliographical pupilage -contributed largely towards the boiling of his kettle.... In acquiring -_con amore_ these American Historiadores Primitivos, he ... travelled -far and near. In this labor of love, this journey of life, his tracks -often become your tracks, his labors your works, his _libri_ your -_liberi_,” he adds, in addressing Mr. Brown. - -In 1848 Mr. Stevens proposed the publication, through the Smithsonian -Institution, of a general _Bibliographia Americana_, illustrating the -sources of early American history;[94] but the project failed, and -one or more attempts later made to begin the work also stopped short -of a beginning. While working as a literary agent of the Smithsonian -Institution and other libraries, in these years, and beginning that -systematic selection of American books, for the British Museum and -Bodleian, which has made these libraries so nearly, if not quite, the -equal of any collection of Americana in the United States, he also -made the transcriptions and indexes of the documents in the State -Paper Office which respectively concern the States of New Jersey, -Rhode Island, Maryland, and Virginia. These labors are now preserved -in the archives of those States.[95] Perhaps the earliest of his sale -catalogues was that of a pseudo “Count Mondidier,” embracing Americana, -which were sold in London in December, 1851.[96] His _English Library_ -in 1853 was without any distinctive American flavor; but in 1854 he -began, but suspended after two numbers, the _American Bibliographer_ -(100 copies).[97] In 1856 he prepared a _Catalogue of American Books -and Maps in the British Museum_ (20,000 titles), which, however, -was never regularly published, but copies bear date 1859, 1862, and -1866.[98] In 1858—though most copies are dated 1862[99]—appeared his -_Historical Nuggets; Bibliotheca Americana, or a descriptive Account -of my Collection of rare books relating to America_. The two little -volumes show about three thousand titles, and Harrisse says they -are printed “with remarkable accuracy.” There was begun in 1885, in -connection with his son Mr. Henry Newton Stevens, a continuation -of these _Nuggets_. In 1861 a sale catalogue of his _Bibliotheca -Americana_ (2,415 lots), issued by Puttick and Simpson, and in part -an abridgment of the _Nuggets_ with similarly careful collations, was -accepted by Maisonneuve as the model of his _Bibliothèque Américaine_ -later to be mentioned.[100] - -In 1869-1870 Mr. Stevens visited America, and printed at New Haven -his _Historical and Geographical Notes on the earliest discoveries in -America_, 1453-1530, with photo-lithographic facsimiles of some of -the earliest maps. It is a valuable essay, much referred to, in which -the author endeavored to indicate the entanglement of the Asiatic and -American coast lines in the early cartography.[101] - -In 1870 he sold at Boston a collection of five thousand volumes, -catalogued as _Bibliotheca Historica_[102] (2,545 entries), being -mostly Americana, from the library of the elder Henry Stevens of -Vermont. It has a characteristic introduction, with an array of -readable notes.[103] His catalogues have often such annotations, -inserted on a principle which he explains in the introduction to -this one: “In the course of many years of bibliographical study and -research, having picked up various isolated grains of knowledge -respecting the early history, geography, and bibliography of this -western hemisphere, the writer has thought it well to pigeon-hole the -facts in notes long and short.” - -In October, 1870, he printed at London a _Schedule of Two Thousand -American Historical Nuggets taken from the Stevens Diggings in -September, 1870, and set down in Chronological Order of Printing from -1490 to 1800 [1776], described and recommended as a Supplement to my -printed Bibliotheca Americana_. It included 1,350 titles. - -In 1872 he sold another collection, largely Americana, according -to a catalogue entitled _Bibliotheca Geographica & Historica; or, -a Catalogue of [3,109 lots], illustrative of historical geography -and geographical history. Collected, used, and described, with an -Introductory Essay on Catalogues, and how to make them upon the Stevens -system of photo-bibliography_. The title calls it a first part; but -no second part ever appeared. Ten copies were issued, with about four -hundred photographic copies of titles inserted. Some copies are found -without the essay.[104] - -The next year (1873) he issued a privately printed list of two thousand -titles of American “Continuations,” as they are called by librarians, -or serial publications in progress as taken at the British Museum, -quaintly terming the list _American books with tails to ’em_.[105] - -Finally, in 1881, he printed Part I. of _Stevens’s Historical -Collections_, a sale catalogue showing 1,625 titles of books, chiefly -Americana, and including his Franklin Collection of manuscripts, which -he later privately sold to the United States Government, an agent of -the Boston Public Library yielding to the nation.[106] - -One of the earliest to establish an antiquarian bookshop in the United -States was the late Samuel G. Drake, who opened one in Boston in -1830.[107] His special field was that of the North American Indians; -and the history and antiquities of the aborigines, together with the -history of the English Colonies, give a character to his numerous -catalogues.[108] Mr. Drake died in 1875, from a cold taken at a sale of -the library of Daniel Webster; and his final collections of books were -scattered in two sales in the following year.[109] - -William Gowans, of New York, was another of the early dealers in -Americana.[110] The catalogues of Bartlett and Welford have already -been mentioned. In 1854, while Garrigue and Christern were acting -as agents of Mr. Lenox, they printed _Livres Curieux_, a list of -desiderata sought for by Mr. Lenox, pertaining to such rarities as the -letters of Columbus, Cartier, parts of De Bry and Hulsius, and the -Jesuit Relations. This list was circulated widely through Europe, but -not twenty out of the 216 titles were ever offered.[111] - -About 1856, Charles B. Norton, of New York, began to issue American -catalogues; and in 1857 he established _Norton’s Literary Letter_, -intended to foster interest in the collection of Americana.[112] A -little later, Joel Munsell, of Albany, began to issue catalogues;[113] -and J. W. Randolph, of Richmond, Virginia, more particularly -illustrated the history of the southern parts of the United -States.[114] The most important Americana lists at present issued by -American dealers are those of Robert Clarke & Co., of Cincinnati, which -are admirable specimens of such lists.[115] - -In England, the catalogues of Henry Stevens and E. G. Allen have -been already mentioned. The leading English dealer at present in the -choicer books of Americana, as of all other subjects—and it is not too -much to say, the leading one of the world—is Mr. Bernard Quaritch, -a Prussian by birth, who was born in 1819, and after some service -in the book-trade in his native country came to London in 1842, and -entered the service of Henry G. Bohn, under whose instruction, and as -a fellow-employé of Lowndes the bibliographer, he laid the foundations -of a remarkable bibliographical acquaintance. A short service in -Paris brought him the friendship of Brunet. Again (1845) he returned -to Mr. Bohn’s shop; but in April, 1847, he began business in London -for himself. He issued his catalogues at once on a small scale; but -they took their well-known distinctive form in 1848, which they have -retained, except during the interval December, 1854,-May, 1864, when, -to secure favorable consideration in the post-office rates, the -serial was called _The Museum_. It has been his habit, at intervals, -to collect his occasional catalogues into volumes, and provide them -with an index. The first of these (7,000 entries) was issued in 1860. -Others have been issued in 1864, 1868, 1870, 1874, 1877 (this with -the preceding constituting one work, showing nearly 45,000 entries -or 200,000 volumes), and 1880 (describing 28,009 books).[116] In the -preface to this last catalogue he says: “The prices of useful and -learned books are in all cases moderate; the prices of palæographical -and bibliographical curiosities are no doubt in most cases high, that -indeed being a natural result of the great rivalry between English, -French, and American collectors.... A fine copy of any edition of a -book is, and ought to be, more than twice as costly as any other.”[117] -While the Quaritch catalogues have been general, they have included a -large share of the rarest Americana, whose titles have been illustrated -with bibliographical notes characterized by intimate acquaintance with -the secrets of the more curious lore. - -The catalogues of John Russell Smith (1849, 1853, 1865, 1867), and of -his successor Alfred Russell Smith (1871, 1874), are useful aids in -this department.[118] The _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americana_ of Trübner, -printed in 1870, offered about thirteen hundred items.[119] Occasional -reference can be usefully made to the lists of George Bumstead, Ellis -and White, John Camden Hotten, all of London, and to those of William -George of Bristol. The latest extensive Americana catalogue is _A -catalogue of rare and curious books, all of which relate more or less -to America_, on sale by F. S. Ellis, London, 1884. It shows three -hundred and forty-two titles, including many of the rarer books, which -are held at prices startling even to one accustomed to the rapid rise -in the cost of books of this description. Many of them were sold by -auction in 1885. - -In France, since Ternaux, the most important contribution has come from -the house of Maisonneuve et Cie., by whom the _Bibliotheca Americana_ -of Charles Leclerc has been successively issued to represent their -extraordinary stock. The first edition was printed in 1867 (1,647 -entries), the second in 1878[120] (2,638 entries, with an admirable -index), besides a first supplement in 1881 (nos. 2,639-3,029). -Mr. Quaritch characterizes it as edited “with admirable skill and -knowledge.” - -Less important but useful lists, issued in France, have been those of -Hector Bossange, Edwin Tross,[121] and the current _Americana_ series -of Dufossé, which was begun in 1876.[122] - -In Holland, most admirable work has been done by Frederik Muller, of -Amsterdam, and by Mr. Asher, Mr. Tiele, and Mr. Otto Harrassowitz under -his patronage, of which ample accounts are given in another place.[123] -Muller’s catalogues were begun in 1850, but did not reach distinctive -merit till 1872.[124] Martin Nijhoff, at the Hague, has also issued -some American catalogues. - -In 1858 Muller sold one of his collections of Americana to Brockhaus, -of Leipsic, and the _Bibliothèque Américaine_ issued by that publisher -in 1861, as representing this collection, was compiled by one of the -editors of the _Serapeum_, Paul Trömel, whom Harrisse characterizes as -an “expert bibliographer and trustworthy scholar.” The list shows 435 -entries by a chronological arrangement (1507-1700). Brockhaus again, in -1866, issued another American list, showing books since 1508, arranged -topically (nos. 7,261-8,611). Mr. Otto Harrassowitz, of Leipsic, a -pupil of Muller, of Amsterdam, has also entered the field as a purveyor -of choice Americana. T. O. Weigel, of Leipsic, issued a catalogue, -largely American, in 1877. - - * * * * * - -So well known are the general bibliographies of Watt, Lowndes, Brunet, -Graesse, and others, that it is not necessary to point out their -distinctive merits.[125] Students in this field are familiar with the -catalogues of the chief American libraries. The library of Harvard -College has not issued a catalogue since 1834, though it now prints -bulletins of its current accessions. An admirable catalogue of the -Boston Athenæum brings the record of that collection down to 1871. -The numerous catalogues of the Boston Public Library are of much use, -especially the distinct volume given to the Prince Collection. The -Massachusetts Historical Society’s library has a catalogue printed -in 1859-60. There has been no catalogue of the American Antiquarian -Society since 1837, and the New England Historic Genealogical Society -has never printed any; nor has the Congregational Library. The State -Library at Boston issued a catalogue in 1880. These libraries, with -the Carter-Brown Library at Providence, which is courteously opened to -students properly introduced, probably make Boston within easy distance -of a larger proportion of the books illustrating American history, than -can be reached with equal convenience from any other literary centre. -A book on the private libraries of Boston was compiled by Luther -Farnham in 1855; but many of the private collections then existing have -since been scattered.[126] General Horatio Rogers has made a similar -record of those in Providence. After the Carter-Brown Collection, the -most valuable of these private libraries in New England is probably -that of Mr. Charles Deane in Cambridge, of which mention has already -been made. The collection of the Rev. Henry M. Dexter, D.D., of New -Bedford, is probably unexampled in this country for the history of the -Congregational movement, which so largely affected the early history of -the English Colonies.[127] - -Two other centres in the United States are of the first importance in -this respect. In Washington, with the Library of Congress (of which -a general consolidated catalogue is now printing), embracing as it -does the collection formed by Col. Peter Force, and supplementing -the archives of the Government, an investigator of American history -is situated extremely favorably.[128] In New York the Astor and -Lenox libraries, with those of the New York Historical Society and -American Geographical Society, give the student great opportunities. -The catalogue of the Astor Library was printed in 1857-66, and that -of the Historical Society in 1859. No general catalogue of the Lenox -Library has yet been printed. An account of the private libraries of -New York was published by Dr. Wynne in 1860. The libraries of the -chief importance at the present time, in respect to American history, -are those of Mr. S. L. M. Barlow in New York, and of Mr. James Carson -Brevoort in Brooklyn. Mr. Charles H. Kalbfleisch of New York has a -small collection, but it embraces some of the rarest books. The New -York State Library at Albany is the chief of the libraries of its -class, and its principal characteristic pertains to American history. - -The other chief American cities are of much less importance as centres -for historical research. The Philadelphia Library and the collection of -the Historical Society of Pennsylvania are hardly of distinctive value, -except in regard to the history of that State. In Baltimore the library -of the Peabody Institute, of which the first volume of an excellent -catalogue has been printed, and that of the Maryland Historical Society -are scarcely sufficient for exhaustive research. The private library -of Mr. H. H. Bancroft constitutes the only important resource of the -Pacific States;[129] and the most important collection in Canada is -that represented by the catalogue of the Library of Parliament, which -was printed in 1858. - -This enumeration is intended only to indicate the chief places for -ease of general investigation in American history. Other localities are -rich in local helps, and accounts of such will be found elsewhere in -the present History.[130] - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - -_By the Editor._ - - -PART II. THE EARLY DESCRIPTIONS OF AMERICA AND COLLECTIVE ACCOUNTS OF -THE EARLY VOYAGES THERETO. - -OF the earliest collection of voyages of which we have any mention we -possess only a defective copy, which is in the Biblioteca Marciana, -and is called _Libretto de tutta la navigazione del Rè di Spagna delle -isole e terreni nuovamente scoperti stampato per Vercellese_. It was -published at Venice in 1504,[131] and is said to contain the first -three voyages of Columbus. This account, together with the narrative of -Cabral’s voyage printed at Rome and Milan, and an original—at present -unknown—of Vespucius’ third voyage, were embodied, with other matter, -in the _Paesi novamente retrovati et novo mondo da Alberico Vesputio -Florentino intitulato_, published at Vicentia in 1507,[132] and again -possibly at Vicentia in 1508,—though the evidence is wanting to support -the statement,—but certainly at Milan in that year (1508).[133] There -were later editions in 1512,[134] 1517,[135] 1519[136] (published at -Milan), and 1521.[137] There are also German,[138] Low German,[139] -Latin,[140] and French[141] translations. - -While this Zorzi-Montalboddo compilation was flourishing, an Italian -scholar, domiciled in Spain, was recording, largely at first hand, the -varied reports of the voyages which were then opening a new existence -to the world. This was Peter Martyr, of whom Harrisse[142] cites an -early and quaint sketch from Hernando Alonso de Herrera’s _Disputatio -adversus Aristotelez_ (1517).[143] The general historians have always -made due acknowledgment of his service to them.[144] - -Harrisse could find no evidence of Martyr’s First Decade having -been printed at Seville as early as 1500, as is sometimes stated; -but it has been held that a translation of it,—though no copy is now -known,—made by Angelo Trigviano into Italian was the _Libretto de tutta -la navigazione del Rè di Spagna_, already mentioned.[145] The earliest -unquestioned edition was that of 1511, which was printed at Seville -with the title _Legatio Babylonica_; it contained nine books and a part -of the tenth book of the First Decade.[146] In 1516 a new edition, -without map, was printed at Alcalá in Roman letter. The part of the -tenth book of the First Decade in the 1511 edition is here annexed to -the ninth, and a new tenth book is added, besides two other decades, -making three in all.[147] - -There exists what has been called a German version (_Die Schiffung -mitt dem lanndt der Gulden Insel_) of the First Decade, in which the -supposed author is called Johan von Angliara; and its date is 1520, -or thereabout; but Mr. Deane, who has the book, says that it is not -Martyr’s.[148] Some _Poemata_, which had originally been included -in the publication of the First Decade, were separately printed in -1520.[149] - -[Illustration: TITLE OF THE NEWE UNBEKANTHE LANDTE (REDUCED).] - -At Basle in 1521 appeared his _De nuper sub D. Carolo repertis -insulis_, the title of which is annexed in fac-simile. Harrisse[150] -has called it an extract from the Fourth Decade; and a similar -statement is made in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. no. 67). But -Stevens and other authorities define it as a substitute for the lost -First Letter of Cortes, touching the expedition of Grijalva and the -invasion of Mexico; and it supplements, rather than overlaps, Martyr’s -other narratives.[151] Mr. Deane contends that if the Fourth Decade had -then been written, this might well be considered an abridgment of it. - -The first complete edition (_De orbe novo_) of all the eight decades -was published in 1530 at Complutum; and with it is usually found the -map (“Tipus orbis universalis”) of Apianus, which originally appeared -in Camer’s _Solinus_ in 1520. In this new issue the map has its date -changed to 1530.[152] - -In 1532, at Paris, appeared an abridgment in French of the first three -decades, together with an abstract of Martyr’s _De insulis_ (Basle, -1521), followed by abridgments of the printed second and third letters -of Cortes,—the whole bearing the title, _Extraict ov Recveil des Isles -nouuellemēt trouuees en la grand mer Oceane en temps du roy Despaigne -Fernād & Elizabeth sa femme, faict premierement en latin par Pierre -Martyr de Millan, & depuis translate en languaige francoys_.[153] - -[Illustration: DE NVPER - -SVB D. CAROLO REPERtis Insulis, simulqæ incolarum moribus, R. Petri -Martyris, Enchiridion, Dominæ Margaritæ, Diui Max. Cæs. filiæ dicatum. - -BASILEAE, ANNO M. D. XXI.] - -In 1533, at Basle, in folio, we find the first three decades and the -tract of 1521 (_De insulis_) united in _De rebus oceanicis et orbe -novo_.[154] - -At Venice, in 1534, the _Summario de la generale historia de l’Indie -occidentali_ was a joint issue of Martyr and Oviedo, under the editing -of Ramusio.[155] An edition of Martyr, published at Paris in 1536, -sometimes mentioned,[156] does not apparently exist;[157] but an -edition of 1537 is noted by Sabin.[158] In 1555 Richard Eden’s _Decades -of the Newe Worlde, or West India_, appeared in black-letter at London. -It is made up in large part from Martyr,[159] and was the basis of -Richard Willes’ edition of Eden in 1577, which included the first four -decades, and an abridgment of the last four, with additions from Oviedo -and others,—all under the new name, _The History of Trauayle_.[160] - -There was an edition again at Cologne in 1574,—the one which Robertson -used.[161] Three decades and the _De insulis_ are also included in a -composite folio published at Basle in 1582, containing also Benzoni -and Levinus, all in German.[162] The entire eight decades, in Latin, -which had not been printed together since the Basle edition of 1530, -were published in Paris in 1587 under the editing of Richard Hakluyt, -with the title: _De orbe novo Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis, -protonotarij, et Caroli quinti senatoris Decades octo, diligenti -temporum obseruatione, et vtilissimis annotationibus illustratæ, suôque -nitori restitutæ, labore et industria Richardi Haklvyti Oxoniensis -Angli. Additus est in vsum lectoris accuratus totius operis index_. -Parisiis, apud Gvillelmvm Avvray, 1587. With its “F. G.” map, it is -exceedingly rare.[163] - -[Illustration: GRYNÆUS. - -Fac-simile of cut in Reusner’s _Icones_ (Strasburg, 1590), p. 107.] - -As illustrating in some sort his more labored work, the _Opus -epistolarum Petri Martyris_ was first printed at Complutum in -1530.[164] The letters were again published at Amsterdam, in 1670,[165] -in an edition which had the care of Ch. Patin, to which was appended -other letters by Fernando del Pulgar.[166] - -The most extensive of the early collections was the _Novus orbis_, -which was issued in separate editions at Basle and Paris in 1532. -Simon Grynæus, a learned professor at Basle, signed the preface; and -it usually passes under his name. Grynæus was born in Swabia, was -a friend of Luther, visited England in 1531, and died in Basle, in -1541. The compilation, however, is the work of a canon of Strasburg, -John Huttich (born about 1480; died, 1544), but the labor of revision -fell on Grynæus.[167] It has the first three voyages of Columbus, and -those of Pinzon and Vespucius; the rest of the book is taken up with -the travels of Marco Polo and his successors to the East.[168] It -next appeared in a German translation at Strasburg in 1534, which was -made by Michal Herr, _Die New Welt_. It has no map, gives more from -Martyr than the other edition, and substitutes a preface by Herr for -that of Grynæus.[169] The original Latin was reproduced at Basle again -in 1537, with 1536 in the colophon.[170] In 1555 another edition was -printed at Basle, enlarged upon the 1537 edition by the insertion of -the second and third of the Cortes letters and some accounts of efforts -in converting the Indians.[171] Those portions relating to America -exclusively were reprinted in the Latin at Rotterdam in 1616.[172] - -Sebastian Münster, who was born in 1489, was forty-three years old -when his map of the world—which is preserved in the Paris (1532) -edition of the _Novus orbis_—appeared. This is the first time that -Münster significantly comes before us as a describer of the geography -of the New World. Again in 1540 and 1542 he was associated with the -editions of Ptolemy issued at Basle in those years.[173] It is, -however, upon his _Cosmographia_, among his forty books, that Münster’s -fame chiefly rests. The earliest editions are extremely rare, and seem -not to be clearly defined by the bibliographers. It appears to have -been originally issued in German, probably in 1544 at Basle,[174] -under the mixed title: _Cosmographia. Beschreibūg aller lender Durch -Sebastianum Munsterum. Getruckt zü Basel durch Henrichum Petri, Anno -MDxliiij._[175] He says that he had been engaged upon it for eighteen -years, keeping Strabo before him as a model. To the section devoted to -Asia he adds a few pages “Von den neüwen inseln” (folios dcxxxv-dcxlij). - -[Illustration: MÜNSTER. - -Fac-simile of the cut in the _Ptolemy_ of 1552.] - -This account was scant; and though it was a little enlarged in the -second edition in 1545,[176] it remained of small extent through -subsequent editions, and was confined to ten pages in that of 1614. -The last of the German editions appeared in 1628.[177] The earliest -undoubted Latin text[178] appeared at Basle in 1550, with the same -series of new views, etc., by Manuel Deutsch, which were given in the -German edition of that date.[179] With nothing but a change of title -apparently, there were reissues of this edition in 1551, 1552, and -1554,[180] and again in 1559.[181] The edition of 1572 has the same -map, “Novæ insulæ,” used in the 1554 editions; but new names are added, -and new plates of Cusco and Cuba are also furnished.[182] - -[Illustration: MÜNSTER. - -Fac-simile of a cut in Reusner’s _Icones_ (Strasburg, 1590), p. 171.] - -The earliest French edition, according to Brunet,[183] appeared in -1552; and other editions followed in that language.[184] Eden gave the -fifth book an English dress in 1553, which was again issued in 1572 and -1574.[185] A Bohemian edition, made by Jan z Puchowa, _Kozmograffia -Czieská_, was issued in 1554.[186] The first Italian edition was -printed at Basle in 1558, using the engraved plates of the other -Basle issues; and finally, in 1575, an Italian edition, according to -Brunet,[187] appeared at Colonia. - -[Illustration: MONARDES.] - -The best-known collection of voyages of the sixteenth century is that -of Ramusio, whose third volume—compiled probably in 1553, and printed -in 1556—is given exclusively to American voyages.[188] It contains, -however, little regarding Columbus not given by Peter Martyr and -Oviedo, except the letter to Fracastoro.[189] In Ramusio the narratives -of these early voyages first got a careful and considerate editor, who -at this time was ripe in knowledge and experience, for he was well -beyond sixty,[190] and he had given his maturer years to historical -and geographical study. He had at one time maintained a school for -topographical studies in his own house. Oviedo tells us of the -assistance Ramusio was to him in his work. Locke has praised his labors -without stint.[191] - -Monardes, one of the distinguished Spanish physicians of this time, was -busy seeking for the simples and curatives of the New World plants, -as the adventurers to New Spain brought them back. The original issue -of his work was the _Dos Libros_, published at Seville in 1565, -treating “of all things brought from our West Indies which are used in -medicine, and of the Bezaar Stone, and the herb Escuerçonera.” This -book is become rare, and is priced as high as 200 francs and £9.[192] -The “segunda parte” is sometimes found separately with the date 1571; -but in 1574 a third part was printed with the other two,—making the -complete work, _Historia medicinal de nuestras Indias_,—and these were -again issued in 1580.[193] An Italian version, by Annibale Briganti, -appeared at Venice in 1575 and 1589,[194] and a French, with Du Jardin, -in 1602.[195] There were three English editions printed under the title -of _Joyfull Newes out of the newe founde world, wherein is declared the -rare and singular virtues of diverse and sundry Herbes, Trees, Oyles, -Plantes, and Stones, by Doctor Monardus of Sevill, Englished by John -Frampton_, which first appeared in 1577, and was reprinted in 1580, -with additions from Monardes’ other tracts, and again in 1596.[196] - -The Spanish historians of affairs in Mexico, Peru, and Florida are -grouped in the _Hispanicarum rerum scriptores_, published at Frankfort -in 1579-1581, in three volumes.[197] Of Richard Hakluyt and his several -collections,—the _Divers Voyages_ of 1582, the _Principall Navigations_ -of 1589, and his enlarged edition, of which the third volume (1600) -relates to America,—there is an account in Vol. III. of the present -work.[198] - -[Illustration: PORTRAIT OF DE BRY. - -This follows a print given in fac-simile in the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, i. 316.] - -The great undertaking of De Bry was also begun towards the close -of the same century. De Bry was an engraver at Frankfort, and his -professional labors had made him acquainted with works of travel. The -influence of Hakluyt and a visit to the English editor stimulated him -to undertake a task similar to that of the English compiler. - -[Illustration: FEYERABEND. - -Sigmund Feyerabend was a prominent bookseller of his day in Frankfort, -and was born about 1527 or 1528. He was an engraver himself, and was -associated with De Bry in the publications of his _Voyages_.] - -He resolved to include both the Old and New World; and he finally -produced his volumes simultaneously in Latin and German. As he gave -a larger size to the American parts than to the others, the commonly -used title, referring to this difference, was soon established as -_Grands et petits voyages_.[199] Theodore De Bry himself died in March, -1598; but the work was carried forward by his widow, by his sons John -Theodore and John Israel, and by his sons-in-law Matthew Merian and -William Fitzer. The task was not finished till 1634, when twenty-five -parts had been printed in the Latin, of which thirteen pertain to -America; but the German has one more part in the American series. -His first part—which was Hariot’s _Virginia_—was printed not only in -Latin and German, but also in the original English[200] and in French; -but there seeming to be no adequate demand in these languages, the -subsequent issues were confined to Latin and German. There was a gap in -the dates of publication between 1600 (when the ninth part is called -“postrema pars”) and 1619-1620, when the tenth and eleventh parts -appeared at Oppenheim, and a twelfth at Frankfort in 1624. A thirteenth -and fourteenth part appeared in German in 1628 and 1630; and these, -translated together into Latin, completed the Latin series in 1634. - -Without attempting any bibliographical description,[201] the succession -and editions of the American parts will be briefly enumerated:— - -=I.= _Hariot’s Virginia._ In Latin, English, German, and French, in -1590; four or more impressions of the Latin the same year. Other -editions of the German in 1600 and 1620. - -=II=. _Le Moyne’s Florida._ In Latin, 1591 and 1609; in German, 1591, -1603. - -=III.= _Von Staden’s Brazil._ In Latin, 1592, 1605, 1630; in German, -1593 (twice). - -=IV.= _Benzoni’s New World._ In Latin, 1594 (twice), 1644; in German, -1594, 1613. - -=V.= _Continuation of Benzoni._ In Latin, 1595 (twice); in German, two -editions without date, probably 1595 and 1613. - -=VI.= _Continuation of Benzoni (Peru)._ In Latin, 1596, 1597, 1617; in -German, 1597, 1619. - -=VII.= _Schmidel’s Brazil._ In Latin, 1599, 1625; in German, 1597, -1600, 1617. - -=VIII.= _Drake, Candish, and Ralegh._ In Latin, 1599 (twice), 1625; in -German, 1599, 1624. - -=IX.= _Acosta_, etc. In Latin, 1602, 1633; in German, probably 1601; -“additamentum,” 1602; and again entire after 1620. - -=X.= _Vespucius, Hamor, and John Smith._ In Latin, 1619 (twice); in -German, 1618. - -=XI.= _Schouten and Spilbergen._ In Latin, 1619,—appendix, 1620; in -German, 1619,—appendix, 1620. - -=XII.= _Herrera._ In Latin, 1624; in German, 1623. - -=XIII.= _Miscellaneous_,—_Cabot_, etc. In Latin, 1634; in German, the -first seven sections in 1627 (sometimes 1628); and sections 8-15 in -1630. - -_Elenchus: Historia Americæ sive Novus orbis_, 1634 (three issues). -This is a table of the Contents to the edition which Merian was selling -in 1634 under a collective title. - -The foregoing enumeration makes no recognition of the almost -innumerable varieties caused by combination, which sometimes pass for -new editions. Some of the editions of the same date are usually called -“counterfeits;” and there are doubts, even, if some of those here named -really deserve recognition as distinct editions.[202] - -While there is distinctive merit in De Bry’s collection, which caused -it to have a due effect in its day on the progress of geographical -knowledge,[203] it must be confessed that a certain meretricious -reputation has become attached to the work as the test of a collector’s -assiduity, and of his supply of money, quite disproportioned to -the relative use of the collection in these days to a student. -This artificial appreciation has no doubt been largely due to the -engravings, which form so attractive a feature in the series, and -which, while they in many cases are the honest rendering of genuine -sketches, are certainly in not a few the merest fancy of some -designer.[204] - -There are several publications of the De Brys sometimes found grouped -with the _Voyages_ as a part, though not properly so, of the series. -Such are Las Casas’ _Narratio regionum Indicarum_; the voyages of the -“Silberne Welt,” by Arthus von Dantzig, and of Olivier van Noort;[205] -the _Rerum et urbis Amstelodamensium historia_ of Pontanus, with its -Dutch voyages to the north; and the _Navigations aux Indes par les -Hollandois_.[206] - -Another of De Bry’s editors, Gasper Ens, published in 1680 his -_West-unnd-Ost Indischer Lustgart_, which is a summary of the sources -of American history.[207] - -There are various abridgments of De Bry. The earliest is Ziegler’s -_America_, Frankfort, 1614,[208] which is made up from the first nine -parts of the German _Grands Voyages_. The _Historia antipodum, oder -Newe Welt_ (1631), is the first twelve parts condensed by Johann Ludwig -Gottfried, otherwise known as Johann Phillippe Abelin, who was, in -Merian’s day, a co-laborer on the _Voyages_. He uses a large number of -the plates from the larger work.[209] The chief rival collection of De -Bry is that of Hulsius, which is described elsewhere.[210] - -Collections now became numerous. Conrad Löw’s _Meer oder Seehanen Buch_ -was published at Cologne in 1598.[211] The Dutch Collection of Voyages, -issued by Cornelius Claesz, appeared in uniform style between 1598 and -1603, but it never had a collective title. It gives the voyages of -Cavendish and Drake.[212] - -It was well into the next century (1613) when Purchas began his -publications, of which there is an account elsewhere.[213] Hieronymus -Megiser’s _Septentrio novantiquus_ was published at Leipsic in 1613. -In a single volume it gave the Zeni and later accounts of the North, -besides narratives pertaining to New France and Virginia.[214] The -_Journalen van de Reysen op Oostindie_ of Michael Colijn, published -at Amsterdam in 1619, is called by Muller[215] the first series of -voyages published in Dutch with a collective title. It includes, -notwithstanding the title, Cavendish, Drake, and Raleigh. Another Dutch -folio, Herckmans’ _Der Zeevaert lof_, etc. (Amsterdam, 1634), does not -include any American voyages.[216] The celebrated Dutch collection, -edited by Isaac Commelin, at Amsterdam, and known as the _Begin en -Voortgangh van de Oost-Indische Compagnie_, would seem originally to -have included, among its voyages to the East and North,[217] those of -Raleigh and Cavendish; but they were later omitted.[218] - -The collection of Thevenot was issued in 1663; but this has been -described elsewhere.[219] The collection usually cited as Dapper’s was -printed at Amsterdam, 1669-1729, in folio (thirteen volumes). It has no -collective title, but among the volumes are two touching America,—the -_Beschrijvinge_ of Montanus,[220] and Nienhof’s _Brasiliaansche Zee-en -Lantreize_.[221] A small collection, _Recueil de divers voyages faits -en Africa et en l’Amérique_,[222] was published in Paris by Billaine -in 1674. It includes Blome’s Jamaica, Laborde on the Caribs, etc. Some -of the later American voyages were also printed in the second edition -of a Swedish _Reesa-book_, printed at Wysingzborg in 1674, 1675.[223] -The Italian collection, _Il genio vagante_, was printed at Parma in -1691-1693, in four volumes. - -_An Account of Several Voyages_ (London, 1694) gives Narborough’s to -Magellan’s Straits, and Marten’s to Greenland. - -The important English _Collection of Voyages and Travels_ which passes -under the name of its publisher, Churchill, took its earliest form -in 1704, appearing in four volumes; but was afterwards increased by -two additional volumes in 1733, and by two more in 1744,—these last, -sometimes called the _Oxford Voyages_, being made up from material in -the library of the Earl of Oxford. It was reissued complete in 1752. It -has an introductory discourse by Caleb Locke; and this, and some other -of its contents, constitutes the _Histoire de la navigation_, Paris, -1722.[224] - -John Harris, an English divine, had compiled a _Collection of Voyages_ -in 1702 which was a rival of Churchill’s, differing from it in being -an historical summary of all voyages, instead of a collection of some. -Harris wrote the Introduction; but it is questionable how much else he -had to do with it.[225] It was revised and reissued in 1744-1748 by Dr. -John Campbell, and in this form it is often regarded as a supplement -to Churchill.[226] It was reprinted in two volumes, folio, with -continuations to date, in 1764.[227] - -The well-known Dutch collection (_Voyagien_) of Vander Aa was printed -at Leyden in 1706, 1707. It gives voyages to all parts of the world -made between 1246 and 1693. He borrows from Herrera, Acosta, Purchas, -De Bry, and all available sources, and illuminates the whole with -about five hundred maps and plates. In its original form it made -twenty-eight, sometimes thirty, volumes of small size, in black-letter, -and eight volumes in folio, both editions being issued at the same time -and from the same type. In this larger form the voyages are arranged -by nations; and it was the unsold copies of this edition which, with -a new general title, constitutes the edition of 1727. In the smaller -form the arrangement is chronological. In the folio edition the voyages -to Spanish America previous to 1540 constitute volumes three and four; -while the English voyages, to 1696, are in volumes five and six.[228] - -In 1707 Du Perier’s _Histoire universelle des voyages_ had not so -wide a scope as its title indicated, being confined to the early -Spanish voyages to America;[229] the proposed subsequent volumes -not having been printed. An English translation, under Du Perier’s -name, was issued in London in 1708;[230] but when reissued in 1711, -with a different title, it credited the authorship to the Abbé -Bellegarde.[231] In 1711, also, Captain John Stevens published in -London his _New Collection of Voyages_; but Lawson’s Carolina and -Cieza’s Peru were the only American sections.[232] In 1715 the French -collection known as Bernard’s _Recueil de voiages au Nord_, was begun -at Amsterdam. A pretty wide interpretation is given to the restricted -designation of the title, and voyages to California, Louisiana, the -Upper Mississippi (Hennepin), Virginia, and Georgia are included.[233] -Daniel Coxe, in 1741, united in one volume _A Collection of Voyages_, -three of which he had already printed separately, including Captain -James’s to the Northwest. A single volume of a collection called _The -American Traveller_ appeared in London in 1743.[234] - -The collection known as _Astley’s Voyages_ was published in London in -four volumes in 1745-1747; the editor was John Green, whose name is -sometimes attached to the work. It gives the travels of Marco Polo, -but has nothing of the early voyages to America,[235]—these being -intended for later volumes, were never printed. These four volumes were -translated, with some errors and omissions, into French, and constitute -the first nine volumes of the Abbé Prevost’s _Histoire générale des -voyages_, begun in Paris in 1746, and completed, in twenty quarto -volumes, in 1789.[236] An octavo edition was printed (1749-1770) in -seventy-five volumes.[237] It was again reprinted at the Hague in -twenty-five volumes quarto (1747-1780), with considerable revision, -following the original English, and with Green’s assistance; besides -showing some additions. The Dutch editor was P. de Hondt, who also -issued an edition in Dutch in twenty-one volumes quarto,—including, -however, only the first seventeen volumes of his French edition, thus -omitting those chiefly concerning America.[238] A small collection -of little moment, _A New Universal Collection of Voyages_, appeared -in London in 1755.[239] De Brosses’ Histoire des navigations aux -terres australes depuis 1501 (Paris, 1756), two volumes quarto, covers -Vespucius, Magellan, Drake, and Cavendish.[240] - -Several English collections appeared in the next few years; among which -are _The World Displayed_ (London, 1759-1761), twenty vols. 16mo,—of -which seven volumes are on American voyages, compiled from the larger -collections,[241]—and _A Curious Collection of Travels_ (London, 1761) -is in eight volumes, three of which are devoted to America.[242] - -The Abbé de la Porte’s _Voyageur François_, in forty-two volumes, -1765-1795 (there are other dates), may be mentioned to warn the -student of its historical warp with a fictitious woof.[243] John -Barrows’ _Collection of Voyages_ (London, 1765), in three small -volumes, was translated into French by Targe under the title of _Abrégé -chronologique_. John Callender’s _Voyages to the Terra australis_ -(London, 1766-1788), three volumes, translated for the first time a -number of the narratives in De Bry, Hulsius, and Thevenot. It gives -the voyages of Vespucius, Magellan, Drake, Galle, Cavendish, Hawkins, -and others.[244] Dodsley’s _Compendium of Voyages_ was published -in the same year (1766) in seven volumes.[245] The _New Collection -of Voyages_, generally referred to as Knox’s, from the publisher’s -name, appeared in seven volumes in 1767, the first three volumes -covering American explorations.[246] In 1770 Edward Cavendish Drake’s -_New Universal Collection of Voyages_ was published at London. The -narratives are concise, and of a very popular character.[247] David -Henry, a magazinist of the day, published in 1773-1774 _An Historical -Account of all the Voyages Round the World by English Navigators_, -beginning with Drake and Cavendish.[248] - -La Harpe issued in Paris, 1780-1801, in thirty-two volumes,—Comeyras -editing the last eleven,—his _Abrégé de l’histoire générale des -voyages_, which proved a more readable and popular book than Prévost’s -collection. There have been later editions and continuations.[249] - -Johann Reinhold Forster made a positive contribution to this field -of compilation when he printed his _Geschichte der Entdeckungen und -Schifffahrten im Norden_ at Frankfort in 1785.[250] He goes back to -the earliest explorations, and considers the credibility of the Zeno -narrative. He starts with Gomez for the Spanish section. A French -collection by Berenger, _Voyages faits autour du monde_ (Paris, -1788-1789), is very scant on Magellan, Drake, and Cavendish. A -collection was published in London (1789) by Richardson on the voyages -of the Portuguese and Spaniards during the fifteenth and sixteenth -centuries. Mavor’s _Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries_ (London, -1796-1802), twenty-five volumes, is a condensed treatment, which passed -to other editions in 1810 and 1813-1815. - -A standard compilation appeared in John Pinkerton’s _General Collection -of Voyages_ (London, 1808-1814), in seventeen volumes,[251] with over -two hundred maps and plates, repeating the essential English narratives -of earlier collections, and translating those from foreign languages -afresh, preserving largely the language of the explorers. Pinkerton, as -an editor, was learned, but somewhat pedantic and over-confident; and -a certain agglutinizing habit indicates a process of amassment rather -than of selection and assimilation. Volumes xii., xiii., and xiv. are -given to America; but the operations of the Spaniards on the main, and -particularly on the Pacific coast of North America, are rather scantily -chronicled.[252] - -In 1808 was begun, under the supervision of Malte-Brun and others, the -well-known _Annales des voyages_, which was continued to 1815, making -twenty-five volumes. A new series, _Nouvelles annales des voyages_, was -begun in 1819. The whole work is an important gathering of original -sources and learned comment, and is in considerable part devoted to -America. A French _Collection abrégée des voyages_, by Bancarel, -appeared in Paris in 1808-1809, in twelve volumes. - -_The Collection of the best Voyages and Travels_, compiled by Robert -Kerr, and published in Edinburgh in 1811-1824, in eighteen octavo -volumes, is a useful one, though the scheme was not wholly carried -out. It includes an historical essay on the progress of navigation -and discovery by W. Stevenson. It also includes among others the -Northmen and Zeni voyages, the travels of Marco Polo and Galvano, the -African discoveries of the Portuguese. The voyages of Columbus and his -successors begin in vol. iii.; and the narratives of these voyages are -continued through vol. vi., though those of Drake, Cavendish, Hawkins, -Davis, Magellan, and others come later in the series. - -The _Histoire générale des voyages_, undertaken by C. A. Walkenaer in -1826, was stopped in 1831, after twenty-one octavos had been printed, -without exhausting the African portion. - -The early Dutch voyages are commemorated in Bennet and Wijk’s -_Nederlandsche Ontdekkingen in America_, etc., which was issued at -Utrecht in 1827,[253] and in their _Nederlandsche Zeereizen_, printed -at Dordrecht in 1828-1830, in five volumes octavo. It contains -Linschoten, Hudson, etc. - -Albert Montémont’s _Bibliothèque universelle des voyages_ was published -in Paris, 1833-1836, in forty-six volumes. - -G. A. Wimmer’s _Die Enthüllung des Erdkreises_ (Vienna, 1834), five -volumes octavo, is a general summary, which gives in the last two -volumes the voyages to America and to the South Seas.[254] - -In 1837 Henri Ternaux-Compans began the publication of his _Voyages, -relations, et mémoires originaux pour servir à l’histoire de la -découverte de l’Amérique_, of which an account is given on another page -(see p. vi). - -The collection of F. C. Marmocchi, _Raccolta di viaggi dalla scoperta -del Nuevo Continente_, was published at Prato in 1840-1843, in five -volumes; it includes the Navarrete collection on Columbus, Xeres on -Pizarro, and other of the Spanish narratives.[255] The last volume of a -collection in twelve volumes published in Paris, _Nouvelle bibliothèque -des voyages_, is also given to America. - -The Hakluyt Society in London began its valuable series of publications -in 1847, and has admirably kept up its work to the present time, -having issued its volumes generally under satisfactory editing. Its -publications are not sold outside of its membership, except at second -hand.[256] - -Under the editing of José Ferrer de Couto and José March y Labores, -and with the royal patronage, a _Historia de la marina real Española_ -was published in Madrid, in two volumes, 1849 and 1854. It relates the -early voyages.[257] Édouard Charton’s _Voyageurs anciens et modernes_ -was published in four volumes in Paris, 1855-1857; and it passed -subsequently to a new edition.[258] - -A summarized account of the Portuguese and Spanish discoveries, from -Prince Henry to Pizarro, was published in German by Theodor Vogel, and -also in English in 1877. - -A _Nouvelle histoire des voyages_, by Richard Cortambert, is the -latest and most popular presentation of the subject, opening with the -explorations of Columbus and his successors; and Édouard Cat’s _Les -grandes découvertes maritimes du treizième au seizième siècle_ (Paris, -1882) is another popular book. - - - - -NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL - -HISTORY OF AMERICA - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE ANCIENTS CONSIDERED IN RELATION TO -THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. - -BY WILLIAM H. TILLINGHAST, - -_Assistant Librarian of Harvard University._ - - -AS Columbus, in August, 1498, ran into the mouth of the Orinoco, -he little thought that before him lay, silent but irrefutable, the -proof of the futility of his long-cherished hopes. His gratification -at the completeness of his success, in that God had permitted the -accomplishment of all his predictions, to the confusion of those who -had opposed and derided him, never left him; even in the fever which -overtook him on the last voyage his strong faith cried to him, “Why -dost thou falter in thy trust in God? He gave thee India!” In this -belief he died. The conviction that Hayti was Cipangu, that Cuba was -Cathay, did not long outlive its author; the discovery of the Pacific -soon made it clear that a new world and another sea lay between the -landfall of Columbus and the goal of his endeavors. - -The truth, when revealed and accepted, was a surprise more profound -to the learned than even the error it displaced. The possibility of -a short passage westward to Cathay was important to merchants and -adventurers, startling to courtiers and ecclesiastics, but to men of -classical learning it was only a corroboration of the teaching of the -ancients. That a barrier to such passage should be detected in the very -spot where the outskirts of Asia had been imagined, was unexpected -and unwelcome. The treasures of Mexico and Peru could not satisfy -the demand for the products of the East; Cortes gave himself, in his -later years, to the search for a strait which might yet make good the -anticipations of the earlier discoverers. The new interpretation, if -economically disappointing, had yet an interest of its own. Whence came -the human population of the unveiled continent? How had its existence -escaped the wisdom of Greece and Rome? Had it done so? Clearly, since -the whole human race had been renewed through Noah, the red men of -America must have descended from the patriarch; in some way, at some -time, the New World had been discovered and populated from the Old. -Had knowledge of this event lapsed from the minds of men before their -memories were committed to writing, or did reminiscences exist in -ancient literatures, overlooked, or misunderstood by modern ignorance? -Scholars were not wanting, nor has their line since wholly failed, who -freely devoted their ingenuity to the solution of these questions, but -with a success so diverse in its results, that the inquiry is still -pertinent, especially since the pursuit, even though on the main point -it end in reservation of judgment, enables us to understand from what -source and by what channels the inspiration came which held Columbus so -steadily to his westward course. - -Although the elder civilizations of Assyria and Egypt boasted a -cultivation of astronomy long anterior to the heroic age of Greece, -their cosmographical ideas appear to have been rude and undeveloped, -so that whatever the Greeks borrowed thence was of small importance -compared with what they themselves ascertained. While it may be doubted -if decisive testimony can be extorted from the earliest Grecian -literature, represented chiefly by the Homeric and Hesiodic poems, it -is probable that the people among whom that literature grew up had not -gone, in their conception of the universe, beyond simple acceptance -of the direct evidence of their senses. The earth they looked upon -as a plane, stretching away from the Ægean Sea, the focus of their -knowledge, and ever less distinctly known, until it ended in an horizon -of pure ignorance, girdled by the deep-flowing current of the river -Oceanus. Beyond Oceanus even fancy began to fail: there was the realm -of dust and darkness, the home of the powerless spirits of the dead; -there, too, the hemisphere of heaven joined its brother hemisphere of -Tartarus.[259] This conception of the earth was not confined to Homeric -times, but remained the common belief throughout the course of Grecian -history, underlying and outlasting many of the speculations of the -philosophers. - -That growing intellectual activity which was signalized by a notable -development of trade and colonization in the eighth century, in the -seventh awoke to consciousness in a series of attempts to formulate -the conditions of existence. The philosophy of nature thus originated, -wherein the testimony of nature in her own behalf was little sought -or understood, began with the assumption of a flat earth, variously -shaped, and as variously supported. To whom belongs the honor of first -propounding the theory of the spherical form of the earth cannot be -known. It was taught by the Italian Pythagoreans of the sixth century, -and was probably one of the doctrines of Pythagoras himself, as it was, -a little later, of Parmenides, the founder of the Eleatics.[260] - -In neither case can there be a claim for scientific discovery. The -earth was a sphere because the sphere was the most perfect form; it was -at the centre of the universe because that was the place of honor; it -was motionless because motion was less dignified than rest. - -Plato, who was familiar with the doctrines of the Pythagoreans, adopted -their view of the form of the earth, and did much to popularize it -among his countrymen.[261] To the generation that succeeded him, the -sphericity of the earth was a fact as capable of logical demonstration -as a geometrical theorem. Aristotle, in his treatise “On the Heaven,” -after detailing the views of those philosophers who regarded the -earth as flat, drum-shaped, or cylindrical, gives a formal summary -of the grounds which necessitate the assumption of its sphericity, -specifying the tendency of all things to seek the centre, the unvarying -circularity of the earth’s shadow at eclipses of the moon, and the -proportionate change in the altitude of stars resulting from changes -in the observer’s latitude. Aristotle made the doctrine orthodox; his -successors, Eratosthenes, Hipparchus, and Ptolemy, constituted it an -inalienable possession of the race. Greece transmitted it to Rome, Rome -impressed it upon barbaric Europe; taught by Pliny, Hyginus, Manilius, -expressed in the works of Cicero, Virgil, Ovid, it passed into the -school-books of the Middle Ages, whence, reinforced by Arabian lore, it -has come down to us.[262] - -That the belief ever became in antiquity or in the Middle Ages widely -spread among the people is improbable; it did not indeed escape -opposition among the educated; writers even of the Augustan age -sometimes appear in doubt.[263] - -The sphericity of the earth once comprehended, there follow certain -corollaries which the Greeks were not slow to perceive. Plato, indeed, -who likened the earth to a ball covered with party-colored strips -of leather, gives no estimate of its size, although the description -of the world in the _Phaedo_ seems to imply immense magnitude;[264] -but Aristotle states that mathematicians of his day estimated the -circumference at 400,000 stadia,[265] and Archimedes puts the common -reckoning at somewhat less than 300,000 stadia.[266] How these figures -were obtained we are not informed. The first measurement of the earth -which rests on a known method was that made about the middle of the -third century B.C., by Eratosthenes, the librarian at Alexandria, who, -by comparing the estimated linear distance between Syene, under the -tropic, and Alexandria with their angular distance, as deduced from -observations on the shadow of the gnomon at Alexandria, concluded that -the circumference of the earth was 250,000 or 252,000 stadia.[267] This -result, owing to an uncertainty as to the exact length of the stade -used in the computation, cannot be interpreted with confidence, but -if we assume that it was in truth about twelve per cent. too large, -we shall probably not be far out of the way.[268] Hipparchus, in many -matters the opponent of Eratosthenes, adopted his conclusion on this -point, and was followed by Strabo,[269] by Pliny, who regarded the -attempt as somewhat over-bold, but so cleverly argued that it could not -be disregarded,[270] and by many others. - -Fortunately, as it resulted, this overestimate was not allowed to stand -uncontested. Posidonius of Rhodes (B.C. 135-51), by an independent -calculation based upon the difference in altitude of Canopus at Rhodes -and at Alexandria, reached a result which is reported by Cleomedes -as 240,000, and by Strabo as 180,000 stadia.[271] The final judgment -of Posidonius apparently approved the smaller number; it hit, at all -events, the fancy of the time, and was adopted by Marinus of Tyre and -by Ptolemy,[272] whose authority imposed it upon the Middle Ages. -Accepting it as an independent estimate, it follows that Posidonius -allowed but 500 stadia to a degree, instead of 700, thus representing -the earth as about 28 per cent. smaller than did Eratosthenes.[273] - -To the earliest writers the known lands constituted the earth; they -were girdled, indeed, by the river Oceanus, but that was a narrow -stream whose further bank lay in fable-land.[274] The promulgation -of the theory of the sphericity of the earth and the approximate -determination of its size drew attention afresh to the problem of -the distribution of land and water upon its surface, and materially -modified the earlier conception. The increase of geographical knowledge -along lines of trade, conquest, and colonization had greatly extended -the bounds of the known world since Homer’s day, but it was still -evident that by far the larger portion of the earth, taking the -smallest estimate of its size, was still undiscovered,—a fair field for -speculation and fantasy.[275] - -We can trace two schools of thought in respect to the configuration -of this unknown region, both represented in the primitive conception -of the earth, and both conditioned by a more fundamental postulate. It -was a near thought, if the earth was a sphere, to transfer to it the -systems of circles which had already been applied to the heavens. The -suggestion is attributed to Thales, to Pythagoras, and to Parmenides; -and it is certain that the earth was very early conceived as divided -by the polar and solstitial circles into five zones, whereof two only, -the temperate in either sphere, so the Greeks believed, were capable -of supporting life; of the others, the polar were uninhabitable from -intense cold, as was the torrid from its parching heat. This theory, -which excluded from knowledge the whole southern hemisphere and a large -portion of the northern, was approved by Aristotle and the Homeric -school of geographers, and by the minor physicists. As knowledge grew, -its truth was doubted. Polybius wrote a monograph, maintaining that the -middle portion of the torrid zone had a temperate climate, and his view -was adopted by Posidonius and Geminus, if not by Eratosthenes. Marinus -and Ptolemy, who knew that commerce was carried on along the east coast -of Africa far below the equator, cannot have fallen into the ancient -error, but the error long persisted; it was always in favor with the -compilers, and thus perhaps obtained that currency in Rome which -enabled it to exert a restrictive and pernicious check upon maritime -endeavor deep into the Middle Ages.[276] - -Upon the question of the distribution of land and water, unanimity -no longer prevailed. By some it was maintained that there was one -ocean, confluent over the whole globe, so that the body of known -lands, that so-called continent, was in truth an island, and whatever -other inhabitable regions might exist were in like manner surrounded -and so separated by vast expanses of untraversed waves. Such was the -view, scarcely more than a survival of the ocean-river of the poets -deprived of its further bank by the assumption of the sphericity of -the earth, held by Aristotle,[277] Crates of Mallus, Strabo, Pliny, -and many others. If this be called the oceanic theory, we may speak of -its opposite as the continental: according to this view, the existing -land so far exceeded the water in extent that it formed in truth the -continent, holding the seas quite separate within its hollows. The -origin of the theory is obscure, even though we recall that Homer’s -ocean was itself contained. It was strikingly presented by Plato in the -_Phaedo_, and is implied in the Atlantis myth; it may be recalled, too, -that Herodotus, often depicted as a monster of credulity, had broken -the bondage of the ocean-river, because he could not satisfy himself of -the existence of the ocean in the east or north; and while reluctantly -admitting that Africa was surrounded by water, considered Gaul to -extend indefinitely westward.[278] Hipparchus revived the doctrine, -teaching that Africa divided the Indian Ocean from the Atlantic in the -south, so that these seas lay in separate basins. The existence of an -equatorial branch of the ocean, a favorite dogma of the other school, -was also denied by Polybius, Posidonius, and Geminus.[279] - -The reports of traders and explorers led Marinus to a like conclusion; -both he and Ptolemy, misinterpreting their information, believed -that the eastern coast of Asia ran south instead of north, and they -united it with the eastern trend of Africa, supposing at the same time -that the two continents met also in the west.[280] The continental -theory, despite its famous disciples, made no headway at Rome, and was -consequently hardly known to the Middle Ages before its falsity was -proved by the circumnavigation of Africa.[281] - -That portion of Europe, Asia, and Africa known to the ancients, whether -regarded as an island, or as separated from the rest of the world by -climatic conditions merely, or by ignorance, formed a distinct concept -and was known by a particular name, _ἡ οἰκουμένη_. Originally supposed -to be circular, it was later thought to be oblong and as having a -length more than double its width. Those who believed in its insularity -likened its shape to a sling, or to an outspread chlamys or military -cloak, and assumed that it lay wholly within the northern hemisphere. -In absolute figures, the length of the known world was placed by -Eratosthenes at 77,800 stadia, and by Strabo at 70,000. The latter -figure remained the common estimate until Marinus of Tyre, in the -second century a.d., receiving direct information from the silk-traders -of a caravan route to China, substituted the portentous exaggeration of -90,000 stadia on the parallel of Rhodes, or 225°. Ptolemy, who followed -Marinus in many things, shrank from the naïveté whereby the Tyrian had -interpreted a seven months’ caravan journey to represent seven months’ -travelling in a direct line at the rate of twenty miles a day, and cut -down his figures to 180°, or 72,000 stadia.[282] It appears, therefore, -that Strabo considered the known world as occupying not much over one -third of the circuit of the temperate zone, while Marinus, who adopted -180,000 stadia as the measure of the earth, claimed a knowledge of -two thirds of that zone, and supposed that land extended indefinitely -eastward beyond the limit of knowledge. - -What did the ancients picture to themselves of this unknown portion of -the globe? The more imaginative found there a home for ancient myth and -modern fable; the geographers, severely practical, excluded it from the -scope of their survey; philosophers and physicists could easily supply -from theory what they did not know as fact. Pythagoras, it is said, had -taught that the whole surface of the earth was inhabited. Aristotle -demonstrated that the southern hemisphere must have its temperate zone, -where winds similar to our own prevailed; his successors elaborated the -hint into a systematized nomenclature, whereby the inhabitants of the -earth were divided into four classes, according to their location upon -the surface of the earth with relation to one another.[283] - -This system was furthest developed by the oceanic school. The rival of -Eratosthenes, Crates of Mallus (who achieved fame by the construction -of a large globe), assumed the existence of a southern continent, -separated from the known world by the equatorial ocean; it is possible -that he introduced the idea of providing a distinct residence for -each class of earth-dwellers, by postulating four island continents, -one in each quarter of the globe. Eratosthenes probably thought that -there were inhabitable regions in the southern hemisphere, and Strabo -added that there might be two, or even more, habitable earths in the -northern temperate zone, especially near the parallel of Rhodes.[284] -Crates introduced his views at Rome, and the oceanic theory remained -a favorite with the Roman physicists. It was avowed by Pliny, who -championed the existence of antipodes against the vulgar disbelief. -In the fine episode in the last book of Cicero’s _Republic_, the -younger Scipio relates a dream, wherein the elder hero of his name, -Scipio Africanus, conveying him to the lofty heights of the Milky Way, -emphasized the futility of fame by showing him upon the earth the -regions to which his name could never penetrate: “Thou seest in what -few places the earth is inhabited, and those how scant; great deserts -lie between them, and they who dwell upon the earth are not only so -scattered that naught can spread from one community to another, but so -that some live off in an oblique direction from you, some off toward -the side, and some even dwell directly opposite to you.”[285] Mela -confines himself to a mention of the _Antichthones_, who live in the -temperate zone in the south, and are cut off from us by the intervening -torrid zone.[286] - -[Illustration: MACROBIUS - -From _Macrobii Ambrosii Aurelii Theodosii in Somnium Scipionis, Lib. -II._ (Lugduni, 1560).] - -Indeed, the southern continent, the other world, as it was -called,[287] made a more distinct impression than the possible other -continents in the northern hemisphere. Hipparchus thought that -Trapobene might be a part of this southern world, and the idea that -the Nile had its source there was widespread: some supposing that it -flowed beneath the equatorial ocean; others believing, with Ptolemy, -that Africa was connected with the southern continent. The latter -doctrine was shattered by the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope; but -the continent was revived when Tierra del Fuego, Australia, and New -Zealand were discovered, and attained gigantic size on the maps of the -sixteenth and seventeenth centuries only within the last two centuries -has it shrunk to the present limits of the antarctic ice. - -[Illustration: MACROBIUS - -From _Avr. Theodosii Macrobii Opera_ (Lipsiæ, 1774).] - -The oceanic theory, and the doctrine of the Four Worlds, as it has been -termed,[288]_ terra quadrifiga_, was set forth in the greatest detail -in a commentary on the Dream of Scipio, written by Macrobius, probably -in the fifth century a.d. In the concussion and repulsion of the ocean -streams he found a sufficient cause for the phenomena of the tides.[289] - -Such were the theories of the men of science, purely speculative, -originating in logic, not discovery, and they give no hint of actual -knowledge regarding those distant regions with which they deal. -From them we turn to examine the literature of the imagination, for -geography, by right the handmaid of history, is easily perverted to the -service of myth. - -[Illustration: MACROBIUS - -After Santarem’s _Atlas_, as a “mappemonde tirée d’un manuscrit de -Macrobe du Xème siècle.”] - -The expanding horizon of the Greeks was always hedged with fable: in -the north was the realm of the happy Hyperboreans, beyond the blasts -of Boreas; in the east, the wonderland of India; in the south, Panchæa -and the blameless Ethiopians; nor did the west lack lingering places -for romance. Here was the floating isle of Æolus, brazen-walled; here -the mysterious Ogygia, navel of the sea;[290] and on the earth’s -extremest verge were the Elysian Fields, the home of heroes exempt from -death, “where life is easiest to man. No snow is there, nor yet great -storm nor any rain, but always ocean sendeth forth the breeze of the -shrill west to blow cool on men.”[291] Across the ocean river, where -was the setting of the sun, all was changed. There was the home of the -Cimmerians, who dwelt in darkness; there the grove of Persephone and -the dreary house of the dead.[292] - -In the Hesiodic poems the Elysian Fields are transformed into islands, -the home of the fourth race, the heroes, after death:— - - “Them on earth’s utmost verge the god assign’d - A life, a seat, distinct from human kind: - Beside the deepening whirlpools of the main, - In those blest isles where Saturn holds his reign, - Apart from heaven’s immortals calm they share - A rest unsullied by the clouds of care: - And yearly thrice with sweet luxuriance crown’d - Springs the ripe harvest from the teeming ground.”[293] - -“Those who have had the courage to remain stedfast thrice in each life, -and to keep their souls altogether from wrong,” sang Pindar, “pursue -the road of Zeus to the castle of Cronos, where o’er the isles of -the blest ocean breezes blow, and flowers gleam with gold, some from -the land on glistering trees, while others the water feeds; and with -bracelets of these they entwine their hands and make crowns for their -heads.”[294] - -The Islands of the Blest, _μακάρων νῆσοι_, do not vanish henceforward -from the world’s literature, but continue to haunt the Atlantic through -the Roman period and deep into the Middle Ages. In the west, too, were -localized other and wilder myths; here were the scenes of the Perseus -fable, the island of the weird and communistic sisters, the Graeae, -and the Gorgonides, the homes of Medusa and her sister Gorgons, the -birthplace of the dread Chimaera.[295] The importance of the far west -in the myths connected with Hercules is well known. In the traditionary -twelve labors the Greek hero is confused with his prototype the Tyrian -Melkarth, and those labors which deal with the west were doubtless -borrowed from the cult which the Greeks had found established at Gades -when trade first led them thither. In the tenth labor it is the western -isle Erytheia, which Hercules visits in the golden cup wherein Helios -was wont to make his nocturnal ocean voyage, and from which he returns -with the oxen of the giant Geryon. Even more famous was the search for -the apples of the Hesperides, which constituted the eleventh labor. -This golden fruit, the wedding gift produced by Gaa for Hera, the -prudent goddess, doubtful of the security of Olympus, gave in charge -to the Hesperian maids, whose island garden lay at earth’s furthest -bounds, near where the mysterious Atlas, their father or their uncle, -wise in the secrets of the sea, watched over the pillars which propped -the sky, or himself bore the burden of the heavenly vault. The poets -delighted to depict these isles with their shrill-singing nymphs, in -the same glowing words which they applied to the Isles of the Blessed. -“Oh that I, like a bird, might fly from care over the Adriatic waves!” -cries the chorus in the Crowned Hippolytus, - -“Or to the famed Hesperian plains, Whose rich trees bloom with gold, To -join the grief-attuned strains My winged progress hold: Beyond whose -shores no passage gave The ruler of the purple wave; - - “But Atlas stands, his stately height - The awfull boundary of the skies: - There fountains of Ambrosia rise, - Wat’ring the seat of Jove: her stores - Luxuriant there the rich soil pours - All, which the sense of gods delights.”[296] - -When these names first became attached to some of the Atlantic islands -is uncertain. Diodorus Siculus does not apply either term to the island -discovered by the Carthaginians, and described by him in phrases -applicable to both. The two islands described by sailors to Sertorius -about 80 B.C. were depicted in colors which reminded Plutarch of the -Isles of the Blessed, and it is certain that toward the close of the -republic the name _Insulae Fortunatae_ was given to certain of the -Atlantic islands, including the Canaries. In the time of Juba, king of -Numidia, we seem to distinguish at least three groups, the _Insulae -Fortunatae_, the _Purpurariae_, and the _Hesperides_, but beyond -the fact that the first name still designated some of the Canaries -identification is uncertain; some have thought that different groups -among the Canaries were known by separate names, while others hold that -one or both of the Madeira and Cape de Verde groups were known.[297] -The Canaries were soon lost out of knowledge again, but the Happy -or Fortunate Islands continued to be an enticing mirage throughout -the Middle Ages, and play a part in many legends, as in that of St. -Brandan, and in many poems.[298] - -Beside these ancient, widespread, popular myths, embodying the -universal longing for a happier life, we find a group of stories of -more recent date, of known authorship and well-marked literary origin, -which treat of western islands and a western continent. The group -comprises, it is hardly necessary to say, the tale of Atlantis, related -by Plato; the fable of the land of the Meropes, by Theopompus; and the -description of the Saturnian continent attributed to Plutarch. - -The story of Atlantis, by its own interest and the skill of its -author, has made by far the deepest impression. Plato, having given -in the _Republic_ a picture of the ideal political organization, the -state, sketched in the _Timaeus_ the history of creation, and the -origin and development of mankind; in the _Critias_ he apparently -intended to exhibit the action of two types of political bodies -involved in a life-and-death contest. The latter dialogue was -unfinished, but its purport had been sketched in the opening of the -_Timaeus_. Critias there relates “a strange tale, but certainly true, -as Solon declared,” which had come down in his family from his ancestor -Dropidas, a near relative of Solon. When Solon was in Egypt he fell -into talk with an aged priest of Saïs, who said to him: “Solon, Solon, -you Greeks are all children,—there is not an old man in Greece. You -have no old traditions, and know of but one deluge, whereas there have -been many destructions of mankind, both by flood and fire; Egypt alone -has escaped them, and in Egypt alone is ancient history recorded; -you are ignorant of your own past.” For long before Deucalion, nine -thousand years ago, there was an Athens founded, like Saïs, by Athena; -a city rich in power and wisdom, famed for mighty deeds, the greatest -of which was this. At that time there lay opposite the columns of -Hercules, in the Atlantic, which was then navigable, an island larger -than Libya and Asia together, from which sailors could pass to other -islands, and so to the continent. The sea in front of the straits is -indeed but a small harbor; that which lay beyond the island, however, -is worthy of the name, and the land which surrounds that greater sea -may be truly called the continent. In this island of Atlantis had grown -up a mighty power, whose kings were descended from Poseidon, and had -extended their sway over many islands and over a portion of the great -continent; even Libya up to the gates of Egypt, and Europe as far as -Tyrrhenia, submitted to their sway. Ever harder they pressed upon the -other nations of the known world, seeking the subjugation of the whole. -“Then, O Solon, did the strength of your republic become clear to all -men, by reason of her courage and force. Foremost in the arts of war, -she met the invader at the head of Greece; abandoned by her allies, -she triumphed alone over the western foe, delivering from the yoke all -the nations within the columns. But afterwards came a day and night of -great floods and earthquakes; the earth engulfed all the Athenians who -were capable of bearing arms, and Atlantis disappeared, swallowed by -the waves: hence it is that this sea is no longer navigable, from the -vast mud-shoals formed by the vanished island.” This tale so impressed -Solon that he meditated an epic on the subject, but on his return, -stress of public business prevented his design. In the _Critias_ the -empire and chief city of Atlantis is described with wealth of detail, -and the descent of the royal family from Atlas, son of Poseidon, and -a nymph of the island, is set forth. In the midst of a council upon -Olympus, where Zeus, in true epic style, was revealing to the gods his -designs concerning the approaching war, the dialogue breaks off. - -[Illustration: TRACES OF ATLANTIS. - -Section of a map given in _Briefe über Amerika aus dem Italienischen -des Hn. Grafen Carlo Carli übersetzt, Dritter Theil_ (Gera, 1785), -where it is called an “Auszug aus denen Karten welche der Pariser -Akademie der Wissenschaften (1737, 1752) von dem Herrn von Buache -übergeben worden sind.”] - -[Illustration: ATLANTIS INSULA - -The annexed cut is an extract from Sanson’s map of America, showing -views respecting the new world as constituting the Island of Atlantis. -It is called: _Atlantis insula à Nicolao Sanson, antiquitati restituta; -nunc demum majori forma delineata, et in decem regna juxta decem -Neptuni filios distributa. Præterea insulæ, nostræq. continentis -regiones quibus imperavere Atlantici reges; aut quas armis tentavere, -ex conatibus geographicis Gulielmi Sanson, Nicolai filii_ (Amstelodami -apud Petrum Mortier). Uricoechea in the _Mapoteca Colombiana_ puts this -map under 1600, and speaks of a second edition in 1688, which must be -an error. Nicholas Sanson was born in 1600, his son William died in -1703. Beside the undated Amsterdam print quoted above, Harvard College -Library possesses a copy in which the words _Novus orbis potius Altera -continent sive_ are prefixed to the title, while the date MDCLXVIIII -is inserted after _filii_. This copy was published by Le S. Robert at -Paris in 1741.] - -[Illustration: CARTE CONJECTURALE DE L’ATLANTIDE. - -From a map in Bory de St. Vincent’s _Essais sur les isles Fortunées_, -Paris [1803]. A map in Anastasius Kircher’s _Mundus Subterraneus_ -(Amsterdam, 1678), i. 82, shows Atlantis as a large island midway -between the pillars of Hercules and America.] - -[Illustration: CONTOUR CHART OF THE BOTTOM OF THE ATLANTIC. - -Sketched from the colored map of the United States Hydrographic -office, as given in Alexander Agassiz’s _Three Cruises of the Blake_ -(Cambridge, 1888), vol. i. The outline of the continents is shown by an -unbroken line. The 500 fathom shore line is a broken one (—— —— —— ——). -The 2,000 fathom shore line is made by a dash and dot (——.——.——.——). -The large areas in mid-ocean enclosed by this line, have this or lesser -depths. Of the small areas marked by this line, the depth of 2,000 -fathoms or less is within these areas in all cases except as respects -the small areas on the latitude of Newfoundland, where the larger areas -of 2,000 fathoms’ depth border on the small areas of greater depth. -Depths varying from 1,500 to 1,000 fathoms are shown by horizontal -lines; from 1,000 to 500 by perpendicular lines; and the crossed lines -show the shallowest spots in mid-ocean of 500 fathoms or less. The -areas of greatest depth (over 3,500 fathoms) are marked with crosses.] - -Such is the tale of Atlantis. Read in Plato, the nature and meaning of -the narrative seem clear, but the commentators, ancient and modern, -have made wild work. The voyage of Odysseus has grown marvellously in -extent since he abandoned the sea; Io has found the pens of the learned -more potent goads than Hera’s gadfly; but the travels of Atlantis have -been even more extraordinary. No region has been so remote, no land -so opposed by location, extent, or history to the words of Plato, but -that some acute investigator has found in it the origin of the lost -island. It has been identified with Africa, with Spitzbergen, with -Palestine. The learned Latreille convinced himself that Persia best -fulfilled the conditions of the problem; the more than learned Rudbeck -ardently supported the claims of Sweden through three folios. In such -a search America could not be overlooked. Gomara, Guillaume de Postel, -Wytfliet, are among those who have believed that this continent was -Atlantis; Sanson in 1669, and Vaugondy in 1762, ventured to issue a -map, upon which the division of that island among the sons of Neptune -was applied to America, and the outskirts of the lost continent were -extended even to New Zealand. Such work, of course, needs no serious -consideration. Plato is our authority, and Plato declares that Atlantis -lay not far west from Spain, and that it disappeared some 8,000 years -before his day. An inquiry into the truth or meaning of the record as -it stands is quite justifiable, and has been several times undertaken, -with divergent results. Some, notably Paul Gaffarel[299] and Ignatius -Donnelly,[300] are convinced that Plato merely adapted to his purposes -a story which Solon had actually brought from Egypt, and which was in -all essentials true. Corroboration of the existence of such an island -in the Atlantic is found, according to these writers, in the physical -conformation of the Atlantic basin, and in marked resemblances between -the flora, fauna, civilization, and language of the old and new worlds, -which demand for their explanation the prehistoric existence of just -such a bridge as Atlantis would have supplied. The Atlantic islands are -the loftiest peaks and plateaus of the submerged island. In the widely -spread deluge myths Mr. Donnelly finds strong confirmation of the final -cataclysm; he places in Atlantis that primitive culture which M. Bailly -sought in the highlands of Asia, and President Warren refers to the -north pole. Space fails for a proper examination of the matter, but -these ingenious arguments remain somewhat top-heavy when all is said. -The argument from ethnological resemblances is of all arguments the -weakest in the hands of advocates. It is of value only when wielded by -men of judicial temperament, who can weigh difference against likeness, -and allow for the narrow range of nature’s moulds. The existence of -the ocean plateaus revealed by the soundings of the “Dolphin” and the -“Challenger” proves nothing as to their having been once raised above -the waves; the most of the Atlantic islands are sharply cut off from -them. Even granting the prehistoric migration of plants and animals -between America and Europe, as we grant it between America and Asia, it -does not follow that it took place across the mid-ocean, and it would -still be a long step from the botanic “bridge” and elevated “ridge” to -the island empire of Plato. In short, the conservative view advocated -by Longinus, that the story was designed by Plato as a literary -ornament and a philosophic illustration, is no less probable to-day -than when it was suggested in the schools of Alexandria. Atlantis is -a literary myth, belonging with _Utopia_, the _New Atlantis_, and the -_Orbis alter et idem_ of Bishop Hall. - - * * * * * - -Of the same type is a narrative which has come down indirectly, among -the flotsam and jetsam of classic literature: it is a fragment from a -lost work by Theopompus of Chios, a historian of the fourth century -B.C., found in the _Varia Historia_ of Aelian, a compiler of the third -century A.D.[301] The story is told by the satyr Silenus to Midas, -king of Phrygia, and is, as few commentators have refrained from -remarking, worthy the ears of its auditor.[302] “Selenus tolde Midas of -certaine Islands, named Europa, Asia, and Libia, which the Ocean Sea -circumscribeth and compasseth round about. And that without this worlde -there is a continent or percell of dry lande, which in greatnesse (as -hee reported) was infinite and unmeasurable, that it nourished and -maintained, by the benifite of the greene medowes and pasture plots, -sundrye bigge and mighty beastes; that the men which inhabite the same -climats, exceede the stature of us twise, and yet the length of there -life is not equale to ours.” Many other wonders he related of the two -cities, Machimus, the warlike, and Euseues, the city of peace, and how -the inhabitants of the former once made an attack upon Europe, and came -first upon the Hyperboreans; but learning that they were esteemed the -most holy of the dwellers in that island, they “had them in contempte, -detesting and abhorring them as naughty people, of preposterous -properties, and damnable behauiour, and for that cause interrupted -their progresse, supposing it an enterprise of little worthinesse or -rather none at al, to trauaile into such a countrey.” The concluding -passage relating to the strange country inhabited by the Meropes, from -whose name later writers have called the continent Meropian, bears only -indirectly upon the subject, as characterizing the whole narrative.[303] - -Without admitting the harsh judgment of Aelian, who brands Theopompus -as a “coyner of lyes and a forger of fond fables,” it is clear that -we are dealing here with literature, not with history, and that the -identification of the land of the Meropes, or, as Strabo calls it, -Meropis, with Atlantis or with America is arbitrary and valueless.[304] - -The same remark applies to the account of the great Saturnian continent -that closes the curious and interesting dialogue “On the Face appearing -in the Orb of the Moon,” attributed to Plutarch, and printed with his -_Morals_: - -“‘An isle, Ogygia, lies in Ocean’s arms,’” says the narrator, “about -five days’ sail west from Britain; and before it are three others, of -equal distance from one another, and also from that, bearing northwest, -where the sun sets in summer. In one of these the barbarians feign -that Saturn is detained in prison by Zeus.” The adjacent sea is termed -the Saturnian, and the continent by which the great sea is circularly -environed is distant from Ogygia about five thousand stadia, but from -the other islands not so far. A bay of this continent, in the latitude -of the Caspian Sea, is inhabited by Greeks. These, who had been -visited by Heracles, and revived by his followers, esteemed themselves -inhabitants of the firm land, calling all others islanders, as dwelling -in land encompassed by the sea. Every thirty years these people send -forth certain of their number, who minister to the imprisoned Saturn -for thirty years. One of the men thus sent forth, at the end of his -service, paid a visit to the great island, as they called Europe. From -him the narrator learned many things about the state of men after -death, which he unfolds at length, the conclusion being that the souls -of men ultimately arrive at the moon, wherein lie the Elysian Fields of -Homer. “And you, O Lamprias,” he adds, “may take my relation in such -part as you please.” After which hint there is, I think, but little -doubt as to the way in which it should be taken by us.[305] - -That Plato, Theopompus, and Plutarch, covering a range of nearly five -centuries, should each have made use of the conception of a continent -beyond the Atlantic, is noteworthy; but it is more naturally accounted -for by supposing that all three had in mind the continental hypothesis -of land distribution, than by assuming for them an acquaintance with -the great western island, America. From this point of view, the result -of our search into the geographical knowledge and mythical tales of the -ancients is purely negative. We find, indeed, well-developed theories -of physical geography, one of which accords remarkably well with the -truth; but we also find that these theories rest solely on logical -deductions from the mathematical doctrine of the sphere, and on an -aesthetic satisfaction with symmetry and analogy. This conclusion could -be invalidated were it shown that exploration had already revealed -the secrets of the west, and we must now consider this branch of the -subject. - -The history of maritime discovery begins among the Phœnicians. The -civilization of Egypt, as self-centred as that of China, accepted -only the commerce that was brought to its gates; but the men of Sidon -and Tyre, with their keen devotion to material interests, their -almost modern ingenuity, had early appropriated the carrying trade -of the east and the west. As they looked adventurously seaward from -their narrow domain, the dim outline of Cyprus beckoned them down a -long lane of island stations to the rich shores of Spain. Even their -religion betrayed their bent: El and Cronos, their oldest deities, -were wanderers, and vanished in the west; on their traces Melkarth led -a motley swarm of colonists to the Atlantic. These legends, filtering -through Cyprus, Crete, or Rhodes, or borne by rash adventurers from -distant Gades, appeared anew in Grecian mythology, the deeds of -Melkarth mingling with the labors of Hercules. We do not know when the -Phœnicians first reached the Atlantic, nor what were the limits of -their ocean voyages. Gades, the present Cadiz, just outside the Straits -of Gibraltar, was founded a few years before 1100 B.C., but not, it is -probable, without previous knowledge of the commercial importance of -the location. There were numerous other settlements along the adjacent -coast, and the gold, silver, and tin of these distant regions grew -familiar in the markets of Egypt, Mesopotamia, and India. The trade -with Tartessus, the El Dorado of antiquity, gave the Phœnician merchant -vessels a name among the Jews, as well in the tenth century, when -Solomon shared the adventures of Hiram, as in the sixth, when Ezekiel -depicted the glories of Tyrian commerce. The Phœnician seamanship was -wide-famed; their vessels were unmatched in speed,[306] and their -furniture and discipline excited the outspoken admiration of Xenophon. -Beside the large Tarshish ships, they possessed light merchant vessels -and ships of war, provided with both sails and oars, and these, -somewhat akin to steamships in their independence of wind, were well -adapted for exploration. Thus urged and thus provided, it is improbable -that the Phœnicians shunned the great ocean. The evidence is still -strong in favor of their direct trade with Britain for tin, despite -what has been urged as to tin mines in Spain and the prehistoric -existence of the trade by land across Gaul.[307] - - * * * * * - -Whether the Tyrians discovered any of the Atlantic islands is unknown; -the adventures and discoveries attributed to Hercules, who in this -aspect is but Melkarth in Grecian raiment, points toward an early -knowledge of western islands, but these myths alone are not conclusive -proof. Diodorus Siculus attributes to the Phœnicians the discovery, by -accident, of a large island, with navigable rivers and a delightful -climate, many days’ sail westward from Africa. In the compilation _De -Mirabilibus Auscultationibus_, printed with the works of Aristotle, -the discovery is attributed to Carthaginians. Both versions descend -from one original, now lost, and it is impossible to give a date to the -event, or to identify the locality.[308] Those who find America in the -island of Diodorus make improbabilities supply the lack of evidence. -Stories seldom lose in the telling, and while it is not impossible that -a Phœnician ship might have reached America, and even made her way -back, it is not likely that the voyage would have been tamely described -as of many _days’_ duration. - -When Carthage succeeded Tyre as mistress of the Mediterranean commerce, -interest in the West revived. In the middle of the fifth century B.C., -two expeditions of importance were dispatched into these waters. A -large fleet under Hanno sailed to colonize, or re-colonize, the western -coast of Africa, and succeeded in reaching the latitude of Sierra -Leone. Himilko, voyaging in the opposite direction, spent several -months in exploring the ocean and tracing the western shores of Europe. -He appears to have run into the Sargasso Sea, but beyond this little is -known of his adventures.[309] - -Ultimately the Carthaginians discovered and colonized the Canary -Islands, and perhaps the Madeira and Cape Verde groups; the evidence -of ethnology, the presence of Semitic inscriptions, and the occurrence -in the descriptions of Pliny, Mela, and Ptolemy of some of the modern -names of the separate islands, establishes this beyond a doubt for -the Canaries.[310] There is no evidence that the Phœnicians or -Carthaginians penetrated much beyond the coast islands, or that they -reached any part of America, or even the Azores. - -The achievements of the Greeks and Romans were still more limited. A -certain Colaeus visited Gades towards the middle of the seventh century -B.C., and was, according to Herodotus, the first Greek who passed -outside of the columns of Hercules. His example could not have been -widely followed, for we find Pindar and his successors referring to the -Pillars as the limit of navigation. In 600 B.C., Massilia was founded, -and soon became a rival of Carthage in the western Mediterranean. In -the fourth century we have evidence of an attempt to search out the -secrets of the ocean after the manner of Hanno and Himilko. In that -century, Pytheas made his famous voyage to the lands of tin and amber, -discovering the still mysterious Thule; while at the same time his -countryman Euthymenes sailed southward to the Senegal. With these -exceptions we hear of no Grecian or Roman explorations in the Atlantic, -and meet with no indication that they were aware of any other lands -beyond the sea than the Fortunate Isles or the Hesperides of the early -poets.[311] - -About 80 B.C., Sertorius, being for a time driven from Spain by the -forces of Sulla, fell in, when on an expedition to Baetica, with -certain sailors who had just returned from the “Atlantic islands,” -which they described as two in number, distant 10,000 stadia from -Africa, and enjoying a wonderful climate. The account in Plutarch is -quite consistent with a previous knowledge of the islands, even on -the part of Sertorius. Be this as it may, the glowing praises of the -eye-witnesses so impressed him that only the unwillingness of his -followers prevented his taking refuge there. Within the next few years, -the Canaries, at least, became well known as the _Fortunatae Insulae_; -but when Horace, in the dark days of civil war, urged his countrymen -to seek a new home across the waves, it was apparently the islands -of Sertorius that he had in mind, regarding them as unknown to other -peoples.[312] - -As we trace the increasing volume and extent of commerce from the days -of Tyre and Carthage and Alexandria to its fullest development under -the empire, and remember that as the drafts of luxury-loving Rome upon -the products of the east, even of China and farther India, increased, -the true knowledge of the form of the earth, and the underestimate -of the breadth of the western ocean, became more widely known, the -question inevitably suggests itself, Why did not the enterprise which -had long since utilized the monsoons of the Indian Ocean for direct -passage to and from India essay the passage of the Atlantic? The -inquiry gains force as we recall that the possibility of such a route -to India had been long ago asserted. Aristotle suggested, if he did not -express it; Eratosthenes stated plainly that were it not for the extent -of the Atlantic it would be possible to sail from Spain to India along -the same parallel;[313] and Strabo could object nothing but the chance -of there being another island-continent or two in the way,—an objection -unknown to Columbus. Seneca, the philosopher, iterating insistence upon -the smallness of the earth and the pettiness of its affairs compared -with the higher interests of the soul, exclaims: “The earth, which you -so anxiously divide by fire and sword into kingdoms, is a point, a -mere point, in the universe.... How far is it from the utmost shores -of Spain to those of India? But very few days’ sail with a favoring -wind.”[314] - -Holding these views of the possibility of the voyage, it is improbable -that the size of their ships and the lack of the compass could have -long prevented the ancients from putting them in practice had their -interest so demanded.[315] Their interest in the matter was, however, -purely speculative, since, under the unity and power of the Roman -empire, which succeeded to and absorbed the commercial supremacy of the -Phœnicians, international competition in trade did not exist, nor were -the routes of trade subject to effective hostile interruption. The two -causes, therefore, which worked powerfully to induce the voyages of Da -Gama and Columbus, after the rise of individual states had given scope -to national jealousy and pride, and after the fall of Constantinople -had placed the last natural gateway of the eastern trade in the hands -of Arab infidels, were non-existent under the older civilization. It -is certain, too, that the ancients had a vivid horror of the western -ocean. In the Odyssey, the western Mediterranean even is full of peril. -With knowledge of the ocean, the Greeks received tales of “Gorgons -and Chimeras dire,” and the very poets who sing the beauties of the -Elysian or Hesperian isles dwell on the danger of the surrounding sea. -Beyond Gades, declared Pindar, no man, however brave, could pass; -only a god might voyage those waters. The same idea recurs in the -reports of travellers and the writings of men of science, but here it -is the storms, or more often the lack of wind, the viscid water or -vast shoals, that check and appall the mariner. Aristotle thought that -beyond the columns the sea was shallow and becalmed. Plato utilized -the common idea of the mudbanks and shoal water of the Atlantic in -accounting for the disappearance of Atlantis. Scylax reported the ocean -not navigable beyond Cerne in the south, and Pytheas heard that beyond -Thule sea and air became confounded. Even Tacitus believed that there -was a peculiar resistance in the waters of the northern ocean.[316] - -Whether the Greeks owed this dread to the Phœnicians, and whether -the latter shared the feeling, or simulated and encouraged it for the -purpose of concealing their profitable adventures beyond the Straits, -is doubtful. In two cases, at least, it is possible to trace statements -of this nature to Punic sources, and antiquity agreed in giving the -Phœnicians credit for discouraging rivalry by every art.[317] - -To an age averse to investigation for its own sake, ignorant of -scientific curiosity, and unimpelled by economic pressure, tales like -these might seem decisive against an attempt to sail westward to India. -Rome could thoroughly appreciate the imaginative mingling of science -and legend which vivified the famous prophecy of the poet Seneca: - - Venient annis saecula seris - Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum - Laxet, et ingens patebit tellus - Tethysque novos deteget orbes - Nec sit terris ultima Thule.[318] - -But even were it overlooked that the prophecy suited better the -revelation of an unknown continent, such as the theory of Crates and -Cicero placed between Europe and Asia, than the discovery of the -eastern coast of India, mariners and merchants might be pardoned if -they set the deterrent opinions collected by the elder Seneca above the -livelier fancies of his son.[319] - -The scanty records of navigation and discovery in the western waters -confirm the conclusions drawn from the visions of the poets and the -theories of the philosophers. No evidence from the classic writers -justifies the assumption that the ancients communicated with America. -If they guessed at the possibility of such a continent, it was only as -we to-day imagine an antarctic continent or an open polar sea. Evidence -from ethnological comparisons is of course admissible, but those who -are best fitted to handle such evidence best know its dangers; hitherto -its use has brought little but discredit to the cause in which it was -invoked. - - * * * * * - -The geographical doctrines which antiquity bequeathed to the -Middle Ages were briefly these: that the earth was a sphere with a -circumference of 252,000 or 180,000 stadia; that only the temperate -zones were inhabitable, and the northern alone known to be inhabited; -that of the southern, owing to the impassable heats of the torrid zone, -it could not be discovered whether it were inhabited, or whether, -indeed, land existed there; and that of the northern, it was unknown -whether the intervention of another continent, or only the shoals and -unknown horrors of the ocean, prevented a westward passage from Europe -to Asia. The legatee preserved, but did not improve his inheritance. -It has been supposed that the early Middle Ages, under the influence -of barbarism and Christianity, ignored the sphericity of the earth, -deliberately returning to the assumption of a plane surface, either -wheel-shaped or rectangular. That knowledge dwindled after the fall -of the empire, that the early church included the learning as well -as the religion of the pagans in its ban, is undeniable; but on this -point truth prevailed. It was preserved by many school-books, in many -popular compilations from classic authors, and was accepted by many -ecclesiastics. St. Augustine did not deny the sphericity of the earth. -It was assumed by Isidor of Seville, and taught by Bede.[320] The -schoolmen buttressed the doctrine by the authority of Aristotle and the -living science which the Arabs built upon the Almagest. Gerbert, Albert -the Great, Roger Bacon, Dante, were as familiar with the idea of the -earth-globe as were Hipparchus and Ptolemy. The knowledge of it came to -Columbus not as an inspiration or an invention, but by long, unbroken -descent from its unknown Grecian, or pre-Grecian, discoverer. - -[Illustration: THE RECTANGULAR EARTH. - -Sketched in the _Bollettino della Società geografica italiana_ (Roma, -1882), p. 540, from the original in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana -in Florence. The representation of this sketch of the earth by Cosmas -Indicopleustes more commonly met with is from the engraving in the -edition of Cosmas in Montfaucon’s _Collectio nova patrum_, Paris, 1706. -The article by Marinelli which contains the sketch given here has also -appeared separately in a German translation (_Die Erdkunde bei den -Kirchenvätern_, Leipzig, 1884). The continental land beyond the ocean -should be noticed.] - -As to the distribution of land and water, the oceanic theory of -Crates, as expounded by Macrobius, prevailed in the west, although the -existence of antipodes fell a victim to the union, in the ecclesiastic -mind, of the heathen theory of an impassable torrid zone with the -Christian teaching of the descent of all men from Adam.[321] The -discoveries made by the ancients in the ocean, of the Canaries and -other islands known to them, were speedily forgotten, while their -geographic myths were superseded by a ranker growth. The Saturnian -continent, Meropis, Atlantis, the Fortunate Isles, the Hesperides, were -relegated to the dusty realm of classical learning; but the Atlantic -was not barren of their like. Mediæval maps swarmed with fabulous -islands, and wild stories of adventurous voyages divided the attention -with tales of love and war. Antillia was the largest, and perhaps the -most famous, of these islands; it was situated in longitude 330° east, -and near the latitude of Lisbon, so that Toscanelli regarded it as much -facilitating the plan of Columbus. Well known, too, was Braçir, or -Brazil, having its proper position west and north of Ireland, but often -met with elsewhere; both this island and Antillia afterward gave names -to portions of the new continent.[322] - -Antillia, otherwise called the Island of Seven Cities, was discovered -and settled by an archbishop and six bishops of Spain, who fled into -the ocean after the victory of the Moors, in 714, over Roderick; it is -even reported to have been rediscovered in 1447.[323] Mayda, Danmar, -Man Satanaxio, Isla Verde, and others of these islands, of which but -little is known beside the names, appear for the first time upon the -maps of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, but their origin is -quite unknown. It might be thought that they were derived from confused -traditions of their classical predecessors, with which they have been -identified, but modern folk-lore has shown that such fancies spring -up spontaneously in every community. To dream of a distant spot where -joy is untroubled and rest unbroken by grief or toil is a natural and -inalienable bent of the human mind. Those happy islands which abound in -the romances of the heathen Celts, Mag Mell, Field of Delight, Flath -Inis, Isle of the Heroes, the Avallon of the Arthur cycle, were but a -more exuberant forth-putting of the same soil that produced the Elysian -Fields of Homer or the terrestrial paradise of the Hebrews. The later -growth is not born of the seed of the earlier, though somewhat affected -by alien grafts, as in the case of the famous island of St. Brandan, -where there is a curious commingling of Celtic, Greek, and Christian -traditions. It is dangerous, indeed, to speak of earlier or later in -reference to such myths; one group was written before the others, but -it is quite possible that the earthly paradise of the Celt is as old as -those of the Mediterranean peoples. The idea of a phantom or vanishing -island, too, is very old,—as old, doubtless, as the fact of fog-banks -and mirage,—and it is well exemplified in those mysterious visions -which enticed the sailors of Bristol to many a fruitless quest before -the discovery of America, and for centuries tantalized the inhabitants -of the Canaries with hope of discovery. The Atlantic islands were -not all isles of the blessed; there were many Isles of Demons, such -as Ramusio places north of Newfoundland, a name of evil report which -afterward attached itself with more reason to Sable Island and even to -the Bermudas: - -“Kept, as suppos’d by Hel’s infernal dogs; Our fleet found there most -honest courteous hogs.”[324] - -Not until the revival of classical learning did the continental system -of Ptolemy reach the west; the way, however, had been prepared for it. -The measurement of a degree, executed under the Calif Mamun, seemed -to the Europeans to confirm the smallest estimate of the size of the -earth, which Ptolemy also had adopted,[325] while the travels of Marco -Polo, revealing the great island of Japan, exaggerated the popular idea -of the extent of the known world, until the 225° of Marinus seemed -more probable than the 180° of Ptolemy. If, however, time brought this -shrinkage in the breadth of the Atlantic, the temptation to navigators -was opposed by the belief in the dangers of the ocean, which shared -the persistent life of the dogma of the impassable torrid zone, and -was strongly reinforced by Arab lore. Their geographers never tire -of dilating on the calms and storms, mudbanks and fogs, and unknown -dangers of the “Sea of Darkness.” Nevertheless, as the turmoil of -mediæval life made gentler spirits sigh for peace in distant homes, -while the wild energy of others found the very dangers of the sea -delightful, there was opened a double source of adventures, both real -and imaginary. Those pillars cut with inscriptions forbidding further -advance westward, which we owe to Moorish fancy, confounding Hercules -and Atlas and Alexander, were transformed into a knightly hero pointing -oceanwards, or became guide-posts to the earthly paradise. - -If there be a legendary flavor in the flight of the seven bishops, we -must set down the wanderings of the Magrurin[326] among the African -islands, the futile but bold attempts of the Visconti to circumnavigate -Africa, as real, though without the least footing in a list of -claimants for the discovery of America. The voyages of St. Brandan -and St. Malo, again, are distinctly fabulous, and but other forms of -the ancient myth of the soul-voyages; and the same may be said of the -strange tale of Maelduin.[327] But what of those other Irish voyages -to Irland-it-mikla and Huitramannaland, of the voyage of Madoc, of the -explorations of the Zeni? While these tales merit close investigation, -it is certain that whatever liftings of the veil there may have -been—that there were any is extremely doubtful—were unheralded at the -time and soon forgotten.[328] - -It was reserved for the demands of commerce to reveal the secrets of -the west. But when the veil was finally removed it was easy for men to -see that it had never been quite opaque. The learned turned naturally -to their new-found classics, and were not slow to find the passages -which seemed prophetic of America. Seneca, Virgil, Horace, Aristotle, -and Theopompus, were soon pressed into the service, and the story of -Atlantis obtained at once a new importance. I have tried to show in -this chapter that these patrons of a revived learning put upon these -statements an interpretation which they will not bear. - -The summing up of the whole matter cannot be better given than in -the words applied by a careful Grecian historian to another question -in ancient geography: “In some future time perhaps our pains may -lead us to a knowledge of those countries. But all that has hitherto -been written or reported of them must be considered as mere fable -and invention, and not the fruit of any real search, or genuine -information.”[329] - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE views of the ancient Mediterranean peoples upon geography are -preserved almost solely in the ancient classics. The poems attributed -to Homer and Hesiod, the so-called Orphic hymns, the odes of Pindar, -even the dramatic works of Æschylus and his successors, are sources for -the earlier time. The writings of the earlier philosophers are lost, -and their ideas are to be found in later writers, and in compilations -like the Biographies of Diogenes Laertius (3d cent. A.D.), the _De -placitis philosophorum_ attributed to Plutarch, and the like. Among -the works of Plato the _Phaedo_ and _Timaeus_ and the last book of the -_Republic_ bear on the form and arrangement of the earth; the Timaeus -and _Critias_ contain the fable of Atlantis. The first scientific -treatises preserved are the _De Caelo_ and _Meteorologica_ of -Aristotle.[330] It is needless to speak in detail of the geographical -writers, accounts of whom will be found in any history of Greek and -Roman literature. The minor pieces, such as the _Periplus_ of Hanno, -of Scylax of Caryanda, of Dionysius Periegetes, the Geography of -Agatharcides, and others, have been several times collected;[331] and -so have the minor historians, which may be consulted for Theopompus, -Hecataeus, and the mythologists.[332] The geographical works of -Pytheas (B.C. 350?), of Eratosthenes (B.C. 276-126), of Polybius (B.C. -204-122), of Hipparchus (flor. circ. B.C. 125), of Posidonius (1st -cent. B.C.), are preserved only in quotations made by later writers; -they have, however, been collected and edited in convenient form.[333] -The most important source of our knowledge of Greek geography and -Greek geographers is of course the great _Geography_ of Strabo, which -a happy fortune preserved to us. The long introduction upon the nature -of geography and the size of the earth and the dimensions of the known -world is of especial interest, both for his own views and for those he -criticises.[334] Strabo lived about B.C. 60 to A.D. 24. - -The works of Marinus of Tyre having perished, the next important -geographical work in Greek is the world-renowned _Geography_ of -Ptolemaeus, who wrote in the second half of the second century A.D. -Despite the peculiar merits and history of this work, it is not so -important for our purpose as the work of Strabo, though it exercised -infinitely more influence on the Middle Ages and on early modern -geography.[335] - -The astronomical writers are also of importance. Eudoxus of Cnidus, -said to have first adduced the change in the altitude of stars -accompanying a change of latitude as proof of the sphericity of -the earth, wrote works now known only in the poems of Aratus, who -flourished in the latter half of the third century B.C.[336] Geminus -(circ. B.C. 50),[337] and Cleomedes,[338] whose work is famous for -having preserved the method by which Eratosthenes measured the -circumference of the earth, were authors of brief popular compilations -of astronomical science. Of vast importance in the history of -learning was the astronomical work of Ptolemy, _ἡ μεγάλη σύνταξις τῆς -ἀστρονομίας_, which was so honored by the Arabs that it is best known -to us as the _Almagest_, from _Tabric al Magisthri_, the title of -the Arabic translation which was made in 827. It has been edited and -translated by Halma (Paris, 1813, 1816). - -Much is to be learned from the _Scholia_ attached in early times to the -works of Hesiod, Homer, Pindar, the _Argonautica_ of Apollonius Rhodius -(B.C. 276-193?), and to the works of Aristotle, Plato, etc. In some -cases these are printed with the works commented upon; in other cases, -the _Scholia_ have been printed separately. The commentary of Proclus -(A.D. 412-485) upon the _Timaeus_ of Plato is of great importance in -the Atlantis myth.[339] - -Much interest attaches to the dialogue entitled _On the face appearing -in the orb of the moon_, which appears among the _Moralia_ of Plutarch. -Really a contribution to the question of life after death, this work -also throws light upon geographical and astronomical knowledge of its -time. - -Among the Romans we find much the same succession of sources. The -poets, Virgil, Horace, Ovid, Tibullus, Lucretius, Lucan, Seneca, touch -on geographical or astronomical points and reflect the opinion of their -day.[340] - -The first six books of the great encyclopaedia compiled by Pliny -the elder (A.D. 23-79)[341] contain an account of the universe and -the earth, which is of the greatest value, and was long exploited by -compilers of later times, among the earliest and best of whom was -Solinus.[342] Equally famous with Solinus was the author of a work of -more independent character, Pomponius Mela, who lived in the first -century A.D. His geography, commonly known as _De situ orbis_ from -the mediæval title, though the proper name is _De chorographia_, is -a work of importance and merit. In the Middle Ages it had wonderful -popularity.[343] Cicero, who contemplated writing a history of -geography, touches upon the arrangement of the earth’s surface several -times in his works, as in the _Tusculan Disputations_, and notably in -the sixth book of the _Republic_, in the episode known as the “Dream -of Scipio.” The importance of this piece is enhanced by the commentary -upon it written by Macrobius in the fifth century A.D.[344] A peculiar -interest attaches to the poems of Avienus, of the fourth century A.D., -in that they give much information about the character attributed to -the Atlantic Ocean.[345] The astronomical poems of Manilius[346] and -Hyginus were favorites in early Middle Ages. The astrological character -of the work of Manilius made it popular, but it conveyed also the -true doctrine of the form of the earth. The curious work of Marcianus -Capella gave a résumé of science in the first half of the fifth century -A.D., and had a like popularity as a school-book and house-book which -also helped maintain the truth.[347] - -Such in the main are the ancient writers upon which we must chiefly -rely in considering the present question. In the interpretation of -these sources much has been done by the leading modern writers on -the condition of science in ancient times; like Bunbury, Ukert, -Forbiger, St. Martin, and Peschel on geography;[348] like Zeller on -philosophy, not to name many others;[349] and like Lewis and Martin -on astronomy;[350] but there is no occasion to go to much length in -the enumeration of this class of books. The reader is referred to the -examination of the literature of special points of the geographical -studies of the ancients to the notes following this Essay. - - * * * * * - -Mediæval cosmology and geography await a thorough student; they are -imbedded in the wastes of theological discussions of the Fathers, or -hidden in manuscript cosmographies in libraries of Europe. It should -be noted that confusion has arisen from the use of the word _rotundus_ -to express both the sphericity of the earth and the circularity of the -known lands, and from the use of _terra_, or _orbis terrae_, to denote -the inhabited lands, as well as the globe. It has been pointed out by -Ruge (_Gesch. d. Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 97) that the later -Middle Age adopted the circular form of the _oekoumene_ in consequence -of a peculiar theory as to the relation of the land and water masses -of the earth, which were conceived as two intercepting spheres. The -_oekoumene_ might easily be spoken of as a round disk without implying -that the whole earth was plane.[351] That the struggle of the Christian -faith, at first for existence and then for the proper harvesting of the -fruits of victory, induced its earlier defenders to wage war against -the learning as well as the religion of the pagans; that Christians -were inclined to think time taken from the contemplation of the true -faith worse than wasted when given to investigations into natural -phenomena, which might better be accepted for what they professed to -be; and that they often found in Scripture a welcome support for the -evidence of the senses,—cannot be denied. It was inevitable that St. -Chrysostom, Lactantius, Orosius and Origines rejected or declined -to teach the sphericity of the earth. The curious systems of Cosmas -and Aethicus, marked by a return to the crudest conceptions of the -universe, found some favor in Europe. But the truth was not forgotten. -The astronomical poems of Aratus, Hyginus, and Manilius were still -read. Solinus and other plunderers of Pliny were popular, and kept -alive the ancient knowledge. The sphericity of the earth was not denied -by St. Augustine; it was maintained by Martianus Capella, and assumed -by Isidor of Seville. Bede[352] taught the whole system of ancient -geography; and but little later, Virgilius, bishop of Saltzburg, was -threatened with papal displeasure, not for teaching the sphericity -of the earth, but for upholding the existence of antipodes.[353] -The canons of Ptolemy were cited in the eleventh century by Hermann -Contractus in his _De utilitatibus astrolabii_, and in the twelfth by -Hugues de Saint Victor in his _Eruditio didascalica_. Strabo was not -known before Pope Nicholas V., who ordered the first translation. Not -many to-day can illustrate the truth more clearly than the author of -_L’Image du Monde_, an anonymous poem of the thirteenth century. If two -men, he says, were to start at the same time from a given point and go, -the one east, the other west,— - - Si que andui egaumont alassent - Il convendroit qu’il s’encontrassent - Dessus le leu dont il se mûrent.[354] - -In general, the mathematical and astronomical treatises were earlier -known to the West than the purely metaphysical works: this was the case -in the eleventh and twelfth centuries; in the thirteenth the schoolmen -were familiar with the whole body of Aristotle’s works. Thus the -influence of Aristotle on natural science was early important, either -through Arabian commentators or paraphrasers, or through translations -made from the Arabic, or directly from the Greek.[355] - -Jourdain affirms that it was the influence of Aristotle and his -interpreters that kept alive in the Middle Ages the doctrine that India -and Spain were not far apart. He also maintains that the doctrine of -the sphericity of the earth was familiar throughout the Middle Age, -and, if anything, more of a favorite than the other view. - -The field of the later ecclesiastical and scholastic writers, who kept -up the contentions over the form of the earth and kindred subjects, -is too large to be here minutely surveyed. Such of them as were well -known to the geographical students of the centuries next preceding -Columbus have been briefly indicated in another place;[356] and if -not completely, yet with helpful outlining, the whole subject of the -mediæval cosmology has been studied by not a few of the geographical -and cartographical students of later days.[357] So far as these studies -pertain to the theory of a Lost Atlantis and the fabulous islands of -the Atlantic Ocean, they will be particularly illustrated in the notes -which follow this Essay. - -[Illustration: Wm. H. Tillinghast] - - -NOTES. - -=A.= THE FORM OF THE EARTH.—It is not easy to demonstrate that the -earliest Greeks believed the earth to be a flat disk, although that is -the accepted and probably correct view of their belief. It is possible -to examine but a small part of the earliest literature, and what we -have is of uncertain date and dubious origin; its intent is religious -or romantic, not scientific; its form is poetic. It is difficult to -interpret it accurately, since the prevalent ideas of nature must be -deduced from imagery, qualifying words and phrases, and seldom from -direct description. The interpreter, doubtful as to the proportion in -which he finds mingled fancy and honest faith, is in constant danger -of overreaching himself by excess of ingenuity. In dealing with such -a literature one is peculiarly liable to abuse the always dangerous -argument by which want of knowledge is inferred from lack of mention. -Other difficulties beset the use of later philosophic material, much -of which is preserved only in extracts made by antagonists or by -compilers, so that we are forced to confront a lack of context and -possible misunderstanding or misquotation. The frequent use of the -word _στρογγύλος_, which has the same ambiguity as our word “round” -in common parlance, often leads to uncertainty. A more fruitful cause -of trouble is inherent in the Greek manner of thinking of the world. -It is often difficult to know whether a writer means the planet, or -whether he means the agglomeration of known lands which later writers -called _ἡ οἰκουμένη_. It is not impossible that when writers refer to -the earth as encircled by the river Oceanus, they mean, not the globe, -but the known lands, the eastern continent, as we say, what the Romans -sometimes called _orbis terrae or orbis terrarum_, a term which may -mean the “circle of the lands,” not the “orb of the earth.” At a later -time it was a well-known belief that the earth-globe and water-globe -were excentrics, so that a segment of the former projected beyond the -surface of the latter in one part, and constituted the known world.[358] - -I cannot attach much importance to the line of argument with which -modern writers since Voss have tried to prove that the Homeric poems -represent the earth flat. That Poseidon, from the mountains of the -Solymi, sees Odesseus on the sea to the west of Greece (_Od._ v. 282); -that Helios could see his cattle in Thrinakia both as he went toward -the heavens and as he turned toward the earth again (_Od._ xii. 380); -that at sunset “all the ways are darkened;” that the sun and the -stars set in and rose from the ocean,—these and similar proofs seem -to me to have as little weight as attaches to the expressions “ends -of the earth,” or to the flowing of Oceanus around the earth. There -are, however, other and better reasons for assuming that the earth in -earliest thought was flat. Such is the most natural assumption from the -evidence of sight, and there is certainly nothing in the older writings -inconsistent with such an idea. We know, moreover, that in the time of -Socrates it was yet a matter of debate as to whether the earth was flat -or spherical, as it was in the time of Plutarch.[359] We are distinctly -told by Aristotle that various forms were attributed to earth by -early philosophers, and the implication is that the spherical theory, -whose truth he proceeds to demonstrate, was a new thought.[360] It is -very unlikely, except to those who sincerely accept the theory of a -primitive race of unequalled wisdom, that the sphericity of the earth, -having been known to Homer, should have been cast aside by the Ionic -philosophers and the Epicureans, and forgotten by educated people five -or six centuries later, as it must have been before the midnight voyage -of Helios in his golden cup, and before similar attempts to account -for the return of the sun could have become current. Ignorance of the -true shape of the earth is also indicated by the common view that the -sun appeared much larger at rising to the people of India than to the -Grecians, and at setting presented the same phenomenon in Spain.[361] -As we have seen, the description of Tartarus in the Theogony of Hesiod, -which Fick thinks an interpolation of much later date, likens the earth -to a lid. - -The question has always been an open one. Crates of Mallos, Strabo, and -other Homer-worshippers of antiquity, could not deny to the poet any -knowledge current in their day, but their reasons for assuming that he -knew the earth to be a globe are not strong. In recent years President -Warren has maintained that Homer’s earth was a sphere with Oceanus -flowing around the equator, that the pillars of Atlas meant the axis of -the earth, and that Ogygia was at the north pole.[362] Homer, however, -thought that Oceanus flowed around the known lands, not that it merely -grazed their southern border: it is met with in the east where the sun -rises, in the west (_Od._ iv. 567), and in the north (_Od._ v. 275). - -That “Homer and all the ancient poets conceived the earth to be -a plane” was distinctly asserted by Geminus in the first century -B.C.,[363] and has been in general steadfastly maintained by moderns -like Voss,[364] Völcker,[365] Buchholtz,[366] Gladstone,[367] -Martin,[368] Schaefer,[369] and Gruppe.[370] It is therefore -intrinsically probable, commonly accepted, and not contradicted by what -is known of the literature of the time itself.[371] - - -=B.= HOMER’S GEOGRAPHY.—There is an extensive literature on the -geographic attainments of Homer, but it is for the most part rather sad -reading. The later Greeks had a local identification for every place -mentioned in the _Odyssey_; but conservative scholars at present are -chary of such, while agreed in confining the scene of the wanderings -to the western Mediterranean. Gladstone, in _Homer and the Homeric -Age_, has argued with ingenuity for the transfer of the scene from -the West to the East, and has constructed on this basis one of the -most extraordinary maps of “the ancient world” known. K. E. von Baer -(_Wo ist der Schauplatz d. Fahrten d. Odysseus zu finden? 1875_), -agreeing with Gladstone, “identifies” the Lastrygonian harbor with -Balaklava, and discovers the very poplar grove of Persephone. It is -a favorite scheme with others to place the wanderings outside the -columns of Hercules, among the Atlantic isles,[372] and to include -a circumnavigation of Africa. The better opinion seems to me that -which leaves the wanderings in the western Mediterranean, which -was considered to extend much farther north than it actually does. -The maps which represent the voyage within the actual coast lines -of the sea, and indicate the vessel passing through the Straits to -the ocean, are misleading. There is not enough given in the poem to -resolve the problem. The courses are vague, the distances uncertain or -conventional,—often neither are given; and the matter is complicated -by the introduction of a _floating_ island, and the mysterious voyages -from the land of the Phaeacians. It is a pleasant device adopted by -Buchholtz and others to assume that where the course is not given, the -wind last mentioned must be considered to still hold, and surely no one -will grudge the commentators this amelioration of their lot. - - -=C.= SUPPOSED REFERENCES TO AMERICA.—It is well known that Columbus’s -hopes were in part based on passages in classical authors.[373] -Glareanus, quoting Virgil in 1527, after Columbus’s discovery had made -the question of the ancient knowledge prominent, has been considered -the earliest to open the discussion;[374] and after this we find it a -common topic in the early general writers on America, like Las Casas -(_Historia General_), Ramusio (introd. vol. iii.), and Acosta (book i. -ch. 11, etc.) - -In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it was not an uncommon -subject of academic and learned discussion.[375] It was a part of the -survey made by many of the writers who discussed the origin of the -American tribes, like Garcia,[376] Lafitau,[377] Samuel Mather,[378] -Robertson,[379] not to name others. - -It was not till Humboldt compassed the subject in his _Examen Critique -de l’histoire de la géographie du nouveau continent_ (Paris, 1836), -that the field was fully scanned with a critical spirit, acceptable to -the modern mind. He gives two of the five volumes which comprise the -work to this part of his subject, and very little has been added by -later research, while his conclusions still remain, on the whole, those -of the most careful of succeeding writers. The French original is not -equipped with guides to its contents, such as a student needs; but this -is partly supplied by the index in the German translation.[380] The -impediments which the student encounters in the _Examen Critique_ are -a good deal removed in a book which is on the whole the easiest guide -to the sources of the subject,—Paul Gaffarel’s _Etude sur les rapports -de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent avant Christophe Colomb_ (Paris, -1869).[381] - -The literature of the supposed old-world communication with America -shows other phases of this question of ancient knowledge, and may be -divided, apart from the Greek embraced in the previous survey, into -those of the Egyptians, Phœnicians, Tyrians, Carthaginians, and Romans. - -The Egyptian theory has been mainly worked out in the present century. -Paul Felix Cabrera’s _Teatro critico Americano_, printed with Rio’s -_Palenqué_ (Lond., 1822), formulates the proofs. An essay by A. -Lenoir, comparing the Central American monuments with those of Egypt, -is appended to Dupaix’s _Antiquités Méxicaines_ (1805). Delafield’s -_Inquiry into the Origin of the Antiquities of America_ (Cincinnati, -1839), traces it to the Cushites of Egypt, and cites Garcia y Cubas, -_Ensayo de an Estudio Comparativo entre las Pirámides Egipcias y -Méxicanas_. Brasseur de Bourbourg discussed the question, _S’il existe -des sources de l’histoire primitive du Méxique dans les monuments -égyptiens de l’histoire primitive de l’ancien monde dans les monuments -américains?_ in his ed. of Landa’s _Relations des Choses de Yucatan_ -(Paris, 1864). Buckle (_Hist. of Civilization_, i. ch. 2) believes the -Mexican civilization to have been strictly analogous to that of India -and Egypt. Tylor (_Early Hist. of Mankind_, 98) compares the Egyptian -hieroglyphics with those of the Aztecs. John T. C. Heaviside, _Amer. -Antiquities, or the New World the Old, and the Old World the New_ -(London, 1868), maintains the reverse theory of the Egyptians being -migrated Americans. F. de Varnhagen works out his belief in _L’origine -touranienne des américains tupis-caribes et des anciens égyptiens -montrée principalement par la philologie comparée; et notice d’une -émigration en Amérique effectuée à travers l’Atlantique plusieurs -siècles avant notre ère_ (Vienne 1876).[382] - -Aristotle’s mention of an island discovered by the Phœnicians was -thought by Gomara and Oviedo to refer to America. The elder leading -writers on the origin of the Indians, like Garcia, Horn, De Laet, and -at a later day Lafitau, discuss the Phœnician theory; as does Voss -in his annotations on Pomponius Mela (1658), and Count de Gebelin -in his _Monde primitif_ (Paris, 1781). In the present century the -question has been touched by Cabrera in Rio’s _Palenqué_ (1822). R. A. -Wilson, in his _New Conquest of Mexico_, assigns (ch. v.) the ruins -of Middle America to the Phœnicians. Morlot, in the _Actes de la -Société Jurassienne d’Emulation_ (1863), printed his “La découverte de -l’Amérique par les Phènicièns.” Gaffarel sums up the evidences in a -paper in the _Compte Rendu, Cong. des Amér._ (Nancy), i. 93.[383] - -The Tyrian theory has been mainly sustained by a foolish book, by a -foolish man, _An Original History of Anc. America_ (London, 1843), by -Geo. Jones, later known as the Count Johannes (cf. Bancroft’s _Native -Races_, v. 73). - -The Carthaginian discovery rests mainly on the statements of Diodorus -Siculus.[384] - -Baron Zach in his _Correspondenz_ undertakes to say that Roman voyages -to America were common in the days of Seneca, and a good deal of wild -speculation has been indulged in.[385] - - -=D.= ATLANTIS.—The story of Atlantis rests solely upon the authority -of Plato, who sketched it in the _Timaeus_, and began an elaborated -version in the _Critias_ (if that fragment be by him), which old -writers often cite as the _Atlanticus_. This is frequently forgotten -by those who try to establish the truth of the story, who often write -as if all statements in print were equally available as “authorities,” -and quote as corroborations of the tale all mentions of it made by -classical writers, regardless of the fact that all are later than -Plato, and can no more than Ignatius Donnelly corroborate him. In -fact, the ancients knew no better than we what to make of the story, -and diverse opinions prevailed then as now. Many of these opinions -are collected by Proclus in the first book of his commentary on -the _Timaeus_,[386] and all shades of opinion are represented from -those who, like Crantor, accepted the story as simply historical, to -those who regarded it as a mere fable. Still others, with Proclus -himself, accepted it as a record of actual events, while accounting -for its introduction in Plato by a variety of subtile metaphysical -interpretations. Proclus reports that Crantor, the first commentator -upon Plato (_circa_ B.C. 300), asserted that the Egyptian priests said -that the story was written on pillars which were still preserved,[387] -and he likewise quotes from the _Ethiopic History_ of Marcellus, a -writer of whom nothing else is known, a statement that according to -certain historians there were seven islands in the external sea sacred -to Proserpine; and also three others of great size, one sacred to -Pluto, one to Ammon, and another, the middle one, a thousand stadia -in size, sacred to Neptune. The inhabitants of it preserved the -remembrance, from their ancestors, of the Atlantic island which existed -there, and was truly prodigiously great, which for many periods had -dominion over all the islands in the Atlantic sea, and was itself -sacred to Neptune.[388] Testimony like this is of little value in such -a case. What comes to us at third hand is more apt to need support -than give it; yet these two passages are the strongest evidence of -knowledge of Atlantis outside of Plato that is preserved. We do indeed -find mention of it elsewhere and earlier. Thus Strabo[389] says that -Posidonius (B.C. 135-51) suggested that, as the land was known to -have changed in elevation, Atlantis might not be a fiction, but that -such an island-continent might actually have existed and disappeared. -Pliny[390] also mentions Atlantis in treating of changes in the -earth’s surface, though he qualifies his quotation with “si Platoni -credimus.”[391] A mention of the story in a similar connection is made -by Ammianus Marcellinus.[392] - -In the Scholia to Plato’s _Republic_ it is said that at the great -Panathenaea there was carried in procession a _peplum_ ornamented with -representations of the contest between the giants and the gods, while -on the _peplum_ carried in the little Panathenaea could be seen the -war of the Athenians against the Atlantides. Even Humboldt accepted -this as an independent testimony in favor of the antiquity of the -story; but Martin has shown that, apart from the total inconsistency -of the report with the expressions of Plato, who places the narration -of this forgotten deed of his countrymen at the celebration of the -festival of the little Panathenaea, the scholiast has only misread -Proclus, who states that the _peplum_ depicted the repulse of the -barbarians, _i. e._ Persians, by the Greeks.[393] To these passages -it is customary to add references to the Meropian continent of -Theopompus,[394] the Saturnian of Plutarch, the islands of Aristotle, -Diodorus and Pausanias,—which is very much as if one should refer to -the _New Atlantis_ of Bacon as evidence for the existence of More’s -_Utopia_.[395] Plutarch in his life of Solon attributes Solon’s having -given up the idea of an epic upon Atlantis to his advanced age rather -than to want of leisure; but there is nothing to show that he had any -evidence beyond Plato that Solon ever thought of such a poem, and Plato -does not say that Solon began the poem, though Plutarch appears to -have so understood him.[396] Thus it seems more probable that all the -references to Atlantis by ancient writers are derived from the story in -Plato than that they are independent and corroborative statements. - -With the decline of the Platonic school at Alexandria even the name -of Atlantis readily vanished from literature. It is mentioned by -Tertullian,[397] and found a place in the strange system of Cosmas -Indicopleustes,[398] but throughout the Middle Ages little or nothing -was known of it. That it was not quite forgotten appears from its -mention in the _Image du Monde_, a poem of the thirteenth century, -still in MS., where it is assigned a location in the _Mer Betée_ (= -coagulée).[399] Plato was printed in Latin in 1483, 1484, 1491, and -in Greek in 1513, and in 1534 with the commentary of Proclus on the -Timaeus.[400] The _Timaeus_ was printed separately five times in the -sixteenth century, and also in a French and an Italian translation.[401] - -The discovery of America doubtless added to the interest with which -the story was perused, and the old controversy flamed up with new -ardor. It was generally assumed that the account given by Plato was not -his invention. Opinions were, however, divided as to whether he had -given a correct account. Of those who believed that he had erred as -to the locality or as to the destruction of the island, some thought -that America was the true Atlantis, while others, with whose ideas -we have no concern here, placed Atlantis in Africa, Asia, or Europe, -as prejudice led them. Another class of scholars, sensible of the -necessity of adhering to the text of the only extant account, accepted -the whole narrative, and endeavored to find in the geography of the -Atlantic, or as indicated by the resemblances between the flora, fauna, -and civilization of America and of the old world, additional reasons -for believing that such an island had once existed, and had disappeared -after serving as a bridge by which communication between the continents -was for a time carried on. The discussion was prolonged over centuries, -and is not yet concluded. The wilder theories have been eliminated -by time, and the contest may now be said to be between those who -accept Plato’s tale as true and those who regard it as an invention. -The latter view is at present in favor with the most conservative -and careful scholars, but the other will always find advocates. -That Atlantis was America was maintained by Gomara, Guillaume de -Postel, Horn, and others incidentally, and by Birchrod in a special -treatise,[402] which had some influence even upon the geographer -Cellarius. In 1669 the Sansons published a map showing America divided -among the descendants of Neptune as Atlantis was divided, and even as -late as 1762 Vaugondy reproduced it.[403] In his edition of Plato, -Stallbaum expressed his belief that the Egyptians might have had some -knowledge of America.[404] Cluverius thought the story was due to a -knowledge of America.[405] - -Very lately Hyde Clark has found in the Atlantis fable evidence -of a knowledge of America: he does not believe in the connecting -island Atlantis, but he holds that Plato misinterpreted some account -of America which had reached him.[406] Except for completeness it -is scarcely worth mentioning that Blackett, whose work can really -be characterized by no other word than absurd, sees America in -Atlantis.[407] - -Here should be mentioned a work by Berlioux, which puts Euhemerus to -the blush in the manner in which history with much detail is extorted -from mythology.[408] He holds that Atlantis was the northwestern coast -of Africa; that under Ouranos and Atlas, astronomers and kings, it was -the seat of a great empire which had conquered portions of America and -kept a lively commercial intercourse with that country. - -Ortelius in several places speaks of the belief that America was the -old Atlantis, and also attributes that belief to Mercator.[409] - -That Atlantis might really have existed[410] and disappeared, leaving -the Atlantic islands as remnants, was too evident to escape notice. -Ortelius suggested that the island of Gades might be a fragment of -Atlantis,[411] and the doctrine was early a favorite. Kircher, in his -very curious work on the subterranean world, devotes considerable space -to Atlantis, rejecting its connection with America, while he maintains -its former existence, and holds that the Azores, Canaries, and other -Atlantic islands were formerly parts thereof, and that they showed -traces of volcanic fires in his day.[412] - -Las Casas in his history of the Indies devoted an entire chapter to -Atlantis, quoting the arguments of Proclus, in his commentary on -Plato, in favor of the story, though he is himself more doubtful. He -also cites confirmative passages from Philo and St. Anselm, etc. He -considers the question of the Atlantic isles, and cites authorities for -great and sudden changes in the earth’s surface.[413] - -The same view was taken by Becman,[414] and Fortia D’Urban. Turnefort -included America in the list of remnants; and De la Borde followed -Sanson in extending Atlantis to the farthest Pacific islands.[415] Bory -de St. Vincent,[416] again, limited Atlantis to the Atlantic, and gave -on a map his ideas of its contour. - -D’Avezac maintains this theory in his _Iles africaines de l’Océan -Atlantique_,[417] p. 5-8. Carli devoted a large part of the second -volume of his _Lettere Americane_ to Atlantis, controverting Baily, -who placed Atlantis in Spitzbergen. Carli goes at considerable length -into the topographical and geological arguments in favor of its -existence.[418] The early naturalists, when the doctrine of great and -sudden changes in the earth’s surface was in favor, were inclined -to look with acquiescence on this belief. Even Lyell confessed a -temptation to accept the theory of an Atlantis island in the northern -Atlantic, though he could not see in the Atlantic islands trace of a -mid-Atlantic bridge.[419] About the middle of this century scholars -in several departments of learning, accepting the evidences of -resemblances between the product of the old and new world, were induced -to turn gladly to such a connection as would have been offered by -Atlantis; and the results obtained at about the same time by studies in -the pre-Columbian traditions and civilization of Mexico were brought -forward as supporting the same theory. That the Antilles were remnants -of Atlantis; that the Toltecs were descendants from the panic-stricken -fugitives of the great catastrophe, whose terrors were recorded in -their traditions, as well as in those of the Egyptians, was ardently -urged by Brasseur de Bourbourg.[420] - -In 1859 Retzius announced that he found a close resemblance between the -skulls of the Guanches of the Canaries and the Guaranas of Brazil, and -recalled the Atlantis story to explain it.[421] In 1846 Forbes declared -his belief in the former existence of a bridge of islands in the North -Atlantic, and in 1856 Heer attempted to show the necessity of a similar -connection from the testimony of palæontological botany. - -In 1860, Unger deliberately advocated the Atlantis hypothesis to -explain the likeness between the fossil flora of Europe and the living -flora of America, enumerating over fifty similar species; and Kuntze -found in the case of the tropical seedless banana, occurring at once in -America before 1492 and in Africa, a strong evidence of the truth of -the theory.[422] - -A condensed review of the scientific side of the question is given -by A. Boué in his article _Ueber die Rolle der Veränderungen des -unorganischen Festen im grossen Massstabe in der Natur_.[423] - -The deep-sea soundings taken in the Atlantic under the auspices of -the governments of the United States, England, and Germany resulted -in discoveries which gave a new impetus to the Atlantis theory. -It was shown that, starting from the Arctic plateau, a ridge runs -down the middle of the Atlantic, broadening toward the Azores, and -contracting again as it trends toward the northeast coast of South -America. The depth over the ridge is less than 1,000 fathoms, while -the valleys on either side average 3,000; it is known after the U. S. -vessel which took the soundings as the Dolphin ridge. A similar though -more uniformly narrow ridge was found by the “Challenger” expedition -(1873-76), extending from somewhat north of Ascension Island directly -south between South America and Africa. It is known as the Challenger -ridge. There is, beside, evidence for the existence of a ridge across -the tropical Atlantic, connecting the Dolphin and Challenger ridges. -Madeira, the Canaries, and the Cape Verde Islands are cut off from -these ridges by a deep valley, but are connected by shoals with the -continent. Upon the publication of the Challenger chart (_Special -Report_, vii. 1876), those who favored the theory of communication -between the continents were not slow to appropriate its disclosures in -their interests (_Nature_, Dec. 21, 1876, xv. 158). In March, 1877, W. -Stephen Mitchell delivered a lecture at South Kensington, wherein he -placed in juxtaposition the theory of Unger and the revelations of the -deep-sea soundings, when he announced, however, that he did not mean -to assert that these ridges had ever formed a connecting link above -water between the continents.[424] Others were less cautious,[425] but -in general this interpretation did not commend itself as strongly to -conservative men of science as it might have done a few years before, -because such men were gradually coming to doubt the fact of changes of -great moment in the earth’s surface, even those of great duration. - -In 1869, M. Paul Gaffarel published his first treatise on -Atlantis,[426] advocating the truth of the story, and in 1880 he made -it the subject of deeper research, utilizing the facts which ocean -exploration had placed at command.[427] This is the best work which has -appeared upon this side of the question, and can only be set against -the earlier work by Martin.[428] The same theory has been supported -by D. P. de Novo y Colson, who went so far as to predict the ultimate -recovery of some Atlantean manuscripts from submarine grottoes of some -of the Atlantic islands,—a hope which surpasses Mr. Donnelly.[429] - -Winchell found the theory too useful in his scheme of ethnology to be -rejected,[430] but it was reserved for Ignatius Donnelly to undertake -the arrangement of the deductions of modern science and the data of -old traditions into a set argument for the truth of Plato’s story. His -book,[431] in many ways a rather clever statement of the argument, so -evidently presented only the evidence in favor of his view, and that -with so little critical estimate of authorities and weight of evidence, -that it attracted only uncomplimentary notice from the scientific -press.[432] It was, however, the first long presentation of the case -in English, and as such made an impression on many laymen. In 1882 -was also published the second volume of the _Challenger Narrative_, -containing a report by M. Renard on the geologic character of the -mid-Atlantic island known as St. Paul’s rocks. The other Atlantic -islands are confessedly of volcanic origin, and this, which laymen -interpreted in favor of the Atlantis theory, militated with men of -science against the view that they were remnants of a sunken continent. -St. Paul’s, however, was, as noted by Darwin, of doubtful character, -and Renard came to the conclusion that it was composed of crystalline -schists, and had therefore probably been once overlaid by masses since -removed.[433] This conclusion, which tended in favor of Atlantis, was -controverted by A. Geikie[434] and by M. E. Wadsworth,[435] (the latter -having personally inspected specimens,) on the ground that the rocks -were volcanic in origin, and that, had they been schists, the inference -of denudation would not follow. Dr. Guest declared that ethnologists -have fully as good cause as the botanists to regard Atlantis as a -fact.[436] A. J. Weise in treating of the Discoveries of America -adopted the Atlantis fable unhesitatingly, and supposes that America -was known to the Egyptians through that channel.[437] - -That the whole story was invented by Plato as a literary ornament -or allegorical argument, or that he thus utilized a story which he -had really received from Egypt, but which was none the less a myth, -was maintained even among the early Platonists, and was the view of -Longinus. Even after the discovery of America many writers recognized -the fabulous touch in it, as Acosta,[438] who thought, “being well -considered, they are rediculous things, resembling rather to _Ovid’s_ -tales then a Historie of Philosophie worthy of accompt,” and “cannot be -held for true but among children and old folkes”—an opinion adopted by -the judicious Cellarius.[439] - -Among more recent writers, D’Anville, Bartoli,[440] Gosselin,[441] -Ukert,[442] approved this view. - -Humboldt threw the weight of his great influence in favor of the -mythical interpretation, though he found the germ of the story in -the older geographic myth of the destruction of Lyctonia in the -Mediterranean (Orph. _Argonaut._, 1274, etc.);[443] while Martin, in -his work on the _Timaeus_, with great learning and good sense, reduced -the story to its elements, concluding that such an island had never -existed, the tale was not invented by Plato, but had really descended -to him from Solon, who had heard it in Egypt. - -Prof. Jowett regards the entire narrative as “due to the imagination of -Plato, who could easily invent ‘Egyptians or anything else,’ and who -has used the name of Solon ... and the tradition of the Egyptian priest -to give verisimilitude to his story;”[444] and Bunbury is of the same -opinion, regarding the story as “a mere fiction,” and “no more intended -to be taken seriously ... than the tale of Er the Pamphylian.”[445] Mr. -Archer-Hind, the editor of the only separate edition of the _Timaeus_ -which has appeared in England, thinks it impossible to determine -“whether Plato has invented the story from beginning to end, or whether -it really more or less represents some Egyptian legend brought home by -Solon,” which seems to be a fitting conclusion to the whole matter. - -The literature of the subject is widely scattered, but a good deal has -been done bibliographically in some works which have been reserved -for special mention here. The earliest is the _Dissertation sur -l’Atlantide_, by Th. Henri Martin,[446] wherein, beside a carefully -reasoned examination of the story itself and similar geographic myths, -the opposing views of previous writers are set forth in the second -section, _Histoire des Systèmes sur l’Atlantide_, pp. 258-280. Gaffarel -has in like manner given a résumé of the literature, which comes down -later than that of Martin, in the two excellent treatises which he has -devoted to the subject; he is convinced of the existence of such an -island, but his work is marked by such care, orderliness, and fulness -of citations that it is of the greatest value.[447] The references -in these treatises are made with intelligence, and are, in general, -accurate and useful. That this is not the case with the work of Mr. -Donnelly deprives the volume of much of the value which it might have -had.[448] - - -=E.= FABULOUS ISLANDS OF THE ATLANTIC IN THE MIDDLE AGES.—Fabulous -islands belong quite as much to the domain of folk-lore as to that of -geography. The legends about them form a part of the great mass of -superstitions connected with the sea. What has been written about these -island myths is for the most part scattered in innumerable collections -of folk-tales and in out-of-the-way sources, and it does not lie within -the scope of the present sketch to track in these directions all that -has been said. It will not be out of place, however, to refer to a -few recent works where much information and many references can be -found. One of the fullest collections, though not over-well sorted, -is by Lieut. F. S. Bassett,[449] consisting of brief notes made in -the course of wide reading, well provided with references, which are, -however, often so abbreviated as to inflict much trouble on those who -would consult them,—an all too common fault. Of interest is a chapter -on _Les îles_, in a similar work by M. Paul Sebillot.[450] An island -home has often been assigned to the soul after death, and many legends, -some mediæval, some of great antiquity, deal with such islands, or with -voyages to them. Some account of these will be found in Bassett, and -particularly in an article by E. Beauvois in the _Revue de l’histoire -de Religion_,[451] where further references are to be found. Wm. -F. Warren has also collected many references to the literature of -this subject in the course of his endeavor to show that Paradise was -at the North Pole.[452] The long articles on _Eden_ and _Paradise_ -in McClintock and Strong’s _Biblical Encyclopedia_ should also be -consulted. - -In what way the fabulous islands of the Atlantic originated is not -known, nor has the subject been exhaustively investigated. The islands -of classical times, in part actual discoveries, in part born of -confused reports of actual discoveries, and in part probably purely -mythical, were very generally forgotten as ancient civilization -declined.[453] The other islands which succeeded them were in part -reminiscences of the islands known to the ancients or invented by -them, and in part products of a popular mythology, as old perhaps as -that of the Greeks, but until now unknown to letters. The writers who -have dealt with these islands have treated them generally from the -purely geographic point of view. The islands are known principally -from maps, beginning with the fourteenth century, and are not often -met with in descriptive works. Formaleoni, in his attempt to show -that the Venetians had discovered the West Indies prior to Columbus, -made studies of the older maps which naturally led him to devote -considerable attention to these islands.[454] - -They are also considered by Zurla.[455] The first general account of -them was given by Humboldt in the _Examen Critique_,[456] and to what -he did little if anything has since been added. D’Avezac[457] treated -the subject, giving a brief sketch of the islands known to the Arab -geographers,—a curious matter which deserves more attention. - -Still more recently Paul Gaffarel has treated the matter briefly, but -carefully.[458] A study of old maps by H. Wuttke, in the _Jahresbericht -des Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden_,[459] gives considerable attention -to the islands; and Theobald Fischer, in his commentary on the -collection of maps reproduced by Ongania, has briefly touched on the -subject,[460] as has Cornelio Desimoni in various papers in the _Atti -della Società Ligure di Storia patria_, xiv., and other years, in the -_Atti dell’ Acad. dei Nuova Lincei_, in the _Gionale ligustico_, etc. -R. H. Major’s _Henry the Navigator_ should also be consulted.[461] - - * * * * * - -Strictly speaking, the term mythical islands ought to include, if not -Frisland and Drogeo, at least the land of Bus, the island of Bimini -with its fountain of life, an echo of one of the oldest of folk-tales, -the island of Saxenburg, and the other non-existent islands, shoals, -and rocks, with which the imagination of sailors and cartographers have -connected the Atlantic even into the present century. In fact, the -name is by common consent restricted to certain islands which occur -constantly on old charts: the Island of St. Brandan, Antillia or Isle -of the Seven Cities, Satanaxio, Danmar, Brazil, Mayda, and Isla Verte. -It is interesting to note that the Arab geographers had their fabulous -islands, too, though so little is known of them that it is at present -impossible to say what relation they bear to those mentioned. They say -that Ptolemy assigned 25,000 islands to the Atlantic, but they name -and describe seventeen only, among which we may mention the Eternal -Islands (Canaries? Azores?),[462] El-Ghanam (Madeira?), Island of the -Two Sorcerers (Lancerote?), etc.[463] - -There has been some difference of opinion as to which of the Atlantic -islands answer to the ancient conception of the Fortunate Islands. It -is probable that the idea is at the bottom of several of these, but it -may be doubted whether the island of St. Brandan is not entirely due to -the christianizing of this ancient fable. - -We proceed now to examine the accounts of some of these islands. - - -ST. BRANDAN.—St. Brandan, or Brendan, who died May 16, 577, was Abbot -of Cluainfert, in Ireland, according to the legend, where he was -visited by a friend, Barontus, who told him that far in the ocean lay -an island which was the land promised to the saints. St. Brandan set -sail for this island in company with 75 monks, and spent seven years -upon the ocean, in two voyages (according to the Irish text in the -MS. _book of Lismore_, which is probably the most archaic form of the -legend), discovering this island and many others equally marvellous, -including one which turned out to be the back of a huge fish, upon -which they celebrated Easter. This story cannot be traced beyond the -eleventh century, its oldest form being a Latin prose version in a -MS. of that century. It is known also in French, English, and German -translations, both prose and verse, and was evidently a great favorite -in the Middle Ages. Intimately connected with the St. Brandan legend -is that of St. Malo, or Maclovius, Bishop of Aleth, in Armorica, a -disciple of St. Brandan, who accompanied his superior, and whose -eulogists, jealous of the fame of the Irish saint, provided for the -younger a voyage on his own account, with marvels transcending those -found by Brandan. His church-day is November 17th. The story of St. -Brandan is given by Humboldt and D’Avezac,[464] and by Gaffarel.[465] -Further accounts will be found in the _Acta Sanctorum_ of the -Bollandists,[466] and in the introductions and notes to the numerous -editions of the voyages, among which reference only need be made to the -original Latin edited by M. Jubinal,[467] and to the English version -edited by Thomas Wright for the Percy Society.[468] A Latin text of the -fourteenth century is now to be found in the _Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae -ex codice Salmanticensi nunc premium integre edita opera C. de Smedt -et J. de Backer_ (Edinb. etc., 1888), 4to, pp. 111-154. As is well -known, Philoponus gives an account of the voyages of St. Brandan with a -curious map, in which he places the island N. W. of Spain and N. E. of -the Canaries, or _Insulae Fortunatae_.[469] The island of St. Brandan -was at first apparently imagined in the north, but it afterward took a -more southerly location. Honoré d’Autun identifies it with a certain -island called Perdita, once discovered and then lost in the Atlantic; -we have here, perhaps, some reminiscence of the name “Aprositos,” which -Ptolemy bestows on one of the _Fortunatae Insulae_.[470] In some of -the earlier maps there is an inlet on the west coast of Ireland called -_Lacus Fortunatus_, which is packed with islands which are called -_Insulae Fortunatae_ or _Beatae_, and sometimes given as 300 or 368 -in number.[471] But the Pizigani map of 1367 puts the _Isole dicte -Fortunate S. Brandany_ in the place of Madeira; and Behaim’s globe, in -1492, sets it down in the latitude of Cape de Verde,—a legend against -it assigning the discovery to St. Brandan in 565. - -It is this island which was long supposed to be seen as a mountainous -land southeast of the Canaries. After the discovery of the Azores -expeditions were fitted out to search for it, and were continued until -1721, which are described by Viera, and have been since retold by all -writers on the subject.[472] The island was again reported as seen in -1759. - - -ANTILLIA, OR ISLE OF SEVEN CITIES.—The largest of these islands, the -one most persistent in its form and location, is Antillia, which is -depicted as a large rectangular island, extending from north to south, -lying in the mid-Atlantic about lat. 35° N. This island first appears -on the map of 1424, preserved at Weimar, and is found on the principal -maps of the rest of the century, notably in the Bianco of 1436.[473] On -some maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries appears a smaller -island under the name of Sette Citade, or Sete Ciudades, which is -properly another name for Antillia, as Toscanelli says in his famous -letter, wherein he recommended Antillia as likely to be useful as a -way-station on the India voyage. We owe to Behaim the preservation on -his globe of 1492 of the legend of this island. It was discovered and -settled, according to him, by refugees from Spain in 714, after the -defeat of King Roderick by the Moors. The settlers were accompanied by -an archbishop and six bishops, each of whom built him a town. There -is a story that the island was rediscovered by a Portuguese sailor in -1447.[474] - -In apparent connection with _Antillia_ are the smaller islands _Danmar_ -or _Tanmar_, _Reillo_ or _Royllo_, and _Satanaxio_. The latter alone -is of special interest. Formaleoni found near Antillia, on the map of -Bianco of 1436, an island with a name which he read as “Y.^d laman -Satanaxio,”—a name which much perplexed him, until he found, in an -old Italian romance, a legend that in a certain part of India a great -hand arose every day from the sea and carried off the inhabitants into -the ocean. Adapting this tale to the west, he translated the name -“Island of the hand of Satan,”[475] in which interpretation Humboldt -acquiesced. D’Avezac, however, was inclined to think that there were -two islands, one called Delamar, a name which elsewhere appears as -Danmar or Tanmar, and Satanaxio, or, as it appears on a map by Beccario -at Parma, _Satanagio_,[476] and suggests that the word is a corrupt -form for S. Atanaxio or S. Atanagio, i. e. St. Athanasius, with which -Gaffarel is inclined to agree.[477] - -Formaleoni saw in _Antillia_ a foreknowledge of the Antilles, and -Hassel believed that North and South America were respectively -represented by Satanaxio and Antillia, with a strait between, just as -the American continent was indeed represented after the discovery. It -is certainly curious that Beccario designates the group of Antillia, -Satanagio, and Danmar, as _Isle de novo reperte_, the name afterwards -applied to the discoveries of Columbus; but it is not now believed that -the fifteenth-century islands were aught but geographical fancies. To -transfer their names to the real discoveries was of course easy and -natural.[478] - - -BRAZIL.—Among the islands which prefigured the Azores on -fourteenth-century maps appears _I. de Brazi_ on the Medicean portulano -of 1351, and it is apparently Terceira or San Miguel.[479] On the -Pizigani map of 1367 appear three islands with this name, _Insula de -Bracir_ or _Bracie_, two not far from the Azores, and one off the south -or southeast end of Ireland. On the Catalan map of 1375 is an _Insula -de Brazil_ in the southern part of the so-called Azores group, and an -_Insula de Brazil_ (?) applied to a group of small islands enclosed -in a heavy black ring west of Ireland. The same reduplication occurs -in the Solerio of 1385, in a map of 1426 preserved at Regensburg, -in Bianco’s map of 1436, and in that of 1448: here _de Braxil_ is -the easternmost of the Azores group (i. e. _y de Colombi, de Zorzi_, -etc.), while the large round island—more like a large ink-blot than -anything else—west of Ireland is _y de Brazil d. binar_.[480] In a map -in St. Mark’s Library, Venice, dated about 1450, Brazil appears in -four places. Fra Mauro puts it west of Ireland,[481] and it so appears -in Ptolemy of 1519, and Ramusio in 1556; but Mercator and Ortelius -inscribe it northwest of the Azores. - -Humboldt has shown[482] that brazil-wood, being imported into Europe -from the East Indies long before the discovery of America, gave its -name to the country in the west where it was found in abundance, and -he infers that the designation of the Atlantic island was derived from -the same source. The duplication of the name, however, seems to point -to a confusion of different traditions, and in the Brazil off Ireland -we doubtless have an attempt to establish the mythical island of _Hy -Brazil_, or _O’Brasile_, which plays a part as a vanishing island in -Irish legends, although it cannot be traced to its origin. In the epic -literature of Ireland relating to events of the sixth and subsequent -centuries, and which was probably written down in the twelfth, there -are various stories of ocean voyages, some involuntary, some voluntary, -and several, like the voyage of the sons of Ua Corra about 540, of St. -Brandan about 560, and of Mailduin in the eighth century, taking place -in the Atlantic, and resulting in the discovery of numerous fabulous -islands.[483] The name of Brazil does not appear in these early -records, but it seems to belong to the same class of legends.[484] -It is first mentioned, as far as I know, by William Betoner, called -William of Worcester, who calls the island _Brasyle_ and _Brasylle_, -and says that July 15, 1480, his brother-in-law, John Jay, began a -voyage from Bristol in search of the island, returning Sept. 18 without -having found it.[485] This evidently belongs to the series of voyages -made by Bristol men in search of this island, which is mentioned -by Pedro d’Ayala, the Spanish ambassador to England, in his famous -letter of July 25, 1498, where he says that such voyages in search of -_Brazylle_ and the _seven cities_ had been made for seven years past, -“according to the fancies of the Genoese,” meaning Sebastian Cabot.[486] - -It would seem that the search for Brazil was of older date than Cabot’s -arrival. He probably gave an additional impetus to the custom, adding -to the stories of the fairy isles the legends of the _Sette Citade_ or -_Antillia_. Hardiman,[487] quoting from a MS. history of Ireland, in -the library of the Royal Irish Academy, written about 1636, mentions -an “iland, which lyeth far att sea, on the west of Connaught, and some -times is perceived by the inhabitants of the _Oules_ and _Iris_ ... and -from Saint Helen Head. Like wise several seamen have discovered it, ... -one of whom, named Captain Rich, who lives about Dublin, of late years -had a view of the land, and was so neere that he discovered a harbour -... but could never make to land” because of “a mist which fell upon -him.... Allsoe in many old mappes ... you still find it by the name of -_O’Brasile_ under the longitude of 03°, 00´, and the latitude of 50° -20´.”[488] In 1675 a pretended account of a visit to this island was -published in London, which is reprinted by Hardiman.[489] - -An account of the island as seen from Arran given in O’Flaherty’s -_Sketch of the Island of Arran_,[490] is quoted by H. Halliday -Sterling, _Irish Minstrelsy_, p. 307 (London, 1887). Mr. Marshall, in a -note in _Notes and Queries_, Sept. 22, 1883 (6th s., viii. 224), quotes -Guest, _Origines Celticae_ (London, 1883), i. 126, and R. O’Flaherty, -_Ogygia, sive rerum Hibernicarum chronologiae_ (London, 1685; also -in English translation, Dublin, 1793), as speaking of O’Brazile. The -latter work I have not seen. Mr. Marshall also quotes a familiar -allusion to it by Jeremy Taylor (_Dissuasive from Popery_, 1667). This -note was replied to in the same periodical, Dec. 15, 1883, by Mr. -Kerslake, “N.” and W. Fraser. Fraser’s interest had been attracted by -the entry of the island—much smaller than usual—on a map of the French -Geographer Royal, Le Sieur Tassin, 1634-1652, and he read a paper -before the Geological Society of Ireland, Jan. 20, 1870, suggesting -that Brazil might be the present _Porcupine Bank_, once above water. -On the same map _Rockall_ is laid down as two islands, where but a -solitary rock is now known.[491] Brasil appears on the maps of the last -two centuries, with _Mayda_ and _Isle Verte_, and even on the great -Atlas by Jefferys, 1776, is inserted, although called “imaginary island -of O’Brasil.” It grows constantly smaller, but within the second half -of this century has appeared on the royal Admiralty charts as _Brazil -Rock_.[492] - -It would be too tedious to enumerate the numerous other imaginary -islands of the Atlantic to which clouds, fogs, and white caps have -from time to time given rise. They are marked on all charts of the -last century in profusion; mention, however, may be made of the “land -of _Bus_” or _Busse_, which Frobisher’s expedition coasted along in -1576, and which has been hunted for with the lead even as late as 1821, -though in vain. - - -=F.= TOSCANELLI’S ATLANTIC OCEAN.—It has been shown elsewhere (Vol. -II. pp. 30, 31, 38, 90, 101, 103) that Columbus in the main accepted -the view of the width of the Atlantic, on the farther side of which -Asia was supposed to be, which Toscanelli had calculated; and it has -not been quite certain what actual measurement should be given to this -width, but recent discoveries tend to make easier a judgment in the -matter. - -When Humboldt wrote the _Examen Critique_, Toscanelli’s letter to -Columbus, of unknown date,[493] enclosing a copy of the one he sent -to Martinez in 1474, was known only in the Italian form in Ulloa’s -translation of the _Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo_ (Venice, -1571), and in the Spanish translation of Ulloa’s version by Barcia -in the _Historiades primitivos de las Indias occidentales_ (Madrid, -1749), i. 5 bis, which was reprinted by Navarrete, _Coleccion de los -viages y descubrimientos_, etc., ii. p. 1. In the letter to Martinez, -in this form, it is said that there are in the map which accompanied it -twenty-six _spaces_ between Lisbon and _Quisai_, each space containing -250 miles according to the Ulloa version, but according to the -re-translation of Barcia 150 miles. This, with several other changes -made by Barcia, were followed by Navarrete and accepted as correct -by Humboldt, who severely censures Ximenes for adopting the Italian -rendering in his _Gnomone fiorent_. But the Latin copy of the letter in -Columbus’s handwriting, discovered by Harrisse and made public (with -fac-simile) in his _D. Fernando Colon_ (Seville, 1871),[494] sustained -the correctness of Ulloa’s version, giving 250 miliaria to the space. -This authoritative rendering also showed that while the translator -had in general followed the text, he had twice inserted a translation -of miles into degrees, and once certainly, incorrectly, making in -one place 100 miles = 35 leagues, and in another, 2,500 miles = 225 -leagues. Probably this discrepancy led to the omissions made by Barcia; -he was wrong, however, in changing the number 250, supposing the 150 -not to be a typographical error, and in omitting the phrase, “which -space (from Lisbon to Quinsai) is about the third part of the sphere.” -The Latin text showed, too, that this whole passage about distances was -not in the Martinez letter at all, but formed the end of the letter -to Columbus, since in the Latin it follows the date of the Martinez -letter, into which it has been interpolated by a later hand. Finally -the publication of Las Casas’s _Historia de las Indias_ (Madrid, 1875) -gave us another Spanish version, which differs from Barcia’s in closely -agreeing with the Ulloa version, and which gives the length of a space -at 250 miles. - -There were then 26 × 250 = 6500 miles between Lisbon and Quinsai, and -this was about one third of the circumference of the earth in this -latitude, but it is not clear whether Roman or Italian miles were meant. - -If the MS. in the Biblioteca Nazionale at Florence [_Cod. -Magliabechiano Classe_ xi. _num._ 121], described by G. Uzielli in the -_Bollettino della Società Geografica Italiana_, x. 1 (1873), 13-28 -(“Ricerche intorno a Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli, ii. Della grandezza -della terra secondo Paolo Toscanelli”), actually represents the work -of Toscanelli, it is of great value in settling this point. The MS. -is inscribed “Discorso di M^o Paolo Puteo Toscanelli sopra la cometa -del 1456.” In it were found two papers: 1. A plain projection in -rectangular form apparently for use in sketching a map. It is divided -into spaces, each subdivided into five degrees, and numbers 36 spaces -in length. It is believed by Sig. Uzielli that this is the form used in -the map sent to Martinez. If this be so, the 26 spaces between Lisbon -and Quinsai = 130°. 2. A list of the latitude and longitude of various -localities, at the end of which is inscribed this table: - - Gradus continet .68 miliaria minus 3ª unius. - Miliarum tria millia bracchia. - Bracchium duos palmas. - Palmus. 12. uncias. 7. filos. - -The Florentine mile of 3,000 braccia da terra contains, according to -Sig. Uzielli, 1653.6^m. (as against 1481^m. to the Roman mile). Hence -Toscanelli estimated a degree of the meridian at 111,927^m, or only -552^m. more than the mean adopted by Bessel and Bayer. Since, according -to the letter, one space = 250 miles, and by the map one space = 5°, -we have 50 miles to a degree, which would point to an estimate for a -latitude of about 42°, allowing 67 2-3 miles to an equatorial degree. -Lisbon was entered in the table of Alphonso at 41° N. (true lat. 38° -41’ N.) By this reckoning Quinsai would fall 124° west of Lisbon or -10° west of San Francisco. It does not appear that the Florence MS. -can be traced directly to Toscanelli, but the probability is certainly -strong that we have here some of the astronomer’s working papers, and -that Ximenes did not deserve the rebuke administered by Humboldt for -allowing 250 miles to a space, and assuming that a space contained -five degrees. Certainly Humboldt’s use of 150 miles is unjustifiable, -and his calculation of 52° as the angular distance between Lisbon and -Quinsai, according to Toscanelli, is very much too small, whatever -standard we take for the mile. If we follow Uzielli, the result -obtained by Ruge (_Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. -230), 104°, is also too small.[495] - -[Illustration: GAFFAREL’S MAP. - -From a map by Gaffarel, “L’Océan Atlantique et les restes de -l’Atlantide,” in the _Revue de Géographie_, vi. p. 400, accompanying a -paper by Gaffarel in the numbers for April-July, 1880, and showing such -rocks and islets as have from time to time been reported as seen, or -thought to have been seen, and which Gaffarel views as vestiges of the -lost continent.] - - -=G.= EARLY MAPS OF THE ATLANTIC OCEAN.—_By the Editor_—The -cartographical history of the Atlantic Ocean is, even down to our own -day, an odd mixture of uncertain fact and positive fable. The island of -Bresil or Brazil was only left off the British Admiralty charts within -twenty years (see Vol. II. p. 36), and editions of the most popular -atlases, like Colton’s, within twenty-five years have shown Jacquet -Island, the Three Chimneys, Maida, and others lying in the mid-sea. -It may possibly be a fair question if some of the reports of islands -and rocks made within recent times may not have had a foundation in -temporary uprisings from the bed of the sea.[496] We must in this -country depend for the study of this subject on the great collections -of facsimiles of early maps made by Santarem, Kunstmann, Jomard, and on -the Sammlung which is now in progress at Venice, under the editing of -Theobald Fischer, and published by Ongania.[497] - -We may place the beginning of the Atlantic cartography[498] in the map -of Marino Sanuto in 1306, who was first of the nautical map-makers of -that century to lay down the Canaries;[499] but Sanuto was by no means -sure of their existence, if we may judge from his omission of them in -his later maps.[500] - -[Illustration: FIFTEENTH CENTURY. - -A conventional map of the older period, which is given in Santarem’s -_Atlas_ as a “Mappemonde qui se trouve au revers d’une Médaille du -Commencement du XVe Siècle.”] - -[Illustration - -NOTE.—The above maps are reduced a little from the engraving in -_Allgemeine Geographische Ephemeriden_ (Weimar, 1807), vol. xxiv. p. -248. The smaller is an extract from that of Fr. Pizigani (1367), and -the larger that of Andreas Bianco (1436). There is another fac-simile -of the latter in F. M. Erizzo’s _Le Scoperte Artiche_ (Venice, 1855).] - -[Illustration: CATALAN MAP, 1375. - -After a sketch in St. Martin’s _Atlas_, pl. vii.] - -There are two maps of Hygden (A.D. 1350), but the abundance of -islands which they present can hardly be said to show more than a -theory.[501] There is more likelihood of well considered work in the -Portolano Laurenziano-Gaddiano (A.D. 1351), preserved in the Biblioteca -Mediceo-Laurenziana at Florence, of which Ongania, of Venice, published -a fac-simile in 1881.[502] There are two maps of Francisco Pizigani, -which seem to give the Canaries, Madeira, and the Azores better than -any earlier one. One of these maps (1367) is in the national library -at Parma, and the other (1373) is in the Ambrosian library at Milan -(_Studi biog. e bibliog._, vol. ii. pp. viii, 57, 58). The 1367 map -is given by Jomard and Santarem. The most famous of all these early -maps is the Catalan Mappemonde of 1375, preserved in the great library -at Paris. It gives the Canaries and other islands further north, but -does not reach to the Azores.[503] These last islands are included, -however, in another Catalan planisphere of not far from the same era, -which is preserved in the national library at Florence, and has been -reproduced by Ongania (1881).[504] The student will need to compare -other maps of the fourteenth century, which can be found mentioned in -the _Studi_, etc., with references in the _Kohl Maps_, sect. 1. The -phototypic series of Ongania is the most important contribution to -this study, though the yellow tints of the original too often render -the details obscurely.[505] So for the next century there are the same -guides; but a number of conspicuous charts may well be mentioned. Chief -among them are those of Andrea Bianco contained in the Atlas (1436), -in the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice, published by Ongania (1871), who -also published (1881) the Carta Nautica of Bianco, in the Biblioteca -Ambrosiana in Milan.[506] - -[Illustration: ANDREAS BENINCASA, 1476. - -After a sketch in St. Martin’s _Atlas_, pl. vii.] - -The 1436 map has been reproduced in colors in Pietro Amat de San -Filippo’s _Planisferio disegnato del 1436_ (_Bollettino Soc. -Geografia_, 1879, p. 560); and a sketch of the Atlantic part is given -in the _Allgem. Geog. Ephemeriden_, xxiv. no. 248.[507] - -During the next twenty years or more, the varying knowledge of the -Atlantic is shown in a number of maps, a few of which may be named:—The -Catalan map “de Gabriell de Valsequa, faite à Mallorcha en 1439,” -which shows the Azores, and which Vespucius is said to have owned -(Santarem, pl. 54). The planisphere “in lingua latina dell’ anno 1447,” -in the national library at Florence (Ongania, 1881). The world maps of -Giovanni Leardo (Johannes Leardus), 1448 and 1452, the former of which -is given in Santarem (pl. 25,—also _Hist. Cartog._ iii. 398), and the -latter reproduced by Ongania, 1880. One is in the Ambrosian library, -and the other in the Museo Civico at Vicenza (cf. _Studi_, etc., ii. -72, 73). In the Biblioteca Vittorio Emanuele at Rome there is the -sea-chart of Bartolomaeus de Pareto of 1455, on which we find laid down -the Fortunate Islands, St. Brandan’s, Antillia, and Royllo.[508] The -World of Fra Mauro[509] has been referred to elsewhere in the present -volume. - -[Illustration: LAON GLOBE. - -From a “projection Synoptique Cordiforme” in the _Bull. de la Soc. de -Géog._, 4e série, xx. (1860), in connection with a paper by D’Avezac -(p. 398). Cf. Oscar Peschel in _Ausland_ May 12, 1861; also in his -_Abhandlungen_, i. 226.] - -We come now to the conditions of the Atlantic cartography immediately -preceding the voyage of Columbus. The most prominent specimens of this -period are the various marine charts of Grogioso and Andreas Benincasa -from 1461 to 1490. Some of these are given by Santarem, Lelewel, and -St. Martin; but the best enumeration of them is given in the _Studi -biog. e bibliog. della Soc. Geog. Ital._ ii. 66, 77-84, 92, 99, 100. -Of Toscanelli’s map of 1474, which influenced Columbus, we have no -sketch, though some attempts have been made to reconstruct it from -descriptions. (Cf. Vol. II. p. 103; Harrisse’s _Christophe Colomb._, -i. 127, 129.) Brief mention may also be made of the Laon globe of 1486 -(dated 1493), of which D’Avezac gives a projection in the _Bulletin -de la Soc. de Géog._ xx. 417; of the Majorcan (Catalan) Carta nautica -of about 1487 (cf. _Studi_, etc., ii. no. 397; _Bull. Soc. Géog._, i. -295); of the chart in the Egerton MSS., Brit. Mus., made by Christofalo -Soligo about the same time, and which has no dearth of islands (cf. -_Studi_, etc., i. 89); of those of Nicola Fiorin, Canepa, and Giacomo -Bertran (_Studi_, etc., ii. 82, 86, and no. 398). The globe of Behaim -(1492) gives the very latest of these ante-Columbian views (see Vol. -II. 105). - -[Illustration: _A Fac-simile from_ BORDONE, 1547.] - -[Illustration: END OF FIFTEENTH CENTURY. (Santarem’s _Atlas_.)] - -It took, after this, a long time for the Atlantic to be cleared, even -partially, of these intrusive islands, and to bring the proper ones -into accurate relations. How the old ideas survived may be traced in -the maps of Ruysch, 1508 (Vol. II. 115); Coppo, 1528, with its riot of -islands (II. 127); Mercator, 1541 (II. 177); Bordone, 1547; Zaltière, -1566 (II. 451); Porcacchi, 1572 (II. 453); Ortelius, 1575, 1587,—not to -continue the series further. - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -NOTE.—The left of the annexed cuts is from Bordone’s _Isolario_, 1547; -the right one is an extract from the “World” of Ortelius, 1587. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -PRE-COLUMBIAN EXPLORATIONS. - -BY JUSTIN WINSOR, THE EDITOR. - - -IN the previous chapter, in attempting to trace the possible connection -of the new world with the old in the dimmest past, it was hard, if -not hopeless, to find among the entangled myths a path that we could -follow with any confidence into the field of demonstrable history. -It is still a doubt how far we exchange myths for assured records, -when we enter upon the problems of pre-Columbian explorations, which -it is the object of the present chapter to discuss. We are to deal -with supposable colonizations, from which the indigenous population -of America, as the Spaniards found it, was sprung, wholly or in part; -and we are to follow the venturesome habits of navigators, who sought -experience and commerce in a strange country, and only incidentally -left possible traces of their blood in the peoples they surprised. If -Spain, Italy, and England gained consequence by the discoveries of -Columbus and Cabot, there were other national prides to be gratified -by the priority which the Basques, the Normans, the Welsh, the Irish, -and the Scandinavians, to say nothing of Asiatic peoples, claimed as -their share in the gift of a new world to the old. The records which -these peoples present as evidences of their right to be considered the -forerunners of the Spanish and English expeditions have in every case -been questioned by those who are destitute of the sympathetic credence -of a common kinship. The claims which Columbus and Cabot fastened upon -Spain and England, to the disadvantage of Italy, who gave to those -rival countries their maritime leaders, were only too readily rejected -by Italy herself, when the opportunity was given to her of paling such -borrowed glories before the trust which she placed in the stories of -the Zeni brothers. - - * * * * * - -There is not a race of eastern Asia—Siberian, Tartar, Chinese, -Japanese, Malay, with the Polynesians—which has not been claimed -as discoverers, intending or accidental, of American shores, or as -progenitors, more or less perfect or remote, of American peoples; and -there is no good reason why any one of them may not have done all that -is claimed. The historical evidence, however, is not such as is based -on documentary proofs of indisputable character, and the recitals -advanced are often far from precise enough to be convincing in details, -if their general authenticity is allowed. Nevertheless, it is much -more than barely probable that the ice of Behring Straits or the line -of the Aleutian Islands was the pathway of successive immigrations, -on occasions perhaps far apart, or may be near together; and there is -hardly a stronger demonstration of such a connection between the two -continents than the physical resemblances of the peoples now living -on opposite sides of the Pacific Ocean in these upper latitudes, with -the similarity of the flora which environs them on either shore.[510] -It is quite as conceivable that the great northern current, setting -east athwart the Pacific, should from time to time have carried along -disabled vessels, and stranded them on the shores of California and -farther north, leading to the infusion of Asiatic blood among whatever -there may have been antecedent or autochthonous in the coast peoples. -It is certainly in this way possible that the Chinese or Japanese may -have helped populate the western slopes of the American continent. -There is no improbability even in the Malays of southeastern Asia -extending step by step to the Polynesian islands, and among them and -beyond them, till the shores of a new world finally received the -impress of their footsteps and of their ethnic characteristics. We may -very likely recognize not proofs, but indications, along the shores of -South America, that its original people constituted such a stock, or -were increased by it. - - * * * * * - -As respects the possible early connections of America on the side of -Europe, there is an equally extensive array of claims, and they have -been set forth, first and last, with more persistency than effect.[511] - -Leaving the old world by the northern passage, Iceland lies at the -threshold of America. It is nearer to Greenland than to Norway, and -Greenland is but one of the large islands into which the arctic -currents divide the North American continent. Thither, to Iceland, if -we identify the localities in Geoffrey of Monmouth, King Arthur sailed -as early as the beginning of the sixth century, and overcame whatever -inhabitants he may have found there. Here too an occasional wandering -pirate or adventurous Dane had glimpsed the coast.[512] Thither, among -others, came the Irish, and in the ninth century we find Irish monks -and a small colony of their countrymen in possession.[513] Thither the -Gulf Stream carries the southern driftwood, suggesting sunnier lands -to whatever race had been allured or driven to its shelter.[514] Here -Columbus, when, as he tells us,[515] he visited the island in 1477, -found no ice. So that, if we may place reliance on the appreciable -change of climate by the precession of the equinoxes, a thousand years -ago and more, when the Norwegians crossed from Scandinavia and found -these Christian Irish there,[516] the island was not the forbidding -spot that it seems with the lapse of centuries to be becoming. - -[Illustration: NORSE SHIP. - -This cut is copied from one in Nordenskiöld’s _Voyage of the Vega_ -(London, 1881), vol. i. p. 50, where it is given as representing the -vessel found at Sandefjord in 1880. It is drawn from the restoration -given in _The Viking ship discovered at Gokstad in Norway (Langskibet -fra Gokstad ved Sandefjord) described by N. Nicholaysen_ (Christiania, -1882). The original vessel owed its preservation to being used as -a receptacle for the body of a Viking chief, when he was buried -under a mound. When exhumed, its form, with the sepulchral chamber -midships, could be made out, excepting that the prow and stern in their -extremities had to be restored. In the ship and about it were found, -beside some of the bones of a man, various appurtenances of the vessel, -and the remains of horses buried with him. They are all described in -the book above cited, from which the other cuts herewith given of the -plan of the vessel and one of its rowlocks are taken. The _Popular -Science Monthly_, May, 1881, borrowing from _La Nature_, gives a view -of the ship as when found _in situ_. There are other accounts in _The -Antiquary_, Aug., 1880; Dec., 1881; 1882, p. 87; _Scribner’s Magazine_, -Nov., 1887, by John S. White; _Potter’s American Monthly_, Mar., 1882. -Cf. the illustrated paper, “Les navires des peuples du nord,” by Otto -Jorell, in _Congrès Internat. des Sciences géographiques_ (Paris, 1875; -pub. 1878), i. 318.] - -Of an earlier discovery in 1872 there is an account in _The ancient -vessel found in the parish of Tune, Norway_ (Christiania, 1872). This -is a translation by Mr. Gerhard Gadé of a Report in the Proceedings of -the Society for preserving Norwegian Antiquities. (Cf. _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xiii. p. 10.) This vessel was also buried under a mound, -and she was 43½ feet long and four feet deep. - -There is in the Nicholaysen volume a detailed account of the naval -architecture of the Viking period, and other references may be made -to Otto Jorell’s _Les navires des peuples du Nord_, in the _Congrès -internat. des sciences géog., compte rendu, 1875_ (1878, i. 318); -_Mémoires de la Soc. royal des Antiquaires du Nord_ (1887, p. 280); -Preble, in _United Service_ (May, 1883, p. 463), and in his _Amer. -Flag_, p. 159; De Costa’s _Pre-Columbian Discovery of America_, p. -xxxvii; Fox’s _Landfall of Columbus_, p. 3; _Pop. Science Monthly_, -xix. 80; _Van Nostrand’s Eclectic Engineering Mag._, xxiii. 320; _Good -Words_, xxii. 759; Higginson’s _Larger History U. S._ for cuts; and J. -J. A. Worsaae’s _Prehistory of the North_ (Eng. transl., London,1886) -for the burial in ships. - -There is a paper on the daring of the Norsemen as navigators by G. -Brynjalfson (_Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_, Copenhagen, p. -140), entitled “Jusqu’où les anciens Scandinaves ont-ils pénétré vers -le pôle arctique dans leurs expéditions à la mer glaciale?” - -It was in A.D. 875 that Ingolf, a jarl[517] of Norway, came to -Iceland with Norse settlers. They built their habitation at first where -a pleasant headland seemed attractive, the present Ingolfshofdi, and -later founded Reikjavik, where the signs had directed them; for certain -carved posts, which they had thrown overboard as they approached -the island, were found to have drifted to that spot. The Christian -Irish preferred to leave their asylum rather than consort with the -new-comers, and so the island was left to be occupied by successive -immigrations of the Norse, which their king could not prevent. In -the end, and within half a century, a hardy little republic—as for -a while it was—of near seventy thousand inhabitants was established -almost under the arctic circle. The very next year (A.D. 876) after -Ingolf had come to Iceland, a sea-rover, Gunnbiorn, driven in his ship -westerly, sighted a strange land, and the report that he made was not -forgotten.[518] Fifty years later, more or less, for we must treat the -dates of the Icelandic sagas with some reservation, we learn that a -wind-tossed vessel was thrown upon a coast far away, which was called -Ireland the Great. Then again we read of a young Norwegian, Eric the -Red, not apparently averse to a brawl, who killed his man in Norway -and fled to Iceland, where he kept his dubious character; and again -outraging the laws, he was sent into temporary banishment,—this time -in a ship which he fitted out for discovery; and so he sailed away -in the direction of Gunnbiorn’s land, and found it. He whiled away -three years on its coast, and as soon as he was allowed ventured back -with the tidings, while, to propitiate intending settlers, he said -he had been to Greenland, and so the land got a sunny name. The next -year, which seems to have been A.D. 985, he started on his return with -thirty-five ships, but only fourteen of them reached the land. Wherever -there was a habitable fiord, a settlement grew up, and the stream of -immigrants was for a while constant and considerable. Just at the end -of the century (A.D. 999), Leif, a son of Eric, sailed back to Norway, -and found the country in the early fervor of a new religion; for King -Olaf Tryggvesson had embraced Christianity and was imposing it on his -people. Leif accepted the new faith, and a priest was assigned to him -to take back to Greenland; and thus Christianity was introduced into -arctic America. So they began to build churches[519] in Greenland, the -considerable ruins of one of which stand to this day.[520] The winning -of Iceland to the Church was accomplished at the same time. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF VIKING SHIP.] - -There were two centres of settlement on the Greenland coast, not where -they were long suspected to be, on the coast opposite Iceland, nor as -supposed after the explorations of Baffin’s Bay, on both the east and -west side of the country; but the settlers seem to have reached and -doubled Cape Farewell, and so formed what was called their eastern -settlement (Eystribygd), near the cape, while farther to the north they -formed their western colony (Westribygd).[521] Their relative positions -are still involved in doubt. - -[Illustration: ROWLOCK OF THE VIKING SHIP.] - -In the next year after the second voyage of Eric the Red, one of the -ships which were sailing from Iceland to the new settlement, was driven -far off her course, according to the sagas, and Bjarni Herjulfson, who -commanded the vessel, reported that he had come upon a land, away to -the southwest, where the coast country was level; and he added that -when he turned north it took him nine days to reach Greenland.[522] -Fourteen years later than this voyage of Bjarni, which is said to have -been in A.D. 986,—that is, in the year 1000 or thereabouts,—Leif, the -same who had brought the Christian priest to Greenland, taking with him -thirty-five companions, sailed from Greenland in quest of the land seen -by Bjarni, which Leif first found, where a barren shore stretched back -to ice-covered mountains, and because of the stones there he called the -region Hellu land. Proceeding farther south, he found a sandy shore, -with a level forest-country back of it, and because of the woods it was -named Markland. Two days later they came upon other land, and tasting -the dew upon the grass they found it sweet. Farther south and westerly -they went, and going up a river came into an expanse of water, where -on the shores they built huts to lodge in for the winter, and sent -out exploring parties. In one of these, Tyrker, a native of a part of -Europe where grapes grew, found vines hung with their fruit, which -induced Leif to call the country Vinland. - -[Illustration: NORSE BOAT USED AS A HABITATION. - -From Viollet-le-Duc’s _Habitation humaine_ (Paris, 1875).] - -[Illustration: NORMAN SHIP FROM THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY. - -From Worsaae’s _Danes and Norwegians in England_, etc. “With the -exception of very imperfect representation carved on rocks and runic -stones [see Higginson’s _Larger History_, p. 27], there are no images -left in the countries of Scandinavia of ships of the olden times; but -the tapestry at Bayeux, in Normandy, is a contemporary evidence of the -appearance of the Normanic ships.”] - -[Illustration: SCANDINAVIAN FLAGS. - -This group from Worsaae’s _Danes and Norwegians in England, etc._, p. -64, shows the transition from the raven to the cross.] - -Attempts have been made to identify these various regions by the -inexact accounts of the direction of their sailing, by the very general -descriptions of the country, by the number of days occupied in going -from one point to another, with the uncertainty if the ship sailed -at night, and by the length of the shortest day in Vinland,—the last -a statement that might help us, if it could be interpreted with a -reasonable concurrence of opinion, and if it were not confused with -other inexplicable statements. The next year Leif’s brother, Thorvald, -went to Vinland with a single ship, and passed three winters there, -making explorations meanwhile, south and north. Thorfinn Karlsefne, -arriving in Greenland in A.D. 1006, married a courageous widow named -Gudrid, who induced him to sail with his ships to Vinland and make -there a permanent settlement, taking with him livestock and other -necessaries for colonization. Their first winter in the place was a -severe one; but Gudrid gave birth to a son, Snorre, from whom it is -claimed Thorwaldsen, the Danish sculptor, was descended. The next -season they removed to the spot where Leif had wintered, and called the -bay Hóp. Having spent a third winter in the country, Karlsefne, with a -part of the colony, returned to Greenland. - -[Illustration: FROM OLAUS MAGNUS. - -Fac-simile of Norse weapons from the _Historia_ of Olaus Magnus (b. -1490; d. 1568), Rome, 1555, p. 222.] - -The saga then goes on to say that trading voyages to the settlement -which had been formed by Karlsefne now became frequent, and that the -chief lading of the return voyages was timber, which was much needed in -Greenland. A bishop of Greenland, Eric Upsi, is also said to have gone -to Vinland in A.D. 1121. In 1347 the last ship of which we have any -record in these sagas went to Vinland after timber. After this all is -oblivion. - -There are in all these narratives many details beyond this outline, -and those who have sought to identify localities have made the most -they could of the mention of a rock here or a bluff there, of an -island where they killed a bear, of others where they found eggs, of -a headland where they buried a leader who had been killed, of a cape -shaped like a keel, of broadfaced natives who offered furs for red -cloths, of beaches where they hauled up their ships, and of tides that -were strong; but the more these details are scanned in the different -sagas the more they confuse the investigator, and the more successive -relators try to enlighten us the more our doubts are strengthened, till -we end with the conviction that all attempts at consistent unravelment -leave nothing but a vague sense of something somewhere done. - -[Illustration: FULL-SIZE FAC-SIMILE OF THE TABLET, _engraved by Prof. -Magnus Petersen, with the Runes as he sees them_. - -(TRANSLITERATION OF THE LEADEN TABLET.), - - + (AT) Þ(E)R KUEN(E) SINE PRINSINED (B)AD (M)OTO - LANANA KRISTI DONAVISTI GARDIAR IARDIAR - IBODIAR KRISTUS UINKIT KRISTUS REGNAT - KRISTUS IMPERAT KRISTUS AB OMNI - MALO ME ASAM LIPERET KRUX KRISTI - SIT SUPER ME ASAM HIK ET UBIQUE - + KHORDA + IN KHORDA + KHORDAE - (t) (M)AGLA + SANGUIS KRISTI SIGNET ME - -RUNES, A.D. 1000. - -This cut is of some of the oldest runes known, giving two lines in -Danish and the rest in Latin, as the transliteration shows. It is -copied from _The oldest yet found Document in Danish, by Prof Dr. -George Stephens_ (Copenhagen, 1888,—from the _Mémoires des Antiquaires -du Nord_, 1887). The author says that the leaden tablet on which the -runes were cut was found in Odense, Fyn, Denmark, in 1883, and he -places the date of it about the year A.D. 1000. - -George Stephens’s _Handbook of the old Northern Runic Monuments of -Scandinavia and England_ is a condensation, preserving all the cuts, -and making some additions to his larger folio work in 3 vols., _The -old-northern Runic monuments of Scandinavia and England, now first -collected and deciphered_ (London, etc., 1866-68). It does not contain -either Icelandic or Greenland runes. He says that by the time of the -colonization of Iceland “the old northern runes as a system had died -out on the Scandinavian main, and were followed by the later runic -alphabet. But even this modern Icelandic of the tenth century has not -come down to us. If it had, it would be very different from what is -now vulgarly so called, which is the greatly altered Icelandic of the -thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.... The oldest written Icelandic -known to us is said to date from about the year 1200.... The whole -modern doctrine of one uniform Icelandic language all over the immense -north in the first one thousand winters after Christ is an impossible -absurdity.... It is very seldom that any of the Scandinavian runic -stones bear a date.... No Christian runic gravestone is older than the -fourteenth century.” - -On runes in general, see Mallet, Bohn’s ed., pp. 227, 248, following -the cut of the Kingektorsoak stone, in Rafn’s _Antiq. Americanæ_; -Wilson’s _Prehist. Man_, ii. 88; Wollheim’s _Nat. Lit. der -Scandinavier_ (Berlin, 1875), vol. i. pp. 2-15; Legis-Glueckselig’s -_Die Runen and ihre Denkmäler_ (Leipzig, 1829); De Costa’s _Pre-Columb. -Disc._, pp. xxx; _Revue polit. et lit._, Jan. 10, 1880. - -It is held that runes are an outgrowth of the Latin alphabet. (L. F. A. -Wimmer’s _Runeskriftens Oprindelse og Udvikling i norden_, Copenhagen, -1874.)] - -Everywhere else where the Northmen went they left proofs of their -occupation on the soil, but nowhere in America, except on an island -on the east shore of Baffin’s Bay,[523] has any authentic runic -inscription been found outside of Greenland. Not a single indisputable -grave has been discovered to attest their alleged centuries of fitful -occupation. The consistent and natural proof of any occupation of -America south of Davis Straits is therefore lacking; and there is -not sufficient particularity in the descriptions[524] to remove the -suspicion that the story-telling of the fireside has overlaid the -reports of the explorer. Our historic sense is accordingly left to -consider, as respects the most general interpretation, what weight -of confidence should be yielded to the sagas, pre-Columbian as they -doubtless are. But beyond this is perhaps, what is after all the -most satisfactory way of solving the problem, a dependence on the -geographical and ethnical probabilities of the case. The Norsemen -have passed into credible history as the most hardy and venturesome -of races. That they colonized Iceland and Greenland is indisputable. -That their eager and daring nature should have deserted them at this -point is hardly conceivable. Skirting the Greenland shores and inuring -themselves to the hardships and excitements of northern voyaging, -there was not a long stretch of open sea before they could strike the -Labrador coast. It was a voyage for which their ships, with courageous -crews, were not unfitted. Nothing is more likely than that some ship -of theirs may have been blown westerly and unwillingly in the first -instance, just as Greenland was in like manner first made known to the -Icelanders. The coast once found, to follow it to the south would have -been their most consistent action. - -[Illustration: FROM OLAUS MAGNUS. - -Fac-simile of a cut to the chapter “De Alphabeto Gothorum” in the -_Historia de Gentibus Septentrionalibus_ (Romæ, M.D.LV.).] - -We may consider, then, that the weight of probability[525] is in favor -of a Northman descent upon the coast of the American mainland at some -point, or at several, somewhere to the south of Greenland; but the -evidence is hardly that which attaches to well-established historical -records. - -The archæological traces, which are lacking farther south, are -abundant in Greenland, and confirm in the most positive way the Norse -occupation. The ruins of churches and baptisteries give a color of -truth to the ecclesiastical annals which have come down to us, and -which indicate that after having been for more than a century under the -Bishop of Iceland, a succession of bishops of its own was established -there early in the twelfth century. The names of seventeen prelates -are given by Torfæus, though it is not quite certain that the bishops -invariably visited their see. The last known to have filled the office -went thither in the early years of the fifteenth century. The last -trace of him is in the celebration of a marriage at Gardar in 1409. - -The Greenland colonists were equipped with all the necessities of a -permanent life. They had horses, sheep, and oxen, and beef is said to -have been a regular article of export to Norway. They had buildings -of stone, of which the remains still exist. They doubtless brought -timber from the south, and we have in runic records evidence of -their explorations far to the north. They maintained as late as the -thirteenth century a regular commercial intercourse with the mother -country,[526] but this trade fell into disuse when a royal mandate -constituted such ventures a monopoly of the throne; and probably -nothing so much conduced to the decadence and final extinction of -the colonies as this usurped and exclusive trade, which cut off all -personal or conjoined intercourse. - -The direct cause of the final extinction of the Greenland colonies is -involved in obscurity, though a variety of causes, easily presumable, -would have been sufficient, when we take into consideration the -moribund condition into which they naturally fell after commercial -restriction had put a stop to free intercourse with the home government. - -The Eskimos are said to have appeared in Greenland about the middle -of the fourteenth century, and to have manifested hostility to such a -degree that about 1342 the imperilled western colony was abandoned. The -eastern colony survived perhaps seventy years longer, or possibly to a -still later period. We know they had a new bishop in 1387, but before -the end of that century the voyages to their relief were conducted only -after long intervals. - -Before communication was wholly cut off, the attacks of the Skrælings, -and possibly famine and the black death, had carried the struggling -colonists to the verge of destruction. Bergen, in Norway, upon which -they depended for succor, had at one time been almost depopulated by -the same virulent disease, and again had been ravaged by a Hanseatic -fleet. Thus such intercourse as the royal monopoly permitted had -become precarious, and the marauding of freebooters, then prevalent in -northern waters, still further served to impede the communications, -till at last they wholly ceased, during the early years of the -fifteenth century. - -It has sometimes been maintained that the closing in of ice-packs was -the final stroke which extinguished the last hopes of the expiring -colonists.[527] This view, however, meets with little favor among the -more enlightened students of climatic changes, like Humboldt.[528] - -There has been published what purports to be a bull of Pope Nicholas -V,[529] directing the Bishop of Iceland to learn what he could of the -condition of the Greenland colonies, and in this document it is stated -that part of the colonists had been destroyed by barbarians thirty -years before,—the bull bearing date in 1448. There is no record that -any expedition followed upon this urging, and there is some question -as to the authenticity of the document.[530] In the _Relation_ of La -Peyrère there is a story of some sailors visiting Greenland so late as -1484; but it is open to question. - - * * * * * - -Early in the sixteenth century fitful efforts to learn the fate of -the colonies began, and these were continued, without result, well -into the seventeenth century; but nothing explicable was ascertained -till, in 1721, Hans Egede, a Norwegian priest, prevailed upon the -Danish government to send him on a mission to the Eskimos. He went, -accompanied by wife and children; and the colony of Godthaab, and -the later history of the missions, and the revival of trade with -Europe, attest the constancy of his purpose and the fruits of his -earnestness. In a year he began to report upon certain remains which -indicated the former occupation of the country by people who built -such buildings as was the habit in Europe. He and his son Paul Egede, -and their successors in the missions, gathered for us, first among -modern searchers, the threads of the history of this former people; -and, as time went on, the researches of Graah, Nordenskjöld, and -other explorers, and the studious habits of Major, Rink, and the rest -among the investigators, have enabled us to read the old sagas of the -colonization of Greenland with renewed interest and with the light of -corroborating evidence.[531] - -[Illustration: - -DEI COMMENTARII DEL - -Viaggio in Persia di M. Caterino Zeno il K. & delle guerre fatte nell’ -Imperio Persiano, dal tempo di Vssuncassano in quà. - -LIBRI DVE. - -ET DELLO SCOPRIMENTO dell’ Isole Frislanda, Eslanda, Engrouelanda, -Estotilanda, & Icaria, fatto sotto il Polo Artico, da due fratelli -zeni, M. Nicolòil, K. e M. Antonio. - -LIBRO VNO. - -CON VN DISEGNO PARTICOLARE DI tutte le dette parte di Tramontana da lor -scoperte. - -CON GRATIA, ET PRIVILEGIO. - -VERITAS. - -IN VENETIA - -Per Francesco Marcolini. M D LVIII. ] - - * * * * * - -We are told that it was one result of these Northman voyages that the -fame of them spread to other countries, and became known among the -Welsh, at a time when, upon the death of Owen Gwynedd, who ruled in -the northern parts of that country, the people were embroiled in civil -strife. That chieftain’s son, Prince Madoc, a man bred to the sea, was -discontented with the unstable state of society, and resolved to lead a -colony to these western lands, where they could live more in peace. - -[Illustration: - -DELLO SCOPRÍMENTO DEL l’Isole Frislanda, Eslanda, Engṙoueland -Estosilanda, & Icaria, fatto per due fratelli Zeni M. Nicolò il -Cavaliere, & M. Antonio Libro Vno, col disegno di dètte Isole. - -Ne’mille, & dugento anni del la nostra salute se molto famoso in -Venetia M. Marin zeno chi mato per la sua gran virtù, et de strezza -d’inge gno podestà in alcune Republi. d’Italia, ne’governi dellequali -si portò Sempre cosi bène, che era amato, & grandemènte riverito il suo -nome da quelli anzo, che non l’havevano mai per presenza conosciuto; -etra l’altre sue belle opere particolarmente si narra. - -NOTE.—The cuts above are facsimiles of the title and of the first -page of the section on Frisland, etc., from the Harvard College copy. -The book is rare. The Beckford copy brought £50; the Hamilton, £38; -the Tross catalogue (1882) price one at 150 francs; the Tweitmeyer, -Leipzig, 1888, at 250 marks; Quaritch (1885), at £25. Cf. Court -Catalogue, no. 378; Leclerc, no. 3002; Dufossé, no. 4965; Carter-Brown, -i. 226; Murphy, nos. 2798-99. The map is often in fac-simile, as in the -Harvard College copy.] - -Accordingly, in A.D. 1170, going seaward on a preliminary exploration -by the south of Ireland, he steered west, and established a pioneer -colony in a fertile land. Leaving here 120 persons, he returned to -Wales, and fitted out a larger expedition of ten ships, with which he -again sailed, and passed out of view forever. The evidence in support -of this story is that it is mentioned in early annals, and that -sundry persons have discovered traces of the Welsh tongue among the -lighter-colored American Indians, to say nothing of manifold legends -among the Indians of an original people, white in color, coming from -afar towards the northeast,—proofs not sufficient to attract the -confidence of those who look for historical tests, though, as Humboldt -contends,[532] there may be no impossibility in the story. - - * * * * * - -There seems to be a general agreement that a crew of Arabs, somewhere -about the eleventh or twelfth century, explored the Atlantic westward, -with the adventurous purpose of finding its further limits, and that -they reached land, which may have been the Canaries, or possibly the -Azores, though the theory that they succeeded in reaching America is -not without advocates. The main source of the belief is the historical -treatise of the Arab geographer Edrisi, whose work was composed about -the middle of the twelfth century.[533] - -[Illustration: SHIP OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY. - -From the _Isolario_ (Venice, 1547).] - -In the latter part of the fourteenth century,[534] as the story goes, -two brothers of Venice, Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, being on a voyage -in the North Atlantic were wrecked there, and lived for some years -at Frislanda, and visited Engroneland. During this northern sojourn -they encountered a sailor, who, after twenty-six years of absence, had -returned, and reported that the ship in which he was had been driven -west in a gale to an island, where he found civilized people, who -possessed books in Latin and could not speak Norse, and whose country -was called Estotiland; while a region on the mainland, farther south, -to which he had also gone, was called Drogeo, and that here he had -encountered cannibals. Still farther south was a great country with -towns and temples. This information, picked up by these exiled Zeni, -was finally conveyed to another brother in Venice, accompanied by a map -of these distant regions. These documents long remained in the family -palace in Venice, and were finally neglected and became obscured, until -at last a descendant of the family compiled from them, as best he -could, a book, which was printed in Venice in 1558 as _Dei Commentarii -del Viaggio_, which was accompanied by a map drawn with difficulty from -the half obliterated original which had been sent from Frislanda.[535] -The original documents were never produced, and the publication took -place opportunely to satisfy current curiosity, continually incited -by the Spanish discoveries. It was also calculated to appeal to the -national pride of Italy, which had seen Spain gain the glory of her own -sons, Columbus and Vespucius, if it could be established that these -distant regions, of which the Zeni brothers so early reported tidings, -were really the great new world.[536] The cartography of the sixteenth -century shows that the narrative and its accompanying map made an -impression on the public mind, but from that day to this it has been -apparent that there can be no concurrence of opinion as to what island -the Frislanda of the Zeni was, if it existed at all except in some -disordered or audacious mind; and, as a matter of course, the distant -regions of Estotiland and Drogeo have been equally the subject of -belief and derision. No one can be said wholly to have taken the story -out of the category of the uncertain. - -[Illustration: THE SEA OF DARKNESS. (From Olaus Magnus.)] - -The presence of the Basques on the coasts of North America long -before the voyage of Columbus is often asserted,[537] and there is -no improbability in a daring race of seamen, in search of whales, -finding a way to the American waters. There are some indications -in the early cartography which can perhaps be easily explained -on this hypothesis;[538] there are said to be unusual linguistic -correspondences in the American tongues with those of this strange -people.[539] There are the reports of the earliest navigators, who have -left indisputable records that earlier visitors from Europe had been -before them, and Cabot may have found some reminders of such;[540] and -it is even asserted that it was a Basque mariner, who had been on the -Newfoundland banks, and gave to Columbus some premonitions of the New -World.[541] - -Certain claims of the Dutch have also been advanced;[542] and one for -an early discovery of Newfoundland, in 1463-64, by John Vas Costa -Cortereal was set forth by Barrow in his _Chronological Hist. of -Voyages into the Arctic Regions_ (London, 1818); but he stands almost -alone in his belief.[543] Biddle in his _Cabot_ has shown its great -improbability. - -In the years while Columbus was nourishing his purpose of a western -voyage, there were two adventurous navigators, as alleged, who were -breasting the dangers of the Sea of Darkness both to the north and -to the south. It cannot be said that either the Pole Skolno, in his -skirting the Labrador coasts in 1476,[544] or the Norman Cousin, who -is thought to have traversed a part of the South American coast in -1488-89,[545] have passed with their exploits into the accepted truths -of history; but there was nothing improbable in what was said of them, -and they flourish as counter-rumors always survive when attendant upon -some great revelation like that of Columbus. - -CRITICAL NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -=A.= EARLY CONNECTION OF ASIATIC PEOPLES WITH THE WESTERN COAST OF -AMERICA.— The question of the origin of the Americans, whether an -autochthonous one or associated with the continents beyond either -ocean, is more properly discussed in another place of the present -volume. We can only indicate here in brief such of the phases of the -question as suppose an Asiatic connection, and the particular lines of -communication. - -The ethnic unity of the American races, as urged by Morton and others, -hardly meets the requirements of the problem in the opinion of most -later students, like Sir Daniel Wilson, for instance; and yet, if A. -H. Keane represents, as he claims, the latest ethnological beliefs, -the connection with Asia, of the kind that forms ethnic traces, must -have been before the history of the present Asiatic races, since the -correspondence of customs, etc. is not sufficient for more recent -affiliation.[546] It should be remembered also, that if this is true, -and if there is the strong physical resemblance between Asiatics and -the indigenous tribes of the northwest coast which early travellers and -physiologists have dwelt on, we have in such a correspondence strong -evidence of the persistency of types.[547] - -The Asiatic theory was long a favorite one. So popular a book as -Lafitau’s _Mœurs des Sauvages_ (Paris, 1724) advocated it. J. B. -Scherer’s _Recherches historiques et géographiques sur le nouveau -monde_ (Paris, 1777) was on the same side. One of the earliest in this -country, Benj. Smith Barton, to give expression to American scholarship -in this field held like opinions in his _New Views of the Origin of -the Tribes of America_ (Philad., 1797).[548] Twenty years later (1816) -one of the most active of the American men of letters advocated the -same views,—Samuel L. Mitchell in the _Archæologia Americana_ (i. 325, -338, 346). The weightiest authority of his time, Alex. von Humboldt, -formulated his belief in several of his books: _Vues des Cordillères; -Ansichten der Natur; Cosmos_.[549] - -[Illustration: BEHRING SEA AND ADJACENT WATERS - -NOTE.—Sketch map from the _U. S. Geodetic Survey_, 1880, App. xvi; also -in _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, xv. p. 114. Cf. Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, -i. 35.] - -Of the northern routes, that by Behring’s Straits is the most -apparent, and Lyell says that when half-way over Dover Straits, which -have not far from the same dimensions, he saw both the English and -French shores at the same time, he was easily convinced that the -passage by Behring’s Straits solved many of the difficulties of the -American problem.[550] - -The problem as to the passage by the Aleutian Islands is converted into -the question whether primitive people could have successfully crossed -an interval from Asia of 130 miles to reach the island Miedna, 126 -more to Behring’s Island, and then 235 to Attu, the westernmost of the -Aleutian Islands, or nearly 500 miles in all, and to have crossed in -such numbers as to affect the peopling of the new continent. There are -some, like Winchell, who see no difficulty in the case.[551] There are -no authenticated relics, it is believed, to prove the Tartar occupancy -of the northwest of America.[552] That there have been occasional -estrays upon the coasts of British Columbia, Oregon, and California, by -the drifting thither of Chinese and Japanese junks, is certainly to be -believed; but the argument against their crews peopling the country is -usually based upon the probable absence of women in them,—an argument -that certainly does not invalidate the belief in an infusion of Asiatic -blood in a previous race.[553] - -The easterly passage which has elicited most interest is one alleged -to have been made by some Buddhist priests to a country called Fusang, -and in proof of it there is cited the narrative of one Hœi-Shin, who -is reported to have returned to China in A.D. 499. Beside much in the -story that is ridiculous and impossible, there are certain features -which have led some commentators to believe that the coast of Mexico -was intended, and that the Mexican maguey plant was the tree fusang, -after which the country is said to have been called. The story was -first brought to the attention of Europeans in 1761, when De Guignes -published his paper on the subject in the 28th volume (pp. 505-26) of -the Academy of Inscriptions.[554] It seems to have attracted little -attention till J. H. von Klaproth, in 1831, discredited the American -theory in his “Recherches sur le pays de Fousang,” published in the -_Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (2d ser., vol. xxi.), accompanied by a -chart. In 1834 there appeared at Paris a French translation, _Annales -des Empereurs du Japon_ (_Nipon o dai itsi rau_), to which (vol. iv.) -Klaproth appended an “Aperçu de l’histoire mythologique du Japon,” in -which he returned to the subject, and convinced Humboldt at least,[555] -that the country visited was Japan, and not Mexico, though he could but -see striking analogies, as he thought, in the Mexican myths and customs -to those of the Chinese.[556] - -In 1841, Karl Friedrich Neumann, in the _Zeitschrift für allgemeine -Erdkunde_ (new series, vol. xvi.), published a paper on “Ost Asien und -West Amerika nach Chinesischen Quellen aus dem fünften, sechsten und -siebenten Jahrhundert,” in which he gave a version of the Hœi-shin -(Hœi-schin, Hui-shën) narrative, which Chas. G. Leland, considering -it a more perfect form of the original than that given by De Guignes, -translated into English in _The Knickerbocker Mag._ (1850), xxxvi. 301, -as “California and Mexico in the fifth century.”[557] - -[Illustration: CARTE DES TERRES NOUVELLEMENT CONNUES AU NORD DE LA MER -DU SUD - -NOTE.—The map of Buache, 1752, showing De Guignes’ route of the -Chinese emigration to Fusang. Reduced from the copy in the _Congrès -internationale des Américanistes, Compte Rendu, Nancy, 1875_.] - -The next to discuss the question, and in an affirmative spirit, -was Charles Hippolyte de Paravey, in the _Annales de Philosophie -Chrétienne_ (Feb., 1844), whose paper was published separately as -_L’Amérique sous le nom de pays de Fou-Sang, est elle citée dès le -5^e siècle de notre ère, dans les grandes annales de la Chine_, etc. -_Discussion ou dissertation abrégée, où l’affirmative est prouvée_ -(Paris, 1844); and in 1847 he published _Nouvelles preuves que le pays -du Fousang est l’Amérique_.[558] - -The controversy as between De Guignes and Klaproth was shared, in 1862, -by Gustave d’Eichthal, taking the Frenchman’s side, in the _Revue -Archéologique_ (vol. ii.), and finally in his _Etudes sur les origines -Bouddhiques de la civilisation Américaine_ (Paris, 1865).[559] - -In 1870, E. Bretschneider, in his “Fusang, or who discovered America?” -in the _Chinese Recorder and Missionary Journal_ (Foochow, Oct., -1870), contended that the whole story was the fabrication of a lying -priest.[560] - -In 1875 there was new activity in discussing the question. Two French -writers of considerable repute in such studies attracted attention: the -one, Lucien Adam, in the Congrès des Américanistes at Nancy (_Compte -Rendu_, i. 145); and the other, Léon de Rosny, entered the discussions -at the same session (_Ibid._ i. p. 131).[561] - -The most conspicuous study for the English reader was Charles Godfrey -Leland’s _Fusang, or The discovery of America by Chinese Buddhist -priests in the fifth century_ (London, 1875).[562] - -The Marquis d’Hervey de Saint Denis published in the _Actes de la Soc. -d’Ethnographie_ (1869), vol. vi., and later in the _Comptes Rendus_ -of the French Academy of Inscriptions, a _Mémoire sur le pays connu -des anciens Chinois sous le nom de Fousang, et sur quelques documents -inédits pour servir à l’identifier_, which was afterwards published -separately in Paris, 1876, in which he assented to the American -theory. The student of the subject need hardly go, however, beyond E. -P. Vining’s _An inglorious Columbus: or, Evidence that Hwui Shăn and -a party of Buddhist monks from Afghanistan discovered America in the -fifth century_ A.D. (New York, 1885), since the compiler has made it a -repository of all the essential contributions to the question from De -Guignes down. He gives the geographical reasons for believing Fusang to -be Mexico (ch. 20), comparing the original description of Fusang with -the early accounts of aboriginal Mexico, and rehearsing the traditions, -as is claimed, of the Buddhists still found by the Spaniards pervading -the memories of the natives, and at last (ch. 37) summarizing all the -grounds of his belief.[563] - - * * * * * - -The consideration of the Polynesian route as a possible avenue -for peopling America involves the relations of the Malays to the -inhabitants of the Oceanic Islands and the capacity of early man to -traverse long distances by water.[564] - -E. B. Tylor has pointed out the Asiatic relations of the Polynesians -in the _Journal of the Anthropological Inst._, xi. 401. Pickering, -in the ethnological chart accompanying the reports of the Wilkes -Expedition, makes the original people of Chili and Peru to be Malay, -and he connects the Californians with the Polynesians.[565] - -The earliest elaboration of this theory was in John Dunmore Lang’s -_View of the origin and migrations of the Polynesian nations, -demonstrating their ancient discovery and progressive settlement of the -continent of America_ (London, 1834; 2d ed., Sydney, 1877). /Francis -A. Allen has advanced similar views at the meetings of the Congrès des -Américanistes at Luxembourg and at Copenhagen.[566] - -The Mongol theory of the occupation of Peru, which John Ranking so -enthusiastically pressed in his _Historical researches on the conquest -of Peru, Mexico, Bogota, Natchez, and Talomeco, in the thirteenth -century, by the Mongols, accompanied with elephants; and the local -agreement of history and tradition, with the remains of elephants and -mastodontes found in the new world_ [etc.] (London, 1827), implies -that in the thirteenth century the Mongol emperor Kublai Khan sent a -fleet against Japan, which, being scattered in a storm, finally in part -reached the coasts of Peru, where the son of Kublai Khan became the -first Inca.[567] The book hardly takes rank as a sensible contribution -to ethnology, and Prescott says of it that it embodies “many curious -details of Oriental history and manners in support of a whimsical -theory.”[568] - - -=B.= IRELAND THE GREAT, OR WHITE MAN’S LAND.—The claims of the Irish -to have preceded the Norse in Iceland, and to have discovered America, -rest on an Icelandic saga, which represents that in the tenth century -Are Marson, driven off his course by a gale, found a land which became -known as Huitramannaland, or white man’s land, or otherwise as Irland -it Mikla.[569] This region was supposed by the colonists of Vinland -to lie farther south, which Rafn[570] interprets as being along the -Carolina coast,[571] and others have put it elsewhere, as Beauvois in -Canada above the Great Lakes; and still others see no more in it than -the pressing of some storm-driven vessel to the Azores[572] or some -other Atlantic island. The story is also coupled, from another source, -with the romance of Bjarni Asbrandson, who sailed away from Iceland -and from a woman he loved, because the husband and relatives of the -woman made it desirable that he should. Thirty years later, the crew of -another ship, wrecked on a distant coast,[573] found that the people -who took them prisoners spoke Irish,[574] and that their chieftain -was this same renegade, who let them go apparently for the purpose of -conveying some token by which he would be remembered to the Thurid -of his dreams. Of course all theorists who have to deal with these -supposed early discoveries by Europeans connect, each with his own pet -scheme, the prevailing legendary belief among the American Indians that -white men at an early period made their appearance on the coasts all -the way from Central America to Labrador.[575] Whether these strange -comers be St. Patrick,[576] St. Brandan even, or some other Hibernian -hero, with his followers, is easily to be adduced, if the disposing -mind is inclined. - -There have been of late years two considerable attempts to establish -the historical verity of some of these alleged Irish visits.[577] - - -=C.= THE NORSE IN ICELAND.—The chief original source for the Norse -settlement of Iceland is the famous _Landnamabók_,[578] which is a -record by various writers, at different times, of the partitioning and -ownership of lands during the earliest years of occupation.[579] This -and other contemporary manuscripts, including the _Heimskringla_ of -Snorre Sturleson and the great body of Icelandic sagas, either at first -hand or as filtered through the leading writers on Icelandic history, -constitute the material out of which is made up the history of Iceland, -in the days when it was sending its adventurous spirits to Greenland -and probably to the American main.[580] - -Respecting the body of the sagas, Laing (_Heimskringla_, i. 23) says: -“It does not appear that any saga manuscript now existing has been -written before the fourteenth century, however old the saga itself may -be. It is known that in the twelfth century, Are Frode, Sæmund and -others began to take the sagas out of the traditionary state and fix -them in writing; but none of the original skins appear to have come -down to our time, but only some of the numerous copies of them.” Laing -(p. 24) also instances numerous sagas known to have existed, but they -are not now recognized;[581] and he gives us (p. 30) the substance of -what is known respecting the writers and transcribers of this early -saga literature. It is held that by the beginning of the thirteenth -century the sagas of the discoveries and settlements had all been put -in writing, and thus the history, as it exists, of mediæval Iceland is, -as Burton says (_Ultima Thule_, i. 237), more complete than that of any -European country.[582] - -Among the secondary writers, using either at first or second hand the -early MS. sources, the following may be mentioned:— - -One of the earliest brought to the attention of the English public -was _A Compendious Hist. of the Goths, Swedes and Vandals, and other -northern powers_ (London, 1650 and 1658), translated in an abridged -form from the Latin of Olaus Magnus, which had been for more than a -hundred years the leading comprehensive authority on the northern -nations. The _Svearikes Historia_ (Stockholm, 1746-62) of Olof von -Dalin and the similar work of Sven Lagerbring (1769-1788), covering -the early history of the north, are of interest for the comparative -study of the north, rather than as elucidating the history of Iceland -in particular.[583] More direct aid will be got from Mallet’s _Northern -Antiquities_ (London edition, 1847) and from Wheaton’s _Northmen_. More -special is the _Histoire de l’Island_ of Xavier Marmier; and the German -historian F. C. Dahlman also touches Iceland with particular attention -in his _Geschichte von Dänemark bis zur Reformation, mit Inbegriff von -Norwegen und Island_ (Hamburg, 1840-43). - -A history of more importance than any other yet published, and of the -widest scope, was that of Sweden by E. J. Geijer (continued by F. F. -Carlson), which for the early period (down to 1654) is accessible in -English in a translation by J. H. Turner (London, 1845).[584] - -Prominent among the later school of northern historians, all touching -the Icelandic annals more or less, have been Peter Andreas Munch in his -_Det Norske Folks Historie_ (Christiania, 1852-63);[585] N. M. Petersen -in his _Danmarks Historie i Hedenold_ (Copenhagen, 1854-55); K. Keyser -in his _Norges Historie_ (Christiania, 1866-67); J. E. Sars in his -_Udsigt over den Norske Historie_ (Christiania, 1873-77); but all are -surpassed by Konrad Maurer’s _Island von seiner ersten Entdeckung -bis zum Untergange des Freistaates_,—A.D. 800-1262 (Munich, 1874), -published as commemorating the thousandth anniversary of the settlement -of Iceland, and it has the repute of being the best book on early -Icelandic history.[586] - -The change from Paganism to Christianity necessarily enters into all -the histories covering the tenth and eleventh centuries; but it has -special treatment in C. Merivale’s _Conversion of the Northern Nations_ -(Boyle lectures,—London, 1866).[587] - -There is a considerable body of the later literature upon Iceland, -retrospective in character, and affording the results of study more or -less patient as to the life in the early Norse days in Iceland.[588] - -G.W. Dasent’s introduction to his _Story of Burnt Njal_ (Edinburgh, -1861)[589] and his _Norsemen in Iceland_ (Oxford Essays, 1858) give -what Max Müller (_Chips from a German Workshop_, ii. 191) calls “a -vigorous and lively sketch of primitive northern life;” and are well -supplemented by Sabine Baring-Gould’s _Iceland, its scenes and sagas_ -(London, 1863 and later), and Richard F. Burton’s _Ultima Thule, with -an historical introduction_ (London, 1875).[590] - - -=D.= GREENLAND AND ITS RUINS.—The sagas still serve us for the -colonization of Greenland, and of particular use is that of Eric the -Red.[591] The earliest to use these sources in the historic spirit -was Torfæus in his _Historia Gronlandiæ Antiquæ_ (1715).[592] The -natural successor of Torfæus and the book upon which later writers -mostly depend is David Crantz’s _Historie von Grönland, enthaltend die -Beschreibung des Landes und der Einwohner, insbesonders die Geschichten -der dortigen Mission. Nebst Fortsetzung_ (Barby, 1765-70, 3 vols.). An -English translation appeared in London in 1767, and again, though in an -abridged form with some changes, in 1820.[593] - -[Illustration: RUINS OF THE CHURCH AT KATORTOK. - -After a cut in Nordenskjöld’s _Den Andra Dicksonska Expeditionen till -Grönland_, p. 369, following one in _Efter Meddelelser om Grönland_.] - -Crantz says of his own historic aims, referring to Torfæus and to the -accounts given by the Eskimos of the east coast, that he has tried -to investigate “where the savage inhabitants came from, and how the -ancient Norwegian inhabitants came to be so totally extirpated,” while -at the same time he looks upon the history of the Moravian missions as -his chiefest theme. - - * * * * * - -The principal source for the identification of the ruins of Greenland -is the work compiled by Rafn and Finn Magnusen, _Grönlands Historiske -Mindesmærker_,[594] with original texts and Danish versions. Useful -summaries and observations will be found in the paper by K. Steenstrup -on “Old Scandinavian ruins in South Greenland” in the _Compte Rendu, -Congrès des Américanistes_ (Copenhagen, 1883, p. 108), and in one -on “Les Voyages des Danois au Greenland” in the same (p. 196). -Steenstrup’s paper is accompanied by photographs and cuts, and a map -marking the site of the ruins. The latest account of them is by Lieut. -Holm in the _Meddelelser om Grönland_ (Copenhagen, 1883), vol. vi. -Other views and plans showing the arrangement of their dwellings and -the curious circular ruins,[595] which seems to have usually been -near their churches, are shown in the Baron Nordenskjöld’s _Den andra -dicksonska expeditionen till Grönland, dess inre isöken och dess -ostkust, utförd år 1883_ (Stockholm, 1885), the result of the ripest -study and closest contact. - -We need also to scan the narratives of Hans Egede and Graah. Parry -found in 1824, on an island on the Baltic coast, a runic stone, -commemorating the occupancy of the spot in 1135 (_Antiquitates -Americanæ_; Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_, 248); and in 1830 and 1831 -other runes were found on old gravestones (Rink’s _Danish Greenland_, -app. v.; Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 151). These last are in the Museum -at Copenhagen. Most of these imperishable relics have been found in the -district of Julianeshaab.[596] - - -=E.= THE VINLAND VOYAGES.—What Leif and Karlsefne knew they -experienced, and what the sagas tell us they underwent, must have just -the difference between a crisp narrative of personal adventure and the -oft-repeated and embellished story of a fireside narrator, since the -traditions of the Norse voyages were not put in the shape of records -till about two centuries had elapsed, and we have no earlier manuscript -of such a record than one made nearly two hundred years later still. It -is indeed claimed that the transmission by tradition in those days was -a different matter in respect to constancy and exactness from what it -has been known to be in later times; but the assumption lacks proof and -militates against well-known and inevitable processes of the human mind. - -[Illustration: SAGA MANUSCRIPT. - -This is a portion of one of the plates in the _Antiquitates Americanæ_, -given by Rafn to Charles Sumner, with a key in manuscript by Rafn -himself. His signature is from a copy of his _Mémoire_ given by him to -Edward Everett, and now in Harvard College library.] - -In regard to the credibility of the sagas, the northern writers -recognize the change which came over the oral traditionary chronicles -when the romancing spirit was introduced from the more southern -countries, at a time while the copies of the sagas which we now have -were making, after having been for so long a time orally handed -down; but they are not so successful in making plain what influence -this imported spirit had on particular sagas, which we are asked to -receive as historical records. They seem sometimes to forget that it -is not necessary to have culture, heroes, and impossible occurrences -to constitute a myth. A blending of history and myth prompts Horn -to say “that some of the sagas were doubtless originally based on -facts, but the telling and re-telling have changed them into pure -myths.” The unsympathetic stranger sees this in stories that the -patriotic Scandinavians are over-anxious to make appear as genuine -chronicles.[597] It is certainly unfortunate that the period of -recording the older sagas coincides mainly with the age of this -southern romancing influence.[598] It is a somewhat anomalous condition -when long-transmitted oral stories are assigned to history, and certain -other written ones of the age of the recorded sagas are relegated to -myth. If we would believe some of the northern writers, what appears -to be difference in kind of embellishment was in reality the sign that -separated history from fable.[599] Of the interpreters of this olden -lore, Torfæus has been long looked upon as a characteristic exemplar, -and Horn[600] says of his works that they are “perceptibly lacking -in criticism. Torfæus was upon the whole incapable of distinguishing -between myth and history.”[601] - -[Illustration: RUIN AT KATORTOK. - -After a cut in Nordenskjöld’s _Exped. till Grönland_, p. 371, following -the _Meddel. om Grönland_, vi. 98.] - -Erasmus Rask, in writing to Wheaton in - - -1831,[602] enumerates eight of the early manuscripts which mention -Vinland and the voyages; but Rafn, in 1837, counted eighteen such -manuscripts.[603] We know little or nothing about the recorders or date -of any of these copies, excepting the _Heimskringla_,[604] nor how long -they had existed orally. Some of them were doubtless put into writing -soon after the time when such recording was introduced, and this date -is sometimes put as early as A.D. 1120, and sometimes as late as the -middle or even end of that century. Meanwhile, Adam of Bremen, in the -latter part of the eleventh century (A.D. 1073), prepared his _Historia -Ecclesiastica_, an account of the spread of Christianity in the north, -in which he says he was told by the Danish king that his subjects -had found a country to the west, called Winland.[605] A reference is -also supposed to be made in the _Historia Ecclesiastica_ of Ordericus -Vitalis, written about the middle (say A.D. 1140) of the twelfth -century. But it was not until somewhere between A.D. 1385 and 1400 that -the oldest Icelandic manuscript which exists, touching the voyages, -was compiled,—the so-called _Codex Flatoyensis_,[606] though how much -earlier copies of it were made is not known. It is in this manuscript -that we find the saga of Olaf Tryggvesson,[607] wherein the voyages -of Leif Ericson are described, and it is only by a comparison of -circumstances detailed here and in other sagas that the year A.D. 1000 -has been approximately determined as the date.[608] In this same codex -we find the saga of Eric the Red, one of the chief narratives depended -upon by the advocates of the Norse discovery, and in Rask’s judgment -it “appears to be somewhat fabulous, written long after the event, and -taken from tradition.”[609] - -[Illustration: - -_Environs of_ Julianehaab THE ÖSTER BYGD _or_ Eastern Settlement - -Reference: _Norse ruins or traces of them_ - -NOTE.—The above is a reproduction of a corner map in the map of _Danish -Greenland_ given in Rink’s book of that name. The sea in the southwest -corner of the cut is not shaded; but shading is given to the interior -ice field on the northern and northeastern part of the map. Rink gives -a similar map of the Westerbygd.] - -The other principal saga is that of Thorfinn Karlsefne, which with -some differences and with the same lack of authenticity, goes over the -ground covered by that of Eric the Red.[610] - -[Illustration: RAFN.] - -Of all the early manuscripts, the well-known _Heimskringla_ of Snorro -Sturleson (b. 1178; d. 1241), purporting to be a history of the Norse -kings down to A.D. 1177, is the most entitled to be received as an -historical record, and all that it says is in these words: “Leif also -found Vinland the Good.”[611] - -Saxo Grammaticus (d. about 1208) in his _Historia Danica_ begins with -myths, and evidently follows the sagas, but does not refer to them -except in his preface.[612] - -[Illustration: - -HISTORIA VINLANDIÆ ANTIQVÆ. seu Partis Americæ Septentrionalis, ubi -Nominis ratio recensetur, situs terræ ex dierumbrumalium spatio -expenditur, soli fertilitas & incolarum barbaries, peregrinorum -temporarius incolatus & gesta, vicinarum terrarum nomina & facies ex -Antiqvitibus Islandicis in lucem producta exponuntur per THORMODUM -TORFÆUM Rerum Norvegicarum Historiographum Regium. - -HAVNIÆ, Ex Typographéo Regiæ Majest, & Universit, 1705. Impensis -Authoris. ] - -For about five hundred years after this the stories attracted little or -no attention.[613] We have seen that Peringskiöld produced these sagas -in 1697. Montanus in his _Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld_ (Amsterdam, -1671), and Campanius, in 1702, in his _Kort Beskrifning om Provincien -Nya Swerige uti America_ (Stockholm),[614] gave some details. The -account which did most, however, to revive an interest in the subject -was that of Torfæus in his _Historia Vinlandiæ Antiquæ_ (Copenhagen, -1705), but he was quite content to place the scene of his narrative -in America, without attempting to identify localities.[615] The -voyages were, a few years later, the subject of a dissertation at -the University of Upsala in Sweden.[616] J. P. Cassell, of Bremen, -discusses the Adam of Bremen story in another Latin essay, still -later.[617] - -About 1750, Pieter Kalm, a Swede, brought the matter to the attention -of Dr. Franklin, as the latter remembered twenty-five years later, when -he wrote to Samuel Mather that “the circumstances gave the account a -great appearance of authenticity.”[618] In 1755, Paul Henri Mallet -(1730-1807), in his _Histoire de Dannemarc_, determines the localities -to be Labrador and Newfoundland.[619] - -In 1769, Gerhard Schöning, in his _Norges Riges Historie_, established -the scene in America. Robertson, in 1777, briefly mentions the -voyages in his _Hist. of America_ (note xvii.), and, referring to -the accounts given by Peringskiöld, calls them rude and confused, -and says that it is impossible to identify the landfalls, though he -thinks Newfoundland may have been the scene of Vinland. This is also -the belief of J. R. Forster in his _Geschichte der Entdeckungen im -Norden_ (Frankfurt, 1784).[620] M. C. Sprengel, in his _Geschichte -der Europäer in Nordamerika_ (Leipzig, 1782), thinks they went as -far south as Carolina. Pontoppidan’s _History of Norway_ was mainly -followed by Dr. Jeremy Belknap in his _American Biography_ (Boston, -1794), who recognizes “circumstances to confirm and none to disprove -the relations.” In 1793, Muñoz, in his _Historia del Nuevo Mundo_, put -Vinland in Greenland. In 1796 there was a brief account in Fritsch’s -_Disputatio historico-geographica in qua quæritur utrum veteres -Americam noverint necne_. H. Stenström published at Lund, in 1801, a -short dissertation, _De America Norvegis ante tempora Columbi adita_. -Boucher de la Richarderie, in his _Bibliothèque Universelle des -Voyages_ (Paris, 1808), gives a short account, and cites some of the -authorities. Some of the earlier American histories of this century, -like Williamson’s _North Carolina_, took advantage of the recitals -of Torfæus and Mallet. Ebenezer Henderson’s _Residence in Iceland_ -(1814-15)[621] presented the evidence anew. Barrow, in his _Voyages -to the Arctic Regions_ (London, 1818), places Vinland in Labrador or -Newfoundland; but J. W. Moulton, in his _History of the State of New -York_ (N. Y., 1824), brings that State within the region supposed to -have been visited. - -A writer more likely to cause a determinate opinion in the public -mind came in Washington Irving, who in his _Columbus_ (London, 1828) -dismissed the accounts as untrustworthy; though later, under the -influence of Wheaton and Rafn, he was inclined to consider them of -possible importance; and finally in his condensed edition he thinks -the facts “established to the conviction of most minds.”[622] Hugh -Murray, in his _Discoveries and Travels in North America_ (London, -1829), regards the sagas as an authority; but he doubts the assigning -of Vinland to America. In 1830, W. D. Cooley, in his _History of -Maritime and Inland Discovery_,[623] thought it impossible to shake the -authenticity of the sagas. - -While Henry Wheaton was the minister of the United States at -Copenhagen, and having access to the collections of that city, he -prepared his _History of the Northmen_, which was published in London -and Philadelphia in 1831.[624] The high character of the man gave -unusual force to his opinions, and his epitome of the sagas in his -second chapter contributed much to increase the interest in the -Northmen story. He was the first who much impressed the New England -antiquaries with the view that Vinland should be looked for in New -England; and a French version by Paul Guillot, issued in Paris in 1844, -is stated to have been “revue et augmentée par l’auteur, avec cartes, -inscriptions, et alphabet runique.”[625] The opinions of Wheaton, -however, had no effect upon the leading historian of the United States, -nor have any subsequent developments caused any change in the opinion -of Bancroft, first advanced in 1834, in the opening volume of his -_United States_, where he dismissed the sagas as “mythological in -form and obscure in meaning; ancient yet not contemporary.” He adds -that “the intrepid mariners who colonized Greenland could easily have -extended their voyage to Labrador; but no clear historical evidence -establishes the natural probability that they accomplished the -passage.”[626] All this is omitted by Bancroft in his last revised -edition; but a paragraph in his original third volume (1840), to the -intent that, though “Scandinavians may have reached the shores of -Labrador, the soil of the United States has not one vestige of their -presence,” is allowed to remain,[627] and is true now as when first -written. - -The chief apostle of the Norseman belief, however, is Carl Christian -Rafn, whose work was accomplished under the auspices of the Royal -Society of Northern Antiquaries at Copenhagen.[628] - -Rafn was born in 1795, and died at Copenhagen in 1864.[629] At the -University, as well as later as an officer of its library, he had bent -his attention to the early Norse manuscripts and literature,[630] -so that in 1825 he was the natural founder of the Royal Society of -Northern Antiquaries; and much of the value of its long series of -publications is due to his active and unflagging interest.[631] The -summit of his American interest, however, was reached in the great -folio _Antiquitates Americanæ_,[632] in which he for the first time -put the mass of original Norse documents before the student, and with -a larger accumulation of proofs than had ever been adduced before, he -commented on the narratives and came to conclusions respecting traces -of their occupancy to which few will adhere to-day. - -The effect of Rafn’s volume, however, was marked, and we see it in the -numerous presentations of the subject which followed; and every writer -since has been greatly indebted to him. - -Alexander von Humboldt in his _Examen Critique_ (Paris, 1837) gave a -synopsis of the sagas, and believed the scene of the discoveries to -be between Newfoundland and New York; and in his _Cosmos_ (1844) he -reiterated his views, holding to “the undoubted first discovery by the -Northmen as far south as 41° 30’.”[633] - -[Illustration: NORSE AMERICA. - -Opposite is a section of Rafn’s map in the _Antiquitates Americanæ_, -giving his identification of the Norse localities. This and the other -map by Rafn is reproduced in his _Cabinet d’Antiquités Américaines_ -(Copenhagen, 1858). The map in the atlas of St. Martin’s _Hist. de la -Géographie_ does not track them below Newfoundland. The map in J. T. -Smith’s _Northmen in New England_ (Boston, 1839) shows eleven voyages -to America from Scandinavia, A.D. 861-1285. Cf. map in Wilhelmi’s -_Island_, etc. (Heidelberg, 1842).] - - -Two books which for a while were the popular treatises on the subject -were the immediate outcome of Rafn’s book. The first of these was _The -Northmen in New England_, giving the stories in the form of a dialogue, -by Joshua Toulmin Smith (Boston, 1839), which in a second edition -(London, 1842) was called _The Discovery of America by the Northmen in -the Tenth Century_. - -The other book was largely an English version of parts of Rafn’s book, -translating the chief sagas, and reproducing the maps: Nathaniel Ludlow -Beamish’s _Discovery of America by the Northmen in the Tenth Century_ -(London, 1841).[634] Two German books owed almost as much to Rafn, -those of K. Wilhelmi[635] and K. H. Hermes.[636] Prescott, at this time -publishing the third volume of his _Mexico_ (1843), accords to Rafn -the credit of taking the matter out of the category of doubt, but he -hesitates to accept the Dane’s identifications of localities; but R. H. -Major, in considering the question in the introduction to his _Select -letters of Columbus_ (1847), finds little hesitation in accepting the -views of Rafn, and thinks “no room is left for disputing the main fact -of discovery.” - -When Hildreth, in 1849, published his _United States_, he ranged -himself, with his distrusts, by the side of Bancroft but J. Elliot -Cabot, in making a capital summary of the evidence in the _Mass. -Quarterly Review_ (vol. ii.), accords with the believers, but places -the locality visited about Labrador and Newfoundland. Haven in his -_Archæology of the United States_ (Washington, 1856) regards the -discovery as well attested, and that the region was most likely that -of Narragansett Bay. C. W. Elliott in his _New England History_ (N. -Y., 1857) holds the story to be “in some degree mythical.” Palfrey -in his _Hist. of New England_ (Boston, 1858) goes no farther than to -consider the Norse voyage as in “nowise unlikely,” and Oscar F. Peschel -in his _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (Stuttgart, 1858) -is on the affirmative side. Paul K. Sinding goes over the story with -assent in his _History of Scandinavia_,—a book not much changed in his -_Scandinavian Races_ (N. Y., 1878).[637] Eugène Beauvois did little -more than translate from Rafn in his _Découvertes des Scandinaves en -Amérique,—fragments de Sagas Islandaises traduits pour la première fois -en français_ (Paris, 1859)—an extract from the _Revue Orientale et -Américaine_ (vol. ii.).[638] - -Professor Daniel Wilson, of Toronto, has discussed the subject at -different times, and with these conclusions: “With all reasonable -doubts as to the accuracy of details, there is the strongest -probability in favor of the authenticity of the American Vinland.... -The data are the mere vague allusions of a traveller’s tale, and it is -indeed the most unsatisfactory feature of the sagas that the later the -voyages the more confused and inconsistent their narratives become in -every point of detail.”[639] - -Dr. B. F. De Costa’s first book on the subject was his _Pre-Columbian -Discovery of America by the Northmen, illustrated by Translations from -the Icelandic Sagas, edited with notes and a general introduction_ -(Albany, 1868). It is a convenient gathering of the essential parts -of the sagas; but the introduction rather opposes than disproves -some of the “feeble paragraphs, pointed with a sneer,” which he -charges upon leading opponents of the faith. Professor J. L. Diman, -in the _North American Review_ (July, 1869), made De Costa’s book -the occasion of an essay setting forth the grounds of a disbelief -in the historical value of the sagas. De Costa replied in _Notes on -a Review_, etc. (Charlestown, 1869). In the same year, Dr. Kohl, -following the identifications of Rafn, rehearsed the narratives in his -_Discovery of Maine_ (Portland, 1869), and tracked Karlsefne through -the gulf of Maine. De Costa took issue with him on this latter point -in his Northmen in Maine (Albany, 1870).[640] In the introduction -to his _Sailing Directions of Henry Hudson_, De Costa argues that -these mariners’ guides are the same used by the Northmen, and in his -_Columbus and the Geographers of the North_ (Hartford, 1872,—cf. _Amer. -Church Review_, xxiv. 418) he recapitulates the sagas once more with -reference to the knowledge which he supposes Columbus to have had of -them. Paul Gaffarel, in his _Etudes sur les rapports de l’Amérique -et de l’ancien Continent avant Colomb_ (Paris, 1869), entered more -particularly into the evidence of the commerce of Vinland and its -relations to Europe. - -Gabriel Gravier, another French author, was rather too credulous in -his _Découverte de l’Amérique par les normands au X^e Siècle_ (Paris, -1874), when he assumed with as much confidence as Rafn ever did -everything that the most ardent advocate had sought to prove.[641] - -There were two American writers soon to follow, hardly less -intemperate. These were Aaron Goodrich, in _A History of the Character -and Achievements of the so-called Christopher Columbus_ (N. Y., 1874), -who took the full complement of Rafn’s belief with no hesitancy; -and Rasmus B. Anderson in his _America not discovered by Columbus_ -(Chicago, 1874; improved, 1877; again with Watson’s bibliography, -1883),[642] in which even the Skeleton in Armor is made to play a part. -Excluding such vagaries, the book is not without use as displaying the -excessive views entertained in some quarters on the subject. The author -is, we believe, a Scandinavian, and shows the tendency of his race to a -facility rather than felicity in accepting evidence on this subject. - -The narratives were first detailed among our leading general histories -when the _Popular History of the United States_ of Bryant and Gay -appeared in 1876. The claims were presented decidedly, and in the main -in the directions indicated by Rafn; but the wildest pretensions of -that antiquary were considerately dismissed. - -During the last score years the subject has been often made prominent -by travellers like Kneeland[643] and Hayes,[644] who have recapitulated -the evidence; by lecturers like Charles Kingsley;[645] by monographists -like Moosmüller;[646] by the minor historians like Higginson,[647] who -has none of the fervor of the inspired identifiers of localities, and -Weise,[648] who is inclined to believe the sea-rovers did not even pass -Davis’s Straits; and by contributors to the successive sessions of the -Congrès des Américanistes[649] and to other learned societies.[650] - -The question was brought to a practical issue in Massachusetts by a -proposition raised—at first in Wisconsin—by the well-known musician Ole -Bull, to erect in Boston a statue to Leif Ericson.[651] The project, -though ultimately carried out, was long delayed, and was discouraged -by members of the Massachusetts Historical Society on the ground that -no satisfactory evidence existed to show that any spot in New England -had been reached by the Northmen.[652] The sense of the society was -finally expressed in the report of their committee, Henry W. Haynes -and Abner C. Goodell, Jr., in language which seems to be the result of -the best historical criticism; for it is not a question of the fact of -discovery, but to decide how far we can place reliance on the details -of the sagas. There is likely to remain a difference of opinion on -this point. The committee say: “There is the same sort of reason for -believing in the existence of Leif Ericson that there is for believing -in the existence of Agamemnon,—they are both traditions accepted by -later writers; but there is no more reason for regarding as true the -details related about his discoveries than there is for accepting as -historic truth the narratives contained in the Homeric poems. It is -antecedently probable that the Northmen discovered America in the -early part of the eleventh century; and this discovery is confirmed -by the same sort of historical tradition, not strong enough to be -called evidence, upon which our belief in many of the accepted facts of -history rests.”[653] - -In running down the history of the literature of the subject, the -present aim has been simply to pick out such contributions as have -been in some way significant, and reference must be made to the -bibliographies for a more perfect record.[654] - -Irrespective of the natural probability of the Northmen visits to -the American main, other evidence has been often adduced to support -the sagas. This proof has been linguistic, ethnological, physical, -geographical, and monumental. - -Nothing could be slenderer than the alleged correspondences of -languages, and we can see in Horsford’s _Discovery of America by -Northmen_ to what a fanciful extent a confident enthusiasm can carry -it.[655] - -The ethnological traces are only less shadowy. Hugo Grotius[656] -contended that the people of Central America were of Scandinavian -descent. Brasseur found remnants of Norse civilization in the same -region.[657] Viollet le Duc[658] discovers great resemblances in the -northern religious ceremonials to those described in the _Popul Vuh_. A -general resemblance did not escape the notice of Humboldt. Gravier[659] -is certain that the Aztec civilization is Norse.[660] Chas. Godfrey -Leland claims that the old Norse spirit pervades the myths and legends -of the Algonkins, and that it is impossible not to admit that there -must have been at one time “extensive intercourse between the Northmen -and the Algonkins;” and in proof he points out resemblances between -the Eddas and the Algonkin mythology.[661] It is even stated that the -Micmacs have a tradition of a people called Chenooks, who in ships -visited their coast in the tenth century. - -The physical and geographical evidences are held to exist in the -correspondences of the coast line to the descriptions of the sagas, -including the phenomena of the tides[662] and the length of the summer -day.[663] Laing and others, who make no question of the main fact, -readily recognize the too great generality and contradictions of the -descriptions to be relied upon.[664] - -George Bancroft, in showing his distrust, has said that the advocates -of identification can no farther agree than to place Vinland anywhere -from Greenland to Africa.[665] - -[Illustration: - -A MAP OF VINLAND from accounts contained in Old Northern M.S.S. by -CHARLES C. RAFN - -NOTE.—The above map is a fac-simile of one of C. C. Rafn’s maps. Cf. -the maps in Smith, Beamish, Gravier, Slafter, Preble’s _Amer. Flag_, -etc. ] - -The earliest to go so far as to establish to a certainty[666] -the sites of the sagas was Rafn, who placed them on the coast of -Massachusetts and Rhode Island, wherein nearly all those have followed -him who have thought it worth while to be thus particular as to -headland and bay. - -[Illustration: DIGHTON ROCK.[667]] - -In applying the saga names they have, however, by no means agreed, -for Krossanes is with some Point Alderton, at the entrance of Boston -Harbor, and with others the Gurnet Head; the island where honey dew -was found is Nantucket with Rafn, and with De Costa an insular region, -Nauset, now under water near the elbow of Cape Cod;[668] the Vinland -of Rafn is in Narragansett Bay, that of Dr. A. C. Hamlin is at Merry -Meeting Bay on the coast of Maine,[669] and that of Horsford is -north of Cape Cod,[670]—not to mention other disagreements of other -disputants. - -We get something more tangible, if not more decisive, when we come -to the monumental evidences. DeWitt Clinton and Samuel L. Mitchell -found little difficulty at one time in making many people believe -that the earthworks of Onondaga were Scandinavian. A pretended runic -inscription on a stone said to have been found in the Grave Creek mound -was sedulously ascribed to the Northmen.[671] What some have called a -runic inscription exists on a rock near Yarmouth in Nova Scotia, which -is interpreted “Hako’s son addressed the men,” and is supposed to -commemorate the expedition of Thorfinn in A.D. 1007.[672] A rock on the -little islet of Menana, close to Monhegan, on the coast of Maine, and -usually referred to as the Monhegan Rock, bears certain weather marks, -and there have been those to call them runes.[673] A similar claim is -made for a rock in the Merrimac Valley.[674] Rafn describes such rocks -as situated in Tiverton and Portsmouth Grove, R. I., but the markings -were Indian, and when Dr. S. A. Green visited the region in 1868 some -of them had disappeared.[675] - -[Illustration: INSCRIPTION ON DIGHTON ROCK. - -NOTE.—The opposite plate is reduced from one in the _Antiq. -Americanæ_. They show the difficulty, even before later weathering, of -different persons in discerning the same things on the rock, and in -discriminating between fissures and incisions. Col. Garrick Mallery -(_4th Rept. Bureau of Ethnology_, p. 250) asserts that the inscription -has been “so manipulated that it is difficult now to determine the -original details.” The drawings represented are enumerated in the text. -Later ones are numerous. Rafn also gives that of Dr. Baylies and Mr. -Gooding in 1790, and that made for the Rhode Island Hist. Society in -1830. The last has perhaps been more commonly copied than the others. -Photographs of late years are common; but almost invariably the -photographer has chalked what he deems to be the design,—in this they -do not agree, of course,—in order to make his picture clearer. I think -Schoolcraft in making his daguerreotype was the first to do this. The -most careful drawing made of late years is that by Professor Seager of -the Naval Academy, under the direction of Commodore Blake; and there is -in the Cabinet of the American Antiquarian Society a MS. essay on the -rock, written at Blake’s request by Chaplain Chas. R. Hale of the U. S. -Navy. Haven disputes Blake’s statement that a change in the river’s bed -more nearly submerges the rock at high tide than was formerly the case. -Cf. _Am. Antiq. Soc._ Proc., Oct., 1864, p. 41, where a history of the -rock is given; and in Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. 93.] - -The most famous of all these alleged memorials[676] is the Dighton -Rock, lying in the tide on the side of Taunton River, in the town -of Berkeley, in Massachusetts.[677] Dr. De Costa thinks it possible -that the central portion may be runic. This part is what has been -interpreted to mean that Thorfinn with 151 men took possession of the -country, and it is said to be this portion of the inscription which -modern Indians discard when giving their interpretations.[678] That it -is the work of the Indian of historic times seems now to be the opinion -common to the best trained archæologists.[679] - -Rafn was also the first to proclaim the stone tower now standing -at Newport, R. I., as a work of the Northmen; but the recent -antiquaries without any exception worth considering, believe that the -investigations have shown that it was erected by Governor Arnold of -Rhode Island as a windmill, sometime between 1670 and 1680; and Palfrey -in his _New England_ is thought to have put this view beyond doubt in -showing the close correspondence in design of the tower to a mill at -Chesterton, in England.[680] - -Certain hearthstones which were discovered over twenty-five years -ago under a peat bed on Cape Cod were held at the time to be a -Norse relic.[681] In 1831 there was exhumed in Fall River, Mass., -a skeleton, which had with it what seemed to be an ornamental belt -made of metal tubes, formed by rolling fragments of flat brass and an -oblong plate of the same metal,—not of bronze, as is usually said,—with -some arrow-heads, cut evidently from the same material. The other -concomitants of the burial indicated an Indian of the days since the -English contact. The skeleton attracted notice in this country by being -connected with the Norsemen in Longfellow’s ballad, _The Skeleton in -Armor_, and Dr. Webb sent such an account of it to the Royal Society of -Northern Antiquaries that it was looked upon as another and distinct -proof of the identification of Vinland. Later antiquaries have -dismissed all beliefs of that nature.[682] - -There is not a single item of all the evidence thus advanced from -time to time which can be said to connect by archæological traces the -presence of the Northmen on the soil of North America south of Davis’ -Straits. Arguments of this kind have been abandoned except by a few -enthusiastic advocates. - - * * * * * - -That the Northmen voyaging to Vinland encountered natives, and that -they were called Skraelings, may be taken as a sufficiently broad -statement in the sagas to be classed with those concomitants of the -voyages which it is reasonable to accept. Sir William Dawson (_Fossil -Men_, 49) finds it easy to believe that these natives were our red -Indians; and Gallatin saw no reason to dissociate the Eskimos with -other American tribes.[683] That they were Eskimos seems to be the more -commonly accepted view.[684] - -That the climate of the Atlantic coast of the United States and the -British provinces was such as was favorable to the present Arctic -dwellers is held to be shown by such evidences as tusks of the walrus -found in phosphate beds in South Carolina. Rude implements found in -the interglacial Jersey drift have been held by C. C. Abbott to have -been associated with a people of the Eskimo stock, and some have noted -that palæolithic implements found in Pennsylvania closely resemble the -work of the modern Eskimos (_Amer. Antiquarian_, i. 10).[685] Dall -remarks upon implements of Innuit origin being found four hundred -miles south of the present range of the Eskimos of the northwest coast -(_Contributions to Amer. Ethnology_, i. p. 98). Charlevoix says that -Eskimos were occasionally seen in Newfoundland in the beginning of the -last century; and ethnologists recognize to-day the same stock in the -Eskimos of Labrador and Greenland. - -[Illustration: HINRIK RINK. - -After a likeness given by Nordenskjöld in his _Exped. till Grönland_, -p. 121.] - -The best authority on the Eskimos is generally held to be Hinrich -Rink, and he contends that they formerly occupied the interior of -the continent, and have been pressed north and across Behring’s -Straits.[686] W. H. Dall holds similar views.[687] C. R. Markham, -who dates their first appearance in Greenland in 1349, contends, on -the other hand, that they came from the west (Siberia) along the -polar regions (Wrangell Land), and drove out the Norse settlers in -Greenland.[688] The most active of the later students of the Eskimos -is Dr. Franz Boas, now of New York, who has discussed their tribal -boundaries.[689] - - -=F.= THE LOST GREENLAND COLONIES.—After intercourse with the colonies -in Greenland ceased, and definite tradition in Iceland had died out, -and when the question of the re-discovery should arise, it was natural -that attention should first be turned to that coast of Greenland which -lay opposite Iceland as the likelier sites of the lost colonies, and -in this way we find all the settlements placed in the maps of the -sixteenth century. The Archbishop Erik Walkendorf, of Lund, in the -early part of that century had failed to persuade the Danish government -to send an expedition. King Frederick II was induced, however, to -send one in 1568; but it accomplished nothing; and again in 1579 he -put another in command of an Englishman, Jacob Allday, but the ice -prevented his landing. A Danish navigator was more successful in 1581; -but the coast opposite Iceland yielded as yet no traces of the Norse -settlers. Frobisher’s discovery of the west coast seems to have failed -of recognition among the Danes; but they with the rest of Europe did -not escape noting the importance of the explorations of John Davis in -1585-86, through the straits which bear his name. It now became the -belief that the west settlement must be beyond Cape Farewell. In 1605, -Christian IV of Denmark sent a new expedition under Godske Lindenow; -but there was a Scotchman in command of one of the three ships, and -Jacob Hall, who had probably served under Davis, went as the fleet -pilot. He guided the vessels through Davis’s Straits. But it was rather -the purpose of Lindenow to find a northwest passage than to discover a -lost colony; and such was mainly the object which impelled him again in -1606, and inspired Karsten Rikardsen in 1607. Now and for some years to -come we have the records of voyages made by the whalers to this region, -and we read their narratives in Purchas and in such collections of -voyages as those of Harris and Churchill.[690] They yield us, however, -little or no help in the problem we are discussing. In 1670 and 1671 -Christian V sent expeditions with the express purpose of discovering -the lost colonies; but Otto Axelsen, who commanded, never returned from -his second voyage, and we have no account of his first. - -The mission of the priest Hans Egede gave the first real glimmer -of light.[691] He was the earliest to describe the ruins and relics -observable on the west coast, but he continued to regard the east -settlements as belonging to the east coast, and so placed them on the -map. Anderson (Hamburg, 1746) went so far as to place on his map the -cathedral of Gardar in a fixed location on the east coast, and his map -was variously copied in the following years. - -In 1786 an expedition left Copenhagen to explore the east coast for -traces of the colonies, but the ice prevented the approach to the -coast, and after attempts in that year and in 1787 the effort was -abandoned. Heinrich Peter von Eggers, in his _Om Grönlands österbygds -sande Beliggenhed_ (1792), and _Ueber die wahre Lage des alten -Ostgrönlands_ (Kiel, 1794), a German translation, first advanced the -opinion that the eastern colony as well as the western must have -been on the west coast, and his views were generally accepted; but -Wormskjöld in the _Skandinavisk Litteraturselskab’s Skrifter_, vol. x. -(Copenhagen, 1814), still adhered to the earlier opinions, and Saabye -still believed it possible to reach the east coast. - -[Illustration: REDUCED FAC-SIMILE. - -[Harvard College Library copy.]] - -Some years later (1828-31) W. A. Graah made, by order of the king -of Denmark, a thorough examination of the east coast, and in his -_Undersögelses Reise til Ostkysten af Grönland_ (Copenhagen, 1832)[692] -he was generally thought to establish the great improbability of any -traces of a colony ever existing on that coast. Of late years Graah’s -conclusions have been questioned, for there have been some sites of -buildings discovered on the east side.[693] The Reverend J. Brodbeck, -a missionary, described some in _The Moravian Quarterly_, July and -Aug., 1882. Nordenskjöld has held that when the east coast is explored -from 65° to 69°, there is a chance of discovering the site of an east -colony.[694] - -R. H. Major, in a paper (_Journal Roy. Geog. Soc._, 1873, p. 184) on -the site of the lost colony, questioned Graah’s conclusions, and gave -a sketch map, in which he placed its site near Cape Farewell; and he -based his geographical data largely upon the chorography of Greenland -and the sailing directions of Ivan Bardsen, who was probably an -Icelander living in Greenland some time in the fifteenth century.[695] - - -=G.= MADOC AND THE WELSH.—Respecting the legends of Madoc, there are -reports, which Humboldt (_Cosmos_, Bohn, ii. 610) failed to verify, of -Welsh bards rehearsing the story before 1492,[696] and of statements -in the early Welsh annals. The original printed source is in Humfrey -Lloyd’s _History of Cambria, now called Wales, written in the British -language_ [by Caradoc] _about 200 years past_ (London, 1584).[697] -The book contained corrections and additions by David Powell, and -it was in these that the passages of importance were found, and the -supposition was that the land visited lay near the Gulf of Mexico. -Richard Hakluyt, in his _Principall Navigations_, took the story from -Powell, and connected the discovery with Mexico in his edition of 1589, -and with the West Indies in that of 1600 (iii. p. 1),—and there was not -an entire absence of the suspicion that it was worth while to establish -some sort of a British claim to antedate the Spanish one established -through Columbus.[698] - -The linguistic evidences were not brought into prominence till after -one Morgan Jones had fallen among the Tuscaroras[699] in 1660, and -found, as he asserted, that they could understand his Welsh. He wrote -a statement of his experience in 1685-6, which was not printed till -1740.[700] - -During the eighteenth century we find Campanius in his _Nye Swerige_ -(1702) repeating the story; Torfæus (_Hist. Vinlandiæ_, 1705) not -rejecting it; Carte (_England_, 1747) thinking it probable; while -Campbell (_Admirals_, 1742), Lyttleton (_Henry the Second_, 1767), and -Robertson (_America_, 1777) thought there was no ground, at least, for -connecting the story with America. - -It was reported that in 1764 a man, Griffeth, was taken by the Shawnees -to a tribe of Indians who spoke Welsh.[701] In 1768, Charles Beatty -published his _Journal of a two months’ Tour in America_ (London), in -which he repeated information of Indians speaking Welsh in Pennsylvania -and beyond the Mississippi, and of the finding of a Welsh Bible among -them. - -In 1772-73, David Jones wandered among the tribes west of the Ohio, -and in 1774, at Burlington, published his _Journal of two visits_, in -which he enumerates the correspondence of words which he found in their -tongues with his native Welsh.[702] - -Without noting other casual mentions, some of which will be found -in Paul Barron Watson’s bibliography (in Anderson’s _America not -discovered by Columbus_, p. 142), it is enough to say that towards -the end of the century the papers of John Williams[703] and George -Burder[704] gave more special examination to the subject than had been -applied before. - -[Illustration: A BRITISH SHIP. - -After a cut in _The Mirror of Literature_, etc. (London, 1823), vol. i. -p. 177, showing a vessel then recently exhumed in Kent, and supposed to -be of the time of Edward I, or the thirteenth century. The vessel was -sixty-four feet long.] - -The renewed interest in the matter seems to have prompted Southey to -the writing of his poem _Madoc_, though he refrained from publishing it -for some years. If one may judge from his introductory note, Southey -held to the historical basis of the narrative. Meanwhile, reports were -published of this and the other tribes being found speaking Welsh.[705] -In 1816, Henry Kerr printed at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, his _Travels -through the Western interior of the United States, 1808-16, with some -account of a tribe whose customs are similar to those of the ancient -Welsh_. In 1824, Yates and Moulton (_State of New York_) went over the -ground rather fully, but without conviction. Hugh Murray (_Travels -in North America_, London, 1829) believes the Welsh went to Spain. -In 1834, the different sides of the case were discussed by Farcy and -Warden in Dupaix’s _Antiquités Méxicaines_. Some years later the -publication of George Catlin[706] probably gave more conviction than -had been before felt,[707] arising from his statements of positive -linguistic correspondences in the language of the so-called White[708] -Mandans[709] on the Missouri River, the similarity of their boats to -the old Welsh coracles, and other parallelisms of custom. He believed -that Madoc landed at Florida, or perhaps passed up the Mississippi -River. His conclusions were a reinforcement of those reached by -Williams.[710] The opinion reached by Major in his edition of -_Columbus’ Letters_ (London, 1847) that the Welsh discovery was quite -possible, while it was by no means probable, is with little doubt the -view most generally accepted to-day; while the most that can be made -out of the claim is presented with the latest survey in B. F. Bowen’s -_America discovered by the Welsh in 1170_ A.D. (Philad., 1876). He -gathers up, as helping his proposition, such widely scattered evidences -as the Lake Superior copper mines and the Newport tower, both of which -he appropriates; and while following the discoverers from New England -south and west, he does not hesitate to point out the resemblance of -the Ohio Valley mounds[711] to those depicted in Pennant’s _Tour of -Wales_; and he even is at no loss for proofs among the relics of the -Aztecs.[712] - - -=H.= THE ZENI AND THEIR MAP.—Something has been said elsewhere (Vol. -III. p. 100) of the influence of the Zeni narrative and its map, in -confusing Frobisher in his voyages. The map was reproduced in the -Ptolemy of 1561, with an account of the adventures of the brothers, but -it was so far altered as to dissever Greenland from Norway, of which -the Zeni map had made it but an extension.[713] - -The story got further currency in Ramusio (1574, vol. ii.), Ortelius -(1575), Hakluyt (1600, vol. iii.), Megiser’s _Septentrio Novantiquus_ -(1613), Purchas (1625), Pontanus’ _Rerum Danicarum_ (1631), Luke -Fox’s _North-West Fox_ (1633), and in De Laet’s Notæ (1644), who, -as well as Hornius, _De Originibus Americanis_ (1644), thinks the -story suspicious. It was repeated by Montanus in 1671, and by Capel, -_Vorstellungen des Norden_, in 1676. Some of the features of the map -had likewise become pretty constant in the attendant cartographical -records. But from the close of the seventeenth century for about a -hundred years, the story was for the most part ignored, and it was not -till 1784 that the interest in it was revived by the publications of -Forster[714] and Buache,[715] who each expressed their belief in the -story. - -A more important inquiry in behalf of the narrative took place at -Venice in 1808, when Cardinal Zurla republished the map in an essay, -and marked out the track of the Zeni on a modern chart.[716] - -In 1810, Malte-Brun accorded his belief in the verity of the narrative, -and was inclined to believe that the Latin books found in Estotiland -were carried there by colonists from Greenland.[717] A reactionary view -was taken by Biddle in his _Sebastian Cabot_, in 1831, who believed -the publication of 1558 a fraud; but the most effective denial of its -authenticity came a few years later in sundry essays by Zahrtmann.[718] - -[Illustration: RICHARD H. MAJOR. - -[After a photograph kindly furnished by himself at the editor’s -request.—ED.]] - -The story got a strong advocate, after nearly forty years of -comparative rest, when R. H. Major, of the map department of the -British Museum, gave it an English dress and annexed a commentary, all -of which was published by the Hakluyt Society in 1873. In this critic’s -view, the good parts of the map are of the fourteenth century, gathered -on the spot, while the false parts arose from the misapprehensions of -the young Zeno, who put together the book of 1558.[719] The method of -this later Zeno was in the same year (1873) held by Professor Konrad -Maurer to be hardly removed from a fraudulent compilation of other -existing material. There has been a marked display of learning, of late -years, in some of the discussions. - -[Illustration: BARON NORDENSKJÖLD. - -[From a recent photograph. There is another engraved likeness in the -second volume of his _Vega_.]] - -Cornelio Desimoni, the archivist of Genoa, has printed two elaborate -papers.[720] The Danish archivist Frederik Krarup published (1878) a -sceptical paper in the _Geografisk Tidsskrift_ (ii. 145).[721] The most -exhaustive examination, however, has come from a practical navigator, -the Baron A. E. Nordenskjöld, who in working up the results of his own -Arctic explorations was easily led into the intricacies of the Zeno -controversy. The results which he reaches are that the Zeni narratives -are substantially true; that there was no published material in 1558 -which could have furnished so nearly an accurate account of the actual -condition of those northern waters; that the map which Zahrtmann saw in -the University library at Copenhagen, and which he represented to be an -original from which the young Zeno of 1558 made his pretended original, -was in reality nothing but the Donis map in the Ptolemy of 1482, while -the Zeno map is much more like the map of the north made by Claudius -Clavis in 1427, which was discovered by Nordenskjöld in a codex of -Ptolemy at Nancy.[722] - - * * * * * - -Since Nordenskjöld advanced his views there have been two -other examinations: the one by Professor Japetus Steenstrup of -Copenhagen,[723] and the other by the secretary of the Danish -Geographical Society, Professor Ed. Erslef, who offered some new -illustrations in his _Nye Oplysninger om Broedrene Zenis Rejser_ -(Copenhagen, 1885).[724] - -Among those who accept the narratives there is no general agreement -in identifying the principal geographical points of the Zeno map. The -main dispute is upon Frislanda, the island where the Zeni were wrecked. -That it was Iceland has been maintained by Admiral Irminger,[725] and -Steenstrup (who finds, however, the text not to agree with the map), -while the map accompanying the _Studi biografici e bibliografici sulla -storia della geografia in Italia_ (Rome, 1882) traces the route of the -Zeni from Iceland to Greenland, under 70° of latitude. - -On the other hand, Major has contended for the Faröe islands, arguing -that while the engraved Zeno map shows a single large island, it -might have been an archipelago in the original, with outlines run -together by the obscurities of its dilapidation, and that the Faröes by -their preserved names and by their position correspond best with the -Frislanda of the Zeni.[726] Major’s views have been adopted by most -later writers, perhaps, and a similar identification had earlier been -made by Lelewel,[727] Kohl,[728] and others. - -The identification of Estotiland involves the question if the returned -fisherman of the narrative ever reached America. It is not uncommon -for even believers in the story to deny that Estotiland and Drogeo -were America. That they were parts of the New World was, however, the -apparent belief of Mercator and of many of the cartographers following -the publication of 1558, and of such speculators as Hugo Grotius, but -there was little common consent in their exact position.[729] - - -=I.= ALLEGED JEWISH MIGRATION.—The identification of the native -Americans with the stock of the lost tribes of Israel very soon -became a favorite theory with the early Spanish priests settled in -America. Las Casas and Duran adopted it, while Torquemada and Acosta -rejected it. André Thevet, of mendacious memory, did not help the -theory by espousing it. It was approved in J. F. Lumnius’s _De extremo -Dei Judicio et Indorum vocatione, libri iii._ (Venice and Antwerp, -1569);[730] and a century later the belief attracted new attention -in the _Origen de los Americanos de Manasseh Ben Israel_, published -at Amsterdam in 1650.[731] It was in the same year (1650) that the -question received the first public discussion in English in Thomas -Thorowgood’s _Jewes in America, or, Probabilities that the Americans -are of that Race. With the removall of some contrary reasonings, and -earnest desires for effectuall endeavours to make them Christian_ -(London, 1650).[732] Thorowgood was answered by Sir Hamon L’Estrange -in _Americans no Iewes, or Improbabilities that the Americans are of -that race_ (London, 1652). The views of Thorowgood found sympathy -with the Apostle Eliot of Massachusetts; and when Thorowgood replied -to L’Estrange he joined with it an essay by Eliot, and the joint work -was entitled _Iewes in America, or probabilities that those Indians -are Judaical, made more probable by some additionals to the former -conjectures: an accurate discourse is premised of Mr. John Eliot (who -preached the gospel to the natives in their own language) touching -their origination, and his Vindication of the planters_ (London, -1660). What seems to have been a sort of supplement, covering, -however, in part, the same ground, appeared as _Vindiciæ Judæcorum, -or a true account of the Jews, being more accurately illustrated than -heretofore_, which includes what is called “The learned conjectures of -Rev. Mr. John Eliot” (32 pp.). Some of the leading New England divines, -like Mayhew and Mather,[733] espoused the cause with similar faith. -Roger Williams also was of the same opinion. William Penn is said to -have held like views. The belief may be said to have been general, -and had not died out in New England when Samuel Sewall, in 1697, -published his _Phænomena quædam Apocalyptica ad aspectum Novi Orbis -Configurata_.[734] - -After the middle of the last century we begin to find new signs of -the belief. Charles Beatty, in his _Journal of a two months’ tour -with a view of promoting religion among the frontier inhabitants of -Pennsylvania_ (Lond., 1768), finds traces of the lost tribes among the -Delawares, and repeats a story of the Indians long ago selling the -same sacred book to the whites with which the missionaries in the end -aimed to make them acquainted. Gerard de Brahm and Richard Peters, -both familiar with the Southern Indians, found grounds for accepting -the belief. The most elaborate statement drawn from this region is -that of James Adair, who for forty years had been a trader among the -Southern Indians.[735] Jonathan Edwards in 1788 pointed out in the -Hebrew some analogies to the native speech.[736] Charles Crawford in -1799 undertook the proof.[737] In 1816 Elias Boudinot, a man eminent -in his day, contributed further arguments.[738] Ethan Smith based his -advocacy largely on the linguistic elements.[739] A few years later -an Englishman, Israel Worsley, worked over the material gathered by -Boudinot and Smith, and added something.[740] A prominent American -Jew, M. M. Noah, published in 1837 an address on the subject which -hardly added to the weight of testimony.[741] J. B. Finlay, a mulatto -missionary among the Wyandots, was satisfied with the Hebrew traces -which he observed in that tribe.[742] Geo. Catlin, working also among -the Western Indians, while he could not go to the length of believing -in the lost tribes, was struck with the many analogies which he -saw.[743] The most elaborate of all expositions of the belief was made -by Lord Kingsborough in his _Mexican Antiquities_ (1830-48).[744] Since -this book there has been no pressing of the question with any claims to -consideration.[745] - - -=J.= POSSIBLE EARLY AFRICAN MIGRATIONS.—These may have been by -adventure or by helpless drifting, with or without the Canaries as a -halting-place. The primitive people of the Canaries, the Guanches, are -studied in Sabin Berthelot’s _Antiquités Canariennes_ (Paris, 1879) -and A. F. de Fontpertuis’ _L’archipel des Canaries, et ses populations -primitives_, also in the _Revue de Géographie_, June, 1882, not to -mention earlier histories of the Canary Islands (see Vol. II. p. 36). -Retzius of Stockholm traces resemblances in the skulls of the Guanches -and the Caribs (_Smithsonian Rept._, 1859, p. 266). Le Plongeon finds -the sandals of the statue Chac-mool, discovered by him in Yucatan, to -resemble those of the Guanches (Salisbury’s _Le Plongeon in Yucatan_, -57). - -The African and even Egyptian origin of the Caribs has had some -special advocates.[746] Peter Martyr, and Grotius following him, -contended for the people of Yucatan being Ethiopian Christians. Stories -of blackamoors being found by the early Spaniards are not without -corroboration.[747] The correspondence of the African and South -American flora has been brought into requisition as confirmatory.[748] - - * * * * * - -THE CARTOGRAPHY OF GREENLAND. - -The oldest map yet discovered to show any part of Greenland, and -consequently of America,[749] is one found by Baron Nordenskjöld -attached to a Ptolemy Codex in the Stadtbibliothek at Nancy. He -presented a colored fac-simile of it in 1883 at the Copenhagen Congrès -des Américanistes, in his little brochure _Trois Cartes_. It was also -used in illustration of his paper on the Zeni Voyages, published -both in Swedish and German. It will be seen by the fac-simile given -herewith, and marked with the author’s name, Claudius Clavus, that -“Gronlandia Provincia” is an extension of a great arctic region, so -as to lie over against the Scandinavian peninsula of Europe, with -“Islandia,” or Iceland, midway between the two lands. Up to the time -of this discovery by Nordenskjöld, the map generally recognized as the -oldest to show Greenland is a Genovese portolano, preserved in the -Pitti Palace at Florence, about which there is some doubt as to its -date, which is said to be 1417 by Santarem (_Hist. de la Cartog._, -iii., p. xix), but Lelewel (_Epilogue_, p. 167) is held to be trustier -in giving it as 1447.[750] It shows how little influence the Norse -stories of their Greenland colonization exerted at this time on the -cartography of the north, that few of the map-makers deemed it worth -while to break the usual terminal circle of the world by including -anything west or beyond Iceland. It was, further, not easy to convince -them that Greenland, when they gave it, lay in the direction which -the Sagas indicated. The map of Fra Mauro, for instance, in 1459 cuts -off a part of Iceland by its incorrigible terminal circle, as will -be seen in a bit of it given herewith, the reader remembering as he -looks at it that the bottom of the segment is to the north.[751] We -again owe to Nordenskjöld the discovery of another map of the north, -_Tabula Regionum Septentrionalium_, which he found in a Codex of -Ptolemy in Warsaw a few years since, and which he places about 1467. -The accompanying partial sketch is reproduced from a fac-simile -kindly furnished by the discoverer. The peninsula of “Gronlandia,” -with its indicated glaciers, is placed with tolerable accuracy as the -western extremity of an arctic region, which to the north of Europe -is separated from the Scandinavian peninsula by a channel from the -“Mare Gotticum” (Baltic Sea), which sweeps above Norway into the -“Mare Congelatum.” The confused notions arising from an attempt by -the compiler of the map to harmonize different drafts is shown by -his drawing a second Greenland (“Engronelant”) to his “Norbegia,” or -Norway, and placing just under it the “Thile”[752] of the ancients, -which he makes a different island from “Islandia,” placed in proper -relations to his larger Greenland. - -[Illustration: CLAUDIUS CLAVUS, 1427.] - -A few years later, or perhaps about the same time, and before 1471, -the earliest engraved map which shows Greenland is that of Nicolas -Donis, in the Ulm edition of Ptolemy in 1482. It will be seen from the -little sketch which is annexed that the same doubling of Greenland is -adhered to.[753] With the usual perversion put upon the Norse stories, -Iceland is made to lie due west of Greenland, though not shown in the -present sketch. - -At a date not much later, say 1486, it is supposed the Laon globe, -dated in 1493, was actually made, or at least it is shown that in some -parts the knowledge was rather of the earlier date, and here we have -“Grolandia,” a small island off the Norway coast.[754] - -[Illustration: CLAUDIUS CLAVUS, 1427.] - -We have in 1489-90 a type of configuration, which later became -prevalent. It is taken from an _Insularium illustratum Henrici Martelli -Germani_, a manuscript preserved in the British Museum, and shows, as -seen by the annexed extract, a long narrow peninsula, running southwest -from the northern verge of Europe. A sketch of the whole map is given -elsewhere.[755] - -This seems to have been the prevailing notion of what and where -Greenland was at the time of Columbus’ voyage, and it could have -carried no significance to his mind that the explorations of the Norse -had found the Asiatic main, which he started to discover. How far this -notion was departed from by Behaim in his globe of 1492 depends upon -the interpretation to be given to a group of islands, northwest of -Iceland and northeast of Asia, upon the larger of which he writes among -its mountains, “Hi man weise Volker.”[756] - -As this sketch of the cartographical development goes on, it will be -seen how slow the map-makers were to perceive the real significance -of the Norse discoveries, and how reluctant they were to connect them -with the discoveries that followed in the train of Columbus, though -occasionally there is one who is possessed with a sort of prevision. -The Cantino map of 1502[757] does not settle the question, for a point -lying northeast of the Portuguese discoveries in the Newfoundland -region only seems to be the southern extremity of Greenland. What was -apparently a working Portuguese chart of 1503 grasps pretty clearly the -relations of Greenland to Labrador.[758] - - -[Illustration: FRA MAURO, 1459.] - -Lelewel (pl. 43), in a map made to show the Portuguese views at -this time,[759] which he represents by combining and reconciling the -Ptolemy maps of 1511 and 1513, still places the “Gronland” peninsula -in the northwest of Europe, and if his deductions are correct, the -Portuguese had as yet reached no clear conception that the Labrador -coasts upon which they fished bore any close propinquity to those -which the Norse had colonized. Ruysch, in 1508, made a bold stroke by -putting “Gruenlant” down as a peninsula of Northeastern Asia, thus -trying to reconcile the discoveries of Columbus with the northern -sagas.[760] This view was far from acceptable. Sylvanus, in the Ptolemy -of 1511, made “Engroneland” a small protuberance on the north shore -of Scandinavia, and east of Iceland, evidently choosing between the -two theories instead of accepting both, as was common, in ignorance of -their complemental relations.[761] Waldseemüller, in the Ptolemy of -1513, in his “Orbis typus universalis,” reverted to and adopted the -delineation of Henricus Martellus in 1490.[762] - -[Illustration: TABULA REGIONUM SEPTENTRIONALIUM, 1467.] - -[Illustration: DONIS, 1482.] - -In 1520, Apian, in the map in Camer’s _Solinus_, took the view of -Sylvanus, while still another representation was given by Laurentius -Frisius in 1522, in an edition of Ptolemy,[763] in which “Gronland” -becomes a large island on the Norway coast, in one map called “Orbis -typus Universalis,” while in another map, “Tabula nova Norbegiæ et -Gottiæ,” the “Engronelant” peninsula is a broad region, stretching -from Northwestern Europe.[764] - -[Illustration: HENRICUS MARTELLUS, 1489-90.] - -This Ptolemy was again issued in 1525, repeating these two methods of -showing Greenland already given, and adding a third,[765] that of the -long narrow European peninsula, already familiar in earlier maps—the -variety of choice indicating the prevalent cartographical indecision on -the point. - -[Illustration: OLAUS MAGNUS, 1539. - -NOTE.—This fac-simile accompanies a paper appearing in the -_Videnskabsselskabs Forhandinger_ (1886, no. 15) _and separately as -Die ächte karte des Olaus Magnus vom jahre 1539, nach dem exemplar der -Münchener Staatsbibliothek_ (Christiania, 1886). In this Dr. Brenner -traces the history of the great map of Archbishop Olaus Magnus, -pointing out how Nordenskjöld is in error in supposing the map of -1567, which that scholar gives, was but a reproduction of the original -edition of 1539, which was not known to modern students till Brenner -found it in the library at Munich, in March, 1886, and which proves to -be twelve times larger than that of 1567. Brenner adds the long Latin -address, “Olaus Gothus benigno lectori salutem,” with annotations. The -map is entitled “Carta Marina et descriptio septentrionalium errarum ac -mirabilium rerum in eis contentarum diligentissime elaborata, Anno Dni, -1539.” Brenner institutes a close comparison between it and the Zeno -chart.] - -Kohl, in his collection of maps,[766] copies from what he calls the -Atlas of Frisius, 1525, still another map which apparently shows the -southern extremity of Greenland, with “Terra Laboratoris,” an island -just west of it, and southwest of that a bit of coast marked “Terra -Nova Conterati,” which may pass for Newfoundland and the discoveries of -Cortereal. - -[Illustration: OLAUS MAGNUS, 1555. - -This map, here reproduced on a somewhat smaller scale, is called: -_Regnorum Aquilonarum descriptio, hujus Operis subiectum_.] - -Thorne, the Englishman, in the map which he sent from Seville in -1527,[767] seems to conform to the view which made Greenland a European -peninsula, which may also have been the opinion of Orontius Finæus in -1531.[768] A novel feature attaches to an Atlas, of about this date, -preserved at Turin, in which an elongated Greenland is made to stretch -northerly.[769] In 1532 we have the map in Ziegler’s _Schondia_, which -more nearly resembles the earliest map of all, that of Claudius Clavus, -than any other.[770] The 1538 cordiform map of Mercator makes it a -peninsula of an arctic region connected with Scandinavia.[771] This -map is known to me only through a fac-simile of the copy given in the -_Geografia_ of Lafreri, published at Rome about 1560, with which I am -favored by Nordenskjöld in advance of its publication in his _Atlas_. - -[Illustration: FROM OLAUS MAGNUS’ HISTORIA, 1567.] - -The great _Historia_ of Olaus Magnus, as for a long time the leading -authority on the northern geography, as well as on the Scandinavian -chronicles, gives us some distinct rendering of this northern -geographical problem. It was only recently that his earliest map of -1539 has been brought to light, and a section of it is here reproduced -from a much reduced fac-simile kindly sent to the editor by Dr. Oscar -Brenner of the university at Munich.[A] Nordenskjöld, in giving a full -fac-simile of the Olaus Magnus map of 1567,[772] of which a fragment -is herewith also given in fac-simile, says that it embodies the views -of the northern geographers in separating Greenland from Europe, -which was in opposition to those of the geographers of the south of -Europe, who united Greenland to Scandinavia. Sebastian Münster in his -1540 edition of Ptolemy introduced a new confusion. He preserved the -European elongated peninsula, but called it “Islandia,” while to what -stands for Iceland is given the old classical name of Thyle.[773] This -confusion is repeated in his map of 1545,[774] where he makes the coast -of “Islandia” continuous with Baccalaos. This continuity of coast line -seemed now to become a common heritage of some of the map-makers,[775] -though in the Ulpius globe of 1542 “Groestlandia,” so far as it is -shown, stands separate from either continent,[776] but is connected -with Europe according to the early theory in the _Isolario_ of Bordone -in 1547. - -[Illustration: BORDONE’S SCANDINAVIA, 1547. - -Reproduced from the fac-simile given in Nordenskjöld’s _Studien_ -(Leipzig, 1885).] - -We have run down the main feature of the northern cartography, up -to the time of the publication of the Zeno map in 1558. The chief -argument for its authenticity is that there had been nothing drawn and -published up to that time which could have conduced, without other aid, -to so accurate an outline of Greenland as it gives. In an age when -drafts of maps freely circulated over Europe, from cartographer to -cartographer, in manuscript, it does not seem necessary that the search -for prototypes or prototypic features should be confined to those which -had been engraved. - -[Illustration: ZENO MAP. (_Reduced_.) - -The original measures 12 × 15½ inches. Fac-similes of the original size -or reduced, or other reproductions, will be found in Nordenskjöld’s -_Trois Cartes_, and in his _Studien_; Malte Brun’s _Annales des -Voyages_; Lelewel’s _Moyen Age_ (ii. 169); _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ -(i. 211); Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, 97; Ruge’s _Geschichte des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 27; Bancroft’s _Central America_, -i. 81; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S_., i. 84; Howley’s _Ecclesiast. Hist. -Newfoundland_, p. 45; Erizzo’s _Le Scoperte Artiche_ (Venice, -1855),—not to name others.] - -With these allowances the map does not seem to be very exceptional -in any feature. It is connected with northwestern Europe in just the -manner appertaining to several of the earlier maps. Its shape is no -great improvement on the map of 1467, found at Warsaw. There was -then no such constancy in the placing of mid-sea islands in maps, to -interdict the random location of other islands at the cartographer’s -will, without disturbing what at that day would have been deemed -geographical probabilities, and there was all the necessary warranty -in existing maps for the most wilfully depicted archipelago. The early -Portuguese charts, not to name others, gave sufficient warrant for land -where Estotiland and Drogeo appear. - -[Illustration: THE PTOLEMY ALTERATION (1561, etc.) OF THE ZENO MAP.] - -Mention has already been made of the changes in this map, which the -editors of the Ptolemy of 1561 made in severing Greenland from Europe, -when they reëngraved it.[777] The same edition contained a map of -“Schonlandia,” in which it seems to be doubtful if the land which -stands for Greenland does, or does not, connect with the Scandinavian -main.[778] That Greenland was an island seems now to have become the -prevalent opinion, and it was enforced by the maps of Mercator (1569 -and 1587), Ortelius (1570, 1575), and Gallæus (1585), which placed -it lying mainly east and west between the Scandinavian north and the -Labrador coast, which it was now the fashion to call Estotiland. In its -shape it closely resembled the Zeni outline. Another feature of these -maps was the placing of another but smaller island west of “Groenlant,” -which was called “Grocland,” and which seems to be simply a -reduplication of the larger island by some geographical confusion,[779] -which once started was easily seized upon to help fill out the arctic -spaces.[780] - -[Illustration: SEPTENTRIONALES REGIONES. - -From _Theatri orbis Terrarum Enchiridion, per Phillipum Gallæum, et per -Hugonem Favolium_ (Antwerp, 1585).] - -It was just at this time (1570) that the oldest maps which display the -geographical notions of the saga men were drawn, though not brought to -light for many years. We note two such of this time, and one of a date -near forty years later. One marked “Jonas, Gudmundi filius, delineavit, -1570,” is given as are the two others by Torfæus in his _Gronlandia -Antiqua_. They all seem to recognize a passage to the Arctic seas -between Norway and Greenland, the northern parts of which last are -called “Risaland,” or “Riseland,” and Jonas places “Oster Bygd” and -“Wester Bygd” on the opposite sides of a squarish peninsula. Beyond -what must be Davis’ Straits is “America,” and further south “Terra -Florida” and “Albania.” - -If this description is compared with the key of Stephanius’ map, -next to be mentioned, while we remember that both represent the views -prevailing in the north in 1570, it is hard to resist the conclusion -that Vinland was north even of Davis’ Straits, or at least held to be -so at that time. - -The second map, that of Stephanius, is reproduced herewith, dating back -to the same period (1570); but the third, by Gudbrandus Torlacius, was -made in 1606, and is sketched in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_ (p. 109). -It gives better shape to “Gronlandia” than in either of the others. - -[Illustration: SIGURD STEPHANIUS, 1570. - -Reproduced from the _Saga Time_ of J. Fulford Vicary (London, 1887), -after the map as given in the publication of the geographical society -at Copenhagen, 1885-86, and it is supposed to have been drafted upon -the narrative of the sagas. Key: - -“_A._ This is where the English have come and has a name for -barrenness, either from sun or cold. - -_B._ This is near where Vineland lies, which from its abundance of -useful things, or from the land’s fruitfulness, is called Good. Our -countrymen (Icelanders) have thought that to the south it ends with the -wild sea and that a sound or fjord separates it from America. - -_C._ This land is called Rüseland or land of the giants, as they have -horns and are called Skrickfinna (Fins that frighten). - -_D._ This is more to the east, and the people are called Klofinna (Fins -with claws) on account of their large nails. - -_E._ This is Jotunheimer, or the home of the misshapen giants. - -_F._ Here is thought to be a fjord, or sound, leading to Russia. - -_G._ A rocky land often referred to in histories. - -_H._ What island that is I do not know, unless it be the island that a -Venetian found, and the Germans call Friesland.” - -It will be observed under the _B_ of the Key, the Norse of 1570 did not -identify the Vinland of 1000 with the America of later discoveries. - -This map is much the same, but differs somewhat in detail, from the one -called of Stephanius, as produced in Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. -107, professedly after a copy given in Torfæus’ _Gronlandia Antiqua_ -(1706). Torfæus quotes Theodorus Torlacius, the Icelandic historian, -as saying that Stephanius appears to have drawn his map from ancient -Icelandic records. The other maps given by Torfæus are: by Bishop -Gudbrand Thorlakssen (1606); by Jonas Gudmund (1640); by Theodor -Thorlakssen (1666), and by Torfæus himself. Cf. other copies of the map -of Stephanius in Malte-Brun’s _Annales des Voyages, Weise’s Discoveries -of America_, p. 22; _Geog. Tidskrift_, viii. 123, and in Horsford’s -_Disc. of America by Northmen_, p. 37.] - -It is not necessary to follow the course of the Greenland cartography -farther with any minuteness. As the sixteenth century ended we have -leading maps by Hakluyt in 1587 and 1599 (see Vol. III. 42), and De -Bry in 1596 (Vol. IV. 99), and Wytfliet in 1597, all of which give -Davis’s Straits with more or less precision. Barentz’s map of 1598 -became the exemplar of the circumpolar chart in Pontanus’ _Rerum et -Urbis Amstelodamensium Historia_ of 1611.[781] The chart of Luke Fox, -in 1635, marked progress[782] better than that of La Peyrère (1647), -though his map was better known.[783] Even as late as 1727, Hermann -Moll could not identify his “Greenland” with “Groenland.” In 1741, -we have the map of Hans Egede in his “Grönland,” repeated in late -editions, and the old delineation of the east coast after Torfæus was -still retained in the 1788 map of Paul Egede. - -[Illustration: KORT _over_ GRÖNLAND _Den östre Süde efter Torfæus -Den vestre Süde aflagt og forbedret i Sammenligning med de senere -Efterretninger af Paul Egede_ - -NOTE.—The annexed map is a reduced fac-simile of the map in the -_Efterretninger om Grönland uddragne af en Journal holden fra 1771 -til 1788_, by Paul Egede (Copenhagen, 1789). Paul Egede, son of Hans, -was born in 1708, and remained in Greenland till 1740. He was made -Bishop of Greenland in 1770, and died in 1789. The above book gives -a portrait. There is another fac-simile of the map in Nordenskjöld’s -_Exped. till Grönland_, p. 234.] - -In the map of 1653, made by De la Martinière, who was of the Danish -expedition to the north, Greenland was made to connect with Northern -Asia by way of the North pole.[784] Nordenskjöld calls him the -Münchhausen of the northeast voyagers; and by his own passage in the -“Vega,” along the northern verge of Europe, from one ocean to the -other, the Swedish navigator has of recent years proved for the first -time that Greenland has no such connection. It yet remains to be proved -that there is no connection to the north with at least the group of -islands that are the arctic outlyers of the American continent. - -[Illustration: GREENLAND. - -Extracted from the “Carte de Grœnland” in Isaac de la Peyrère’s -_Relation du Groenland_ (Paris, 1647). Cf. Winsor’s _Kohl Maps_, no. -122.] - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. - -BY JUSTIN WINSOR. - - -THE traditions of the migrations of the Chichimecs, Colhuas, and -Nahuas,” says Max Müller,[785] “are no better than the Greek traditions -about Pelasgians, Æolians, and Ionians, and it would be a mere waste of -time to construct out of such elements a systematic history, only to be -destroyed again, sooner or later, by some Niebuhr, Grote, or Lewis.” - -“It is yet too early,” says Bandelier,[786] “to establish a definite -chronology, running farther back from the Conquest than two -centuries,[787] and even within that period but very few dates have -been satisfactorily fixed.” - -Such are the conditions of the story which it is the purpose of this -chapter to tell. - -We have, to begin with, as in other history, the recognition of -a race of giants, convenient to hang legends on, and accounted on -all hands to have been occupants of the country in the dimmest -past, so that there is nothing back of them. Who they were, whence -they came, and what stands for their descendants after we get down -to what in this pre-Spanish history we rather presumptuously call -historic ground, is far from clear. If we had the easy faith of the -native historian Ixtlilxochitl, we should believe that these gigantic -Quinames, or Quinametin, were for the most part swallowed up in a great -convulsion of nature, and it was those who escaped which the Olmecs -and Tlascalans encountered in entering the country.[788] If all this -means anything, which may well be doubted, it is as likely as not -that these giants were the followers of a demi-god, Votan,[789] who -came from over-sea to America,[790] found it peopled, established a -government in Xibalba,—if such a place ever existed,—with the germs -of Maya if not of other civilizations, whence, by migrations during -succeeding times, the Votanites spread north and occupied the Mexican -plateau, where they became degenerate, doubtless, if they deserved -the extinction which we are told was in store for them. But they -had an alleged chronicler for their early days, the writer of the -Book of Votan, written either by the hero himself or by one of his -descendants,—eight or nine generations in the range of authorship -making little difference apparently. That this narrative was known to -Francisco Nuñez de la Vega[791] would seem to imply that somebody at -that time had turned it into readable script out of the unreadable -hieroglyphics, while the disguises of the Spanish tongue, perhaps, as -Bancroft[792] suggests, may have saved it from the iconoclastic zeal of -the priests. When, later, Ramon de Ordoñez had the document,—perhaps -the identical manuscript,—it consisted of a few folios of quarto -paper, and was written in Roman script in the Tzendal tongue, and was -inspected by Cabrera, who tells us something of its purport in his -_Teatro critico Americano_, while Ramon himself was at the same time -using it in his _Historia del Cielo y de la Tierra_. It was from a -later copy of this last essay, the first copy being unknown, that the -Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg got his knowledge of what Ramon had derived -from the Votan narrative, and which Brasseur has given us in several -of his books.[793] That there was a primitive empire—Votanic, if you -please—seems to some minds confirmed by other evidences than the story -of Votan; and out of this empire—to adopt a European nomenclature—have -come, as such believers say, after its downfall somewhere near the -Christian era, and by divergence, the great stocks of people called -Maya, Quiché, and Nahua, inhabiting later, and respectively, Yucatan, -Guatemala, and Mexico. This is the view, if we accept the theory which -Bancroft has prominently advocated, that the migrations of the Nahuas -were from the south northward,[794] and that this was the period of the -divergence, eighteen centuries ago or more, of the great civilizing -stocks of Mexico and of Central America.[795] We fail to find so early -a contact of these two races, if, on the other hand, we accept the -old theory that the migrations which established the Toltec and Aztec -powers were from the north southward,[796] through three several lines, -as is sometimes held, one on each side of the Rocky Mountains, with a -third following the coast. In this way such advocates trace the course -of the Olmecs, who encountered the giants, and later of the Toltecs. - -That the Votanic peoples or some other ancient tribes were then a -distinct source of civilization, and that Palenqué may even be Xibalba, -or the Nachan, which Votan founded, is a belief that some archæologists -find the evidence of in certain radical differences in the Maya tongues -and in the Maya ruins.[797] - -In the Quiché traditions, as preserved in the _Popul Vuh_, and in -the _Annals of the Cakchiquels_, we likewise go back into mistiness -and into the inevitable myths which give the modern comparative -mythologists so much comfort and enlightenment; but Bancroft[798] and -the rest get from all this nebulousness, as was gotten from the Maya -traditions, that there was a great power at Xibalba,[799]—if in Central -America anywhere that place may have been,—which was overcome[800] -when from Tulan[801] went out migrating chiefs, who founded the -Quiché-Cakchiquel peoples of Guatemala, while others, the Yaqui,—very -likely only traders,—went to Mexico, and still others went to Yucatan, -thus accounting for the subsequent great centres of aboriginal power—if -we accept this view. - -As respects the traditions of the more northern races, there is the -same choice of belief and alternative demonstration. The Olmecs, the -earliest Nahua corners, are sometimes spoken of as sailing from Florida -and landing on the coast at what is now Pánuco, whence they travelled -to Guatemala,[802] and finally settled in Tamoanchan, and offered their -sacrifices farther north at Teotihuacan.[803] This is very likely the -Votan legend suited to the more northern region, and if so, it serves -to show, unless we discard the whole theory, how the Votanic people had -scattered. The other principal source of our suppositions—for we can -hardly call it knowledge—of these times is the _Codex Chimalpòpoca_, -of which there is elsewhere an account,[804] and from it we can derive -much the same impressions, if we are disposed to sustain a preconceived -notion. - -The periods and succession of the races whose annals make up the -history of what we now call Mexico, prior to the coming of the -Spaniards, are confused and debatable. Whether under the name of -Chichimecs we are to understand a distinct people, or a varied and -conglomerate mass of people, which, in a generic way, we might call -barbarians, is a question open to discussion.[805] There is no lack -of names[806] to be applied to the tribes and bands which, according -to all accounts, occupied the Mexican territory previous to the sixth -century. Some of them were very likely Nahua forerunners[807] of the -subsequent great influx of that race, like the Olmecs and Xicalancas, -and may have been the people, “from the direction of Florida,” of -whom mention has been made. Others, as some say, were eddies of those -populous waves which, coming by the north from Asia, overflowed the -Rocky Mountains, and became the builders of mounds and the later -peoples of the Mississippi Valley,[808] passed down the trend of the -Rocky Mountains, and built cliff-houses and pueblos, or streamed into -the table-land of Mexico. This is all conjecture, perhaps delusion, -but may be as good a supposition as any, if we agree to the northern -theory, as Nadaillac[809] does, but not so tenable, if, with the -contrary Bancroft,[810] we hold rather that they came from the south. -We can turn from one to the other of these theorists and agree with -both, as they cite their evidences. On the whole, a double compliance -is better than dogmatism. It is one thing to lose one’s way in this -labyrinth of belief, and another to lose one’s head. - -It was the Olmecs who found the Quinames, or giants, near Puebla and -Cholula, and in the end overcame them. The Olmecs built, according -to one story, the great pyramid of Cholula,[811] and it was they who -received the great Quetzalcoatl from across the sea, a white-bearded -man, as the legends went, who was benign enough, in the stories told -of him, to make the later Spaniards think, when they heard them, that -he was no other than the Christian St. Thomas on his missions. When -the Spaniards finally induced the inheritors of the Olmecs’ power to -worship Quetzalcoatl as a beneficent god, his temple soon topped the -mound at Cholula.[812] We have seen that the great Nahua occupation -of the Mexican plateau, at a period somewhere from the fourth to -the seventh century,[813] was preceded by some scattered tribal -organizations of the same stock, which had at an early date mingled -with the primitive peoples of this region. We have seen that there is -a diversity of opinion as to the country from which they came, whether -from the north or south. A consideration of this question involves the -whole question of the migration of races in these pre-Columbian days, -since it is the coming and going of peoples that form the basis of all -its history. - -In the study of these migrations, we find no more unanimity of -interpretation than in other questions of these early times.[814] -The Nahua peoples (Toltecs, Aztecs, Mexicans, or what you will), -according to the prevalent views of the early Spanish writers, came -by successive influxes from the north or northwest, and from a remote -place called Tollan, Tula, Tlapallan, Huehue-Tlapallan, as respects the -Toltec group,[815] and called Aztlan as respects the Aztec or Mexican. -When, by settlement after settlement, each migratory people pushed -farther south, they finally reached Central Mexico. This sequence of -immigration seems to be agreed upon, but as to where their cradle -was and as to what direction their line of progress took, there is -a diversity of opinion as widely separated as the north is from the -south. The northern position and the southern direction is all but -universally accepted among the early Spanish writers[816] and their -followers,[817] while it is claimed by others that the traditions as -preserved point to the south as the starting-point. Cabrera took this -view. Brasseur sought to reconcile conflicting tradition and Spanish -statement by carrying the line of migration from the south with a -northerly sweep, so that in the end Anahuac would be entered from the -north, with which theory Bancroft[818] is inclined to agree. Aztlan, as -well as Huehue-Tlapallan, by those who support the northern theory, has -been placed anywhere from the California peninsula[819] within a radius -that sweeps through Wisconsin and strikes the Atlantic at Florida.[820] - -The advocates of the southern starting-point of these migrations have -been comparatively few and of recent prominence; chief among them are -Squier and Bancroft.[821] - - * * * * * - -With the appearance of a people, which, for want of a better -designation, are usually termed Toltecs, on the Mexican table-land in -the sixth century or thereabouts,[822] we begin the early history of -Mexico, so far as we can make any deductions from the semi-mythical -records and traditions which the Spaniards or the later aborigines -have preserved for us. This story of the Nahua occupation of Anáhuac -is one of strife and shifting vassalage, with rivalries and uprisings -of neighboring and kindred tribes, going on for centuries. While the -more advanced portion of the Nahuas in Anáhuac were making progress -in the arts, that division of the same stock which was living beyond -such influence, and without the bounds of Anáhuac, were looked upon -rather as barbarians than as brothers, and acquired the name which had -become a general one for such rougher natures, Chichimec. It is this -Chichimec people under some name or other who are always starting up -and overturning something. At one time they unite with the Colhuas and -found Colhuacan, and nearly subjugate the lake region. Then the Toltec -tarriers at Huehue-Tlapallan come boldly to the neighborhood of the -Chichimecs and found Tollan; and thus they turn a wandering community -into what, for want of a better name, is called a monarchy. They -strengthened its government by an alliance with the Chichimecs,[823] -and placed their seat of power at Colhuacan. - -Then we read of a power springing up at Tezcuco, and of various -other events, which happened or did not happen, according as you -believe this or the other chronicle. The run of many of the stories -of course produces the inevitable and beautiful daughter, and the -bold princess, who control many an event. Then there is a league -of Colhuacan, Otompan, and Tollan. Suddenly appears the great king -Quetzalcoatl,—though it may be we confound him with the divinity of -that name; and with him, to perplex matters, comes his sworn enemy -Huemac. Quetzalcoatl’s devoted labors to make his people give up human -sacrifice arrayed the priesthood against him, until at last he fell -before the intrigues that made Huemac succeed in Tollan, and that drove -his luckless rival to Cholula, where he reigned anew. Huemac followed -him and drove him farther; but in doing so he gave his enemies in -Tollan a chance to put another on the throne. - -Then came a season of peace and development, when Tollan grew splendid. -Colhuacan flourished in political power, and Teotihuacan[824] and -Cholula were the religious shrines of the people. But at last the end -was near. - -The closing century of the Toltec power was a frightful one for -broil, pestilence, and famine among the people, amours and revenge -in the great chieftain’s household, revolt among the vassals; with -sorcery rampant and the gods angry; with volcanoes belching, summers -like a furnace, and winters like the pole; with the dreaded omen of -a rabbit, horned like a deer, confronting the ruler, while rebel -forces threatened the capital. There was also civil strife within the -gates, phallic worship and debauchery,—all preceding an inundation of -Chichimecan hordes. Thus the power that had flourished for several -hundred years fell,—seemingly in the latter half of the eleventh -century.[825] The remnant that was left of the desolated people went -hither and thither, till the fragments were absorbed in the conquerors, -or migrated to distant regions south.[826] - -Whether the term Toltec signified a nation, or only denoted a dynasty, -is a question for the archæologists to determine. The general opinion -heretofore has been that they were a distinct race, of the Nahua stock, -however, and that they came from the north. The story which has been -thus far told of their history is the narrative of Ixtlilxochitl, and -is repeated by Veytia, Clavigero, Prescott, Brasseur de Bourbourg, -Orozco y Berra, Nadaillac, and the later compilers. Sahagún seems to -have been the first to make a distinct use of the name Toltec, and -Charency in his paper on _Xibalba_ finds evidence that the Toltecs -constituted two different migrations, the one of a race that was -straight-headed, which came from the northwest, and the other of a -flat-headed people, which came from Florida. - -Brinton, on the contrary, finds no warrant either for this dual -migration, or indeed for considering the Toltecs to be other than a -section of the same race, that we know later as Aztecs or Mexicans. -This sweeping denial of their ethnical independence had been -forestalled by Gallatin;[827] but no one before Brinton had made it a -distinct issue, though some writers before and since have verged on his -views.[828] Others, like Charnay, have answered Brinton’s arguments, -and defended the older views.[829] Bandelier’s views connect them with -the Maya rather than with the Nahua stock,[830] if, as he thinks may -be the case, they were the people who landed at Pánuco and settled at -Tamoanchan, the Votanites, as they are sometimes called. He traces back -to Herrera and Torquemada the identification for the first time of the -Toltecs with these people.[831] Bandelier’s conclusions, however, are -that “all we can gather about them with safety is, that they were a -sedentary Indian stock, which at some remote period settled in Central -Mexico,” and that “nothing certain is known of their language.”[832] - -The desolation of Anáhuac as the Toltecs fell invited a foreign -occupation, and a remote people called Chichimecs[833]—not to -be confounded with the primitive barbarians which are often so -called—poured down upon the country. Just how long after the Toltec -downfall this happened, is in dispute;[834] but within a few years -evidently, perhaps within not many months, came the rush of millions, -if we may believe the big stories of the migration. They surged by the -ruined capital of the Toltecs, came to the lake, founded Xoloc and -Tenayocan, and encountered, as they spread over the country, what were -left of the Toltecs, who secured peace by becoming vassals. Not quite -so humble were the Colhuas of Colhuacan,—not to be confounded with the -Acolhuas,—who were the most powerful section of the Toltecs yet left, -and the Chichimecs set about crushing them, and succeeded in making -them also vassals.[835] The Chichimec monarchs, if that term does not -misrepresent them, soon formed alliances with the Tepanecs, the Otomis, -and the Acolhuas, who had been prominent in the overthrow of the -Toltecs, and all the invaders profited by the higher organizations and -arts which these tribes had preserved and now imparted. The Chichimecs -also sought to increase the stability of their power by marriages with -the noble Toltecs still remaining. But all was not peace. There were -rebellions from time to time to be put down; and a new people, whose -future they did not then apprehend, had come in among them and settled -at Chapultepec. These were the Aztecs, or Mexicans, a part of the great -Nahua immigration, but as a tribe they had dallied behind the others on -the way, but were now come, and the last to come.[836] - -Tezcuco soon grew into prominence as a vassal power,[837] and upon -the capital city many embellishments were bestowed, so that the great -lord of the Chichimecs preferred it to his own Tenayocan, which -gave opportunity for rebellious plots to be formed in his proper -capital; and here at Tezcuco the next succeeding ruler preferred to -reign, and here he became isolated by the uprising of rebellious -nobles. The ensuing war was not simply of side against side, but -counter-revolutions led to a confusion of tumults, and petty chieftains -set themselves up against others here and there. The result was that -Quinantzin, who had lost the general headship of the country, recovered -it, and finally consolidated his power to a degree surpassing all his -predecessors. - -[Illustration: CLAVIGERO’S MEXICO.[838] (Ed. of 1780, vol. iii.)] - -[Illustration: CLAVIGERO’S MAP. (Ed. of 1580, vol. i.) - -Clavigero speaks of his map “per servire all storia antica del -Messico.” A map of the Aztec dominion just before the Conquest is given -in Ranking (London, 1827). See note in Vol. II. p. 358.] - -Meanwhile the Aztecs at Chapultepec, growing arrogant, provoked -their neighbors, and were repressed by those who were more powerful. -But they abided their time. They were good fighters, and the Colhua -ruler courted them to assist him in his maraudings, and thus they were -becoming accustomed to warfare and to conquest, and were giving favors -to be repaid. This intercourse, whether of association or rivalry, of -the Colhuas and Mexicans (Aztecs), was continued through succeeding -periods, with a confusion of dates and events which it is hard to make -clear. There was mutual distrust and confidence alternately, and it -all ended in the Aztecs settling on an island in the lake, where later -they founded Tenochtitlan, or Mexico.[839] Here they developed those -bloody rites of sacrifice which had already disgusted their allies and -neighbors. - -[Illustration: THE LAKE OF MEXICO. - -A map which did service in different forms in various books about -Mexico and its aboriginal localities in the early part of the -eighteenth century. It is here taken from the _Voyages de Francois -Coreal_ (Amsterdam, 1722).] - -Meanwhile the powers at Colhuacan and Azcapuzalco flourished and -repressed uprisings, and out of all the strife Tezozomoc came into -prominence with his Tepanecs, and amid it all the Aztecs, siding here -and there, gained territory. With all this occurring in different parts -of his dominions, the Chichimec potentate grew stronger and stronger, -and while by his countenance the old Toltec influences more and more -predominated. And so it was a flourishing government, with little to -mar its prospects but the ambition of Tezozomoc, the Tepanec chieftain, -and the rising power of the Aztecs, who had now become divided into -Mexicans and Tlatelulcas. The famous ruler of the Chichimecs, Techotl, -died in A.D. 1357, and the young Ixtlilxochitl took his power with -all its emblems. The people of Tenochtitlan, or their rulers, were -adepts in practising those arts of diplomacy by which an ambitious -nation places itself beside its superiors to secure a sort of reflected -consequence. Thus they pursued matrimonial alliances and other acts of -prudence. Both Tenochtitlan and its neighbor Tlatelulco grew apace, -while skilled artisans and commercial industries helped to raise them -in importance. - -The young Ixtlilxochitl at Tezcuco was not so fortunate, and it -soon looked as if the Tepanec prince, Tezozomoc, was only waiting an -opportunity to rebel. It was also pretty clear that he would have the -aid of Mexico and Tlatelulco, and that he would succeed in securing the -sympathy of many wavering vassals or allies. The plans of the Tepanec -chieftain at last ripened, and he invaded the Tezcucan territory in -1415. In the war which followed, Ixtlilxochitl reversed the tide and -invaded the Tepanec territory, besieging and capturing its capital, -Azcapuzalco.[840] The conqueror lost by his clemency what he had gained -by arms, and it was not long before he was in turn shut up in his own -capital. He did not succeed in defending it, and was at last killed. -So Tezozomoc reached his vantage of ambition, and was now in his old -age the lord paramount of the country. He tried to harmonize the varied -elements of his people; but the Mexicans had not fared in the general -successes as they had hoped for, and were only openly content. The -death of Tezozomoc prepared the way for one of his sons, Maxtla, to -seize the command, and the vassal lords soon found that the spirit -which had murdered a brother had aims that threatened wider desolation. -The Mexicans were the particular object of Maxtla’s oppressive spirit, -and by the choice of Itzcoatl for their ruler, who had been for many -years the Mexican war-chief, that people defied the lord of all, and -in this they were joined by the Tlatelulcas under Quauhtlatohuatzin, -and by lesser allies. Under this combination of his enemies Maxtla’s -capital fell, the usurper was sacrificed, and the honors of the victory -were shared by Itzcoatl, Nezahualcoyotl (the Acolhuan prince whose -imperial rights Maxtla had usurped), and Montezuma, the first of the -name,—all who had in their several capacities led the army of three -or four hundred thousand allies, if we may believe the figures, to -their successes, which occurred apparently somewhere between 1425 and -1430. The political result was a tripartite confederacy in Anáhuac, -consisting of Acolhua, Mexico, and Tlacopan. In the division of spoils, -the latter was to have one fifth, and the others two fifths each, the -Acolhuan prince presiding in their councils as senior.[841] - -The next hundred years is a record of the increasing power of -this confederacy, with a constant tendency to give Mexico a larger -influence.[842] The two capitals, Tenochtitlan and Tezcuco, looking at -each other across the lake, were uninterruptedly growing in splendor, -or in what the historians call by that word,[843] with all the adjuncts -of public works,—causeways, canals, aqueducts, temples, palaces and -gardens, and other evidences of wealth, which perhaps these modern -terms only approximately represent. Tezcuco was taken possession of by -Nezahualcoyotl as his ancient inheritance, and his confederate Itzcoatl -placed the crown on his head. Together they made war north and south. -Xochimilco, on the lake next south of Mexico, yielded; and the people -of Chalco, which was on the most southern of the string of lakes, -revolted and were suppressed more than once, as opportunities offered. -The confederates crossed the ridge that formed the southern bound of -the Mexican valley and sacked Quauhnahuac. The Mexican ruler had in -all this gained a certain ascendency in the valley coalition, when he -died in 1440, and his nephew, Montezuma the soldier, and first of the -name,[844] succeeded him. This prince soon had on his hands another war -with Chalco, and with the aid of his confederates he finally humbled -its presumptuous people. So, with or without pretence, the wars and -conquests went on, if for no other reasons, to obtain prisoners for -sacrifice.[845] They were diversified at times, particularly in 1449, -by contests with the powers of nature, when the rising waters of the -lake threatened to drown their cities, and when, one evil being cured, -others in the shape of famine and plague succeeded. - -Sometimes in the wars the confederates over-calculated their own -prowess, as when Atonaltzin of Tilantongo sent them reeling back, only, -however, to make better preparations and to succeed at last. In another -war to the southeast they captured, as the accounts say, over six -thousand victims for the stone of sacrifice. - -The first Montezuma died in 1469, and the choice for succession fell -on his grandson, the commander of the Mexican army, Axayacatl, who at -once followed the usual custom of raiding the country to the south -to get the thousands of prisoners whose sacrifice should grace his -coronation. Nezahualcoyotl, the other principal allied chieftain, -survived his associate but two years, dying in 1472, leaving among -his hundred children but one legitimate son, Nezahualpilli, a minor, -who succeeded. This gave the new Mexican ruler the opportunity to -increase his power. He made Tlatelulco tributary, and a Mexican -governor took the place there of an independent sovereign. He annexed -the Matlaltzinca provinces on the west. So Axayacatl, dying in 1481, -bequeathed an enlarged kingdom to his brother and successor, Tizoc, -who has not left so warlike a record. According to some authorities, -however, he is to be credited with the completion of the great Mexican -temple of Huitzilopochtli. This did not save him from assassination, -and his brother Ahuitzotl in 1486 succeeded, and to him fell the lot -of dedicating that great temple. He conducted fresh wars vigorously -enough to be able within a year, if we may believe the native records, -to secure sixty or seventy thousand captives for the sacrificial -stone, so essential a part of all such dedicatory exercises. It would -be tedious to enumerate all the succeeding conquests, though varied -by some defeats, like that which they experienced in the Tehuantepec -region. Some differences grew up, too, between the Mexican chieftain -and Nezahualpilli, notwithstanding or because of the virtues of the -latter, among which doubtless, according to the prevailing standard, we -must count his taking at once three Mexican princesses for wives, and -his keeping a harem of over two thousand women, if we may believe his -descendant, the historian Ixtlilxochitl. His justice as an arbitrary -monarch is mentioned as exemplary, and his putting to death a guilty -son is recounted as proof of it. - -Ahuitzotl had not as many virtues, or perhaps he had not a descendant -to record them so effectively; but when he died in 1503, what there was -heroic in his nature was commemorated in his likeness sculptured with -others of his line on the cliff of Chapultepec.[846] To him succeeded -that Montezuma, son of Axayacatl, with whom later this ancient history -vanishes. When he came to power, the Aztec name was never significant -of more lordly power, though the confederates had already had some -reminders that conquest near home was easier than conquest far away. -The policy of the last Aztec ruler was far from popular, and while -he propitiated the higher ranks, he estranged the people. The hopes -of the disaffected within and without Anáhuac were now centred in -the Tlascalans, whose territory lay easterly towards the Gulf of -Mexico, and who had thus far not felt the burden of Aztec oppression. -Notwithstanding that their natural allies, the Cholulans, turned -against the Tlascalans, the Aztec armies never succeeded in humbling -them, as they did the Mistecs and the occupants of the region towards -the Pacific. Eclipses, earthquakes, and famine soon succeeded one -another, and the forebodings grew numerous. Hardly anything happened -but the omens of disaster[847] were seen in it, and superstition -began to do its work of enervation, while a breach between Montezuma -and the Tezcucan chief was a bad augury. In this condition of things -the Mexican king tried to buoy his hopes by further conquests; but -widespread as these invasions were, Michoacan to the west, and Tlascala -to the east, always kept their independence. The Zapotecs in Oajaca -had at one time succumbed, but this was before the days of the last -Montezuma. - -His rival across the lake at Tezcuco was more oppressed with the tales -of the soothsayers than Montezuma was, and seems to have become inert -before what he thought an impending doom some time before he died, or, -as his people believed, before he had been translated to the ancient -Amaquemecan, the cradle of his race. This was in 1515. His son Cacama -was chosen to succeed; but a younger brother, Ixtlilxochitl, believed -that the choice was instigated by Montezuma for ulterior gain, and so -began a revolt in the outlying provinces, in which he received the aid -of Tlascala. The appearance of the Spaniards on the coasts of Yucatan -and Tabasco, of which exaggerated reports reached the Mexican capital, -paralyzed Montezuma, so that the northern revolt succeeded, and Cacama -and Ixtlilxochitl came to an understanding, which left the Mexicans -without much exterior support. Montezuma was in this crippled condition -when his lookouts on the coast sent him word that the dreaded Spaniards -had appeared, and he could recognize their wonderful power in the -pictured records which the messenger bore to him.[848] This portent -was the visit in 1518 of Juan de Grijalva to the spot where Vera Cruz -now stands; and after the Spaniard sailed away, there were months of -anxiety before word again reached the capital, in 1519, of another -arrival of the white-winged vessels, and this was the coming of Cortés, -who was not long in discovering that the path of his conquest was made -clear by the current belief that he was the returned Quetzalcoatl,[849] -and by his quick perception of the opportunity which presented itself -of combining and leading the enemies of Montezuma.[850] - - * * * * * - -Among what are usually reckoned the civilized nations of middle -America, there are two considerable centres of a dim history that have -little relation with the story which has been thus far followed. One -of these is that of the people of what we now call Guatemala, and the -other that of Yucatan. The political society which existed in Guatemala -had nothing of the known duration assigned to the more northern people, -at least not in essential data; but we know of it simply as a very -meagre and perplexing chronology running for the most part back two -or three centuries only. Whether the beginnings of what we suppose we -know of these people have anything to do with any Toltec migration -southward is what archæologists dispute about, and the philologists -seem to have the best of the argument in the proof that the tongue of -these southern peoples is more like Maya than Nahua. It is claimed that -the architectural remains of Guatemala indicate a departure from the -Maya stock and some alliance with a foreign stock; and that this alien -influence was Nahuan seems probable enough when we consider certain -similarities in myth and tradition of the Nahuas and the Quichés. But -we have not much even of tradition and myth of the early days, except -what we my read in the _Popul Vuh_, where we may make out of it what -we can, or even what we please,[851] with some mysterious connection -with Votan and Xibalba. Among the mythical traditions of this mythical -period, there are the inevitable migration stories, beginning with -the Quichés and ending with the coming of the Cakchiquels, but no one -knows to a surety when. The new-comers found Maya-speaking people, and -called them mem or memes (stutterers), because they spoke the Maya so -differently from themselves. - -It was in the twelfth or thirteenth century that we get the first -traces of any historical kind of the Quichés and of their rivals the -Cakchiquels. Of their early rulers we have the customary diversities -and inconsistencies in what purports to be their story, and it is -difficult to say whether this or the other or some other tribe -revolted, conquered, or were beaten, as we read the annals of this -constant warfare. We meet something tangible, however, when we learn -that Montezuma sent a messenger, who informed the Quichés of the -presence of the Spaniards in his capital, which set them astir to be -prepared in their turn. - -[Illustration: MAP IN BRASSEUR’S POPUL VUH.] - -It is in the beginning of the sixteenth century that we encounter the -rivalries of three prominent peoples in this Guatemala country, and -these were the Quichés, the Cakchiquels, and the Zutigils; and of these -the Quichés, with their main seat at Utatlan, were the most powerful, -though not so much so but the Cakchiquels could get the best of them at -times in the wager of war; as they did also finally when the Spaniard -Alvarado appeared, with whom the Cakchiquels entered into an alliance -that brought the Quichés into sore straits. - - * * * * * - -A more important nationality attracts us in the Mayas of Yucatan. -There can be nothing but vague surmise as to what were the primitive -inhabitants of this region; but it seems to be tolerably clear that -a certain homogeneousness pervaded the people, speaking one tongue, -which the Spaniards found in possession. Whether these had come from -the northern regions, and were migrated Toltecs, as some believe, is -open to discussion.[852] It has often been contended that they were -originally of the Nahua and Toltec blood; but later writers, like -Bancroft,[853] have denied it. Brinton discards the Toltec element -entirely. - -What by a license one may call history begins back with the -semi-mythical Zamná, to whom all good things are ascribed—the -introduction of the Maya institutions and of the Maya -hieroglyphics.[854] Whether Zamná had any connection, shadowy or real, -with the great Votanic demi-god, and with the establishment of the -Xibalban empire, if it may be so called, is a thing to be asserted or -denied, as one inclines to separate or unite the traditions of Yucatan -with those of the Tzendal, Quiché, and Toltec. Ramon de Ordonez, in a -spirit of vagary, tells us that Mayapan, the great city of the early -Mayas, was but one of the group of centres, with Palenqué, Tulan, and -Copan for the rest, as is believed, which made up the Votanic empire. -Perhaps it was. If we accept Brinton’s view, it certainly was not. Then -Torquemada and Landa tell us that Cukulcan, a great captain and a god, -was but another Quetzalcoatl, or Gucumatz. Perhaps he was. Possibly -also he was the bringer of Nahua influence to Mayapan, away back in a -period corresponding to the early centuries of the Christian era. It -is easy to say, in all this confusion, this is proved and that is not. -The historian, accustomed to deal with palpable evidence, feels much -inclined to leave all views in abeyance. - -The Cocomes of Yucatan history were Cukulcan’s descendants or -followers, and had a prosperous history, as we are told; and there came -to live among them the Totul Xius, by some considered a Maya people, -who like the Quichés had been subjected to Nahua influences, and who -implanted in the monuments and institutions of Yucatan those traces of -Nahua character which the archæologists discover.[855] The Totul Xius -are placed in Uxmal in the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries, -where they flourished along with the Cocomes, and it is to them that -it is claimed many of the ruins which now interest us in Yucatan can -be traced, though some of them perhaps go back to Zamná and to the -Xibalban period, or at least it would be hard to prove otherwise. - -When at last the Cocome chieftains began to oppress their subjects, the -Totul Xius gave them shelter, and finally assisted them in a revolt, -which succeeded and made Uxmal the supreme city, and Mayapan became a -ruin, or at least was much neglected. The dynasty of the Totul Xius -then flourished, but was in its turn overthrown, and a period of -factions and revolutions followed, during which Mayapan was wholly -obliterated, and the Totul Xius settled in Mani, where the Spaniards -found them when they invaded Yucatan to make an easy conquest of a -divided people.[856] - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -FROM the conquerors of New Spain we fail to get any systematic -portrayal of the character and history of the subjugated people; -but nevertheless we are not without some help in such studies from -the letters of Cortes,[857] the accounts of the so-called anonymous -conqueror,[858] and from what Stephens[859] calls “the hurried and -imperfect observations of an unlettered soldier,” Bernal Diaz.[860] - -[Illustration: MS. OF BERNAL DIAZ. - -Fac-simile of the beginning of Capitulo LXXIV. of his _Historia -Verdadera_, following a plate in the fourth volume of J. M. de -Heredia’s French translation (Paris, 1877).] - -We cannot neglect for this ancient period the more general writers -on New Spain, some of whom lived near enough to the Conquest to -reflect current opinions upon the aboriginal life as it existed in -the years next succeeding the fall of Mexico. Such are Peter Martyr, -Grynæus, Münster, and Ramusio. More in the nature of chronicles is -the _Historia General_ of Oviedo (1535, etc.).[861] The _Historia -General_ of Gomara became generally known soon after the middle of the -sixteenth century.[862] The _Rapport_, written about 1560, by Alonzo -de Zurita, throws light on the Aztec laws and institutions.[863] -Benzoni about this time traversed the country, observing the Indian -customs.[864] We find other descriptions of the aboriginal customs by -the missionary Didacus Valades, in his _Rhetorica Christiana_, of which -the fourth part relates to Mexico.[865] Brasseur says that Valades -was well informed and appreciative of the people which he so kindly -depicted.[866] By the beginning of the seventeenth century we find in -Herrera’s _Historia_ the most comprehensive of the historical surveys, -in which he summarizes the earlier writers, if not always exactly.[867] -Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Repts._, ii. 387) says of the ancient history -of Mexico that “it appears as if the twelfth century was the limit -of definite tradition. What lies beyond it is vague and uncertain, -remnants of tradition being intermingled with legends and mythological -fancies.” He cites some of the leading writers as mainly starting in -their stories respectively as follows: Brasseur, B. C. 955; Clavigero, -A.D. 596; Veytia, A.D. 697; Ixtlilxochitl, A.D. 503. Bandelier views -all these dates as too mythical for historical investigations, and -finds no earlier fixed date than the founding of Tenochtitlan (Mexico) -in A.D. 1325. “What lies beyond the twelfth century can occasionally -be rendered of value for ethnological purposes, but it admits of no -definite historical use.” Bancroft (v. 360) speaks of the sources -of disagreement in the final century of the native annals, from -the constant tendency of such writers as Ixtlilxochitl, Tezozomoc, -Chimalpain, and Camargo, to laud their own people and defame their -rivals. - - * * * * * - -In the latter part of the sixteenth century the viceroy of Mexico, Don -Martin Enriquez, set on foot some measures to gather the relics and -traditions of the native Mexicans. Under this incentive it fell to -Juan de Tobar, a Jesuit, and to Diego Duran, a Dominican, to be early -associated with the resuscitation of the ancient history of the country. - -To Father Tobar (or Tovar) we owe what is known as the _Codex Ramirez_, -which in the edition of the _Crónica Mexicana_[868] by Hernando de -Alvarado Tezozomoc, issued in Mexico (1878), with annotations by Orozco -y Berra, is called a _Relacion del origen de los Indios que habitan -esta nueva España segun sus historias_ (José M. Vigil, editor). It -is an important source of our knowledge of the ancient history of -Mexico, as authoritatively interpreted by the Aztec priests, from their -picture-writings, at the bidding of Ramirez de Fuenleal, Bishop of -Cuenca. This ecclesiastic carried the document with him to Spain, where -in Madrid it is still preserved. It was used by Herrera. Chavero and -Brinton recognize its representative value.[869] - -To Father Duran we are indebted for an equally ardent advocacy of the -rights of the natives in his _Historia de las Indias de Nueva-España -y islas de Tierra-Firme_ (1579-81), which was edited in part (1867), -as stated elsewhere[870] by José F. Ramirez, and after an interval -completed (1880) by Prof. Gumesindo Mendoza, of the Museo Nacional,—the -perfected work making two volumes of text and an atlas of plates. Both -from Tobar and from Duran some of the contemporary writers gathered -largely their material.[871] - -[Illustration: SAHAGUN. - -After a lithograph in Cumplido’s Mexican edition of Prescott’s -_Mexico_.] - -We come to a different kind of record when we deal with the Roman -script of the early phonetic rendering of the native tongues. It has -been pointed out that we have perhaps the earliest of such renderings -in a single sentence in a publication made at Antwerp in 1534, where -a Franciscan, Pedro de Gante,[872] under date of June 21, 1529, tells -the story of his arriving in America in 1523, and his spending the -interval in Mexico and Tezcuco, acquiring a knowledge of the natives -and enough of their language to close his epistle with a sentence of it -as a sample.[873] But no chance effort of this kind was enough. It took -systematic endeavors on the part of the priests to settle grammatical -principles and determine phonetic values, and the measure of their -success was seen in the speedy way in which the interpretation of the -old idiograms was forgotten. Mr. Brevoort has pointed out how much the -progress of what may be called native literature, which is to-day so -helpful to us in filling the picture of their ancient life, is due to -the labors in this process of linguistic transfer of Motolinfa,[874] -Alonzo de Molina,[875] Andrés de Olmos,[876] and, above all, of the -ablest student of the ancient tongues in his day, as Mendieta calls -Father Sahagún,[877] who, dying in 1590 at ninety, had spent a good -part of a long life so that we of this generation might profit by his -records.[878] - -Coming later into the field than Duran, Acosta, and Sahagún, and -profiting from the labors of his predecessors, we find in the -_Monarchia Indiana_ of Torquemada[879] the most comprehensive treatment -of the ancient history given to us by any of the early Spanish writers. -The book, however, is a provoking one, from the want of plan, its -chronological confusion, and the general lack of a critical spirit[880] -pervading it. - -It is usually held that the earliest amassment of native records for -historical purposes, after the Conquest, was that made by Ixtlilxochitl -of the archives of his Tezcucan line, which he used in his writings in -a way that has not satisfied some later investigators. Charnay says -that in his own studies he follows Veytia by preference; but Prescott -finds beneath the high colors of the pictures of Ixtlilxochitl not a -little to be commended. Bandelier,[881] on the other hand, expresses -a distrust when he says of Ixtlilxochitl that “he is always a very -suspicious authority, not because he is more confused than any other -Indian writer, but because he wrote for an interested object, and -with a view of sustaining tribal claims in the eyes of the Spanish -government.”[882] - -Among the manuscripts which seem to have belonged to Ixtlilxochitl -was the one known in our day under the designation given to it by -Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Codex Chimalpopoca_,[883] in honor of Faustino -Chimalpopoca, a learned professor of Aztec, who assisted Brasseur in -translating it. The anonymous author had set to himself the task of -converting into the written native tongue a rendering of the ancient -hieroglyphics, constituting, as Brasseur says, a complete and regular -history of Mexico and Colhuacan. He describes it in his _Lettres à M. -le duc de Valmy_ (_lettre seconde_)—the first part (in Mexican) being a -history of the Chichimecas; the second (in Spanish), by another hand, -elucidating the antiquities—as the most rare and most precious of all -the manuscripts which escaped destruction, elucidating what was obscure -in Gomara and Torquemada. - -Brasseur based upon this MS. his account of the Toltec period in -his _Nations Civilisées du Mexique_ (i. p. lxxviii), treating as an -historical document what in later years, amid his vagaries, he assumed -to be but the record of geological changes.[884] A similar use was -made by him of another MS., sometimes called a Memorial de Colhuacan, -and which he named the _Codex Gondra_ after the director of the Museo -Nacional in Mexico.[885] - -Brasseur says, in the _Annales de Philosophie Chrétienne_, that the -_Chimalpopoca MS._ is dated in 1558, but in his _Hist. Nat. Civ._, i. -p. lxxix, he says that it was written in 1563 and 1579, by a writer -of Quauhtitlan, and not by Ixtlilxochitl, as was thought by Pichardo, -who with Gama possessed copies later owned by Aubin. The copy used -by Brasseur was, as he says, made from the MS. in the Boturini -collection,[886] where it was called _Historia de los Reynos de -Colhuacan y México_,[887] and it is supposed to be the original, now -preserved in the Museo Nacional de México. It is not all legible, and -that institution has published only the better preserved and earlier -parts of it, though Aubin’s copies are said to contain the full text. -This edition, which is called _Anales de Cuauhtitlan_, is accompanied -by two Spanish versions, the early one made for Brasseur, and a new one -executed by Mendoza and Solis, and it is begun in the _Anales del Museo -Nacional_ for 1879 (vol. i.).[888] - -The next after Ixtlilxochitl to become conspicuous as a collector, -was Sigüenza y Gongora (b. 1645), and it was while he was the chief -keeper of such records[889] that the Italian traveller Giovanni -Francesco Gemelli Carreri examined them, and made some record of -them.[890] A more important student inspected the collection, which -was later gathered in the College of San Pedro and San Pablo, and -this was Clavigero,[891] who manifested a particular interest in the -picture-writing of the Mexicans,[892] and has given us a useful account -of the antecedent historians.[893] - -[Illustration: CLAVIGERO. - -After a lithograph in Cumplido’s Mexican edition of Prescott’s -_Mexico_, vol. iii.] - -The best known efforts at collecting material for the ante-Spanish -history of Mexico were made by Boturini,[894] who had come over to -New Spain in 1736, on some agency for a descendant of Montezuma, the -Countess de Santibañez. Here he became interested in the antiquities -of the country, and spent eight years roving about the country -picking up manuscripts and pictures, and seeking in vain for some one -to explain their hieroglyphics. Some action on his part incurring -the displeasure of the public authorities, he was arrested, his -collection[895] taken from him, and he was sent to Spain. On the -voyage an English cruiser captured the vessel in which he was, and -he thus lost whatever he chanced to have with him.[896] What he left -behind remained in the possession of the government, and became the -spoil of damp, revolutionists, and curiosity-seekers. Once again in -Spain, Boturini sought redress of the Council of the Indies, and was -sustained by it in his petition; but neither he nor his heirs succeeded -in recovering his collection. He also prepared a book setting forth -how he proposed, by the aid of these old manuscripts and pictures, -to resuscitate the forgotten history of the Mexicans. The book[897] -is a jumble of notions; but appended to it was what gives it its -chief value, a “Catálogo del Museo histórico Indiano,” which tells us -what the collection was. While it was thus denied to its collector, -Mariano Veytia,[898] who had sympathized with Boturini in Madrid, had -possession, for a while at least, of a part of it, and made use of -it in his _Historia Antigua de Méjico_, but it is denied, as usually -stated, that the authorities upon his death (1778) prevented the -publication of his book. The student was deprived of Veytia’s results -till his MS. was ably edited, with notes and an appendix, by C. F. -Ortega (Mexico, 1836).[899] Another, who was connected at a later -day with the Boturini collection, and who was a more accurate writer -than Veytia, was Antonio de Leon y Gama, born in Mexico in 1735. His -_Descripcion histórica y Cronológica de las Dos Piedras_ (Mexico, -1832)[900] was occasioned by the finding, in 1790, of the great -Mexican Calendar Stone and other sculptures in the Square of Mexico. -This work brought to bear Gama’s great learning to the interpretation -of these relics, and to an exposition of the astronomy and mythology -of the ancient Mexicans, in a way that secured the commendation of -Humboldt.[901] - -[Illustration: LORENZO BOTURINI. - -After a lithograph in Cumplido’s Mexican edition of Prescott’s -_Mexico_. There is an etched portrait in the _Archives de la Soc. -Américaine de France, nouvelle série_, i., which is accompanied by an -essay on this “Père de l’Américanisme,” and “les sources aux quelles il -a puisé son précis d’histoire Américaine,” by Léon Cahun.] - -During these years of uncertainty respecting the Boturini collection, -a certain hold upon it seems to have been shared successively by -Pichardo and Sanchez, by which in the end some part came to the Museo -Nacional, in Mexico.[902] It was also the subject of lawsuits, which -finally resulted in the dispersion of what was left by public auction, -at a time when Humboldt was passing through Mexico, and some of its -treasures were secured by him and placed in the Berlin Museum. Others -passed hither and thither (a few to Kingsborough), but not in a way -to obscure their paths, so that when, in 1830, Aubin was sent to -Mexico by the French government, he was able to secure a considerable -portion of them, as the result of searches during the next ten years. -It was with the purpose, some years later, of assisting in the -elucidation and publication of Aubin’s collection that the Société -Américaine de France was established. The collection of historical -records, as Aubin held it, was described, in 1881, by himself,[903] -when he divided his Mexican picture-writings into two classes,—those -which had belonged to Boturini, and those which had not.[904] Aubin -at the same time described his collection of the Spanish MSS. of -Ixtlilxochitl,[905] while he congratulated himself that he had secured -the old picture-writings upon which that native writer depended in the -early part of his _Historia Chichimeca_. These Spanish MSS. bear the -signature and annotations of Veytia. - -[Illustration: FRONTISPIECE OF BOTURINI’S IDEA.] - -We have another description of the Aubin collection by Brasseur de -Bourbourg.[906] - -If we allow the first place among native writers, using the Spanish -tongue, to Ixtlilxochitl, we find several others of considerable -service: Diego Muñoz Camargo, a Tlaxcallan Mestizo, wrote (1585) a -_Historia de Tlaxcallan_.[907] Tezozomoc’s _Crónica Mexicana_ is -probably best known through Ternaux’s version,[908] and there is an -Italian abridgment in F. C. Marmocchi’s _Raccolta di Viaggi_ (vol. -x.). The catalogue of Boturini discloses a MS. by a Cacique of -Quiahuiztlan, Juan Ventura Zapata y Mendoza, which brings the _Crónica -de la muy noble y real Ciudad de Tlaxcallan_ from the earliest times -down to 1689; but it is not now known. Torquemada and others cite -two native Tezcucan writers,—Juan Bautista Pomar, whose _Relacion de -las Antigüedades de los Indios_[909] treats of the manners of his -ancestors, and Antonio Pimentel, whose _Relaciones_ are well known. The -MS. _Crónica Mexicana_ of Anton Muñon Chimalpain (b. 1579), tracing -the annals from the eleventh century, is or was among the Aubin -MSS.[910] There was collected before 1536, under the orders of Bishop -Zumárraga, a number of aboriginal tales and traditions, which under the -title of _Historia de los Mexicanos por sus Pinturas_ was printed by -Icazbalceta, who owns the MS., in the _Anales del Museo Nacional_ (ii. -no. 2).[911] - -[Illustration: ICAZBALCETA. - -[After a photograph kindly furnished by himself at the editor’s -request.—ED.]] - -As regards Yucatan, Brasseur[912] speaks of the scantiness of the -historical material, and Brinton[913] does not know a single case where -a Maya author has written in the Spanish tongue, as the Aztecs did, -under Spanish influence. We owe more to Dr. Daniel Garrison Brinton -than to any one else for the elucidation of the native records, and he -had had the advantage of the collection of Yucatan MSS. formed by Dr. -C. H. Berendt,[914] which, after that gentleman’s death, passed into -Brinton’s hands. - -[Illustration: PROFESSOR DANIEL G. BRINTON.] - -After the destruction of the ancient records by Landa, considerable -efforts were made throughout Yucatan, in a sort of reactionary spirit, -to recall the lingering recollections of what these manuscripts -contained. The grouping of such recovered material became known as -Chilan Balam.[915] It is from local collections of this kind that -Brinton selected the narratives which he has published as _The Maya -Chronicles_, being the first volume of his _Library of Aboriginal -American Literature_. The original texts[916] are accompanied by an -English translation. One of the books, the Chilan Balam of Mani, -had been earlier printed by Stephens, in his _Yucatan_.[917] The -only early Spanish chronicle is Bishop Landa’s _Relation des choses -de Yucatan_,[918] which follows not an original, but a copy of the -bishop’s text, written, as Brasseur thinks, thirty years after Landa’s -death, or about 1610, and which Brasseur first brought to the world’s -attention when he published his edition, with both Spanish and French -texts, at Paris, in 1864. The MS. seems to have been incomplete, and -was perhaps inaccurately copied at the time. At this date (1864) -Brasseur had become an enthusiast for his theory of the personification -of the forces of nature in the old recitals, and there was some -distrust how far his zeal had affected his text; and moreover he -had not published the entire text, but had omitted about one sixth. -Brasseur’s method of editing became apparent when, in 1884, at Madrid, -Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgado published literally the whole Spanish -text, as an appendix to the Spanish translation of Rosny’s essay on the -hieratic writing. The Spanish editor pointed out some but not all the -differences between his text and Brasseur’s,—a scrutiny which Brinton -has perfected in his _Critical Remarks on the Editions of Landa’s -Writings_ (Philad., 1887).[919] Landa gives extracts from a work by -Bernardo Lizana, relating to Yucatan, of which it is difficult to get -other information.[920] The earliest published historical narrative was -Cogolludo’s _Historia de Yucathan_ (Madrid, 1688).[921] Stephens, in -his study of the subject, speaks of it as “voluminous, confused, and -ill-digested,” and says “it might almost be called a history of the -Franciscan friars, to which order Cogolludo belonged.”[922] - - * * * * * - -The native sources of the aboriginal history of Guatemala, and -of what is sometimes called the Quiché-Cakchiquel Empire, are -not abundant,[923] but the most important are the _Popul Vuh_, a -traditional book of the Quichés, and the _Memorial de Tecpan-Atitlan_. - -The _Popul Vuh_ was discovered in the library of the university at -Guatemala, probably not far from 1700,[924] by Francisco Ximenez, a -missionary in a mountain village of the country. Ximenez did not find -the original Quiché book, but a copy of it, made after it was lost, -and later than the Conquest, which we may infer was reproduced from -memory to replace the lost text, and in this way it may have received -some admixture of Christian thought.[925] It was this sort of a text -that Ximenez turned into Spanish; and this version, with the copy of -the Quiché, which Ximenez also made, is what has come down to us. -Karl Scherzer, a German traveller[926] in the country, found Ximenez’ -work, which had seemingly passed into the university library on the -suppression of the monasteries, and which, as he supposes, had not been -printed because of some disagreeable things in it about the Spanish -treatment of the natives. Scherzer edited the MS., which was published -as _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de Esta Provincia de -Guatemala_[927] (Vienna, 1857). - -Brasseur, who had seen the Ximenez MSS. in 1855, considered the Spanish -version untrustworthy, and so with the aid of some natives he gave it -a French rendering, and republished it a few years later as _Popol -Vuh_. _Le Livre sacré et les Mythes de l’antiquité américaine, avec -les livres héroïques et historiques des Quichés. Ouvrage original -des indigènes de Guatémala, texte Quiché et trad. française en -regard, accompagnée de notes philologiques et d’un commentaire sur la -mythologie et les migrations des peuples anciens de l’Amérique, etc., -composé sur des documents originaux et inédits_ (Paris, 1861). - -Brasseur’s introduction bears the special title: _Dissertation sur les -mythes de l’antiquité Américaine sur la probabilité des Communications -existant anciennement d’un Continent à l’autre, et sur les migrations -des peuples indigènes de l’Amérique_,—in which he took occasion to -elucidate his theory of cataclysms and Atlantis. He speaks of his -annotations as the results of his observations among the Quichés and -of his prolonged studies. He calls the _Popul Vuh_ rather a national -than a sacred book,[928] and thinks it the original in some part of -the “Livre divin des Toltèques,” the Teo-Amoxtli.[929] Brinton avers -that neither Ximenez nor Brasseur has adequately translated the Quiché -text,[930] and sees no reason to think that the matter has been in any -way influenced by the Spanish contact, emanating indeed long before -that event; and he has based some studies upon it.[931] In this opinion -Bandelier is at variance, at least as regards the first portion, for -he believes it to have been _written_ after the Conquest and under -Christian influences.[932] Brasseur in some of his other writings has -further discussed the matter.[933] - -The _Memorial of Tecpan-Atitlan_, to use Brasseur’s title, is an -incomplete MS.,[934] found in 1844 by Juan Gavarrete in rearranging -the MSS. of the convent of San Francisco, of Guatemala, and it was -by Gavarrete that a Spanish version of Brasseur’s rendering was -printed in 1873 in the _Boletin de la Sociedad económica de Guatemala_ -(nos. 29-43). This translation by Brasseur, made in 1856, was never -printed by him, but, passing into Pinart’s hands with Brasseur’s -collections,[935] it was entrusted by that collector to Dr. Brinton, -who selected the parts of interest (46 out of 96 pp.), and included it -as vol. vi. in his _Library of Aboriginal American Literature_, under -the title of _The annals of the Cakchiquels_. _The original text, with -a translation, notes, and introduction_ (Philadelphia, 1885). - -Brinton disagrees with Brasseur in placing the date of its beginning -towards the opening of the eleventh century, and puts it rather at -about A.D. 1380. Brasseur says he received the original from Gavarrete, -and it would seem to have been a copy made between 1620 and 1650, -though it bears internal evidence of having been written by one who was -of adult age at the time of the Conquest. - -Brinton’s introduction discusses the ethnological position of the -Cakchiquels, who he thinks had been separated from the Mayas for a long -period. - -The next in importance of the Guatemalan books is the work of -Francisco Antonio de Fuentes y Guzman, _Historia de Guatemala, ó -Recordación florida escrita el siglo xvii., que publica por primera vez -con notas é ilustraciones F. Zaragoza_ (Madrid, 1882-83), being vols. 1 -and 2 of the _Biblioteca de los americanistas_. The original MS., dated -1690, is in the archives of the city of Guatemala. Owing to a tendency -of the author to laud the natives, modern historians have looked with -some suspicion on his authority, and have pointed out inconsistencies -and suspected errors.[936] Of a later writer, Ramon de Ordoñez -(died about 1840), we have only the rough draught of a _Historia -de la creation del Cielo y de la tierra, conforme al sistema de la -gentilidad Americana_, which is of importance for traditions.[937] This -manuscript, preserved in the Museo Nacional in Mexico, is all that now -exists, representing the perfected work. Brasseur (_Bib. Mex.-Guat._, -113) had a copy of this draught (made in 1848-49). The original fair -copy was sent to Madrid for the press, and it is suspected that the -Council for the Indies suppressed it in 1805. Ramon cites a manuscript -_Hist. de la Prov. de San Vicente de Chiappas y Goathemala_, which is -perhaps the same as the _Crónica de la Prov. de Chiapas y Guatemala_, -of which the seventh book is in the Museo Nacional (_Am. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, n. s., i. 97; Brasseur, _Bib. Mex.-Guat._, 157). - -The work of Antonio de Remesal is sometimes cited as _Historia general -de las Indias occidentales, y particular de la gobernacion de Chiapas y -Guatemala_, and sometimes as _Historia de la Provincia de San Vicente -de Chyapa y Guatemala_ (Madrid, 1619, 1620).[938] - - * * * * * - -Bandelier (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, i. 95) has indicated the -leading sources of the history of Chiapas, so closely associated -with Guatemala. To round the study of the aboriginal period of this -Pacific region, we may find something in Alvarado’s letters on the -Conquest;[939] in Las Casas for the interior parts, and in Alonso de -Zurita’s _Relacion_, 1560,[940] as respects the Quiché tribes, which -is the source of much in Herrera.[941] For Oajaca (Oaxaca, Guaxaca) -the special source is Francisco de Burgoa’s _Geográfica descripcion de -la parte septentrional del Polo Artico de la América_, etc. (México, -1674), in two quarto volumes,—or at least it is generally so regarded. -Bandelier, who traces the works on Oajaca (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -n. s., i. 115), says there is a book of a modern writer, Juan B. -Carriedo, which follows Burgoa largely. Brasseur (_Bib. Mex.-Guat._, -p. 33) speaks of Burgoa as the only source which remains of the native -history of Oajaca. He says it is a very rare book, even in Mexico. He -largely depends upon its full details in some parts of his _Nations -Civilisées_ (iii. livre 9). Alonso de la Rea’s _Crónica de Mechoacan_ -(Mexico, 1648) and Basalenque’s _Crónica de San Augustin de Mechoacan_ -(Mexico, 1673) are books which Brinton complains he could find in no -library in the United States. - -We trace the aboriginal condition of Nicaragua in Peter Martyr, Oviedo, -Torquemada, and Ixtlilxochitl.[942] - - * * * * * - -The earliest general account of all these ancient peoples which we -have in English is in the _History of America_, by William Robertson, -who describes the condition of Mexico at the time of the Conquest, -and epitomizes the early Spanish accounts of the natives. Prescott -and Helps followed in his steps, with new facilities. Albert Gallatin -brought the powers of a vigorous intellect to bear, though but -cursorily, upon the subject, in his “Notes on the semi-civilized -nations of Mexico, Yucatan, and Central America,” in the _Amer. -Ethnological Society’s Transactions_ (N. Y., 1845, vol. i.), and -he was about the first to recognize the dangerous pitfalls of the -pseudo-historical narratives of these peoples. The _Native Races_[943] -of H. H. Bancroft was the first very general sifting and massing in -English of the great confusion of material upon their condition, -myths, languages, antiquities, and history.[944] The archæological -remains are treated by Stephens for Yucatan and Central America, by -Dr. Le Plongeon[945] for Yucatan, by Ephraim G. Squier for Nicaragua -and Central America in general,[946] by Adolphe F. A. Bandelier in his -communications to the Peabody Museum and to the Archæological Institute -of America,[947] and by Professor Daniel G. Brinton in his editing of -ancient records[948] and in his mythological and linguistic studies, -referred to elsewhere. To these may be added, as completing the English -references, various records of personal observations.[949] - -[Illustration: BRASSEUR DE BOURBOURG. - -Follows an etching published in the _Annuaire de la Société Américaine -de France_, 1875. He died at Nice, Jan. 8, 1874, aged 59 years.] - -During the American Civil War, when there were hopes of some -permanence for French influence in Mexico, the French government -made some organized efforts to further the study of the antiquities -of the country, and the results were published in the _Archives -de la Commission Scientifique du Méxique_ (Paris, 1864-69, in 3 -vols.).[950] The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, who took a conspicuous -part in this labor, has probably done more than any other Frenchman -to bring into order the studies upon these ancient races, and in some -directions he is our ultimate source. Unfortunately his character as -an archæological expounder did not improve as he went on, and he grew -to be the expositor of some wild notions that have proved acceptable -to few. He tells us that he first had his attention turned to American -archæology by the report, which had a short run in European circles, -of the discovery of a Macedonian helmet and weapons in Brazil in -1832, and by a review of Rio’s report on Palenqué, which he read in -the _Journal des Savants_. Upon coming to America, fresh from his -studies in Rome, he was made professor of history in the seminary at -Quebec in 1845-46, writing at that time a _Histoire du Canada_, of -little value. Later, in Boston, he perfected his English and read -Prescott. Then we find him at Rome poring over the _Codex Vaticanus_, -and studying the _Codex Borgianus_ in the library of the Propaganda. -In 1848 he returned to the United States, and, embarking at New -Orleans for Mexico, he found himself on shipboard in the company of -the new French minister, whom he accompanied, on landing, to the city -of Mexico, being made almoner to the legation. This official station -gave him some advantage in beginning his researches, in which Rafael -Isidro Gondra, the director of the Museo, with the curators of the -vice-regal archives, and José Maria Andrade, the librarian of the -university, assisted him. Later he gave himself to the study of the -Nahua tongue, under the guidance of Faustino Chimalpopoca Galicia, a -descendant of a brother of Montezuma, then a professor in the college -of San Gregorio. In 1851 he was ready to print at Mexico, in French and -Spanish, his _Lettres pour servir d’introduction à l’histoire primitive -des anciennes nations civilisées du Méxique_, addressed (October, 1850) -to the Duc de Valmy, in which he sketched the progress of his studies -up to that time. He speaks of it as “le premier fruit de mes travaux -d’archéologie et d’histoire méxicaines.”[951] It was this brochure -which introduced him to the attention of Squier and Aubin, and from -the latter, during his residence in Paris (1851-54), he received great -assistance. Pressed in his circumstances, he was obliged at this time -to eke out his living by popular writing, which helped also to enable -him to publish his successive works.[952] To complete his Central -American studies, he went again to America in 1854, and in Washington -he saw for the first time the texts of Las Casas and Duran, in the -collection of Peter Force, who had got copies from Madrid. He has -given us[953] an account of his successful search for old manuscripts -in Central America. Finally, as the result of all these studies, he -published his most important work,—_Histoire des nations civilisées -du Méxique et de l’Amérique centrale durant les siècles antérieurs -à C. Colomb, écrite sur des docs. origin. et entièrement inédits, -puisés aux anciennes archives des indigènes_ (Paris, 1857-58).[954] -This was the first orderly and extensive effort to combine out of all -available material, native and Spanish, a divisionary and consecutive -history of ante-Columbian times in these regions, to which he added -from the native sources a new account of the conquest by the Spaniards. -His purpose to separate the historic from the mythical may incite -criticism, but his views are the result of more labor and more -knowledge than any one before him had brought to the subject.[955] -In his later publications there is less reason to be satisfied with -his results, and Brinton[956] even thinks that “he had a weakness to -throw designedly considerable obscurity about his authorities and the -sources of his knowledge.” His fellow-students almost invariably yield -praise to his successful research and to his great learning, surpassing -perhaps that of any of them, but they are one and all chary of adopting -his later theories.[957] These were expressed at length in his _Quatre -lettres sur le Mexique_. _Exposition du système hiéroglyphique -mexicain. La fin de l’âge de pierre. Époque glaciaire temporaire. -Commencement de l’âge de bronze. Origines de la civilisation et des -religions de l’antiquité. D’après le Teo-Amoxtli_ [etc.] (Paris, -1868), wherein he accounted as mere symbolism what he had earlier -elucidated as historical records, and connected the recital of the -_Codex Chimalpopoca_ with the story of Atlantis, making that lost -land the original seat of all old-world and new-world civilization, -and finding in that sacred history of Colhuacan and Mexico the secret -evidence of a mighty cataclysm that sunk the continent from Honduras -(subsequently with Yucatan elevated) to perhaps the Canaries.[958] Two -years later, in his elucidation of the _MS. Troano_ (1869-70), this -same theory governed all his study. Brasseur was quite aware of the -loss of estimation which followed upon his erratic change of opinion, -as the introduction to his _Bibl. Mex.-Guatémalienne_ shows. No other -French writer, however, has so associated his name with the history of -these early peoples.[959] - -In Mexico itself the earliest general narrative was not cast in the -usual historical form, but in the guise of a dialogue, held night -after night, between a Spaniard and an Indian, the ancient history -of the country was recounted. The author, Joseph Joaquin Granados y -Galvez, published it in 1778, as _Tardes Américanas: gobierno gentil -y católico: breve y particular noticia de toda la historia Indiana: -sucesos, casos notables, y cosas ignoradas, desde la entrada de la -Gran nacion Tulteca á esta tierra de Anahuac, hasta los presentes -tiempos_.[960] - -The most comprehensive grouping of historical material is in -the _Diccionario Universal de historia y de Geografía_ (Mexico, -1853-56),[961] of which Manuel Orozco y Berra was one of the chief -collaborators. This last author has in two other works added very much -to our knowledge of the racial and ancient history of the indigenous -peoples. These are his _Geografía de las lenguas y Carta Etnográfica -de México_ (Mexico, 1864),[962] and his _Historia antigua y de la -Conquista de México_ (Mexico, 1880, in four volumes).[963] Perhaps the -most important of all the Mexican publications is Manuel Larrainzar’s -_Estudios sobre la historia de América, sus ruinas y antigüedades, -comparadas con lo más notable del otro Continente_ (Mexico, 1875-1878, -in five volumes). - -In German the most important of recent books is Hermann Strebel’s -_Alt-Mexico_ (Hamburg, 1885); but Waitz’s _Amerikaner_ (1864, vol. ii.) -has a section on the Mexicans. Adolph Bastian’s “Zur Geschichte des -Alten Mexico” is contained in the second volume of his _Culturländer -des Alten America_ (Berlin, 1878), in which he considers the subject of -Quetzalcoatl, the religious ceremonial, administrative and social life, -as well as the different stocks of the native tribes. - - - - -NOTES. - - -I. THE AUTHORITIES ON THE SO-CALLED CIVILIZATION OF ANCIENT MEXICO AND -ADJACENT LANDS, AND THE INTERPRETATION OF SUCH AUTHORITIES. - -THE ancient so-called civilization which the Spaniards found in Mexico -and Central America is the subject of much controversy: in the first -place as regards its origin, whether indigenous, or allied to and -derived from the civilizations of the Old World; and in the second -place as regards its character, whether it was something more than -a kind of grotesque barbarism, or of a nature that makes even the -Spanish culture, which supplanted it, inferior in some respects by -comparison.[964] The first of these problems, as regards its origin, is -considered in another place. As respects the second, or its character, -it is proposed here to follow the history of opinions. - -In a book published at Seville in 1519, Martin Fernandez d’Enciso’s -_Suma de geographia que trata de todas las partidas y provincias -del mundo: en especial de las Indias_,[965] the European reader -is supposed to have received the earliest hints of the degree of -civilization—if it be so termed—of which the succeeding Spanish writers -made so much. A brief sentence was thus the shadowy beginning of the -stories of grandeur and magnificence[966] which we find later in -Cortes, Bernal Diaz, Las Casas, Torquemada, Sahagún, Ramusio, Gomara, -Oviedo, Zurita, Tezozomoc, and Ixtlilxochitl, and which is repeated -often with accumulating effect in Acosta, Herrera, Lorenzana, Solis, -Clavigero, and their successors.[967] Bandelier[968] points out how -Robertson, in his views of Mexican civilization as in “the infancy of -civil life,”[969] really opened the view for the first time of the -exaggerated and uncritical estimates of the older writers, which Morgan -has carried in our day to the highest pitch, and, as it would seem, -without sufficient recognition of some of the contrary evidence. - -It has usually been held that the creation among the Mexicans -about thirty years after the founding of Mexico of a chief-of-men -(Tlacatecuhtli) instituted a feudal monarchy. Bandelier,[970] speaking -of the application of feudal terms by the old writers to Mexican -institutions, says: “What in their first process of thinking was -merely a comparative, became very soon a positive terminology for the -purpose of describing institutions to which this foreign terminology -never was adapted.” He instances that the so-called “king” of these -early writers was a translation of the native term, which in fact -only meant “one of those who spoke;” that is, a prominent member of -the council.[971] Bandelier traces the beginning of the feudal ideas -as a graft upon the native systems, in the oldest document issued by -Europeans on Mexican soil, when Cortes (May 20, 1519) conferred land -on his allies, the chiefs of Axapusco and Tepeyahualco, and for the -first time made their offices hereditary. It is Bandelier’s opinion -that “the grantees had no conception of the true import of what they -accepted; neither did Cortes conceive the nature of their ideas.” This -was followed after the Spanish occupation of Mexico by the institution -of “repartimientos,” through which the natives became serfs of the soil -to the conquerors.[972] - -The story about this unknown splendor of a strange civilization -fascinated the world nearly half a century ago in the kindly recital -of Prescott;[973] but it was observed that he quoted too often the -somewhat illusory and exaggerated statements of Ixtlilxochitl, and -was not a little attracted by the gorgeous pictures of Waldeck and -Dupaix. With such a charming depicter, the barbaric gorgeousness of -this ancient empire, as it became the fashion to call it, gathered -a new interest, which has never waned, and Morgan[974] is probably -correct in affirming that it “has called into existence a larger number -of works than were ever before written upon any people of the same -number and of the same importance.”[975] Even those who, like Tylor, -had gone to Mexico sceptics, had been forced to the conclusion that -Prescott’s pictures were substantially correct, and setting aside what -he felt to be the monstrous exaggerations of Solis, Gomara, and the -rest, he could not find the history much less trustworthy than European -history of the same period.[976] It has been told in another place[977] -how the derogatory view, as opposed to the views of Prescott, were -expressed by R. A. Wilson in his _New Conquest of Mexico_, in assuming -that all the conquerors said was baseless fabrication, the European -Montezuma becoming a petty Indian chief, and the great city of Mexico -a collection of hovels in an everglade,—the ruins of the country being -accounted for by supposing them the relics of an ancient Phœnician -civilization, which had been stamped out by the inroads of barbarians, -whose equally barbarious descendants the Spaniards were in turn to -overcome. It cannot be said that such iconoclastic opinions obtained -any marked acceptance; but it was apparent that the notion of the -exaggeration of the Spanish accounts was becoming sensibly fixed in the -world’s opinion. We see this reaction in a far less excessive way in -Daniel Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_ (i. 325, etc.), and he was struck, -among other things, with the utter obliteration of the architectural -traces of the conquered race in the city of Mexico itself.[978] When, -in 1875, Hubert H. Bancroft published the second volume of his _Native -Races_, he confessed “that much concerning the Aztec civilization had -been greatly exaggerated by the old Spanish writers, and for obvious -reasons;” but he contended that the stories of their magnificence -must in the main be accepted, because of the unanimity of witnesses, -notwithstanding their copying from one another, and because of the -evidence of the ruins.[979] He strikes his key-note in his chapter -on the “Government of the Nahua Nations,” in speaking of it as -“monarchical and nearly absolute;”[980] but it was perhaps in his -chapter on the “Palaces and Households of the Nahua Kings,” where he -fortifies his statement by numerous references, that he carried his -descriptions to the extent that allied his opinions to those who most -unhesitatingly accepted the old stories.[981] - -The most serious arraignment of these long-accepted views was by Lewis -H. Morgan, who speaks of them as having “caught the imagination and -overcome the critical judgment of Prescott, ravaged the sprightly brain -of Brasseur de Bourbourg, and carried up in a whirlwind our author at -the Golden Gate.”[982] - -Morgan’s studies had been primarily among the Iroquois, and by -analogy he had applied his reasoning to the aboriginal conditions -of Mexico and Central America, thus degrading their so-called -civilization to the level of the Indian tribal organization, as it was -understood in the North.[983] Morgan’s confidence in its deductions -was perfect, and he was not very gracious in alluding to the views -of his opponents. He looked upon “the fabric of Aztec romance as the -most deadly encumbrance upon American ethnology.”[984] The Spanish -chroniclers, as he contended, “inaugurated American aboriginal history -upon a misconception of Indian life, which has remained substantially -unquestioned till recently.”[985] He charges upon ignorance of the -structure and principles of Indian society, the perversion of all -the writers,[986] from Cortes to Bancroft, who, as he says, unable -to comprehend its peculiarities, invoked the imagination to supply -whatever was necessary to fill out the picture.[987] The actual -condition to which the Indians of Spanish America had reached was, -according to his schedule, the upper status of barbarism, between -which and the beginning of civilization he reckoned an entire ethnical -period. “In the art of government they had not been able to rise above -gentile institutions and establish political society. This fact,” -Morgan continues, “demonstrates the impossibility of privileged classes -and of potentates, under their institutions, with power to enforce the -labor of the people for the erection of palaces for their use, and -explains the absence of such structures.”[988] - -This is the essence of the variance of the two schools of -interpretation of the Aztec and Maya life. The reader of Bancroft will -find, on the other hand, due recognition of an imperial system, with -its monarch and nobles and classes of slaves, and innumerable palaces, -of which we see to-day the ruins. The studies of Bandelier are appealed -to by Morgan as substantiating his view.[989] Mrs. Zelia Nuttall -(_Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci._, Aug., 1886) claims to be able to show -that the true interpretation of the Borgian and other codices points in -part at least to details of a communal life. - -The special issues which for a test Morgan takes with Bancroft are in -regard to the character of the house in which Montezuma lived, and -of the dinner which is represented by Bernal Diaz and the rest as -the daily banquet of an imperial potentate. Morgan’s criticism is in -his _Houses and House Life of the American Aborigines_ (Washington, -1881).[990] The basis of this book had been intended for a fifth Part -of his _Ancient Society_, but was not used in that publication. He -printed the material, however, in papers on “Montezuma’s Dinner” (_No. -Am. Rev._, Ap. 1876), “Houses of the Moundbuilders” (_Ibid._, July, -1876), and “Study of the Houses and House Life of the Indian Tribes” -(_Archæol. Inst. of Amer. Publ._). These papers amalgamated now make -the work called _Houses and House Life_.[991] - -Morgan argues that a communal mode of living accords with the usages -of aboriginal hospitality, as well as with their tenure of lands,[992] -and with the large buildings, which others call palaces, and he calls -joint tenement houses. He instances, as evidence of the size of such -houses, that at Cholula four hundred Spaniards and one thousand allied -Indians found lodging in such a house; and he points to Stephens’s -description of similar communal establishments which he found in our -day near Uxmal.[993] He holds that the inference of communal living -from such data as these is sufficient to warrant a belief in it, -although none of the early Spanish writers mention such communism as -existing; while they actually describe a communal feast in what is -known as Montezuma’s dinner;[994] and while the plans of the large -buildings now seen in ruins are exactly in accord with the demands of -separate families united in joint occupancy. In such groups, he holds, -there is usually one building devoted to the purpose of a Tecpan, or -official house of the tribe.[995] Under the pressure to labor, which -the Spaniards inflicted on their occupants, these communal dwellers -were driven, to escape such servitude, into the forest, and thus their -houses fell into decay. Morgan’s views attracted the adhesion of not -a few archæologists, like Bandelier and Dawson; but in Bancroft, as -contravening the spirit of his _Native Races_, they begat feelings -that substituted disdain for convincing arguments.[996] The less -passionate controversialists point out, with more effect, how hazardous -it is, in coming to conclusions on the quality of the Nahua, Maya, -or Quiché conditions of life, to ignore such evidences as those of -the hieroglyphics, the calendars, the architecture and carvings, the -literature and the industries, as evincing quite another kind, rather -than degree, of progress, from that of the northern Indians.[997] - - -II. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES UPON THE RUINS AND ARCHÆOLOGICAL REMAINS OF -MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA. - -Elsewhere in this work some account is given of the comprehensive -treatment of American antiquities. It is the purpose of this note to -characterize such other descriptions as have been specially confined -to the antiquities of Mexico, Central America, and adjacent parts; -together with noting occasionally those more comprehensive works which -have sections on these regions. The earliest and most distinguished of -all such treatises are the writings of Alexander von Humboldt,[998] to -whom may be ascribed the paternity of what the French define as the -Science of Americanism, which, however, took more definite shape and -invited discipleship when the Société Américaine de France was formed, -and Aubin in his _Mémoire sur la peinture didactique et l’écriture -figurative des Anciens Méxicains_ furnished a standard of scholarship. -How new this science was may be deduced from the fact that Robertson, -the most distinguished authority on early American history, who wrote -in English, in the last part of the preceding century, had ventured to -say that in all New Spain there was not “a single monument or vestige -of any building more ancient than the Conquest.” After Humboldt, -the most famous of what may be called the pioneers of this art were -Kingsborough, Dupaix, and Waldeck, whose publications are sufficiently -described elsewhere. The most startling developments came from the -expeditions of Stephens and Catherwood, the former mingling both in his -_Central America_ and _Yucatan_ the charms of a personal narrative with -his archæological studies, while the draughtsman, beside furnishing -the sketches for Stephens’s book, embodied his drawings on a larger -scale in the publication which passes under his own name.[999] The -explorations of Charnay are those which have excited the most interest -of late years, though equally significant results have been produced by -such special explorers as Squier in Nicaragua, Le Plongeon in Yucatan, -and Bandelier in Mexico. - -The labors of the French archæologist, which began in 1858, resulted -in the work _Cités et ruines Américaines: Mitla, Palenqué, Izamal, -Chichen-Itza, Uxmal, recueillies et photographiées par Désiré -Charnay, avec un Texte par M. Viollet le Duc_. (Paris, 1863.) Charnay -contributed to this joint publication, beside the photographs, a paper -called “Le Méxique, 1858-61,—souvenirs et impressions de Voyage.” The -Architect Viollet le Duc gives us in the same book an essay by an -active, well-equipped, and ingenious mind, but his speculations about -the origin of this Southern civilization and its remains are rather -curious than convincing.[1000] - -[Illustration: THE PYRAMID OF CHOLULA. - -After a drawing in Cumplido’s Spanish translation of Prescott’s -_Mexico_, vol. iii. (Mexico, 1846.)] - -The public began to learn better what Charnay’s full and hearty -confidence in his own sweeping assertions was, when he again entered -the field in a series of papers on the ruins of Central America -which he contributed (1879-81) to the _North American Review_ (vols. -cxxxi.-cxxxiii.), and which for the most part reached the public -newly dressed in some of the papers contributed by L. P. Gratacap to -the American Antiquarian,[1001] and in a paper by F. A. Ober on “The -Ancient Cities of America,” in the _Amer. Geog. Soc. Bulletin_, Mar., -1888. Charnay took moulds of various sculptures found among the ruins, -which were placed in the Trocadero Museum in Paris.[1002] What Charnay -communicated in English to the _No. Amer. Review_ appeared in better -shape in French in the _Tour du Monde_ (1886-87), and in a still -riper condition in his latest work, _Les anciens villes du Nouveau -Monde: voyages d’explorations au Méxique et dans l’Amérique Centrale_. -1857-1882. _Ouvrage contenant 214 gravures et 19 cartes ou plans._ -(Paris, 1885.)[1003] - -[Illustration: GREAT MOUND OF CHOLULA. - -After a sketch in Bandelier’s _Archæological Tour_, p. 233, who also -gives a plan of the mound. The modern Church of Nuestra Señora de los -Remedios is on the summit, where there are no traces of aboriginal -works. A paved road leads to the top. A suburban road skirts its base, -and fields of maguey surround it. The circuit of the base is 3859 feet, -and the mound covers nearly twenty acres. Estimates of its height are -variously given from 165 to 208 feet, according as one or another base -line is chosen. It is built of adobe brick laid in clay, and it has -suffered from erosion, slides, and other effects of time. There are -some traces of steps up the side. Bandelier (pl. xv.) also gives a -fac-simile of an old map of Cholula. The earliest picture which we have -of the mound, evidently thought by the first Spaniards to be a natural -one, is in the arms of Cholula (1540). There are other modern cuts in -Carbajal-Espinosa’s _Mexico_ (i. 195); _Archæologia Americana_ (i. 12); -Brocklehurst’s _Mexico to-day_, 182. The degree of restoration which -draughtsmen allow to themselves, accounts in large measure for the -great diversity of appearance which the mound makes in the different -drawings of it. There is a professed restoration by Mothes in Armin’s -_Heutige Mexico_, 63, 68, 72. The engraving in Humboldt is really a -restoration (_Vues_, etc., pl. vii., or pl. viii. of the folio ed.). -Bandelier gives a slight sketch of a restoration (p. 246, pl. viii.).] - -We proceed now to note geographically some of the principal ruins. In -the vicinity of Vera Cruz the pyramid of Papantla is the conspicuous -monument,[1004] but there is little else thereabouts needing particular -mention. Among the ruins of the central plateau of Mexico, the famous -pyramid of Cholula is best known. The time of its construction is a -matter about which archæologists are not agreed, though it is perhaps -to be connected with the earliest period of the Nahua power. Duran, -on the other hand, has told a story of its erection by the giants, -overcome by the Nahuas.[1005] Its purpose is equally debatable, whether -intended for a memorial, a refuge, a defence, or a spot of worship—very -likely the truth may be divided among them all.[1006] It is a similar -problem for divided opinion whether it was built by a great display of -human energy, in accordance with the tradition that the bricks which -composed its surface were passed from hand to hand by a line of men, -extending to the spot where they were made leagues away, or constructed -by a slower process of accretion, spread over successive generations, -which might not have required any marvellous array of workmen.[1007] -The fierce conflict which—as some hold—Cortés had with the natives -around the mound and on its slopes settled its fate; and the demolition -begun thereupon, and continued by the furious desolaters of the Church, -has been aided by the erosions of time and the hand of progress, -till the great monument has become a ragged and corroded hill, which -might to the casual observer stand for the natural base, given by -the Creator, to the modern chapel that now crowns its summit; but if -Bandelier’s view (p. 249) is correct, that none of the conquerors -mention it, then the conflict which is recorded took place, not here, -but on the vanished mound of Quetzalcoatl, which in Bandelier’s opinion -was a different structure from this more famous mound, while other -writers pronounce it the shrine itself of Quetzalcoatl.[1008] - -[Illustration: MEXICAN CALENDAR STONE. - -After a cut in _Harper’s Magazine_. An enlarged engraving of the -central head is given on the title-page of the present volume. A -photographic reproduction, as the “Stone of the Sun,” is given in -Bandelier’s _Archæological Tour_, p. 54, where he summarizes the -history of it, with references, including a paper by Alfredo Chavero, -in the _Anales del Museo nacional de México_, and another, with a cut, -by P. J. J. Valentini, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1878, and -in _The Nation_, Aug. 8 and Sept. 19, 1878. Chavero’s explanation is -translated in Brocklehurst’s _Mexico to-day_, p. 186. The stone is -dated in a year corresponding to A.D. 1479, and it was early described -in Duran’s _Historia de las Indias_, and in Tezozomoc’s _Crónica -mexicana_. Tylor (_Anahuac_, 238) says that of the drawings made before -the days of photography, that in Carlos Nebel’s _Viaje pintoresco y -Arqueológico sobre la República Mejicana_, 1829-1834 (Paris, 1839), -is the best, while the engravings given by Humboldt (pl. xxiii.) -and others are more or less erroneous. Cf. other cuts in Carbajal’s -_México_, i. 528; Bustamante’s _Mañanas de la Alameda_ (Mexico, -1835-36); Short’s _No. Amer. of Antiq._, 408, 451, with references; -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, ii. 520; iv. 506; Stevens’s _Flint Chips_, -309. - -Various calendar disks are figured in Clavigero (Casena, 1780); a -colored calendar on agave paper is reproduced in the _Archives de la -Commission Scientifique du Méxique_, iii. 120. (Quaritch held the -original document in Aug., 1888, at £25, which had belonged to M. -Boban.) - -For elucidations of the Mexican astronomical and calendar system see -Acosta, vi. cap. 2; Granados y Galvez’s _Tardes Americanas_ (1778); -Humboldt’s essay in connection with pl. xxiii. of his _Atlas_; -Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 117; Bollaert in _Memoirs read before -the Anthropol. Soc. of London_, i. 210; E. G. Squier’s _Some new -discoveries respecting the dates on the great calendar stone of the -ancient Mexicans, with observations on the Mexican cycle of fifty-two -years_, in the _American Journal of Science and Arts_, 2d ser., March, -1849, pp. 153-157; Abbé J. Pipart’s _Astronomie, Chronologie et rites -des Méxicaines_ in the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France_ (n. ser. -i.); Brasseur’s _Nat. Civ._, iii. livre ii.; Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, -ii. ch. 16; Short, ch. 9, with ref., p. 445; Cyrus Thomas in Powell’s -_Rept. Ethn. Bureau_, iii. 7. Cf. Brinton’s _Abor. Amer. Authors_, p. -38; Brasseur’s “Chronologie historique des Méxicaines” in the _Actes de -la Soc. d’Ethnographie_ (1872), vol. vi.; Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, -i. 355, for the Toltecs as the source of astronomical ideas, with which -compare Bancroft, v. 192; the _Bulletin de la Soc. royale Belge de -Géog._, Sept., Oct., 1886; and Bandelier in the _Peabody Mus. Repts._, -ii. 572, for a comparison of calendars. - -Wilson in his _Prehistoric Man_ (i. 246) says: “By the unaided results -of native science, the dwellers on the Mexican plateau had effected -an adjustment of civil to solar time so nearly correct that when the -Spaniards landed on their coast, their own reckoning, according to the -unreformed Julian calendar, was really eleven days in error, compared -with that of the barbarian nation whose civilization they so speedily -effaced.” - -See what Wilson (_Prehistoric Man_, i. 333) says of the native -veneration for this calendar stone, when it was exhumed. Mrs. Nuttall -(_Proc. Am. Asso. Adv. Sci._, Aug., 1886) claims to be able to show -that this monolith is really a stone which stood in the Mexican -market-place, and was used in regulating the stated market-days.] - -We have reference to a Cholula mound in some of the earliest writers. -Bernal Diaz counted the steps on its side.[1009] Motolinía saw it -within ten years of the Conquest, when it was overgrown and much -ruined. Sahagún says it was built for defensive purposes. Rojas, in -his _Relacion de Cholula_, 1581, calls it a fortress, and says the -Spaniards levelled its convex top to plant there a cross, where later, -in 1594, they built a chapel. Torquemada, following Motolinía and the -later Mendieta, says it was never finished, and was decayed in his -time, though he traced the different levels. Its interest as a relic -thus dates almost from the beginnings of the modern history of the -region. Boturini mentions its four terraces. Clavigero, in 1744, rode -up its sides on horseback, impelled by curiosity, and found it hard -work even then to look upon it as other than a natural hill.[1010] The -earliest of the critical accounts of it, however, is Humboldt’s, made -from examinations in 1803, when much more than now of its original -construction was observable, and his account is the one from which most -travellers have drawn,—the result of close scrutiny in his text and of -considerable license in his plate, in which he aimed at something like -a restoration.[1011] The latest critical examination is in Bandelier’s -“Studies about Cholula and its vicinity,” making part iii. of his -_Archæological Tour in Mexico in 1881_.[1012] - -What are called the finest ruins in Mexico are those of Xochicalco, -seventy-five miles southwest of the capital, consisting of a mound of -five terraces supported by masonry, with a walled area on the summit. -Of late years a cornfield surrounds what is left of the pyramidal -structure, which was its crowning edifice, and which up to the middle -of the last century had five receding stories, though only one now -appears. It owes its destruction to the needs which the proprietors -of the neighboring sugar-works have had for its stones. The earliest -account of the ruins appeared in the “Descripcion (1791) de los -antiqüedades de Xochicalco” of José Antonio Alzate y Ramirez, in the -_Gacetas de Literatura_ (Mexico, 1790-94, in 3 vols.; reprinted Puebla, -1831, in 4 vols.), accompanied by plates, which were again used in -Pietro Marquez’s _Due Antichi Monumenti de Architettura Messicana_ -(Roma, 1804),[1013] with an Italian version of Alzate, from which the -French translation in Dupaix was made. Alzate furnished the basis of -the account in Humboldt’s _Vues_ (i. 129; pl. ix. of folio ed.), and -Waldeck (_Voyage pitt._, 69) regrets that Humboldt adopted so inexact -a description as that of Alzate. From Nebel (_Viage pintoresco_) we -get our best graphic representations, for Tylor (_Anahuac_) says that -Casteñeda’s drawings, accompanying Dupaix, are very incorrect. Bancroft -says that one, at least, of these drawings in Kingsborough bears not -the slightest resemblance to the one given in Dupaix. In 1835 there -were explorations made under orders of the Mexican government, which -were published in the _Revista Mexicana_ (i. 539,—reprinted in the -_Diccionario Universal_, x. 938). Other accounts, more or less helpful, -are given by Latrobe, Mayer,[1014] and in Isador Löwenstern’s _Le -Méxique_ (Paris, 1843).[1015] - -[Illustration: COURT IN THE MEXICO MUSEUM. - -NOTE.—The opposite view of the court of the Museum is from Charnay, p. -57. He says: “The Museum cannot be called rich, in so far that there -is nothing remarkable in what the visitor is allowed to see.” The -vases, which had so much deceived Charnay, earlier, as to cause him to -make casts of them for the Paris Museum, he at a later day pronounced -forgeries; and he says that they, with many others which are seen in -public and private museums, were manufactured at Tlatiloco, a Mexican -suburb, between 1820 and 1828. See Holmes on the trade in Mexican -spurious relics in _Science_, 1886. - -The reclining statue in the foreground is balanced by one similar to -it at an opposite part of the court-yard. One is the Chac-mool, as Le -Plongeon called it, unearthed by him at Chichen-Itza, and appropriated -by the Mexican government; the other was discovered at Tlaxcala. - -The round stone in the centre is the sacrificial stone dug up in the -great square in Mexico, of which an enlarged view is given on another -page. - -The museum is described in Bancroft, iv. 554; in Mayer’s _Mexico as it -was_, etc., and his _Mexico, Aztec, etc._; Fossey’s _Mexique_. - -On Le Plongeon’s discovery of the Chac-mool see _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, Apr., 1877; Oct., 1878, and new series, i. 280; Nadaillac, Eng. -tr., 346; Short, 400; Le Plongeon’s _Sacred Mysteries_, 88, and his -paper in the _Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal_, ix. 142 (1877). Hamy calls -it the Toltec god Tlaloc, the rain-god; and Charnay agrees with him, -giving (pp. 366-7) cuts of his and of the one found at Tlaxcala.] - -The ancient Anahuac corresponds mainly to the valley of Mexico -city.[1016] Bancroft (iv. 497) shows in a summary way the extent of -our knowledge of the scant archæological remains within this central -area.[1017] - -In the city of Mexico not a single relic of the architecture of the -earlier peoples remains,[1018] though a few movable sculptured objects -are preserved.[1019] - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: OLD MEXICAN BRIDGE NEAR TEZCUCO. - -After a sketch in Tylor’s _Anahuac_, who thinks it the original _Puente -de las Bergantinas_, where Cortes had his brigantines launched. The -span is about 20 feet, and this Tylor thinks “an immense span for such -a construction.” Cf. H. H. Bancroft, _Native Races_, iv. 479, 528. -Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Reports_, ii. 696) doubts its antiquity.] - -Tezcuco, on the other side of the lake from Mexico, affords some -traces of the ante-Conquest architecture, but has revealed no -such interesting movable relics as have been found in the capital -city.[1020] Twenty-five miles north of Mexico are the ruins of -Teotihuacan, which have been abundantly described by early writers and -modern explorers. Bancroft (iv. 530) makes up his summary mainly from -a Mexican official account, Ramon Almaraz’s _Memoria de los trabajos -ejecutados por la comision cientifica de Pachuca_ (Mexico, 1865), -adding what was needed to fill out details from Clavigero, Humboldt, -and the later writers.[1021] - -Bancroft (iv. ch. 10), in describing what is known of the remains in -the northern parts of Mexico, gives a summary of what has been written -regarding the most famous of these ruins, Quemada in Zacatecas.[1022] - -[Illustration: THE INDIO TRISTE. - -After a photograph in Bandelier’s _Archæological Tour_, p. 68. He -thinks it was intended to be a bearer of a torch, and has no symbolical -meaning.] - -Bancroft (iv. ch. 7) has given a separate chapter to the antiquities -of Oajaca (Oaxaca) and Guerrero, as the most southern of what he -terms the Nahua people, including and lying westerly of the Isthmus -of Tehuantepec, and he speaks of it as a region but little known -to travellers, except as they pass through a part of it lying on -the commercial route from Acapulco to the capital city of Mexico. -Bancroft’s summary, with his references, must suffice for the inquirer -for all except the principal group of ruins in this region, that of -Mitla (or Lyó-Baa), of which a full recapitulation of authorities -may be made, most of which are also to be referred to for the lesser -ruins, though, as Bancroft points out, the information respecting Monte -Alban and Zachila is far from satisfactory. Of Monte Alban, Dupaix and -Charnay are the most important witnesses, and the latter says that -he considers Monte Alban “one of the most precious remains, and very -surely the most ancient of the American civilizations.”[1023] On Dupaix -alone we must depend for what we know of Zachila. - -It is, however, of Mitla (sometime Miquitlan, Mictlan) that more -considerable mention must be made, and its ruins, about thirty miles -southerly from Mexico, have been oftenest visited, as they deserve to -be; and we have to regret that Stephens never took them within the -range of his observations. Their demolition had begun during a century -or two previous to the Spanish Conquest, and was not complete even -then. Nature is gloomy, and even repulsive in its desolation about the -ruins;[1024] but a small village still exists among them. The place is -mentioned by Duran[1025] as inhabited about 1450; Motolinía describes -it as still lived in,[1026] and in 1565-74 it had a gobernador of its -own. Burgoa speaks of it in 1644.[1027] - -[Illustration: GENERAL PLAN OF MITLA. After Bandelier’s sketch -(_Archæological Tour_, p. 276). KEY: - - A, the ruins on the highest ground, with a church and curacy built - into the walls. - B, C, E, are ruins outside the village. - D is within the modern village. - F is beyond the river.] - -The earliest of the modern explorers were Luis Martin, a Mexican -architect, and Colonel de la Laguna, who examined the ruins in -1802; and it was from Martin and his drawings that Humboldt drew -the information with which, in 1810, he first engaged the attention -of the general public upon Mitla, in his _Vues des Cordillères_. -Dupaix’s visit was in 1806. The architect Eduard L. Mühlenpfordt, -in his _Versuch einer getreuen Schilderung der Republik Mejico_ -(Hannover, 1844, in 2 vols.), says that he made plans and drawings in -1830,[1028] which, passing into the hands of Juan B. Carriedo, were -used by him to illustrate a paper, “Los palacios antiguos de Mitla,” -in the _Ilustracion Mexicana_ (vol. ii.), in which he set forth the -condition of the ruins in 1852. Meanwhile, in 1837, some drawings had -been made, which were twenty years later reproduced in the ninth volume -of the _Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge_, as Brantz Mayer’s -_Observations on Mexican history and archæology, with a special notice -of Zapotec, remains as delineated in Mr. J. G. Sawkins’s drawings of -Mitla, etc._ (Washington, 1857). Bancroft points out (iv. 406) that -the inaccuracies and impossibilities of Sawkins’ drawings are such -as to lead to the conclusion that he pretended to explorations which -he never made, and probably drafted his views from some indefinite -information; and that Mayer was deceived, having no more precise -statements than Humboldt’s by which to test the drawings. Matthieu -Fossey visited the ruins in 1838; but his account in his _Le Méxique_ -(Paris, 1857) is found by Bancroft to be mainly a borrowed one. G. F. -von Tempsky’s _Mitla, a narrative of incidents and personal adventure -on a journey in Mexico, Guatemala and Salvador, 1853-1855, edited by -J. S. Bell_ (London, 1858), deceives us by the title into supposing -that considerable attention is given in the book to Mitla, but we -find him spending but a part of a day there in February, 1854 (p. -250). The book is not prized; Bandelier calls it of small scientific -value, and Bancroft says his plates must have been made up from other -sources than his own observations.[1029] Charnay, here, as well as -elsewhere, made for us some important photographs in 1859.[1030] This -kind of illustration received new accessions of value when Emilio -Herbrüger issued a series of thirty-four fine plates as _Album de -Vistas fotográficas de las Antiguas Ruinas de los palacios de Mitla_ -(Oaxaca, 1874). In 1864, J. W. von Müller, in his _Reisen in den -Vereinigten Staaten, Canada und Mexico_ (Leipzig, in 3 vols.), included -an account of a visit.[1031] The most careful examination made since -Bancroft summarized existing knowledge is that of Bandelier in his -_Archæological Tour in Mexico in 1881_ (Boston, 1885), published as -no. ii. of the American series of the _Papers of the Archæological -Institute of America_, which is illustrated with heliotypes and sketch -plans of the ruins and architectural details in all their geometrical -symmetry. Bancroft (iv. 392, etc.) could only give a plan of the ruins -based on the sketches of Mühlenpfordt as published by Carriedo, but the -student will find a more careful one[1032] in Bandelier, who also gives -detailed ones of the several buildings (pl. xvii., xviii.) - - * * * * * - -[Illustration: SACRIFICIAL STONE. - -After a photograph in Bandelier’s _Archæological Tour_, p. 67. See on -another page, cut of the court-yard of the Museum, where this stone is -preserved. Cf. Humboldt, pl. xxi.; Bandelier in _Amer. Antiq_., 1878; -Bancroft, iv. 509; Stevens’s _Flint Chips_, 311. There is a discussion -of the stone in Orozco y Berra’s _El Cuauhxicalli de Tizoc_, in the -_Anales del Museo Nacional_, i. no. 1; ii. no. 1. On the sacrificial -stone of San Juan Teotihuacan, see paper by Amos W. Butler in the -_Amer. Antiq_., vii. 148. A cut in Clavigero (ii.) shows how the stone -was used in sacrifices; the engraving has been often copied. In Mrs. -Nuttall’s view this stone simply records the periodical tribute days -(_Am. Ass. Adv. Sci. Proc._, Aug. 1886).] - -There is no part of Spanish America richer in architectural remains -than the northern section of Yucatan, and Bancroft (iv. ch. 5) has -occasion to enumerate and to describe with more or less fullness -between fifty and sixty independent groups of ruins.[1033] Stephens -explored forty-four of these abandoned towns, and such was the native -ignorance that of only a few of them could anything be learned -in Merida. And yet that this country was the land of a peculiar -architecture was known to the earliest explorers. Francisco Hernandez -de Cordova in 1517, Juan de Grijalva in 1518, Cortés himself in 1519, -and Francisco de Montejo in 1527 observed the ruins in Cozumel, an -island off the northwest coast of the peninsula, and at other points of -the shore.[1034] It is only, however, within the present century that -we have had any critical notices. Rio heard reports of them merely. -Lorenzo de Zavala saw only Uxmal, as his account given in Dupaix shows. -The earliest detailed descriptions were those of Waldeck in his _Voyage -pittoresque et achéologique dans la province d’Yucatan_ (Paris, 1838, -folio, with steel plates and lithographs), but he also saw little more -than the ruins of Uxmal, in the expedition in which he had received -pecuniary support from Lord Kingsborough.[1035] It is to John L. -Stephens and his accompanying draughtsman, Frederic Catherwood, that -we owe by far the most essential part of our knowledge of the Yucatan -remains. He had begun a survey of Uxmal in 1840, but had made little -progress when the illness of his artist broke up his plans. Accordingly -he gave the world but partial results in his _Incidents of Travel in -Central America_. Not satisfied with his imperfect examination, he -returned to Yucatan in 1841, and in 1843 published at New York the -book which has become the main source of information for all compilers -ever since, his _Incidents of Travel in Yucatan_ (N. Y., 1842; London, -1843; again, N. Y., 1856, 1858). It was in the early days of the -Daguerrean process, and Catherwood took with him a camera, from which -his excellent drawings derive some of their fidelity. They appeared in -his own _Views of Ancient Monuments in Central America_ (N. Y., 1844), -on a larger scale than in Stephens’s smaller pages. - -[Illustration: WALDECK. - -After an etching published in the _Annuaire de la Soc. Amer. de -France_. Cf. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1875.] - -Stephens’s earlier book had had an almost immediate success. The -reviewers were unanimous in commendation, as they might well be.[1036] -It has been asserted that it was in order to avail of this new -interest that a resident of New Orleans, Mr. B. M. Norman, hastened -to Yucatan, while Stephens was there a second time, and during the -winter of 1841-42 made the trip among the ruins, which is recorded in -his _Rambles in Yucatan, or Notes of Travel through the peninsula, -including a Visit to the Remarkable Ruins of Chi-chen, Kabah Zayi, and -Uxmal_ (New York, 1843).[1037] - -The Daguerrean camera was also used by the Baron von Friederichsthal -in his studies at Uxmal and Chichen-Itza, and his exploration seems -to have taken place between the two visits of Stephens, as Bancroft -determines from a letter (April 21, 1841) written after the baron had -started on his return voyage to Europe.[1038] In Paris, in October, -1841, under the introduction of Humboldt, Friederichsthal addressed -the Academy, and his paper was printed in the _Nouvelles Annales -des Voyages_ (xcii. 297) as “Les Monuments de l’Yucatan.”[1039] The -camera was not, however, brought to the aid of the student with the -most satisfactory results till Charnay, in 1858, visited Izamal, -Chichen-Itza, and Uxmal. He gave a foretaste of his results in the -_Bulletin de la Soc. de Géog_. (1861, vol. ii. 364), and in 1863 -gave not very extended descriptions, relying mostly on his _Atlas_ -of photographs in his _Cités et Ruines Américaines_, a part of which -volume consists of the architectural speculations of Viollet le Duc. -Beside the farther studies of Charnay in his _Anciens Villes du Nouveau -Monde_ (Paris, 1885), there have been recent explorations in Yucatan -by Dr. Augustus Le Plongeon and his wife, mainly at Chichen-Itza, -in which for a while he had the aid and countenance of Mr. Stephen -Salisbury, Jr.,[1040] of Worcester, Mass. Le Plongeon’s results are -decidedly novel and helpful, but they were expressed with more license -of explication than satisfied the committee of that society, when his -papers were referred to them for publication, and than has proved -acceptable to other examiners.[1041] Nearly all other descriptions of -the Yucatan ruins have been derived substantially from these chief -authorities.[1042] - -[Illustration: DÉSIRÉ CHARNAY. - -Reproduced from an engraving in the -London edition, 1887, of the English translation of his _Ancient Cities -of the New World_.] - -The principal ruins of Yucatan are those of Uxmal and Chichen-Itza, -and references to the literature of each will suffice. Those at -Uxmal are in some respects distinct in character from the remains of -Honduras and of Chiapas. There are no idols as at Copan. There are no -extensive stucco-work and no tablets as at Palenqué. The general type -is Cyclopean masonry, faced with dressed stones. The Casa de Monjas, -or nunnery (so called), is often considered the most remarkable ruin -in Central America; and no architectural feature of any of them has -been the subject of more inquiry than the protuberant ornaments in the -cornices, which are usually called elephants’ trunks.[1043] It has been -contended that the place was inhabited in the days of Cortes.[1044] - -[Illustration: FROM CHARNAY. - -Also in the _Bull. Soc. de Géog. de Paris_, 1882 (p. 542). The best -large (36 × 28 in.) topographical and historical map of Yucatan, -showing the site of ruins, is that of Huebbe and Azuar, 1878. The -_Plano de Yucatan_, of Santiago Nigra de San Martin, also showing the -ruins, 1848, is reduced in Stephen Salisbury’s _Mayas_ (Worcester, -1877), or in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1876, and April, -1877. V. A. Malte-Brun’s map, likewise marking the ruins, is in -Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Palenqué_ (1866). There are maps in C. G. -Fancourt’s _Hist. Yucatan_ (London, 1854); Dupaix’s _Antiquités -Méxicaines_; Waldeck’s _Voyage dans la Yucatan_ (his MS. map was used -by Malte-Brun). Cf. the map of Yucatan and Chiapas, in Brasseur and -Waldeck’s _Monuments Anciens du Méxique_ (1866). Perhaps the most -convenient map to use in the study of Maya antiquities is that in -Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, iv. Cf. Crescentio Carrillo’s “Geografía Maya” -in the _Anales del Museo nacional de México_, ii. 435. - -The map in Stephens’s _Yucatan_, vol. i., shows his route among the -ruins, but does not pretend to be accurate for regions off his course. - -The _Journal of the Royal Geog. Soc._, vol. xi., has a map showing the -ruins in Central America. - -The best map to show at a glance the location of the ruins in the -larger field of Spanish America is in Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, iv.] - - -The earliest printed account of Uxmal is in Cogolludo’s _Yucathan_ -(Madrid, 1688), pp. 176, 193, 197; but it was well into this century -before others were written. Lorenzo de Zavala gave but an outline -account in his _Notice_, printed in Dupaix in 1834. Waldeck (_Voyage -Pitt._ 67, 93) spent eight days there in May, 1835, and Stephens gives -him the credit of being the earliest describer to attract attention. -Stephens’s first visit in 1840 was hasty (_Cent. Amer._, ii. 413), but -on his second visit (1842) he took with him Waldeck’s _Voyage_, and his -description and the drawings of Catherwood were made with the advantage -of having these earlier drawings to compare. Stephens (_Yucatan_, -i. 297) says that their plans and drawings differ materially from -Waldeck’s; but Bancroft, who compares the two, says that Stephens -exaggerated the differences, which are not material, except in a few -plates (Stephens’s _Yucatan_, i. 163; ii. 264—ch. 24, 25). About the -same time Norman and Friederichsthal made their visits. Bancroft -(iv. 150) refers to the lesser narratives of Carillo (1845), and -another, recorded in the _Registro Yucateco_ (i. 273, 361), with Carl -Bartholomæus Heller (April, 1847) in his _Reisen in Mexico_ (Leipzig, -1853). Charnay’s _Ruines_ (p. 362), and his _Anciens Villes_ (ch. 19, -20), record visits in 1858 and later. Brasseur reported upon Uxmal in -1865 in the _Archives de la Com. Scientifique du Méxique_ (ii. 234, -254), and he had already made mention of them in his _Hist. Nations -Civ._, ii. ch. 1.[1045] - -[Illustration: RUINED TEMPLE AT UXMAL. - -After a cut in Ruge’s _Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. 357.] - -The ruins of Chichen-Itza make part of the eastern group of the Yucatan -remains. As was not the case with some of the other principal ruins, -the city in its prime has a record in Maya tradition; it was known in -the days of the Conquest, and has not been lost sight of since,[1046] -though its ruins were not visited by explorers till well within the -present century, the first of whom, according to Stephens, was John -Burke, in 1838. Stephens had heard of them and mentioned them to -Friederichsthal, who was there in 1840 (_Nouv. Annales des Voyages_, -xcii. 300-306). Norman was there in February, 1842 (_Rambles_, 104), -and did not seem aware that any one had been there before him; and -Stephens himself, during the next month (_Yucatan_, ii. 282), made -the best record which we have. Charnay made his observations in 1858 -(_Ruines_, 339,—cf. _Anciens Villes_, ch. 18), and gives us nine good -photographs. The latest discoverer is Le Plongeon, whose investigations -were signalized by the finding (1876) of the statue of Chackmool, and -by other notable researches (_Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1877; -October, 1878).[1047] - -[Illustration: FROM CHICHEN-ITZA. - -After a cut in Squier’s _Serpent Symbol_. There are two of these rings -in the walls of one of the buildings twenty or thirty feet from the -ground. They are four feet in diameter. Cf. Stephens’s _Yucatan_, ii. -304; Bancroft, iv. 230.] - -[Illustration: FROM CHICHEN-ITZA. - -A bas-relief, one of the best preserved at Chichen-Itza, after a sketch -in Charnay and Viollet-le-Duc’s _Cités et Ruines Américaines_ (Paris, -1863), p. 53, of which Viollet-le-Duc says: “Le profil du guerrier se -rapproche sensiblement les types du Nord de l’Europe.”] - -It seems hardly to admit of doubt that the cities—if that be their -proper designation—of Yucatan were the work of the Maya people, -whose descendants were found by the Spaniards in possession of the -peninsula, and that in some cases, like those of Uxmal and Toloom, -their sacred edifices did not cease to be used till some time after -the Spaniards had possessed the country. Such were the conclusions of -Stephens,[1048] the sanest mind that has spent its action upon these -remains; and he tells us that a deed of the region where Uxmal is -situated, which passed in 1673, mentions the daily religious rites -which the natives were then celebrating there, and speaks of the -swinging doors and cisterns then in use. The abandonment of one of the -buildings, at least, is brought down to within about two centuries, -and comparisons of Catherwood’s drawings with the descriptions of -more recent explorers, by showing a very marked deterioration within -a comparatively few years, enable us easily to understand how the -piercing roots of a rapidly growing vegetation can make a greater havoc -in a century than will occur in temperate climates. The preservation -of paint on the walls, and of wooden lintels in some places, also -induce a belief that no great time, such as would imply an extinct -race of builders, is necessary to account for the present condition -of the ruins, and we must always remember how the Spaniards used them -as quarries for building their neighboring towns. How long these -habitations and shrines stood in their perfection is a question -about which archæologists have had many and diverse estimates, -ranging from hundreds to thousands of years. There is nothing in the -ruins themselves to settle the question, beyond a study of their -construction. So far as the traditionary history of the Mayas can -determine, some of them may have been built between the third and the -tenth century.[1049] - - * * * * * - -We come now to Chiapas. The age of the ruins of Palenqué[1050] can -only be conjectured, and very indefinitely, though perhaps there -is not much risk in saying that they represent some of the oldest -architectural structures known in the New World, and were very likely -abandoned three or four centuries before the coming of the Spaniards. -Still, any confident statement is unwise. Perhaps there may be some -fitness in Brasseur’s belief that the stucco additions and roofs were -the work of a later people than those who laid the foundations.[1051] -Bancroft (iv. 289) has given the fullest account of the literature -describing these ruins. They seem to have been first found in 1750, -or a few years before. The report reaching Ramon de Ordoñez, then a -boy, was not forgotten by him, and prompted him to send his brother in -1773 to explore them. Among the manuscripts in the Brasseur Collection -(_Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 113; Pinart, no. 695) are a _Memoria relativa à -las ruinas... de Palenqué_, and _Notas de Chiapas y Palenqué_, which -are supposed to be the record of this exploration written by Ramon, -as copied from the original in the Museo Nacional, and which, in part -at least, constituted the report which Ramon made in 1784 to the -president of the Audiencia Real. Ramon’s view was that he had hit upon -the land of Ophir, and the country visited by the Phœnicians. This -same president now directed José Antonio Calderon to visit the ruins, -and we have his “Informe” translated in Brasseur’s _Palenqué_ (introd. -p. 5). From February to June of 1785, Antonio Benasconi, the royal -architect of Guatemala, inspected the ruins under similar orders. His -report, as well as the preceding one, with the accompanying drawings, -were dispatched to Spain, where J. B. Muñoz made a summary of them for -the king. I do not find any of them have been printed. The result of -the royal interest in the matter was, that Antonio del Rio was next -commissioned to make a more thorough survey, which he accomplished -(May-June, 1787) with the aid of a band of natives to fell the trees -and fire the rubbish. He broke through the walls in a reckless way, -that added greatly to the devastation of years. Rio’s report, dated -at Palenqué June 24, 1787, was published first in 1855, in the -_Diccionario Univ. de Geog._, viii. 528.[1052] Meanwhile, beside the -copy of the manuscript sent to Spain, other manuscripts were kept in -Guatemala and Mexico; and one of these falling into the hands of a Dr. -M’Quy, was taken to England and translated under the title _Description -of the Ruins of an Ancient City discovered near Palenque in Guatemala, -Spanish America, translated from the Original MS. Report of Capt. -Don A. Del Rio; followed by Teatro Critico Americano, or a Critical -Investigation and Research into the History of the Americans, by Doctor -Felix Cabrera_ (London, 1822).[1053] - -[Illustration: A RESTORATION BY VIOLLET-LE-DUC. - -From _Histoire de l’Habitation Humaine, par Viollet-le-Duc_ (Paris, -1875). There is a restoration of the Palenqué palace—so called—in -Armin’s _Das heutige Mexico_ (copied in Short, 342, and Bancroft, iv. -323).] - -The results of the explorations of Dupaix, made early in the present -century by order of Carlos IV. of Spain, long remained unpublished. His -report and the drawings of Castañeda lay uncared for in the Mexican -archives during the period of the Revolution. Latour Allard, of Paris, -obtained copies of some of the drawings, and from these Kingsborough -got copies, which he engraved for his _Mexican Antiquities_, in which -Dupaix’s report was also printed in Spanish and English (vols. iv., -v., vi.). It is not quite certain whether the originals or copies -were delivered (1828) by the Mexican authorities to Baradère, who -a few years later secured their publication with additional matter -as _Antiquités méxicaines_. _Relation des trois expéditions du -capitaine Dupaix, ordonnées en 1805, 1806 et 1807, pour la recherche -des antiquités du pays, notamment celles de Mitla et de Palenque; -accompagnée des dessins de Castañeda, et d’une carte du pays exploré; -suivie d’un parallèle de ces monuments avec ceux de l’Égypte, de -l’Indostan, et du reste de l’ancien monde par Alexandre Lenoir; d’une -dissertation sur l’origine de l’ancienne population des deux Amériques -par [D. B.] Warden; avec un discours préliminaire par. M. Charles -Farcy, et des notes explicatives, et autres documents par MM. Baradère, -de St. Priest [etc.]._ (Paris 1834, texte et atlas.)[1054] The plates -of this edition are superior to those in Kingsborough and in Rio; and -are indeed improved in the engraving over Castañeda’s drawings. The -book as a whole is one of the most important on Palenqué which we have. -The investigations were made on his third expedition (1807-8). A tablet -taken from the ruins by him is in the Museo Nacional, and a cast of it -is figured in the _Numis. and Antiq. Soc. of Philad. Proc._, Dec. 4, -1884. - -During the twenty-five years next following Dupaix, we find two -correspondents of the French and English Geographical Societies -supplying their publications with occasional accounts of their -observations among the ruins. One of them, Dr. F. Corroy,[1055] was -then living at Tabasco; the other, Col. Juan Gallindo,[1056] was -resident in the country as an administrative officer. - -[Illustration: SCULPTURES, TEMPLE OF THE CROSS, PALENQUÉ. - -These slabs, six feet high, were taken from Palenqué, and when Stephens -saw them they were in private hands at San Domingo, near by, but later -they were placed in the church front in the same town, and here Charnay -took impressions of them, from which they were engraved in _The Ancient -Cities_, etc., p. 217, and copied thence in the above cuts. This same -type of head is considered by Rosny the Aztec head of Palenqué (_Doc. -écrits de la Antiq. Amer._, 73), and as belonging to the superior -classes. In order to secure the convex curve of the nose and forehead -an ornament was sometimes added, as shown in a head of the second -tablet at Palenqué, and in the photograph of a bas-relief, preserved -in the Museo Archeologico at Madrid, given by Rosny (vol. 3), and -hypothetically called by him a statue of Cuculkan. This ornament is not -infrequently seen in other images of this region. - -Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Repts._, ii. 126), speaking of the tablet of -the Cross of Palenqué, says: “These tablets and figures show in dress -such a striking analogy of what we know of the military accoutrements -of the Mexicans, that it is a strong approach to identity.”] - -Fréderic de Waldeck, the artist who some years before had familiarized -himself with the character of the ruins in the preparation of the -engravings for Rio’s work, was employed in 1832-34. He was now -considerably over sixty years of age, and under the pay of a committee, -which had raised a subscription, in which the Mexican government -shared. He made the most thorough examination of Palenqué which has -yet been made. Waldeck was a skilful artist, and his drawings are -exquisite; but he was not free from a tendency to improve or restore, -where the conditions gave a hint, and so as we have them in the final -publication they have not been accepted as wholly trustworthy. He made -more than 200 drawings, and either the originals or copies—Stephens -says “copies,” the originals being confiscated—were taken to Europe. -Waldeck announced his book in Paris, and the public had already had a -taste of his not very sober views in some communications which he had -sent in Aug. and Nov., 1832, to the Société de Géographie de Paris. -Long years of delay followed, and Waldeck had lived to be over ninety, -when the French government bought his collection[1057] (in 1860), and -made preparations for its publication. Out of the 188 drawings thus -secured, 56 were selected and were admirably engraved, and only that -portion of Waldeck’s text was preserved which was purely descriptive, -and not all of that. Selection was made of Brasseur de Bourbourg, -who at that time had never visited the ruins,[1058] to furnish -some introductory matter. This he prepared in an _Avant-propos_, -recapitulating the progress of such studies; and this was followed -by an _Introduction aux Ruines de Palenqué_, narrating the course of -explorations up to that time; a section also published separately -as _Recherches sur les Ruines de Palenqué et sur les origines de -la civilisation du Méxique_ (Paris, 1886), and finally Waldeck’s -own _Description des Ruines_, followed by the plates, most of which -relate to Palenqué. Thus composed, a large volume was published under -the general title of _Monuments anciens du Méxique_. _Palenqué et -autres ruines de l’ancienne civilisation du Méxique. Collection de -vues [etc.], cartes et plans dessinés d’après nature et relevés par -M. de Waldeck. Texte rédigé par M. Brasseur de Bourbourg._ (Paris, -1864-1866.)[1059] While Waldeck’s results were still unpublished the -ruins of Palenqué were brought most effectively to the attention of the -English reader in the _Travels in Central America_ (vol. ii. ch. 17) of -Stephens, which was illustrated by the drawings of Catherwood,[1060] -since famous. These better cover the field, and are more exact than -those of Dupaix. - -[Illustration: PLAN OF COPAN (RUINS AND VILLAGE). - -From _The Stone Sculptures of Copán and Quiriguá_ (N. Y., 1883) of Meye -and Schmidt.] - -Bancroft refers to an anonymous account in the _Registro Yucateco_ (i. -318). One of the most intelligent of the later travellers is Arthur -Morelet, who privately printed his _Voyage dans l’Amérique Central, -Cuba et le Yucatan_, which includes an account of a fortnight’s stay -at Palenqué. His results would be difficult of access except that -Mrs. M. F. Squier, with an introduction by E. G. Squier, published a -translation of that part of it relating to the main land as _Travels -in Central America, including accounts of regions unexplored since the -Conquest_ (N. Y., 1871).[1061] - -Désiré Charnay was the first to bring photography to the aid of the -student when he visited Palenqué in 1858, and his plates forming the -folio atlas accompanying his _Cités et Ruines Américaines_ (1863), pp. -72, 411, are, as Bancroft (iv. 293) points out, of interest to enable -us to test the drawings of preceding delineators, and to show how time -had acted on the ruins since the visit of Stephens. His later results -are recorded in his _Les anciennes villes du Nouveau Monde_ (Paris, -1885).[1062] - -[Illustration: YUCATAN TYPES. - -Given by Rosny, _Doc. Écrits de la Antiq. Amér._, p. 73, as types -of the short-headed race which preceded the Aztec occupation. They -are from sculptures at Copan. Cf. Stephens’s _Cent. America_, i. 139; -Bancroft, iv. 101.] - -[Illustration: PLAN OF THE RUINS OF QUIRIGUA. - -From Meye and Schmidt’s _Stone Sculptures of Copán and Quiriguá_ (N. -Y., 1883).] - -There have been only two statues found at Palenqué, in connection -with the T emple of the Cross,[1063] but the considerable number of -carved figures discovered at Copan,[1064] as well as the general -impression that these latter ruins are the oldest on the American -continent,[1065] have made in some respects these most celebrated of -the Honduras remains more interesting than those of Chiapas. It is now -generally agreed that the ruins of Copan[1066] do not represent the -town called Copan, assaulted and captured by Hernando de Choves in -1530, though the identity of names has induced some writers to claim -that these ruins were inhabited when the Spaniards came.[1067] The -earliest account of them which we have is that in Palacio’s letter -to Felipe II., written (1576) hardly more than a generation after -the Conquest, and showing that the ruins then were much in the same -condition as later described.[1068] The next account is that of Fuentes -y Guzman’s _Historia de Guatemala_ (1689), now accessible in the Madrid -edition of 1882; but for a long time only known in the citation in -Juarros’ _Guatemala_ (p. 56), and through those who had copied from -Juarros.[1069] His account is brief, speaks of Castilian costumes, -and is otherwise so enigmatical that Brasseur calls it mendacious. -Colonel Galindo, in visiting the ruins in 1836, confounded them with -the Copan of the Conquest.[1070] The ruins also came Under the scrutiny -of Stephens in 1839, and they were described by him, and drawn by -Catherwood, for the first time with any fullness and care, in their -respective works.[1071] - - * * * * * - -Always associated with Copan, and perhaps even older, if the lower -relief of the carvings can bear that interpretation, are the ruins -near the village of Quiriguá, in Guatemala, and known by that name. -Catherwood first brought them into notice;[1072] but the visit of -Karl Scherzer in 1854 produced the most extensive account of them -which we have, in his _Ein Besuch bei den Ruinen von Quiriguá_ (Wien, -1855).[1073] - - * * * * * - -The principal explorers of Nicaragua have been Ephraim George Squier, -in his _Nicaragua_,[1074] and Frederick Boyle, in his _Ride across -a Continent_ (Lond. 1868),[1075] and their results, as well as the -scattered data of others,[1076] are best epitomized in Bancroft -(iv. ch. 2), who gives other references to second-hand descriptions -(p. 29). Since Bancroft’s survey there have been a few important -contributions.[1077] - - -III. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON THE PICTURE-WRITING OF THE NAHUAS AND -MAYAS. - -IN considering the methods of record and communication used by these -peoples, we must keep in mind the two distinct systems of the Aztecs -and the Mayas;[1078] and further, particularly as regards the former, -we must not forget that some of these writings were made after the -Conquest, and were influenced in some degree by Spanish associations. -Of this last class were land titles and catechisms, for the native -system obtained for some time as a useful method with the conquerors -for recording the transmission of lands and helping the instruction by -the priests.[1079] - -[Illustration: FAC-SIMILE OF A PART OF LANDA’S MS. - -After a fac-simile in the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, nouv. -ser._, ii. 34. (Cf. pl. xix. of Rosny’s _Essai sur le déchiffrement_, -etc.) It is a copy, not the original, of Landa’s text, but a nearly -contemporary one (made thirty years after Landa’s death), and the only -one known.] - -It is usual in tracing the development of a hieroglyphic system to -advance from a purely figurative one—in which pictures of objects are -used—through a symbolic phase; in which such pictures are interpreted -conventionally instead of realistically. It was to this last stage -that the Aztecs had advanced; but they mingled the two methods, and -apparently varied in the order of reading, whether by lines or columns, -forwards, upwards, or backwards. The difficulty of understanding them -is further increased by the same object holding different meanings -in different connections, and still more by the personal element, or -writer’s style, as we should call it, which was impressed on his choice -of objects and emblems.[1080] This rendered interpretation by no means -easy to the aborigines themselves, and we have statements that when -native documents were referred to them it required sometimes long -consultations to reach a common understanding.[1081] The additional -step by which objects stand for sounds, the Aztecs seem not to have -taken, except in the names of persons and places, in which they -understood the modern child’s art of the rebus, where such symbol -more or less clearly stands for a syllable, and the representation -was usually of conventionalized forms, somewhat like the art of the -European herald. Thus the Aztec system was what Daniel Wilson[1082] -calls “the pictorial suggestion of associated ideas.”[1083] The -phonetic scale, if not comprehended in the Aztec system, made an -essential part of the Maya hieroglyphics, and this was the great -distinctive feature of the latter, as we learn from the early -descriptions,[1084] and from the alphabet which Landa has preserved -for us. It is not only in the codices or books of the Mayas that their -writing is preserved to us, but in the inscriptions of their carved -architectural remains.[1085] - -[Illustration - -NOTE—This representation of Yucatan hieroglyphics is a reduction of -pl. i. in Léon de Rosny’s _Essai sur le déchiffrement de l’écriture -hiératique de l’Amérique Centrale_, Paris, 1876. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 92; -Short, 405.] - -When the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg found, in 1863, in the library -of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid, the MS. of Landa’s -_Relacion_, and discovered in it what purported to be a key to the -Maya alphabet, there were hopes that the interpretation of the -Maya books and inscriptions was not far off. Twenty-five years, -however, has not seen the progress that was wished for; and if we -may believe Valentini, the alphabet of Landa is a pure fabrication -of the bishop himself;[1086] and even some of those who account it -genuine, like Le Plongeon, hold that it is inadequate in dealing -with the older Maya inscriptions.[1087] Cyrus Thomas speaks of this -alphabet as simply an attempt of the bishop to pick out of compound -characters their simple elements on the supposition that something -like phonetic representations would be the result.[1088] Landa’s own -description[1089] of the alphabet accompanying his graphic key[1090] is -very unsatisfactory, not to say incomprehensible. Brasseur has tried -to render it in French, and Bancroft in English; but it remains a -difficult problem to interpret it intelligibly. - -Brasseur very soon set himself the task of interpreting the Troano -manuscript by the aid of this key, and he soon had the opportunity -of giving his interpretation to the public when the Emperor Napoleon -III. ordered that codex to be printed in the sumptuous manner of the -imperial press.[1091] The efforts of Brasseur met with hardly a sign of -approval. Léon de Rosny criticised him,[1092] and Dr. Brinton found in -his results nothing to commend.[1093] - -No one has approached the question of interpreting these Maya writings -with more careful scrutiny than Léon de Rosny, who first attracted -attention with his comparative study, _Les écritures figuratives et -hiéroglyphiques des différens peuples anciens et moderns_ (Paris, -1860; again, 1870, augmentée). From 1869 to 1871 he published at -Paris four parts of _Archives paléographiques de l’Orient et de -l’Amérique, publiées avec des notices historiques et philologiques_, -in which he included several studies of the native writings, and gave -a bibliography (pp. 101-115) of American paleography up to that time. -His _L’interprétation des anciens textes Mayas_ made part of the first -volume of the _Archives de la Soc. Américaine de France_ (new series). -His chief work, making the second volume of the same, is his _Essai -sur le déchiffrement de l’écriture hiératique de l’Amérique Central_ -(Paris, 1876), and it is the most thorough examination of the problem -yet made.[1094] The last part (4th) was published in 1878, and a -Spanish translation appeared in 1881. - -[Illustration: PALENQUÉ HIEROGLYPHICS. - -After a cut in Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. p. 63. It is also given -in Bancroft (iv. 355), and others. It is from the Tablet of the Cross.] - -Wm. Bollaert, who had paid some attention to the paleography of -America,[1095] was one of the earliest in England to examine Brasseur’s -work on Landa, which he did in a memoir read before the Anthropological -Society,[1096] and later in an “Examination of the Central American -hieroglyphs by the recently discovered Maya alphabet.”[1097] -Brinton[1098] calls his conclusions fanciful, and Le Plongeon claims -that the inscription in Stephens, which Bollaert worked upon, is -inaccurately given, and that Bollaert’s results were nonsense.[1099] -Hyacinthe de Charency’s efforts have hardly been more successful, -though he attempted the use of Landa’s alphabet with something like -scientific care. He examined a small part of the inscription of the -Palenqué tablet of the Cross in his _Essai de déchiffrement d’un -fragment d’inscription palenquéene_.[1100] - -Dr. Brinton translated Charency’s results, and, adding Landa’s -alphabet, published his _Ancient phonetic alphabet of Yucatan_ (N. Y., -1870), a small tract.[1101] His continued studies were manifest in the -introduction on “The graphic system and the ancient records of the -Mayas” to Cyrus Thomas’s _Manuscript Troano_.[1102] In this paper Dr. -Brinton traces the history of the attempts which have thus far been -made in solving this perplexing problem.[1103] The latest application -of the scientific spirit is that of the astronomer E. S. Holden, who -sought to eliminate the probabilities of recurrent signs by the usual -mathematical methods of resolving systems of modern cipher.[1104] - - * * * * * - -There are few examples of the aboriginal ideographic writings left -to us. Their fewness is usually charged to the destruction which was -publicly made of them under the domination of the Church in the years -following the Conquest.[1105] The alleged agents in this demolition -were Bishop Landa, in 1562, at Mani, in Yucatan,[1106] and Bishop -Zumárraga at Tlatelalco, or, as some say, at Tezcuco, in Mexico.[1107] -Peter Martyr[1108] has told us something of the records as he saw -them, and we know also from him, and from their subsequent discovery -in European collections, that some examples of them were early taken -to the Old World. We have further knowledge of them from Las Casas -and from Landa himself.[1109] There have been efforts made of late -years by Icazbalceta and Canon Carrillo to mitigate the severity of -judgment, particularly as respects Zumárraga.[1110] The first, and -indeed the only attempt that has been made to bring together for mutual -illustration all that was known of these manuscripts which escaped -the fire,[1111] was in the great work of the Viscount Kingsborough -(b. 1795, d. 1837). It was while, as Edward King, he was a student -at Oxford that this nobleman’s passion for Mexican antiquities was -first roused by seeing an original Aztec pictograph, described by -Purchas (_Pilgrimes_, vol. iii.), and preserved in the Bodleian. In the -studies to which this led he was assisted by some special scholars, -including Obadiah Rich, who searched for him in Spain in 1830 and -1832, and who after Kingsborough’s death obtained a large part of the -manuscript collections which that nobleman had amassed (_Catalogue of -the Sale_, Dublin, 1842). Many of the Kingsborough manuscripts passed -into the collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps (_Catalogue_, no. 404), -but the correspondence pertaining to Kingsborough’s life-work seems -to have disappeared. Phillipps had been one of the main encouragers -of Kingsborough in his undertaking.[1112] Kingsborough, who had spent -£30,000 on his undertaking, had a business dispute with the merchants -who furnished the printing-paper, and he was by them thrown into jail -as a debtor, and died in confinement.[1113] - -[Illustration: LÉON DE ROSNY. - -After a photogravure in _Les Documents écrits de l’antiquité -Américaine_ (Paris, 1882). Cf. cut in _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie_ -(1887), xiii. p. 71.] - -Kingsborough’s great work, the most sumptuous yet bestowed upon -Mexican archæology, was published between 1830 and 1848, there being -an interval of seventeen years between the seventh and eighth volumes. -The original intention seems to have embraced ten volumes, for the -final section of the ninth volume is signatured as for a tenth.[1114] -The work is called: _Antiquities of Mexico; comprising facsimiles of -Ancient Mexican Paintings and Hieroglyphics, preserved in the Royal -Libraries of Paris, Berlin, and Dresden; in the Imperial Library of -Vienna; in the Vatican Library; in the Borgian Museum at Rome; in -the Library of the Institute of Bologna; and in the Bodleian Library -at Oxford; together with the Monuments of New Spain, by M. Dupaix; -illustrated by many valuable inedited MSS_. With the theory maintained -by Kingsborough throughout the work, that the Jews were the first -colonizers of the country, we have nothing to do here; but as the -earliest and as yet the largest repository of hieroglyphic material, -the book needs to be examined. The compiler states where he found his -MSS., but he gives nothing of their history, though something more -is now known of their descent. Peter Martyr speaks of the number of -Mexican MSS. which had in his day been taken to Spain, and Prescott -remarks it as strange that not a single one given by Kingsborough -was found in that country. There are, however, some to be seen there -now.[1115] Comparisons which have been made of Kingsborough’s plates -show that they are not inexact; but they almost necessarily lack the -validity that the modern photographic processes give to facsimiles. - -[Illustration: FAC-SIMILE OF PLATE XXV OF THE DRESDEN CODEX. - -From Cyrus Thomas’s _Manuscript Troano_.] - -Kingsborough’s first volume opens with a fac-simile of what is -usually called the _Codex Mendoza_, preserved in the Bodleian. It is, -however, a contemporary copy on European paper of an original now lost, -which was sent by the Viceroy Mendoza to Charles V. Another copy made -part of the Boturini collection, and from this Lorenzana[1116] engraved -that portion of it which consists of tribute-rolls. The story told -of the fate of the original is, that on its passage to Europe it was -captured by a French cruiser and taken to Paris, where it was bought -by the chaplain of the English embassy, the antiquary Purchas, who -has engraved it.[1117] It was then lost sight of, and if Prescott’s -inference is correct it was not the original, but the Bodleian copy, -which came into Purchas’ hands.[1118] - -Beside the tribute-rolls,[1119] which make one part of it, the MS. -covers the civil history of the Mexicans, with a third part on the -discipline and economy of the people, which renders it of so much -importance in an archæological sense.[1120] The second reproduction -in Kingsborough’s first volume is what he calls the _Codex -Telleriano-Remensis_, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, -and formerly owned by M. Le Tellier.[1121] The rest of this initial -volume is made up of facsimiles of Mexican hieroglyphics and paintings, -from the Boturini and Selden collections, which last is in the Bodleian. - -The second Kingsborough volume opens with a reproduction of the _Codex -Vaticanus_ (the explanation[1122] is in volume vi.), which is in the -library of the Vatican, and it is known to have been copied in Mexico -by Pedro de los Rios in 1566. It is partly historical and partly -mythological.[1123] The rest of this volume is made up of facsimiles of -other manuscripts,—one given to the Bodleian by Archbishop Laud, others -at Bologna,[1124] Vienna,[1125] and Berlin. - -The third volume reproduces one belonging to the Borgian Museum at -Rome, written on skin, and thought to be a ritual and astrological -almanac. This is accompanied by a commentary by Frabega.[1126] -Kingsborough gives but a single Maya MS., and this is in his third -volume, and stands with him as an Aztec production. This is the -_Dresden Codex_, not very exactly rendered, which is preserved in the -royal library in that city, for which it was bought by Götz,[1127] at -Vienna, in 1739. Prescott (i. 107) seemed to recognize its difference -from the Aztec MSS., without knowing precisely how to class it.[1128] -Brasseur de Bourbourg calls it a religious and astrological ritual. It -is in two sections, and it is not certain that they belong together. -In 1880 it was reproduced at Dresden by polychromatic photography -(Chromo-Lichtdruck), as the process is called, under the editing of -Dr. E. Förstemann, who in an introduction describes it as composed of -thirty-nine oblong sheets folded together like a fan. They are made of -the bark of a tree, and covered with varnish. Thirty-five have drawings -and hieroglyphics on both sides; the other four on one side only. It is -now preserved between glass to prevent handling, and both sides can be -examined. Some progress has been made, it is professed, in deciphering -its meaning, and it is supposed to contain “records of a mythic, -historic, and ritualistic character.”[1129] - -Another script in Kingsborough, perhaps a Tezcucan MS., though having -some Maya affinities, is the _Fejérvary Codex_, then preserved in -Hungary, and lately owned by Mayer, of Liverpool.[1130] - -Three other Maya manuscripts have been brought to light since -Kingsborough’s day, to say nothing of three others said to be in -private hands, and not described.[1131] Of these, the _Codex Troano_ -has been the subject of much study. It is the property of a Madrid -gentleman, Don Juan Tro y Ortolano, and the title given to the -manuscript has been somewhat fantastically formed from his name by the -Abbé Etienne Charles Brasseur de Bourbourg, who was instrumental in its -recognition about 1865 or 1866, and who edited a sumptuous two-volume -folio edition with chromo-lithographic plates.[1132] - -[Illustration: CODEX CORTESIANUS. - -From a fac-simile in the _Archives de la Société Américaine de France, -nouv. ser._, ii. 30.] - -[Illustration: CODEX PEREZIANUS. - -One of the leaves of a MS. No. 2, in the Bibliothèque Nationale, -Paris, following the fac-simile (pl. 124) in Léon de Rosny’s _Archives -paléographiques_ (Paris, 1869).] - -While Léon de Rosny was preparing his _Essai sur le déchiffrement -de l’Ecriture hiératique_ (1876), a Maya manuscript was offered to -the Bibliothèque Impériale in Paris and declined, because the price -demanded was too high. Photographic copies of two of its leaves had -been submitted, and one of these is given by Rosny in the _Essai_ (pl. -xi.). The Spanish government finally bought the MS., which, because -it was supposed to have once belonged to Cortes, is now known as the -_Codex Cortesianus_. Rosny afterwards saw it and studied it in the -Museo Archeológico at Madrid, as he makes known in his _Doc. Ecrits -de la Antiq. Amér._, p. 79, where he points out the complementary -character of one of its leaves with another of the MS. Troano, showing -them to belong together, and gives photographs of the two (pl. v. vi.), -as well as of other leaves (pl. 8 and 9). The part of this codex of a -calendar character (Tableau des Bacab) is reproduced from Rosny’s plate -by Cyrus Thomas[1133] in an essay in the _Third Report of the Bureau of -Ethnology_, together with an attempted restoration of the plate, which -is obscure in parts. Finally a small edition (85 copies) of the entire -MS. was published at Paris in 1883.[1134] - -The last of the Maya MSS. recently brought to light is sometimes cited -as the _Codex Perezianus_, because the paper in which it was wrapped, -when recognized in 1859 by Rosny,[1135] bore the name “Perez”; and -sometimes designated as Codex Mexicanus, or Manuscrit Yucatèque No. 2, -of the National Library at Paris. It was a few years later published -as _Manuscrit dit Méxicain No. 2 de la Bibliothèque Impériale, -photographié par ordre de S. E. M. Duruy, ministre de l’instruction -publique_ (Paris, 1864, in folio, 50 copies). The original is a -fragment of eleven leaves, and Brasseur[1136] speaks of it as the most -beautiful of all the MSS. in execution, but the one which has suffered -the most from time and usage.[1137] - -[Illustration - -NOTE.—This Yucatan bas-relief follows a photograph by Rosny (1880), -reproduced in the _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie_, no. 3 (Paris, -1882).] - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE INCA CIVILIZATION IN PERU. - -BY CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C. B. - - -THE civilization of the Incas of Peru is the most important, because it -is the highest, phase in the development of progress among the American -races. It represents the combined efforts, during long periods, of -several peoples who eventually became welded into one nation. The -especial interest attaching to the study of this civilization consists -in the fact that it was self-developed, and that, so far as can be -ascertained, it received no aid and no impulse from foreign contact. - -It is necessary, however, to bear in mind that the empire of the Incas, -in its final development, was formed of several nations which had, -during long periods, worked out their destinies apart from each other; -and that one, at least, appears to have been entirely distinct from -the Incas in race and language.[1138] These facts must be carefully -borne in mind in pursuing inquiries relating to the history of Inca -civilization. It is also essential that the nature and value of the -evidence on which conclusions must be based should be understood and -carefully weighed. This evidence is of several kinds. Besides the -testimony of Spanish writers who witnessed the conquest of Peru, or -who lived a generation afterwards, there is the evidence derived from -a study of the characteristics of descendants of the Inca people, of -their languages and literature, and of their architectural and other -remains. These various kinds of evidence must be compared, their -respective values must be considered, and thus alone, in our time, can -the nearest approximation to the truth be reached. - -[Illustration: MAP IN BRASSEUR’S POPUL VUH.] - -The testimony of writers in the sixteenth century, who had the -advantage of being able to see the workings of Inca institutions, to -examine the outcome of their civilization in all its branches, and -to converse with the Incas themselves respecting the history and the -traditions of their people, is the most important evidence. Much of -this testimony has been preserved, but unfortunately a great deal is -lost. The sack of Cadiz by the Earl of Essex, in 1595, was the occasion -of the loss of Blas Valera’s priceless work.[1139] Other valuable -writings have been left in manuscript, and have been mislaid through -neglect and carelessness. Authors are mentioned, or even quoted, whose -books have disappeared. The contemplation of the fallen Inca empire -excited the curiosity and interest of a great number of intelligent men -among the Spanish conquerors. Many wrote narratives of what they saw -and heard. A few studied the language and traditions of the people with -close attention. And these authors were not confined to the clerical -and legal professions; they included several of the soldier-conquerors -themselves.[1140] - -[Illustration: EARLY SPANISH MAP OF PERU. - -[From the Paris (1774) edition of Zarate. The development of Peruvian -cartography under the Spanish explorations is traced in a note in Vol. -II. p. 509; but the best map for the student is a map of the empire of -the Incas, showing all except the provinces of Quito and Chili, with -the routes of the successive Inca conquerors marked on it, given in the -_Journal of the Roy. Geog. Soc._ (1872), vol. xlii. p. 513, compiled by -Mr. Trelawny Saunders to illustrate Mr. Markham’s paper of the previous -year, on the empire of the Incas. The map was republished by the -Hakluyt Society in 1880. The map of Wiener in his _Pérou et Bolivie_ is -also a good one. Cf. Squier’s map in his _Peru_.—ED.]] - -The nature of the country and climate was a potent agent in forming -the character of the people, and in enabling them to make advances in -civilization. In the dense forests of the Amazonian valleys, in the -boundless prairies and savannas, we only meet with wandering tribes -of hunters and fishers. It is on the lofty plateaux of the Andes, -where extensive tracts of land are adapted for tillage, or in the -comparatively temperate valleys of the western coast, that we find -nations advanced in civilization.[1141] - -The region comprised in the empire of the Incas during its greatest -extension is bounded on the east by the forest-covered Amazonian -plains, on the west by the Pacific Ocean, and its length along the -line of the Cordilleras was upwards of 1,500 miles, from 2° N. to 20° -S. This vast tract comprises every temperature and every variety of -physical feature. The inhabitants of the plains and valleys of the -Andes enjoyed a temperate and generally bracing climate, and their -energies were called forth by the physical difficulties which had to be -overcome through their skill and hardihood. Such a region was suited -for the gradual development of a vigorous race, capable of reaching -to a high state of culture. The different valleys and plateaux are -separated by lofty mountain chains or by profound gorges, so that the -inhabitants would, in the earliest period of their history, make their -own slow progress in comparative isolation, and would have little -intercommunication. When at last they were brought together as one -people, and thus combined their efforts in forming one system, it is -likely that such a union would have a tendency to be of long duration, -owing to the great difficulties which must have been overcome in its -creation. On the other hand, if, in course of time, disintegration once -began, it might last long, and great efforts would be required to build -up another united empire. The evidence seems to point to the recurrence -of these processes more than once, in the course of ages, and to their -commencement in a very remote antiquity. - -One strong piece of evidence pointing to the great length of time -during which the Inca nations had been a settled and partially -civilized race, is to be found in the plants that had been brought -under cultivation, and in the animals that had been domesticated. Maize -is unknown in a wild state,[1142] and many centuries must have elapsed -before the Peruvians could have produced numerous cultivated varieties, -and have brought the plant to such a high state of perfection. The -peculiar edible roots, called _oca_ and _aracacha_, also exist only -as cultivated plants. There is no wild variety of the _chirimoya_, -and the Peruvian species of the cotton plant is known only under -cultivation.[1143] The potato is found wild in Chile, and probably -in Peru, as a very insignificant tuber. But the Peruvians, after -cultivating it for centuries, increased its size and produced a great -number of edible varieties.[1144] Another proof of the great antiquity -of Peruvian civilization is to be found in the llama and alpaca, which -are domesticated animals, with individuals varying in color: the one -a beast of burden yielding coarse wool, and the other bearing a thick -fleece of the softest silken fibres. Their prototypes are the wild -huanaco and vicuña, of uniform color, and untameable. Many centuries -must have elapsed before the wild creatures of the Andean solitudes, -with the habits of chamois, could have been converted into the Peruvian -sheep which cannot exist apart from men.[1145] - -[Illustration: LLAMAS. - -[One of the cuts which did service in the Antwerp edition of Cieza de -Leon. Cf. Bollaert on the llama, alpaca, huanaco, and vicuña species in -the _Sporting Review_, Feb., 1863; the cuts in Squier, pp. 246, 250; -Dr. Van Tschudi, in the _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1885.—ED.]] - -These considerations point to so vast a period during which the -existing race had dwelt in the Peruvian Andes, that any speculation -respecting its origin would necessarily be futile in the present state -of our knowledge.[1146] The weight of tradition indicates the south as -the quarter whence the people came whose descendants built the edifices -at Tiahuanacu. - -The most ancient remains of a primitive people in the Peruvian Andes -consist of rude _cromlechs_, or burial-places, which are met with in -various localities. Don Modesto Basadre has described some by the -roadside, in the descent from Umabamba to Charasani, in Bolivia. These -cromlechs are formed of four great slabs of slate, each slab being -about five feet high, four or five in width, and more than an inch -thick. The four slabs are perfectly shaped and worked so as to fit into -each other at the corners. A fifth slab is placed over them, and over -the whole a pyramid of clay and rough stones is piled. These cromlechs -are the early memorials of a race which was succeeded by the people who -constructed the cyclopean edifices of the Andean plateaux. - -[Illustration: DETAILS AT TIAHUANACU. - -KEY:— -A, Lid or cover of some aperture, of stone, with two handles neatly -undercut. -B, A window of trachyte, of careful workmanship, in one piece. -C, Block of masonry with carving. -D, E, Two views of a corner-piece to some stone conduit, carefully -ornamented with projecting lines. -F, G, H, I, Other pieces of cut masonry lying about. ] - -For there is reason to believe that a powerful empire had existed -in Peru centuries before the rise of the Inca dynasty. Cyclopean -ruins, quite foreign to the genius of Inca architecture, point to this -conclusion. The wide area over which they are found is an indication -that the government which caused them to be built ruled over an -extensive empire, while their cyclopean character is a proof that their -projectors had an almost unlimited supply of labor. Religious myths -and dynastic traditions throw some doubtful light on that remote past, -which has left its silent memorials in the huge stones of Tiahuanacu, -Sacsahuaman, and Ollantay, and in the altar of Concacha. - -[Illustration: CARVINGS AT TIAHUANACU. - -KEY:— -A, Portion of the ornament which runs along the base of the rows of -figures on the monolithic doorway. -B, Prostrate idol lying on its face near the ruins; about 9 feet long.] - - -[Illustration: BAS-RELIEFS AT TIAHUANACU. - -KEY:— -A, A winged human figure with the crowned head of a condor, from the -central row on the monolithic doorway. -B, A winged human figure with human head crowned, from the upper row on -the monolithic doorway. - -[There are well-executed cuts of these sculptures in Ruge’s _Geschichte -des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, pp. 430, 431. Cf. Squier’s _Peru_, p. -292.—ED.]] - -The most interesting ruins in Peru are those of the palace or temple -near the village of Tiahuanacu,[1147] on the southern side of Lake -Titicaca. They are 12,930 feet above the level of the sea, and 130 -above that of the lake, which is about twelve miles off. - -[Illustration: FRAGMENTS AT TIAHUANACU. - -Various curiously carved stones found scattered about the ruins.] - -[Illustration: REVERSE OF THE DOORWAY AT TIAHUANACU. - -[Cf. view in Squier’s _Peru_, p. 289, with other particulars of the -ruins, p. 276, etc.—ED.]] - -They consist of a quadrangular space, entered by the famous monolithic -doorway, and surrounded by large stones standing on end; and of a hill -or mound encircled by remains of a wall, consisting of enormous blocks -of stone. The whole covers an area about 400 yards long by 350 broad. -There is a lesser temple, about a quarter of a mile distant, containing -stones 36 feet long by 7, and 26 by 16, with recesses in them which -have been compared to seats of judgment. The weight of the two great -stones has been estimated at from 140 to 200 tons each, and the -distance of the quarries whence they could have been brought is from 15 -to 40 miles. - -[Illustration: IMAGE AT TIAHUANACU. - -[This is an enlarged drawing of the bas-relief shown in the picture of -the broken doorway (p. 218). Cf. the cuts in the article on the ruins -of Tiahuanacu in the _Revue d’Architecture des Travaux publics_, vol. -xxiv.; in Ch. Wiener’s _L’Empire des Incas_, pl. iii.; in D’Orbigny’s -Atlas to his _L’Homme Américain_; and in Squier’s _Peru_, p. 291.—ED.]] - -The monolithic portal is one block of hard trachytic rock, now deeply -sunk in the ground. Its height above ground is 7 ft. 2 in., width 13 -ft. 5 in., thickness 1 ft. 6 in., and the opening is 4 ft. 6 in. by -2 ft. 9 in. The outer side is ornamented by accurately cut niches -and rectangular mouldings. The whole of the inner side, from a line -level with the upper lintel of the doorway to the top, is a mass of -sculpture, which speaks to us, in difficult riddles, alas! of the -customs and art-culture, of the beliefs and traditions, of an ancient -and lost civilization. - -[Illustration: BROKEN MONOLITH DOORWAY AT TIAHUANACU. - -[An enlarged drawing of the image over the arch is given in another -cut. This same ruin is well represented in Ruge’s _Gesch. des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_; and not so well in Wiener’s _Pérou et -Bolivie_, p. 419. Cf. Squier’s _Peru_, p. 288.—ED.]] - -In the centre there is a figure carved in high relief, in an oblong -compartment, 2 ft. 2 in. long by 1 ft. 6 in.[1148] Squier describes -this figure as angularly but boldly cut. The head is surrounded by -rays, each terminating in a circle or the head of an animal. The breast -is adorned with two serpents united by a square band. Another band, -divided into ornamented compartments, passes round the neck, and the -ends are brought down to the girdle, from which hang six human heads. -Human heads also hang from the elbows, and the hands clasp sceptres -which terminate in the heads of condors. The legs are cut off near the -girdle, and below there are a series of frieze-like ornaments, each -ending with a condor’s head. On either side of this central sculpture -there are three tiers of figures, 16 in each tier, or 48 in all, each -in a kneeling posture, and facing towards the large central figure. -Each figure is in a square, the sides of which measure eight inches. -All are winged, and hold sceptres ending in condors’ heads; but while -those in the upper and lower tiers have crowned human heads, those in -the central tier have the heads of condors. There is a profusion of -ornament on all these figures, consisting of heads of birds and fishes. -An ornamental frieze runs along the base of the lowest tier of figures, -consisting of an elaborate pattern of angular lines ending in condors’ -heads, with larger human heads surrounded by rays, in the intervals of -the pattern. Cieza de Leon and Alcobasa[1149] mention that, besides -this sculpture over the doorway, there were richly carved statues at -Tiahuanacu, which have since been destroyed, and many cylindrical -pillars with capitals. The head of one statue, with a peculiar -head-dress, which is 3 ft. 6 in. long, still lies by the roadside. - -[Illustration: TIAHUANACU RESTORED. - -After a drawing given in _The Temple of the Andes_ by Richard Inwards -(London, 1884).] - -The masonry of the ruins is admirably worked, according to the -testimony of all visitors. Squier says: “The stone itself is a dark and -exceedingly hard trachyte. It is faced with a precision that no skill -can excel. Its lines are perfectly drawn, and its right angles turned -with an accuracy that the most careful geometer could not surpass. I do -not believe there exists a better piece of stone-cutting, the material -considered, on this or the other continent.” - -It is desirable to describe these ruins, and especially the sculpture -over the monolithic doorway, with some minuteness, because, with the -probable exception of the cromlechs, they are the most ancient, and, -without any exception, the most interesting that have been met with in -Peru. There is nothing elsewhere that at all resembles the sculpture on -the monolithic doorway at Tiahuanacu.[1150] The central figure, with -rows of kneeling worshippers on either side, all covered with symbolic -designs, represents, it may be conjectured, either the sovereign and -his vassals, or, more probably, the Deity, with representatives of all -the nations bowing down before him. The sculpture and the most ancient -traditions should throw light upon each other. - -Further north there are other examples of prehistoric cyclopean -remains. Such is the great wall, with its “stone of 12 corners,” -in the Calle del Triunfo at Cuzco. Such is the famous fortress of -Cuzco, on the Sacsahuaman Hill. Such, too, are portions of the ruins -at Ollantay-tampu. Still farther north there are cyclopean ruins at -Concacha, at Huiñaque, and at Huaraz. - -[Illustration: RUINS OF SACSAHUAMAN. - -[After a cut in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_. -Markham has elsewhere described these ruins,—_Cieza de Leon_, 259, 324; -2d part, 160; _Royal Commentaries of the Incas_, ii., with a plan, -reproduced in Vol. II. p. 521, and another plan of Cuzco, showing the -position of the fortress in its relations to the city. There are plans -and views in Squier’s _Peru_, ch. 23.—ED.]] - -Tiahuanacu is interesting because it is possible that the elaborate -character of its symbolic sculpture may throw glimmerings of light on -remote history; but Sacsahuaman, the fortress overlooking the city of -Cuzco, is, without comparison, the grandest monument of an ancient -civilization in the New World. Like the Pyramids and the Coliseum, -it is imperishable. It consists of a fortified work 600 yards in -length, built of gigantic stones, in three lines, forming walls -supporting terraces and parapets arranged in salient and retiring -angles. This work defends the only assailable side of a position which -is impregnable, owing to the steepness of the ascent in all other -directions. The outer wall averages a height of 26 feet. Then there is -a terrace 16 yards across, whence the second wall rises to 18 feet. -The second terrace is six yards across, and the third wall averages a -height of 12 feet. The total height of the fortification is 56 feet. -The stones are of blue limestone, of enormous size and irregular in -shape, but fitted into each other with rare precision. One of the -stones is 27 feet high by 14, and stones 15 feet high by 12 are common -throughout the work. - -At Ollantay-tampu the ruins are of various styles, but the later works -are raised on ancient cyclopean foundations.[1151] There are six -porphyry slabs 12 feet high by 6 or 7; stone beams 15 and 20 feet long; -stairs and recesses hewn out of the solid rock. Here, as at Tiahuanacu, -there were, according to Cieza de Leon,[1152] men and animals carved on -the stones, but they have disappeared. The same style of architecture, -though only in fragments, is met with further north. - -East of the river Apurimac, and not far from the town of Abancay, there -are three groups of ancient monuments in a deep valley surrounded by -lofty spurs of the Andes. There is a great cyclopean wall, a series of -seats or thrones of various forms hewn out of the solid stone, and a -huge block carved on five sides, called the _Rumi-huasi_. The northern -face of this monolith is cut into the form of a staircase; on the east -there are two enormous seats separated by thick partitions, and on -the south there is a sort of lookout place, with a seat. Collecting -channels traverse the block, and join trenches or grooves leading to -two deep excavations on the western side. On this western side there -is also a series of steps, apparently for the fall of a cascade of -water connected with the sacrificial rites. Molina gives a curious -account of the water sacrifices of the Incas.[1153] The _Rumi-huasi_ -seems to have been the centre of a great sanctuary, and to have been -used as an altar. Its surface is carved with animals amidst a labyrinth -of cavities and partition ridges. Its length is 20 feet by 14 broad, -and 12 feet high. Here we have, no doubt, a sacrificial altar of the -ancient people, on which the blood of animals and libations of _chicha_ -flowed in torrents.[1154] - -Spanish writers received statements from the Indians that one or other -of these cyclopean ruins was built by some particular Inca. Garcilasso -de la Vega even names the architects of the Cuzco fortress. But it is -clear from the evidence of the most careful investigators, such as -Cieza de Leon, that there was no real knowledge of their origin, and -that memory of the builders was either quite lost, or preserved in -vague, uncertain traditions. - -The most ancient myth points to the region of Lake Titicaca as the -scene of the creative operations of a Deity, or miracle-working -Lord.[1155] This Deity is said to have created the sun, moon, and -stars, or to have caused them to rise out of Lake Titicaca. He also -created men of stone at Tiahuanacu, or of clay; making them pass -under the earth, and appear again out of caves, tree-trunks, rocks, -or fountains in the different provinces which were to be peopled by -their descendants. But this seems to be a later attempt to reconcile -the ancient Titicaca myth with the local worship of natural objects -as ancestors or founders of their race, among the numerous subjugated -tribes; as well as to account for the colossal statues of unknown -origin at Tiahuanacu. There are variations of the story, but there is -general concurrence in the main points: that the Deity created the -heavenly bodies and the human race, and that the ancient people, or -their rulers, were called _Pirua_. Tradition also seems to point to -regions south of the lake as the quarter whence the first settlers came -who worked out the earliest civilization.[1156] We may, in accordance -with all the indications that are left to us, connect the great god -_Illa Ticsi_ with the central figure of the Tiahuanacu sculpture, -and the kneeling worshippers with the rulers of all the nations and -tribes which had been subjugated by the _Hatun-runa_,[1157]—the great -men who had Pirua for their king, and who originally came from the -distant south. The Piruas governed a vast empire, erected imperishable -cyclopean edifices, and developed a complicated civilization, which -is dimly indicated to us by the numerous symbolical sculptures on the -monolith. They also, in a long course of years, brought wild plants -under cultivation, and domesticated the animals of the lofty Andean -plateau. But it is remarkable that the shores of Lake Titicaca, which -are almost treeless, and where corn will not ripen, should have been -chosen as the centre of this most ancient civilization. Yet the ruins -of Tiahuanacu conclusively establish the fact that the capital of the -Piruas was on the loftiest site ever selected for the seat of a great -empire. - -The Amautas, or learned men of the later Inca period, preserved the -names of sovereigns of the Pirua dynasty, commencing with Pirua Manco, -and continuing for sixty-five generations. Lopez conjectures that -there was a change of dynasty after the eighteenth Pirua king, because -hitherto Montesinos, who has recorded the list, had always called each -successor son and heir, but after the eighteenth only heir. Hence he -thinks that a new dynasty of Amautas, or kings of the learned caste, -succeeded the Piruas. The only deeds recorded of this long line of -kings are their success in repelling invasions and their alterations of -the calendar. At length there appears to have been a general disruption -of the empire: Cuzco was nearly deserted, rebel leaders rose up in all -directions, the various tribes became independent, and the chief who -claimed to be the representative of the old dynasties was reduced to a -small territory to the south of Cuzco, in the valley of the Vilcamayu, -and was called “King of Tampu Tocco.” This state of disintegration is -said to have continued for twenty-eight generations, at the end of -which time a new empire began to be consolidated under the Incas, which -inherited the civilization and traditions of the ancient dynasties, and -succeeded to their power and dominion. - -It was long believed that the lists of kings of the earlier dynasties -rested solely on the authority of Montesinos, and they consequently -received little credit. But recent research has brought to light -the work of another writer, who studied before Montesinos, and who -incidentally refers to two of the sovereigns in his lists.[1158] This -furnishes independent evidence that the catalogues of early kings had -been preserved orally or by means of _quipus_, and that they were in -existence when the Spaniards conquered Peru; thus giving weight to the -testimony of Montesinos. - -The second myth of the Peruvians refers to the origin of the Incas, -who derived their descent from the kings of Tampu Tocco, and had their -original home at Paccari-tampu, in the valley of the Vilcamayu, south -of Cuzco. It is, therefore, an ancestral myth. It is related that -four brothers, with their four sisters, issued forth from apertures -(_Tocco_) in a cave at Paccari-tampu, a name which means “the abode -of dawn.” The brothers were called Ayar Manco, Ayar Cachi, Ayar Uchu, -and Ayar Sauca, names to which the Incas, in the time of Garcilasso -de la Vega, gave a fanciful meaning.[1159] One of the brothers showed -extraordinary prowess in hurling a stone from a sling. The others -became jealous, and, persuading Ayar Auca, the expert slingsman, to -return into the cave, they blocked the entrance with rocks. Ayar -Uchu was converted into a stone idol, on the summit of a hill near -Cuzco, called Huanacauri. Manco then advanced to Cuzco with his -youngest brother, and found that the place was occupied by a chief -named Alcaviza and his people. Here Manco established the seat of his -government, and the Alcaviza tribe appears to have submitted to him, -and to have lived side by side with the Incas for some generations. The -Huanacauri hill was considered the most sacred place in Peru; while -the _Tampu-tocco_, or cave at Paccari-tampu, was, through the piety of -descendants, faced with a masonry wall, having three windows lined with -plates of gold. - -There is a third myth which seems to connect the ancient tradition -of Titicaca with the ancestral myth of the Incas. It is said that -long after the creation by the Deity, a great and beneficent being -appeared at Tiahuanacu, who divided the world among four kings: Manco -Ccapac, Colla, Tocay[1160] or Tocapo,[1161] and Pinahua.[1162] The -names Tuapaca, Arnauan,[1163] Tonapa,[1164] and Tarapaca occur in -connection with this being, while some authorities tell us that his -name was unknown. Betanzos says that he went from Titicaca to Cuzco, -where he set up a chief named Alcaviza, and that he advanced through -the country until he disappeared over the sea at Puerto Viejo. It is -also related that the people of Canas attacked him, but were converted -by a miracle, and that they built a great temple, with an image, at -Cacha, in honor of this being, or of his god Illa Ticsi Uira-cocha. -This temple now forms a ruin which in its structure and arrangement is -unique in Peru, and therefore deserves special attention. - -The ruins of the temple of Cacha are in the valley of the Vilcamayu, -south of Cuzco. They were described by Garcilasso de la Vega, and -have been visited and carefully examined by Squier. The main temple -was 330 feet long by 87 broad, with wrought-stone walls and a steep -pitched roof. A high wall extended longitudinally through the centre -of the structure, consisting of a wrought-stone foundation, 8 feet -high and 5½ feet thick on the level of the ground, supporting an adobe -superstructure, the whole being 40 feet high. This wall was pierced -by 12 lofty doorways, 14 feet high. But midway there are sockets for -the reception of beams, showing the existence of a second story, as -described by Garcilasso. Between the transverse and outer walls there -were two series of pillars, 12 on each side, built like the transverse -wall, with 8 feet of wrought stone, and completed to a height of 22 -feet with adobes. These pillars appear to have supported the second -floor, where, according to Garcilasso, there was a shrine containing -the statue of Uira-cocha. At right angles to the temple, Squier -discovered the remains of a series of supplemental edifices surrounding -courts, and built upon a terrace 260 yards long. - -The peculiarities of the temple of Cacha consist in the use of rows -of columns to support a second floor, and in the great height of the -walls. In these respects it is unique, and if similar edifices ever -existed, they appear to have been destroyed previous to the rise of -the Inca empire. The Cacha temple belongs neither to the cyclopean -period of the Piruas nor to the Inca style of architecture. Connected -with the strange myth of the wandering prophet of Viracocha, it stands -by itself, as one of those unsolved problems which await future -investigation. The statue in the shrine on the upper story is described -by Cieza de Leon, who saw it. - -Both the Titicaca and the Cacha myths have, in later times, been -connected and more or less amalgamated with the ancestral myth of the -Incas. Thus Garcilasso de la Vega makes Manco Ccapac come direct from -Titicaca; while Molina refers to him as one of the beings created -there, who went down through the earth and came up at Paccari-tampu. -Salcamayhua makes the being Tonapa, of the Cacha myth, arrive at Apu -Tampu, or Paccari-tampu, and leave a sacred sceptre there, called -_tupac yauri_, for Manco Ccapac. These are later interpolations, made -with the object of connecting the family myth of the Incas with more -ancient traditions. The wise men of the Inca system, through the care -of Spanish writers of the time of the conquest, have handed down these -three traditions and the catalogue of kings. The Titicaca myth tells us -of the Deity worshipped by the builders of Tiahuanacu, and the story of -the creation. The Cacha myth has reference to some great reformer of -very ancient times. The Paccari-tampu myth records the origin of the -Inca dynasty. Although they are overlaid with fables and miraculous -occurrences, the main facts touching the original home of Manco Ccapac -and his march to Cuzco are probably historical. - -The catalogue of kings given by Montesinos, allowing an average of -twenty years for each, would place the commencement of the Pirua -dynasty in about 470 B.C.; in the days when the Greeks, under Cimon, -were defeating the Persians, and nearly a century after the death of -Sakya Muni in India. This early empire flourished for about 1,200 -years, and the disruption took place in 830 A.D., in the days of King -Egbert. The disintegration continued for 500 years, and the rise of the -Incas under Manco was probably coeval with the days of St. Louis and -Henry III of England.[1165] By that time the country had been broken -up into separate tribes for 500 years, and the work of reunion, so -splendidly achieved by the Incas, was most arduous. At the same time, -the ancient civilization of the Piruas was partially inherited by the -various peoples whose ancestors composed their empire; so that the Inca -civilization was a revival rather than a creation. - -The various tribes and nations of the Andes, separated from each other -by uninhabited wildernesses and lofty mountain chains, were clearly of -the same origin, speaking dialects of the same language. Since the fall -of the Piruas they had led an independent existence. Some had formed -powerful confederations, others were isolated in their valleys. But it -was only through much hard fighting and by consummate statesmanship -that the one small Inca lineage established, in a period of less than -three centuries, imperial dominion over the rest. It will be well, in -this place, to take a brief survey of the different nations which were -to form the empire of the Incas, and of their territories. - -The central Andean region, which was the home of the imperial race -of Incas, extends from the water-parting between the sources of the -Ucayali and the basin of Lake Titicaca to the river Apurimac. It -includes wild mountain fastnesses, wide expanses of upland, grassy -slopes, lofty valleys such as that in which the city of Cuzco is built, -and fertile ravines, with the most lovely scenery. The inhabitants -composed four tribes: that of the Incas in the valley of the Vilcamayu, -of the Quichuas in the secluded ravines of the Apurimac tributaries, -and those of the Canas and Cauchis in the mountains bordering on the -Titicaca basin. These people average a height of 5 ft. 4 in., and are -strongly built. The nose is invariably aquiline, the mouth rather -large; the eyes black or deep brown, bright, and generally deep set, -with long fine lashes. The hair is abundant and long, fine, and of -a deep black-brown. The men have no beards. The skin is very smooth -and soft, and of a light coppery-brown color, the neck thick, and the -shoulders broad, with great depth of chest. The legs are well formed, -feet and hands very small. The Incas have the build and physique of -mountaineers. - -To the south of this cradle of the Inca race extended the region of -the Collas[1166] and allied tribes, including the whole basin of -Lake Titicaca, which is 12,000 feet above the level of the sea. The -Collas dwelt in stone huts, tended their flocks of llamas, and raised -crops of ocas, quinoas, and potatoes. They were divided into several -tribes, and were engaged in constant feuds, their arms being slings -and _ayllos_, or bolas. The Collas are remarkable for great length of -body compared with the thigh and leg, and they are the only people -whose thighs are shorter than their legs. Their build fits them for -excellence in mountain climbing and pedestrianism, and for the exercise -of extraordinary endurance.[1167] The homes of the Collas were around -the seat of ancient civilization at Tiahuanacu. - -A remarkable race, apart from the Incas and Collas, of darker -complexion and more savage habits, dwelt and still dwell among the -vast beds of reeds in the southwestern angle of Lake Titicaca. They -are called Urus, and are probably descendants of an aboriginal people -who occupied the Titicaca basin before the arrival of the Hatun-runas -from the south. The Urus spoke a distinct language, called _Puquina_, -specimens of which have been preserved by Bishop Oré.[1168] The -ancestors of the Urus may have been the cromlech builders, driven -into the fastnesses of the lake when their country was occupied by -the more powerful invaders, who erected the imperishable monuments at -Tiahuanacu. These Urus are now lake-dwellers. Their homes consist of -large canoes, made of the tough reeds which cover the shallow parts of -the lake, and they live on fish, and on quinua and potatoes, which they -obtain by barter. - -North of Cuzco there were several allied tribes, resembling the Incas -in physique and language, in a similar stage of civilization, and their -rivals in power. Beyond the Apurimac, and inhabiting the valleys of the -Andes thence to the Mantaro, was the important nation of the Chancas; -and still further north and west, in the valley of the Xauxa, was the -Huanca nation. Agricultural people and shepherds, forming _ayllus_, or -tribes of the Chancas and Huancas, occupied the ravines of the maritime -cordillera, and extended their settlements into several valleys of -the seacoast, between the Rimac and Nasca. These coast people of Inca -race, known as Chinchas, held their own against an entirely different -nation, of distinct origin and language, who occupied the northern -coast valleys from the Rimac to Payta, and also the great valley of -Huarca (the modern Cañete), where they had Chincha enemies both to -the north and south of them. These people were called _Yuncas_ by -their Inca conquerors. Their own name was Chimu, and the language -spoken by them was called _Mochica_. But this question relating to -the early inhabitants of the coast valleys of Peru, their origin and -civilization, is the most difficult in ancient Peruvian history, and -will require separate consideration.[1169] - -[Illustration: INCA MANCO CCAPAC. - -[After a cut in Marcoy’s _South America_, i. 210 (also in _Tour du -Monde_, 1863, p. 261), purporting to be drawn from a copy of the -taffeta roll containing the pedigree of the Incas, which, in evidence -of their claims, was sent by their descendants to the Spanish king -in 1603. This genealogical record contained the likenesses of the -successive Incas and their wives, and the original is said to have -disappeared. Mr. Markham supposes this roll to have been the original -of the portraits given in Herrera (see cut on p. 267 of the present -volume); but they are not the same, if Marcoy’s cuts are trustworthy. -A set of likenesses appeared in Ulloa’s _Relacion Histórica_ (Madrid, -1748), iv. 604; and these were the originals of the series copied -in the _Gentleman’s Mag._, 1751-1752, and thence are copied those -in Ranking. These do not correspond with those given by Marcoy. See -_post_, Vol. II., for a note on different series of portraits, and in -the same volume, pp. 515, 516, are portraits of Atahualpa. A portrait -of Manco Inca, killed 1546, is given in A. de Beauchamp’s _Histoire de -la Conquête du Pérou_ (Paris, 1808).—ED.]] - -North of the Huanca nation, along the basin of the Marañon, there were -tribes which were known to the Incas by their head-dresses. These were -the Conchucus, Huamachucus, and Huacrachucus.[1170] Still further -north, in the region of the equator, was the powerful nation of Quitus. - -All these nations of the Peruvian Andes appear to have once formed part -of the mighty prehistoric empire of the Pirhuas, and to have retained -much of the civilization of their ancestors during the subsequent -centuries of separate existence and isolation. This probably accounts -for the ease with which the Incas established their system of religion -and government throughout their new empire, after the conquests were -completed. The subjugated nations spoke dialects of the same language, -and inherited many of the usages and ideas of their conquerors. For -the same reason they were pretty equally matched as foes, and the -Incas secured the mastery only by dint of desperate fighting and great -political sagacity. But finally they did establish their superiority, -and founded a second great empire in Peru. - -The history of the rise and progress of Inca power, as recorded by -native historians in their _quipus_, and retailed to us by Spanish -writers, is, on the whole, coherent and intelligible. Many blunders -were inevitable in conveying the information from the mouths of natives -to the Spanish inquirers, who understood the language imperfectly, and -whose objects often were to reach foregone conclusions. But certain -broad historical facts are brought out by a comparison of the different -authorities, the succession of the last ten sovereigns is determined -by a nearly complete consensus of evidence, and we can now relate the -general features of the rise of Inca ascendency in Peru with a certain -amount of confidence. - -[Illustration: INCA YUPANQUI. - -[After a cut in Marcoy, i. 214.—ED.]] - -The Inca people were divided into small _ayllus_, or lineages, -when Manco Ccapac advanced down the valley of the Vilcamayu, from -Paccari-tampu, and forced the _ayllu_ of Alcaviza and the _ayllu_ of -Antasayac to submit to his sway. He formed the nucleus of his power -at Cuzco, the land of these conquered _ayllus_, and from this point -his descendants slowly extended their dominion. The chiefs of the -surrounding _ayllus_, called _Sinchi_ (literally, “strong”), either -submitted willingly to the Incas, or were subjugated. Sinchi Rocca, the -son, and Lloque Yupanqui, the grandson, of Manco, filled up a swamp on -the site of the present cathedral of Cuzco, planned out the city,[1171] -and their reigns were mainly occupied in consolidating the small -kingdom founded by their predecessor. Mayta Ccapac, the fourth Inca, -was also occupied in consolidating his power round Cuzco; but his son, -Ccapac Yupanqui, subdued the Quichuas to the westward, and extended his -sway as far as the pass of Vilcañota, overlooking the Collao, or basin -of Lake Titicaca. Inca Rocca, the next sovereign, made few conquests, -devoting his attention to the foundation of schools, the organization -of festivals and administrative government, and to the construction -of public works. His son, named Yahuar-huaccac, appears to have been -unfortunate. One authority says that he was surprised and killed, and -all agree that his reign was disastrous. For seven generations the -power and the admirable internal polity of the Incarial government -had been gradually organized and consolidated within a limited area. -The succeeding sovereigns were great conquerors, and their empire -was rapidly extended to the vast area which it had reached when the -Spaniards first appeared on the scene. - -[Illustration: CUZCO. - -[One of the cuts which did service in the Antwerp editions of Cieza de -Leon. There are various views in Squier’s _Peru_, pp. 427-445.—ED.]] - -The son of Yahuar-huaccac assumed the name of the Deity, and called -himself Uira-cocha.[1172] Intervening in a war between the two -principal chiefs of the Collas, named Cari and Zapaña, Uira-cocha -defeated them in detail, and annexed the whole basin of Lake Titicaca -to his dominions. He also conquered the lovely valley of Yucay, on the -lower course of the Vilcamayu, whither he retired to end his days. The -eldest son of Uira-cocha, named Urco, was incompetent or unworthy, and -was either obliged to abdicate[1173] in favor of his brother Yupanqui, -the favorite hero of Inca history, or was slain.[1174] It was a moment -when the rising empire needed the services of her ablest sons. She -was about to engage in a death-struggle with a neighbor as powerful -and as civilized as herself. The kingdom of the Chancas, commencing -on the banks of the Apurimac, extended far to the east and north, -including many of the richest valleys of the Andes. Their warlike king, -Uscavilca, had already subdued the Quichuas, who dwelt in the upper -valleys of the Apurimac tributaries to the southward, and was advancing -on Cuzco, when Yupanqui pushed aside the imbecile Urco, and seized -the helm. The fate of the Incas was hanging on a thread. The story is -one of thrilling interest as told in the pages of Betanzos, but all -authorities dwell more or less on this famous Chanca war. The decisive -battle was fought outside the Huaca-puncu, the sacred gate of Cuzco. -The result was long doubtful. Suddenly, as the shades of evening were -closing over the Yahuar-pampa,—“the field of blood,”—a fresh army fell -upon the right flank of the Chanca host, and the Incas won a great -victory. So unexpected was this onslaught that the very stones on the -mountain sides were believed to have been turned into men. It was the -armed array of the insurgent Quichuas who had come by forced marches -to the help of their old masters. The memory of this great struggle -was fresh in men’s minds when the Spaniards arrived, and as the new -conquerors passed over the battlefield, on their way to Cuzco, they saw -the stuffed skins of the vanquished Chancas set up as memorials by the -roadside. - -[Illustration: WARRIORS OF THE INCA PERIOD. - -[After a cut given by Ruge, and showing figures from an old Peruvian -painting.—ED.]] - -The subjugation of the Chancas, with their allies the Huancas, led to a -vast extension of the Inca empire, which now reached to the shores of -the Pacific; and the last years of Yupanqui were passed in the conquest -of the alien coast nation, ruled over by a sovereign known as the -Chimu. Thus the reign of the Inca Yupanqui marks a great epoch. He beat -down all rivals, and converted the Cuzco kingdom into a vast empire. He -received the name of Pachacutec, or “he who changes the world,” a name -which, according to Montesinos, had on eight previous occasions been -conferred upon sovereigns of the more ancient dynasties. - -Tupac Inca Yupanqui, the son and successor of Pachacutec, completed -the subjugation of the coast valleys, extended his conquests beyond -Quito on the north and to Chile as far as the river Maule in the south, -besides penetrating far into the eastern forests. - -Huayna Ccapac, the son of Tupac Inca Yupanqui, completed and -consolidated the conquests of his father. He traversed the valleys of -the coast, penetrated to the southern limit of Chile, and fought a -memorable battle on the banks of the “lake of blood” (Yahuar-cocha), -near the northern frontier of Quito. After a long reign,[1175] the last -years of which were passed in Quito, Huayna Ccapac died in November, -1525. His eldest legitimate son, named Huascar, succeeded him at Cuzco. -But Atahualpa, his father’s favorite, was at Quito with the most -experienced generals. Haughty messages passed between the brothers, -which were followed by war. Huascar’s armies were defeated in detail, -and eventually the generals of Atahualpa took the legitimate Inca -prisoner, entered Cuzco, and massacred the family and adherents of -Huascar.[1176] The successful aspirant to the throne was on his way to -Cuzco, in the wake of his generals, when he encountered Pizarro and the -Spanish invaders at Caxamarca. This war of succession would not, it is -probable, have led to any revolutionary change in the general policy of -the empire. Atahualpa would have established his power and continued to -rule, just as his ancestor Pachacutec did, after the dethronement of -his brother Urco.[1177] - -The succession of the Incas from Manco Ccapac to Atahualpa was -evidently well known to the Amautas, or learned men of the empire, -and was recorded in their _quipus_ with precision, together with -less certain materials respecting the more ancient dynasties. Many -blunders were committed by the Spanish inquirers in putting down the -historical information received from the Amautas, but on the whole -there is general concurrence among them.[1178] Practically the Spanish -authorities agree, and it is clear that the native annalists possessed -a single record, while the apparent discrepancies are due to blunders -of the Spanish transcribers. The twelve Incas from Manco Ccapac to -Huascar may be received as historical personages whose deeds were had -in memory at the time of the Spanish invasion, and were narrated to -those among the conquerors who sought for information from the Amautas. - - A.D. | A.D. - 1240—Manco Ccapac. | 1360—Yahuar-huaccac. - 1260—Sinchi Rocca. | 1380—Uira-cocha. - 1280—Lloque Yupanqui. | 1400—Pachacutec Yupanqui. - 1300—Mayta Ccapac. | 1440—Tupac Yupanqui. - 1320—Ccapac Yupanqui. | 1480—Huayna Ccapac. - 1340—Inca Rocca. | 1523—Inti Cusi Hualpa, or Huascar. - -The religion of the Incas consisted in the worship of the supreme -being of the earlier dynasties, the Illa Ticsi Uira-cocha of the -Pirhuas. This simple faith was overlaid by a vast mass of superstition, -represented by the cult of ancestors and the cult of natural objects. -To this was superadded the belief in the ideals or souls of all -animated things, which ruled and guided them, and to which men -might pray for help. The exact nature of this belief in ideals, as -it presented itself to the people themselves, is not at all clear. -It prevailed among the uneducated. Probably it was the idea to -which dreams give rise,—the idea of a double nature, of a tangible -and a phantom being, the latter mysterious and powerful, and to be -propitiated. The belief in this double being was extended to all -animated nature, for even the crops had their spiritual doubles, which -it was necessary to worship and propitiate. - -But the religion of the Incas and of learned men, or Amautas, was a -worship of the Supreme Cause of all things, the ancient God of the -Titicaca myth, combined with veneration for the sun[1179] as the -ancestor of the reigning dynasty, for the other heavenly bodies, and -for the _malqui_, or remains of their forefathers. This feeling of -veneration for the sun, closely connected with the beneficent work of -the venerated object as displayed in the course of the seasons, led to -the growth of an elaborate ritual and to the celebration of periodical -festivals. - -The weight of evidence is decisively in the direction of a belief on -the part of the Incas that a Supreme Being existed, which the sun must -obey, as well as all other parts of the universe. This subordination -of the sun to the Creator of all things was inculcated by successive -Incas. Molina says, “They did not know the sun as their Creator, but -as created by the Creator.” Salcamayhua tells us how the Inca Mayta -Ccapac taught that the sun and moon were made for the service of men, -and that the chief of the Collas, addressing the Inca Uira-cocha, -exclaimed, “Thou, O powerful lord of Cuzco, dost worship the teacher of -the universe, while I, the chief of the Collas, worship the Sun.” The -evidence on the subject of the religion of the Incas, collected by the -Viceroy Toledo, showed that they worshipped the Creator of all things, -though they also venerated the sun; and Montesinos mentions an edict -of the Inca Pachacutec, promulgated with the object of enforcing the -worship of the Supreme God above all other deities. The speech of Tupac -Inca Yupanqui, showing that the sun was not God, but was obeying laws -ordained by God, is recorded by Acosta, Blas Valera, and Balboa, and -was evidently deeply impressed on the minds of their Inca informers. -This Inca compared the sun to a tethered beast, which always makes the -same round; or to a dart, which goes where it is sent, and not where -it wishes. The prayers from the Inca ritual, given by Molina, are -addressed to the god Ticsi Uira-cocha; the Sun, Moon, and Thunder being -occasionally invoked in conjunction with the principal deity. - -The worship of this creating God, the Dweller in Space, the Teacher -and Ruler of the Universe, was, then, the religion of the Incas which -had been inherited from their distant ancestry of the cyclopean age. -Around this primitive cult had grown up a supplemental worship of -creatures created by the Deity, such as the heavenly bodies, and of -objects supposed to represent the first ancestors of _ayllus_, or -tribes, as well as of the prototypes of things on whom man’s welfare -depended, such as flocks and animals of the chase, fruit and corn. -It has been asserted that the Deity, the Uira-cocha himself, did not -generally receive worship, and that there was only one temple in -honor of God throughout the empire, at a place called Pachacamac, on -the coast. But this is clearly a mistake. The great temple at Cuzco, -with its gorgeous display of riches, was called the “Ccuri-cancha -Pacha-yachachicpa huasin,” which means “the place of gold, the abode -of the Teacher of the Universe.” An elliptical plate of gold was fixed -on the wall to represent the Deity, flanked on either side by metal -representations of his creatures, the Sun and Moon. The chief festival -in the middle of the year, called Ccapac Raymi, was instituted in -honor of the supreme Creator, and when, from time to time, his worship -began to be neglected by the people, who were apt to run after the -numerous local deities, it was again and again enforced by their more -enlightened rulers. There were Ccuri-canchas for the service of God, at -Vilca and in other centres of vice-regal rule, besides the grand fane -of Cuzco.[1180] - -[Illustration: TEMPLE OF THE SUN. - -[After a cut in Marcoy, i. p. 234, where it is said to be drawn from -existing remains and printed and manuscript authorities. The modern -structure of the convent of Santo Domingo, built in 1534, is at A, -which contains in its construction some remains of the walls of the -older edifice. B is a cloister. C, an outer court. D, fountains for -purification. E are streets leading to the great square of Cuzco. F, -the garden where golden flowers were once placed; now used as a kitchen -garden. G, the chapel dedicated to the moon. H, chapel dedicated to -Venus and the Milky Way. I, chapel dedicated to thunder and lightning. -J, chapel dedicated to the rainbow. K, council hall of the grand -pontiff and priests of the sun. L, the apartments of the priests and -servants. See the view of the temple from Montanus in Vol. II. p. 555, -and a modern view in Wiener’s. _Pérou et Bolivie_, p. 318. Other plans -and views are in Squier’s _Peru_, pp. 430-445.—ED.]] - -Although the first and principal invocations were addressed to the -Creator, prayers were also offered up to the Sun and Moon, to the -Thunder, and to ancestors who were called upon to intercede with the -Deity.[1181] The latter worship formed a very distinctive feature -in the religious observances of nearly all the Incarial tribes. The -_Paccarina_, or forefather of the _ayllu_, or lineage, was often some -natural object converted into a _huaca_, or deity. The _Paccarina_ of -the Inca family was the Sun; with his sister and spouse, the Moon. -A vast hierarchy was set apart to conduct the ceremonies connected -with their worship, and hundreds of virgins, called _Aclla-cuna_, -were secluded and devoted to duties relating to the observances -in the Sun temples. Worship was also offered to the actual bodies -of the ancestors, called _malqui_, which were preserved with the -greatest care, in caves called _machay_. On solemn festivals each -_ayllu_ assembled with its _malqui_. The bodies of the Incas were all -preserved, clothed as when alive, and surrounded by their special -furniture and utensils. Three of these Inca mummies, with two mummies -of queens, were discovered by Polo de Ondegardo, then corregidor of -Cuzco, in 1559, and were sent by him to Lima for interment. Those who -saw them[1182] reported that they were so well preserved that they -appeared to be alive; that they were in a sitting posture; that the -eyes were made of gold, and that they were arrayed in the insignia -of their rank.[1183] The _Paccarina_, or founder of the family, and -the _malquis_, or mummies of ancestors, thus formed the objects of a -distinct belief and religion, based undoubtedly on the conviction that -every human being has a spiritual as well as a corporeal existence; -that the former is immortal, and that it is represented by the -_malqui_. The appearance of the departed in dreams and visions was not -an unreasonable ground for this belief, which certainly was the most -deeply rooted of all the religious ideas of the Peruvian people. The -_paccarina_, or ancestral deities, were innumerable. There was one or -more that received worship in every _tribe_, and was represented by a -rock, or some other natural object. Many were believed to be oracles. -Some, such as _Catequilla_, or _Apu-catequilla_,[1184] the oracle of -the Conchucu tribe, have been brought into undue prominence through -being mentioned by Spanish writers. - -[Illustration: ZODIAC OF GOLD FOUND AT CUZCO. - -[After a drawing by Mr. Markham of the plate itself, made at Lima in -1853. Mr. Markham’s drawing is reproduced in Bollaert’s _Antiquarian -Researches_, p. 146. The disk is 5-3/10 inches in diameter. The signs -in the outer ring are supposed to represent the months.—ED.]] - -Religious ceremonials were closely connected with the daily life of -the people, and especially with the course of the seasons and the -succession of months, as they affected the operations of agriculture. -It was important to fix the equinoxes and solstices, and astronomical -knowledge was a part of the priestly office. There were names for -many of the stars; their motions were watched as well as those of the -sun and moon; and though a record of the extent of the astronomical -knowledge of the Incas has not been preserved, it is certain that they -watched the time of the solstices and equinoxes with great care, and -that they distinguished between the lunar and solar years. Pillars were -erected to determine the time of the solstices, eight on the east and -eight on the west side of Cuzco, in double rows, four and four, two low -between two higher ones, twenty feet apart. They were called _Sucanca_, -from _suca_, a ridge or furrow, the alternate light and shade between -the pillars appearing like furrows. A stone column in the centre of a -level platform, called _Inti-huatana_, was used to ascertain the time -of the equinoxes. A line was drawn across the platform from east to -west, and watch was kept to observe when the shadow of the pillar was -on this line from sunrise to sunset, and there was no shadow at noon. -The principal _Inti-huatana_ was in the square before the great temple -at Cuzco; but there are several others in different parts of Peru. -The most perfect of these observatories is at Pissac, in the valley -of Vilcamayu.[1185] There is another at Ollantay-tampu, a fourth near -Abancay, and a fifth at Sillustani in the Collao. - -There is reason to believe that the Incas used a zodiac with twelve -signs, corresponding with the months of their solar year. The gold -plates which they wore on their breasts were stamped with features -representing the sun, surrounded by a border of what are probably -either zodiacal signs or signs for the months. Whether the ecliptic, or -_huatana_, was thus divided or not, it is certain that the sun’s motion -was observed with great care, and that the calendar was thus fixed with -some approach to accuracy.[1186] The year, or _Huata_, was divided into -twelve _Quilla_, or moon revolutions, and these were made to correspond -with the solar year by adding five days, which were divided among the -twelve months. A further correction was made every fourth year. Solar -observations were taken and recorded every month. - -The year commenced on the 22d of June, with the winter solstice, and -there were four great festivals at the occurrence of the solstices and -equinoxes.[1187] - -The celebrations of the solar year and of the seasons, in their -bearings on agriculture, were identical with the chief religious -observances. The Raymi, or festival of the winter solstice, in the -first month, when the granaries were filled after harvest, was -established in special honor of the Sun. Sacrifices of llamas and -lambs, and of the first-fruits of the earth, were offered up to the -images of the Supreme Being, of the Sun, and of Thunder, which were -placed in the open space in front of the great temple; as well as to -the _huaca_, or stone representing the brother of Manco Ccapac, on the -hill of Huanacauri. There was also a procession of the priests and -people as far as the pass of Vilcañota, leading into the basin of Lake -Titicaca, sacrifices being offered up at various spots on the road. -The sacrifices were accompanied by prayers, and concluded with songs, -called _huayllina_, and dancing. Then followed the ploughing month, -when it is said that the Inca himself opened the season by ploughing a -furrow with a golden plough in the field behind the Colcampata palace, -on the height above Cuzco. - -The question here arises whether human sacrifices were offered up, -in the Inca ritual. This has been stated by Molina, Cieza de Leon, -Montesinos, Balboa, Ondegardo, and Acosta, and indignantly denied by -Garcilasso de la Vega. Cieza de Leon admits that there were occasional -human sacrifices, but adds that their numbers and the frequency -of such offerings have been grossly exaggerated by the Spaniards. -If the sacrifices had been offered under the idea of atonement or -expiation, it might well be expected that human sacrifices would be -included. Under such ideas, men offered up what they valued most, just -as Abraham was prepared to sacrifice his son, as Jephthah dedicated -his daughter as a burnt-offering to Jehovah, and as the king of Moab -sacrificed his eldest son to Chemosh.[1188] But, except in the Situa, -when the idea was to efface sins by washing, the sacrifices of the -Incas were offerings of thanksgiving, not of expiation or atonement. -The mistake of the five writers who supposed that the Incas offered -human sacrifices was due to their ignorance of the language.[1189] The -perpetration of human sacrifice was opposed to the religious ideas of -the ancient Peruvians, and formed no part of their ceremonial worship. -Their ritual was almost exclusively devoted to thanksgiving and -rejoicings over the beneficence of their Deity. The notion of expiation -formed no part of their creed, while the destruction involved in such -a system was opposed to their economic and carefully regulated civil -polity.[1190] - -The second great festival, called Situa, was celebrated at the vernal -equinox. This was the commencement of the rainy season, when sickness -prevailed, and the object of the ceremony was to pray to the Creator -to drive diseases and evils from the land. In the centre of the great -square of Cuzco a body of four hundred warriors was assembled, fully -armed for war. One hundred faced towards the Chincha-suyu road, one -hundred faced towards Anti-suyu, one hundred towards Colla-suyu, and -one hundred towards Cunti-suyu,—the four great divisions of the empire. -The Inca and the high-priest, with their attendants, then came from -the temple, and shouted, “Go forth all evils!” On the instant the -warriors ran at great speed towards the four quarters, shouting the -same sentence as they went, until they each came to another party, -which took up the cry, and the last parties reached the banks of great -rivers, the Apurimac or Vilcamayu, where they bathed and washed their -arms. The rivers were supposed to carry the evils away to the ocean. -As the warriors ran through the streets of Cuzco, all the people came -to their doors, shaking their clothes, and shouting, “Let the evils be -gone!” In the evening they all bathed; then they lighted great torches -of straw, called _pancurcu_, and, marching in procession out of the -city, they threw them into the rivers, believing that thus nocturnal -evils were banished. At night, each family partook of a supper -consisting of pudding made of coarsely ground maize, called _sancu_, -which was also smeared over their faces and the lintels of their -doorways, then washed off and thrown into the rivers with the cry, “May -we be free from sickness, and may no maladies enter our houses!” The -_huacas_ and _malquis_ were also bathed at the feast of Situa. In the -following days all the malquis were paraded, and there were sacrifices, -with feasting and dancing. A stone fountain, plated with gold, stood -in the great square of Cuzco, and the Inca, on this and other solemn -festivals, poured _chicha_ into it from a golden vase, which was -conducted by subterranean pipes to the temple. - -The third great festival at the summer solstice, called _Huaracu_, -was the occasion on which the youths of the empire were admitted -to a rank equivalent to knighthood, after passing through a severe -ordeal. The Inca and his court were assembled in front of the temple. -Thither the youths were conducted by their relations, with heads -closely shorn, and attired in shirts of fine yellow wool edged with -black, and white mantles fastened round their necks by woollen cords -with red tassels. They made their reverences to the Inca, offered up -prayers, and each presented a llama for sacrifice.[1191] Proceeding -thence to the hill of Huanacauri, where the venerated _huaca_ to Ayar -Uchu was erected, they there received _huaras_, or breeches made of -aloe fibres, from the priest. This completed their manly attire, and -they returned home to prepare for the ordeal. A few days afterwards -they were assembled in the great square, received a spear, called -_yauri_, and _usutas_ or sandals, and were severely whipped to prove -their endurance. The young candidates were then sent forth to pass the -night in a desert about a league from Cuzco. Next day they had to run -a race. At the farther end of the course young girls were stationed, -called _ñusta-calli-sapa_,[1192] with jars of chicha, who cried, “Come -quickly, youths, for we are waiting!” but the course was a long one, -and many fell before they reached the goal. They also had to rival each -other in assaults and feats of arms. Finally their ears were bored, and -they received ear-pieces of gold and other marks of distinction from -the Inca. The last ceremony was that of bathing in the fountain called -Calli-puquio. About eight hundred youths annually passed through this -ordeal, and became adult warriors, at Cuzco, and similar ceremonies -were performed in all the provinces of the empire. - -In the month following on the summer solstice, there was a curious -religious ceremony known as the water sacrifice. The cinders and ashes -of all the numerous sacrifices throughout the year were preserved. -Dams were constructed across the rivers which flow through Cuzco, in -order that the water might rush down with great force when they were -taken away. Prayers and sacrifices were offered up, and then a little -after sunset all the ashes were thrown into the rivers and the dams -were removed. Then the burnt-sacrifices were hurried down with the -stream, closely followed by crowds of people on either bank, with -blazing torches, as far as the bridge at Ollantay-tampu. There two bags -of coca were offered up by being hurled into the river, and thence -the sacrifices were allowed to flow onwards to the sea. This curious -ceremony seems to have been intended not only as a thank-offering -to the Deity, but as an acknowledgment of his omnipresence. As the -offerings flowed with the stream, they knew not whither, yet went to -Him, so his pervading spirit was everywhere, alike in parts unknown as -in the visible world of the Incas. - -A sacred fire was kept alive throughout the year by the virgins of the -sun, and the ceremony of its annual renewal at the autumnal equinox was -the fourth great festival, called _Mosoc-nina_, or the “new fire.” Fire -was produced by collecting the sun’s rays on a burnished metal mirror, -and the ceremony was the occasion of prayers and sacrifices. The year -ended with the rejoicing of the harvest months, accompanied by songs, -dances, and other festivities. - -Besides the periodical festivals, there were also religious observances -which entered into the life of each family. Every household had one or -more _lares_, called _Conopa_, representing maize, fruit, a llama, or -other object on which its welfare depended. The belief in divination -and soothsaying, the practice of fasting followed by confession, and -worship of the family malqui, all gave employment to the priesthood. - -The complicated religious ceremonies connected with the periodical -festivals, the daily worship, and the requirements of private -families gave rise to the growth of a very numerous caste of priests -and diviners. The pope of this hierarchy, the chief pontiff, was -called _Uillac Umu_, words meaning “The head which gives counsel,” -he who repeats to the people the utterances of the Deity. He was the -most learned and virtuous of the priestly caste, always a member of -the reigning family, and next in rank to the Inca. The _Villcas_, -equivalent to the bishops of a Christian hierarchy, were the chief -priests in the provinces, and during the greatest extension of the -empire they numbered ten. The ordinary ministers of religion were -divided into sacrificers, worshippers and confessors, diviners, and -recluses.[1193] It was indeed inevitable that, with a complicated -ritual and a gorgeous ceremonial worship, a populous class of priests -and their assistants, of numerous grades and callings, should come into -existence.[1194] - - * * * * * - -But the intellectual movement and vigor of the Incas were not confined -to the priesthood. The Amautas or learned men, the poets and reciters -of history, the musical and dramatic composers, the Quipu-camayoc, or -recorders and accountants, were not necessarily, nor indeed generally, -of the priestly caste. It is probable that the Amautas, or men of -learning, formed a separate caste devoted to the cultivation of -literature and the extension of the language. Our knowledge of their -progress and of the character of their traditions and poetic culture is -very limited, owing to the destruction of records and the loss of oral -testimony. The language has been preserved, and that will tell us much; -but only a few literary compositions have been saved from the wreck of -the Inca empire. Quichua was the name given to the general language of -the Incas by Friar Domingo de San Tomas, the first Spaniard who studied -it grammatically, possibly owing to his having acquired it from people -belonging to the Quichua tribe. The name continued to be used, and -has been generally adopted.[1195] Garcilasso de la Vega speaks of a -separate court language of the Incas, but the eleven words he gives as -belonging to it are ordinary Quichua words, and I concur with Hervas -and William von Humboldt in the conclusion that this court language -of Garcilasso had no real existence.[1196] It is not mentioned by any -other authority. - -[Illustration: THE QUIPUS. - -[Following a sketch in Rivero and Tschudi, as reproduced by Helps. -It shows a quipu found in an ancient cemetery near Pachacamac. There -are other cuts in Wiener’s _Pérou et Bolivie_, p. 777; Tylor’s _Early -Hist. Mankind_, 156; Kingsborough’s _Mexico_, vol. iv.; Silvestre’s -_Universal Palæography_; and Léon de Rosny’s _Écritures figuratives_, -Paris, 180. Cf. Acosta, vi. cap. 8, and other early authorities -mentioned in Prescott (Kirk’s ed. i. 125); Markham’s _Cieza_, 291; -D. Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. ch. 18; _Fourth Rept. Bureau of -Ethnology_ (Washington), p. 79; Bollaert’s description in _Memoirs -read before the Anthropological Society of London_, i. 188, and iii. -351; A. Bastian’s _Culturländer des alten America_, iii. 73; Brasseur -de Bourbourg’s _MS. Troano_, i. 18; Stevens’s _Flint Chips_, 465; T. -P. Thompson’s “Knot Records of Peru” in _Westminster Review_, xi. -228; but in the separate print called _History of the Quipos, or -Peruvian Knot-records, as given by the early Spanish Historians, with a -Description of a supposed Specimen_, assigned to Al. Strong by Leclerc, -No. 2413. The description in Frezier’s _Voyage to the South Sea_ (1717) -is one of the earliest among Europeans. Leclerc, No. 2412, mentions a -_Letter a apologetica_ (Napoli, 1750), pertaining to the quipus, but -seems uncertain as to its value.—ED.]] - -It was the custom for the Yaravecs or Bards to recite the deeds of -former Incas on public occasions, and these rhythmical narratives -were orally preserved and handed down by the learned men. Cieza de -Leon tells us that “by this plan, from the mouths of one generation -the succeeding one was taught, and they could relate what took place -five hundred years ago as if only ten years had passed. This was the -order that was taken to prevent the great events of the empire from -falling into oblivion.” These historical recitations and songs must -have formed the most important part of Inca literature. One specimen -of imaginative poetry has been preserved by Blas Valero, in which -the thunder, followed by rain, is likened to a brother breaking his -sister’s pitcher; just as in the Scandinavian mythology the legend -which is the original source of our nursery rhyme of Jack and Jill -employs the same imagery. Pastoral duties are embodied in some of -the later Quichuan dramatic literature, and numerous love songs and -_yaravies_, or elegies, have been handed down orally, or preserved in -old manuscripts. The dances were numerous and complicated, and the -Incas had many musical instruments.[1197] Dramatic representations, -both of a tragic and comic character, were performed before the -Inca court. The statement of Garcilasso de la Vega to this effect -is supported by the independent evidence of Cieza de Leon and of -Salcamayhua, and is placed beyond a doubt by the sentence of the judge, -Areche, in 1781, who prohibited the celebration of these dramas by the -Indians. Father Iteri also speaks of the “Quichua dramas transmitted to -this day (1790) by an unbroken tradition.” But only one such drama has -been handed down to our own time. It is entitled Ollantay, and records -an historical event of the time of Yupanqui Pachacutec. In its present -form, as regards division into scenes and stage directions, it shows -later Spanish manipulation. The question of its antiquity has been much -discussed; but the final result is that Quichua scholars believe most -of its dialogues and speeches and all the songs to be remnants of the -Inca period. - -[Illustration: INCA SKULL. - -[After the plate in the _Contrib. to N. Am. Ethnology_, vol. v. -(Powell’s survey, 1882), showing the trephined skull brought from Peru -by Squier, in the Army Med. Museum, Washington. Squier in his _Peru_, -p. 457, gives another cut, with comments of Broca and others in the -appendix. Cf. in the same volume a paper on “Prehistoric Trephining and -Cranial Amulets,” by R. Fletcher, and a paper on “Trephining in the -Neolithic Period,” in the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, -Nov., 1887. Cf. on Peruvian skulls Rudolf Virchow, in the third volume -of the _Necropolis of Ancon_; T. J. Hutchinson in the _Journal of the -Anthropological Institute_, iii. 311; iv. 2; Busk and Davis in _Ibid._ -iii. 86, 94; Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. ch. 20; C. C. Blake, in -_Transactions Ethnolog. Soc._, n. s., ii. There are two collections -of Peruvian skulls in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Mass.,—one -presented by Squier, the other secured by the Haasler Expedition. (Cf. -_Reports_ VII. and IX. of the museum.) Wiener (_L’Empire des Incas_, -p. 81) cites a long list of writers on the artificial deforming of the -skull.—ED.]] - -The system of record by the use of _quipus_, or knots, was primarily -a method of numeration and of keeping accounts. To cords of various -colors smaller lines were attached in the form of fringe, on which -there were knots in an almost infinite variety of combination. The -_Quipu-camayoc_, or accountant, could by this means keep records -under numerous heads, and preserve the accounts of the empire. The -_quipus_ represented a far better system of keeping accounts than the -exchequer tallies which were used in England for the same purpose -as late as the early part of the present century. But the question -of the extent to which historical events could be recorded by this -system of knots is a difficult one. We have the direct assertions -of Montesinos, Salcamayhua, the anonymous Jesuit, Blas Valera, and -others, that not only narratives, but songs, were preserved by means of -the _quipus_. Von Tschudi believed that by dint of the uninterrupted -studies of experts during several generations, the power of expression -became developed more and more, and that eventually the art of the -_Quipu-camayoc_ reached a high state of perfection. It may reasonably -be assumed that with some help from oral commentary, codes of laws, -historical events, and even poems were preserved in the _quipus_. -It was through this substitute for writing that Montesinos and the -anonymous Jesuit received their lists of ancient dynasties, and Blas -Valera distinctly says that the poem he has preserved was taken from -_quipus_. Still it must have been rather a system of mnemonics than of -complete record. Molina tells us that the events in the reigns of all -the Incas, as well as early traditions, were represented by paintings -on boards, in a temple near Cuzco, called _Poquen cancha_. - -The diviners used certain incantations to cure the sick, but the -healing art among the Incas was really in the hands of learned men. -Those _Amautas_ who devoted themselves to the study of medicine had, as -Acosta bears testimony, a knowledge of the properties of many plants. -The febrifuge virtues of the precious _quinquina_ were, it is true, -unknown, or only locally known. But the _Amautas_ used plants with -tonic properties for curing fevers; and they were provided with these -and other drugs by an itinerant caste, called Calahuayas or Charisanis, -who went into the forests to procure them. The descendants of these -itinerant doctors still wander over South America, selling drugs.[1198] -The discovery of a skull in a cemetery at Yucay, which exhibits clear -evidence of a case of trepanning before death, proves the marvellous -advances made by the Incas in surgical science. - -[Illustration: RUINS AT CHUCUITO. - -[After a drawing in Squier’s _Primeval Monuments of Peru_, p. 17, -showing a wall of hewn stones, with an entrance. The enclosed rectangle -is 65 feet on each side,—“a type of an advanced class of megalithic -monuments by no means uncommon in the highlands of Peru.” Cf. Squier’s -_Peru_, p. 354.—ED.]] - -The sovereign was the centre of all civilization and all knowledge. -All literary culture, all the religious ceremonial which had grown -up with the extension of the empire, had the Inca for their centre, -as well as all the military operations and all laws connected with -civil administration. Originally but the _Sinchi_, or chief of a small -_ayllu_, the greatness of successive Incas grew with the extension of -their power, until at last they were looked upon almost as deities by -their subjects. The greatest lords entered their presence in a stooping -position and with a small burden on their backs. The imperial family -rapidly increased. Each Inca left behind him numerous younger sons, -whose descendants formed an _ayllu_, so that the later sovereigns -were surrounded by a numerous following of their own kindred, from -among whom able public servants were selected. The sovereign was the -“_Sapallan Inca_,” the sole and sovereign lord, and with good reason he -was called _Huaccha-cuyac_, or friend of the poor. - -Enormous wealth was sent to Cuzco as tribute from all parts of the -empire, for the service of the court and of the temples. The special -insignia of the sovereign were the _llautu_, or crimson fringe -round the forehead, the wing feathers (black and white) of the -alcamari, an Andean vulture, on the head, forming together the _suntu -paucar_ or sacred head-dress; the _huaman champi_, or mace, and the -_ccapac-yauri_, or sceptre. His dress consisted of shirts of cotton, -tunics of dyed cotton in patterns, with borders of small gold and -silver plates or feathers, and mantles of fine vicuña wool woven and -dyed. The Incas, as represented in the pictures at Cuzco,[1199] painted -soon after the conquest, wore golden breastplates suspended round their -necks, with the image of the sun stamped upon them;[1200] and the -_Ccoya_, or queen, wore a large golden _topu_, or pin, with figures -engraved on the head, which secured her _lliclla_, or mantle. All -the utensils of the palace were of gold; and so exclusively was that -precious metal used in the service of the court and the temple that -a garden outside the Ccuri-cancha was planted with models of leaves, -fruit, and stalks made of pure gold.[1201] - -[Illustration: LAKE TITICACA. - -[After a cut in Ruge’s _Gesch. des Zeital. der Entdeckungen_. Squier -explored the lake with Raimond in 1864-65, and bears testimony to the -general accuracy of the survey by J. B. Pentland, British consul in -Bolivia (1827-28 and 1837), published by the British admiralty; but -Squier points out some defects of his survey in his _Remarques sur la -Géog. du Pérou_, p. 14, and in _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, iii. There -is another view in Wiener’s _Pérou et Bolivie_, p. 441. Cf. Markham’s -_Cieza de Leon_, 370; Marcoy’s Voyage; Baldwin’s _Ancient America_, -228; and Philippson’s _Gesch. des neu. Zeit._, i. 240. Squier in his -_Peru_ (pp. 308-370) gives various views, plans of the ruins, and a map -of the lake.—ED.]] - -Two styles are discernible in Inca architecture. The earliest is -an imitation of the cyclopean works of their ancestors on a smaller -scale. The walls were built with polygonal-shaped stones with rough -surfaces, but the stones were much reduced in size. Rows of doorways -with slanting sides and monolithic lintels adorn the façades; while -recesses for _huacas_, shaped like the doorways, occur in the interior -walls. Part of the palace called the Collcampata, at the foot of the -Cuzco fortress, the buildings which were added to the cyclopean work at -Ollantay tampu, the older portion of the Ccuri-cancha temple at Cuzco, -the palaces at Chinchero and Rimac-tampu, are in this earlier style. -The later style is seen mainly at Cuzco, where the stones are laid in -regular courses. No one has described this superb masonry better than -Squier.[1202] No cement or mortar of any kind was used, the edifices -depending entirely on the accuracy of their stone-fitting for their -stability. The palaces and temples were built round a court-yard, -and a hall of vast dimensions, large enough for ceremonies on an -extensive scale, was included in the plan of most of the edifices. -These halls were 200 paces long by 50 to 60 broad. The dimensions of -the Ccuri-cancha temple were 296 feet by 52, and the southwest end -was apsidal. Serpents are carved in relief on some of the stones and -lintels of the Cuzco palaces. Hence the palace of Huayna Ccapac is -called Amaru-cancha.[1203] At Hatun-colla, near Lake Titicaca, there -are two sandstone pillars, probably of Inca origin, which are very -richly carved. They are covered with figures of serpents, lizards, -and frogs, and with elaborate geometrical patterns. The height of the -walls of the Cuzco edifices was from 35 to 40 feet, and the roofs were -thatched. One specimen of the admirable thatching of the Incas is still -preserved at Azangaro. - -[Illustration: LAKE TITICACA. - -[One of the cuts which did service in the Antwerp editions of Cieza de -Leon.—ED.]] - -There are many ruins throughout Peru both in the earlier and later -styles; some of them, such as those at Vilcashuaman and Huanuco el -viejo, being of great interest. The Inca palace on the island in Lake -Titicaca is a rectangular two-storied edifice, with numerous rooms -having ceilings formed of flat overlapping stones, laid with great -regularity. With its esplanade, beautiful terraced gardens, baths, -and fountains, this Titicaca palace must have been intended for the -enjoyment of beautiful scenery in comparative seclusion, like the now -destroyed palace at Yucay, in the valley of the Vilcamayu. - -An example of the improvement of architecture after Inca subjugation is -shown in the curious burial-places, or _chulpas_, of the Collao, in the -basin of Lake Titicaca. The earliest, as seen at Acora near the lake, -closely resemble the rude cromlechs of Brittany. Next, roughly built -square towers are met with, with vaults inside. Lastly, the _chulpas_ -at Sillustani are well-built circular towers, about 40 feet high and -16 feet in diameter at the base, widening as they rise. A cornice -runs round each tower, about three fourths of the distance from the -base to the summit. The stones are admirably cut and fitted in nearly -even courses, like the walls at Cuzco. The interior circular vaults, -which contained the bodies, were arched with overlapping stones, and a -similar dome formed the roof of the towers. - -[Illustration: MAP OF TITICACA, WITH WIENER’S ROUTE.] - -The architectural excellence reached by the Incas, their advances in -the other arts and in literature, and the imperial magnificence of -their court and religious worship, imply the existence of an orderly -and well-regulated administrative system. An examination of their -social polity will not disappoint even high expectations. The Inca, -though despotic in theory, was bound by the complicated code of rules -and customs which had gradually developed itself during the reigns of -his ancestors. In his own extensive family, composed of Auqui[1204] -and Atauchi,[1205] Palla[1206] and Ñusta,[1207] to the number of many -hundreds,[1208] and in the Curacas[1209] and Apu-curacas[1210] of the -conquered tribes, he had a host of able public servants to govern -provinces, enter the priesthood, or command armies. - -[Illustration: PRIMEVAL TOMB, ACORA. - -[After a sketch in Squier’s _Primeval Monuments of Peru_, Salem, 1870. -He considers it an example of some of the oldest of human monuments, -and is inclined to believe these chulpas, or burial monuments, to have -been built by the ancestors of the Peruvians of the conquest in their -earliest development.—ED.]] - -[Illustration: RUINS AT QUELLENATA. - -[Reduced from a sketch in Squier’s _Primeval Monuments of Peru_, p. 7. -They are situated in Bolivia, northeast of Lake Titicaca, and the cut -shows a hill-fortress (pucura) and the round, flaring-top burial towers -(chulpas). Cf. cut in Wiener’s _Pérou et Bolivie_, p. 538.—ED.]] - -The empire was marked out into four great divisions, corresponding -with the four cardinal points of a compass placed at Cuzco. To the -north was Chinchaysuyu, to the east Anti-suyu, to the west Cunti-suyu, -and to the south Colla-suyu. - -[Illustration: RUINS AT ESCOMA, BOLIVIA. - -[After a cut in Squier’s _Primeval Monuments of Peru_, p. 9,—a square -two-storied burial tower (chulpa) with hill-fortress (pucura) in the -distance, situated east of Lake Titicaca. Cf. Squier’s _Peru_, p. -373.—ED.]] - -[Illustration: SILLUSTANI, PERU. - -[Sun-circles (Inti-huatana, where the sun is tied up), after a cut in -Squier’s _Primeval Monuments of Peru_, p. 15. The nearer circle is 90 -feet; the farther, which has a grooved outlying platform, is 150 feet -in diameter. Cf. plan and views in Squier’s _Peru_, ch. 20.—ED.]] - -The whole empire was called Ttahuantin-suyu, or the four united -provinces. Each great province was governed by an Inca viceroy, whose -title was _Ccapac_, or _Tucuyricoc_.[1211] The latter word means “He -who sees all.” Garcilasso describes the office as merely that of an -inspector, whose duty it was to visit the province and report. Under -the viceroy were the native _Curacas_, who governed the _ayllus_, or -lineages. Each _ayllu_ was divided into sections of ten families, under -an officer called _Chunca_ (10) _camayu_. Ten of these came under a -_Pachaca_ (100) _camayu_. Ten _Pachacas_ formed a _Huaranca_ (1,000) -_camayu_, and the _Hunu_ (10,000) _camayu_ ruled over ten _Huarancas_. -The _Chunca_ of ten families was the unit of government, and each -_Chunca_ formed a complete community.[1212] - -[Illustration: RUINS OF AN INCARIAL VILLAGE. - -[Situated on the road from Milo to Huancayo. Reduced from an ink -drawing given by Wiener in his _L’Empire des Incas_, pl. v.—ED.]] - -The cultivable land belonged to the people in their _ayllus_, each -_Chunca_ being allotted a sufficient area to support its ten _Purics_ -and their dependants.[1213] The produce was divided between the -government (_Inca_), the priesthood (_Huaca_), and the cultivators or -poor (_Huaccha_), but not in equal shares.[1214] In some parts the -three shares were kept apart in cultivation, but as a rule the produce -was divided at harvest time. The flocks of llamas were divided into -_Ccapac-llama_, belonging to the state, and _Huaccha-llama_, owned by -the people. Thus the land belonged to the _ayllu_, or tribe, and each -_puric_, or able-bodied man, had a right to his share of the crop, -provided that he had been present at the sowing. All those who were -absent must have been employed in the service of the Inca or Huaca, and -subsisted on the government or priestly share. Shepherds and mechanics -were also dependent on those shares. Officers called _Runay-pachaca_ -annually revised the allotments, made the census, prepared statistics -for the _Quipu-camayoc_, and sent reports to the _Tucuyricoc_. The -_Llacta-camayoc_, or village overseer, announced the turns for -irrigation and the fields to be cultivated when the shares were grown -apart. These daily notices were usually given from a tower or terrace. -There were also judges or examiners, called _Taripasac_,[1215] who -investigated serious offences and settled disputes. Punishments for -crimes were severe, and inexorably inflicted. It was also the duty of -these officers, when a particular _ayllu_ suffered any calamity through -wars or natural causes, to allot contingents from surrounding _ayllus_ -to assist the neighbor in distress. There were similar arrangements -when the completion or repair of any public work was urgent. The most -cruel tax on the people consisted in the selection of the _Aclla-cuna_, -or chosen maidens for the service of the Inca, and the church, or -_Huaca_. This was done once a year by an ecclesiastical dignitary -called the _Apu-Panaca_,[1216] or, according to one authority, the -_Hatun-uilca_,[1217] who was deputy of the high-priest. Service under -the Inca in all other capacities was eagerly sought for. - -The industry and skill of the Peruvian husbandmen can scarcely -alone account for the perfection to which they brought the science -of agriculture. The administrative system of the Incas must share -the credit. Not a spot of cultivable land was neglected. Towns and -villages were built on rocky ground. Even their dead were buried in -waste places. Dry wastes were irrigated, and terraces were constructed, -sometimes a hundred deep, up the sides of the mountains. The most -beautiful example of this terrace cultivation may still be seen in the -“Andeneria,” or hanging gardens of the valley of Vilcamayu, near Cuzco. -There the terraces, commencing with broad fields at the edge of the -level ground, rise to a height of 1,500 feet, narrowing as they rise, -until the loftiest terraces against the perpendicular mountain side are -not more than two feet wide, just room for three or four rows of maize. -An irrigation canal, starting high up some narrow ravine at the snow -level, is carried along the mountain side and through the terraces, -flowing down from one to another. - -Irrigation on a larger scale was employed not only on the desert coast, -but to water the pastures and arable lands in the mountains, where -there is rain for several months in the year. The channels were often -of considerable size and great length. Mr. Squier says that he has -followed them for days together, winding amidst the projections of -hills, here sustained by high masonry walls, there cut into the living -rock, and in some places conducted in tunnels through sharp spurs of an -obstructing mountain. An officer knew the space of time necessary for -irrigating each _tupu_, and each cultivator received a flow of water in -accordance with the requirements of his land. The manuring of crops was -also carefully attended to.[1218] - -The result of all this intelligent labor was fully commensurate with -the thought and skill expended. The Incas produced the finest potato -crops the world has ever seen. The white maize of Cuzco has never -been approached in size or in yield. Coca, now so highly prized, is -a product peculiar to Inca agriculture, and its cultivation required -extreme care, especially in the picking and drying processes. Ajï, or -Chile pepper, furnished a new condiment to the Old World. Peruvian -cotton is excelled only by Sea Island and Egyptian in length of fibre, -and for strength and length of fibre combined is without an equal. -Quinua, oca, aracacha, and several fruits are also peculiar to Peruvian -agriculture.[1219] - -The vast flocks of llamas[1220] and alpacas supplied meat for -the people, dried _charqui_ for soldiers and travellers, and wool -for weaving cloth of every degree of fineness. The alpacas, whose -unrivalled wool is now in such large demand, may almost be said to have -been the creation of the Inca shepherds. They can only be reared by -the bestowal on them of the most constant and devoted care. The wild -_huanacus_ and _vicuñas_ were also sources of food and wool supply. -No man was allowed to kill any wild animal in Peru, but there were -periodical hunts, called _chacu_, in the different provinces, which -were ordered by the Inca. On these occasions a wide area was surrounded -by thousands of people, who gradually closed in towards the centre. -They advanced, shouting and starting the game before them, and closed -in, forming in several ranks until a great bag was secured. The females -were released, with a few of the best and finest males. The rest were -then shorn and also released, a certain proportion being killed for the -sake of their flesh. The _huanacu_ wool was divided among the people -of the district, while the silky fleeces of the _vicuña_ were reserved -for the Inca. The _Quipu-camayoc_ kept a careful record of the number -caught, shorn, and killed. - -[Illustration: FROM HELPS. - -[Cf. Humboldt’s account in _Views of Nature_, English transl., 393-95, -407-9, 412. Marcoy says the usual descriptions of the ancient roads are -exaggerations (vol. i. 206).—ED.]] - -The means of communication in so mountainous a country were an -important department in the administration of the Incas. Excellent -roads for foot passengers radiated from Cuzco to the remotest portions -of the empire. The Inca roads were level and well paved, and continued -for hundreds of leagues. Rocks were broken up and levelled when it -was necessary, ravines were filled, and excavations were made in -mountain sides. Velasco measured the width of the Inca roads, and found -them to be from six to seven yards, sufficiently wide when only foot -passengers used them. Gomara gives them a breadth of twenty-five feet, -and says that they were paved with smooth stones. These measurements -were confirmed by Humboldt as regards the roads in the Andes. The -road along the coast was forty feet wide, according to Zarate. The -Inca himself travelled in a litter, borne by mountaineers from the -districts of Soras and Lucanas. _Corpa-huasi_, or rest-houses, were -erected at intervals, and the government messengers, or _chasquis_, ran -with wonderful celerity from one of these stations to another, where -he delivered his message, or _quipu_, to the next runner. Thus news -was brought to the central government from all parts of The empire -with extraordinary rapidity, and the Inca ate fresh fish at Cuzco -which had been caught in the Pacific, three hundred miles away, on the -previous day. Store-houses, with arms, clothing, and provisions for the -soldiers, were also built at intervals along the roads, so that an army -could be concentrated at any point without previous preparation. - -Closely connected with the facilities for communication, which were so -admirably established by the Incas, was the system of moving colonies -from one part of the empire to another. The evils of minute subdivision -were thus avoided, political objects were often secured, and the -comfort of the people was increased by the exchange of products. The -colonists were called _mitimaes_. For example, the people of the -Collao, round Lake Titicaca, lived in a region where corn would not -ripen, and if confined to the products of their native land they must -have subsisted solely on potatoes, quinua, and llama flesh. But the -Incas established colonies from their villages in the coast valleys -of Tacna and Moquegua, and in the forests to the eastward. There was -constant intercourse, and while the mother country supplied _chuñus_ or -preserved potatoes, _charqui_ or dried meat, and wool to the colonists, -there came back in return, corn and fruits and cotton cloth from the -coast, and the beloved coca from the forests. - -Military colonies were also established on the frontiers, and the -armies of the Incas, in their marches and extensive travels, promoted -the circulation of knowledge, while this service also gave employment -to the surplus agricultural population. Soldiers were brought from all -parts of the empire, and each tribe or _ayllu_ was distinguished by its -arms, but more especially by its head-dress. The Inca wore the crimson -_llautu_, or fringe; the _Apu_, or general, wore a yellow _llautu_. One -tribe wore a puma’s head; the Cañaris were adorned with the feathers -of macaws, the Huacrachucus with the horns of deer, the Pocras and -Huamanchucus with a falcon’s wing feathers. The arms of the Incas and -Chancas consisted of a copper axe, called _champi_; a lance pointed -with bronze, called _chuqui_; and a pole with a bronze or stone head -in the shape of a six-pointed star, used as a club, called _macana_. -The Collas and Quichuas came with slings and _bolas_, the _Antis_ with -bows and arrows. Defensive armor consisted of a _hualcanca_ or shield, -the _umachucu_ or head-dress, and sometimes a breastplate. The perfect -order prevailing in civil life was part of the same system which -enforced strict discipline in the army; and ultimately the Inca troops -were irresistible against any enemy that could bring an opposing force -into the field. Only when the Incas fought against each other, as in -the last civil war, could the result be long doubtful. - -[Illustration: PERUVIAN METAL WORKERS. - -[Reproduction of a cut in Benzoni’s _Historia del Mondo Nuovo_ -(1565). Cf. D. Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, i. ch. 9, on the Peruvian -metal-workers.—ED.]] - -[Illustration: PERUVIAN POTTERY. - -[The tripod in this group is from Panama, the others are Peruvian. This -cut follows an engraving in Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. 41. There -are numerous cuts in Wiener, p. 589, etc. Cf. Stevens’s _Flint Chips_, -p. 271.—ED.]] - -[Illustration: PERUVIAN DRINKING VESSEL. - -[After a cut in Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. 45; showing a cup of -the Beckford collection. “There is an individuality in the head, at -once suggestive of portraiture.”—ED.]] - -The artificers engaged in the numerous arts and on public works -subsisted on the government share of the produce. The artists who -fashioned the stones of the Sillustani towers or of the Cuzco temple -with scientific accuracy before they were fixed in their places, were -wholly devoted to their art. Food and clothing had to be provided for -them, and for the miners, weavers, and potters. Gold was obtained by -the Incas in immense quantities by washing the sands of the rivers -which flowed through the forest-covered province of Caravaya. Silver -was extracted from the ore by means of blasting-furnaces called -_huayra_; for, although quicksilver was known and used as a coloring -material, its properties for refining silver do not appear to have -been discovered. Copper was abundant in the Collao and in Charcas, and -tin was found in the hills on the east side of Lake Titicaca, which -enabled the Peruvians to use bronze very extensively.[1221] Lead was -also known to them. Skilful workers in metals fashioned the vases and -other utensils for the use of the Inca and of the temples, forged the -arms of the soldiers and the implements of husbandry, and stamped or -chased the ceremonial breastplates, _topus_, girdles, and chains. The -bronze and copper warlike instruments, which were star-shaped and used -as clubs, fixed at the ends of staves, were cast in moulds. One of -these club-heads, now in the Cambridge collection, has six rays, broad -and flat, and terminating in rounded points. Each ray represents a -human head, the face on one surface and the hair and back of the head -on the other. This specimen was undoubtedly cast in a mould. “It is,” -says Professor Putnam, “a good illustration of the knowledge which -the ancient Peruvians had of the methods of working metals and of the -difficult art of casting copper.”[1222] - -[Illustration: UNFINISHED CLOTH FOUND AT PACHACAMAC. - -[After a cut in Wiener, _Pérou et Bolivie_, p. 65.—ED.]] - -Spinning, weaving, and dyeing were arts which were sources of -employment to a great number of people, owing to the quantity and -variety of the fabrics for which there was a demand. There were rich -dresses interwoven with gold or made of gold thread; fine woollen -mantles, or tunics, ornamented with borders of small square gold and -silver plates; colored cotton cloths worked in complicated patterns; -and fabrics of aloe fibre and sheeps’ sinews for breeches. Coarser -cloths of llama wool were also made in vast quantities. But the potters -art was perhaps the one which exercised the inventive faculties of the -Peruvian artist to the greatest extent. The silver and gold utensils, -with the exception of a very few cups and vases, have nearly all been -melted down. But specimens of pottery, found buried with the dead in -great profusion, are abundant. They are to be seen in every museum, and -at Berlin and Madrid the collections are very large.[1223] Varied as -are the forms to be found in the pottery of the Incas, and elegant as -are many of the designs, it must be acknowledged that they are inferior -in these respects to the specimens of the plastic art of the Chimu and -other people of the Peruvian coast. The Incas, however, displayed a -considerable play of fancy in their designs. Many of the vases were -moulded into forms to represent animals, fruit, and corn, and were used -as _conopas_, or household gods. Others took the shape of human heads -or feet, or were made double or quadruple, with a single neck branching -from below. Some were for interment with the _malquis_, others for -household use.[1224] Professor Wilson, who carefully examined several -collections of ancient Peruvian pottery, formed a high opinion of their -merit. “Some of the specimens,” he wrote, “are purposely grotesque, -and by no means devoid of true comic fancy; while, in the greater -number, the endless variety of combinations of animate and inanimate -forms, ingeniously rendered subservient to the requirements of utility, -exhibit fertility of thought in the designer, and a lively perceptive -faculty in those for whom he wrought.”[1225] - -There is a great deal more to learn respecting this marvellous -Inca civilization. Recent publications have, within the last few -years, thrown fresh and unexpected light upon it. There may be more -information still undiscovered or inedited. As yet we can understand -the wonderful story only imperfectly, and see it by doubtful lights. -Respecting some questions, even of the first importance, we are still -able only to make guesses and weigh probabilities. Yet, though there -is much that is uncertain as regards historical and other points, we -have before us the clear general outlines of a very extraordinary -picture. In no other part of America had civilization attained to such -a height among indigenous races. In no other part of the world has the -administration of a purely socialistic government been attempted. The -Incas not only made the attempt, but succeeded. - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. - -THE student of Inca civilization will first seek for information -from those Spanish writers who lived during or immediately after -the Spanish conquest. They were able to converse with natives who -actually flourished before the disruption of the Inca empire, and who -saw the working of the Inca system before the destruction and ruin -had well commenced. He will next turn to those laborious inquirers -and commentators who, although not living so near the time, were -able to collect traditions and other information from natives who -had carefully preserved all that had been handed down by their -fathers.[1226] These two classes include the writers of the sixteenth -and seventeenth centuries. The authors who have occupied themselves -with the Quichua language and the literature of the Incas have produced -works a knowledge of which is essential to an adequate study of the -subject.[1227] Lastly, a consideration of the publications of modern -travellers and scholars, who throw light on the writings of early -chroniclers, or describe the present appearance of ancient remains, -will show the existing position of a survey still far from complete, -and the interest and charm of which invite further investigation and -research. - -Foremost in the first class of writers on Peru is Pedro de Cieza de -Leon. A general account of his works will be found elsewhere,[1228] -and the present notice will therefore be confined to an estimate of -the labors of this author, so far as they relate to Inca history and -civilization. Cieza de Leon conceived the desire to write an account -of the strange things that were to be seen in the New World, at an -early period of his service as a soldier. “Neither fatigue,” he tells -us, “nor the ruggedness of the country, nor the mountains and rivers, -nor intolerable hunger and suffering, have ever been sufficient to -obstruct my two duties, namely, writing and following my flag and my -captain without fault.” He finished the First Part of his chronicle -in September, 1550, when he was thirty-two years of age. It is mainly -a geographical description of the country, containing many pieces of -information, such as the account of the Inca roads and bridges, which -are of great value. But it is to the Second Part that we owe much of -our knowledge of Inca civilization. From incidental notices we learn -how diligently young Cieza de Leon studied the history and government -of the Incas, after he had written his picturesque description of the -country in his First Part. He often asked the Indians what they knew of -their condition before the Incas became their lords. He inquired into -the traditions of the people from the chiefs of the villages. In 1550 -he went to Cuzco with the express purpose of collecting information, -and conferred diligently with one of the surviving descendants of the -Inca Huayna Ccapac. Cieza de Leon’s plan, for the second part of his -work, was first to review the system of government of the Incas, and -then to narrate the events of the reign of each sovereign. He spared -no pains to obtain the best and most authentic information, and his -sympathy with the conquered people, and generous appreciation of their -many good and noble qualities, give a special charm to his narrative. -He bears striking evidence to the historical faculty possessed by the -learned men at the court of the Incas. After saying that on the death -of a sovereign the chroniclers related the events of his reign to his -successor, he adds: “They could well do this, for there were among -them some men with good memories, sound judgments, and subtle genius, -and full of reasoning power, as we can bear witness who have heard -them even in these our days.” Cieza de Leon is certainly one of the -most important authorities on Inca history and civilization, whether -we consider his peculiar advantages, his diligence and ability, or his -character as a conscientious historian. - -Juan José de Betanzos, like Cieza de Leon, was one of the soldiers of -the conquest. He married a daughter of Atahualpa, and became a citizen -at Cuzco, where he devoted his time to the study of Quichua. He was -appointed official interpreter to the Audience and to successive -viceroys, and he wrote a _Doctrina_ and two vocabularies which are -now lost. In 1558 he was appointed by the viceroy Marquis of Cañete, -to treat with the Inca Sayri Tupac,[1229] who had taken refuge in the -fastness of Vilcabamba; and by the Governor Lope Garcia de Castro, to -conduct a similar negotiation with Titu Cusi Yupanqui, the brother -of Sayri Tupac. He was successful in both missions. He wrote his -most valuable work, the _Suma y Narracion de los Incas_, which was -finished in the year 1551, by order of the Viceroy Don Antonio de -Mendoza, but its publication was prevented by the death of the viceroy. -It remained in manuscript, and its existence was first made known -by the Dominican monk Gregorio Garcia in 1607, whose own work will -be referred to presently. Garcia said that the history of Betanzos -relating to the origin, descent, succession, and wars of the Incas was -in his possession, and had been of great use to him. Leon Pinelo and -Antonio also gave brief notices of the manuscript, but it is only twice -cited by Prescott. The great historian probably obtained a copy of a -manuscript in the Escurial, through Obadiah Rich. This manuscript is -bound up with the second part of Cieza de Leon. It is not, however, -the whole work which Garcia appears to have possessed, but only the -first eighteen chapters, and the last incomplete. Such as it is, it was -edited and printed for the _Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina_, by Don -Márcos Jiménez de la Espada, in 1880.[1230] - -The work of Betanzos differs from that of Cieza de Leon, because -while the latter displays a diligence and discretion in collecting -information which give it great weight as an authority, the former -is imbued with the very spirit of the natives. The narrative of the -preparation of young Yupanqui for the death-struggle with the Chancas -is life-like in its picturesque vigor. Betanzos has portrayed native -feeling and character as no other Spaniard has, or probably could have -done. Married to an Inca princess, and intimately conversant with the -language, this most scholarly of the conquerors is only second to Cieza -de Leon as an authority. The date of his death is unknown. - -Betanzos and Cieza de Leon, with Pedro Pizarro, are the writers among -the conquerors whose works have been preserved. But these three -martial scholars by no means stand alone among their comrades as -authors. Several other companions of Pizarro wrote narratives, which -unfortunately have been lost.[1231] It is indeed surprising that the -desire to record some account of the native civilization they had -discovered should have been so prevalent among the conquerors. The fact -scarcely justifies the term “rude soldiery,” which is so often applied -to the discoverers of Peru. - -The works of the soldier conquerors are certainly not less valuable -than those of the lawyers and priests who followed on their heels. Yet -these latter treat the subject from somewhat different points of view, -and thus furnish supplemental information. The works of four lawyers -of the era of the conquest have been preserved, and those of another -are lost. Of these, the writings of the Licentiate Polo de Ondegardo -are undoubtedly the most important. This learned jurist accompanied -the president, La Gasca, in his campaign against Gonzalo Pizarro, -having arrived in Peru a few years previously, and he subsequently -occupied the post of corregidor at Cuzco. Serving under the Viceroy -Don Francisco de Toledo, he was constantly consulted by that acute but -narrow-minded statesman. His duties thus led Polo de Ondegardo to make -diligent researches into the laws and administration of the Incas, with -a view to the adoption of all that was applicable to the new régime. -But his knowledge of the language was limited, and it is necessary to -receive many of his statements with caution. His two _Relaciones_, -the first dedicated to the Viceroy Marques de Cañete (1561), and the -second finished in 1570,[1232] are in the form of answers to questions -on financial revenue and other administrative points. They include -information respecting the social customs, religious rites, and laws of -the Incas. These _Relaciones_ are still in manuscript. Another report -by Polo de Ondegardo exists in the National Library at Madrid,[1233] -and has been translated into English for the Hakluyt Society.[1234] In -this treatise the learned corregidor describes the principles on which -the Inca conquests were made, the division and tenures of land, the -system of tribute, the regulations for preserving game and for forest -conservancy, and the administrative details. Here and there he points -out a way in which the legislation of the Incas might be imitated and -utilized by their conquerors.[1235] - -Agustin de Zarate, though a lawyer by profession, had been employed for -some years in the financial department of the Spanish government before -he went out to Peru with the Viceroy Blasco Nuñez to examine into the -accounts of the colony. On his return to Spain he was entrusted with -a similar mission in Flanders. His _Provincìa del Peru_ was first -published at Antwerp in 1555.[1236] Unacquainted with the native -languages, and ignorant of the true significance of much that he was -told, Zarate was yet a shrewd observer, and his evidence is valuable as -regards what came under his own immediate observation. He gives one of -the best descriptions of the Inca roads. - -The _Relacion_ of Fernando de Santillan is a work which may be classed -with the reports of Polo de Ondegardo, and its author had equal -advantages in collecting information. Going out to Peru as one of -the judges of the Audiencia in 1550,[1237] Santillan was for a short -time at the head of the government, after the death of the Viceroy -Mendoza, and he took the field to suppress the rebellion of Giron. He -afterwards served in Chile and at Quito, where he was commissioned to -establish the court of justice. Returning to Spain, he took orders, -and was appointed Bishop of the La Plata, but died at Lima, on his -way to his distant see, in 1576. The _Relacion_ of Santillan remained -in manuscript, in the library of the Escurial, until it was edited by -Don Márcos Jiménez de la Espada in 1879. This report appears to have -been prepared in obedience to a decree desiring the judges of Lima to -examine aged and learned Indians regarding the administrative system of -the Incas. The report of Santillan is mainly devoted to a discussion of -the laws and customs relating to the collection of tribute. He bears -testimony to the excellence of the Inca government, and to the wretched -condition to which the country had since been reduced by Spanish -misrule. - -The work of the Licentiate Juan de Matienzo, a contemporary of -Ondegardo, entitled _Gobierno de el Peru_, is still in manuscript. Like -Santillan and Ondegardo, Matienzo discusses the ancient institutions -with a view to the organization of the best possible system under -Spanish rule.[1238] - -Melchor Bravo de Saravia, another judge of the Royal Audience at Lima, -and a contemporary of Santillan, is said to have written a work on the -antiquities of Peru; but it is either lost or has not yet been placed -within reach of the student. It is referred to by Velasco. Cieza de -Leon mentions, at the end of his Second Part, that his own work had -been perused by the learned judges Hernando de Santillan and Bravo de -Saravia. - -While the lawyers turned their attention chiefly to the civil -administration of the conquered people, the priests naturally studied -the religious beliefs and languages of the various tribes, and -collected their historical traditions. The best and most accomplished -of these sacerdotal authors appears to have been Blas Valera, judging -from the fragments of his writings which have escaped destruction. He -was a native of Peru, born at Chachapoyas in 1551, where his father, -Luis Valera,[1239] one of the early conquerors, had settled. Young Blas -was received into the Company of Jesus at Lima when only seventeen -years of age, and, as he was of Inca race on the mother’s side, he -soon became useful at the College in Cuzco from his proficiency in the -native languages. He did missionary work in the surrounding villages, -and acquired a profound knowledge of the history and institutions of -the Incas. Eventually he completed a work on the subject in Latin, -and was sent to Spain by his Jesuit superiors with a view to its -publication. Unfortunately the greater part of his manuscript was burnt -at the sack of Cadiz by the Earl of Essex in 1596, and Blas Valera -himself died shortly afterwards. The fragments that were rescued fell -into the hands of Garcilasso de la Vega, who translated them into -Spanish, and printed them in his _Commentaries_. It is to Blas Valera -that we owe the preservation of two specimens of Inca poetry and an -estimate of Inca chronology. He has also recorded the traditional -sayings of several Inca sovereigns, and among his fragments there are -very interesting chapters on the religion, the laws and ordinances, and -the language of the Incas, and on the vegetable products and medicinal -drugs of Peru. These fragments are evidence that Blas Valera was an -elegant scholar, a keen observer, and thoroughly master of his subject. -They enhance the feeling of regret at the irreparable loss that we have -sustained by the destruction of the rest of his work. - -Next to Blas Valera, the most important authority on Inca civilization, -among the Spanish priests who were in Peru during the sixteenth -century, is undoubtedly Christoval de Molina. He was chaplain to the -hospital for natives at Cuzco, and his work was written between 1570 -and 1584, the period embraced by the episcopate of Dr. Sebastian de -Artaun, to whom it is dedicated. Molina gives minute and detailed -accounts of the ceremonies performed at all the religious festivals -throughout the year, with the prayers used by the priests on each -occasion. Out of the fourteen prayers preserved by Molina, four are -addressed to the Supreme Being, two to the sun, the rest to these -and other deities combined. His mastery of the Quichua language, his -intimacy with the native chiefs and learned men, and his long residence -at Cuzco give Molina a very high place as an authority on Inca -civilization. His work has remained in manuscript,[1240] but it has -been translated into English and printed for the Hakluyt Society.[1241] - -Molina, in his dedicatory address to Bishop Artaun, mentions a -previous narrative which he had submitted, on the origin, history, and -government of the Incas. Fortunately this account was preserved by -Miguel Cavello Balboa, an author who wrote at Quito between 1576 and -1586. Balboa, a soldier who had taken orders late in life, went out -to America in 1566, and settled at Quito, where he devoted himself to -the preparation and writing of a work which he entitled _Miscellanea -Austral_. It is in three parts; but only the third, comprising about -half the work, relates to Peru. Balboa tells us that his authority for -the early Inca traditions and history was the learned Christoval de -Molina, and this gives special value to Balboa’s work. Moreover, Balboa -is the only authority who gives any account of the origin of the coast -people, and he also supplies a detailed narrative of the war between -Huascar and Atahualpa. The portion relating to Peru was translated into -French and published by Ternaux Compans in 1840.[1242] - -The Jesuits who arrived in Peru during the latter part of the -sixteenth century were devoted to missionary labors, and gave an -impetus to the study of the native languages and history. Among the -most learned was José de Acosta, who sailed for Peru in 1570. At the -early age of thirty-five, Acosta was chosen to be Provincial of the -Jesuits in Peru, and his duties required him to travel over every part -of the country. His great learning, which is displayed in his various -theological works, qualified him for the task of writing his _Natural -and Moral History of the Indies_, the value of which is increased -by the author’s personal acquaintance with the countries and their -inhabitants. Acosta went home in the Spanish fleet of 1587, and his -first care, on his return to Spain, was to make arrangements for the -publication of his manuscripts. The results of his South American -researches first saw the light at Salamanca, in Latin, in 1588 and -1589. The complete work in Spanish, _Historia Natural y Moral de las -Indias_, was published at Seville in 1590. Its success was never -doubtful.[1243] In his latter years Acosta presided over the Jesuits’ -College at Salamanca, where he died in his sixtieth year, on February -15, 1600.[1244] In spite of the learning and diligence of Acosta and of -the great popularity of his work, it cannot be considered one of the -most valuable contributions towards a knowledge of Inca civilization. -The information it contains is often inaccurate, the details are -less complete than in most of the other works written soon after the -conquest,[1245] and a want of knowledge of the language is frequently -made apparent. The best chapters are those devoted to the animal and -vegetable products of Peru; and Feyjoo calls Acosta the Pliny of the -New World.[1246] - -The Licentiate Fernando Montesinos, a native of Osuna, was one of the -most diligent of all those who in early times made researches into the -history and traditions of the Incas. Montesinos went out in the fleet -which took the Viceroy Count of Chinchon to Peru, arriving early in -the year 1629. Having landed at Payta, Montesinos travelled southwards -towards the capital until he reached the city of Truxillo. At that -time Dr. Carlos Marcelino Corni was Bishop of Truxillo.[1247] Hearing -of the virtue and learning of Montesinos, Dr. Corni begged that he -might be allowed to stop at Truxillo, and take charge of the Jesuits’ -College which the good bishop had established there. Montesinos -remained at Truxillo until the death of Bishop Corni, in October, -1629,[1248] and then proceeded to Potosi, where he gave his attention -to improvements in the methods of extracting silver. He wrote a book -on the subject, which was printed at Lima, and also compiled a code -of ordinances for mines with a view to lessening disputes, which was -officially approved. Returning to the capital, he lived for several -years at Lima as chaplain of one of the smaller churches, and devoted -all his energies to the preparation of a history of Peru. Making Lima -his headquarters, the indefatigable student undertook excursions into -all parts of the country, wherever he heard of learned natives to be -consulted, of historical documents to be copied, or of information to -be found. He travelled over 1,500 leagues, from Quito to Potosi. In -1639 he was employed to write an account of the famous Auto de Fé which -was celebrated at Lima in that year. His two great historical works -are entitled _Memorias Antiguas Historiales del Peru_, and _Anales ó -Memorias Nuevas del Peru_.[1249] From Lima Montesinos proceeded to -Quito as “Visitador General,” with very full powers conferred by the -bishop. - -The work of Montesinos remained in manuscript until it was translated -into French by M. Ternaux Compans in 1840, with the title _Mémoires -Historiques sur l’ancien Pérou_. In 1882 the Spanish text was very -ably edited by Don Márcos Jiménez de la Espada.[1250] Montesinos gives -the history of several dynasties which preceded the rise of the Incas, -enumerating upwards of a hundred sovereigns. He professes to have -acquired a knowledge of the ancient records through the interpretations -of the _quipus_, communicated to him by learned natives. It was long -supposed that the accounts of these earlier sovereigns received no -corroboration from any other authority. This furnished legitimate -grounds for discrediting Montesinos. But a narrative, as old or older -than that of the licentiate, has recently been brought to light, in -which at least two of the ancient sovereigns in the lists of Montesinos -are incidentally referred to. This circumstance alters the aspect -of the question, and places the _Memorias Antiquas del Peru_ in a -higher position as an authority; for it proves that the very ancient -traditions which Montesinos professed to have received from the natives -had previously been communicated to one other independent inquirer at -least. - -This independent inquirer is an author whose valuable work has -recently been edited by Don Márcos Jiménez de la Espada.[1251] His -narrative is anonymous, but internal evidence establishes the fact -that he was a Jesuit, and probably one of the first who arrived in -Peru in 1568, although he appears to have written his work many years -afterwards. The anonymous Jesuit supplies information respecting -works on Peruvian civilization which are lost to us. He describes the -temples, the orders of the priesthood, the sacrifices and religious -ceremonies, explaining the origin of the erroneous statement that human -sacrifices were offered up. He also gives the code of criminal law and -the customs which prevailed in civil life, and concludes his work with -a short treatise on the conversion of the Indians. - -The efforts of the viceroys and archbishops of Lima during the early -part of the seventeenth century to extirpate idolatry, particularly -in the province of Lima, led to the preparation of reports by the -priests who were entrusted with the duty of extirpation, which -contain much curious information. These were the Fathers Hernando -de Avendaño, Francisco de Avila, Luis de Teruel, and Pablo José de -Arriaga. Avendaño, in addition to his sermons in Quichua, wrote an -account of the idolatries of the Indians,—_Relacion de las Idolatrias -de los Indios_,—which is still in manuscript. Avila was employed in -the province of Huarochiri, and in 1608 he wrote a report on the idols -and superstitions of the people, including some exceedingly curious -religious legends. He appears to have written down the original -evidence from the mouths of the Indians in Quichua, intending to -translate it into Spanish. But he seems to have completed only six -chapters in Spanish; or perhaps the translation is by another hand. -There are still thirty-one chapters in Quichua awaiting the labors -of some learned Peruvian scholar. Rising Quichua students, of whom -there are not a few in Peru, could undertake no more useful work. -This important report of Avila is comprised in a manuscript volume -in the National Library at Madrid, and the six Spanish chapters have -been translated and printed for the Hakluyt Society.[1252] Teruel was -the friend and companion of Avila. He also wrote a treatise on native -idolatries,[1253] and another against idolatry,[1254] in which he -discusses the origin of the coast people. Arriaga wrote a still more -valuable work on the extirpation of idolatry, which was printed at Lima -in 1621, and which relates the religious beliefs and practices of the -people in minute detail.[1255] - -Antiquarian treasures of great value are buried in the works of -ecclesiastics, the principal objects of which are the record of the -deeds of one or other of the religious fraternities. The most important -of these is the _Coronica Moralizada del orden de San Augustin en el -Peru; del Padre Antonio de la Calancha_ (1638-1653),[1256] which is -a precious storehouse of details respecting the manners and customs -of the Indians and the topography of the country. Calancha also gives -the most accurate Inca calendar. Of less value is the chronicle of the -Franciscans, by Diego de Cordova y Salinas, published at Madrid in 1643. - -A work, the title of which gives even less promise of containing -profitable information, is the history of the miraculous image of a -virgin at Copacabana, by Fray Alonso Ramos Gavilan. Yet it throws -unexpected light on the movements of the _mitimaes_, or Inca colonists; -it gives fresh details respecting the consecrated virgins, the -sacrifices, and the deities worshipped in the Collao, and supplies -another version of the Inca calendar.[1257] - -The work on the origin of the Indians of the New World, by Fray -Gregorio Garcia,[1258] who travelled extensively in the Spanish -colonies, is valuable, and to Garcia we owe the first notice of the -priceless narrative of Betanzos. His separate work on the Incas is lost -to us.[1259] Friar Martin de Múrua, a native of Guernica, in Biscay, -was an ecclesiastic of some eminence in Peru. He wrote a general -history of the Incas, which was copied by Dr. Muñoz for his collection, -and Leon Pinelo says that the manuscript was illustrated with colored -drawings of insignia and dresses, and portraits of the Incas.[1260] - -The principal writers on Inca civilization in the century immediately -succeeding the conquest, of the three different professions,—soldiers, -lawyers, and priests,—have now been passed in review. Attention must -next be given to the native writers who followed in the wake of Blas -Valera. First among these is the Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, an author -whose name is probably better known to the general reader than that -of any other who has written on the same subject. Among the Spanish -conquerors who arrived in Peru in 1534 was Garcilasso de la Vega, a -cavalier of very noble lineage,[1261] who settled at Cuzco, and was -married to an Inca princess named Chimpa Ocllo, niece of the Inca -Huayna Ccapac. Their son, the future historian, was born at Cuzco in -1539, and his earliest recollections were connected with the stirring -events of the civil war between Gonzalo Pizarro and the president La -Gasca, in 1548. His mother died soon afterwards, probably in 1550, -and his father married again. The boy was much in the society of his -mother’s kindred, and he often heard them talk over the times of the -Incas, and repeat their historical traditions. Nor was his education -neglected; for the good Canon Juan de Cuellar read Latin with the -half-caste sons of the citizens of Cuzco for nearly two years, amidst -all the turmoil of the civil wars. As he grew up, he was employed by -his father to visit his estates, and he travelled over most parts of -Peru. The elder Garcilasso de la Vega died in 1560, and the young -orphan resolved to seek his fortune in the land of his fathers. On his -arrival in Spain he received patronage and kindness from his paternal -relatives, became a captain in the army of Philip II, and when he -retired, late in life, he took up his abode in lodgings at Cordova, -and devoted himself to literary pursuits. His first production was a -translation from the Italian of “The Dialogues of Love,” and in 1591 -he completed his narrative of the expedition of Hernando de Soto to -Florida.[1262] - -[Illustration: HOUSE IN CUZCO IN WHICH GARCILASSO WAS BORN. - -[After a cut in Marcoy, i. 219. Cf. Squier’s _Peru_, p. 449.—ED.]] - -As years rolled on, the Inca began to think more and more of the land -of his birth. The memory of his boyish days, of the long evening chats -with his Inca relations, came back to him in his old age. He was as -proud of his maternal descent from the mighty potentates of Peru as -of the old Castilian connection on his father’s side. It would seem -that the appearance of several books on the subject of his native land -finally induced him to undertake a work in which, while recording -its own reminiscences and the information he might collect, he could -also comment on the statements of other authors. Hence the title of -_Commentaries_ which he gave to his work. Besides the fragments of the -writings of Blas Valera, which enrich the pages of Garcilasso, the -Inca quotes from Acosta, from Gomara, from Zarate, and from the First -Part of Cieza de Leon.[1263] He was fortunate in getting possession of -the chapters of Blas Valera rescued from the sack of Cadiz. He also -wrote to all his surviving schoolfellows for assistance, and received -many traditions and detailed replies on other subjects from them. Thus -Alcobasa forwarded an account of the ruins at Tiahuanacu, and another -friend sent him the measurements of the great fortress at Cuzco. - -The Inca Garcilasso de la Vega is, without doubt, the first authority -on the civilization of his ancestors; but it is necessary to consider -his qualifications and the exact value of his evidence. He had lived -in Peru until his twentieth year; Quichua was his native language, -and he had constantly heard the traditions of the Incas related and -discussed by his mother’s relations. But when he began to write he had -been separated from these associations for upwards of thirty years. -He received materials from Peru, enabling him to compose a connected -historical narrative, which is not, however, very reliable. The true -value of his work is derived from his own reminiscences, aroused by -reading the books which are the subjects of his Commentary, and from -his correspondence with friends in Peru. His memory was excellent, as -is often proved when he corrects the mistakes of Acosta and others -with diffidence, and is invariably right. He was not credulous, having -regard to the age in which he lived; nor was he inclined to give the -rein to his imagination. More than once we find him rejecting the -fanciful etymologies of the authors whose works he criticises. His -narratives of the battles and conquests of the early Incas often become -tedious, and of this he is himself aware. He therefore intersperses -them with more interesting chapters on the religious ceremonies, the -domestic habits and customs, of the people, and on their advances in -poetry, astronomy, music, medicine, and the arts. He often inserts -an anecdote from the storehouse of his memory, or some personal -reminiscence called forth by the subject on which he happens to be -writing. His statements frequently receive undesigned corroboration -from authors whose works he never saw. Thus his curious account of the -water sacrifices, not mentioned by any other published authority, is -verified by the full description of the same rite in the manuscript -of Molina. On the other hand, the long absence of the Inca from his -native country entailed upon him grave disadvantages. His boyish -recollections, though deeply interesting, could not, from the nature of -the case, provide him with critical knowledge. Hence the mistakes in -his work are serious and of frequent occurrence. Dr. Villar has pointed -out his total misconception of the Supreme Being of the Peruvians, and -of the significance of the word “Uira-cocha.”[1264] But, with all its -shortcomings,[1265] the work of the Inca Garcilasso de la Vega must -ever be the main source of our knowledge, and without his pious labors -the story of the Incas would lose more than half its interest. - -The first part of his _Commentarios Reales_, which alone concerns the -present subject, was published at Lisbon in 1607.[1266] The author died -at Cordova at the age of seventy-six, and was buried in the cathedral -in 1616. He lived just long enough to accomplish his most cherished -wish, and to complete the work at which he had steadily and lovingly -labored for so many years. - -Another Indian author wrote an account of the antiquities of Peru, at -a time when the grandchildren of those who witnessed the conquest by -the Spaniards were living. Unlike Garcilasso, this author never left -the land of his birth, but he was not of Inca lineage. Don Juan de -Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua was a native of the Collao, and -descended from a family of local chiefs. His work is entitled _Relacion -de Antigüedades deste Reyno del Peru_. It long remained in manuscript -in the National Library at Madrid, until it was edited by Don Márcos -Jiménez de la Espada in 1879. It had previously been translated into -English and edited for the Hakluyt Society.[1267] Salcamayhua gives -the traditions of Inca history as they were handed down to the third -generation after the conquest. Intimately acquainted with the language, -and in a position to converse with the oldest recipients of native -lore, he is able to record much that is untold elsewhere, and to -confirm a great deal that is related by former authors. He has also -preserved two prayers in Quichua, attributed to Manco Ccapac, the first -Inca, and some others, which add to the number given by Molina. He also -corroborates the important statement of Molina, that the great gold -plate in the temple at Cuzco was intended to represent the Supreme -Being, and not the sun. Salcamayhua is certainly a valuable addition to -the authorities on Peruvian history. - -[Illustration - -NOTE.—The title-page of the fifth decade Herrera, showing the -Inca portraits, is given above. Cf. the plate in Stevens’s English -translation of Herrera, vol. iv., London, 1740, 2d edition.—ED.] - -While so many soldiers and priests and lawyers did their best to -preserve a knowledge of Inca civilization, the Spanish government -itself was not idle. The kings of Spain and their official advisers -showed an anxiety to prevent the destruction of monuments and to -collect historical and topographical information which is worthy of -all praise. In 1585, orders were given to all the local authorities -in Spanish America to transmit such information, and a circular, -containing a series of interrogatories, was issued for their guidance. -The result of this measure was, that a great number of _Relaciones -descriptivas_ were received in Spain, and stored up in the archives of -the Indies. Herrera had these reports before him when he was writing -his history, but it is certain that he did not make use of half -the material they contain.[1268] Another very curious and valuable -source of information consists of the reports on the origin of Inca -sovereignty, which were prepared by order of the Viceroy Don Francisco -de Toledo, and forwarded to the council of the Indies. They consist -of twenty documents, forming a large volume, and preceded by an -introductory letter. The viceroy’s object was to establish the fact -that the Incas had originally been usurpers, in forcibly acquiring -authority over the different provinces of the empire, and dispossessing -the native chiefs. His inference was, that, as usurpers, they were -rightfully dethroned by the Spaniards. He failed to see that such an -argument was equally fatal to a Spanish claim, based on anything but -the sword. Nevertheless, the traditions collected with this object, -not only from the Incas at Cuzco, but also from the chiefs of several -provinces, are very important and interesting.[1269] - -The Viceroy Toledo also sent home four cloths on which the pedigree of -the Incas was represented. The figures of the successive sovereigns -were depicted, with medallions of their wives, and their respective -lineages. The events of each reign were recorded on the borders, -the traditions of Paccari-tampu, and of the creation by Uira-cocha, -occupying the first cloth. It is probable that the Inca portraits -given by Herrera were copied from those on the cloths sent home -by the viceroy. The head-dresses in Herrera are very like that of -the high-priest in the _Relacion_ of the anonymous Jesuit. A map -seems to have accompanied the pedigree, which was drawn under the -superintendence of the distinguished sailor and cosmographer, Don Pedro -Sarmiento de Gamboa.[1270] - -Much curious information respecting the laws and customs of the -Incas and the beliefs of the people is to be found in ordinances and -decrees of the Spanish authorities, both civil and ecclesiastical. -These ordinances are contained in the _Ordenanzas del Peru_, of the -Licentiate Tomas de Ballesteros, in the _Politica Indiana_ of Juan de -Solorzano (Madrid, 1649),[1271] in the _Concilium Limense_ of Acosta, -and in the _Constituciones Synodales_ of Dr. Lobo Guerrero, Archbishop -of Lima, printed in that city in 1614, and again in 1754. - -The kingdom of Quito received attention from several early writers, -but most of their manuscripts are lost to us. Quito was fortunate, -however, in finding a later historian to devote himself to the work -of chronicling the story of his native land. Juan de Velasco was a -native of Riobamba. He resided for forty years in the kingdom of Quito -as a Jesuit priest, he taught and preached in the native language of -the people, and he diligently studied all the works on the subject -that were accessible to him. He spent six years in travelling over -the country, twenty years in collecting books and manuscripts; and -when the Jesuits were banished he took refuge in Italy, where he wrote -his _Historia del Reino de Quito_. Velasco used several authorities -which are now lost. One of these was the _Conquista de la Provincia -del Quito_, by Fray Marco de Niza, a companion of Pizarro. Another was -the _Historia de las guerras civiles del Inca Atahualpa_, by Jacinto -Collahuaso. He also refers to the _Antigüedades del Peru_ by Bravo -de Saravia. As a native of Quito, Velasco is a strong partisan of -Atahualpa; and he is the only historian who gives an account of the -traditions respecting the early kings of Quito. The work was completed -in 1789, brought from Europe, and printed at Quito in 1844, and M. -Ternaux Compans brought out a French edition in 1840.[1272] - -Recent authors have written introductory essays on Peruvian -civilization to precede the story of the Spanish conquest, have -described the ruins in various parts of the country after personal -inspection, or have devoted their labors to editing the early -authorities, or to bringing previously unknown manuscripts to light, -and thus widening and strengthening the foundation on which future -histories may be raised. - -[Illustration: WILLIAM ROBERTSON. - -[After a print in the _European Mag._ (1802), vol. xli.—ED.]] - -Robertson’s excellent view of the story of the Incas in his _History -of America_[1273] was for many years the sole source of information on -the subject for the general English public; but since 1848 it has been -superseded by Prescott’s charming narrative contained in the opening -book of his _Conquest of Peru_.[1274] The knowledge of the present -generation on the subject of the Incas is derived almost entirely from -Prescott, and, so far as it goes, there can be no better authority. But -much has come to light since his time. Prescott’s narrative, occupying -159 pages, is founded on the works of Garcilasso de la Vega, who is -the authority most frequently cited by him, Cieza de Leon, Ondegardo, -and Acosta.[1275] Helps, in the chapter of his _Spanish Conquest_ on -Inca civilization, which covers forty-five pages, only cited two early -authorities not used by Prescott,[1276] and his sketch is much more -superficial than that of his predecessor.[1277] - -The publication of the _Antigüedades Peruanas_ by Don Mariano Eduardo -de Rivero (the director of the National Museum at Lima) and Juan Diego -de Tschudi at Vienna, in 1851, marked an important turning-point in the -progress of investigation. One of the authors was himself a Peruvian, -and from that time some of the best educated natives of the country -have given their attention to its early history. The _Antigüedades_ -for the first time gives due prominence to an estimate of the language -and literature of the Incas, and to descriptions of ruins throughout -Peru. The work is accompanied by a large atlas of engravings; but it -contains grave inaccuracies, and the map of Pachacamac is a serious -blemish to the work.[1278] The _Antigüedades_ were followed by the -_Annals of Cuzco_,[1279] and in 1860 the _Ancient History of Peru_, -by Don Sebastian Lorente, was published at Lima.[1280] In a series of -essays in the _Revista Peruana_,[1281] Lorente gave the results of many -years of further study of the subject, which appear to have been the -concluding labors of a useful life. When he died, in November, 1884, -Sebastian Lorente had been engaged for upwards of forty years in the -instruction of the Peruvian youth at Lima and in other useful labors. -A curious genealogical work on the Incarial family was published at -Paris in 1850, by Dr. Justo Sahuaraura Inca, a canon of the cathedral -of Cuzco, but it is of no historical value.[1282] - -Several scholars, both in Europe and America, have published the -results of their studies relating to the problems of Inca history. -Ernest Desjardins has written on the state of Peru before the -Spanish conquest,[1283] J. G. Müller on the religious beliefs of the -people,[1284] and Waitz on Peruvian anthropology.[1285] The writings -of Dr. Brinton, of Philadelphia, also contain valuable reflections and -useful information respecting the mythology and native literature of -Peru.[1286] Mr. Bollaert had been interested in Peruvian researches -during the greater part of his lifetime (b. 1807; d. 1876), and had -visited several provinces of Peru, especially Tarapaca. He accumulated -many notes. His work, at first sight, appears to be merely a confused -mass of jottings, and certainly there is an absence of method and -arrangement; but closer examination will lead to the discovery of many -facts which are not to be met with elsewhere.[1287] - -A critical study of early authorities and a knowledge of the Quichua -language are two essential qualifications for a writer on Inca -civilization. But it is almost equally important that he should have -access to intelligent and accurate descriptions of the remains of -ancient edifices and public works throughout Peru. For this he is -dependent on travellers, and it must be confessed that no descriptions -at all meeting the requirements were in existence before the opening of -the present century. Humboldt was the first traveller in South America -who pursued his antiquarian researches on a scientific basis. His works -are models for all future travellers. It is to Humboldt,[1288] and his -predecessors the Ulloas,[1289] that we owe graphic descriptions of Inca -ruins in the kingdom of Quito and in northern Peru as far as Caxamarca. -French travellers have contributed three works of importance to the -same department of research. M. Alcide D’Orbigny examined and described -the ruins of Tiahuanacu with great care.[1290] M. François de Castelnau -was the leader of a scientific expedition sent out by the French -government, and his work contains descriptions of ruins illustrated by -plates.[1291] The work of M. Wiener is more complete, and is intended -to be exhaustive. He was also employed by the French government on an -archæological and ethnographic mission to Peru, from 1875 to 1877, and -he has performed his task with diligence and ability, while no cost -seems to have been spared in the production of his work.[1292] The -maps and illustrations are numerous and well executed, and M. Wiener -visited nearly every part of Peru where archæological remains are to -be met with. There is only one fault to be found with the praiseworthy -and elaborate works of D’Orbigny and Wiener. The authors are too apt to -adopt theories on insufficient grounds, and to confuse their otherwise -admirable descriptions with imaginative speculations. An example of -this kind has been pointed out by the Peruvian scholar Dr. Villar, -with reference to M. Wiener’s erroneous ideas respecting _Culte de -l’eau ou de la pluie, et le dieu Quonn_.[1293] M. Wiener is the only -modern traveller who has visited and described the interesting ruins of -Vilcashuaman. - -The present writer has published two books recording his travels in -Peru. In the first he described the fortress of Hervay, the ancient -irrigation channels at Nasca on the Peruvian coast, and the ruins at -and around Cuzco, including Ollantay-tampu.[1294] In the second there -are descriptions of the _chulpas_ at Sillustani in the Collao, and of -the Inca roof over the Sunturhuasi at Azangaro.[1295] - -The work of E. G. Squier is, on the whole, the most valuable result -of antiquarian researches in Peru that has ever been presented to the -public.[1296] Mr. Squier had special qualifications for the task. He -had already been engaged on similar work in Nicaragua, and he was well -versed in the history of his subject. He visited nearly all the ruins -of importance in the country, constructed plans, and took numerous -photographs. Avoiding theoretical disquisitions, he gives most accurate -descriptions of the architectural remains, which are invaluable to the -student. His style is agreeable and interesting, while it inspires -confidence in the reader; and his admirable book is in all respects -thoroughly workmanlike.[1297] - -[Illustration: CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM. - -[After a photograph kindly furnished by himself at the editor’s -request.—ED.]] - -Tiahuanacu is minutely described by D’Orbigny, Wiener, and Squier, and -the famous ruins have also been the objects of special attention from -other investigators. Mr. Helsby of Liverpool took careful photographs -of the monolithic doorway in 1857, which were engraved and published, -with a descriptive article by Mr. Bollaert.[1298] Don Modesto Basadre -has also written an account of the ruins, with measurements.[1299] -But the most complete monograph on Tiahuanacu is by Mr. Inwards, who -surveyed the ground, photographed all the ruins, made enlarged drawings -of the sculptures on the monolithic doorway, and even attempted an -ideal restoration of the palace. In the letter-press, Mr. Inwards -quotes from the only authorities who give any account of Tiahuanacu, -and on this particular point his monograph entitles him to be -considered as the highest modern authority.[1300] - -Another special investigation of equal interest, and even greater -completeness, is represented by the superb work on the burial-ground -of Ancon, being the results of excavations made on the spot by Wilhelm -Reiss and Alphonso Stübel. The researches of these painstaking and -talented antiquaries have thrown a flood of light on the social habits -and daily life of the civilized people of the Peruvian coast.[1301] - -The great work of Don Antonio Raimondi on Peru is still incomplete. -The learned Italian has already devoted thirty-eight years to the -study of the natural history of his adopted country, and the results -of his prolonged scientific labors are now gradually being given to -the public. The plan of this exhaustive monograph is a division into -six parts, devoted to the geography, geology, mineralogy, botany, -zoölogy, and ethnology of Peru. The geographical division will contain -a description of the principal ancient monuments and their ruins, -while the ethnology will include a treatise on the ancient races, -their origin and civilization. But as yet only three volumes have been -published. The first is entitled _Parte Preliminar_, describing the -plan of the work and the extent of the author’s travels throughout -the country. The second and third volumes comprise a history of the -progress of geographical discovery in Peru since the conquest by -Pizarro. The completion of this great work, undertaken under the -auspices of the government of Peru, has been long delayed.[1302] - -The labors of explorers are supplemented by the editorial work of -scholars, who bring to light the precious relics of early authorities, -hitherto buried in scarcely accessible old volumes or in manuscript. -First in the ranks of these laborers in the cause of knowledge, as -regards ancient Peruvian history, stands the name of M. Ternaux -Compans. He has furnished to the student carefully edited French -editions of the narrative of Xeres, of the history of Peru by Balboa, -of the _Mémoires Historiques_ of Montesinos, and of the history of -Quito by Velasco.[1303] - -The present writer has translated into English and edited the works -of Cieza de Leon, Garcilasso de la Vega, Molina, Salcamayhua, Avila, -Xeres, Andagoya, and one of the reports of Ondegardo, and has edited -the old translation of Acosta. - -Dr. M. Gonzalez de la Rosa, an accomplished Peruvian scholar, brought -to light and edited, in 1879, the curious _Historia de Lima_ of Father -Bernabé Cobo. It was published in successive numbers of the _Revista -Peruana_, at Lima. - -[Illustration: MÁRCOS JIMÉNEZ DE LA ESPADA. - -[After a photograph, kindly furnished by himself, at the editor’s -request.—ED.]] - -But in this department students are most indebted to the learned -Spanish editor, Don Márcos Jiménez de la Espada; for he has placed -within our reach the works of important authorities, which were -previously not only inaccessible, but unknown. He has edited the second -part of Cieza de Leon, the anonymous Jesuit, Montesinos, Santillana, -the reports to the Viceroy Toledo, the _Suma y Narracion_ of Betanzos, -and the _War of Quito_, by Cieza de Leon. Moreover, there is every -reason to hope that his career of literary usefulness is by no means -ended. - -Although so much has been accomplished in the field of Peruvian -research, yet much remains to be done, both by explorers and in -the study. The Quichua chapters of the work of Avila, containing -curious myths and legends, remain untranslated and in manuscript. -A satisfactory text of the Ollantay drama, after collation of all -accessible manuscripts, has not yet been secured. Numerous precious -manuscripts have yet to be unearthed in Spain. Songs of the times of -the Incas exist in Peru, which should be collected and edited. There -are scientific excavations to be undertaken, and secluded districts to -be explored. The Yunca grammar of Carrera requires expert comparative -study, and comparison with the Eten dialect. Remnants of archaic -languages, such as the Puquina of the Urus, must be investigated. When -all this, and much more, has been added to existing means of knowledge, -the labors of pioneers will approach completion. Then the time will -have arrived for the preparation of a history of ancient Peruvian -civilization which will be worthy of the subject.[1304] - -[Illustration: [Autograph: Clements R Markham]] - - * * * * * - -NOTES. - - -=I.= ANCIENT PEOPLE OF THE PERUVIAN COAST.—There was a civilized people -on the coast of Peru, but not occupying the whole coast, which was -distinctly different, both as regards race and language, from the Incas -and their cognate tribes. This coast nation was called _Chimu_, and -their language _Mochica_.[1305] - -The numerous valleys on the Peruvian coast, separated by sandy deserts -of varying width, required only careful irrigation to render them -capable of sustaining a large population. The aboriginal inhabitants -were probably a diminutive race of fishermen. Driven southwards -by invaders, they eventually sought refuge in Arica and Tarapaca. -D’Orbigny described their descendants as a gentle, hospitable race -of fishermen, never exceeding five feet in height, with flat noses, -fishing in boats of inflated sealskins, and sleeping in huts of -sealskin on heaps of dried seaweed. They are called Changos. Bollaert -mentions that they buried their dead lengthways. Bodies found in this -unusual posture near Cañete form a slight link connecting the Changos -to the south with the early aboriginal race of the more northern -valleys. - -The _Chimu_ people drove out the aborigines and occupied the valleys of -the coast from Payta nearly to Lima, forming distinct communities, each -under a chief more or less independent. The _Chimu_ himself ruled over -the five valleys of Parmunca, Hualli, Huanapu, Santa, and Chimu, where -the city of Truxillo now stands. The total difference of their language -from Quichua makes it clear that the Chimus did not come from the Andes -or from the Quito country. The only other alternative is that they -arrived from the sea. Balboa, indeed, gives a detailed account of the -statements made by the coast Indians of Lambayeque, at the time of the -conquest. They declared that a great fleet arrived on the coast some -generations earlier, commanded by a chief named Noymlap, who had with -him a green-stone idol, and that he founded a dynasty of chiefs. - -The _Chimu_ and his subjects, let their origin be what it may, had -certainly made considerable advances in civilization. The vast palaces -of the Chimu near the seashore, with a surrounding city, and great -mounds or artificial hills, are astonishing even in their decay. The -principal hall of the palace was 100 feet long by 52. The walls are -covered with an intricate and very effective series of arabesques on -stucco, worked in relief. A neighboring hall, with walls stuccoed in -color, is entered by passages and skirted by openings leading to small -rooms seven feet square, which may have been used as dormitories. -A long corridor leads from the back of the arabesque hall to some -recesses where gold and silver vessels have been found. At a short -distance from this palace there is a sepulchral mound where many -relics have been discovered. The bodies were wrapped in cloths woven -in ornamental figures and patterns of different colors. On some of the -cloths plates of silver were sewn, and they were edged with borders -of feathers, the silver plates being occasionally cut in the shapes -of fishes and birds. Among the ruins of the city there are great -rectangular areas enclosed by massive walls, containing buildings, -courts, streets, and reservoirs for water.[1306] The largest is about -a mile south of the palace, and is 550 yards long by 400. The outer -wall is about 30 feet high and 10 feet thick at the base, with sides -inclining towards each other. Some of the interior walls are highly -ornamented in stuccoed patterns; and in one part there is an edifice -containing 45 chambers or cells, which is supposed to have been a -prison. The enclosure also contained a reservoir 450 feet long by 195, -and 60 feet deep. - -The dry climate favored the adornment of outer walls by color, and -those of the Chimu palaces were covered with very tasteful sculptured -patterns. Figures of colored birds and animals are said to have been -painted on the walls of temples and palaces. Silver and gold ornaments -and utensils, mantles richly embroidered, robes of feathers, cotton -cloths of fine texture, and vases of an infinite variety of curious -designs, are found in the tombs. - -Cieza de Leon gives us a momentary glimpse at the life of the Chimu -chiefs. Each ruler of a valley, he tells us, had a great house with -adobe pillars, and doorways hung with matting, built on extensive -terraces. He adds that the chiefs dressed in cotton shirts and long -mantles, and were fond of drinking-bouts, dancing and singing. The -walls of their houses were painted with bright colored patterns and -figures. Such places, rising out of the groves of fruit-trees, with the -Andes bounding the view in one direction and the ocean in the other, -must have been suitable abodes for joy and feasting. Around them were -the fertile valleys, peopled by industrious cultivators, and carefully -irrigated. Their irrigation works were indeed stupendous. “In the -valley of Nepeña the reservoir is three fourths of a mile long by more -than half a mile broad, and consists of a massive dam of stone 80 feet -thick at the base, carried across a gorge between two rocky hills. -It was supplied by two canals at different elevations; one starting -fourteen miles up the valley, and the other from springs five miles -distant.”[1307] - -[Illustration: SECTION OF A MUMMY-CASE FROM ANCON. - -[After a cut given by Ruge, following a plate in _The Necropolis of -Ancon_. Wiener (p. 44) gives a section of one of the Ancon tombs. See a -cut in Squier’s _Peru_, p. 73.—ED.]] - -The custom prevalent among the Chimus of depositing with their dead -all objects of daily use, as well as ornaments and garments worn by -them during life, has enabled us to gain a further insight into the -social history of this interesting people. The researches of Reuss and -Stübel at the necropolis of Ancon, near Lima, have been most important. -Numerous garments, interwoven with work of a decorative character, -cloths of many colors and complicated patterns, implements used in -spinning and sewing, work-baskets of plaited grass, balls of thread, -fingerrings, wooden and clay toys, are found with the mummies. The -spindles are richly carved and painted, and attached to them are terra -cotta cylinders aglow with ornamental colorings which were used as -wheels. Fine earthenware vases of varied patterns, and wooden or clay -dishes, also occur. - -Turning to the language of the coast people, we find that no Mochica -dictionary was ever made; but there is a grammar and a short list of -words by Carrera, and the Lord’s prayer in Mochica, by Bishop Oré. The -grammar was composed by a priest who had settled at Truxillo, near -the ruins of the Chimu palace, and who was a great-grandson of one of -the first Spanish conquerors. It was published at Lima in 1644. At -that time the Mochica language was spoken in the valleys of Truxillo, -Chicama, Chocope, Sana, Lambayeque, Chiclayo, Huacabamba, Olmos, and -Motupè. When the _Mercurio Peruano_[1308] was published in 1793, this -language is said to have entirely disappeared. Father Carrera tells us -that the Mochica was so very difficult that he was the only Spaniard -who had ever been able to learn it. The words bear no resemblance -whatever to Quichua. Mochica has three different declensions, Quichua -only one. Mochica has no transitive verbs, and no exclusive and -inclusive plurals, which are among the chief characteristics of -Quichua. The Mochica conjugations are formed in quite a different way -from those in the Quichua language. The Mochica system of numerals -appears to have been very complete. With the language, the people -have now almost if not entirely disappeared. Possibly the people of -Eten, south of Lambayeque, who still speak a peculiar language, may be -descendants of the Chimus. - -[Illustration: MUMMY FROM A HUACA AT PISCO. - -[After a cut in T. J. Hutchinson’s _Two Years in Peru_ (London, 1873), -vol. i. p. 113. The Peruvian mummies are almost invariably simply -desiccated. Only the royal personages were embalmed (Markham’s _Cieza -de Leon_, 226). Cf. Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. 135.—ED.]] - -The Chimu dominion extended probably from Tumbez, in the extreme north -of the Peruvian coast, to Ancon, north of Lima. The Chimus also had -a strong colony in the valley of Huarcu, now called Cañete. But the -valleys of the Rimac, of Lurin, Chilca, and Mala, north of Cañete; -and those of Chincha, Yca, and Nasca, south of Cañete; were not Chimu -territory. The names of places in those valleys are all Quichua, -as well as the names of their chiefs, as recorded by Garcilasso de -la Vega and others. The inhabitants were, therefore, of Inca race, -probably colonists from the Huanca nation. Their superstitions as told -by Arriaga, and the curious mythological legends recorded by Avila as -being believed by the people of Huarochiri and the neighboring coast, -all point to an Inca origin. These Inca coast people are said to have -had a famous oracle near the present site of Lima, called “Rimac,” or -“He who speaks.” But more probably it was merely the name given to the -noisy river Rimac, babbling over its stones. It is true that there -was a temple on the coast with an oracle, the fame of which had been -widely spread. The idol called Pachacamac, or “The world-creator,” -was described by the first Spanish visitor, Miguel Estete, as being -made of wood and very dirty. The town was then half in ruins, for the -worship of this local deity was neglected after the conquest by the -Incas. These coast people of Inca race were as industrious as their -Chimu neighbors. In the Nasca valley there is a complete network of -underground watercourses for irrigation. At Yca “they removed the sand -from vast areas, until they reached the requisite moisture, then put in -guano from the islands, and thus formed sunken gardens of extraordinary -richness.”[1309] Similar methods were adopted in the valleys of Pisco -and Chilca. - -When the Inca Pachacutec began to annex the coast valleys, he met -with slight opposition only from the people of Inca origin, who soon -submitted to his rule. But the Chimus struggled hard to retain their -independence. Those of the Huarcu (_Cañete_) valley made a desperate -and prolonged resistance. When at length they submitted, the Inca -built a fortress and palace on a rocky eminence overlooking the sea to -overawe them. The ruins now called Hervai are particularly interesting, -because they are the principal and most imposing example of Inca -architecture in which the building material is adobes and not stone. -The conquest of the valleys to the north of Lima and of the grand Chimu -himself was a still more difficult undertaking, necessitating more -than one hard-fought campaign. When it was completed, great numbers of -the best fighting-men among the Chimus were deported to the interior -as _mitimaes_. More than a century had elapsed since this conquest -when the Spaniards arrived, so that there was but slight chance of the -history of the Chimus being even partially preserved. Cieza de Leon and -Balboa alone supply us with notices of any value.[1310] The southern -valleys of the coast, Arequipa, Moquegua, and Tacna, were occupied by -_mitimaes_ or colonists from the Collao. The Incas gave the general -name of _yuncas_, or dwellers in the warm valleys, to all the people of -the coast. - -Much mystery surrounds the history and origin of the _Chimu_ people. -That they were wholly separate and unconnected with the other races of -Peru seems almost certain. That they were far advanced in civilization -is clear. Difficulties surround any further prosecution of researches -concerning them. They have themselves disappeared from the face of the -earth. Their language has gone with them. But there are the magnificent -ruins of their palaces and temples. There are numerous tombs and -cemeteries which have never been scientifically examined. There is a -grammar and a small vocabulary of words calling for close comparative -examination. There are crania awaiting similar comparative study. There -is a possibility that further information may be gleaned from inedited -Spanish manuscripts. The subject is a most interesting one, and it is -by no means exhausted. - - -[Illustration: TAPESTRY FROM THE GRAVES OF ANCON. - -[After a cut in Ruge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, p. -429, following the colored plate in _The Necropolis of Ancon_. Wiener -reproduces in black and white many of the Ancon specimens.—ED.]] - -=II.= THE QUICHUA LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE.—No real progress can be -made in the work of elucidating the ancient history of Peru, and in -unravelling the interesting but still unsolved questions relating to -the origin and development of Inca civilization, without a knowledge -of the native language. The subject has accordingly received the close -attention of laborious students from a very early period, and the -present essay would be incomplete without appending an enumeration of -the Quichua grammars and vocabularies, and of works relating to Inca -literature. - -Fray Domingo de San Tomas, a Dominican monk, was the first author who -composed a grammar and vocabulary of the language of the Incas. He gave -it the name of Quichua, probably because he had studied with members of -that tribe, who were of pure Inca race, and whose territory lies to the -westward of Cuzco. The name has since been generally adopted for the -language of the Peruvian empire.[1311] - -Diego de Torres Rubio was born in 1547, in a village near Toledo, -became a Jesuit at the age of nineteen, and went out to Peru in 1577. -He studied the native languages with great diligence, and composed -grammars and vocabularies. His grammar and vocabulary of Quichua first -appeared at Saville in 1603, and passed through four editions.[1312] -A long residence in Chuquisaca enabled him to acquire the Aymara -language, and in 1616 he published a short grammar and vocabulary of -Aymara. In 1627 he also published a grammar of the Guarani language. -Torres Rubio was rector of the college at Potosi for a short time, but -his principal labors were connected with missionary work at Chuquisaca. -He died in that city at the great age of ninety-one, on the 13th of -April, 1638. Juan de Figueredo, whose Chinchaysuyu vocabulary is bound -up with later editions of Torres Rubio, was born at Huancavelica in -1648, of Spanish parents, and after a long and useful missionary life -he died at Lima in 1724. - -The most voluminous grammatical work on the language of the Incas -had for its author the Jesuit Diego Gonzales Holguin. This learned -missionary was the scion of a distinguished family in Estremadura, -and was befriended in his youth by his relation, Don Juan de Obando, -President of the Council of the Indies. After graduating at Alcalá -de Henares he became a member of the Society of Jesus in 1568, and -went out to Peru in 1581. He resided for several years in the Jesuit -college at Juli, near the banks of Lake Titicaca, where the fathers had -established a printing-press, and here he studied the Quichua language. -He was entrusted with important missions to Quito and Chili, and was -nominated interpreter by the Viceroy Toledo. His later years were -passed in Paraguay, and when he died at the age of sixty-six, in 1618, -he was rector of the college at Asuncion. His Quichua dictionary was -published at Lima in 1586, and a second edition appeared in 1607,[1313] -the same year in which the grammar first saw the light.[1314] The -Quichua grammar of Holguin is the most complete and elaborate that has -been written, and his dictionary is also the best in every respect. - -While Holguin was studiously preparing these valuable works on the -Quichua language in the college at Juli, a colleague was laboring with -equal zeal and assiduity at the dialect spoken by the people of the -Collao, to which the Jesuits gave the name of Aymara. Ludovico Bertonio -was an Italian, a native of the marches of Ancona. Arriving in Peru in -1581, he resided at Juli for many years, studying the Aymara language, -until, attacked by gout, he was sent to Lima, where he died at the age -of seventy-three, in 1625. His Aymara grammar was first published at -Rome in 1603,[1315] but a very much improved second edition,[1316] and -a large dictionary of Aymara,[1317] were products of the Jesuit press -at Juli in 1612. Bertonio also wrote a catechism and a life of Christ -in Aymara, which were printed at Juli. - -A vocabulary of Quichua by Fray Juan Martinez was printed at Lima in -1604, and another in 1614. Four Quichua grammars followed during the -seventeenth century. That of Alonso de Huerta was published at Lima in -1616; the grammar of the Franciscan Diego de Olmos appeared in 1633; -Don Juan Roxo Mexia y Ocon, a native of Cuzco, and professor of Quichua -at the University of Lima, published his grammar in 1648; and the -grammar of Estevan Sancho de Melgar saw the light in 1691.[1318] Leon -Pinelo also mentions a Quichua grammar by Juan de Vega. The anonymous -Jesuit refers to a Quichua dictionary by Melchior Fernandez, which is -lost to us. - -In 1644 Don Fernando de la Carrera, the Cura of Reque, near Chiclayo, -published his grammar of the Yunca language, at Lima. This is the -language which was once spoken in the valleys of the Peruvian coast -by the civilized people whose ruler was the grand Chimu. Now the -language is extinct, or spoken only by a few Indians in the coast -village of Eten. The work of Carrera is therefore important, as, with -the exception of a specimen of the language preserved by Bishop Oré, -it is the only book in which the student can now obtain any linguistic -knowledge of the lost civilization. The Yunca grammar was reprinted in -numbers in the _Revista de Lima_ of 1880 and following years.[1319] - -There was a professorial chair for the study of Quichua in the -University of San Márcos at Lima, and the language was cultivated, -during the two centuries after the conquest, as well by educated -natives as by many Spanish ecclesiastics. The sermons of Dr. Don -Fernando de Avendaño have already been referred to.[1320] Dr. -Lunarejo, of Cuzco, was another famous Quichuan preacher, and the -_Confesionarios_ and catechisms in the language were very numerous. -Bishop Louis Geronimo Oré, of Guamanga, in his ritualistic manual, -gives the Lord’s prayer and commandments, not only in Quichua and -Aymara, but also in the Puquina language spoken by the Urus on Lake -Titicaca, and in the Yunca language of the coast, which he calls -Mochica.[1321] - -A very curious book was published at Lima in 1602, which, among other -things, treats of the Quichua language and of the derivations of names -of places. The author, Don Diego D’Avalos y Figueroa, appears to have -been a native of La Paz. He was possessed of sprightly wit, was well -read, and a close observer of nature. We gather from his _Miscelanea -Austral_[1322] the names of birds and animals, and of fishes in Lake -Titicaca, as well as the opinions of the author on the cause of the -absence of rain on the Peruvian coast, on the lacustrine system of the -Collao, and on other interesting points of physical geography.[1323] - -In modern times the language of the Incas has received attention from -students of Peruvian history. The joint authors, Dr. Von Tschudi and -Don Mariano Eduardo de Rivero, in their work entitled _Antigüedades -Peruanas_, published at Vienna in 1851, devote a chapter to the -Quichua language. Two years afterwards Dr. Von Tschudi published a -Quichua grammar and dictionary, with the text of the Inca drama of -Ollantay, and other specimens of the language.[1324] The present -writer’s contributions towards a grammar and dictionary of Quichua -were published by Trübner in 1864, and a few years previously a more -complete and elaborate work had seen the light at Sucre, the capital of -Bolivia. This was the grammar and dictionary by Father Honorio Mossi, -of Potosi, a large volume containing thorough and excellent work.[1325] -Lastly a Quichua grammar by José Dionisio Anchorena was published at -Lima in 1874.[1326] - -The curious publication of Don José Fernandez Nodal in 1874 is not so -much a grammar of the Quichua Language as a heterogeneous collection -of notes on all sorts of subjects, and can scarcely take a place among -serious works. The author was a native of Arequipa, of good family, but -he was carried away by enthusiasm and allowed his imagination to run -riot.[1327] - -The gospel of St. Luke, with Aymara and Spanish in parallel columns, -was translated from the vulgate by Don Vicente Pazos-kanki, a graduate -of the University of Cuzco, and published in London in 1829;[1328] and -more recently a Quichua version of the gospel of St. John, translated -by Mr. Spilsbury, an English missionary, has appeared at Buenos -Ayres.[1329] These publications and others of the same kind have a -tendency to preserve the purity of the language, and are therefore -welcome to the student of Incarial history. - -Quichua has been the subject of detailed comparative study by more -than one modern philologist of eminence. The discussion of the Quichua -roots by the learned Dr. Vicente Fidel Lopez is a most valuable -addition to the literature of the subject; while the historical section -of his work is a great aid to a critical consideration of Montesinos -and other early authorities. Whatever may be thought of his theoretical -opinions, and of the considerations by which he maintains them, there -can be no doubt that Dr. Lopez has rendered most important service to -all students of Peruvian history.[1330] The theoretical identification -of Quichuan roots with those of Turanian and Iberian languages, as it -has been elaborated by Mr. Ellis, is also not without its use, quite -apart from the truth or otherwise of any linguistic theory.[1331] - -[Illustration: FROM TIMANÁ. - -[After a cut in William Bollaert’s _Antiquarian Researches_, etc., p. -41, showing a stone figure from Timana in New Granada, an antiquity of -the Muiscas, found in a dense forest, with no tradition attached.—ED.]] - -Editorial labors connected with the publication of the text and of -translations of the Inca drama of Ollantay have recently conduced, in -an eminent degree, to the scholarly study of Quichua, while they have -sensibly contributed to a better knowledge of the subject. Von Tschudi -was the first to publish the text of Ollantay, in the second part of -his _Kechua Sprache_, having given extracts from the drama in the -chapter on the Quichua language in the _Antigüedades Peruanas_. After -a long interval he brought out a revised text with a parallel German -translation,[1332] from his former manuscript, collated with another -bearing the date of La Paz, 1735. - -The drama, in the exact form that it existed when represented before -the Incas, is of course lost to us. It was handed down by tradition -until it was arranged for representation, divided into scenes, and -supplied with stage directions in Spanish times. Several manuscripts -were preserved, which differ only slightly from each other; and they -were looked upon as very precious literary treasures by their owners. -The drama was first publicly brought to notice by Don Manuel Palacios, -in the _Museo Erudito_, a periodical published at Cuzco in 1837; but -it was not until 1853 that the text was printed by Von Tschudi. His -manuscript was copied from one preserved in the Dominican monastery at -Cuzco by one of the monks. The transcription was made between 1840 and -1845 for the artist Rugendas, of Munich, who gave it to Von Tschudi. -There was another old manuscript in the possession of Dr. Antonio -Valdez, the priest of Sicuani, who lived in the last century, and was -a friend of the unfortunate Tupac Amaru. Dr. Valdez died in 1816; and -copies of his manuscript were possessed by Dr. Pablo Justiniani, the -aged priest of Laris, a village in the heart of the eastern Andes, and -by Dr. Rosas, the priest of Chinchero. The present writer made a copy -of the Justiniani manuscript at Laris, which he collated with that of -Dr. Rosas. In 1871 he published the text of his copy, with an attempt -at a literal English translation.[1333] In 1868 Dr. Barranca published -a Spanish translation from the text of Von Tschudi, now called the -Dominican text.[1334] The Peruvian poet Constantino Carrasco afterwards -brought out a version of the drama of Ollantay in verse, paraphrased -from the translation of Barranca.[1335] The enthusiastic Peruvian -student, Dr. Nodal, printed a different Quichua text with a Spanish -translation, in parallel columns, in 1874.[1336] - -There are other manuscripts, and a text has not yet been derived -from a scholarly collation of the whole of them. There is one in the -possession of Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa, which belonged to Dr. Justo -Sahuaraura Inca, Archdeacon of Cuzco, and descendant of Paullu, the -younger son of Huayna Ccapac. In 1878 the Quichua scholar and native of -Cuzco, Don Gavino Pacheco Zegarra, published the text of Ollantay at -Paris, from a manuscript found among the books of his great-uncle, Don -Pedro Zegarra. He added a very free translation in French, and numerous -valuable notes. The work of Zegarra is by far the most important -that has appeared on this subject, for the accomplished Peruvian has -the great advantage of knowing Quichua from his earliest childhood. -With this advantage, not possessed by any previous writer, he unites -extensive learning and considerable critical sagacity.[1337] - -The reasons for assigning an ancient date to this drama of Ollantay -are conclusive in the judgment of all Quichua scholars. On this point -there is a consensus of opinion. But General Mitre, the ex-President -of the Argentine Republic, published an essay in 1881, to prove that -Ollantay was of Spanish origin and was written in comparatively -modern times.[1338] The present writer replied to his arguments in -the introduction (p. xxix) to the English translation of the second -part of _Cieza de Leon_ (1883), and this reply was translated into -Spanish and published at Buenos Ayres in the same year, by Don Adolfo -F. Olivares, accompanied by a critical note from the pen of Dr. Vicente -Lopez.[1339] The latest publication on the subject of Ollantay consists -of a series of articles in the _Ateneo de Lima_, by Don E. Larrabure y -Unanue, the accomplished author of a history of the conquest of Peru, -not yet published. The general conclusion which has been arrived at -by Quichua scholars, after this thorough sifting of the question, is -that, although the division into scenes and the stage directions are -due to some Spanish hand, and although some few Hispanicisms may have -crept into some of the texts, owing to the carelessness or ignorance -of transcribers, yet that the drama of Ollantay, in all essential -points, is of Inca origin. Several old songs are imbedded in it, and -others have been preserved by Quichua scholars at Cuzco and Ayacucho, -and in the neighborhood of those cities. The editing of these remains -of Inca literature will, at some future time, throw further light -on the history of the past. There are several learned Peruvians who -devote themselves to Incarial studies, besides Señor Zegarra, who now -resides in Spain. Among them may be mentioned Dr. Villar of Cuzco, a -ripe scholar, who has recently published a closely reasoned essay on -the word _Uira-cocha_, Don Luis Carranza, and Don Martin A. Mujica, a -native of Huancavelica. - - -=III.= THE NEW GRANADA TRIBES.—The incipient civilization of the -Chibchas or Muiscas of New Granada was first made generally known by -Humboldt (_Vues des Cordillères_, octavo ed., ii. 220-67; _Views of -Nature_, Eng. trans., 425). Cf. also, E. Uricoechea’s _Memorias sobre -las Antigüedades néo-granadinas_ (Berlin, 1854); Bollaert; Rivero and -Von Tschudi; Nadaillac, 459; and Joseph Acosta’s _Compendio historico -del Descubrimiento de la Nueva Granada_ (Paris, 1848; with transl. in -Bollaert). - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE RED INDIAN OF NORTH AMERICA IN CONTACT WITH THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH. - -BY GEORGE E. ELLIS, D. D., LL. D. - -_President of the Massachusetts Historical Society._ - - -THE relations into which the first Europeans entered with the -aborigines in North America were very largely influenced, if not -wholly decided, by the relations which they found to exist among the -tribes on their arrival here. Those relations were fiercely hostile. -The new-comers in every instance and in every crisis found their -opportunity and their immunity in the feuds existing among tribes -already in conflict with each other. This state of things, while it -gave the whites enemies, also furnished them with allies. So far as the -whites could learn in their earliest inquiries, internecine strife had -been waging here among the natives from an indefinite past. - -Starting, then, from this hostile relation between the native tribes of -the northerly parts of the continent, we may trace the development of -our subject through five periods:— - -1. The first period, a very brief one, is marked by the presence -of a single European nationality here, the French, for whom, under -stringency of circumstance that he might be in friendly alliance with -one tribe, Champlain was compelled to espouse its existing feud with -other tribes. - -2. The next period opens with the appearance and sharp rivalry here of -a second European nationality, the English, the hereditary foe of the -French, transferring hither their inherited animosities, amid which the -Indians were ground as between two mill-stones. - -3. Upon the extinction of French dominion on the continent by the -English, the former red allies of the French, with secret prompting and -help from the dispossessed party, were stirred with fresh animosities -against the victors. - -4. Yet again the open hostilities of contending Indian tribes were -largely turned to account, to their own harm, in their respective -alliances with the English colonies or with the mother-country in the -War of Independence. - -5. The closing period is that which is still in progress as covering -the relations with them of the United States government. The old -hostilities between those tribes have been steadily of less account in -affecting their later fortunes; and our government has not found it -essential or expedient to aggravate its own severity against its Indian -subjects, or “wards,” by availing itself of the feuds between them. - -The same antagonisms which had kept the Indian tribes in hostility -with each other prevented their effective alliance among themselves -against the whites, and also embarrassed the English and French -rivals, who sought to engage them on their respective sides. Many -attempts were made by master chiefs among the savages, from the first -intrusion of the Europeans, to organize combinations, or what we call -“conspiracies,” of formerly contending tribes against the common foe. -The first of them, formidable though limited in its consequences, was -made in Virginia in 1622. Only two of these schemes proved otherwise -than wholly abortive. That of King Philip in New England, in 1675, was -effective enough to show what havoc such a combination might work. That -of Pontiac, in 1763, was vastly more formidable, and was thwarted only -by a resistance which engaged at several widely severed points all the -warlike resources of the English. But the inherent difficulties, both -of combining the Indian tribes among themselves, and of engaging some -of them in alliance on either side with the French and the English -contestants, were vastly increased by the seeds of sharp dissension -sown among them through the rivalries in trade and temptations offered -in the fluctuating prices of peltries. Even the long-standing league of -the Five Nations was ruptured by the resolute English agent Johnson. -He succeeded so far as to secure a promise of neutrality from some of -them, and a promise of friendly help from one of them. There were some -in each of the tribes falling not one whit behind the sharpest of the -whites in skilled sagacity and calculation, who were swift to mark and -to interpret the changes in the balance of fortune, as one or the other -of the parties of their common enemies made a successful stroke for -ascendency. - -The facilities for alliance with one or another native tribe against -its enemies made for the Europeans a vast difference in the results -of their warfare with the aborigines. One might venture positively to -assert that the occupancy of this continent by Europeans would have -been indefinitely deferred and delayed had all its native tribes, in -amity with each other, or willing for the occasion to arrest their -feuds, made a bold and united front to resist the first intrusion upon -their common domains. Certainly the full truth of this assertion might -be illustrated as applicable to many incidents and crises in the first -feeble and struggling fortunes of our original colonists in various -exposed and inhospitable places. In many cases absolute starvation was -averted only by the generous hospitality of the Indians. Taking into -view the circumstances under which, from the first, tentative efforts -were made for a permanent occupancy by the whites on our whole coast -from Nova Scotia to Florida, and along the lakes and great western -valleys, we must admit that their fortunes had more of peril than of -promise. While, of course, we must refer their success and security in -large measure to the forbearance, tolerance, and real kindliness of -the natives, yet it was well proved that as soon as the jealousy of -these natives was stirred at any threatened encroachment, only their -own feuds disabled them from any united opposition, and gave to one or -another tribe the alternative of fighting the white intruders or of an -alliance with them against their neighbor enemies. The whole series -of the successive encroachments of Europeans on this continent is a -continuous illustration of the successful turning to their own account -of the strife of Indians against Indians. And when two rival European -nationalities opened their two centuries of warfare for dominion on -this continent, each party at once availed itself of red allies ready -to renew or prolong their own previous hostilities. - -The French Huguenots in Florida and the Spaniards who massacred -them had each of them allies among the tribes which were in mutual -hostility. Champlain was grievously perplexed by the pressure, to which -none the less he yielded, that if he would be in amity with the Hurons -he must espouse their deadly enmity with the Iroquois. Even the poor -remnants of the tribe with which the Pilgrims of Plymouth made their -treaty of peace, which lasted for fifty years, were the vanquished and -tributary representatives of a broken people. A sharp war and a more -deadly plague had made that colony a possibility. - -And so it comes to pass that, if we attempt to define at any period -during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the conflicts between -the savages and Europeans on this continent, we have to look for the -explanation of any special change in the relations of the Indian tribes -to the varying interests and collisions of the different foreign -nationalities in rivalry here. The hostilities between the French -and the English were chronic and continuous. Frenchman’s Bay, at Mt. -Desert, preserves the memorial of the first collision, when Argall, -from Virginia, broke up the attempted settlement of Saussaye.[1340] -As to the later developments of the antagonism, resulting in the -extinction of French possession here, we are to refer them in about -equal measure to two main causes,—the jealousy of the home governments, -and the keen rivalry of the respective colonists for the lucrative -spoils of the fur trade. The profit of traffic may be regarded as -furnishing the prompting for strife on this side of the water, while -the passion for territorial conquest engaged the intrigues and the -armies of foreign courts in the stakes of wilderness warfare. - -In tracing the course of such warfare we must take into our view two -very effective agencies, which introduced important modifications -in the methods and results of that warfare. In its progress these -two agencies became more and more chargeable with very serious -consequences. The first of these is the change induced in the warfare -of the Indians by their possession of, leading steadily to a dependence -upon, the white man’s firearms and supplies. The second is the usage, -which the Indians soon learned to be profitable, of reserving their -white prisoners for ransom, instead of subjecting them to death or -torture. - -When we read of some of the earliest so-called “deeds” by which the -English colonists obtained from the sachems wide spaces of territory -on the consideration of a few tools, hatchets, kettles, or yards of -cloth, we naturally regard the transaction as simply illustrating the -white man’s rapacity and cunning in tricking the simplicity of the -savage. But we may be sure that in many such cases the Indian secured -what was to him a full equivalent for that with which he parted. For, -as the whites soon learned by experience, the savages supposed that -in such transactions they were not alienating the absolute ownership -of their lands, but only covenanting for the right of joint occupancy -with the English. And then the coveted tools or implements obtained by -them represented a value and a use not measurable by any reach of wild -territory. A metal kettle, a spear, a knife, a hatchet, transformed -the whole life of a savage. A blanket was to him a whole wardrobe. -When he came to be the possessor of firearms and ammunition, having -before regarded himself the equal of the white man, he at once became -his superior. We shall see how the rivalry between the French and -the English for traffic with the Indians, the enterprise of traders -in pushing into the wilderness with pack-horses, the establishment -of trucking houses, the facility with which the natives could obtain -coveted goods from either party, and the occasional failure of -supplies in the contingencies of warfare, were on many occasions the -turning-points in the fights in the wilderness, and in the shifting of -savage partisanship from one side to the other, as the fickle allies -found their own interests at stake. - -It was in 1609, when Champlain invaded the Iroquois country, on the -lake that bears his name, that the astounded savages first saw the -flash and marked the deadly effect of his arquebuse. But the shock soon -spent itself. The weapon was found to be a terrestrial one, made and -put to service by a man. The Dutch on the Hudson very soon supplied the -Mohawks with this effective instrument for prosecuting the fur trade. -The French began the general traffic with the Indians near the St. -Lawrence, in metal vessels, knives, hatchets, awls, cotton and woollen -goods, blankets, and that most coveted of all the white man’s stores, -the maddening “fire-water.” But farther north and west for full two -hundred years, from 1670 quite down to our own time, annual cargoes of -these commodities were imported through Hudson Bay by the chartered -company, and had been distributed by its agents among those who paid -for them in peltries, in such abundance that the savages became really -dependent upon them, and gradually conformed their habits to the use of -them. Of course, in their raids upon English outposts, the spoils of -war in the shape of such supplies added rapacity to their ferocity. It -was with a proud flourish that Indian warriors, enriched by the plunder -on the field of Braddock’s disastrous defeat, strutted before the walls -of Fort Duquesne, arrayed in the laced hats, sashes, uniform, and -gorgets of British officers. - -When Céloron was sent, in 1749, by the governor of Canada, to take -possession of interior posts along the Alleghanies, he found at -each of the Indian villages, as at Logstown, a chief centre, from a -single to a dozen English traders, well supplied with goods for a -brisk peltry traffic. He required the chiefs, on the threat of the -loss of his favor, to expel them and to forbid their return. But the -Indians insisted that they needed the goods. Some of these traders -were worthless reprobates, mostly Scotch-Irish, from the frontiers of -Pennsylvania. When Christopher Gist was sent, the next year, by the -Ohio Land Company, to follow Céloron and to thwart his schemes, he -complained strongly of these demoralized and demoralizing traders. In -the evidence given before the British House of Commons on the several -occasions when the monopoly and the mode of business of the Hudson -Bay Company were under question, the extent to which the natives had -come to depend upon European supplies was very strongly brought into -notice. It was urged that some of the tribes had actually, by disuse, -lost their skill in their old weapons. It was even affirmed that in -some of the tribes multitudes had died by freezing and starvation, -because their recent supplies had failed them. This dependence of the -natives upon the resources of civilization, observable from the opening -of their intercourse with the whites, has been steadily strengthening -for two hundred years, till now it has become an absolute and heavy -exaction upon our national treasury. - - * * * * * - -The custom which soon came in, to soften the atrocities of Indian -warfare by the holding of white prisoners for ransom, was grafted upon -an earlier usage among the natives of adopting prisoners or captives. -There was a formal ceremonial in such cases, and after its performance -those who would otherwise have been victims were treated with all -kindness. The return of a war-party to its own village was attended -with widely different manifestations according to the fortune which -had befallen it. If it consisted only of a baffled and flying remnant -that had failed in its hazardous enterprise, its coming was announced, -and received by the old men, women, and youths in the village with -howls and lamentations. If, however, it had been successful, as -proved by rich plunder, reeking scalp-locks, and prisoners, some -runners were sent in advance to announce its approach. Then began a -series of orgies, in which the old squaws were the most demonstrative -and hideous. While the scalp-locks were displayed and counted, the -well-guarded prisoners were exultingly escorted by their captors, -the squaws gathering around them with taunts and petty tormentings. -The woful fate which was waiting these prisoners was foreshadowed in -prolonged rehearsals for its final horrors. One by one they were forced -to run the gauntlet from goal to goal, between lines of yelping fiends, -under blows and missiles, stones, sticks, and tomahawks, while efforts -were made to trip them in their course, that they might be pounded in -their helplessness when maddened with pain. Any exhibition of weakness -or dread did but intensify the malignant frenzy of their tormentors. -Those who lived through this ordeal, which was intended to be but a -preliminary in the barbaric entertainment, and to stop short of the -actual extinction of life, were afterwards, by deliberate preparations -made in full view of the prisoners, subjected to all the ingenuities -of rage and cruelty which untamed savage fiendishness could devise. -The hero who bore the trial without flinching, singing his song of -defiance, and in his turn mocking his tormentors because they failed to -break his spirit, was most likely to find mercy in a finishing stroke -dealt by a magnanimous foe. - -Anything like an alleviation of these dread revenges of savage warfare -being unallowable, there was open one way of complete relief in the -usage of adoption, just referred to. This, however, was never available -to the prisoner from his own first motion or prompting. He was wholly -passive in the matter. It came solely from the inclination of any -one in the village, a warrior or a squaw who, having recently lost a -relative, or one whose service was necessary, might select a prisoner -from the group as desirable to supply a place that was vacant. There -would seem to have been a large liberty allowed in the exercise of this -privilege, especially for those who were mourning for a relative lost -in the encounter in which the prisoner was taken. Sometimes the merest -caprice might prompt the selection. Scarcely, except in the rare case -of some proud captive who would haughtily scorn to avail himself of a -seeming affinity with the tribe of a hated or abject enemy, would the -offered privilege of adoption be refused. For, in any case, an ultimate -escape from an enforced durance might be looked to. Of course those -who were thus adopted were mostly the young and vigorous. The little -children were not especially favored in the process,—except, as soon to -be noted, the children of the whites. The ceremonial for adoption was -traditional. Beginning generally with somewhat rough and intimidating -treatment, the captive was for a while left in suspense as to his fate. -When at length the intent of the arbiter of his life was made known to -him, the method pursued has been very frequently described to us in -detail by the whites who were the subjects of it.[1341] The candidate -was plunged and thoroughly soused in a stream to rinse out his white -blood; the hair of his head, saving the scalp-lock, was plucked out; -and after some mouthings and incantations, completing the initiation, -all winning blandishments, arts, and appliances were engaged to secure -the confidence of the adopted captive, and to draw from him some -responsive sign of affection. He was arrayed in the choicer articles of -forest finery, and nestled in the family lodge. The father, the squaw, -or the patron, in whatever relation, to whom he henceforward belonged, -spared no effort to engage and comfort him. Watchful eyes, of course, -jealously guarded any restless motions looking towards an escape. The -final aim was to secure a fully nationalized and acclimated new member -of a tribe, ready to share all its fortunes in peace and war. - -Naturally there were differences in this whole process and its results, -as they concerned these attempted affiliations between the members of -Indian tribes and in the adoption of white captives.[1342] - -In their early conflicts with the whites, the Indians generally -practised an indiscriminate slaughter. There were a few exceptions to -the rule in King Philip’s war.[1343] In the raids of the French, with -their Indian allies, upon the English settlements, prisoners taken on -either side came gradually to have the same status as in civilized -warfare, and to be held for exchange. This, however, would proceed -upon the supposition that both parties had prisoners. But before there -was anything like equality in this matter, the captives were for the -most part such as had been seized from among the whites in inroads -upon their settlements, not in the open field of warfare. A midnight -assault upon some frontier cabins, or upon the lodge of some lonely -settler, left the savages to choose between a complete massacre or upon -a selection of some of their victims for leading away with them to -their own haunts, if not too cumbersome or dangerous for the wilderness -journey. It soon came to be understood among the raiding parties of -Indians in alliance with the French in Canada that white captives had -a ransom value. Contributions were often gathered up in neighborhoods -that had been raided, and in the meeting-houses of New England on -Sundays, for redeeming such captives as were known to be in Canada. -And, curiously enough, Judge Sewall in his journal records appeals for -charity in the same form for the redemption of captives in the hands of -our own savages, and for the ransom of our seamen and traders who were -kept in durance by African corsairs. - -In the raids of desolation on either side of the Alleghanies and -along the sources of the Susquehannah and the Ohio, from the outbreak -of the French and Indian war, down to and even after the crushing -of Pontiac’s conspiracy, while more than a thousand cabins of the -borderers were burned and their inmates mostly slaughtered, several -hundred captives were borne off by the Indians and distributed among -their villages. The ultimate fate of these captives always hung in -dread uncertainty. If a panic arose among the lodges in apprehension -of an onset from a war-party of the whites, the captives might be -massacred. But the force of circumstances and the urgency of interested -motives steadily made it an object for their captors to retain their -prisoners unharmed, and even to make captivity tolerable to them. -The alternative of death or life to them generally depended upon -whether they might escape or be released by an avenging party without -compensation, or could be held for redemption through a ransom. The -knowledge that the Indians retained such captives of course became a -very effective motive in inducing their relatives in the settlements -to gather parties of neighbors for following the victims into the -forest depths. Temporary truces also, when made by victorious parties -of the whites, were conditioned upon the surrender of all their -surviving countrymen who were supposed to be in duress. The savages -practised all their artifices and subterfuges in concealing some of -their prisoners, alleging that they had been carried deeper into the -country by new masters, or by positively denying all knowledge of their -whereabouts. But the persistency and threats of those who had learned -how to deal with these red diplomates, with a few resolute strokes -generally brought about their surrender. When Bouquet had secured -possession of Fort Duquesne with his army of 1,500 men, he stoutly -followed up his success beyond the Ohio to the Indian settlements -near the Muskingum, and with his sturdy pluck and strong force he -overawed the representatives of the neighboring tribes which he had -summoned to meet him. He insisted, as the first condition of a truce, -upon the delivery of all the white prisoners secluded among them, not -only without the payment of any ransom, but upon their being brought -in with a protecting escort and with means of sustenance. Of course -there was always ignorance or doubt as to the number of captives in any -particular place, and as to the hands into which any individual known -or supposed to be in durance might have fallen. The word of an Indian -on these points was worthless unless backed by other testimony. A -stimulating of the tongue into unguarded speech by a dram of rum might -in some cases serve the purpose of the rack or the thumb-screw in more -civilized cross-examinations. An uncertainty of course always hung over -the survival or the whereabouts of individuals or members of a family -whose bodies had not been found on the scene of an Indian frontier -raid. Bouquet was accompanied by friends and relatives of supposed -survivors held in captivity as the spoils of some massacre, and these -might be depended upon to circumvent the falsehoods and cunning of -the captors, and to insist upon their giving up their prizes. The -persistency and the plain evidence of resolved purpose manifested by -Bouquet finally compelled from the representatives of the tribes in -council a pledge to surrender all the prisoners in their hands, and -messengers were sent out to gather and bring them in, though with some -plausible excuses for delay, and the grudging return of only a part of -them. But those who were given up became the best witnesses as to the -deception practised by the cunning culprits in holding back others. -Only after repeated exposures of falsehood by those so grudgingly -surrendered, asserting of their own knowledge that there were others -held in durance, whom they might even know by name, was there brought -about a full deliverance, saving that, whether truly or falsely, in -the case of a few individuals demanded the excuse was alleged that -they belonged to some chief or tribe absent at a distance on a hunt, -and so not to be reached by a summons. Bouquet was also absolute in -his demand for all such white captives, young or old, as were alleged -to have been adopted or married among the tribes. His firmly insisting -upon this, and the compliance with it in many cases, led to some scenic -manifestations in the wilderness, of a highly dramatic character, full -of the matter of romance in their revelations of the working of human -nature under novel and strange conditions. Such manifestations often -attended similar scenes in the ransom or forced surrender of whites who -had been in captivity among the Indians. But in this special instance -of Bouquet’s resolute course with the Ohio tribes, numbers, variety, -picturesqueness in those manifestations, gave to the bringing in and -the reception of captives features and incidents which strongly engage -alike the sympathies and antipathies of human nature. Some of those -brought into Bouquet’s camp, who had once at least been whites, came -with full as much reluctance on their part as that which was felt by -those who gave them up. Indeed, several of them could be secured only -by being bound and guarded. - -Approximation in all degrees to the manners and habits of Indian -life and to all the qualities of Indian nature had been realized by -Europeans from the first contact of the races on this continent. Of -course the instances were numerous and very decisive in which this -approximation was completed, and resulted in a substitution of all -the ways and habits of savagery for those of civilization. Many of -those who were forced back into Bouquet’s camp clung to their Indian -friends, and repelled all the manifestations of joy and affection of -their own nearest kin by blood. They positively refused to return to -the settlements. They had been won by preference to the fascinations -and license of a life in the wilderness. This preference was by no -means inexplicable, even for some full-grown men and women who had -been reared in the white settlements. Life in scattered cabins on the -frontiers had more points of resemblance than of difference in hard -conditions and privations, when compared with savage life in the woods. -Such society as these scattered cabins afforded was rude and rough, all -experiences were precarious, daily drudgery was severe, the solitary -homes were gloomy, and only exceptional cases of early domestic and -mental training alleviated the stern exigencies of the condition of the -first generation of the settlers. For women and children especially, -the outlook and the routine of life were dismal enough. As for the -men, the more they conformed themselves in many respects to the actual -habits and resources of the Indians in the training of their instincts, -in their garb, their food, their adaptation of themselves to the ways -and resources of nature, the easier was their lot. Many women, likewise -made captives by the savages, in some cases of mature age, and having -looked forward to the usual lot of marriage, found an Indian to be -preferable, or at all events tolerable, as a husband. Children who -preserved but a faint remembrance of home and parents very readily -adopted savage tastes, and testified by their shrieks and struggles -their unwillingness to part from their red friends. Specimens from -each of these classes were the most marked and demonstrative among -the groups brought in to Bouquet from Indian lodges, being in number -more than two hundred. Doubtless, however, the majority of them had -had enough of the experiences of savage life to make a return to the -settlements a welcome release. Such persons thenceforward constituted -a useful class as interpreters, mediators, and messengers between the -contending parties. Their knowledge of Indian character, superstitions, -limitations, weak and strong points, impulsive excitability, -stratagems, and adaptability to circumstance proved on many emergent -occasions of good account. Such of these returned captives as had had -the rudiments of an education, and were trustworthy as narrators, have -made valuable contributions to local history. - -Among many such intelligent and trustworthy reporters was Col. -James Smith, captured on the borders of Pennsylvania in 1755, when -eighteen years of age, and kept in captivity five years. Another -was John McCullough, taken at about the same time and from the near -neighborhood, when eight years old. He was retained eight years, -and, being a quick-witted and observing youth, he kept his eyes and -ears open to all that he could learn. From such sources we derive -the most authentic information we possess of that transition period -in the condition and fortunes of many of our aboriginal tribes when -the intrusion of Europeans upon them with their tempting goods and -their rival schemes, which equally tended to dispossess them of their -heritage, introduced among them so many novel complications. Some of -the narratives of the whites, who, under the conditions just referred -to, lived for years and were assimilated with the Indians, present us -occasionally by no means unattractive pictures of the ordinary tenor of -life among them. In the brief intervals of peace, and in some favored -recesses where game abounded and the changing seasons brought round -festivals, plays, and scenes of jollity, there were even fascinations -to delight one of simple tastes, who could enjoy the aspects of nature, -share the easy tramp over mossy trails, content himself with the viands -of the wilderness, employ the long hours of laziness in easy handiwork, -delight in basking beneath the soft hazes of the Indian summer, or -listening to the traditional lore of the winter wigwam. The forests -very soon began to be the shelter and the roving haunts of a crew of -renegades and outlaws from the settlements, who assimilated at all -points with the savages, and often used what remained to them of the -knowledge and arts of civilization for ingenious purposes of mischief. -It has always proved a vastly more easy and rapid process for white men -to fall back into barbarism than for an Indian to conform himself to -civilization. Wild life brought out all reversionary tendencies, and -revived primitive qualities and instincts. It gave those who shared it -a full opportunity to become oblivious of all fastidious tastes and -of all the squeamishness of over-delicacy. The promiscuous contents -of the camp-kettle, with its deposits and incrustations from previous -banquets, were partaken of with a zestful appetite. The circumstances -of warfare in the woods quickened all the faculties of watchfulness, -made even the natural coward brave, imparted endurance, and multiplied -all the ingenuities of resource and stratagem. There is something that -surpasses the merely marvellous in the feats of sturdy and persevering -scouts, escaped captives, remnants of a butchery, messengers sent to -carry intelligence in supreme peril, and lonely wayfarers treading -the haunted forests, or creeping stealthily through ambushed defiles, -penetrating marshes, using the sky and their woodcraft for guidance, -fording or swimming choked or icy streams, climbing high tree-tops -for a wider survey from the closed woods and thickets, subsisting on -roots and berries and moss, and yielding to the exhaustion of nature -only when all perils were passed and the refuge was reached. Alike on -the march of armies and in the siege of some little forest stronghold -surrounded by yelping savages, it was necessary from time to time to -send out a single plucky hero to carry or to obtain intelligence. When -such a messenger was not designated by the commander, and the extremity -of the emergency left the dismal honor to a volunteer, such was never -found to be lacking. It confounds all calculations of the law of -chances to learn how, even in the majority of such dire enterprises as -are on record, fortune favored the brave. Narratives there are which -for ages to come will gather all the exciting elements of tragedy and -romance, and occasionally even of comedy, as, set down in the language -of the woods, without the constraints of art or grammar, they make us -for the moment companions of some imperilled man or woman who borrowed -of the bear, the deer, the fox, or the beaver, their several instincts -and stratagems for outwitting pursuit and clinging to dear life. Rare, -it may be, but still well authenticated, are cases of victims with a -strong tenacity of vitality, who, left as dead, mutilated and scalped, -reasserted themselves when the foe had gone, found their way back to -their homes, and, after such reconstruction as the art of the time -would allow, enjoyed a long life afterwards. - -The conditions attending the entrance of European war-parties, with -their necessary supplies, into the depths of the wilderness were of the -most severe and exacting character. They involved equally the outlay of -toil and an exposure to perils requiring the most watchful vigilance. -Well-worn trails made by the natives, and always sufficiently travelled -to keep them open, had long been in use for such purposes as were -needed in primitive conditions. These were very narrow, necessitating -that progress should be made through them singly, in “Indian file.” -At portages or carrying-places, burdens were borne on the back from -one watercourse to another, round a rapid or across an elevation. -Some of these trails are even now traceable in the oldest settled -portions of the country, where the woods have never been wholly -cleared. Part of that which was availed of by the whites two hundred -and fifty years ago between Plymouth and Boston, and others in untilled -portions of the Old Colony, are clearly discernible. The thickets -and undergrowths came close to the borders of these trails, and the -overhanging branches of the trees were found a grievous annoyance when -the earliest traders with pack-horses traversed them. In a large part -of our present national domain and in Canada, it may safely be said -that nineteen twentieths of all movement from place to place was made -by the savages by the watercourses of lake and stream, and the same -was done by the Europeans till they brought into use horses first, and -then carts. These were first put to service by the traders from the -English settlements on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and Virginia. The -pack-horses, heavily laden, trained to their rough service for rocky -and marshy grounds, as well as for the thick and stifling depths of -the forest, and able to subsist on very poor forage, carried goods -most prized by the natives, and generally in inverse ratio to their -real worth. They returned to the settlements from the Indian villages -with a burden of precious furs, the traffickers mutually finding -their account in their respective shares in barter and profit. These -traders with their pack-horses were for a long time the pioneers of the -actual settlers. The methods and results of their traffic, trifling -as they may seem to be, had the two leading consequences of critical -importance: first, they made the Indians acquainted with and dependent -upon the white man’s goods, and then they provoked and embittered -the rival competition between the French and the English for the -considerable profits. - -What we now call a military road was first undertaken on a serious -scale in the advance of the disastrous expedition of General -Braddock, in 1755, over the Alleghanies to the forks of the Ohio. -The incumbrances with which he burdened himself might wisely have -been greatly reduced in kind and in amount. But the exigencies of -the service in which he was engaged were but poorly apprehended by -him. As in the case of the even more disastrous campaign of General -Burgoyne, twenty-two years later, (1777) though his route was mainly -by water, the camp was lavishly supplied with appliances of luxury -and sensuality. Braddock’s way for his cattle, carts, and artillery -was slowly and poorly prepared by pioneers in advance, levelling -trees, stiffening marshy places, removing rocks and bushes, and then -leaving huge stumps in the devious track to rack the wagons and -torment the draught animals. It is not without surprise that we read -of the presence of domestic cattle far off in the extreme outposts -of single persevering settlers. But when, on the first extensive -military expeditions for building a fort on the shore of a lake, at -river forks, or to command a portage, we find mention of cannon and -heavy ammunition, we marvel at the perseverance involved in their -transportation. The casks of liquor, of French brandy and of New -England rum, which generally, without stint, formed a part of the -stores of each military enterprise, furnished in themselves a motive -spirit which facilitated their transport. Flour and bread could, with -many risks from stream and weather, be carried in sacks. But pork and -beef in pickle, the mainstay in garrisons which could not venture -out to hunt or fish, required to be packed in wood. After all the -persevering toil engaged in this transportation, the dire necessities -of warfare under these stern conditions often compelled the destruction -of the stores, every article of which had tasked the strained muscles -and sinews of the hard-worked campaigners. When it was found necessary -to evacuate a forest post, the stockade was set on fire, the magazine -was exploded, the cannon spiked, the powder thrown into the water, and -everything that could not be carried off in a hasty retreat was, if -possible, rendered useless as booty. As the French and English military -movements steadily extended over a wider territory and at more numerous -points, with increased forces, the waste and havoc caused by disasters -on either side involved an enormous destruction of the materials of -war. Vessels constructed with incredible labor on the lakes, anvils, -cordage, iron, and artillery having been gathered for their building -and arming by perilous ocean voyages and by transit through inner -waters and portages, and thousands of bateaux for Lakes Champlain and -George, now lie sunken in the depths, most of them destroyed by those -in whose service they were to be employed. The “Griffin,” the first -vessel on Lake Erie, built by La Salle in 1679, disappeared on her -second voyage, and lies beneath the waters still. After Braddock’s -defeat, when the fugitive remnant of his army had reached Dunbar’s -camp, a hundred and fifty wagons were burned, and fifty thousand pounds -of powder were emptied into a creek, after the incredible toil by which -they had been drawn over the mountains and morasses. - -There were many occasions and many reasons which prompted the -Europeans to weigh the gain or loss which resulted to them from the -employment of Indian allies, who were always an incalculable element -in any enterprise. They could never be depended upon for constancy or -persistency. A bold stroke, followed, if successful, with butchery, -and a rush to the covert of the woods if a failure, was the sum of -their strategy. They had a quick eye in watching the turning fortunes -and the probable issue of a venture, and they acted accordingly. They -were wholly disinclined for any protracted siege operations. In the -weary months of the investment of Detroit, the only enterprise of -the sort engaged in by large bodies of savages acting in concert, we -find a single exceptional case of their uniform impatience of such -prolonged strategy. And even in that case there were intervals when the -imperilled and starving garrison had breathing-spells for recuperation. -Charges and counter-charges, pleas and criminations of every kind, -plausible, false, or sincere, are found in the journals and reports of -English and French officers, prompted by accusations and vindications -of either party, called out by the atrocities and butcheries wrought -by their savage allies in many of the conflicts of the French and -Indian war. In vain did the commanders of the white forces on either -side promise that their red allies should be restrained from plunder -and barbarity against the defeated party. It was an attempt to bridle -a storm. From the written opinions expressed by various civil and -military officials during all our Indian wars one might gather a list -of judgments, always emphatically worded, as to the qualities of the -red men as allies. Governor Dinwiddie, writing in May 28, 1756, to -General Abercrombie, on his arrival here to hold the chief command -till the coming of Lord Loudon, expresses himself thus: “I think we -have secured the Six Nations to the Northward to our Interest who, I -suppose, will join your Forces. They are a very awkward, dirty sett of -People, yet absolutely necessary to attack the Enemy’s Indians in their -way of fighting and scowering the Woods before an Army. I am perswaded -they will appear a despicable sett of People to his Lordship and you, -but they will expect to be taken particular Notice of, and now and then -some few Presents. I fear General Braddock despised them too much, -which probably was of Disservice to him, and I really think without -some of them any engagement in the Woods would prove fatal, and if -strongly attached to our Interest they are able in their way to do more -than three Times their Number. They are naturally inclined to Drink. It -will be a prudent Stepp to restrain them with Moderation, and by some -of your Subalterns to shew them Respect.”[1344] Baron Dieskau, in 1755, -had abundant reason for expressing himself about his savage auxiliaries -in this fashion: “They drive us crazy from morning to night. One needs -the patience of an angel to get on with these devils, and yet one must -always force himself to seem pleased with them.”[1345] - - * * * * * - -It would seem as if the native tribes, when Europeans first secured a -lodgment, were beguiled by a fancy which in most cases was very rudely -dispelled. This fancy was that the new-comers might abide here without -displacing them. The natives in giving deeds of lands, as has been -said, had apparently no idea that they had made an absolute surrender -of territory. They seem to have imagined that something like a joint -occupancy was possible, each of the parties being at liberty to follow -his own ways and interests without molesting the other. So the Indians -did not move off to a distance, but frequented their old haunts, hoping -to derive advantage from the neighborhood of the white man. King Philip -in 1675 discerned and acutely defined the utter impracticability of any -such joint occupancy. He indicated the root of the impending ruin to -his own race, and he found a justification of the conspiracy which he -instigated in pointing to the white man’s clearings and fences, and to -the impossibility of joining planting with hunting, and domestic cattle -with wild game. - -The history of the Hudson Bay Company and that of the enterprises -conducted by the French for more than a century, when set in contrast -with the steady development of colonization by English settlers and by -the people of the United States succeeding to them, brings out in full -force the different relations into which the aborigines have always -been brought by the presence of Europeans among them, either as traders -or possessors of territory. The Hudson Bay Company for exactly two -centuries, from 1670 to 1870, held a charter for the monopoly of trade -with the Indians here over an immense extent of territory, and in the -later portion of that period held an especial grant for exclusive trade -over an even more extended region, further north and west. The company -made only such a very limited occupancy of the country, at small and -widely distant posts, as was necessary for its trucking purposes and -the exchange of European goods for peltries. During that whole period, -allowing for rare casualties, not a single act of hostility occurred -between the traders and the natives. A large number of different -tribes, often at bitter feud with each other, were all kept in amity -with the official residents of the company, and each party probably -found as much satisfaction in the two sides of a bargain as is usual -in such transactions. Deposits of goods were securely gathered in some -post far off in the depths of the wilderness, under the care of two -or three young apprentices of the company, and here bands of Indians -at the proper season came for barter. Previous to the operations of -this company, beginning as early as 1620, large numbers of Frenchmen, -singly or in parties, ventured deep into the wilderness in company with -savage bands, for purposes of adventure or traffic, and very rarely did -any of them meet a mishap or fail to find a welcome. Such adventurers -in fact became in most cases Indians in their manner of life. Nor -did the jealousy of the savages manifest itself in a way not readily -appeased when they found the French priests planting mission stations -and truck-houses. In no case did the French intruders ask, as did the -English colonists, for deeds of territory. It was understood that -they held simply by sufferance, and with a view to mutual advantage -for both parties, with no purpose of overreaching. The relations thus -established between the French and the natives continued down till even -after the extinction of the territorial claims of France. And when, -just before the opening of the great French and Indian hostilities with -the English colonists, the French had manifested their purpose to get a -foothold on the heritage of the savages by pushing a line of strongly -fortified posts along their lakes and rivers, the apprehensions of the -savages were craftily relieved by the plea that these securities were -designed only to prevent the encroachment of the English. - -A peaceful traffic with the Indians, like that of the Hudson Bay -Company and the French, had been from the first but a subordinate -object of the English colonists. These last, while for a period they -confined themselves to the seaboard, supplemented their agricultural -enterprise by the fishery and by a very profitable commerce. As soon -as they began to penetrate into the interior they took with them their -families and herds, made fixed habitations, put up their fences and -dammed the streams. Instead of fraternizing with the Indians, they -warned them off as nuisances. We must also take into view the fact -that this steadily advancing settlement of the Indian country directly -provoked and encouraged the resolute though baffled opposition of the -savages. They could match forces with these scattered pioneers, even -if, as was generally the case, a few families united in constructing -a palisadoed and fortified stronghold to which they might gather -for refuge. If a body of courageous men had advanced together well -prepared for common defence, it is certain the warfare would not have -been so desultory as it proved to be. All the wiles of the Indians -in conducting their hostilities gave them a great advantage. They -thought that the whites might be dislodged effectually from further -trespasses if once and again they were visited by sharp penalties for -their rash intrusion. It was plain that they were long in coming to a -full apprehension of the pluck of their invaders, of their recuperative -energies, and of the reserved forces which were behind them. From -the irregular base line of the coast the English advanced into the -interior, not by direct parallel lines, but rather by successive -semicircles of steadily extending radii. The advances from the middle -colonies of Pennsylvania and Virginia marked the farthest reaches in -this curvature. The French, in the mean while, aimed from the start for -occupying the interior. - - * * * * * - -The period which we have here under review is one through which the -savages, for the most part, were but subordinate agents, the principals -being the French and the English. So far as the diplomatic faculties of -the savages enabled them to hold in view the conditions of the strife, -there were doubtless occasions in which they thought they held what -among civilized nations is called the balance of power. Nor would it -have been strange if, at times, their chiefs had imagined that, though -it might be impossible for them again to hold possession of their old -domains free from the intrusion of the white man, they might have power -to decide which of the two nationalities should be favored above the -other. In that case the French doubtless would have been the favored -party. We have, however, to take into view the vast disproportion -between the numbers, if not of the resources, of these two foreign -nationalities, when the struggle between them earnestly began. In 1688 -there were about eleven thousand of the French in America, and nearly -twenty times as many English. The French were unified under the control -of their home government. Its resources were at their call: its army -and navy, its arsenals and treasury, its monarch and ministers, might -be supposed to be serviceable and engaged for making its mastery on -this continent secure. The English, however, were only nominally, and -as regards some of the colonies even reluctantly and but truculently, -under the control of their home government. It had been the jealous -policy of the New England colonists, from their first planting, to -isolate themselves from the mother-country, and to make self-dependence -the basis of independence. Their circumstances had thrown them on their -own resources, and made them feel that as their foreign superiors could -know very little of their emergencies, it was not wise or even right -in them to interpose in their affairs. Indeed, it is evident that all -the British colonists felt themselves equal, without advice or help -from abroad, to take care of themselves, if they had to contend only -against the savages. But when the savages had behind them the power of -the French monarch, it was of necessity that the English should receive -a reinforcement from their own countrymen. In the altercations with the -British ministry which followed very soon after the close of the French -and Indian war, a keenly argued question came under debate as to the -claim which the mother-country had upon the gratitude of her colonists -for coming to their rescue when threatened with ruin from their red and -white enemies. And the answer to this question was judged to depend -upon whether, in sending hither her fleets and armies, Britain had -in view an extension of her transatlantic domains or the protection -of her imperilled subjects. At any rate, there were jealousies, -cross-purposes, and an entire lack of harmony between the direct -representatives of English military power and the coöperating measures -of the colonial government. Never, under any stress of circumstances, -was England willing to raise even the most serviceable of the officers -of the provincial forces to the rank of regulars in her own army. The -youthful Washington, whose sagacity and prowess had proved themselves -in field and council where British officers were so humiliated, had -to remain content with the rank of a provincial colonel. Nor did the -provincial legislatures act in concert either with each other, or with -the advice and appeals of their royal governors in raising men, money -or supplies for combined military operations against common enemies. -Each of the colonies thought it sufficient to provide for itself. Each -was even dilatory and backward when its own special peril was urgent. -These embarrassments of the English did very much to compensate the -French for their great inferiority in numerical strength. We are again -to remind ourselves of the fact that the French, alike from their -temperament and their policy, were always vastly more congenial and -influential with the savages. - -The French in Canada from the first adopted the policy of alliance -with native tribes. Though their warfare with the English was hardly -intermittent, there were several occasions when it was specially -active. Beginning with the first invasion of the Iroquois territory -by Champlain, in 1609, already mentioned, under the plea of espousing -the side of his friends and allies, the Hurons and Algonquins, other -like enterprises were later pursued. Courcelles, in 1666, made a wild -and unsuccessful inroad upon the Iroquois. Tracy made a more effective -one in the same year. De la Barre in 1684, Denonville in 1687, and -Frontenac in 1693 and 1696, repeated these onsets. The last of these -invasions of what is now Central New York was intended to effect the -complete exhaustion of the Indian confederacy. Its havoc was indeed -well-nigh crushing, but there was a tenacity and a recuperative power -in that confederacy of savages which yielded only to a like desolating -blow inflicted by Sullivan, under orders from Washington, in our -Revolutionary War. - -This formidable league of the Five Nations, when first known to -Europeans, claimed to have obtained by conquest the whole country from -the lakes to the Carolinas, and from the Atlantic to the Mississippi. -France, as against other Europeans, though not against the Indians, -claimed the same territory. Great Britain claimed the valley of the -Ohio and its tributaries, first against the French as being merely the -longitudinal extension of the line of seacoast discovered by English -navigators, and then through cessions from and treaties with the Five -Nations. The first of these treaties was that made at Lancaster, Pa., -in June, 1744. But the Indians afterwards complained that they had been -overreached, and had not intended to cede any territory west of the -Alleghanies. Here, of course, with three parties in contention, there -was basis enough for struggles in which the prize, all considerations -of natural justice being excluded, was to be won only by superior -power. Neither of the rivals and intruders from across the ocean dealt -with the Indians as if even they had any absolute right to territory -from which they claimed to have driven off former possessors. So the -Indian prerogative was recognized by the French and the English as -available only on either side for backing up some rival claim of the -one or the other nation; though when the mother-countries were at peace -in Europe, their subjects here by no means felt bound even to a show -of truce, and they were always most ready to avail themselves of a -declaration of war at home to make their wilderness campaigns. It is -curious to note that in all the negotiations between the Indians and -Europeans, including those of our own government, the only landed right -recognized as belonging to the savages was that of giving up territory. -The prior right of ownership by the tenure of possession was regarded -as invalidated both by the manner in which it had been acquired and by -a lack to make a good use of it. - -It was in the closing years of the seventeenth century and in -those opening the eighteenth that the military and the priestly -representatives of France in Canada resolutely advised and undertook -the measures which promised to give them a secure and extended -possession of the whole north of the continent, excepting only the -strip on the Atlantic seaboard then firmly held by the English -colonists. Even this excepted region of territory was by no means, -however, regarded as positively irreclaimable, and military enterprises -were often planned with the aim of a complete extinction of English -possession. The French in their earliest explorations, in penetrating -the country to the west and to the south, had been keenly observant in -marking the strategic points on lake and river for strongholds which -should give them the advantage of single positions and secure a chain -of posts for easy and safe communications. Their leading object was to -gain an ascendency over the native tribes; and as they could not expect -easily and at once to get the mastery over them all, policy dictated -such a skilful turning to account of their feuds among themselves as -would secure strong alliances of interest and friendship with the more -powerful ones. The French did vastly more than the English to encourage -the passions of the savages for war and to train them in military -skill and artifice, leaving them for the most part unchecked in the -indulgence of their ferocity. It is true that the Dutch and the English -had the start in supplying the savages with firearms, under the excuse -that they were needed by the natives for the most effective support of -the rapidly increasing trade in peltries. But the French were not slow -to follow the example, as it presented to them a matter of necessity. -And through the long and bloody struggle between the two European -nationalities with their red allies, it may be safely affirmed that the -frontier warfare of the English colonists was waged against savages -armed as well as led on by the French. - -Two objects, generally harmonious and mutually helpful of each other, -inspired the activity of the French in taking possession successively -of posts in the interior of the continent. The first of these was the -establishment of mission stations for the conversion of the savages. -The other object of these wilderness posts was to secure the lucrative -gains of the fur trade from an ever-extending interior. Though, as was -just said, these two objects might generally be harmoniously pursued, -it was not always found easy or possible to keep them in amity, or to -prevent sharp collisions between them. There was a vigorous rivalry -in the fur trade between the members of an associated company, with -a government monopoly for the traffic, and very keenly enterprising -individuals who pursued it, with but little success in concealing their -doings, in defiance of the monopolists. The burden of the official -correspondence between the authorities in Canada and those at the -French court related to the irregularities and abuses of this traffic. -Incident to these was a lively plying of the temptations of that other -traffic which poured into the wilderness floods of French brandy. The -taste of this fiery stimulant once roused in a savage could rarely -afterwards be appeased. The English colonists soon gained an advantage -in this traffic in their manufacture of cheap rum. It is easy to see -how this rivalry between monopolists and individuals in the fur trade, -aided by the stimulant for which the Indian was most craving, would -impair the spiritual labors of the priests at their wild stations. -Nor were there lacking instances in which the priests themselves were -charged with sharing not only the gains of the fur trade, but also -those of the brandy traffic, either in the interests of the monopolists -or of individuals. - -The earliest extended operations of the French fur trade with the -Indians were carried on by the northerly route to Lake Huron by -the Ottawa River. The French had little to apprehend from English -interference by this difficult route with its many portages. But it -soon became of vital necessity to the French to take and hold strong -points on the line of the Great Lakes. These were on the narrow streams -which made the junctions between them. So a fort was to be planted at -Niagara, between Ontario and Erie; another at Detroit, between Erie -and Huron; another at Michilimackinac, between Michigan and Huron; -another at the fall of the waters of Superior into Huron; and Fort St. -Joseph, near the head of Lake Michigan, facilitated communication with -the Illinois and the Miami tribes; the Ojibwas, Ottawas, Wyandots, and -Pottawattomies having their settlements around the westernmost of the -lakes, the Sioux being still beyond. South of Lake Erie, in the region -afterwards known as the Northwest Territory, between the Alleghanies, -the Ohio, and the Mississippi, were the Delawares, the Shawanees, -and the Mingoes. It is to be kept in view that this territory, -though formally ceded by France to England in the treaty of 1762-63, -had previously been claimed by the English colonists as rightfully -belonging to their monarch, it being merely the undefined extension of -the seacoast held by virtue of the discovery of the Cabots. - -The fifth volume of the _Mémoires_ published by Margry gives us the -original documents, dating 1683-1695, relating to the first project -for opening a chain of posts to hold control of, and to facilitate -communication between, Canada and the west and south of the continent. -The project was soon made to extend its purpose to the Gulf of Mexico. -The incursions of the Iroquois and the attempted invasions of the -English, with a consequent drawing off of trade from the French, had -obliged the Marquis Denonville to abandon some of the posts that had -been established. In spite of the opposition of Champigny, Frontenac -vigorously urged measures for the repossession and strengthening of -these posts. The Jesuits were earnest in pressing the measure upon the -governors of Canada. In pushing on the enterprise, the French had sharp -experience of the intense hostility of the inner tribes who were to be -encountered, and who were to be first conciliated. The French followed -a policy quite unlike that of the English in the method of their -negotiations for the occupancy of land. The colonists of the latter -aimed to secure by treaty and purchase the absolute fee and ownership -of a given region. They intended to hold it generally for cultivation, -and they expected the Indians then claiming it to vacate it. The French -beguiled the Indians by asserting that they had no intention either of -purchasing or forcibly occupying, as if it were their own, any spot -where they established a stronghold, a trucking or a mission station. -They professed to hold only by sufferance, and that, too, simply for -the security and benefit of the natives, in furnishing them with a -better religion than their own and with the white man’s goods. The -Iroquois, finding the hunting and trapping of game for the English so -profitable on their own territory, were bent on extending their field. -They hoped, by penetrating to Michilimackinac, to make themselves the -agents or medium for the trade with the tribes near it, so that they -could control the whole southern traffic. So they had declared war -against the Illinois, the Miamis, the Ottawas, and the Hurons. It was -of vital importance to the French to keep firm hold of Lakes Ontario -and Erie, and to guard their connections. The Iroquois were always the -threatening obstacle. It was affirmed that they had become so debauched -by strong drink that their squaws could not nourish their few children, -and that they had availed themselves of an adoption of those taken -from their enemies. As they obtained their firearms with comparative -cheapness from the English on the Hudson and Mohawk, they used them -with vigor against the inner tribes with their primitive weapons, and -were soon to find them of service against the English on the frontiers -of Virginia. So keenly did the English press their trade as to cause a -wavering of the loyalty of those Indian tribes who had been the first -and the fast friends of the French. Thus it was but natural that the -Iroquois should be acute enough to oppose the building of a French -stronghold at any of the selected posts. - -In 1699,[1346] La Mothe Cadillac proposed to assemble their red -allies, then much dispersed, and principally the Ottawas, at Detroit, -and there to construct both a fort and a village. At the bottom of -this purpose, and of the opposition to it, was a contention between -rival parties in the traffic. The favorers and the opponents of the -design made their respective representations to the French court. De -Callières objected to the plan because of the proximity of the hostile -Iroquois, who would prefer to turn all the trade to the English, and -his preference was to reëstablish the old posts. The real issue to be -faced was whether the Indians now, and ultimately, were to be made -subjects of the English or of the French monarch. Cadillac combated -the objections of Callières, and succeeded in effecting his design at -Detroit. The extension of the traffic was constantly bringing into -the field tribes heretofore too remote for free intercourse. In each -such case it depended upon various contingencies to decide whether the -French or the English would find friends or foes in these new parties, -and the alternative would generally rest, temporarily at least, upon -which party was most accessible and most profitable for trade. It would -hardly be worth the while for an historian, unless dealing with the -special theme of the rivalries involved in the fur trade as deciding -with which party of the whites one or another tribe came into amity, to -attempt to trace the conditions and consequences of such diplomacy in -inconstant negotiators. - -The English began the series of attempts to bind the Five, afterwards -the Six, Nations into amity or neutrality by treaty in 1674. These -treaties were wearisome in their formalities, generally unsatisfactory -in their terms of assurance, and so subject to caprice and the -changes of fortune as to need confirmation and renewal, as suspicion -or alleged treachery on either side made them practically worthless. -There were two ends to be gained by these treaties of the English with -the confederated tribes. The one was to avert hostilities from the -English and to secure them privileges of transit for trade. The other -object, not always avowed, but implied as a natural consequent of the -first, was to alienate the tribes from the French, and if possible to -keep them in a state of local or general conflict. Each specification -of these treaties was to be emphasized by the exchange of a wampum -belt. Then a largess of presents, always including rum, was the final -ratification. These goods were of considerable cost to the English, but -always seemed a niggard gift to the Indians, as there were so many to -share in them. - -The first of this series of treaties was that made in 1674, at Albany, -by Col. Henry Coursey, in behalf of the colonists of Virginia. It was -of little more service than as it initiated the parties into the method -of such proceedings. - -In the middle of July, 1684, Lord Howard, governor of Virginia, -summoned a council of the sachems of the Five Nations to Albany. He -was attended by two of his council and by Governor Dongan of New York, -and some of the magistrates of Albany. Howard charged upon the savages -the butcheries and plunderings which they had committed seven years -previous in Virginia and Maryland, “belonging to the great king of -England.” He told the sachems that the English had intended at once to -avenge those outrages, but through the advice of Sir Edmund Andros, -then governor-general of the country, had sent peaceful messengers to -them. The sachems had proved perfidious to the pledges they then gave, -and the governor, after threatening them, demanded from them conditions -of future amity. After their usual fashion of shifting responsibility -and professions of regret and future fidelity, the sachems renewed -their covenants. Under the prompting of Governor Dongan they asked that -the Duke of York’s arms should be placed on the Mohawk castles, as a -protection against their enemies, the French. Doubtless the Indians, in -desiring, or perhaps only assenting to, the affixing of these English -insignia to their strongholds, might have had in view only the effect -of them in warning off the French. They certainly did not realize that -their English guests would ever afterwards, as they did, regard this -concession of the tribes as an avowal of allegiance to the king of -Great Britain, and as adopting for themselves the relation of subjects -of a foreign monarch. - -The experience gained by many previous attempts to secure the -fidelity of the tribes, thenceforward known as the Six Nations by the -incorporation into the confederacy of the remnant of the Tuscaroras, -was put to service in three succeeding councils for treaty-making, held -respectively at Philadelphia in 1742, in Lancaster, Pa., in 1744,[1347] -and at Albany in 1746.[1348] Much allowance is doubtless to be made -in the conduct of the earlier treaties for the lack of competent -and faithful interpreters in councils made up of representatives of -several tribes, with different languages and idioms. Interpreters have -by no means always proved trustworthy, even when qualified for their -office.[1349] The difficulty was early experienced of putting into our -simple mother-tongue the real substance of an Indian harangue, which -was embarrassed and expanded by images and flowers of native rhetoric, -wrought from the structure of their symbolic language, but adding -nothing to the terms or import of the address. It was observed that -often an interpreter, anxious only to state the gist of the matter in -hand, would render in a single English sentence an elaborately ornate -speech of an orator that had extended through many minutes in its -utterance. The orator might naturally mistrust whether full justice had -been done to his plea or argument. There is by no means a unanimity -in the opinions or the judgments of those of equal intelligence, who -have reported to us the harangues of Indians in councils, as to the -qualities of their eloquence or rhetoric. The entire lack of terms -for the expression of abstract ideas compelled them to draw their -illustrations from natural objects and relations. Signs and gestures -made up a large part of the significance of a discourse. Doubtless the -cases were frequent in which the representation of a tribe in a council -was made through so few of its members that there might be reasonable -grounds for objection on the part of a majority to the terms of any -covenant or treaty that had been made by a chief or an orator. Of one -very convenient and plausible subterfuge, or honest plea,—whichever in -any given case it might have been,—our native tribes have always been -skilful in availing themselves. The assumption was that the elder, the -graver, wiser representatives of a tribe were those who appeared on its -behalf at a council. When circumstances afterwards led the whites to -complain of a breach of the conditions agreed on, the blame was always -laid by the chiefs on their “young men,” whom they had been unable to -restrain. - -During the long term of intermittent warfare of the French and -English on this continent, with native tribes respectively for their -foes or allies, the conditions of the conflict, as before hinted, -were in general but slightly affected by the alternative of peace or -war as existing at any time between their sovereigns and people in -Europe. Some of the fiercest episodes of the struggle on this soil -took place during the intervals of truce, armistice, and temporary -treaty settlements between the leading powers in the old world. When, -in the treaties closing a series of campaigns, the settlement in the -articles of peace included a restoration of the territory which had -been obtained by either party by conquest, no permanent result was -really secured. These restitutions were always subject to reclamation. -Valuable and strategic points of territory merely changed hands for -the time being; Acadia, for example, being seven times tossed as a -shuttlecock between the parties to the settlement. The trial had to -be renewed and repeated till the decision was of such a sort as to -give promise of finality. The prize contended for here was really the -mastery of the whole continent, though the largeness of the stake was -not appreciated till the closing years of the struggle. Indeed, the -breadth and compass of the field were then unknown quantities. Those -closing years of stratagem and carnage in our forests correspond to -what is known in history as the “Seven Years’ War” in Europe, in which -France, as a contestant, was worsted in the other quarters of the -globe, as in this. Clive broke her power in India, as the generals of -Britain discomfited her here. The French, in 1758, held a profitable -mercantile settlement on five hundred miles of coast in Africa, -between Cape Blanco and the river Gambia. It is one of the curious -contrarieties in the workings of the same avowed principles under -different conditions, that just at the time that the pacific policy of -the Pennsylvania Quakers forbade their offering aid to their countrymen -under the bloody work going on upon their frontiers, an eminent English -Quaker merchant, Thomas Cumming, framed the successful scheme of -conquest over this French settlement in Africa.[1350] - -The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, seemed to promise a -breathing-time in the strife between the French and English here. -In fact, however, so far from there being even a smouldering of the -embers on our soil, that date marks the kindling of the conflagration -which, continuing to blaze for fifteen years onward, comprehended -all the decisive campaigns. The earliest of these were ominous and -disheartening to the English, but they closed with the fullness of -triumph. We must trace with conciseness the more prominent acts and -incidents in which the natives, with the French and English, protracted -and closed the strife. - -When Europeans entered upon the region now known as Pennsylvania, -though its well-watered and fertile territory and its abounding game -would seem to have well adapted it to the uses of savage life, it does -not appear that it was populously occupied. The Delawares, which had -held it at an earlier period, had, previously to the coming of the -whites, been subjugated by the more warlike tribes of the Five Nations, -or Iroquois. Some of the vanquished had passed to the south or west, to -be merged in other bands of the natives. Such of them as remained in -their old haunts were humiliated by their masters, despised as “women,” -and denied the privileges of warriors. While the Five Nations were thus -potent in the upper portion of Pennsylvania, around the sources of the -Susquehanna, its southern region was held by the Shawanees. The first -purchase near the upper region made by Europeans of the natives was by -a colony of Swedes, under Governor John Printz, in 1643. This colony -was subdued, though allowed to remain on its lands, by the Dutch, in -1655. In 1664, the English took possession of all Pennsylvania, and of -everything that had been held by the Dutch. Penn founded his province -in 1682, by grant from Charles II., and in the next year made his -much-lauded treaty of peace and purchase with the Indians for lands -west and north of his city. The attractions of the province, and the -easy opening of its privileges to others than the Friends, drew to it a -rapid and enterprising immigration. In 1729 there came in, principally -from the north of Ireland, 6,207 settlers. In 1750 there arrived 4,317 -Germans and 1,000 English. The population of the province in 1769 was -estimated at 250,000. The Irish settlers were mostly Presbyterians, -the Germans largely Moravians. It soon appeared, especially when the -ravages of the Indians on the frontiers were most exasperating and -disastrous, that there were elements of bitter discord between these -secondary parties in the province and the Friends who represented the -proprietary right. And this suggests a brief reference to the fact -that, as a very effective agent entering into the imbittered conflicts -of the time and scene, we are to take into the account some strong -religious animosities. The entailed passions and hates of the peoples -of the old world, as Catholics and Protestants, and even of sects among -the latter, were transferred here to inflame the rage of combatants in -wilderness warfare.[1351] The zeal and heroic fidelity of the French -priests in making a Christian from a baptized and untamed savage had -realized, under rude yet easy conditions, a degree of success. In and -near the mission stations, groups of the natives had been trained to -gather around the cross, and to engage with more or less response in -the holy rites. Some of them could repeat, after a fashion, the Pater -Noster, the Ave Maria, and the Creed. Some had substituted a crucifix -or a consecrated medal for their old pagan charm, to be worn on the -breast. When about to go forth on the war-path, their priests would -give them shrift and benediction. But, as has been said, it was no -part or purpose of this work of christianizing savages to impair their -qualities as warriors, to dull their knives or tomahawks, to quench -their thirst for blood, or to restrain the fiercest atrocities and -barbarities of the fight or the victory. On the well-known experience -that fresh converts are always the most ardent haters of heresy, these -savage neophytes were initiated into some of the mysteries of the -doctrinal strife between the creed of their priests and the abominated -infidelity and impiety of the English Protestants. Some of the savages -were by no means slow to learn the lesson. Mr. Parkman’s brilliant -and graphic pages afford us abounding illustrations of the part which -priestly instructions and influence had in adding to savage ferocity -the simulation of religious hate for heresy. With whatever degree of -understanding or appreciation of the duty as it quickened the courage -or the ferocity of the savage, there were many scenes and occasions in -which the warrior added the charge of heretic to that of enemy, when he -dealt his blow.[1352] - -Almost as violent and exasperating were the animosities engendered -between the disciples of different Protestant fellowships. The Quakers, -backed by proprietary rights, by the prestige of an original peace -policy and friendly negotiations with the Indians, and for the most -part secure and unharmed in the centralized homes of Philadelphia and -its neighborhood, imagined that they might refuse all participation -in the bloody work enacting on their frontiers. The adventurous -settlers on the borders were largely Presbyterians. The course of -non-interference by the Quakers, who controlled the legislature, seemed -to those who were bearing the brunt of savage warfare monstrously -selfish and inhuman. There was a fatuity in this course which had to be -abandoned. When a mob of survivors from the ravaged fields and cabins -of the frontiers, bringing in cartloads of the bones gathered from the -ashes of their burned dwellings, thus enforced their remonstrances -against the peace policy of the legislature, the Quakers were compelled -to yield, and to furnish the supplies of war.[1353] But sectarian -hatred hardly ever reached an intenser glow than that exhibited between -the Pennsylvania Quakers and Presbyterians. Meanwhile, the mild and -kindly missionary efforts of the Moravians, in the same neighborhood, -were cruelly baffled. Their aim was exactly the opposite of that which -guided the Jesuit priests. They sought first to make their converts -human beings, planters of the soil, taught in various handicrafts, and -weaned from the taste of war and blood. - -When the frontier war was at its wildest pitch of havoc and fury, the -Moravian settlements, which had reached a stage giving such promise of -success as to satisfy the gentle and earnest spirit of the missionaries -who had planted them, were made to bear the brunt of the rage of -all the parties engaged in the deadly turmoil. The natives timidly -nestling in their settlements were regarded as an emasculated flock of -nurslings, mean and cowardly, lacking equally the manhood of the savage -and the pride and capacity of the civilized man. Worse than this, -their pretended desire to preserve a neutrality and to have no part -in the broil was made the ground of a suspicion, at once acted upon -as if fully warranted, that they were really spies, offering secret -information and even covert help as guides and prompters in the work -of desolation among the scattered cabins of the whites. So a maddened -spirit of distrust, inflamed by false rumors and direct charges of -complicity, brought upon the Moravian settlers the hate and fury of the -leading parties in the conflict.[1354] - -It is noteworthy that the most furious havoc of savage warfare should -have been wreaked on the frontiers of Pennsylvania, the one of all the -English colonies in America whose boast was, and is, that there alone -the entrance of civilized men upon the domains of barbarism was marked -and initiated by the Christian policy of peace and righteousness. Penn -and his representatives claimed that they had twice paid the purchase -price of the lands covered by the proprietary charter to the Indian -occupants of them,—once to the Delawares residing upon them, and -again to the Iroquois who held them by conquest. The famous “Walking -Purchase,” whether a fair or a fraudulent transaction, was intended to -follow the original policy of the founder of the province.[1355] - -In the inroads made upon the English settlements by Frontenac and -his red allies, New York and New England furnished the victims. The -middle colonies, so far as then undertaken, escaped the fray. Trouble -began for them in 1716, when the French acted upon their resolve to -occupy the valley of the Ohio. The Ohio Land Company was formed in -1748 to advance settlements beyond the Alleghanies, and surveys were -made as far as Louisville. This enterprise roused anew the Indians and -the French. The latter redoubled their zeal in 1753 and onward, south -of Lake Erie and on the branches of the Ohio. The English found that -their delay and dilatoriness in measures for fortifying the frontiers -had given the French an advantage which was to be recovered only with -increased cost and enterprise. In an earlier movement, had the English -engaged their efforts when it was first proposed to them, they might -have lessened, at least, their subsequent discomfiture. Governor -Spotswood, of Virginia, in 1720 had urged on the British government the -erection of a chain of posts beyond the Alleghanies, from the lakes to -the Mississippi. But his urgency had been ineffectual. The governor -reported that there were then “Seven Tributary Tribes” in Virginia, -being seven hundred in number, with two hundred and fifty fighting-men, -all of whom were peaceful. His only trouble was from the Tuscaroras on -the borders of Carolina.[1356] - -The erection of Fort Duquesne may be regarded as opening the decisive -struggle between the French and the English in America, which reached -its height in 1755, and centred around the imperfect chain of stockades -and blockhouses on the line of the frontiers then reached by the -English pioneers. - -About the middle of the eighteenth century the number of French -subjects in America, including Acadia, Canada, and Louisiana, was -estimated at about eighty thousand. The subjects of England were -estimated at about twelve hundred thousand. But, as before remarked, -this vast disparity of numbers by no means represented an equal -difference in the effectiveness of the two nationalities in the conduct -of military movements. The French were centralized in command. They -had unity of purpose and in action. In most cases they held actual -defensive positions at points which the English had to reach by -difficult approaches; and more than all, till it became evident that -France was to lose the game, the French received much the larger share -of aid from the Indians. Pennsylvania and Virginia were embarrassed in -any attempt for united defensive operations on the frontiers by their -own rival claims to the Ohio Valley. The English, however, welcomed -the first signs of vacillation in the savages. When Céloron, in 1749, -had sent messengers to the Indians beyond the Alleghanies to prepare -for the measures he was about to take to secure a firm foothold there, -he reported that the natives were “devoted entirely to the English.” -This might have seemed true of the Delawares and Shawanees, though -soon afterwards these were found to be in the interest of the French. -In fact, all the tribes, except the Five Nations, may be regarded as -more or less available for French service up to the final extinction of -their power on the continent. Indeed, as we shall see, the mischievous -enmity of the natives against the English was never more vengeful than -when it was goaded on by secret French agency after France had by -treaty yielded her claims on this soil. Nor could even the presumed -neutrality of the Five Nations be relied upon by the English, as there -were reasons for believing that many among them acted as spies and -conveyed intelligence. Till after the year 1754 so effective had been -the activity of the French in planting their strongholds and winning -over the savages that there was not a single English post west of the -Alleghanies. - -At the same critical stage of this European rivalry in military -operations, the greed for the profits of the fur trade was at its -highest pitch. The beavers, as well as the red men, should be regarded -as essential parties to the struggle between the French and the -English. The latter had cut very deep into the trade which had formerly -accrued wholly to the French at Oswego, Toronto, and Niagara. - -Up to the year 1720 there had come to be established a mercantile -usage which had proved to be very prejudicial to the English, alike -in their Indian trade and in their influence over the Indians. The -French had been allowed to import goods into New York to be used for -their Indian trade. Of course this proved a very profitable business, -as it facilitated their operations and was constantly extending over -a wider reach their friendly relations with the farther tribes. Trade -with Europe and the West Indies and Canada could be maintained only -by single voyages in a year, through the perilous navigation of the -St. Lawrence. With the English ports on the Atlantic, voyages could -be made twice or thrice a year. A few merchants in New York, having -a monopoly of supplying goods to the French in Canada, with their -principals in England, had found their business very profitable. Goods -of prime value, especially “strouds,” a kind of coarse woollen cloth -highly prized by the Indians, were made in and exported from England -much more cheaply than from France. The mischief of this method of -trade being realized, an act was passed by the Assembly in New York, in -1720, which prohibited the selling of Indian goods to the French under -severe penalties, in order to the encouragement of trade in general, -and to the extension of the influence of the English over the Indians -to counterbalance that of the French. Some merchants in London, just -referred to, petitioned the king against the ratification of this act. -By order in council the king referred the petition to the Lords of -Trade and Plantations. A hearing, with testimonies, followed, in which -those interested in the monopoly made many statements, ignorant or -false, as to the geography of the country, and the method and effects -of the advantage put into the hands of the French. But the remonstrants -failed to prevent the restricting measure. From that time New York -vastly extended its trade and intercourse with the tribes near and -distant, greatly to the injury of the French.[1357] - -The first white man’s dwelling in Ohio was that of the Moravian -missionary, Christian Frederic Post.[1358] He was a sagacious and able -man, and had acquired great influence over the Indians, which he used -in conciliatory ways, winning their respect and confidence by the -boldness with which he ventured to trust himself in their villages and -lodges, as if he were under some magical protection. He went on his -first journey to the Ohio in 1758, by request of the government of -Pennsylvania, on a mission to the Delawares, Shawanees, and Mingoes. -These had once been friendly to the English, but having been won over -by the French, the object was to regain their confidence. The tribes -had at this time come to understand, in a thoroughly practical way, -that they were restricted to certain limited conditions so far as they -were parties to the fierce rivalry between the Europeans. The issue was -no longer an open one as to their being able to reclaim their territory -for their own uses by driving off all these pale-faced trespassers. -It was for them merely to choose whether they would henceforward have -the French or the English for neighbors, and, if it must be so, for -masters. Nor were they left with freedom or power to make a deliberate -choice. But Post certainly stretched a point when he told the Indians -that the English did not wish to occupy their lands, but only to drive -off the French. - -As Governor Spotswood, in the interest of Virginia, had attempted, in -1716, to break the French line of occupation by promoting settlements -in the west, Governor Keith, of Pennsylvania, followed with a similar -effort in 1719. Both efforts could be only temporarily withstood, and -if baffled at one point were renewed at another. The English always -showed a tenacity in clinging to an advance once made, and were -inclined to change it only for a further advance. Though Fort Duquesne -was blown up when abandoned by the French, with the hope of rendering -it useless to the English, the post was too commanding a one to be -neglected. After it had been taken by General Forbes in November, -1758, and had been strongly reconstructed by General Stanwix, though -it was then two hundred miles distant from the nearest settlement, -the possession of it was to a great extent the deciding fact of the -advancing struggle. Colonel Armstrong had taken the Indian town of -Kittanning in 1756. - -The treaty negotiations between English and French diplomates at -a foreign court, in 1763, which covenanted for the surrender of all -territory east of the Mississippi and of all the fortified posts on -lake and river to Great Britain, was but a contract on paper, which -was very long in finding its full ratification among the parties alone -interested in the result here. There were still three of these parties: -the Indians; the French, who were in possession of the strongholds in -the north and west; and the English colonists, supported by what was -left of the British military forces, skeleton regiments and invalided -soldiers, who were to avail themselves of their acquired domain. During -the bloody and direful war which had thus been closed, the Indians had -come to regard themselves as holding the balance of power between the -French and the English. Often did the abler savage warriors express -alike their wonder and their rage that those foreign intruders should -choose these wild regions for the trial of their fighting powers. “Why -do you not settle your fierce quarrels in your own land, or at least -upon the sea, instead of involving us and our forests in your rivalry?” -was the question to the officers and the file of the European forces. -Though the natives soon came to realize that they would be the losers, -whichever of the two foreign parties should prevail, their preferences -were doubtless on the side of the French; and by force of circumstances -easily explicable, after the English power, imperial and provincial, -had obtained the mastery of the territory, the sympathies and aid of -the natives went with the British during the rebellion of the colonies. -But before this result was reached England won its ascendency at a -heavy sacrifice of men and money, in a series of campaigns under many -different generals. The general peace between England, France, and -Spain, secured by the treaty of 1763, and involving the cession of -all American territory east of the Mississippi by France to Britain, -was naturally expected to bring a close to savage warfare against the -colonists. The result was quite the contrary, inasmuch as the sharpest -and most desolating havoc was wrought by that foe after the English -were nominally left alone to meet the encounter. The explanation of -this fact was that the French, though by covenant withdrawn from the -field, were, hardly even with a pretence of secrecy, perpetuating -and even extending their influence over their former wild allies in -embarrassing and thwarting all the schemes of the English for turning -their conquests to account. General Amherst was left in command here -with only enfeebled fragments of regiments and with slender ranks of -provincials. The military duty of the hour was for the conquerors -to take formal possession of all the outposts still held by French -garrisons, announcing to those in command the absolute conditions -of the treaty, and to substitute the English for the French colors, -henceforward to wave over them. This humiliating necessity was in -itself grievous enough, as it forced upon the commanders of posts which -had not then been reached by the war in Canada, a condition against -which no remonstrance would avail. But beyond that, it furnished the -occasion for the most formidable savage conspiracy ever formed on -this continent, looking to the complete extinction of the English -settlements here. The French in those extreme western posts had been -most successful in securing the attachment of the neighboring Indian -tribes, and found strong sympathizers among them in their discomfiture. -At the same time those tribes had the most bitter hostility towards the -English with whom they had come in contact. They complained that the -English treated them with contempt and haughtiness, being niggard of -their presents and sharp in their trade. They regarded each advanced -English settlement on their lands, if only that of a solitary trader, -as the germ of a permanent colony. Under these circumstances, the -French still holding the posts, waiting only the exasperating summons -to yield them up, found the temptation strong and easy of indulgence to -inflame their recent allies, and now their sympathizing friends, among -the tribes, with an imbittered rage against their new masters. Artifice -and deception were availed of to reinforce the passions of savage -breasts. The French sought to relieve the astounded consternation of -their red friends on finding that they were compelled to yield the -field to the subjects of the English monarch, by beguiling them with -the fancy that the concession was but a temporary one, very soon to be -set aside by a new turn in the wheel of fortune. Their French father -had only fallen asleep while his English enemies had been impudently -trespassing upon the lands of his red children. He would soon rouse -himself to avenge the insult, and would reclaim what he had thus -lost. Indeed, on the principle that the size and ornamentings of a -lie involved no additional wrong in the telling it, the Indians were -informed that a French army was even then preparing to ascend the -Mississippi with full force, before which the English would be crushed. - -There was then in the tribe of Ottawas, settled near Detroit, a master -spirit, who, as a man and as a chief, was the most sagacious, eloquent, -bold, and every way gifted of his race that has ever risen before the -white man on this continent to contest in the hopeless struggle of -barbarism with civilization. That Pontiac was crafty, unscrupulous, -relentless, finding a revel in havoc and carnage, might disqualify him -for the noblest epithets which the white man bestows on the virtues -of a military hero. But he had the virtues of a savage, all of them, -and in their highest range of nature and of faculty. He was a stern -philosopher and moralist also, of the type engendered by free forest -life, unsophisticated and trained in the school of the wilderness. He -knew well the attractions of civilization. He weighed and compared -them, as they presented themselves before his eyes in full contrast -with savagery, in the European and in the Indian, and in those dubious -specimens of humanity in which the line of distinction was blurred by -the Indianized white man, the “Christian” convert, and the half-breed. -Deliberately and, we may say, intelligently, he preferred for his own -people the state of savagery. Intelligently, because he gave grounds -for his preference, which, from his point of view and experience, -had weight in themselves, and cannot be denied something more than -plausibility even in the judgment of civilized men, for idealists -like Rousseau and the Abbé Raynal have pleaded for them. Pontiac was -older in native sagacity and shrewdness than in years. He had evidence -enough that his race had suffered only harm from intercourse with -the whites. The manners and temptations of civilization had affected -them only by demoralizing influences. All the elements of life in the -white man struck at what was noblest in the nature of the Indian,—his -virility, his self-respect, his proud and sufficing independence, -his content with his former surroundings and range of life. With an -earnest eloquence Pontiac, in the lodges and at the council fires of -his people, whether of his own immediate tribe or of representative -warriors of other tribes, set before them the demonstration that -security and happiness, if not peace, depended for them on their -renouncing all reliance upon the white man’s ways and goods, and -reverting with a stern stoicism to the former conditions of their lot. -He told his responsive listeners that the Great Spirit, in pouring -the wide salt waters between the two races of his children, meant to -divide them and to keep them forever apart, giving to each of them a -country which was their own, where they were free to live after their -own method. The different tinting of their skin indicated a variance -which testified to a rooted divergence of nature. For his red children -the Great Spirit had provided the forest, the meadow, the lake, and -the river, with fish and game for food and clothing. The canoe, the -moccasin, the snow-shoe, the stone axe, the hide or bark covered lodge, -the fields of golden maize, the root crops, the vines and berries, -the waters of the cold crystal spring, made the inventory of their -possessions. They belonged to nature, and were of kin to all its other -creatures, which they put freely to their use, holding everything in -common. The changing moons brought round the seasons for planting -and hunting, for game, festivity, and religious rite. Their old men -preserved the sacred traditions of their race. Their braves wore the -scars and trophies of a noble manhood, and their young men were in -training to be the warriors of their tribes in defence or conquest. - -These, argued Pontiac, were the heritage which the Great Spirit had -assigned to his red children. The spoiler had come among them from -across the salt sea, and woe and ruin for the Indian had come with him. -The white man could scorn the children of the forest, but could not be -their friend or helper. Let the Indian be content and proud to remain -an Indian. Let him at once renounce all use of the white man’s goods -and implements and his fire-water, and fall back upon the independence -of nature, fed on the flesh and clothed with the skins secured by bow -and arrow and his skill of woodcraft. - -Such was the pleading of the most gifted chieftain and the wisest -patriot, the native product of the American wilderness. There was a -nobleness in him, even a grandeur and prescience of soul, which take a -place now on the list of protests that have poured from human breasts -against the decrees of fate. Pontiac followed up his bold scheme by all -the arts and appliances of forest diplomacy. He formed his cabinet, and -sent out his ambassadors with their credentials in the reddened hatchet -and the war-belt. They visited some of even the remoter tribes, with -appeals conciliatory of all minor feuds and quarrels. Their success -was qualified only by the inveteracy of existing enmities among some -of these tribes. It would be difficult to estimate, even if only -approximately, the number of the savages who were more or less directly -engaged in the conspiracy of Pontiac. A noted French trader, who had -resided many years among the Indians, and who had had an extended -intercourse with the tribes, stayed at Detroit during the siege, having -taken the oath of allegiance to the king of Great Britain. Largely -from his own personal knowledge, he drew up an elaborate list of the -tribes, with the number of warriors in each. The summing up of these is -56,500. In the usual way of allowing one to five of a whole population -for able-bodied men, this would represent the number of the savages as -about 283,000, which slightly exceeds the number of Indians now in our -national domain.[1359] - -The lake and river posts which had been yielded up by the French, -on the summons, were occupied by slender and poorly supplied English -garrisons, unwarned of the impending concentration. The scheme -of Pontiac involved two leading acts in the drama: one was the -beleaguerment of all the fortified lake and river garrisons; the other -was an extermination by fire and carnage of all the isolated frontier -settlements at harvest time, so as to cause general starvation. The -plan was that all these assaults, respectively assigned to bodies of -the allies, should be made at the same time, fixed by a phase of the -moon. Scattered through the wilderness were many English traders, in -their cabins and with their packh-orses and goods. These were plundered -and massacred.[1360] The assailed posts were slightly reinforced by -the few surviving settlers and traders who escaped the open field -slaughter. The conspiracy was so far effective as to paralyze with -dismay the occupants of the whole region which it threatened. But -pluck and endurance proved equal to the appalling conflict. Nearly all -the posts, after various alternations of experience, succumbed to the -savage foe. Such was the fate of Venango, Le Bœuf, Presqu’ Isle, La -Bay, St. Joseph, Miamis, Ouachtanon, Sandusky, and Michilimackinac. -Detroit alone held out. The fort at Niagara, being very strong, was -not attacked. The Shawanees and Delawares were active agents in this -conspiracy. The English used all their efforts and appliances to keep -the Six Nations neutral. The French near the Mississippi were active -in plying and helping the tribes within their reach. The last French -flag that came down on our territory was at Fort Chartres on the -Mississippi.[1361] - - * * * * * - - -CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.[1362] - -_By Dr. Ellis and the Editor._ - - -ON some few historical subjects we have volumes so felicitously -constructed as to combine all that is most desirable in original -materials with a judicious digest of them. Of such a character is -Francis Parkman’s _France and England in North America, A Series of -Historical Narratives_. So abundant, authentic, and intelligently -gathered are his citations from and references to the journals, -letters, official reports, and documents, often in the very words of -the actors, that, through the writer’s luminous pages, we are, for all -substantial purposes, made to read and listen to their own narrations. -Indeed, we are even more favored than that. So comprehensive have -been his researches, and so full and many-sided are the materials -which he has digested for us, that we have all the benefit of an -attendance on a trial in a court or a debate in the forum, where by -testimony and cross-examination different witnesses are made to verify -or rectify their separate assertions. The official representatives of -France, military and civil, on this continent, like their superiors -and patrons at home, were by no means all of one mind. They had their -conflicting interests to serve. They made their reports to those to -whom they were responsible or sought to influence, and so colored -them by their selfishness or rivalry. These communications, gathered -from widely scattered repositories, are for the first time brought -together and made to confront each other in Mr. Parkman’s pages. -Allowing for a gap covering the first half of the eighteenth century, -which is yet to be filled, Mr. Parkman’s series of volumes deals with -the whole period of the enterprise of France in the new world to its -cession of all territory east of the Mississippi to Great Britain. -His marvellously faithful and skilful reproduction of the scenic -features of the continent, in its wild state, bears a fit relation -to his elaborate study of its red denizens. His wide and arduous -exploration in the tracks of the first pioneers, and his easy social -relations with the modern representatives of the aboriginal stock, put -him back into the scenes and companionship of those whose schemes and -achievements he was to trace historically. After identifying localities -and lines of exploration here, he followed up in foreign archives the -missives written in these forests, and the official and confidential -communications of the military and civic functionaries of France, -revealing the joint or conflicting schemes and jealousies of intrigue -or selfishness of priests, traders, monopolists, and adventurers. The -panorama that is unrolled and spread before us is full and complete, -lacking nothing of reality in nature or humanity, in color, variety, -or action. The volumes rehearse in a continuous narrative the course -of French enterprise here, the motives, immediate and ultimate, which -were had in view, the progress in realizing them, the obstacles and -resistance encountered, and the tragic failure.[1363] - -The references in Parkman show that he depends more upon French than -upon English sources, and indeed he seems to give the chief credit for -his drawing of the early Indian life and character to the _Relations_ -of the French and Italian Jesuits,[1364] during their missionary work -in New France. - -We must class with these records of the Jesuits, though not -equalling them in value, the volumes of Champlain, Sagard, Creuxius, -Boucher,[1365] and the later Lafitau and Charlevoix. Parkman[1366] -tells us that no other of these early books is so satisfactory as -Lafitau’s _Mœurs des Sauvages_ (1724); and Charlevoix gave similar -testimony regarding his predecessor.[1367] For original material on -the French side we have nothing to surpass in interest the _Mémoires -et documents_, published by Pierre Margry, of which an account has -been given elsewhere,[1368] as well as of the efforts of Parkman and -others in advancing their publication.[1369] There is but little matter -in these volumes relating to the military operations which make the -subject of this chapter, though jealousy and rivalry of the schemes -of the English, and the necessity of efforts to thwart them in their -attempts to gain influence and to open trade with the Indians, are -constantly recognized. In the diplomatic and military movements which -opened on this continent the Seven Years’ War, the English, who had -substantially secured the alliance of the Iroquois, or the Six Nations, -insisted that they had obtained by treaties with them the territory -between the Alleghanies and the Ohio, which the Six Nations on their -part claimed to have gained by conquest and cession of the tribes that -had previously occupied it. But when the English vindicated their -entrance on the territory on the basis of these treaties with the Six -Nations, the Shawanees and the Delawares, having recuperated their -courage and vigor, denied this right by conquest. The French could -not claim a right either by conquest or by cession. Their assumed -occupancy and tenure through mission stations and strongholds were -maintained simply and wholly on grounds of discovery and exploration. -Margry’s volumes furnish the abundant and all-sufficient evidence of -the priority of the French in this enterprise. The official documents -interchanged with the authorities at home are all engaged with advice -and promptings and measures for making good the claim to dominion -founded on discovery. These volumes also are of the highest value -as presenting to us from the first explorers, every way intelligent -and competent as observers and reporters, the scenes and tenants -of the interior of the continent. Here we have the wilderness, its -primeval forests, its sea-like lakes, its threading rivers, shrunken -or swollen, its cataracts and its confluent streams, its marshy -expanses, bluffs, and plains, and its resources, abundant or scant, -for sustaining life of beasts or men, all touched in feature or full -portrayal by the charming skill of those to whom the sight was novel -and bewildering.[1370] These French explorers will henceforth serve for -all time as primary authorities on the features and resources of the -interior of this continent just before it became the prize in contest -between rival European nationalities. That contest undoubtedly had -more to do in deciding the fate of the savage tribes from that time -to our own. There are many reasons for believing that if the French -had been able to hold alone an undisputed dominion in the interior of -the continent, their relations with the Indian tribes, if not wholly -pacific, would have been far more amicable than those which followed -upon the hot rivalry with the English for the possession of their -territories. The French were the wiser, the more tolerant and friendly -of the two, in their intercourse with and treatment of the savages, -with whom they found it so easy to affiliate. Under other circumstances -the Indians might have come to hold the relation of _wards_ to the -French in a sense far more applicable than that in which the term has -been used by the government of the United States. - -Of the early English material there is no dearth, but it hardly has -the same stamp of authority. The story of the Moravian and other -missions on the Protestant and English side has less of such invariable -devotedness and success than is recorded in the general summaries of -the Jesuit and Recollet missions, like Shea’s _History of the Catholic -Missions_, 1529-1854 (N. Y., 1855).[1371] The _Indian Nations_ of -Heckewelder,[1372] the service of the United Brethren, and the labors -instituted by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel,[1373] -are records not without significance; but they yield to the superior -efficacy of the French.[1374] Among the English administrative -officers, the lead must doubtless be given to Sir William Johnson, -for his personal influence over the Indian mind, winning their -full confidence by fair and generous treatment of them, by a free -hospitality, by assimilating with their habits even in his array, -and by mastering their language. His deputy, Col. George Croghan, as -interpreter and messenger, was kept busily employed in constant tramps -through the woods, and in fearless errands to parties of vacillating -or hostile tribes, to hold or win them to the English interest. The -principal and the deputy, in this hazardous diplomacy, were specially -qualified for their office by having mastered the gift and qualities of -Indian oratory, by a familiarity with Indian character in its strength -and weakness, and by endeavoring to keep faith with them, and to -imitate the adroit methods of the French rather than the contemptuous -hauteur of most of the English in intercourse with them.[1375] - -The reader will naturally go to the biographies of Johnson, Washington, -and the other military leaders of their time, to those of a few -civilians, like Franklin, and to the general histories of the French -and Indian wars and of their separate campaigns, for much light upon -the Indian in war; and these materials have been sufficiently explored -in another volume of the present History.[1376] These more general -accounts are easily supplemented in the narratives of adventures and -sufferings by a large class of persons who fell captive to the Indians, -and lived to tell their tales.[1377] - -The earlier travellers, like P. E. Radisson,[1378] Richard -Falconer,[1379] Le Beau,[1380] and Jonathan Carver,[1381] not to name -others; the later ones, like Prinz Maximilian;[1382] the experiences of -various army officers on the frontiers, like Randolph B. Marcy[1383] -and J. B. Fry,[1384]—all such books fill in the picture in some of its -details. - -The early life in the Ohio Valley was particularly conducive to -such auxiliary helps in this study, and we owe more of this kind of -illustration to Joseph Doddridge[1385] than to any other. He was a -physician and a missionary of the Protestant Episcopal Church, and in -both his professions a man highly esteemed. He was born in Maryland -in 1769, and in his fourth year removed with his family to the -western border of the line between Pennsylvania and Virginia. With -abundant opportunities in his youth of familiarity with the rudest -experiences of frontier life near hostile Indians, he was a keen -observer, a skilful narrator, and a diligent gatherer-up of historical -and traditional lore from the hardy and well-scarred pioneers. He had -received a good academic and medical education, and was a keen student -of nature as well as of humanity. His pages give us most vivid pictures -of life under the stern and perilous conditions; not, however, without -their fascinations, of forest haunts, of rude and scattered cabins, of -domestic and social relations, of the resources of the heroic whites, -and of the qualities of Indian warfare in the desperate struggle with -the invaders.[1386] - -Another early writer in this field was Dr. S. P. Hildreth of Ohio, who -published his _Pioneer History_ (Cincinnati, 1848) while some of the -pioneers of the Northwest were still living, and the papers of some -of them, like Col. George Morgan, could be put to service.[1387] Dr. -Hildreth, in his _Biographical and Historical Memoirs of the early -Pioneer Settlers of Ohio_ (Cincinnati, 1852), included a Memoir of -Isaac Williams, who at the age of eighteen began a course of service -and adventure in the Indian country, which was continued till its -close at the age of eighty-four. When eighteen years of age he was -employed by the government of Pennsylvania, being already a trained -hunter, as a spy and ranger among the Indians. He served in this -capacity in Braddock’s campaign, and was a guard for the first convoy -of provisions, on pack-horses, to Fort Duquesne, after its surrender -to General Forbes in 1758. He was one of the first settlers on the -Muskingum, after the peace made there with the Indians, in 1765, by -Bouquet. His subsequent life was one of daring and heroic adventure on -the frontiers.[1388] - - * * * * * - -Passing to the more general works, the earliest treatment of the North -American Indians, of more than local scope, was the work of James -Adair, first published in 1775, a section of whose map, showing the -position of the Indian tribes within the present United States at that -time, is given elsewhere.[1389] This _History of the American Indians_ -was later included by Kingsborough in _Antiquities of Mexico_ (vol. -viii. London, 1848).[1390] At just about the same time (1777), Dr. -Robertson, in his _America_ (book iv.), gave a general survey, which -probably represents the level of the best European knowledge at that -time. - -It was not till well into the present century that much effort was made -to summarize the scattered knowledge of explorers like Lewis and Clarke -and of venturesome travellers. In 1819, we find where we might not -expect it about as good an attempt to make a survey of the subject as -was then attainable, in Ezekiel Sanford’s _History of the United States -before the Revolution_,—a book, however, which was pretty roundly -condemned for its general inaccuracy by Nathan Hale in the _North -American Review_. The next year the Rev. Jedediah Morse made _A report -to the secretary of war, on Indian affairs, comprising a narrative of -a tour in 1820, for ascertaining the actual state of the Indian tribes -in our country_ (New Haven, 1822), which is about the beginning of -systematized knowledge, though the subject in its scientific aspects -was too new for well-studied proportions. The _Report_, however, -attracted attention and instigated other students. De Tocqueville, in -1835, took the Indian problem within his range.[1391] Albert Gallatin -printed, the next year, in the second volume of the _Archæologia -Americana_ (Cambridge, 1836), his _Synopsis of the Indian Tribes within -the United States east of the Rocky Mountains_; and though his main -purpose was to explain the linguistic differences, his introduction is -still a valuable summary of the knowledge then existing. - -There were at this time two well-directed efforts in progress to catch -the features and life of the Indians as preserving their aboriginal -traits. Between 1838 and 1844 Thomas L. McKenney and James Hall -published at Philadelphia, in three volumes folio, their _History of -the Indian tribes of North America, with biographical sketches of -the principal chiefs. With 120 portrs. from the Indian gallery of -the Department of war, at Washington_;[1392] and in 1841 the public -first got the fruits of George Catlin’s wanderings among the Indians -of the Northwest, in his _Letters and notes on the manners, customs -and condition of the North American Indians, written during eight -years’ travel among the wildest tribes of Indians in North America, in -1832-39_ (N. Y., 1841), in two volumes. The book went through various -editions in this country and in London.[1393] It was but the forerunner -of various other books illustrative of his experience among the tribes; -but it remains the most important.[1394] The sufficient summary of -all that Catlin did to elucidate the Indian character and life will -be found in Thomas Donaldson’s _George Catlin’s Indian Gallery in the -U. S. Nat. Museum, with memoirs and statistics_, being part v. of the -_Smithsonian Report_ for 1885.[1395] - -The great work of Schoolcraft has been elsewhere described in the -present volume.[1396] - -The agencies for acquiring and disseminating knowledge respecting the -condition, past and present, of the red race have been and are much the -same as those which improve the study of the archæological aspects of -their history: such publications as the _Transactions of the American -Ethnological Society_ (1845-1848); the _Reports_ of the governmental -geological surveys, and those upon trans-continental railway routes; -those upon national boundaries; those of the Smithsonian Institution, -with its larger _Contribution_s, and of late years the _Reports of the -Bureau of Ethnology_; the reports of such institutions as the Peabody -Museum of Archæology; and those of the Indian agents of the Federal -government, of chief importance among which is Miss Alice C. Fletcher’s -_Indian Education and Civilization_, published by the Bureau of -Education (Washington, 1888). To these must be added the great mass of -current periodical literature reached through _Poole’s Index_, and the -action and papers of the government, not always easily discoverable, -through Poore’s _Descriptive Catalogue_. - -The maps of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are, in addition -to the reports of traders, missionaries, and adventurers, the means -which we have of placing the territories of the many Indian tribes -which, since the contact of Europeans, have been found in North -America; but the abiding-places of the tribes have been far from -permanent. Many of these early maps are given in other volumes of the -present History.[1397] Geographers like Hutchins and military men -like Bouquet found it incumbent on them to study this question.[1398] -Benjamin Smith Barton surveyed the field in 1797; but the earliest of -special map seems to have been that compiled by Albert Gallatin, who -endeavored to place the tribes of the Atlantic slope as they were in -1600, and those beyond the Alleghanies as they were in 1800. The map in -the _American Gazetteer_ (London, 1762) gives some information,[1399] -and that of Adair in 1775 is reproduced elsewhere.[1400] In 1833, -Catlin endeavored to give a geographical position to all the tribes -in the United States on a map, given in his great work and reproduced -in the _Smithsonian Report_, part v. (1885). In 1840 compiled maps -were given on a small scale in George Bancroft’s third volume of his -_United States_, and another in Marryat’s _Travels_, vol. ii. The -government has from time to time published maps showing the Indian -occupation of territory, and the present reservations are shown on maps -in Donaldson’s _Public Domain_ and in the _Smithsonian Report_, part v. -(1885).[1401] - -The migrations and characteristics of the Eskimos have already been -discussed,[1402] and the journals of the Arctic explorers will yield -light upon their later conditions. We find those of the Hudson Bay -region depicted in all the books relating to the life of the Company’s -factors.[1403] The Beothuks of Newfoundland, which are thought to -have become extinct in 1828,[1404] are described in Hatton and -Harvey’s _Newfoundland_; by T. G. B. Lloyd in the _Journal of the -Anthropological Institute_ (London), 1874, p. 21; 1875, p. 222; by A. -S. Gatschet in the _American Philosophical Society’s Transactions_ -(Philad., 1885-86, vols. xxii. xxiii.); and in the _Nineteenth -Century_, Dec., 1888. Leclercq in his _Nouvelle Relation de la -Gaspésie_ (Paris, 1691) gives us an account of the natives on the -western side of the gulf.[1405] - -The Micmacs of Nova Scotia are considered in Lescarbot and the later -histories and in the documentary collections of that colony; and as -they played a part in the French wars, the range of that military -history covers some material concerning them.[1406] - -For the aborigines of Canada, we easily revert to the older writers, -like Champlain, Sagard, Creuxius, Boucher, Leclercq, Lafitau; the -_Voyage curieux et nouveau parmi les sauvages_ of Le Beau (Amsterdam, -1738); the _Nouvelle France_ of Charlevoix; the _Histoire de l’Amérique -Septentrionale_ (Paris, 1753) of Bacqueville de la Potherie;[1407] and -to the later historians, like Fernald (ch. 7, 8), Garneau (2d book), -and Warburton’s _Conquest of Canada_ (ch. 6, 7, 8). The Abenaki, which -lay between the northeastern settlements of the English and the French, -are specially treated by Bacqueville (vol. iv.), in the _Maine Hist. -Soc. Collection_s, vol. vi., and in Maurault’s _Histoire des Abenakis_ -(1866).[1408] - -The rich descriptive literature of the early days of New England gives -us much help in understanding the aboriginal life. We begin with John -Smith, and come down through a long series of writers like Governor -Bradford and Edward Winslow for Plymouth; Gorges, Morton, Winthrop, -Higginson, Dudley, Johnson, Wood, Lechford, and Roger Williams for -other parts. These are all characterized in another place.[1409] -The authorities on the early wars with the Pequots and with Philip, -the accounts of Daniel Gookin, who knew them so well,[1410] and -chance visits like those of Rawson and Danforth,[1411] furnish the -concomitants needful to the recital. The story of the labors of -Eliot, Mayhew, and others in urging the conversion of the natives -is based upon another large range of material, in which much that -is merely exhortative does not wholly conceal the material for the -historian.[1412] Here too the chief actors in this work help us in -their records. We have letters of Eliot, and we have the tracts which -he was instrumental in publishing.[1413] There is also a letter of -Increase Mather to Leusden on the Indian missions (1688).[1414] Gookin -tells us of the sufferings of the Christian Indians during the war of -1675,[1415] and he gives also reports of the speeches of the Indian -converts.[1416] The Mayhews of Martha’s Vineyard, Thomas, Matthew, and -Experience, have left us records equally useful.[1417] - -The principal student of the literature, mainly religious, produced -in the tongue of the natives, has been Dr. James Hammond Trumbull, of -Hartford, and he has given us the leading accounts of its creation and -influence.[1418] It was this propagandist movement that led Eleazer -Wheelock into establishing (1754) an Indian Charity School at Lebanon, -Connecticut, which finally removed to Hanover, in New Hampshire, and -became (1769) Dartmouth College.[1419] - -The New England tribes have produced a considerable local illustrative -literature. The Kennebecs and Penobscots in Maine are noticed in the -histories of that State, and in many of the local monographs.[1420] For -New Hampshire, beside the state histories,[1421] the Pemigewassets are -described in Wm. Little’s _Warren_ (Concord, 1854), and the Pemicooks -in the _N. H. Hist. Collections_, i.; Bouton’s _Concord_, Moore’s -_Concord_, and Potter’s _Manchester_. - -The Archives of Massachusetts yield a large amount of material -respecting the relations of the tribes to the government, particularly -at the eastward, while Maine was a part of the colony;[1422] and the -large mass of its local histories, as well as those of the State,[1423] -supply even better than the other New England States material for the -historian.[1424] - -The Indians of Rhode Island are noted by Arnold in his _Rhode Island_ -(ch. 3), and some special treatment is given to the Narragansetts -and the Nyantics.[1425] Those of Connecticut have a monographic -record in De Forest’s _Indians of Connecticut_, as well as treatment -otherwise.[1426] - -Palfrey (_Hist. New England_, i. ch. 1, 2), in his general survey -of the Indians of New England, delineates their character with much -plainness and discrimination, and it is perhaps as true a piece of -characterization as any we have.[1427] - -The Iroquois of New York have probably been the subject of a more -sustained historical treatment than any other tribes. We have the -advantage, in studying them, of the observations of the Dutch,[1428] -as well as of the French and English. The French priests give us the -earliest accounts, particularly the relations of Jogues and Milet.[1429] - -The story of the French missions in New York is told elsewhere;[1430] -those of the Protestant English yield us less.[1431] - -We have another source in the local histories of New York.[1432] -The earliest of the general histories of the Iroquois is that of -Cadwallader Colden, and the best edition is _The history of the five -Indian nations depending on the province of New-York. Reprinted -exactly from Bradford’s New York edition, 1727; with an introduction -and notes by J. G. Shea_ (New York, 1866).[1433] The London reprints -of 1747, and later, unfortunately added to the title _Five Indian -Nations_ [_of Canada_] the words in brackets. This was the very point -denied by the English, who claimed that the French had no territorial -rights south of the lakes. Otherwise his title conveys two significant -facts: first, that the English had come to regard the Five Nations as -their “dependants”; and second, that these Indians actually were a -barrier between them and the French. There was something farcical in -the formula used by Sir Wm. Johnson in a letter to the ministry: “The -combined tribes have taken arms against his Britannic Majesty.” The -Mohawks had been induced to ask that the Duke of York’s arms should be -attached to their castles. This had been assented to, and allowed as a -security against the inroads of the French—a sort of talismanic charm -which might be respected by European usage. But those ducal bearings -did not have their full meaning to the Iroquois as binding their own -allegiance, nor were the Six Nations ever the gainers by being thus -constructively protected. - -Colden was born in Scotland in 1688, and died on Long Island in 1776. -He was a physician, botanist, scholar, and literary man, able and -well qualified in each pursuit. The greater part of his long life was -spent in this country. As councillor, lieutenant-governor, and acting -governor, he was in the administration of New York from 1720 till near -his death. He was a most inquisitive and intelligent investigator -and observer of Indian history and character. In dedicating his work -to General Oglethorpe, he claims to have been prompted to it by his -interest in the welfare of the Five Nations. He is frank and positive -in expressing his judgment that they had been degraded and demoralized -by their intercourse with the whites. He says that he wrote the former -part of his history in New York, in 1727, to thwart the manœuvres of -the French in their efforts to monopolize the western fur trade. They -had been allowed to import woollen goods for the Indian traffic through -New York. Governor Burnet advised that a stop be put to this abuse. The -New York legislature furthered his advice, and built a fort at Oswego -for three hundred traders. When the Duke of York was represented here -by Governor Dongan, and “Popish interests” were allowed sway,—there -being at the time a mean pretence of amity between England and -France,—the interests of the former were sacrificed to those of the -latter. This, of course, had a bad influence on the Five Nations, as -leading them to regard the French as masters. The whole of the first -part of Colden’s History deals with the Iroquois as merely the centre -of the rivalry between the French and the English with their respective -savage allies. The English had the advantage at the start, because from -the earliest period when Champlain made a hostile incursion into the -country of the Iroquois, attended by their Huron enemies, the relations -of enmity were decided upon, and afterwards were constantly imbittered -by a series of invasions. The French sought to undo their own influence -of this sort when it became necessary for them to try to win over the -Iroquois to their own interest in the fur traffic. The Confederacy -which existed among the Five, and afterwards the Six, Nations was -roughly tried when there was so sharp a bidding for alliances between -one or another of the tribes by their European tempters. An incidental -and very embarrassing element came in to complicate the relations of -the parties, English, French, and Indians, on the grounds of the claim -advanced by the English to hold the region beyond the Alleghanies -by cession from the Iroquois in a council in 1726. The question was -whether the Iroquois had previous to that time obtained tenable -possession of the Ohio region, by conquest of the former occupants. -It would appear that after that conquest that region was for a time -well-nigh deserted. When it was to some extent reoccupied, the -subsequent hunters and tenants of it denied the sovereignty of the -Iroquois and the rights of the English intruders who relied upon the -old treaty of cession. - -The rival French history while Colden was in vogue was the third -volume of Bacqueville de la Potherie’s _Hist. de l’Amérique -Septentrionale_ (Paris, 1753); and another contemporary English -view appeared in Wm. Smith’s _Hist. of the Province of New York_ -(1757).[1434] Nothing appeared after this of much moment as a general -account of the Six Nations till Henry R. Schoolcraft made his _Report_ -to the New York authorities in 1845, which was published in a more -popular form in his _Notes on the Iroquois, or Contributions to -American history, antiquities, and general ethnology_ (Albany, 1847), a -book not valued overmuch.[1435] - -Better work was done by J. V. H. Clark in what is in effect a good -history of the Confederacy, in his _Onondaga_ (Syracuse, 1849). -The series of biographies by W. L. Stone, of Sir William Johnson, -Brant, and Red Jacket, form a continuous history for a century -(1735-1838).[1436] The most carefully studied work of all has been that -of Lewis H. Morgan in his _League of the Iroquois_ (1851), a book of -which Parkman says (_Jesuits_, p. liv) that it commands a place far -in advance of all others, and he adds, “Though often differing widely -from Mr. Morgan’s conclusions, I cannot bear too emphatic testimony -to the value of his researches.”[1437] The latest scholarly treatment -of the Iroquois history is by Horatio Hale in the introduction to -_The Iroquois Book of Rites_ (Philad., 1883), which gives the forms -of commemoration on the death of a chief and upon the choice of a -successor.[1438] - -Moving south, the material grows somewhat scant. There is little -distinctive about the New Jersey tribes.[1439] For the Delawares and -the Lenni Lenape, the main source is the native bark record, which as -Walam-Olum was given by Squier in his _Historical and Mythological -Traditions of the Algonquins_,[1440] as translated by Rafinesque,[1441] -while a new translation is given in D. G. Brinton’s _Lenâpé and their -legends; with the complete text and symbols of the Walam Olum, a new -translation, and an inquiry into its authenticity_ (Philadelphia, -1885), making a volume of his _Library of aboriginal American -literature_; and the book is in effect a series of ethnological studies -on the Indians of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Maryland.[1442] - -In addition to some of the early tracts[1443] on Maryland[1444] and -Virginia and the general histories, like those of Beverly, and Stith -for Virginia, and particularly Bozman for Maryland, with Henning’s -_Statutes_, and some of the local histories,[1445] we have little for -these central coast regions.[1446] In Carolina we must revert to such -early books as Lawson and Brickell; to Carroll’s _Hist. Collections of -South Carolina_, and to occasional periodic papers.[1447] - -Farther south, we get help from the early Spanish and French,—Herrera, -Barcia, the chroniclers of Florida, Davilla Padilla, Laudonnière, the -memorials of De Soto’s march, the documents in the collections of -Ternaux, Buckingham Smith, and B. F. French, all of which have been -characterized elsewhere.[1448] - -The later French documents in Margry and the works of Dumont and Du -Pratz give us additional help.[1449] On the English side we find -something in Coxe’s _Carolana_, in Timberlake, in Lawson,[1450] in the -Wormsloe quartos on Georgia and South Carolina,[1451] and in later -books like Filson’s _Kentucke_, John Haywood’s _Nat. and Aborig. Hist. -Tennessee_ (down to 1768), Benjamin Hawkins’s _Sketch of the Creek -Country_ (1799), and Jeffreys’ _French Dominion in America_. Brinton, -in _The National Legend of the Chata-Mus-ko-kee tribes_ (in the _Hist. -Mag._, Feb., 1870), printed a translation of “What Chekilli the head -chief of the upper and lower Creeks said in a talk held at Savannah -in 1735,” which he derived from a German version preserved in _Herrn -Philipp Georg Friederichs von Reck Diarium von seiner Reise nach -Georgien im Jahr 1735_ (Halle, 1741).[1452] This legend is taken by -Albert S. Gatschet, in his _Migration Legend of the Creek Indians, with -a linguistic, historic, and ethnographic introduction_ (Philad., 1884), -as a centre round which to group the ethnography of the whole gulf -water-shed of the Southern States, wherein he has carefully analyzed -the legend and its language, and in this way there is formed what is -perhaps the best survey we have of the southern Indians. - -This we may supplement by Pickett’s _Alabama_. Col. C. C. Jones, Jr., -has given us a sketch (1868) of Tomo-chi-chi, the chief who welcomed -Oglethorpe.[1453] - -C. C. Royce has given us glimpses of the relations of the Cherokees and -the whites in the _Fifth Report, Bureau of Ethnology_. A recent book -is G. E. Foster’s _Se-Quo-Yah, the American Cadmus and modern Moses. A -biography of the greatest of redmen, around whose life has been woven -the manners, customs and beliefs of the early Cherokees, with a recital -of their wrongs and progress toward civilization_ (Philadelphia, etc., -1885.)[1454] Gatschet cites the _Mémoire_ of Milfort, a war chief of -the Creeks.[1455] The Chippewas are commemorated in a paper in Beach’s -_Indian Miscellany_.[1456] The Seminole war produced a literature[1457] -bearing on the Florida tribes. Bernard Romans’ _Florida_ (1775) gave -the comments of an early English observer of the natives of the -southeastern parts of the United States. Dr. Brinton’s _Floridian -Peninsula_ and the paper of Clay Maccauley on the Seminoles in the -_Fifth Rept. Bureau of Ethnology_ help out the study. The Natchez have -been considered as allied with the races of middle America,[1458] and -we may go back to Garcilasso de la Vega and the later Du Pratz for some -of the speculations about them, to be aided by the accounts we get from -the French concerning their campaigns against them.[1459] - -The placing of the tribes in the Ohio Valley is embarrassed by -their periodic migrations.[1460] Brinton follows the migrations -of the Shawanees,[1461] and C. C. Royce seeks to identify them in -their wanderings.[1462] O. H. Marshall tracks other tribes along the -Great Lakes.[1463] Hiram W. Beckwith places those in Illinois and -Indiana.[1464] The Wyandots[1465] have been treated, as affording -a type for a short study of tribal society, by Major Powell in -the _Bureau of Ethnology, First Report_.[1466] G. Gale’s _Upper -Mississippi_ (Chicago, 1867) gives us a condensed summary of the tribes -of that region, and Miss Fletcher’s _Report_ will help us for all this -territory. Use can be also made of Caleb Atwater’s _Indians of the -Northwest, or a Tour to Prairie du Chien_ (Columbus, 1850). Dr. John G. -Shea and others have used the _Collections of the Wisconsin Historical -Society_ to make known their studies of the tribes of that State.[1467] -One of the most readable studies of the Indians in the neighborhood of -Lake Superior is John G. Kohl’s _Kitchi-Gami_ (1860). The authorities -on the Black Hawk war throw light on the Sac and Fox tribes.[1468] -Pilling’s _Bibliography of the Siouan Languages_ (1887) affords the -readiest key to the mass of books about the Sioux or Dacotah stocks -from the time of Hennepin and the early adventurers in the Missouri -Valley. The travellers Carver and Catlin are of importance here. Mrs. -Eastman’s _Dacotah, or life and legends of the Sioux_ (1849) is an -excellent book that has not yet lost its value; and the same can be -said of Francis Parkman’s _California and the Oregon Trail_ (N. Y., -1849), which shows that historian’s earliest experience of the wild -camp life. Miss Alice C. Fletcher is the latest investigator of their -present life.[1469] Of the Crows we have some occasional accounts like -Mrs. Margaret J. Carrington’s _Absaraka_.[1470] On the Modocs we have -J. Miller’s _Life among the Modocs_ (London, 1873). J. O. Dorsey has -given us a paper on the Omaha sociology in the _Third Rept. Bureau -of Ethnology_ (p. 205); and we may add to this some account in the -_Transactions_ (vol. i.) of the Nebraska State Hist. Society, and a -tract by Miss Fletcher on the _Omaha tribe of Indians in Nebraska_ -(Washington, 1885). The Pawnees have been described by J. B. Dunbar in -the _Mag. Amer. Hist._ (vols. iv., v., viii., ix.) The Ojibways have -had two native historians,—Geo. Copway’s _Traditional Hist. of the -Ojibway Nation_ (London, 1850), and Peter Jones’ _Hist. of the Ojibway -Indians, with special reference to their conversion to Christianity_ -(London, 1861). The _Minnesota Hist. Soc. Collections_ (vol. v.) -contain other historical accounts by Wm. W. Warren and by Edw. D. -Neill,—the latter touching their connection with the fur-traders. Miss -Fletcher’s _Report_ (1888) will supplement all these accounts of the -aborigines of this region. - -Our best knowledge of the southwestern Indians, the Apaches, Navajos, -Utes, Comanches, and the rest, comes from such government observers -as Emory in his _Military Reconnaissance_; Marcy’s _Exploration of -the Red River in 1852_; J. H. Simpson in his _Expedition into the -Navajo Country_ (1856); and E. H. Ruffner’s _Reconnoissance in the Ute -Country_ (1874). The fullest references are given in Bancroft’s _Native -Races_,[1471] with a map. - -We may still find in Bancroft’s _Native Races_ (i. ch. 2, 3) the best -summarized statement with references on the tribes of the upper Pacific -coast, and follow the development of our knowledge in the narratives -of the early explorers of that coast by water, in the account of Lewis -and Clark and other overland travels, and in such tales of adventures -as the _Journal kept at Nootka Sound by John R. Jewitt_, which has had -various forms.[1472] - -The earliest of the better studied accounts of these northwestern -tribes was that of Horatio Hale in the volume (vi.) on ethnography, -of the Wilkes’ _United States Exploring Expedition_ (Philad., 1846), -and the same philologist’s paper in the _Amer. Ethnological Society’s -Transactions_ (vol. ii.). Recent scientific results are found in _The -North-West Coast of America, being Results of Recent Ethnological -Researches, from the Collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin, -published by the Directors of the Ethnological Department, by Herr E. -Krause, and partly by Dr. Grunwedel, translated from the German, the -Historical and Descriptive Text by Dr. Reiss_ (New York, 1886), and -in the first volume of the _Contributions to North Amer. Ethnology_ -(Powell’s Survey), in papers by George Gibbs on the tribes of -Washington and Oregon, and by W. H. Dall on those of Alaska.[1473] - -For the tribes of California, Bancroft’s first volume is still the -useful general account; but the Federal government have published -several contributions of scientific importance: that of Stephen Powers -in the _Contributions to No. Amer. Ethnology_ (vol. iii., 1877);[1474] -the ethnological volume (vii.) of _Wheeler’s Survey_, edited by -Putnam; and papers in the _Smithsonian Reports_, 1863-64, and in Miss -Fletcher’s _Report_, 1888.[1475] - -This survey would not be complete without some indication of the -topical variety in the consideration of the native peoples, but we have -space only to mention the kinds of special treatment, shown in accounts -of their government and society, their intellectual character, and of -some of their customs and amusements.[1476] Their industries, their -linguistics, and their myths have been considered with wider relations -in the appendixes of the present volume. - -[Illustration: Signatures] - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE PREHISTORIC ARCHÆOLOGY OF NORTH AMERICA. - -BY HENRY W. HAYNES, - -_Archæological Institute of America._ - - -BY the discovery of America a new continent was brought to light, -inhabited by many distinct tribes, differing in language and in -customs, but strikingly alike in physical appearance. All that can be -learned in regard to their condition, and that of their ancestors, -prior to the coming of Columbus, falls within the domain of the -prehistoric archæology of America. This recent science of Prehistoric -Archæology deals mainly with facts, not surmises. In studying the past -of forgotten races, “hid from the world in the low-delved tomb,” her -chief agent is the spade, not the pen. Her leading principles, the -lamps by which her path is guided, are superposition, association, -and style. Does this new science teach us that the tribes found in -possession of the soil were the descendants of its original occupants, -or does she rather furnish reasons for inferring that these had been -preceded by some extinct race or races? The first question, therefore, -that presents itself to us relates to the antiquity of man upon this -continent; and in respect to this the progress of archæological -investigation has brought about a marked change of opinion. Modern -speculation, based upon recent discoveries, inclines to favor the view -that this continent was inhabited at least as early as in the later -portion of the quaternary or pleistocene period. Whether this primitive -people was autochthonous or not, is a problem that probably will never -be solved; but it is now generally held that this earliest population -was intruded upon by other races, coming either from Asia or from the -Pacific Islands, from whom were descended the various tribes which have -occupied the soil down to the present time. - -The writer believes also that the majority of American archæologists -now sees no sufficient reason for supposing that any mysterious, -superior race has ever lived in any portion of our continent. They find -no archæological evidence proving that at the time of its discovery -any tribe had reached a stage of culture that can properly be called -civilization. Even if we accept the exaggerated statements of the -Spanish conquerors, the most intelligent and advanced peoples found -here were only semi-barbarians, in the stage of transition from the -stone to the bronze age, possessing no written language, or what can -properly be styled an alphabet, and not yet having even learned the use -of beasts of burden. - -By a large and growing school of archæologists, moreover, it -is maintained that all the various tribes upon this continent, -notwithstanding their different degrees of advancement, were living -under substantially similar institutions; and that even the different -forms of house construction practised by them were only stages in the -development of the same general conceptions. Without attempting to -dogmatize about such difficult problems, the object of this chapter -is to set forth concisely such views as recommend themselves to the -writer’s judgment. He is profoundly conscious of the limitations of his -knowledge, and fully aware that his opinions will be at variance with -those of other competent and learned investigators. _Non nostrum tantas -componere lites._ - -The controversy in regard to the antiquity of man in the old world -may be regarded as substantially settled. Scarcely any one now denies -that man was in existence there during the close of the quaternary -or pleistocene period; but there is a great difference of opinion as -to the sufficiency of the evidence thus far brought forward to prove -that he had made his appearance in Europe in the previous tertiary -period, or even in the earlier part of the quaternary. What is the -present state of opinion in regard to the correlative question about -the antiquity of man in America? Less than ten years ago the latest -treatise published in this country, in which this subject came under -discussion, met the question with the sweeping reply that “no truly -scientific proof of man’s great antiquity in America exists.”[1477] -But we think if the author of that thorough and “truly scientific” -work were living now his belief would be different. After a careful -consideration of all the former evidence that had been adduced in -proof of man’s early existence upon this continent, none of which -seemed to him conclusive, he goes on to state that “Dr. C. C. Abbott -has unquestionably discovered many palæolithic implements in the -glacial drift in the valley of the Delaware River, near Trenton, -New Jersey.”[1478] Now a single discovery of this character, if it -were unquestionable, or incapable of any other explanation, would -be sufficient to prove that man existed upon this continent in -quaternary times. The establishment, therefore, of the antiquity of -man in America, according to this latest authority, seems to rest -mainly upon the fact of the discovery by Dr. Abbott of palæolithic -implements in the valley of the Delaware. To quote the language of an -eminent European man of science, “This gentleman appears to stand in -a somewhat similar relation to this great question in America as did -Boucher de Perthes in Europe.”[1479] The opinion of the majority of -American geologists upon this point is clearly indicated in a very -recent article by Mr. W. J. McGee, of the U. S. Geological Survey: -“But it is in the aqueo-glacial gravels of the Delaware River, at -Trenton, which were laid down contemporaneously with the terminal -moraine one hundred miles further northward, and which have been so -thoroughly studied by Abbott, that the most conclusive proof of the -existence of glacial man is found.”[1480] It will accordingly be -necessary to give in considerable detail an account of the discovery -of palæolithic implements by Dr. Abbott in the Delaware valley, and of -its confirmation by different investigators, as well as of such other -discoveries in different parts of our country as tend to substantiate -the conclusions that have been drawn from them by archæologists. - -[Illustration: PALÆOLITHIC IMPLEMENT FROM THE TRENTON GRAVELS. - -Side and edge view, of natural size. From the _Peabody Museum Reports_, -vol. ii. p. 33.] - -By the term palæolithic implements we are to understand certain rude -stone objects, of varying size, roughly fashioned into shape by a -process of chipping away fragments from a larger mass so as to produce -cutting edges, with convex sides, massive, and suited to be held at one -end, and usually pointed at the other. These have never afterwards been -subjected to any smoothing or polishing process by rubbing them against -another stone. But it is only when such rude tools have been found -buried in beds of gravel or other deposits, which have been laid down -by great floods towards the close of what is known to geologists as the -quaternary or pleistocene period, that they can be regarded as really -palæolithic.[1481] At that epoch which immediately preceded the present -period, certain rivers flowed with a volume of water much greater than -now, owing to the melting of the thick ice-cap once covering large -portions of the northern hemisphere, which was accompanied by a climate -of great humidity. Vast quantities of gravels were washed down from -the débris of the great terminal moraine of this ice-sheet, and were -accumulated in beds of great thickness, extending in some instances -as high as two hundred feet up the slopes of the river valleys. In -such deposits, side by side with the rude products of human industry -we have thus described, and deposited by the same natural forces, are -found the fossil remains of several species of animals, which have -subsequently either become extinct, like the mammoth and the tichorhine -rhinoceros, or, driven southwards by the encroaching ice, have since -its disappearance migrated to arctic regions, like the musk-sheep and -the reindeer, or to the higher Alpine slopes, like the marmot. Such a -discovery establishes the fact that man must have been living as the -contemporary of these extinct animals, and this is the only proof of -his antiquity that is at present universally accepted. - -There has been much discussion among geologists in regard to both the -duration and the conditions of the glacial period, but it is now the -settled opinion that there have been two distinct times of glacial -action, separated by a long interval of warmer climate, as is proved by -the occurrence of intercalated fossiliferous beds; this was followed -by the final retreat of the glacier.[1482] The great terminal moraine -stretching across the United States from Cape Cod to Dakota, and thence -northward to the foot of the Rocky Mountains, marks the limit of the -ice invasion in the second glacial epoch. South of this, extending -in its farthest boundary as low as the 38th degree of latitude, is -a deposit which thins out as we go west and northwest, and which is -called the drift-area. The drift graduates into a peculiar mud deposit, -for which the name of “loess” has been adopted from the geologists of -Europe, by whom it was given to a thick alluvial stratum of fine sand -and loam, of glacial origin. This attenuated drift represents the first -glacial invasion. From Massachusetts as far as northern New Jersey, -and in some other places, the deposits of the two epochs seem to -coalesce.[1483] - -The interval of time that separated the two glacial periods can be best -imagined by considering the great erosions that have taken place in the -valleys of the Missouri and of the upper Ohio. “Glacial river deposits -of the earlier epoch form the capping of fragmentary terraces that -stand 250 to 300 feet above the present rivers;” while those of the -second epoch stretch down through a trough excavated to that depth by -the river through these earlier deposits and the rock below.[1484] - -As to the probable time that has elapsed since the close of the -glacial period, the tendency of recent speculation is to restrict the -vast extent that was at first suggested for it to a period of from -twenty thousand to thirty thousand years. The most conservative view -maintains that it need not have been more than ten thousand years, or -even less.[1485] This lowest estimate, however, can only be regarded as -fixing a minimum point, and an antiquity vastly greater than this must -be assigned to man, as of necessity he must have been in existence long -before the final events occurred in order to have left his implements -buried in the beds of débris which they occasioned. - -In April, 1873, Dr. C. C. Abbott, who was already well known as -an investigator of the antiquities of the Indian races, which he -believed had passed from “a palæolithic to a neolithic condition” -while occupying the Atlantic seaboard, published an article on -the “Occurrence of implements in the river-drift at Trenton, New -Jersey.”[1486] In this he described and figured three rude implements, -which he had found buried at a depth as great in one instance as -sixteen feet in the gravels of a bluff overlooking the Delaware -River. He argued that these must be of greater antiquity than relics -found on the surface, from the fact of their occurring _in place_ in -undisturbed deposits; that they could not have reached such a depth -by any natural means; and that they must be of human origin, and not -accidental formations, because as many as three had been discovered -of a like character. His conclusion is that they are “true drift -implements, fashioned and used by a people far antedating the people -who subsequently occupied this same territory.” - -After two years of further research he returned to the subject, -publishing in the same journal, in June, 1876, an account of the -discovery of seven similar objects near the same locality. Of these he -said: “My studies of these palæolithic specimens and of their positions -in the gravel-beds and overlying soil have led me to conclude that not -long after the close of the last glacial epoch man appeared in the -valley of the Delaware.”[1487] - -Most of these specimens were deposited by Dr. Abbott in the -Peabody Museum of American Archæology and Ethnology at Cambridge, -Massachusetts; and the curator of that institution, Professor Frederick -W. Putnam, in September, 1876, visited the locality in company with Dr. -Abbott. Together they succeeded in finding two examples _in place_. -Having been commissioned to continue his investigations, Dr. Abbott -presented to the trustees, in November of the same year, a detailed -report _On the Discovery of Supposed Palæolithic Implements from the -Glacial Drift in the Valley of the Delaware River, near Trenton, New -Jersey_.[1488] In this, three of the most characteristic specimens were -figured, which had been submitted to Mr. M. E. Wadsworth of Cambridge, -to determine their lithological character. He pronounced them to be -made of argillite, and declared that the chipping upon them could not -be attributed to any natural cause, and that the weathering of their -surfaces indicated their very great antiquity. The question “how and -when these implements came to be in the gravel” is discussed by Dr. -Abbott at some length. He argued that the same forces which spread the -beds of gravel over the wide area now covered carried them also; and -he predicted that they will be met with wherever such gravels occur in -other parts of the State. He specially dwells upon the circumstances -that the implements were found in _undisturbed_ portions of the freshly -exposed surface of the bluff, and not in the mass of talus accumulated -at its base, into which they might have fallen from the surface; and -that they have been found at great depths, “varying from five to over -twenty feet below the overlying soil.” He also insisted upon the marked -difference between their appearance and the materials of which they -are fashioned and the customary relics of the Indians. The conditions -under which the gravel-beds were accumulated are then studied in -connection with a report upon them by Professor N. S. Shaler, which -concludes, from the absence of stratification and of pebbles marked -with glacial scratches, that they were “formed in the sea near the foot -of the retreating ice-sheet, when the sub-glacial rivers were pouring -out the vast quantities of water and waste that clearly were released -during the breaking up of the great ice-time.” This view regards the -deposits as of glacial origin, and as laid down during that period, but -considers that they were subsequently modified in their arrangement by -the action of water. In such gravel-beds there have also been found -rolled fragments of reindeer-horns, and skulls of the walrus, as well -as the relics of man. Dr. Abbott accordingly drew the conclusion that -“man dwelt at the foot of the glacier, or at least wandered over the -open sea, during the accumulation of this mass of gravel;” that he was -contemporary of these arctic animals; and that this early race was -driven southward by the encroaching ice, leaving its rude implements -behind. Thus it will be seen that Dr. Abbott no longer considers man in -this country as belonging to post-glacial, but to interglacial times. - -Continuing his investigations, in the following year Dr. Abbott gave -a much more elaborate account of his work and its results, in which -he announced his discovery of some sixty additional specimens.[1489] -To the objection that had been raised, that these supposed implements -might have been produced by the action of frost, he replied that a -single fractured surface might have originated in that way or from an -accidental blow; but when we find upon the same object from twenty -to forty planes of cleavage, all equally weathered (which shows that -the fragments were all detached at or about the same time), it is -impossible not to recognize in this the result of intentional action. -Four such implements are described and figured, of shapes much more -specialized than those previously published, and resembling very -closely objects which European archæologists style stone axes of “the -Chellean type,” whose artificial origin cannot be doubted. - -[Illustration: THE TRENTON GRAVEL BLUFF. - -From a photograph kindly furnished by Professor F. W. Putnam, showing -the Delaware and its bluff of gravel, where many of the rude implements -have been found.] - -As some geologists were still inclined to insist upon the post-glacial -character of the débris in which the implements were found, Dr. Abbott, -admitting that the great terminal moraine of the northern ice-sheet -does not approach nearer than forty miles to the bluff at Trenton, -nevertheless insists that the character of the deposits there much more -resembles a mass of material accumulated in the sea at the foot of the -glacier than it does beds that have been subjected to the modifying -arrangement of water. He finds an explanation of this condition of -things in a prolongation of the glacier down the valley of the Delaware -as far as Trenton, at a time when the lower portions of the State had -suffered a considerable depression, and before the retreat of the -ice-sheet. But besides the comparatively unmodified material of the -bluff, in which the greater portion of the palæolithic implements has -been found, there also occur limited areas of stratified drift, such -as are to be seen in railway cuttings near Trenton, in which similar -implements are also occasionally found. These, however, present a more -worn appearance than the others. But it will be found that these tracts -of clearly stratified material are so very limited in extent that -they seem to imply some peculiar local condition of the glacier. This -position is illustrated by certain remarkable effects once witnessed -after a very severe rainfall, by which two palæolithic implements were -brought into immediate contact with ordinary Indian relics such as are -common on the surface. This leads to an examination of the question -of the origin of this surface soil, and a discussion of the problem -how true palæolithic implements sometimes occur in it. This soil is -known to be a purely sedimentary deposit, consisting almost exclusively -of sand, or of such finely comminuted gravels as would readily be -transported by rapid currents of water. But imbedded in it and making a -part of it are numerous huge boulders, too heavy to be moved by water. -Dr. Abbott accounted for their presence from their having been dropped -by ice-rafts, while the process of deposition of the soil was going on. -The same sort of agency could not have put in place both the soil and -the boulders contained in it, and the same force which transported the -latter may equally well have brought along such implements as occur in -the beds of clearly stratified origin. The wearing effect upon these of -gravels swept along by post-glacial floods will account for that worn -appearance which sometimes almost disguises their artificial origin. - -In conclusion Dr. Abbott attempted to determine what was the early -race which preceded the Indians in the occupation of this continent. -From the peculiar nature and qualities of palæolithic implements he -argues that they are adapted to the needs of a people “living in a -country of vastly different character, and with a different fauna,” -from the densely wooded regions of the Atlantic seaboard, where the -red man found his home. The physical conditions of the glacial times -much more nearly resembled those now prevailing in the extreme north. -Accordingly he finds the descendants of the early race in the Eskimos -of North America, driven northwards after contact with the invading -Indian race. In this he is following the opinion of Professor William -Boyd Dawkins, who considers that people to be of the same blood as the -palæolithic cave-dwellers of southern France, and that of Mr. Dall and -Dr. Rink, who believed that they once occupied this continent as far -south as New Jersey. In confirmation of this view he asserts that the -Eskimos “until recently used stone implements of the rudest patterns.” -But unfortunately for this theory the implements of the Eskimos bear -no greater resemblance to palæolithic implements than do those of any -other people in the later stone age; and subsequent discoveries of -human crania in the Trenton gravels have led Dr. Abbott to question its -soundness.[1490] - -These discoveries of Dr. Abbott are not liable to the imputation of -possible errors of observation or record, as would be the case if -they rested upon the testimony of a single person only. As has been -already stated, in September, 1876, Professor Putnam was present at -the finding _in place_ of two palæolithic implements, and in all has -taken five with his own hands from the gravel at various depths.[1491] -Mr. Lucien Carr also visited the locality in company with Professor J. -D. Whitney, in September, 1878, and found several _in place_.[1492] -Since then Professors Shaler, Dawkins, Wright, Lewis, and others, -including the writer, have all succeeded in finding specimens either -in place or in the talus along the face of the bluff, from which they -had washed out from freshly exposed surfaces of the gravel.[1493] -The whole number thus far discovered by Dr. Abbott amounts to -about four hundred specimens.[1494] Meanwhile, the problem of the -conditions under which the Trenton gravels had been accumulated was -made the subject of careful study by other competent geologists, -besides Professor Shaler, to whose opinion reference has already been -made. In October, 1877, the late Thomas Belt, F. G. S., visited the -locality, and shortly afterwards published an account of Dr. Abbott’s -discoveries, illustrated by several geological sections of the gravel. -His conclusion is, “that after the land-ice retired, or whilst it was -retiring, and before the coast was submerged to such a depth as to -permit the flotation of icebergs from the north, the upper pebble-beds -containing the stone implements were formed.”[1495] The geologists of -the New Jersey Survey had already recognized the distinction between -the drift gravels of Trenton and the earlier yellow marine gravels -which cover the lower part of the State. But it was the late Professor -Henry Carvill Lewis, of Philadelphia, who first accurately described -the character and limits of the Trenton gravels.[1496] This he had -carefully mapped before he was informed of Dr. Abbott’s discoveries, -and it has been found (with only one possible very recent exception) -that the implements occur solely in these newer gravels of the glacial -period. - -Professor Lewis’s matured conclusions in regard to the geological -character and the age of the Trenton gravel cliff are thus expressed: -“The presence of large boulders in the bluff at Trenton, and the extent -and depth of the gravel at this place, have led to the supposition that -there was here the extremity of a glacial moraine. Yet the absence of -‘till’ and of scratched boulders, the absence of glacial striæ upon the -rocks of the valley, and the stratified character of the gravel, all -point to water action alone as the agent of deposition. The depth of -the gravel and the presence of the bluff at this point are explained by -the peculiar position that Trenton occupies relatively to the river, -... in a position where naturally the largest amount of a river gravel -would be deposited, and where its best exposures would be exhibited.... -Any drift material which the flooded river swept down its channel -would here, upon meeting tide-water, be in great part deposited. -Boulders which had been rolled down the inclined floor of the upper -valley would here stop in their course, and all be heaped up with the -coarser gravel in the more slowly flowing water, except such as cakes -of floating ice could carry oceanward.... Having heaped up a mass of -detritus in the old river channel as an obstruction at the mouth of the -gorge, the river, so soon as its volume diminished, would immediately -begin wearing away a new channel for itself down to ocean level. This -would be readily accomplished through the loose material, and would -be stopped only when rock was reached.... It has been thought that to -account for the high bank at Trenton an elevation of the land must have -occurred.... An increase in the volume of the river will explain all -the facts. The accompanying diagram will render this more clear. - -[Illustration: Section of bluff two miles south of Trenton, New Jersey. -_a b_, TRENTON GRAVEL; Implements—_a_, fine gray sand (boulder); _b_, -coarse sandy gravel; _c_, red gravel; _d_, yellow gravel (pre-glacial); -_e_, plastic clay (Wealden); _f_, fine yellow sand (Hastings?); _g_, -gneiss; _h_, alluvial mud; _i_, Delaware River. - -A From a cut in _Primitive Industry_, p. 535.] - -“The Trenton gravel, now confined to the sandy flat borders of the -river, corresponds to the ‘intervale’ of New England rivers, ... and -exhibits a topography peculiar to a true river gravel. Frequently -instead of forming a flat plain it forms higher ground close to the -present river channel than it does near its ancient bank. Moreover, -not only does the ground thus slope downward on retreating from the -river, but the boulders become smaller and less abundant. Both of these -facts are in accordance with the facts of river deposits. In time of -flood the rapidly flowing water in the main channel, bearing detritus, -is checked by the more quiet waters at the side of the river, and is -forced to deposit its gravel and boulders as a kind of bank.... Having -shown that the Trenton gravel is a true river gravel of comparatively -recent age, it remains to point out the relation it bears to the -glacial epoch.... Two hypotheses only can be applied to the Trenton -gravel. It is either _post_-glacial, or it belongs to the very last -portion of the glacial period. The view held by the late Thomas Belt -can no longer be maintained.... He fails to recognize any distinction -between the gravels. As we have seen, the Trenton gravel is truly -post-glacial. It only remains to define more strictly the meaning of -that term. There is evidence to support both of these hypotheses.”[1497] - -After discussing them both at considerable length, he concludes as -follows: “A second glacial period in Europe, known as the ‘Reindeer -Period,’ has long been recognized. It appears to have followed that -in which the clays were deposited and the terraces formed, and may -therefore correspond with the period of the Trenton gravel. If there -have been two glacial epochs in this country, the Trenton gravel cannot -be earlier than the close of the later one. If there has been but one, -traces of the glacier must have continued into comparatively recent -times, or long after the period of submergence. The Trenton gravel, -whether made by long-continued floods which followed a first or second -glacial epoch,—whether separated from all true glacial action or the -result of the glacier’s final melting,—is truly a post-glacial deposit, -but still a phenomenon of essentially glacial times,—times more nearly -related to the Great Ice Age than to the present.” - -He then goes on to consider the bearings of the age of this gravel -upon the question of the antiquity of man. “When we find that the -Trenton gravel contains implements of human workmanship so placed with -reference to it that it is evident that at or soon after the time of -its deposition man had appeared on its borders, and when the question -of the antiquity of man in America is thus before us, we are tempted -to inquire still further into the age of the deposit under discussion. -It has been clearly shown by several competent archæologists that the -implements that have been found are a constituent part of the gravel, -and not intrusive objects. It was of peculiar interest to find that -it has been only within the limits of the Trenton gravel, precisely -traced out by the writer, that Dr. Abbott, Professor F. W. Putnam, Mr. -Lucien Carr, and others, have discovered these implements _in situ_.... -At the localities on the Pennsylvania Railroad, where extensive -exposures of these gravels have been made, the deposit is undoubtedly -undisturbed. No implements could have come into this gravel except at -a time when the river flowed upon it, and when they might have sunk -through the loose and shifting material. All the evidence points to the -conclusion that at the time of the Trenton gravel flood man ... lived -upon the banks of the ancient Delaware, and lost his stone implements -in the shifting sands and gravel of the bed of that stream.... The -actual age of the Trenton gravel, and the consequent date to which the -antiquity of man on the Delaware should be assigned, is a question -which geological data alone are insufficient to solve. The only clew, -and that a most unsatisfactory one, is afforded by calculations based -upon the amount of erosion. This, like all geological considerations, -is relative rather than absolute, yet several calculations have been -made, which, based either upon the rate of erosion of river channels or -the rate of accumulation of sediment, have attempted to fix the date -of the close of the glacial epoch. By assuming that the Trenton gravel -was deposited immediately after the close of this epoch, an account -of such calculations may be of interest. If the Trenton gravel is -_post_-glacial in the widest acceptation of the term, a yet later date -must be assigned to it.” - -After going carefully through them all, he concludes: “Thus we find -that if any reliance is to be placed upon such calculations, even if we -assume that the Trenton gravel is of glacial age, it is not necessary -to make it more than ten thousand years old. The time necessary for -the Delaware to cut through the gravel down to the rock is by no -means great. When it is noted that the gravel cliff at Trenton was -made by a side wearing away at a bank, and when it is remembered that -the erosive power of the Delaware River was formerly greater than at -present, it will be conceded that the presence of the cliff at Trenton -will not necessarily infer its high antiquity; nor in the character of -the gravel is there any evidence that the time of its deposition need -have been long. It may be that, as investigations are carried further, -it will result not so much in proving man of very great antiquity as -in showing how much more recent than usually supposed was the final -disappearance of the glacier.” - -Professor Lewis’s studies of the great terminal moraine of the -northern ice-sheet were still further prosecuted in conjunction -with Professor George Frederick Wright, of Oberlin, Ohio, whose -labors have been of the highest importance in shedding light upon -the question of the antiquity of man in America.[1498] Together they -traced the southern boundary of the glacial region across the State -of Pennsylvania, and subsequently Professor Wright has continued his -researches through the States of Ohio, Indiana, and Kentucky, as far -as the Mississippi River and even beyond. He has found that glacial -floods similar to those of the Delaware valley have deposited similar -beds of drift gravel in the valleys of all the southerly flowing -rivers, and he has called attention to the importance of searching in -them for palæolithic implements. As early as March, 1883, he predicted -that traces of early man would be found in the extensive terraces and -gravel deposits of the southern portion of Ohio.[1499] This prediction -was speedily fulfilled, and upon November 4, 1885, Professor Putnam -reported to the Boston Society of Natural History that Dr. C. L. Metz, -of Madisonville, Ohio, had found in the gravels of the valley of the -Little Miami River, at that place, eight feet below the surface, a rude -implement made of black flint, of about the same size and shape as one -of the same material found by Dr. Abbott in the Trenton gravels. This -was followed by the announcement from Dr. Metz that he had discovered -another specimen (a chipped pebble) in the gravels at Loveland, in -the same valley, at a depth of nearly thirty feet from the surface. -Professor Wright has visited both localities, and given a detailed -description of them, illustrated by a map. He finds that the deposit -at Madisonville clearly belongs to the glacial-terrace epoch, and is -underlain by “till,” while in that at Loveland it is known that the -bones of the mastodon have been discovered. He closes his account -with these words: “In the light of the exposition just given, these -implements will at once be recognized as among the most important -archæological discoveries yet made in America, ranking on a par with -those of Dr. Abbott at Trenton, New Jersey. They show that in Ohio, as -well as on the Atlantic coast, man was an inhabitant before the close -of the glacial period.”[1500] Further confirmation of these predictions -was received at the meeting of the American Association for the -Advancement of Science, at Cleveland, Ohio, in August, 1888, when Mr. -Hilborne T. Cresson reported his discovery of a large flint implement -in the glacial gravels of Jackson County, Indiana, as well as of two -chipped implements made of argillite, which he had found _in place_ at -a depth of several feet in the ancient terrace of the Delaware River, -in Claymont, Newcastle County, Delaware.[1501] - -This discovery of Mr. Cresson’s has assumed a great geological -importance, and it is thus reported by him: “Toward midday of July 13, -1887, while lying upon the edge of the railroad cut, sketching the -boulder line, my eye chanced to notice a piece of steel-gray substance, -strongly relieved in the sunlight against the red-colored gravel, just -above where it joined the lower grayish-red portion. It seemed to me -like argillite, and being firmly imbedded in the gravel was decidedly -interesting. Descending the steep bank as rapidly as possible, the -specimen was secured.... Upon examining my specimen I found that it was -unquestionably a chipped implement. There is no doubt about its being -firmly imbedded in the gravel, for the delay I made in extricating it -with my pocket-knife nearly caused me the unpleasant position of being -covered by several tons of gravel.... Having duly reported my find -to Professor Putnam, I began, at his request, a thorough examination -of the locality, and on May 25, 1888, the year following, discovered -another implement four feet below the surface, at a place about one -eighth of a mile from the first discovery.... The geological formation -in which the implement was found seems to be a reddish gravel mixed -with schist.”[1502] - -Professor Wright thus comments upon these discoveries and their -geological situation: “The discovery of palæolithic implements, as -described by Mr. Cresson, near Claymont, Del., unfolds a new chapter -in the history of man in America. It was my privilege in November last -to visit the spot with him, and to spend a day examining the various -features of the locality.... The cut in the Baltimore and Ohio railroad -in which this implement was found is about one mile and a half west -of the Delaware River, and about one hundred and fifty feet above it. -The river is here quite broad. Indeed, it has ceased to be a river, -and is already merging into Delaware Bay; the New Jersey shore being -about three miles distant from the Delaware side. The ascent from -the bay at Claymont to the locality under consideration is by three -or four well-marked benches. These probably are not terraces in the -strict sense of the word, but shelves marking different periods of -erosion when the land stood at these several levels, but now thinly -covered with old river deposits. Upon reaching the locality of Mr. -Cresson’s recent discovery, we find a well-marked superficial water -deposit containing pebbles and small boulders up to two or three -feet in diameter, and resting unconformably upon other deposits, -different in character, and in some places directly upon the decomposed -schists which characterize the locality. This is without question -the Philadelphia Red Gravel and Brick Clay of Lewis. The implement -submitted to us was found near the bottom of this upper deposit, and -eight feet below the surface.... As Mr. Cresson was on the ground -when the implement was uncovered, and took it out with his own hands, -there would seem to be no reasonable doubt that it was originally a -part of the deposit; for Mr. Cresson is no novice in these matters, -but has had unusual opportunities, both in this country and in the -old world, to study the localities where similar discoveries have -heretofore been made. The absorbing question concerning the age of this -deposit is therefore forced upon our attention as archæologists.... -The determination of the age of these particular deposits at Claymont -involves a discussion of the whole question of the Ice Age in North -America, and especially that of the duality of the glacial epoch. At a -meeting of this society on January 19, 1881, I discussed the age of the -Trenton gravel, in which Dr. Abbott has found so many palæoliths, and -was led also incidentally at the same time to discuss the relative age -of what Professor Lewis called the Philadelphia Red Gravel. I had at -that time recently made repeated trips to Trenton, and with Professor -Lewis had been over considerable portions of the Delaware valley for -the express purpose of determining these questions. The conclusions to -which we—that is, Professor Lewis and myself—came were thus expressed -in the paper above referred to (_Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist._, vol. -xxi. pp. 137-145), namely, that the Philadelphia Brick Clay and Red -Gravel (which are essentially one formation) marked the period when -the ice had its greatest extension, and when there was a considerable -depression of the land in that vicinity; perhaps, however, less than -a hundred feet in the neighborhood of the moraine, though increasing -towards the northwest. During this period of greatest extension and -depression, the Philadelphia Red Gravel and Brick Clay were deposited -by the ice-laden floods which annually poured down the valley in the -summer seasons. As the ice retreated towards the headwaters of the -valley, the period was marked also by a reëlevation of the land to -about its present height, when the later deposits of gravel at Trenton -took place. Dr. Abbott’s discoveries at Trenton prove the presence of -man on the continent at that stage of the glacial epoch. Mr. Cresson’s -discoveries prove the presence of man at a far earlier stage. How much -earlier, will depend upon our interpretation of the general facts -bearing on the question of the duality of the glacial epoch. - -“Mr. McGee, of the United States Geological Survey, has recently -published the results of extensive investigations carried on by him -respecting the superficial deposits of the Atlantic coast. (See _Amer. -Jour. of Science_, vol. xxxv., 1888.) He finds that on all the rivers -south of the Delaware there are deposits corresponding in character -to what Professor Lewis had denominated Philadelphia Red Gravel and -Brick Clay.... From the extent to which this deposit is developed -at Washington, in the District of Columbia, Mr. McGee prefers to -designate it the Columbia formation. But the period is regarded by him -as identical with that of the Philadelphia Red Gravel and Brick Clay, -which Professor Lewis had attributed to the period of maximum glacial -development on the Atlantic coast. - -“It is observable that the boulders in this Columbia formation belong, -so far as we know, in every case, to the valleys in which they are now -found.... It is observable also that it is not necessary in any case to -suppose that these deposits were the direct result of glacial ice. Mr. -McGee does not suppose that glaciers extended down these valleys to any -great distance. Indeed, so far as we are aware, there is no evidence of -even local glaciers in the Alleghany Mountains south of Harrisburg. But -it is easy to see that an incidental result of the glacial period was a -great increase of ice and snow in the headwaters of all these streams, -so as to add greatly to the extent of the deposits in which floating -ice is concerned. And this Columbia formation is, as we understand -it, supposed by Mr. McGee to be the result of this incidental effect -of the glacial period in increasing the accumulations of snow and ice -along the headwaters of all the streams that rise in the Alleghanies. -In this we are probably agreed. But Mr. McGee differs from the -interpretation of the facts given by Professor Lewis and myself, in -that he postulates, largely, however, on the basis of facts outside of -this region, two distinct glacial epochs, and attributes the Columbia -formation to the first epoch, which he believes to be from three to -ten times as remote as the period in which the Trenton gravels were -deposited. If, therefore, Dr. Abbott’s implements are, as from the -lowest estimate would seem to be the case, from ten thousand to fifteen -thousand years old, the implements discovered by Mr. Cresson in the -Baltimore and Ohio cut at Claymont, which is certainly in Mr. McGee’s -Columbia formation, would be from thirty thousand to one hundred and -fifty thousand years old. - -“But as I review the evidence which has come to my knowledge since -writing the paper in 1881, I do not yet see the necessity of making -so complete a separation between the glacial epochs as Mr. McGee and -others feel compelled to do. But, on the other hand, the unity of -the epoch (with, however, a marked period of amelioration in climate -accompanied by extensive recession of the ice, and followed by a -subsequent re-advance over a portion of the territory) seems more -and more evident. All the facts which Mr. McGee adduces from the -eastern side of the Alleghanies comport, apparently, as readily with -the idea of one glacial period as with that of two.... Until further -examination of the district with these suggestions in view, or until a -more specific statement of facts than we find in Mr. McGee’s papers, -it would therefore seem unnecessary to postulate a distinct glacial -period to account for the Columbia formation.... But no matter which -view prevails, whether that of two distinct glacial epochs, or of one -prolonged epoch with a mild period intervening, the Columbia deposits -at Claymont, in which these discoveries of Mr. Cresson have been made, -long antedate (perhaps by many thousand years) the deposits at Trenton, -N. J., at Loveland and Madison, Ohio, at Little Falls, Minn., ... and -at Medora, Ind.... Those all belong to the later portion of the glacial -period, while these at Claymont belong to the earlier portion of that -period, if they are not to be classed, according to Mr. McGee, as -belonging to an entirely distinct epoch.”[1503] - -The objects discovered by both Dr. Metz and Mr. Cresson have been -deposited in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, and their artificial -character cannot be disputed. - -At nearly the same date at which Dr. Abbott published the account of -his discoveries, Col. Charles C. Jones, of Augusta, Georgia, recorded -the finding of “some rudely-chipped, triangular-shaped implements in -Nacoochee valley under circumstances which seemingly assign to them -very remote antiquity. In material, manner of construction, and in -general appearance, so nearly do they resemble some of the rough, -so-called flint hatchets belonging to the drift type, as described by -M. Boucher de Perthes, that they might very readily be mistaken the -one for the other.”[1504] They were met with in the course of mining -operations, in which a cutting had been made through the soil and the -underlying sands, gravels, and boulders down to the bedrock. Resting -upon this, at a depth of some nine feet from the surface, were the -three implements described. But it is plain that this deposit can -scarcely be regarded as a true glacial drift, since the great terminal -moraine lies more than four hundred miles away to the north, and the -region where it occurs does not fall within the drift area. It must -be of local origin, and few geologists would be willing to admit the -existence of local glaciers in the Alleghanies so far to the south -during the glacial period. Consequently these objects do not fall -within our definition of true palæolithic implements. - -The same thing may be said in a less degree of the implements -discovered by C. M. Wallace, in 1876, in the gravels and clays of the -valley of the James River.[1505] - -A different character attaches to certain objects discovered in 1877 -by Professor N. H. Winchell, at Little Falls, Minnesota, in the valley -of the Mississippi River.[1506] These consisted mainly of pieces -of chipped white quartz, perfectly sharp, although occurring in a -water-worn deposit, and they were found to extend over quite a large -area. Their artificial character has been vouched for by Professor -Putnam, and among them were a few rude implements which are well -represented in an accompanying plate. A geological section given in the -report shows that they occur in the terrace some sixty feet above the -bank of the river, and were found to extend about four feet below the -surface. In the words of Professor Winchell: “The interest that centres -in these chips ... involves the question of the age of man and his -work in the Mississippi Valley.... The chipping race ... preceded the -spreading of the material of the plain, and must have been pre-glacial, -since the plain was spread out by that flood stage of the Mississippi -River that existed during the prevalence of the ice-period, or resulted -from the dissolution of the glacial winter.... The wonderful abundance -of these chips indicates an astonishing amount of work done, as if -there had been a great manufactory in the neighborhood, or an enormous -lapse of time for its performance.” - -This discovery of Professor Winchell was followed up by researches -prosecuted in 1879 in the vicinity of Little Falls by Miss F. E. -Babbit, of that place.[1507] She discovered a similar stratum of -chipped quartz in the ancient terrace, of a mile or more in width, -about forty rods to the east of the river, and elevated some -twenty-five feet above it. This had been brought to light by the -wearing of a wagon track, leading down a natural drainage channel, -which had cut through the quartz stratum down to a level below it. The -result of her prolonged investigations showed that “the stratum of -quartz chips lay at a level some twelve or fifteen feet lower than the -plane of the terrace top.”[1508] While the quartz chips discovered by -Professor Winchell were contained in the upper surface of the terrace -plain, these were strictly confined to a lower level, and cannot be -synchronous with them. They must be older “by at least the lapse of -time required for the deposition of the twelve or fifteen feet of -modified drift forming the upper part of the terrace plain above the -quartz-bearing stratum.” - -This conclusion is abundantly confirmed by Mr. Warren Upham, of -the U. S. Geological Survey, in his study of “The recession of -the ice-sheet in Minnesota in its relation to the gravel deposits -overlying the quartz implements found by Miss Babbit at Little Falls, -Minnesota.”[1509] The great ice-sheet of the latest glacial epoch -at its maximum extension pushed out vast lobes of ice, one of which -crossed western and central Minnesota and extended into Iowa. Different -stages of its retreat are marked by eleven distinct marginal moraines, -and this deposit of modified drift at Little Falls Mr. Upham believes -occurred in the interval between the formation of the eighth and the -ninth. “It is,” he says, “upon the till, or direct deposit of the -ice, and forms a surface over which the ice never re-advanced.” An -examination of the terraces and plains of the Mississippi Valley from -St. Paul to twenty-five miles above Little Falls shows them to be -similar in composition and origin to the terraces of modified drift in -the river valleys of New England. In his judgment, “the rude implements -and fragments of quartz discovered at Little Falls were overspread by -the glacial flood-plain of the Mississippi River, while most of the -northern half of Minnesota was still covered by the ice.... It may -be that the chief cause leading men to occupy this locality so soon -after it was uncovered from the ice was their discovery of the quartz -veins in the slate there, ... affording suitable material for making -sharp-edged stone implements of the best quality. Quartz veins are -absent, or very rare and unsuitable for this, in all the rock outcrops -of the south half of Minnesota, that had become uncovered from the -ice, as well as of the whole Mississippi basin southward, and this was -the first spot accessible whence quartz for implement-making could be -obtained.” - -According to this view the upper deposit at Little Falls would appear -to be more recent than those laid down by the immediate wasting of the -great terminal moraine at Trenton and in Ohio; but the occupation of -the spot by man upon the lower terrace may well have been at a much -earlier time. - -Many of the objects discovered by Miss Babbitt have been placed in the -Peabody Museum, and as their artificial character has been questioned, -the writer wishes to repeat his opinion, formed upon the study of -numerous specimens that have been submitted to him, but not the same as -those upon which Professor Putnam based his similar conclusions, that -they are undoubtedly of human origin. - -Implements of palæolithic form have been discovered in several -other localities, but as none of them have been found _in place_, in -undisturbed gravel-beds, either those which have been derived from -the terminal moraine of the second extension of the great northern -ice-sheet, or those which are included within the drift area, they -cannot be considered as proved to be true palæolithic implements, -although it is highly probable that many of them are such.[1510] - - * * * * * - -We have now to consider the claim to high antiquity of objects which -have been discovered in several places in certain deposits, equally -regarded as of glacial origin, which occur in the central and western -portions of the United States. These are the so-called “lacustrine -deposits,” which are believed to have had their origin from the -former presence of vast lakes, now either extinct or represented by -comparatively small bodies of water. The largest of such lakes occupied -a great depression which once existed between the Rocky Mountains -and the chain of the Sierra Nevada during the quaternary period. The -existing lakes represent the lowest part of two basins, into which -this depression was divided; of these, the western one, represented by -certain smaller lakes, has received the name of Lake Lahontan. This -never had any communication with the sea, and its deposits consequently -register the greater or less amount of rain and snow during the period -of its existence. To the eastern the name of Lake Bonneville has been -given, and it is at present represented by the Great Salt Lake in -Utah. This formerly had an outlet through the valley of the Columbia -River. These lakes are believed to have been produced by the melting of -local glaciers existing during the quaternary times in the above-named -mountains; and similar consequences seem to have followed from the like -presence of ancient glaciers in the Wahsatch and Uintah mountains, -where no lake now exists. - -In the ancient deposits of such an immense fresh-water lake, derived -from the melting of glaciers in the last-mentioned mountains, which -once existed in southern Wyoming, Professor Joseph Leidy first -reported, in 1872, the discovery near Fort Bridger of “mingled -implements of the rudest construction, together with a few of the -highest finish.... Some of the specimens are as sharp and fresh in -appearance as if they had been but recently broken from the parent -block. Others are worn and have their sharpness removed, and are so -deeply altered in color as to look exceedingly ancient.”[1511] The -plates accompanying the report show that some of these objects are of -palæolithic form, but as no further information is given in regard to -the conditions under which they were discovered, we cannot pronounce -them to be really palæolithic. - -In 1874, Dr. Samuel Aughey made known the existence in Nebraska of -“hundreds of miles of similar lacustrine deposits, almost level or -gently rolling.”[1512] To these the name of “loess” has also been -given, as well as to the mud deposits derived from the northern drift. -Aughey states that these beds are perfectly homogeneous throughout, and -of almost uniform color, ranging in thickness from five to one hundred -and fifty feet. Generally they lie above a true drift formation derived -from glaciers in the Black Hills, and represent “the final retreat of -the glaciers, and that era of depression of the surface of the State -when the greater part of it constituted a great fresh-water lake, into -which the Missouri, the Platte, and the Republican rivers poured their -waters.” The Missouri and its tributaries, flowing for more than one -thousand miles through these deposits, gradually filled up this great -lake with sediment. The rising of the land by degrees converted the -lake-bottom into marshes, through which the rivers began to cut new -channels, and to form the bluffs which now bound them. “The Missouri, -during the closing centuries of the lacustrine age, must have been from -five to thirty miles in breadth, forming a stream which for size and -majesty rivalled the Amazon.” Many remains of mastodons and elephants -are found in this so-called loess, as well as those of the animals now -living in that region, together with the fresh-water and land shells -peculiar to it. In it Aughey has also discovered an arrow-point and a -spear-head, of which he gives well-executed figures. Both are excellent -examples of those well-chipped implements which are regarded as typical -of the Neolithic age or the age of polished stone, and are absolutely -different from the palæolithic implements of which we have hitherto -spoken. They were both found in railroad cuttings on the Iowa side of -the Missouri River, and within three miles of it. The first lay at a -depth of fifteen feet below the top of the deposit. Of the second he -says it was “twenty feet below the top of the loess, and at least six -inches from the edge of the cut, so that it could not have slid into -that place.... Thirteen inches above the point where it was found, and -within three inches of being on a line with it, in undisturbed loess, -there was a lumbar vertebra of an elephant.”[1513] - -This intermingling in these deposits of the bones of extinct and -living animals appears to have been brought about by the shifting of -the beds of the vast rivers he has described, which have been flowing -for ages through the slight and easily moved material. It seems to be -analogous to what has taken place in recent times in the valley of the -Mississippi and in its delta. The finding, therefore, of arrow-heads -of recent Indian type, even _in place_ under twenty feet of loess and -below a fossil elephant-bone, cannot be considered as affording any -stronger proof of the antiquity of man than the oft-cited instances of -the discovery of basket-work and pottery underneath similar fossils -at Petite Anse Island in Louisiana, or of pottery and mastodon-bones -on the banks of the Ashley River in South Carolina. No such discovery -can be considered of consequence as bearing upon the question of -palæolithic man. - -The late Thomas Belt wrote to Professor Putnam, in 1878, that he had -discovered “a small human skull in an undisturbed loess in a railway -cutting about two miles from Denver (Colorado). All the plains are -covered with a drift deposit of granitic and quartzose pebbles overlaid -by a sandy and calcareous loam closely resembling the diluvial clay -and the loess of Europe. It was in the upper part of the drift series -that I found the skull. Just the tip of it was visible in the cutting -about three and one half feet below the surface.”[1514] Not long after -this Mr. Belt died, and we are without further information in regard -to the locality. It would seem, however, that the loess in which the -skull occurred belongs to the latest in the lacustrine series, and -consequently does not imply any very great antiquity for it. - -[Illustration: OBSIDIAN SPEAR-HEAD. - -Found in the Lahontan sediments,—from a cut in Russell’s _Lake -Lahontan_, monograph xi. of Powell’s _U. S. Geological Survey_, p. 247.] - -In 1882 Mr. W. J. McGee, of the U. S. Geological Survey, obtained -from the upper lacustral clays of the basin of the ancient Lake -Lahontan, where they are exposed in the walls of Walker River Cañon, -a spear-head, made of obsidian, beautifully chipped, and perfectly -resembling those found on the surface throughout the southwest. “It -was discovered projecting point outwards from a vertical scarp of -lacustral clays twenty-five feet below the top of the section, at a -locality where there were no signs of recent disturbance.”[1515] This -is said to have been “associated in such a manner with the bones of an -elephant or mastodon as to leave no doubt of their having been buried -at approximately the same time.” But we are also told that these lakes -are of very recent date, and that they have “left the very latest -of all the complete geological records to be observed in the Great -Basin.”[1516] The fossil shells obtained from these deposits all belong -to living species; while the mammalian remains, which have been found -in only very limited numbers, and all, with a single exception, in the -upper beds, “are the same as occur elsewhere in tertiary or quaternary -strata.” Mr. McGee says: “If the obsidian implement ... was really _in -situ_ (as all appearances indicated), it must have been dropped in a -shallow and quiet bay of the saline and alkaline Lake Lahontan, and -gradually buried beneath its fine mechanical deposits and chemical -precipitates.”[1517] - -In Mr. Russell’s opinion, this single implement, although supported -by no other finds of a similar character, is sufficient to prove -that “man inhabited this continent during the last great rise of the -former lake.” But if this last great rise occurred in recent times, -the presence of the bones of tertiary mammals in the upper beds shows -that great natural forces must have been in operation at that time -to have washed these out of their original place of deposit. The -principal organic remains found, we are told, are those of living -shells, and the intermingling of these with the bones of tertiary -mammals could scarcely have taken place in “shallow and quiet bays.” -To the writer this discovery seems rather to prove that an Indian -spear-head was in some manner washed down and buried in the clays of -the Walker River Cañon than that man was the contemporary there of -the tertiary or quaternary mammalia. This fairly seems to be a case -where, in the language of Dr. Brinton, “Archæology may at times correct -Geology.”[1518] - -It is almost paralleled by the discovery made by Mr. P. A. Scott, in -Kansas, of a broken knife or lance-head, measuring in its present -condition two inches and one eighth in length. Sir Daniel Wilson, who -reports it, says: “The spot where the discovery was made is in the -Blue Range of the Rocky Mountains, in an alluvial bottom, and distant -several hundred feet from a small stream called Clear Creek. A shaft -was sunk, passing through four feet of rich, black soil, and below -this through upward of ten feet of gravel, reddish clay, and rounded -quartz. Here the flint was found.... The actual object corresponds more -to the small and slighter productions of the modern Indian tool-maker -than to the rude and massive drift implement.” But this most careful -and conscientious observer goes on to remark, “Under any circumstances -it would be rash to build up comprehensive theories on a solitary case -like this.”[1519] - -If the discovery by Mr. McGee of this spear-head be insisted upon -as establishing that man inhabited this continent during the last -great rise of the lake, it would be easier to believe that that event -occurred in recent and not in quaternary times, than to admit that the -distinction between palæolithic and neolithic implements, established -by so many discoveries in this country and in Europe, is thereby -utterly overthrown. - -The only alternative left is to believe that neolithic man was the -contemporary of the tertiary mammals. To this conclusion we are asked -to come by Professor Josiah D. Whitney, on account of the discovery -of the remains of man and of his works in the auriferous gravels of -California. The famous “Calaveras skull” is figured upon another -page of this volume, where the circumstances attending its discovery -are briefly referred to.[1520] It is astonishing to see how frail is -the foundation upon which such a surprising superstructure has been -raised, as it is found set forth in detail in the section entitled -_Human remains and works of art of the gravel series_, in the third -chapter of Professor Whitney’s memoir on _The auriferous gravels of -the Sierra Nevada of California_.[1521] All is hearsay testimony, and -entirely uncontrolled by any such careful scrutiny as marks the work -of the British Association in the explorations carried on for fifteen -years at Kent’s Hole, near Torquay. There can be no question that -human bones and human implements have often been discovered in these -gravels, but according to the accounts as given these are mingled in -them in inextricable confusion. What is the character of these objects -of human workmanship? So far are they from being, as Professor Whitney -describes them, “always the same kind of implements, ... namely, the -coarsest and the least finished which one would suppose could be made -and still be implements.” One account speaks of “a spear or lance -head of obsidian, five inches long and one and a half broad, quite -regularly formed.” Others mention “spear and arrow heads made of -obsidian;” or “certain discoidal stones from three to four inches in -diameter, and about an inch and a half thick, concave on both sides, -with perforated centre.” Still another witness speaks of “a large stone -bead, made perhaps of alabaster, about one and a half inches long and -about one and one fourth inches in diameter, with a hole through it -one fourth of an inch in size.” We are also told of a “stone hatchet -of a triangular shape, with a hole through it for a handle, near the -middle. Its size was four inches across the edge, and length about -six inches.” So also oval stones with continuous “grooves cut around -them,” and “grooved oval disks,” are more than once mentioned. We think -these quotations will be sufficient to convince the archæologist that -here is no question of palæolithic implements, but that we have to do -simply with the common Indian objects found on the surface all over -our country. Besides the rude cuts in Bancroft,[1522] I know of only -one example of these California discoveries which has been figured. -This is the “beautiful relic” described by Mr. J. W. Foster, of which -he says: “When we consider its symmetry of form ... and the delicate -drilling of the hole through a material so liable to fracture, we are -free to say it affords an exhibition of the lapidary’s skill superior -to anything yet furnished by the Stone age of either continent.”[1523] -Mr. Foster doubtfully suggests that this object was “used as a plummet -for the purpose of determining the perpendicular to the horizon.” It -has been shown, however, by Mr. W. H. Henshaw, that among the Indians -of Southern California similar objects have long been used by their -medicine-men as “medicine or sorcery stones.”[1524] Whichever may be -held to be the true explanation of its use, either is more likely to be -a characteristic of the Indian race than of primitive man. - -But the objects whose presence in the gravels is most repeatedly spoken -of are stone mortars, which Professor Whitney supposes were “used by -the race inhabiting this region in prehistoric times ... for providing -food.” One of these is stated to have been “found standing upright, -and the pestle was in it, in its proper place, apparently just as it -had been left by the owner.” It was taken out of a shaft, according -to the testimony, twelve feet underneath undisturbed strata. This was -certainly a very marvellous thing to have happened if all the objects -found in the gravels are supposed to have been brought there by the -action of floods of water. But it is a very simple matter, if the -supposition of Mr. Southall be correct, who thinks that “these mortars -have been left in these positions by the ancient inhabitants in their -search for _gold_.”[1525] The Spaniards found gold in abundance in -Mexico, and the locality from which it came is believed by Mr. Southall -to be indicated by a discovery made in 1849 by some gold-diggers at -one of the mountain diggings called Murphy’s, in the region in which -Professor Whitney’s discoveries have taken place. In examining a -high barren district of mountain, they were surprised to come upon -the abandoned site of an ancient mine. At the bottom of a shaft two -hundred and ten feet deep a human skeleton was found, with an altar for -worship and other evidences of ancient labor by the aborigines.[1526] -Mr. Southall believes that these mortars were used “for crushing the -cemented gravel of the auriferous beds.” Some corroboration is afforded -for this suggestion by the fact that stone mortars of a like character -are found in the ancient gold mines, worked by the early Egyptian -monarchs, in the Gebel Allakee Mountains near the Red Sea, which were -used in pulverizing the gold-bearing quartz. - -As to the authenticity of the “Calaveras skull,” - -“Great contest followed and much learned dust.” - -The probabilities seem in favor of its being a genuine human fossil, -and the question recurs as to its character and the presumable age -of the deposits from which it came. The latest geologist who has -studied the locality, so far as the writer is aware, says of these -deposits: “Even before visiting California I had suspected these old -river gravels might be contemporaneous with the glacial epoch, and -I still think this possible. This area was not glaciated, and these -old gravels, hundreds of feet in thickness, may very well represent -that great interval of time occupied in other regions by the glacial -periods.”[1527] In discussing this question from the point of view of -the character of the fossil animal remains contained in the gravels, -we must continually bear in mind what Professor E. D. Cope says of -the _Mesozoic and Cænozoic of North America_: “The faunæ of these -periods have not yet been discriminated.... Many questions of the exact -contemporaneity of these different beds are as yet unsettled.”[1528] -Professor Cope has previously pointed out how marked a difference there -is between the quaternary fauna of North America and that of Europe; we -have no Hippopotamus or Rhinoceros Tichorinus, and they no Megatherium, -Megalonyx, and other species. Under the varying conditions of animal -existence thus implied, to assail established ideas upon the sequence -in man’s development, or to maintain that he has had a long career on -the Pacific slope of our continent before he had made his appearance -in Western Europe, seems to the writer to be an attempt to explain -“_ignotum per ignotius_.” - -What is really to be understood by the assumption that man existed -in tertiary times? So profound a palæontologist as Professor William -Boyd Dawkins thinks “it is impossible to believe that man should have -been an exception to the law of change. In the Pliocene age we cannot -expect to find traces of man upon the earth. The living placental -mammals had only then begun to appear, and seeing that the higher -animals have invariably appeared in the rocks according to their place -in the zoölogical scale, fishes, amphibians, reptiles, placental -mammals, it is hardly reasonable to suppose that the highest of all -should then have been upon the earth.”[1529] When, therefore, some of -the geologists of our country support Professor Whitney’s claim that -these discoveries of human fossils have actually proved man’s existence -in the Pliocene period, by arguments mainly based upon the effects of -erosion and the immense periods of time which these imply, or favor -his inference from the animal fossils contained in these deposits that -there has been “a total change in the fauna and flora of the region,” -and that “the fauna of the gravel deposits is almost exclusively made -up of extinct species,” we may well insist, with Dawkins, that the -human remains should not be regarded as standing upon a different basis -from those of the horse, since both occur under similar conditions. -Dr. Leidy reports the finding of remains of four different species of -fossil _Equus_. But among them “we may note the skull of a mustang, -identical with that of Mexico and California, which could not have been -buried in the gravels of Sierra County before the time of the Spanish -Conquest, when the living race of horses was introduced.” Professor -Jeffries Wyman says of the Calaveras skull: “Any conclusions based upon -a single skull are liable to prove erroneous, unless we have sufficient -grounds for the belief that such a skull is a representative one of the -race to which it belongs.... We have no sufficient reason for assuming -in the present instance that the skull is a representative one.... The -skull presents no signs of having belonged to an inferior race. In its -breadth it agrees with the other crania from California, except those -of the Diggers, but surpasses them in the other particulars in which -comparisons have been made.”[1530] As, therefore, what appear to be -the skulls of a California Indian and that of a Mexican mustang have -been found to occur in the same deposits, this circumstance, instead -of proving that man was an inhabitant of pliocene America, would seem -to the writer to imply either that these deposits are comparatively -recent, or that the fossil bones found in them are so commingled that -arguments based upon purely palæontological considerations can be -regarded as entitled to very little weight. - -But although some American palæontologists are inclined to argue that -these deposits belong to the Pliocene, on account of the character of -the vertebrate fossils found in them, it must not be forgotten that -geologists generally prefer to refer them to the Pleistocene. They -believe that even the superimposition of lava beds upon the gravels -does not establish a very high antiquity for them, and question whether -the time that has elapsed since the outflow of the lava, as measured -by the amount of erosion that has taken place in the gravels, is to -be regarded as much greater than can properly be assigned to the -Pleistocene period elsewhere. Professor Whitney himself admits the -difficulty of distinguishing whether “deposits have been accumulated in -the place where we find them previous to the cessation of the period -of volcanic activity. The gravels which have not been protected by a -capping of basalt, or only thinly or not at all covered by erupted -materials, may in some places have been overlain by recent deposits -in such a way that the line between volcanic and post-volcanic cannot -be distinctly drawn.... It must not unfrequently have happened that -fossils have been washed out of the less coherent detrital beds -belonging to the volcanic series, carried far from their original -resting-place, and deposited in such a position that they seem to -belong to the present epoch.”[1531] In one of the reports of Hayden’s -survey can be seen a plate representing “Modern Lake Deposits capped -with Basalt.”[1532] There is sufficient ground for believing that the -volcanic activity of the regions of the Sierras has continued down to -very recent times, geologically speaking, and that there is no such -great difference of age between the lava-cappings and the other beds -as Professor Whitney supposes. Hayden thinks “the main portion of the -volcanic material of the West has been thrown out at a comparatively -modern date.”[1533] Undoubtedly the amount of erosion that has taken -place in these river gravels implies a great lapse of time, but so -do the other facts of physical geography which have been employed -as chronometers by which to measure the time since the close of the -quaternary period. To carry this erosion back to the tertiary times, -and to assign man his place in the world then on that ground, in face -of the arguments to the contrary drawn from archæology, palæontology, -and geology, in view of the essential weakness of the testimony upon -which the arguments in its favor are based, would seem to be a most -hazardous assumption. It is only equalled by the statement that “the -discoveries made in Europe, which have already obtained general -credence, carry man close to the verge of the tertiary; if not, -indeed, a little the other side of the line.”[1534] In the writer’s -opinion, this is the belief of only a small number of the most extreme -evolutionists in Europe, while the great body of cautious and critical -observers think that it has not been proved, and a few are willing to -hold their judgment in suspense. - -Professor Whitney’s conclusions, however, are supported by Mr. Wallace -in the article quoted at the beginning of this chapter, in his -character as an evolutionist of the most advanced school. He says: -“Believing that the whole bearing of the comparative anatomy of man and -of the anthropoid apes, together with the absence of indications of any -essential change in his structure during the quaternary period, lead to -the conclusion that he _must_ have existed, as man, in pliocene times, -and that the intermediate forms connecting him with the higher apes -probably lived during the early pliocene or the miocene period, it is -urged that all such discoveries ... are in themselves probable and such -as we have a right to expect.”[1535] In such a frame of mind it is very -easy for him to wave aside every objection raised by the archæologist -to the character of the evidence brought forward to sustain the alleged -discoveries. To the objection that the objects accompanying the human -remains, for which such a great antiquity is claimed, are too similar -to those of comparatively recent times, he has a ready answer: “The -same may be said of the most ancient bow and spear-heads and those -made by modern Indians. The use of the articles has in both cases -been continuous, and the objects themselves are so necessary and so -comparatively simple that there is no room for any great modification -of form.” The writer can only state here that no archæologist holds -this opinion, and will refer for a detailed statement of his reasons -for the contrary view to an article by him upon _The Bow and Arrow -unknown to Palæolithic Man_.[1536] - -It is not easy to believe that so vast a difference in age can be -attributed to the deposits upon the opposite sides of the chain of the -Sierra Nevada, as would follow if we are to hold that the auriferous -gravels belong to the tertiary, while the Lahontan deposits belong to -the quaternary period. Far more reasonable does it seem to suppose -that they both fall within the two divisions into which we have seen -that the pleistocene has been divided. To the writer it appears, from -what study he has made of the evidences alleged of man’s existence -in North America in early times, that proof is wanting that he made -his appearance here earlier than in interglacial times. Dr. Abbott’s -discoveries seem to be worthy of all the importance which has been -assigned to them, and the more so from the fact that they are in accord -with similar discoveries made in the Old World. The evidence adduced -appears to be altogether too fragmentary and strained to warrant the -conclusion that has been drawn that there is no proper correlation -between the geological calendars of the two hemispheres. - -Besides the numerous palæolithic implements which the Trenton gravels -have yielded, there have been found in them three human crania, more -or less complete, and portions of others.[1537] Professor Putnam is -inclined to the opinion that these may be veritable remains of the -makers of the palæolithic implements. But it is difficult to conceive -how such fragile objects as human skulls, in this period and at this -locality, could have survived the destructive forces to which they must -have been subjected. We must recollect that the bones of man are very -seldom met with in the river gravels of the Old World, and such crania -as are accepted as belonging to these deposits are dolichocephalic, and -not, like these, brachycephalic.[1538] The circumstances under which -these three have been found are not reported with sufficient detail -to enable us to account satisfactorily for their presence, nor can we -admit that the fact that they “are not of the Delaware Indian type” -affords any adequate criterion for our judgment. It is well established -that “in America we find extreme brachycephaly, as well among the -prehistoric as among the historic peoples from British America to -Patagonia. At the same time, dolichocephaly is found, besides among the -Eskimos, throughout the American Indian tribes from north to south; but -it cannot be considered an American craniologic characteristic.”[1539] -The various forms of skulls, moreover, are found to be so intermingled -that they have been compared to “what might be looked for in a -collection made from the potter’s field of London or New York.”[1540] -The problem is still further complicated by the widespread custom -among the American tribes of altering the natural shape of the skull, -sometimes by flattening it, sometimes by making it as round as -possible.[1541] Taking all these matters into consideration, we are -compelled to regard craniology by itself as an insufficient guide. - -We have now passed in review such evidences of man’s early existence in -North America as seem to be sufficiently substantiated by satisfactory -proof, and have intentionally left out of consideration many former -examples, which were accustomed to be cited before the science of -prehistoric archæology had formulated her laws and established her -general conclusions, as well as some more recent ones in which the -evidence seems to be weak. - -It only remains for the writer to express his own conclusions on the -question. But first let him draw attention to the state of public -opinion upon this subject as it is well expressed by an English writer: -“The evidence for the existence of palæolithic man in America has been -more fiercely contested even than in Europe, and the problem there -is certainly more complicated. In Europe we can test the age of the -remains not merely by their actual character, but also by the presence -or absence of associated domestic animals. In America this test is -absent, for there were virtually no domestic animals save the dog -known to the pre-European inhabitants. We are therefore remitted to -less direct evidence, namely, the provenance of the remains from beds -of distinctly Pleistocene age, the fabric of the remains, and their -association with animals, we have reason to believe, become extinct at -the termination of that period.”[1542] - -As an example of the spirit in which this “fierce contest” is waged in -America, it will be sufficient to quote a few passages from a work by -one of her most eminent men of science. He is speaking of “what seems -to be a village site in Europe, of far greater antiquity than the Swiss -lake-villages, and which may be a veritable ‘Palæolithic’ antediluvian -town. It occurs at Solutré, near Mâcon, in eastern France, and has -given rise to much discussion and controversy, as described by Messrs. -De Ferry and Arcelin.... It destroys utterly the pretension that the -men of the mammoth age were an inferior race, or ruder than their -successors in the later stone age.... Lastly, many of the flint weapons -of Solutré are of the palæolithic type characteristic of the river -gravels, ... while other implements and weapons are as well worked as -those of the later stone age. Thus this singular deposit connects these -two so-called ages, and fuses them into one.”[1543] The only comment -the writer will make upon this statement is to say that he has twice -visited the station at Solutré in company with M. Arcelin; that he has -examined the collection of the late M. De Ferry at his house; and that -he has before him the work which is supposed to be quoted from,[1544] -and he accordingly feels warranted in asserting with confidence that -not one “flint implement of the palæolithic type characteristic of the -river gravels” was ever found at Solutré. A note appended to Sir J. W. -Dawson’s rash statement adds: “Recent discoveries by M. Prunières, in -caves at Beaumes Chaudes, seem to show that the older cave-men were -in contact with more advanced tribes, as arrow-heads of the so-called -neolithic type are found sticking in their bones, or associated with -them. This would form another evidence of the little value to be -attached to the distinction of the two ages of stone.” The writer -has already indicated his conviction that palæolithic man had not -advanced sufficiently to invent the bow and arrow, and he wishes to -add here that “arrow-heads of the so-called neolithic type” continued -to be ordinary weapons employed during the Age of Bronze. He is only -surprised that Dr. Prunières’ discoveries are not quoted to prove that -there is no distinction between the Age of Stone and the Age of Bronze. - -Tested by the canons of prehistoric archæology, superposition, -association, and style, in the judgment of the writer the fact of the -existence of palæolithic man upon this continent, and the distinction -between the rude palæolithic implement and the skilfully chipped -obsidian objects which belong to what is called in Europe the Solutré -type (a development of the later period in the early stone age, which -cannot be overlooked in discussing the question of the antiquity of -man), are truths as firmly established as any taught by modern science. -The small minority who refuse to admit the last stated proposition are -laggards in her march, and the few doubters who still question the -genuineness of the palæolithic implements from the Trenton gravels are -not entitled by their knowledge of the processes of manufacturing stone -implements to have much weight attached to their opinions. - -Regarding, then, the existence of palæolithic man as established by -the finding of four hundred of his relics in the Delaware valley near -Trenton, we have next to inquire whether there is evidence that in -that region man made any progress towards the neolithic condition. -For an answer to this question we have only to study the immense -collection of objects gathered by Dr. Abbott, and now deposited in -the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. This seems to warrant a conclusion -exactly the opposite to Professor Whitney’s, who states that “so far -as California is concerned ... the implements, tools, and works of -art obtained are throughout in harmony with each other, all being the -simplest and least artistic of which it is possible to conceive;” and -his further statement that the “rude tools required but little more -skill than is indicated by the chipped obsidian implements which are -now, and have been from all time, in use among the aborigines of this -continent.”[1545] - -We have already seen that Professor Whitney’s inferences about the -relics of man occurring in the gravels of California are not at all -justified by the facts relating to their discovery as reported by him; -and as he offers no proof of his other assertion that “chipped obsidian -implements have been _for all time_ in use among the aborigines of -this continent,” we will venture to question its accuracy, even should -he argue that his loose statement was intended to apply only to the -aborigines of California. Consequently we are somewhat at a loss -to understand why Dr. Abbott should feel called upon to refute his -conclusions. He does this, however, successfully in his _Primitive -Industry_, which is so largely based upon this great collection as -to answer satisfactorily as a catalogue for it. In his own words, -“the careful and systematic examination of the surface geology of New -Jersey, of itself, it is believed, shows as abundant and unmistakable -evidence of the transition from a true palæolithic to a neolithic -condition as is exhibited in the traces of human handiwork found in -the valley of any European river.”[1546] The arguments upon which -this conclusion is based are drawn from each of the three canons of -prehistoric archæology. A certain class of objects, superior in form -and finish to the rude palæolithic implement, but decidedly inferior -in every respect to the common types of Indian manufacture, with -which collectors of such objects all over our country are perfectly -familiar, is found occurring _principally_ in deposits which occupy a -position intermediate between the drift gravels, from which come the -palæolithic implements, and the cultivable surface-soil, in which the -former implements of the Indians are constantly brought to light by the -ordinary operations of agriculture. In other instances, where these -peculiar objects are found on or near the surface, not only do they not -always occur there in association with the common Indian relics, but -the material of which they are made, argillite, is the same as that out -of which all the four hundred palæolithic implements are fabricated, -with the exception of “two of quartz, one of quartzite, and one made -from a black chert pebble.”[1547] This peculiar material occurs _in -place_ only a few miles north of Trenton, and as the ice-sheet withdrew -it afforded “the first available mineral for effective implements other -than pebbles, and these were largely covered with water, and not so -readily obtained as at present; while the dry land of that day, the -Columbia gravel, contained almost exclusively in this region small -quartzite pebbles an inch or two in length.”[1548] The objects thus -referred to exhibit only a few simple types. There is a rudely chipped -spear-head, about three or four inches in length and from one to two -in breadth, characterized by the same kind of decomposition of the -surface which is seen upon the palæolithic implements. These occur in -large numbers; “as many as a thousand have been found in an area of -fifty acres.... A peculiarity ... is their frequent occurrence ... at -a depth that suggests that they were lost when the face of the country -was different from what it now is.”[1549] An implement is often found -which was probably used as a knife, also very rudely chipped, and -shaped somewhat like a spear-head, but never having a sharp point. -The argillite, of which these are made, “is very hard and susceptible -of being brought to a very sharp edge,” but they are now all much -decomposed upon the surface, and “are frequently brought to light -through land-slides and the uprooting of trees from depths greater than -it is usual to find jasper implements”[1550] of the Indians. - -The most common object of all, however, and one that occurs in -very large numbers, is a slender argillite spear-point, about three -inches in length, of nearly uniform size, and having little or no -finish at the base. These are found at various depths up to five -feet, principally in the alluvial mud that has accumulated upon the -meadows skirting the Delaware River, that are liable to be overflowed -occasionally by the tide. From this circumstance, in addition to -their shape, Dr. Abbott has conjectured that they were used as -fish-spears.[1551] “This deposit of mud is of a deep blue-black color, -stiff in consistency, and almost wholly free from pebbles. It is -composed of decomposed vegetable matter and a large percentage of very -fine sand. It varies in depth from four to twenty feet, and rests on -an old gravel of an origin antedating the river gravels that contain -palæolithic implements. This mud is the geological formation next -succeeding the palæolithic implement-bearing gravels.... A careful -survey of this mud deposit, made at several distant points, leads -to the conclusion that its formation dates from the exposure of the -older gravel upon which it rests, through the gradual lessening of -the bulk of the river, until it occupied only its present channel.... -The indications are that the present volume and channel of the river -have been essentially as they now are for a very long period; and the -character of the deposit is such that its accumulation, if principally -from decomposition of vegetable matter, must necessarily be very -gradual. Since its accumulation to a depth sufficient to sustain tree -growth, forests have grown, decayed, and been replaced by a growth -of other timber. While so recent in origin that it seems scarcely -to warrant the attention of the geologist, its years of growth are -nevertheless to be numbered by centuries, and the traces of man found -at all depths through it hint of a distant, shadowy past that is -difficult to realize. - -“The same objection, it may be, will be urged in this instance as in -others where the comparative antiquity of man is based upon the depth -at which stone implements are found,—that all these traces have been -left upon the present surface of the ground, and subsequently have -gotten, by unexplained means, to the various depths at which they now -occur. It is, indeed, difficult to realize how some of these argillite -spear-points have finally sunk through a compact peaty mass until they -have reached the very base of the deposit. For those who urge that this -sinking process explains the occurrence of implements at great depths, -it remains to demonstrate that the people who made these argillite -fish-spears either made only these, or were careful to take no other -evidences of their handicraft with them when they wandered about these -meadows; for certainly nothing else appears to have shared the fate -of sinking deeply into the mud. In fact, the objection mentioned is -met in this case, as in that of the palæolithic implements, that if -these fish-spears are of the same age and origin as the ordinary Indian -relics of the surface, then all alike should be found at great depths. -This, we know, is not the case. Furthermore, the character of the -deposit is not that of a loose mud or quicksand, but more like that of -peat. It has a close texture, is tough and unyielding to a degree, and -offers decided resistance to the sinking of comparatively light objects -deeply into it. This is, of course, lessened when the deposit is -subject to tidal overflows, and in the immediate vicinity of springs, -which, bubbling through it, have caused a deposit of quicksand. While -here an object sinks instantly out of sight, it is not here that we -must judge of the character of the formation as a whole; and over the -greater portion of its area we find no evidence of objects disappearing -beneath the surface at a more rapid rate than the accumulation of -decomposing vegetable matter would explain. Efforts have been made to -determine the rate of progress of this growth of mould, but they are -not wholly satisfactory; nevertheless the indications are sufficient to -warrant our belief that the rate is so gradual as to invest with great -archæological interest the characteristic traces of man found in these -alluvial deposits.” - -Although these argillite spear-points seem _principally_ to occur, as -has been stated, in the alluvial mud along the banks of the Delaware, -yet they are often found upon the surface, and associated with objects -of Indian origin. This circumstance Dr. Abbott attempts to explain by -the following considerations: “One marked result of the deforesting of -the country and its constant cultivation has been to remove in great -part the many inequalities of the surface and to dry up many of the -smaller brooks. The hillocks have been worn down, the valleys filled -up, and this of course has resulted in bringing to the surface, on the -higher ground, the argillite implements which were at considerable -depths, and in burying in the valleys the more recent jasper and quartz -implements of Indian origin that were left upon the soil when lost or -discarded by the red man. In the remnants of forests still remaining, -where no such disturbance of the soil has occurred, the relative depths -at which argillite and jasper respectively occur indicate the greater -age of the former.”[1552] - -He recurs to this subject in another place:[1553] “The telling fact -with reference to these argillite spear-points is that they are not, -in the same sense as jasper arrow-heads, surface-found implements. -They occur also, and even more abundantly, beneath the surface-soil. -The celebrated Swedish naturalist, Peter Kalm, travelled throughout -central and southern New Jersey in 1748-50, and in his description of -the country remarks: ‘We find great woods here, but when the trees in -them have stood a hundred and fifty or a hundred and eighty years, they -are either rotting within or losing their crown, or their wood becomes -quite soft, or their roots are no longer able to draw in sufficient -nourishment, or they die from some other cause. Therefore, when storms -blow, which sometimes happens here, the trees are broken off either -just above the roots, or in the middle, or at the summit. Several trees -are likewise torn out with their roots by the power of the winds.... -In this manner the old trees die away continually, and are succeeded -by a younger generation. Those which are thrown down lie on the ground -and putrefy, sooner or later, and by that means increase the _black -soil_, into which the leaves are likewise finally changed, which drop -abundantly in autumn, are blown about by the winds for some time, but -are heaped up and lie on both sides of the trees which are fallen -down. It requires several years before a tree is entirely reduced to -dust.’[1554] This quotation has a direct bearing on that which follows. -It is clear that the surface-soil was forming during the occupancy of -the country by the Indians. The entire area of the State was covered -with a dense forest, which century after century was increasing the -_black soil_ to which Kalm refers. If, now, an opportunity occurs to -examine a section of virgin soil and underlying strata, as occasionally -happens on the bluffs facing the river, the limit in depth of this -black soil may be approximately determined. An average derived from -several such sections leads me to infer that the depth is not much -over one foot, and the proportion of vegetable matter increases as -the surface is approached. Of this depth of superficial soil probably -not over one half has been derived from decomposition of vegetable -growths. While no positive data are determinable in this matter beyond -the naked fact that rotting trees increase the bulk of top-soil, one -archæological fact that we do derive is that _flint implements_ known -as Indian relics belong to this superficial or ‘black soil,’ as Kalm -terms it. Abundantly are they found on the surface; more sparingly are -they found near the surface; more sparingly still the deeper we go; -while at the base of this deposit of soil the _argillite_ implements -occur in greatest abundance. Here, then, we have the whole matter in -a nut-shell. The two forms were dissociated until by the deforesting -of the country and subsequent cultivation of the soil, except in a few -instances, they became commingled.” - -A further argument in respect to the relation which argillite -implements bear to those made of jasper and quartz is derived from -the relative proportion in which they occur in localities which are -believed to have been occupied first by the users of argillite, and -subsequently by the Indians. “Of a series of twenty thousand objects -gathered in Mercer County, New Jersey, forty-four hundred were of -argillite, and of such rude forms and in such limited varieties as -would be expected of the productions of a less cultured people than -the Indian of the stone age. Of this series of forty-four hundred, two -hundred and thirty-three are well-designed drills or perforators and -scrapers; the others being spear-points, fishing-spears, arrow-heads, -and knife-like implements.”[1555] This is supplemented by negative -evidence drawn from “the character of the sites of arrow-makers’ -open-air workshops, or those spots whereon the professional chipper -of flint pursued his calling. In the locality where I have pursued my -studies several such sites have been discovered and carefully examined. -In no one of these workshop sites has there been found any trace of -argillite mingled with the flint-chips that form the characteristic -feature of such spots. On the other hand, no similar sites have been -discovered, to my knowledge, where argillite was used exclusively. -The absence of this mineral cannot be explained on the ground that it -was difficult to procure, for such is not the case. It constitutes, -in fact, a considerable percentage of the pebbles and boulders of the -drift from which the Indians gathered their jasper and quartz pebbles -for working into implements and weapons. If the absence of argillite -from such heaps of selected stones is explained by the assertion that -the Indians had recognized the superiority of jasper, then the belief -that argillite was used prior to jasper receives tacit assent. If, -however, it was the earlier _Indians_ who used argillite, and gradually -discarded it for the various forms of flint, then we ought to find -workshop sites older than the time of _flint_-chipping, and others -where the two minerals are associated. This, as has been stated, has -not been done.”[1556] - -Professor Putnam has found a confirmation of these views of Dr. Abbott -in the contents of a great shell-heap at Keyport, in New Jersey, -investigated over thirty years ago by Rev. Samuel Lockwood, and now -placed in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge. “As the shell-heap at -Keyport, once covering a mile or more in length along a narrow strip -bordered upon one side by the ocean and on the other by Raritan Bay, is -entirely obliterated, it is of importance that the materials obtained -from it are now in the museum for comparison with our very extensive -collections from the shell-heaps of New England. The fact that at -certain places on this narrow strip between the bay and the sea the -prevailing implements were of argillite and of great antiquity has a -peculiar significance in connection with those from Trenton, and again -points to an intermediate period between the palæolithic and the late -Indian occupation of New Jersey.”[1557] - -To these various arguments the writer wishes to add the statement -that to his personal knowledge argillite spear-points, and especially -those of the fish-spear type, are occasionally found in other parts -of our country besides New Jersey. In his own researches, which have -been principally carried on upon the seacoast of New England, he has -_never_ found an example of them in the shell-heaps proper, which are -universally recognized by archæologists as relics of the Indians. The -few which he has found himself, or has obtained from others, have come -from meadows by the side of rivers or ponds, where they might very well -have been used as fish-spears. - -A further confirmation of Dr. Abbott’s opinions in regard to the -descendants of palæolithic man is derived from certain discoveries -made by Mr. Hilborne T. Cresson in the alluvial deposits at Naaman’s -Creek, in Delaware. These were first made known in November, 1887, -by a letter to the editor of the American Antiquarian. “In 1870, a -fisherman living in the village of Marcus Hook, Pennsylvania, gave me -some spear and arrow heads flaked from a dense argillite, as well as -other rude implements of a prehistoric people, which he had found on -some extensive mud flats near the mouth of Naaman’s Creek, a small -tributary of the Delaware. The finder stated that while fishing ... he -had noticed here and there the ends of logs or stakes protruding from -the mud, and that they seemed to him to have been placed in rows.... -A visit made a few days afterward to the place ... disclosed the ends -of much-decayed stakes or piles protruding here and there above the -mud.... On my return from France in 1880 I again visited the spot.... -While abroad I studied in spare moments many archæological collections, -especially those from the Swiss Lake Dwellings, and visited the -various lake stations of Switzerland. The rude dressings of the ends -of the piles in some places were evidently made with blunt stone -implements, and recalled those I had seen on the ends of the posts in -the Delaware River marshes. Since 1880 I have quietly examined the -remains, excavating what pile ends remained _in situ_ (preserving a -few that did not crumble to pieces), preserving careful notes of the -dredging and excavations (at low tides), carried on principally by -myself, aided at times by interested friends. The results so far seem -to indicate that the ends of the piles imbedded in the mud, judging -from the implements and other débris scattered around them, once -supported shelters of early man that were erected a few feet above the -water,—the upper portion of the piles having disappeared in the long -lapse of time that must have ensued since they were placed there. (The -flats are covered by four and one half feet of water on the flood tide; -on the ebb the marsh is dry, and covered with slimy ooze several feet -in depth, varying in different places.) Three different dwellings have -been located, all that exist in the flats referred to, after a careful -examination within the last four years of nearly every inch of ground -carefully laid off and examined in sections. The implements found in -two of ‘the supposed river dwelling sites’ are very rude in type, and -generally made of dense argillite, not unlike the palæoliths found by -my friend Dr. C. C. Abbott in the Trenton gravels. The character of -the implements from the other or third supposed river dwelling on the -Delaware marshes is better finished objects made of argillite.”[1558] - -The greater portion of the objects obtained by Mr. Cresson has been -placed in the Peabody Museum, to which he is at present attached as a -special assistant; but he has also kindly sent to the writer a small -illustrative collection from each site, for his study. - -The writer would hesitate to draw the inference from this single -discovery that the custom of living in pile-dwellings ever prevailed -in North America, although there is evidence that such a practice was -not unknown in South America. This is to be found in the account of the -voyage of Alonso de Ojeda along the north coast of that country, in the -year 1499, in which he was accompanied by Vespucius.[1559] I will quote -the language of Washington Irving: “Proceeding along the coast, he -arrived at a vast, deep gulf resembling a tranquil lake, entering which -he beheld on the eastern side a village whose construction struck him -with surprise. It consisted of twenty large houses, shaped like bells, -and built on piles driven into the bottom of the lake, which in this -part was limpid and of but little depth. Each house was provided with -a drawbridge, and with canoes by which the communication was carried -on. From these resemblances to the Italian city, Ojeda gave to the bay -the name of the Gulf of Venice, and it is called at the present day -Venezuela, or Little Venice.”[1560] There is no inherent improbability -that such a custom may have prevailed upon the shores of Delaware Bay, -and for the same reason that has caused it to be followed elsewhere. -“It has been stated that the natives living near Lake Maracaybo, in -South America, erect pile dwellings over the lake, to which they resort -in order to escape from the mosquitoes which infest the shore. Lord -also mentions that the Indians of the Suman prairie, British Columbia, -on the subsidence of the annual floods in May and June, build pile -dwellings over a lake there, to which they retire to escape from the -mosquitoes which at that period infest the prairie in dense clouds, but -will not cross the water.”[1561] - -But it would be safer, probably, to consider these discoveries of Mr. -Cresson’s as marking the site of ancient aboriginal fish-weirs, such as -are described by Captain Ribault and other early explorers as made by -the natives.[1562] The writer agrees with Professor Putnam in thinking -that “the fact that at only one station pottery occurs, and, also, that -at this station the stone implements are largely of jasper and quartz, -with few of argillite, while at the two other stations many rude stone -implements are associated with chipped points of argillite, with few of -jasper and other flint-like material, is of great interest.”[1563] - -Still further confirmation of the progress of the palæolithic man in -this region is afforded by discoveries made in a rock-shelter near -the headwaters of Naaman’s Creek, as early as 1866, for an account -of which, and the preservation of the objects then found, we are -also indebted to Mr. Cresson: “The remains of the Naaman’s Creek -rock-shelter luckily fell into hands that have preserved them.... To -give a detailed account of _how_ the rock-shelter was discovered would -consume too much time. Let us rather consider briefly the ... contents -of the shelter’s various layers.... Fortunately careful drawings of -the shelter were made during its excavation between the years 1866 and -1867.... A glance shows the outcrop of the rock as it appeared before -the excavations were begun in 1866. The trees show that the ground -was then covered by a thick wood.... From the point that marks the -innermost edge of the outcrop, overhanging the hollow, a perpendicular -line dropped to the ground would measure five and one eighth feet, -the height of the projection of the rock above the ground before the -excavations were commenced. - -“Twenty-two feet eight inches from the outcrop, measured from its -inner face, there is still another outcrop.... This marks the opposite -side of the hollow.... It is evident how admirably the place was -adapted to the wants of the early hunters of the Delaware valley, -whether it be as a shelter, or as a place of defence against their -enemies.... Let us look at the layers of earth that filled it, these -being intermingled with rude implements, broken bones, and charcoal, -indicating that man at times had resorted to the spot. - -“Layer C [the lowest]. This was composed of schist, resting on the -bedrock of the shelter. A layer of aqueous gravel, of the same type -as that underlying Philadelphia, rested on the decomposed schist. The -greatest depth of the red gravel layer was four feet two and one fourth -inches, measured from the layer of decomposed schist. Least depth of -gravel observed, one foot three inches.... - -“Layer A [next above]. This was a layer of grayish-white brick clay -mixed with yellow clay, similar to that underlying Philadelphia, on -top of which was a layer mixed with sand.... Stone implements were -discovered in this layer. They were but few in number and very rude, -exclusively of argillite, and palæolithic in type. Greatest depth of -layer, two feet one and one half inches. No implements of bone were -found.... - -“Layer T [next above]. This was of reddish gravel, intermingled with -decomposed schist, cinders, and broken bones of animals. Fragments of a -human skull were found ... in this layer. A fragment of a human rib was -also preserved. The fragments of the skull are covered here and there -by dendritic incrustations. Rude spears and implements of argillite -were found in this layer. Depth of layer, thirteen to eighteen inches. - -“Layer D [next above]. Composed of reddish-yellow clay. Depth, two feet -three inches. No implements. - -“Layer M [next above]. In this layer were numerous implements of -argillite and some of bone, intermingled with rude implements of -quartzite and jasper and fragments of rude pottery, with charcoal. -Greatest depth, one foot one and one half inches. Least depth, three -inches. - -“Layer R [next above]. Yellow clay. Greatest depth, two feet one and -one half inches; least depth, eight inches. No implements. - -“Layer W [next above]. This contained chipped implements; those made -of jasper and quartzite predominating over those of argillite. In the -lowest part of this layer were fragments of rude pottery. In the upper -portion of the layer were potsherds decidedly superior in decoration -and technique to those from the lower portion. Geological composition -of this layer, yellow clay loam. Greatest depth, three feet four -inches. Least depth, two and one half inches. - -“Layer L [top]. This consists of leaf mould seven inches thick, -converted into swamp muck by decomposing action of water from springs. -No implements.... No remains of extinct animals were found.”[1564] - -Professor Putnam thus proceeded to comment upon these discoveries: “We -have a series of objects, taken from the several layers of the shelter, -giving us a chronology of the utmost importance, as each period of -occupation of the shelter was followed by a natural deposition, -separating the different periods of occupation. The stone implements -... are taken from the lowest layer, indicating the earliest period of -occupation of the rock-shelter; and ... they correspond in shape and -rudeness of execution with those taken from the gravel-bed at Trenton; -and like most of the latter they are all of argillite. The specimens -from the second period are of argillite, and while many are chipped -into slender points, they are still of very rude forms; and these in -turn correspond with the argillite points found by Dr. Abbott deep -down in the black soil, or resting upon the gravel, at Trenton. In -the upper layers of the cave we observe ... the gradual introduction -of implements chipped from jasper and quartz, and corresponding in -form with those found upon the surface throughout the valley. And as a -further indication of this later development, it was only in the upper -layers that pottery, bone implements, and ornaments were found; the -three distinct periods of occupation of the Delaware valley are thus -distinctly shown; and this cave-shelter is a perfect exemplification of -the results which Dr. Abbott had obtained from a study of the specimens -which he has collected upon the surface, deep in the black soil, and in -the gravel, at Trenton.” - - * * * * * - -From the accumulative force of these various lines of reasoning, the -writer thinks that there is a strong probability that here, on the -waters of the Delaware, man developed from the palæolithic to the -neolithic stage of culture. But we cannot follow Dr. Abbott in his -further conclusion (if, indeed, he still holds to it) that we are to -seek the descendants of this primitive population in the Eskimos, -driven north after contact with the Indians. We have failed to discover -the slightest evidence to sustain this position. The hereditary enmity -existing between the Eskimos and the Indians may be equally well -explained upon the theory that the former are later comers to this -continent, and are therefore hated by the Indian races as intruders. -The two races are certainly markedly unlike. - -In the absence of any evidence tending to show the development of the -argillite-using people into the Indian races, with their perfected -implements and weapons of the age of polished stone, it seems more -reasonable to hold with Professor Dawkins that the earlier and ruder -race perished before or were absorbed by a people furnished with a -better equipment in the struggle for the “survival of the fittest.” The -palæolithic man of the river gravels of Trenton and his argillite-using -posterity the writer believes to be completely extinct.[1565] - -It only remains for the writer to express his regret that he has -been prevented from setting forth in detail, at the present time, the -grounds upon which he has come to other conclusions which were briefly -indicated at the beginning of this chapter. He can only repeat here -his belief that the so-called Indians, with their many divisions into -numerous linguistic families, were later comers to our shores than the -primitive population, whose development he has attempted to trace; that -the so-called “moundbuilders” were the ancestors of tribes found in the -occupation of the soil; and that the Pueblos and the Aztecs were only -peoples relatively farther advanced than the others. - -The writer further thinks that these are propositions capable, if not -of being demonstrated, at least of being made to appear in a very high -degree probable by means of authorities which will be found amply -referred to in other chapters of this volume. - -[Illustration: Signature] - - - - -THE PROGRESS OF OPINION RESPECTING THE ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY OF MAN IN -AMERICA. - -BY THE EDITOR. - - -THE literature respecting the origin and early condition of the -American aborigines is very extensive; and, as a rule, especially -in the earlier period, it is not characterized by much reserve in -connecting races by historical analogies.[1566] Few before Dr. -Robertson, in discussing the problem, could say: “I have ventured to -inquire without presuming to decide.” - -The question was one that allured many of the earlier Spanish writers -like Herrera and Torquemada. Among the earlier English discussions is -that of Wm. Bourne in his _Booke called the Treasure for Travellers_ -(London, 1578), where a section is given to “The Peopling of America.” -The most famous of the early discussions of the various theories -was that of Gregorio Garciá, a missionary for twenty years in South -America, who reviewed the question in his _Origen de los Indios de -el Nuevo Mundo_ (Valencia, 1607).[1567] He goes over the supposed -navigations of the Phœnicians, the identity of Peru with Solomon’s -Ophir, and the chances of African, Roman, and Jewish migrations,—only -to reject them all, and to favor a coming of Tartars and Chinese. -Clavigero thinks his evidences the merest conjectures. E. Brerewood, -in his _Enquiries touching the diversity of languages and religions_ -(London, 1632, 1635), claimed a Tartar origin. In New England, where -many were believers in the Jewish analogies, it is somewhat amusing to -find not long after this the quizzical Thomas Morton, with what seems -like mock gravity, finding the aboriginal source in “the scattered -Trojans, after such time as Brutus departed from Latium.”[1568] The -reader, however, is referred to other sections of the present volume -for the literature bearing upon the distinct ethnical connections of -the early American peoples. - -The chief literary controversy over the question began in 1642, -when Hugo Grotius published his _De Origine Gentium Americanarum -Dissertatio_ (Paris and Amsterdam, 1642).[1569] He argued that all -North America except Yucatan (which had an Ethiopian stock) was peopled -from the Scandinavian North; that the Peruvians were from China, and -that the Moluccans peopled the regions below Peru. Grotius aroused an -antagonist in Johannes de Laet, whose challenge appeared the next year: -_Joannis de Laet Antwerpiani notae ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii -de origine gentium Americanarum: et observationes aliquot ad meliorem -indaginem difficillimæ illius quæstionis_ (Amsterdam, 1643).[1570] -He combated his brother Dutchman at all points, and contended that -the Scythian race furnished the predominant population of America. -The Spaniards went to the Canaries, and thence some of their vessels -drifted to Brazil. He is inclined to accept the story of Madoc’s -Welshmen, and think it not unlikely that the people of the Pacific -islands may have floated to the western coast of South America, and -that minor migrations may have come from other lands. He supports his -views by comparisons of the Irish, Gallic, Icelandic, Huron, Iroquois, -and Mexican tongues. - -To all this Grotius replied in a second _Dissertatio_, and De Laet -again renewed the attack: _Ioannis de Laet Antwerpiani responsio -ad dissertationem secundam Hvgonis Grotii, de origine gentium -Americanarum. Cum indice ad utrumque libellum_ (Amsterdam, 1644).[1571] - -De Laet, not content with his own onset, incited another to take part -in the controversy, and so George Horn (Hornius) published his _De -Originibus Americanis, libri quatuor_ (Hagæ Comitis, _i. e._ The Hague, -1652; again, Hemipoli, _i. e._ Halberstadt, 1669).[1572] His view was -the Scythian one, but he held to later additions from the Phœnicians -and Carthaginians on the Atlantic side, and from the Chinese on the -Pacific. - -For the next fifty years there were a number of writers on the -subject, who are barely names to the present generation;[1573] -but towards the middle of the eighteenth century the question was -considered in _The American Traveller_ (London, 1741), and by -Charlevoix in his _Nouvelle France_ (1744). The author of an _Enquiry -into the Origin of the Cherokees_ (Oxford, 1762) makes them the -descendants of Meshek, son of Japhet. In 1767, however, the question -was again brought into the range of a learned and disputatious -discussion, reviving all the arguments of Grotius, De Laet, and Horn, -when E. Bailli d’Engel published his _Essai sur cette question: Quand -et comment l’America a-t-elle été peuplée d’hommes et d’Animaux?_ (5 -vols., Amsterdam, 1767, 2d ed., 1768). He argues for an antediluvian -origin.[1574] The controversy which now followed was aroused by C. -De Pauw’s characterization of all American products, man, animals, -vegetation, as degraded and inferior to nature in the old world, in -an essay which passed through various editions, and was attacked and -defended in turn.[1575] An Italian, Count Carli, some years later, -controverted De Pauw, and using every resource of mythology, tradition, -geology, and astronomy, claimed for the Americans a descent from the -Atlantides.[1576] It was not till after reports had come from the Ohio -Valley of the extensive earthworks in that region that the question -of the earlier peoples of America attracted much general attention -throughout America; and the most conspicuous spokesman was President -Stiles of Yale College, in an address which he delivered before the -General Assembly of Connecticut, in 1783, on the future of the new -republic.[1577] In this, while arguing for the unity of the American -tribes and for their affinity with the Tartars, he held to their being -in the main the descendants of the Canaanites expelled by Joshua, -whether finding their way hither by the Asiatic route and establishing -the northern Sachemdoms, or coming in Phœnician ships across the -Atlantic to settle Mexico and Peru.[1578] Lafitau in 1724 (_Mœurs de -Sauvages_) had contended for a Tartar origin. We have examples of the -reasoning of a missionary in the views of the Moravian Loskiel, and of -a learned controversialist in the treatise of Fritsch, in 1794 and 1796 -respectively.[1579] - -[Illustration: BENJAMIN SMITH BARTON.] - -The earliest American with a scientific training to discuss the -question was a professor in the University of Pennsylvania, Benjamin -Smith Barton, a man who acquired one of the best reputations in his -day among Americans for studies in this and other questions of natural -history. His father was an English clergyman settled in America, -and his mother a sister of David Rittenhouse. It was while he was a -student of medicine in Edinburgh that he first approached the subject -of the origin of the Americans, in a little treatise on American -Antiquities, which he never completed.[1580] His _Papers relating -to certain American Antiquities_ (Philad., 1796) consists of those -read to the Amer. Philos. Soc., and printed in their _Transactions_ -(vol. iv.). They were published as the earnest of his later work on -American Antiquities. He argues against De Pauw, and contends that the -Americans are descended—at least some of them—from Asiatic peoples -still recognized. The _Papers_ include a letter from Col. Winthrop -Sargent, Sept. 8, 1794, describing certain articles found in a mound -at Cincinnati, and a letter upon them from Barton to Dr. Priestley. -He in the end gave more careful attention to the subject, mainly on -its linguistic side, and went farther than any one had gone before him -in his _New Views of the Origin of the Tribes and Nations of America_ -(Philad., 1797; 2d ed., enlarged, 1798).[1581] The book attracted -much notice, and engaged the attention in some degree of European -philologists, and made Barton at that time the most conspicuous student -on these matters in America. Jefferson was at that time gathering -material in similar studies, but his collections were finally burned in -1801. Barton, in dedicating his treatise to Jefferson, recognized the -latter’s advance in the same direction. He believed his own gathering -of original MS. material to be at that time more extensive than any -other student had collected in America. His views had something of the -comprehensiveness of his material, and he could not feel that he could -point to any one special source of the indigenous population. - -During the early years of the present century old theories and new were -abundant. The powerful intellect and vast knowledge of Alexander von -Humboldt were applied to the problem as he found it in Middle America. -He announced some views on the primitive peoples in 1806, in the _Neue -Berlinische Monatsschrift_ (vol. xv.); but his ripened opinions found -record in his _Vues de Cordillères et monumens des peuples indigènes de -l’Amérique_ (Paris, 1816), and the Asiatic theory got a conservative -yet definite advocate. - -Hugh Williamson[1582] thought he found traces of the Hindoo in the -higher arts of the Mexicans, and marks of the ruder Asiatics in the -more northern American peoples. A conspicuous littérateur of the day, -Samuel L. Mitchell, veered somewhat wildly about in his notions of -a Malay, Tartar, and Scandinavian origin.[1583] Meanwhile something -like organized efforts were making. The American Antiquarian Society -was formed in 1812.[1584] Silliman began his _Journal of Arts and -Sciences_ in 1819, and both society and periodical proved instruments -of wider inquiry. In the first volume published by the Antiquarian -Society, Caleb Atwater, in his treatise on the Western Antiquities, -gave the earliest sustained study of the subject, and believed in a -general rather than in a particular Asiatic source. The man first to -attract attention for his grouping of ascertained results, unaided -by personal explorations, however, was Dr. James H. McCulloh, who -published his _Researches on America_ at Baltimore in 1816. The book -passed to a second edition the next year, but received its final shape -in the _Researches, philosophical and antiquarian, concerning the -aboriginal history of America_ (1829), a book which Prescott[1585] -praised for its accumulated erudition, and Haven[1586] ranked high for -its manifestations of industry and research, calling it encyclopædic in -character. McCulloh examines the native traditions, but can evolve no -satisfactory conclusion from them as to the origin of the Americans. -The public mind, however, was not ripe for scholarly inquiry, and there -was not that in McCulloh’s style to invite attention; and greater -popularity followed upon the fanciful and dogmatic confidence of -John Haywood,[1587] upon the somewhat vivid if unsteady speculations -of C. S. Rafinesque,[1588] and even upon the itinerant Josiah -Priest, who boasted of the circulation of thousands of copies of his -popular books.[1589] John Delafield’s _Inquiry into the Origin of -the Antiquities of America_ (N. Y., 1839) revived the theory, never -quite dormant, of the descent of the Mexicans from the riper peoples -of Hindostan and Egypt; while the more barbarous red men came of the -Mongol stock. The author ran through the whole range of philology, -mythology, and many of the customs of the races, in reaching this -conclusion. A little book by John McIntosh, _Discovery of America and -Origin of the North American Indians_, published in Toronto, 1836, was -reissued in N. Y. in 1843, and with enlargements in 1846, _Origin of -the North American Indians_, continued down to 1859 to be repeatedly -issued, or to have a seeming success by new dates.[1590] - - * * * * * - -When Columbus, approaching the main land of South America, imagined -it a large island, he associated it with that belief so long current -in the Old World, which placed the cradle of the race in the Indian -Ocean,—a belief which in our day has been advocated by Haeckel, -Caspari and Winchell,—and imagined he was on the coasts, skirting an -interior, where lay the Garden of Eden.[1591] No one had then ventured -on the belief that the doctrine of Genesis must be reconciled with -any supposed counter-testimony by holding it to be but the record of -the Jewish race. Columbus was not long in his grave when Theophrastus -Paracelsus, in 1520, and before the belief in the continuity of North -America with Asia was dispelled, and consequently before the question -of how man and animals could have reached the New World was raised, -first broached the heterodox view of the plurality of the human -race. All the early disputants on the question of the origin of the -American man looked either across the Atlantic or the Pacific for the -primitive seed; nor was there any necessary connection between the -arguments for an autochthonous American man and a diversity of race, -when Fabricius, in 1721, published his _Dissertatio Critica_[1592] on -the opinions of those who held that different races had been created. -From that day the old orthodox interpretation of the record in Genesis -found no contestant of mark till the question came up in relation -to the American man, it being held quite sufficient to account for -the inferiority or other distinguishing characteristics of race by -assigning them to the influence of climate and physical causes.[1593] - -[Illustration: LOUIS AGASSIZ. - -After a photograph, hanging in the Somerset Club, Boston; suggested to -the editor by Mr. Alexander Agassiz as a satisfactory likeness.] - -The strongest presentation of the case, in considering the American -man a distinct product of the American soil, with no connection with -the Old World[1594] except in the case of the Eskimos, was made when -S. G. Morton, in 1839, printed his _Crania Americana, or a comparative -view of the skulls of various aboriginal nations of North and South -America_, of which there was a second edition in 1844.[1595] Here -was a new test, and applied, very likely, in ignorance of the fact -that Governor Pownal, in 1766, in Knox’s _New Collection of Voyages_, -had suggested it.[1596] Dr. Morton had gathered a collection of near -a thousand skulls from all parts of the world,[1597] and based his -deductions on these,—a process hardly safe, as many of his successors -have determined.[1598] The views of Morton respecting the autochthonous -origin of the Indian found an able upholder when Louis Agassiz, -taking the broader view of the independent creation of higher and -inferior races,[1599] gave in his adhesion to the original American -man (_Christian Examiner_, July, 1850, vol. xlix. p. 110). These -views got more extensive expression in a publication which appeared -in Philadelphia in 1854, in which some unpublished papers of Morton -are accompanied by a contribution from Agassiz, and all are grouped -together and augmented by material of the editors, Dr. Josiah Clark -Nott[1600] of Mobile, and Mr. George R. Gliddon, long a resident in -Cairo. The _Types of Mankind, or Ethnological Researches_ (Philad., -1854, 1859, 1871), met with a divided reception; the conservative -theologians called it pretentious and false, and there was some color -for their detraction in some rather jejune expositions of the Hebrew -Scriptures contained in the book. The physiologists thought it brought -new vigor to a question which properly belonged to science.[1601] Other -fresh material, with some discussions, made up a new book by the same -editors, published three years later, _Indigenous Races of the Earth, -or New Chapters of Ethnological Inquiry_ (Philad. and London, 1857; 2d -ed., 1857).[1602] - -The theological attacks were not always void of a contempt that ill -befitted the work of refutation. The most important of them were John -Bachman’s _Doctrine of the Unity of the Human Race_ (Charleston, S. C., -1850), with his _Notice of the Types of Mankind_ (Charleston, 1854-55); -and Thomas Smyth’s _Unity of the Human Race proved by Scripture, Reason -and Science_ (N. Y., 1850).[1603] - -[Illustration: SAMUEL FOSTER HAVEN. - -After a photograph. A heliotype of a portrait by Custer is in the -_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Ap., 1879. Haven’s _Annual Reports_, as -librarian of the Amer. Antiq. Soc., furnish a good chronological -conspectus of the progress of anthropological discovery.] - -The scientific attack on Morton and Agassiz, and the views they -represented, was an active one, and embraced such writers as Wilson, -Latham, Pickering, and Quatrefages.[1604] The same collection of skulls -which had furnished Morton with his proofs yielded exactly opposite -evidence to Dr. J. A. Meigs in his _Observations upon the Cranial Forms -of the American Aborigines_ (Philad., 1866).[1605] Two of the most -celebrated of the evolutionists reject the autochthonous view, for -Darwin’s _Descent of Man_ and Haeckel’s _Hist. of Creation_ consider -the American man an emigrant from the old world, in whatever way the -race may have developed.[1606] - -[Illustration: SIR DANIEL WILSON, LL. D., F.R.S.E. - -From a photograph kindly furnished, on request, by Professor Wilson’s -family.] - -Of the leading historians of the early American peoples, Prescott, -dealing with the Mexicans, is inclined to agree with Humboldt’s -arguments as to their primitive connection with Asia.[1607] Geo. -Bancroft, in the third volume of his _Hist. of the United States_ -(1840), surveying the field, found little in the linguistic affinities, -little in what Humboldt gathered from the Mexican calendars and from -other developments, nothing from the Western mounds, which he was sure -were natural earth-knobs and water-worn passages,[1608] and decides -upon some transmission by the Pacific route from Asia, but so remote -as to make the American tribes practically indigenous, so far as their -character is concerned. - -In 1843 another compiler of existing evidence appeared in Alexander W. -Bradford in his _American Antiquities, or Researches into the origin -and history of the Red Race_. His views were new. He connects the -higher organized life of middle America with the corresponding culture -of Southern Asia, the Polynesian islands probably furnishing the avenue -of migrations; while the ruder and more northern peoples of both shores -of the Pacific represent the same stock degraded by northern migrations. - -In 1845 the American Ethnological Society began its publications, and -in Albert Gallatin it had a vigorous helper in unravelling some of -these mysteries. A few years later (1853) the United States government -lent its patronage and prestige to the huge conglomerate publication of -Schoolcraft, his _Indian Tribes of the United States_, which leaves the -bewildered reader in a puzzling maze,—the inevitable result of a work -undertaken beyond the ambitious powers of an untrained mind. The work -is not without value if the user of it has more systematic knowledge -than its compiler, to select, discard, and arrange, and if he can weigh -the importance of the separate papers.[1609] - -In 1856 Samuel F. Haven, the librarian and guiding spirit of the -American Antiquarian Society, summed up, as it had never been done -before, for comprehensiveness, and with a striking prescience, the -progress and results of studies in this field, in his _Archæology of -the United States_ (_Smithsonian Contributions_, viii., Washington, -1856). - -[Illustration: EDWARD B. TYLOR. - -After a photograph.] - -In 1851 Professor Daniel Wilson, in his _Prehistoric Annals of -Scotland_, first brought into use the designation “prehistoric” as -expressing “the whole period disclosed to us by means of archæological -evidence, as distinguished from what is known through written records; -and in this sense the term was speedily adopted by the archæologists -of Europe.”[1610] Eleven years later he published his _Prehistoric -Man: Researches into the origin of civilization in the old and new -world_.[1611] The book unfortunately is not well fortified with -references, but it is the result of long study, partly in the field, -and written with a commendable reserve of judgment. It is in the main -concerned with the western hemisphere, which he assumes with little -hesitation “began its human period subsequent to that of the old world, -and so started later in the race of civilization.” While thus in effect -a study of early man in America, its scope makes it in good degree a -complement to the _Origin of Civilization_ of Lubbock. - -The comparative study of ethnological traces, to enable us to depict -the earliest condition of human society, owes a special indebtedness -to Edward B. Tylor, among writers in English. It is nearly twenty-five -years since he first published his _Researches into the Early History -of Mankind and the Development of Civilization_,[1612] the work -almost, if not quite, of a pioneer in this interesting field, and he -has supplied the reader with all the references necessary to test his -examples. Max Müller (_Chips_, ii. 262) has pointed out how he has -vitalized his vast accumulation of facts by coherent classifications -instead of leaving them an oppressive burden by simple aggregation, as -his precursors in Germany, Gustav Klemm[1613] and Adolf Bastian, had -done; and it is remarked that while thus classifying, he has not been -lured into pronounced theory, which future accession of material might -serve to modify or change. He shortly afterwards touched a phase of the -subject which he had not developed in his book in a paper on “Traces of -the Early Mental Condition of Man,”[1614] and illustrated the methods -he was pursuing in another on “The Condition of Prehistoric Races as -inferred from observations of modern tribes.”[1615] - -The postulate of which he has been a distinguished expounder, that man -has progressed from barbarism to civilization, was a main deduction -to be drawn from his next sustained work, _Primitive Culture: -researches into the development of mythology, philosophy, religion, -art, and custom_.[1616] The chief points of this further study of -the thought, belief, art, and custom of the primitive man had been -advanced tentatively in various other papers beside those already -mentioned,[1617] and in this new work he further acknowledges his -obligations to Adolf Bastian’s _Mensch in der Geschichte_ and Theodor -Waitz’s _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_.[1618] He still pursued his -plan of collecting wide and minute evidence from the writers on -ethnography and kindred sciences, and from historians, travellers, and -missionaries, as his foot-notes abundantly testify. - -[Illustration: THEODOR WAITZ. - -After a likeness in Otto Caspari’s _Urgeschichte der Menschheit_, 2d -ed., vol. i. (Leipzig, 1877).] - -These studies of Professor Tylor abundantly qualified him to give -a condensed exposition of the science of anthropology, which he had -done so much to place within the range of scientific studies, by a -primary search for facts and laws; and having contributed the article -on that subject to the ninth edition of the _Encyclopædia Britannica_, -he published in 1881 his _Anthropology: an Introduction to the study -of man and civilization_ (London and N. Y., 1881 and 1888). He maps -out the new science, which has now received of late years so many new -students in the scientific method, without references, but with the -authority of a teacher, tracing what man has been and is under the -differences of sex, race, beliefs, habits, and society.[1619] Again, -at the Montreal meeting (August, 1884) of the British Association for -the Advancement of Science, he set down in an address the bounds of the -“American Aspects of Anthropology.”[1620] - -[Illustration: SIR JOHN LUBBOCK. - -After a photograph.] - -Closely following upon Tylor in this field, and gathering his material -with much the same assiduity, and presenting it with similar beliefs, -though with enough individuality to mark a distinction, was another -Englishman, who probably shares with Tylor the leading position in -this department of study. Sir John Lubbock, in his _Prehistoric Times -as illustrated by ancient remains, and the manners and customs of -modern savages_,[1621] gathered the evidence which exists of the -primitive condition of man, embracing some chapters on modern savages -so far as they are ignorant of the use of metals, as the best study -we can follow, to fill out the picture of races only archæologically -known to us. This study of modern savage life, in arts, marriages, -and relationships, morals, religion, and laws, is, as he holds, a -necessary avenue to the knowledge of a condition of the early man, -from which by various influences the race has advanced to what is -called civilization. His result in this comparative study—not indeed -covering all the phases of savage life—he made known in his _Origin -of Civilization and the Primitive Condition of Man_.[1622] While -referring to Tylor’s _Early Hist. of Mankind_ as more nearly like -his own than any existing treatise, but showing, as compared with -his own book, “that no two minds would view the subject in the same -manner,” he instanced previous treatments of certain phases of the -subject, like Müller’s _Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen_, -J. F. M’Lennan’s _Primitive Marriage_,[1623] and J. J. Bachofen’s _Das -Mutterrecht_ (Stuttgart, 1861); and even Lord Kames’ _History of Man_, -and Montesquieu’s _Esprit des Lois_, notwithstanding the absence in -them of much of the minute knowledge now necessary to the study of the -subject. These data, of course, are largely obtained from travellers -and missionaries, and Lubbock complains of their unsatisfactory extent -and accuracy. “Travellers,” he adds, “find it easier to describe the -houses, boats, food, dress, weapons, and implements of savages than to -understand their thoughts and feelings.” - -[Illustration: SIR JOHN WILLIAM DAWSON. - -After a photograph.] - -The main controversial point arising out of all this study is the one -already adverted to,—whether man has advanced from savagery to his -present condition, or has preserved, with occasional retrogressions, -his original elevated character; and this causes the other question, -whether the modern savage is the degenerate descendant of the same -civilized first men. “There is no scientific evidence which would -justify us,” says Lubbock (_Prehist. Times_, 417), “in asserting that -this kind of degradation applies to savages in general.”[1624] The -most distinguished advocate of the affirmative of this proposition is -Richard Whately, Archbishop of Dublin, both in his _Political Economy_ -and in his lecture on the _Origin of Civilization_ (1855), in which -he undertook to affirm that no nation, unaided by a superior race, -ever succeeded in raising itself out of savagery, and that nations -can become degraded. Lubbock, who, with Tylor, holds the converse of -this proposition, answered Whately in an appendix to his _Origin of -Civilization_, which was originally given as a paper at the Dundee -meeting of the British Association.[1625] The Duke of Argyle, while -not prepared to go to the extent of Whately’s views, attacked, in his -_Primeval Man_, Lubbock’s argument,[1626] and was in turn reviewed -adversely by Lubbock, in a paper read at the Exeter meeting of the -same association (1869), which is also included in the appendix of his -_Origin of Civilization_. Lubbock seems to show, in some instances at -least, that the duke did not possess himself correctly of some of the -views of his opponents. - -[Illustration: MIGRATIONS. - -A sketch map given in Dawson’s _Fossil Men_, p. 48, showing his view -of the probable lines of migration and distribution of the American -tribes. Morgan (_Ancient Society_) makes what he calls three centres -of subsistence, whence the migration proceeded which overran America. -Cf. Hellwald in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 328. The question is -more or less discussed in Latham’s _Man and his migrations_ (London, -1851); Chas. Pickering’s _Men and their geog. distribution_; and Oscar -Peschel’s _Races of Man_ (Eng. transl., London, 1876). On the passage -from the valley of the Columbia to that of the Missouri, see Humboldt’s -_Views of Nature_, 35. Morgan (_No. Am. Rev._, cix.) supposes the -valley of the Columbia River to be the original centre where the -streams diverged, and (_Systems of Consanguinity_, 251) says there -are reasons for believing that the Shoshone migration was the last -which left the Columbia valley, and that it was pending at the epoch -of European colonization. Morgan’s papers in the _No. Am. Rev._, Oct. -1868 and Jan. 1870, are reprinted in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, p. -158. On a general belief in a migration from the north, see _Congrès -des Amér_. (1877), ii. 50, 51. L. Simonin, in “L’homme Américain, notes -d’ethnologie et de linguistique sur les indiens des Etats-Unis,” gives -a map of the tribes of North America in the _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog._ -Feb. 1870.] - -In the researches of Tylor and Lubbock, and of all the others -cited above, the American Indian is the source of many of their -illustrations. Of all writers on this continent, Sir John Wm. Dawson -in his _Fossil Men_, and Southall in his _Recent Origin of Man_, are -probably the most eminent advocates of the views of Whately and Argyle, -however modified, and both have declared it an unfounded assumption -that the primitive man was a savage.[1627] Morgan, in his _Ancient -Society_ (N. Y., 1877), has, on the other hand, sketched the lines of -human progress from savagery through barbarism to civilization. - -One of the defenders of the supposed Bible limits best equipped by -reading, if not in the scientific spirit, has been a Virginian, James -C. Southall, who published a large octavo in 1875, _The Recent Origin -of Man as illustrated by geology and the modern science of prehistoric -archæology_ (Philad., 1875). Three years later,—leaving out some -irrelevant matters as touching the antiquity of man, condensing his -collations of detail, sparing the men of science an attack for what in -his earlier volume he called their fickleness, and somewhat veiling -his set purpose of sustaining the Bible record,—he published a more -effective little book, _The Epoch of the Mammoth and the Apparition of -Man upon Earth_ (Philad., 1878). Barring its essentially controversial -character, and waiving judgment on its scientific decisions, it is one -of the best condensed accumulations of data which has been made. His -belief in the literal worth of the Bible narrative is emphatic. He -thinks that man, abruptly and fully civilized, appeared in the East, -and gave rise to the Egyptian and Babylonian civilization, while the -estrays that wandered westward are known to us by their remains, as -the early savage denizens of Europe. To maintain this existence of the -hunter-man of Europe within historic times, he rejects the prevailing -opinions of the geologists and archæologists. He reverses the judgment -that Lyell expresses (_Student’s Elements of Geology_, Am. ed., 162) -of the historical period as not affording any appreciable measure -for calculating the number of centuries necessary to produce so many -extinct animals, to deepen and widen valleys, and to lay so deep -stalagmite floors, and says it does. He contends that the stone age is -not divided into the earlier and later periods with an interval, but -that the mingling of the kinds of flints shows but different phases of -the same period,[1628] and that what others call the palæolithic man -was in reality the quaternary man, with conditions not much different -from now.[1629] The time when the ice retreated from the now temperate -regions he holds to have been about 2000 b.c., and he looks to the -proofs of the action of which traces are left along the North American -great lakes, as observed by Professor Edmund Andrews[1630] of Chicago, -to confirm his judgment of the Glacial age being from 5,300 to 7,500 -years ago.[1631] He claims that force has not been sufficiently -recognized as an element in geological action, and that a great lapse -of time was not necessary to effect geological changes (_Ep. of the -M._, 194).[1632] He thinks the present drift of opinion, carrying -back the appearance of man anywhere from 20,000 to 9,000,000 years, -a mere fashion. The gravel of the Somme has been, he holds, a rapid -deposit in valleys already formed and not necessarily old. The peat -beds were a deposit from the flood that followed the glacial period, -and accumulated rapidly (_Ep. of the M._, ch. 10). The extinct animals -found with the tools of man in the caves simply show that such beasts -survived to within historic times, as seems everywhere apparent as -regards the mastodon when found in America. The stalagmites of the -caves are of unequal growth, and it is an assumption to give them -uniformly great age. The finely worked flints found among those called -palæolithic; the skilfully free drawings of the cave-men; the bits of -pottery discovered with the rude flints, and the great similarity of -the implements to those in use to-day among the Eskimos; the finding -of Roman coin in the Danish shell heaps and an English one in those of -America (_Proc. Philad. Acad. Nat. Sci._, 1866, p. 291),—are all parts -of the argument which satisfies him that the archæologists have been -hasty and inconclusive in their deductions. They in turn will dispute -both his facts and conclusions.[1633] - -Southall’s arraignment of the opinions generally held may introduce us -to a classification of the data upon which archæologists rely to reach -conclusions upon the antiquity of man, and over some of which there is -certainly no prevailing consensus of opinion. We may find a condensed -summary of beliefs and data respecting the antiquity of man in J. P. -Maclean’s _Manual of the Antiquity of Man_ (Cincinnati, revised ed., -1877; again, 1880).[1634] The independent view and conservative spirit -are placed respectively in juxtaposition in J. P. Lesley’s _Origin and -Decline of Man_ (ch. 3), and in Dawson’s _Fossil Men_ (ch. 8).[1635] -The opinions of leading English archæologists are found in Lubbock’s -_Prehistoric Times_ (ch. 12), Wallace’s _Tropical Nature_ (ch. 7), and -Huxley’s “Distribution of Races in Relation to the Antiquity of Man,” -in _Internat. Cong. of Prehist. Archæol. Trans._ (1868). Dawkins has -given some recent views in _The Nation_, xxvi. 434, and in _Kansas City -Review_, vii. 344.[1636] Not to refer to special phases, the French -school will be found represented in Nadaillac’s _Les Premiers Hommes_ -(ii. ch. 13); in Gabriel de Mortillet’s _La préhistorique antiquité -de l’homme_ (Paris, 1883); Hamy’s _Précis de paléontologie humaine_; -Le Hon’s _L’homme fossile_ (1867); Victor Meunier’s _Les Ancêtres -d’Adam_ (Paris, 1875); Joly’s _L’homme avant métaux_ (Eng. transl. -_Man before Metals_, N. Y., 1883); _Revue des Questions historiques_ -(vol. xvi.). The German school is represented in Haeckel’s _Natürliche -Schöpfungsgeschichte_; Waitz’s _Anthropologie_; Carl Vogt’s _Lectures -on Man_ (Eng. transl., Lond., 1864); and L. Büchner’s _Der Mensch und -seine Stellung in der Natur_ (2d ed., Leipzig, 1872; or W. S. Dallas’s -Eng. translation, Lond., 1872). The history of the growth of geological -antagonism to the biblical record as once understood, and the several -methods proposed for reconciling their respective teaching, is traced -concisely in the article on geology in M’Clintock and Strong’s -_Cyclopædia_, with references for further examination. The views there -given are those propounded by Chalmers in 1804, that the geological -record, ignored in the account of Genesis, finds its place in that book -between the first and second verses,[1637] which have no dependence on -one another, and that the biblical account of creation followed in six -literal days. What may be considered the present theological attitude -of churchmen may be noted in _The Speaker’s Commentary_ (N. Y. ed., -1871, p. 61). - - * * * * * - -The question of the territorial connection of America with Asia under -earlier geological conditions is necessarily considered in some of the -discussions on the transplanting of the American man from the side of -Asia. - -Otto Caspari in his _Urgeschichte der Menschheit_ (Leipzig, 1873), vol. -i., gives a map of Asia and America in the post-tertiary period, as he -understands it, which stretches the Asiatic and African continents over -a large part of the Indian Ocean; and in this region, now beneath the -sea, he places the home of the primeval man, and marks the lines of -migration east, north, and west. This view is accepted by Winchell in -his _Preadamites_ (see his map). Haeckel (_Nat. Schöpfungsgeschichte_, -1868, 1873; Eng. transl. 1876) calls this region “Lemuria” in his map. -Caspari places large continental islands between this region and South -America, which rendered migration to South America easy. The eastern -shore of the present Asia is extended beyond the Japanese islands, -and similar convenient islands render the passage by other lines of -immigration easy to the regions of British Columbia and of Mexico. (Cf. -Short, 507; Baldwin, App.) Howorth, _Mammoth and the Flood_, supposes a -connection at Behring’s Straits. The supposed similarity of the flora -of the two shores of the Pacific has been used to support this theory, -but botanists say that the language of Hooker and Gray has been given a -meaning they did not intend. It is opposed by many eminent geologists. -A. R. Wallace (_Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, xix.) finds no ground to -believe that any of the oceans contain sunken continents. (Cf. his -_Geographical Distribution of Animals_ and his _Malay Archipelago_.) -James Croll in his _Climate and Cosmology_ (p. 6) says: “There is no -geological evidence to show that at least since Silurian times the -Atlantic and Pacific were ever in their broad features otherwise than -they now are.”[1638] Hyde Clarke has examined the legend of Atlantis in -reference to protohistoric communication with America, in _Royal Hist. -Soc. Trans._, n. s., iii. p. 1.[1639] - - * * * * * - -The arguments for the great antiquity of man[1640] are deduced in the -main from the testimony of the river gravels, the bone caves, the peat -deposits, the shell heaps, and the Lacustrine villages, for the mounds -and other relics of defence, habitation, and worship are very likely -not the records of a great antiquity. The whole field is surveyed with -more fullness than anywhere else, and with a faith in the geological -antiquity of the race, in Sir Charles Lyell’s _Geological Evidences of -the Antiquity of Man_.[1641] With as firm a belief in the integrity of -the biblical record, and in its not being impugned by the discoveries -or inductions of science, we find a survey in Southall’s _Recent Origin -of Man_. These two books constitute the extremes of the methods, -both for and against the conservative interpretation of the Bible. -The independent spirit of the scientist is nowhere more confidently -expressed than by J. P. Lesley (_Man’s Origin and Destiny_, Philad., -1868, p. 45), who says: “There is no alliance possible between Jewish -theology and modern science.... Geologists have won the right to be -Christians without first becoming Jews.” Southall[1642] interprets -this spirit in this wise: “I do not recollect that the _Antiquity of -Man_ ever recognizes that the book of Genesis is in existence; and yet -every one is perfectly conscious that the author has it in mind, and -is writing at it all the time.”[1643] The entire literature of the -scientific interpretation shows that the canons of criticism are not -yet secure enough to prevent the widest interpretations and inferences. - -The intimations which are supposed to exist in the Bible of a race -earlier than Adam have given rise to what is called the theory of -the Preadamites, and there is little noteworthy upon it in European -literature back of Isaac de La Peyrère’s _Praeadamitae_ (Paris and -Amsterdam, 1655), whose views were put into English in _Man before -Adam_ (London, 1656).[1644] The advocates of the theory from that day -to this are enumerated in Alexander Winchell’s _Preadamites_ (Chicago, -1880), and this book is the best known contribution to the subject by -an American author. It is his opinion that the aboriginal American, -with the Mongoloids in general, comes from some descendant of Adam -earlier than Noah, and that the black races come from a stock earlier -than Adam, whom Cain found when he went out of his native country.[1645] - - * * * * * - -The investigations of the great antiquity of man in America fall far -short in extent of those which have been given to his geological -remoteness in Europe; and yet, should we believe with Winchell that the -American man represents the pre-Adamite, while the European man does -not, we might reasonably hope to find in America earlier traces of the -geological man, if, as Agassiz shows, the greater age of the American -continent weighs in the question.[1646] - -The explicit proofs, as advanced by different geologists, to give a -great antiquity to the American man, and perhaps in some ways greater -than to the European man,[1647] may now be briefly considered in detail. - -Oldest of all may perhaps be placed the gold-drift of California, with -its human remains, and chief among them the Calaveras skull, which is -claimed to be of the Pliocene (tertiary) age; but it must be remembered -that Powell and the government geologists call it quaternary. It -was in February, 1866, that in a mining shaft in Calaveras County, -California, a hundred and thirty feet below the surface, a skull -was found imbedded in gravel, which under the name of the Calaveras -skull has excited much interest. It was not the first time that human -remains had been found in these California gravels, but it was the -first discovery that attracted notice. It was not seen _in situ_ by a -professional geologist, and a few weeks elapsed before Professor Josiah -Dwight Whitney, then state geologist of California, visited the spot, -and satisfied himself that the geological conditions were such as to -make it certain that the skull and the deposition of the gravel were -of the same age. The relic subsequently passed into the possession of -Professor Whitney, and the annexed cut is reproduced from the careful -drawing made of it for the _Memoirs of the Museum of Comp. Zoölogy_ -(Harvard University), vol. vi. He had published earlier an account in -the _Revue d’Anthropologie_ (1872), p. 760.[1648] This interesting -relic is now in Cambridge, coated with thin wax for preservation, but -this coating interferes with any satisfactory photograph. The volume of -_Memoirs_ above named is made up of Whitney’s _Auriferous Gravels of -the Sierra Nevada of California_ (1880), and at p. ix he says: “There -will undoubtedly be much hesitancy on the part of anthropologists and -others in accepting the results regarding the Tertiary Age of man, to -which our investigations seem so clearly to point.” He says that those -who reject the evidence of the Calaveras skull because it was not seen -_in situ_ by a scientific observer forget the evidence of the fossil -itself; and he adds that since 1866 the other evidence for tertiary -man has so accumulated that “it would not be materially weakened by -dropping that furnished by the Calaveras skull itself.” - -[Illustration: CALAVERAS SKULL. (_Front and side view._)] - -What Whitney says of the history and authenticity of the skull will -be found in his paper on “Human remains and works of art of the -gravel series,” in _Ibid._ pp. 258-288. His conclusions are that it -shows the existence of man with an extinct fauna and flora, and under -geographical and physical conditions differing from the present,—in -the Pliocene age certainly. This opinion has obtained the support of -Marsh and Le Conte and other eminent geologists. Schmidt (_Archiv -für Anthropologie_) thinks it signifies a pre-glacial man. Winchell -(_Preadamites_, 428) says it is the best authenticated evidence of -Pliocene man yet adduced. On the contrary, there are some confident -doubters. Dawkins (_No. Am. Rev._, Oct., 1883) thinks that all but a -few American geologists have given up the Pliocene man, and that the -chances of later interments, of accidents, of ancient mines, and the -presence of skulls of mustang ponies (introduced by the Spaniards) -found in the same gravels, throw insuperable doubts. “Neither in the -new world nor the old world,” he says, “is there any trace of Pliocene -man revealed by modern discovery.” Southall and all the Bible advocates -of course deny the bearing of all such evidence. Dawson (_Fossil -Men_, 345) thinks the arguments of Whitney inconclusive. Nadaillac -(_L’Amérique préhistorique_, 40, with a cut, and his _Les Premiers -Hommes_, ii. 435) hesitates to accept the evidence, and enumerates the -doubters.[1649] - - * * * * * - -Footprints have been found in a tufa bed, resting on yellow sand, in -the neighborhood of an extinct volcano, Tizcapa, in Nicaragua. One of -the prints is shown in the annexed cut, after a representation given -by Dr. Brinton in the _Amer. Philosoph. Soc. Proc._ (xxiv. 1887, p. -437). Above this tufa bed were fourteen distinct strata of deposits -before the surface soil was reached. Geologists have placed this yellow -sand, bearing shells, from the post-Pliocene to the Eocene. The seventh -stratum, going downwards, had remains of the mastodon.[1650] - -Some ancient basket work discovered at Petit Anse Island, in Louisiana, -has been figured in the _Chicago Acad. of Sciences, Transactions_ (i. -part 2). Cf. E. W. Hilgard, in _Smithsonian Contributions_, no. 248. - - * * * * * - -Foster rather strikingly likens what we know of the history of the -human race to the apex of a pyramid, of which we know neither the -height nor extent of base. Our efforts to trace man back to his -beginning would be like following down the sides of that pyramid till -it reaches a firm base, we know not where. Many geologists believe -in a great ice-sheet which at one time had settled upon the northern -parts of America, and covered it down to a line that extends across -Pennsylvania, Ohio, and westerly in a direction of some variableness. -There are some, like Sir William Dawson,[1651] who reject the evidence -that persuades others. Prof. Whitney (_Climatic Changes_, 387) holds -that it was a local phenomenon confined in America to the northeastern -parts. The advocates look to Dr. James Geikie[1652] as having -correlated the proofs of the proposition as well as any, while writers -like Howorth[1653] trace the resulting phenomena largely to a flood. - -[Illustration: ANCIENT FOOTPRINT FROM NICARAGUA.] - -How long ago this was, the cautious geologist does not like to -say;[1654] nor is he quite ready to aver what it all means.[1655] -Perhaps, as some theorize, this prevailing ice showed the long winter -brought about by the precession of the equinoxes, as has long been a -favorite belief, with the swing of ten thousand years, more or less, -from one extreme to the other.[1656] - -Others believe that we must look back 200,000 years, as James -Croll[1657] and Lubbock do, or 800,000 and more, as Lyell did at first, -and find the cause in the variable eccentricity of the earth’s orbit, -which shall account for all the climatic changes since the dawn of -what is called the glacial epoch, accompanying the deflection of ocean -currents, as Croll supposes, or the variations in the disposition of -sea and land, as Lyell imagines.[1658] This great ice-sheet, however -extensive, began for some reason to retreat, at a period as remote, -according as we accept this or the other estimate, as from ten thousand -to a hundred thousand years. - - * * * * * - -That the objects of stone, shaped and polished, which had been observed -all over the civilized world, were celestial in origin seems to have -been the prevalent opinion,[1659] when Mahudel in 1723 and even when -Buffon in 1778 ventured to assign to them a human origin.[1660] - -In the gravels which were deposited by the melting of this more or -less extended ice-sheet, parts of the human frame and the work of -human hands have been found, and mark the anterior limit of man’s -residence on the globe, so far as we can confidently trace it.[1661] -Few geologists have any doubt about the existence of human relics in -these American glacial drifts, however widely they may differ about the -age of them.[1662] - -[Illustration: FROM DAWSON’S FOSSIL MEN. - -The outer outline is that of the skull found in the cave of Cro-magnon, -in France, belonging, as Dawson says, p. 189, to one of the oldest -human inhabitants of western Europe, as shown in Lartet and Christy’s -_Reliquiae Aquitanicae_. The second outline is that of the Enghis -skull; the dotted outline that of the Neanderthal skull. The shaded -skull is on a smaller scale, but preserving the true outline, and is -one of the Hochelaga Indians (site of Montreal). Cuts of the Enghis -and Neanderthal skulls are given in Lubbock’s _Prehistoric Times_, -pp. 328, 329. Dawkins (_Cave Hunters_, 235) thinks the Enghis skull -of doubtful age. On the Neanderthal skull see Quatrefages and Hamy, -_Crania Ethnica_ (Paris, 1873-75), and Dawkins (p. 240). Huxley gives -it a great antiquity, and says it is the most ape-like one he ever -saw. Quatrefages, _Hommes fossiles_, etc. (1884), says it is not below -some later men. Southall (_Epoch of the Mammoth_, 80) says it has the -average capacity of the negro, and double that of the gorilla, and -doubts its antiquity.] - -It was in the _American Naturalist_ (Mar. and Ap., 1872) that Dr. -C. C. Abbott made an early communication respecting the discovery of -rude human implements in the glacial gravels[1663] of the Delaware -valley, and since then the Trenton gravels have been the subject of -much interest. The rudeness of the flints has repeatedly raised doubts -as to their artificial character; but Wilson (_Prehistoric Man_, i. -29) says that it is impossible to find in flints broken for the road, -or in any other accumulation of rocky débris, a single specimen that -looks like the rudest implement of the drift. Experts attest the exact -correspondence of these Trenton tools with those of the European river -drift. Abbott has explained the artificial cleavages of stone in the -_American Antiquarian_ (viii. 43). There are geologists like Shaler -who question the artificial character of the Trenton implements. From -time to time since this early announcement, Dr. Abbott has made public -additional evidence as he has accumulated it, going to show, as he -thinks, that we have in these deposits of the glacial action the signs -of men contemporary with the glacial flow, and earlier than the red -Indian stock of historic times.[1664] He summarizes the matter in his -“Palæolithic implements of a people on the Atlantic coast anterior to -the Indians,” in his _Primitive Industry_ (1882).[1665] - - * * * * * - -Some discoveries of human bones in the loess or loam of the Mississippi -Valley have not been generally accepted. Lyell (_Second Visit_, ii. -197; _Antiq. of Man_, 203) suspends judgment, as does Joseph Leidy in -his _Extinct Mammalia of North America_ (p. 365). - - * * * * * - -The existence of man in western Europe with extinct animals is a -belief that, from the incredulity which accompanied the discovery by -Kemp in London, in 1714, of a stone hatchet lying in contiguity to some -elephant’s teeth,[1666] has long passed into indisputable fact, settled -by the exploration of cave and shell heaps.[1667] In North America, -this conjunction of man’s remains with those of the mastodon is very -widely spread.[1668] The geological evidence is quite sufficient -without resorting to what has been called an Elephant’s head in the -architecture of Palenqué, the so-called Elephant Mound in Wisconsin, -and the dubious if not fraudulent Elephant Pipe of Iowa.[1669] The -positions of the skeletons have led many to believe that the interval -since the mastodon ceased to roam in the Mississippi Valley is not -geologically great. Shaler (_Amer. Naturalist_, iv. 162) places it at -a few thousand years, and there is enough ground for it perhaps to -justify Southall (_Recent Origin, etc._, 551; _Ep. of the Mammoth_, ch. -8) in claiming that these animals have lived into historic times. - - * * * * * - -A human skeleton was found sixteen feet below the surface, near New -Orleans—(which is only nine feet above the Gulf of Mexico), and under -four successive growths of cypress forests. Its antiquity, however, -is questioned.[1670] The belief in human traces in the calcareous -conglomerate of Florida seems to have been based (Haven, p. 87) on a -misconception of Count Pourtalès’ statement (_Amer. Naturalist_, ii. -434), though it has got credence in many of the leading books on this -subject. Col. Whittlesey has reported some not very ancient hearths in -the Ohio Valley (_Am. Ass. Arts and Sciences, Proc., Chicago, 1868, -Meeting_, vol. xvii. 268). - - * * * * * - -The testimony of the caves to the early existence of man has never had -the importance in America that it has had in Europe. - -It was in 1822 that Dr. Buckland, in his _Reliquiae diluvianae_ (2d -ed., 1824), first made something like a systematic gathering of the -evidence of animal remains, as shown by cave explorations; but he was -not prepared to believe that man’s remains were as old as the beasts. -He later came to believe in the prehistoric man. In 1833-34, Dr. -Schmerling found in the cave of Enghis, near Liége, a highly developed -skull, and published his _Recherches sur les ossemens fossiles -découverts dans les cavernes de la province de Liége_.[1671] - -In 1841, Boucher de Perthes began his discoveries in the valley of -the Somme,[1672] and finally discovered among the animal remains some -flint implements, and formulated his views of the great antiquity of -man in his _Antiquités Celtiques_ (1847), rather for the derision than -for the delectation of his brother geologists. In 1848, the Société -Ethnographique de Paris ceased its sessions; but Boucher de Perthes had -aroused a new feeling, and while his efforts were still in doubt his -disciples[1673] gathered, and amid much ridicule founded the Société -d’Anthropologie de Paris, which has had so numerous a following in -allied associations in Europe and America. - -He tells us of the struggles he endured to secure the recognition of -his views in his _De l’homme antédiluvien et de ses œuvres_ (Paris, -1860), and his trials were not over when, in 1863, he found at Moulin -Quignon a human jaw-bone,[1674] which, as he felt, added much strength -to the belief in the man of the glacial gravels.[1675] - - * * * * * - -The existence of man in the somewhat later period of the caves[1676] -was also claiming constant recognition, and the new society was -broad enough to cover all. In 1857, Dr. Fuhlrott had discovered the -Neanderthal skull in a cave near Düsseldorf. - -In 1858, the discovery of flint tools in the Brixham cave, in -Devonshire, was more effective in turning the scientific mind to the -proofs than earlier discoveries of much the same character by McEnery -had been. In March, 1872, Emile Rivière investigated the Mentone caves, -and found a large skeleton, unmistakably human, and the oldest yet -found, supposed to be of the palæolithic period. (Cf. _Découverte d’un -Squelette humain de l’Epoque paléolithique_, Paris, 1873.) All this -evidence is best set forth in the collection of his periodical studies -on the mammals of the Pleistocene, which were collected by William Boyd -Dawkins in his _Cave Hunting: researches on the evidence of caves, -respecting the early inhabitants of Europe_ (London, 1874),[1677] a -book which may be considered a sort of complement to Lyell’s _Antiquity -of Man_ and Lubbock’s _Prehistoric Man_; Dawkins (ch. 9, and _Address_, -Salford, 1877, p. 3) and Lubbock (_Scientific Lectures_, 150) unite -in holding the modern Eskimos to be the representative of this cave -folk. No argument is quite sufficient to convince Southall that the -archæologists do not place the denizens of the caves too far back -(_Recent Origin of Man_, ch. 13), and he rejects a belief in the steady -slowness of the formation of stalagmites (_Epoch of the Mammoth_, 90), -upon which Evans, Geikie, Wallace, Lyell, and others rest much of their -belief in the great antiquity of the remains found beneath the cave -deposits.[1678] - -The largest development of cave testimony in America has been made -by Dr. Lund,[1679] a Danish naturalist, who examined several hundred -Brazilian caves, finding in them the bones of man in connection with -those of extinct animals.[1680] The remains of a race, held to be -Indians, found in the caves of Coahuila (Mexico) are described by -Cordelia A. Studley in the _Peabody Mus. Reports_, xv. 233. Edward D. -Cope has studied the contents of a bone cave in the island of Anguilla -(West Indies), in the _Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge_, no. -489 (1883). J. D. Whitney describes a cave in Calaveras County, in the -_Smithsonian Rept._ (1887), and Edward Palmer one in Utah (_Peab. Mus. -Rept._, xi. 269). Putnam explored some in Kentucky (_Ibid._ viii.). -Putnam’s first account of his cave work in Kentucky, showing the use -of them as habitations and as receptacles for mummies, is in the -_Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist._, xvii. 319. J. P. Goodnow made similar -explorations in Arizona (_Kansas City Rev_., viii. 647); E. T. Elliott -in Colorado (_Pop. Sci. Mo._, Oct., 1879), and Leidy in the Hartman -cave, in Pennsylvania (_Philad. Acad. Nat. Sci. Proc._, 1880, p. 348). -Cf. also Haldeman in the _Am. Philos. Soc. Trans._ (1880) xv. 351. Col. -Charles Whittlesey has discussed the “Evidences of the antiquity of -man in the United States,” in describing some cave remains of doubtful -age.[1681] W. H. Dall’s _On the remains of later prehistoric man -obtained from caves in the Catherine archipelago, Alaska territory, and -especially from the caves of the Aleutian islands_ (Washington, 1878) -is included in the _Smithsonian contributions to knowledge_, xxii. - - * * * * * - -Throughout the world, naturalists have found on streams and on the -seacoast, heaps of the refuse of the daily life of primitive peoples. -Beneath the loam which has covered them there are found the shells of -edible mollusks and other relics of food, implements, ornaments and -vessels, of stone, clay, and bone. Sometimes it happens that natural -superposed accumulations will mark them off in layers, and distinguish -the usages of successive periods.[1682] - -[Illustration: OSCAR PESCHEL. - -From the engraving in the 1877 ed. of his _Gesch. des Zeitalters der -Entdeckungen_. His _Abhandlungen zur Erd-und Völker-Kunde_, continuing -his contributions to _Das Ausland_ and other periodicals, and edited -by J. Löwenberg, was published at Leipzig, in 3 vols. in 1877-79, the -preface containing an account of Peschel’s services in this field.] - -In the Old World such heaps upon the Danish coast have attracted the -most attention under the name of Kjœkkenmœddinger, or Kitchen-middens, -and their teachings have enlivened the recitals of nearly all the -European archæologists who have sought to picture the condition of -these early races. - -It seems to be the general opinion that in the Old World this -shell-heap folk succeeded, if they do not in part constitute the -contemporaries of, the men of the caves.[1683] - -[Illustration: JEFFRIES WYMAN. - -From a photograph taken in 1868, furnished by his family. The portrait -in the _Peabody Museum Report_, no. viii., represents him somewhat -later in life, with a beard. He died Sept. 4, 1874. There are accounts -of Wyman in the same _Report_, by Asa Gray, who also made an address -on Wyman before the Boston Society of Nat. Hist. (cf. _Pop. Science -Monthly_, Jan., 1875), with commemorations by O. W. Holmes (_Atlantic -Monthly_, Nov., 1874, and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xiv. 4), by F. W. -Putnam in the _Proc. Amer. Acad._ with a list of his publications; by -Packard in the _Mem. Nat. Acad._, and B. G. Wilder (_Old and New_, -Nov., 1874).] - -These accumulations are known usually in America as shell heaps, and -it is generally characteristic of them that, while they contain pottery -and bone implements, the stone instruments are far less numerous, -and generally occur in the upper layers in those of Florida, but -they are scattered through all the layers in those of New England. -Professor Jeffries Wyman, whose name is in this country particularly -associated with shell-heap investigations, could not find[1684] that -any one had in the scientific spirit called attention to the subject -in America earlier than Caleb Atwater in the _Archæologia Americana_ -(vol. i., 1820), who had observed such deposits on the Muskingum River -in Ohio. They had not passed unnoticed, however, by some of the early -explorers. Putnam (_Essex Inst. Bulletin_, xv. 86) notes that J. T. -Ducatel observed those on the Chesapeake in 1834. The earliest more -particular mention of the inland mounds seem to have been made in -Prinz Maximilian’s _Travels in the United States_.[1685] Foster, in -his _Prehistoric Races of the U. S._ (ch. 4,—a special survey of the -American heaps), says that Professor Vanuxem was the first to describe -the sea-side mounds in 1841, in the _Proc. Amer. Asso. Geologists_ (i. -22).[1686] - -[Illustration: SHELL HEAPS ON CAPE COD.] - -There has been as yet little found in America from which to develop -the evidence of early man from any lake or river dwellings, while -so much has been done in Europe.[1687] In some parts of Florida the -Indians are reported to have built houses on piles; and in South -America tree-houses and those on platforms are well known. Mr. Hilborne -T. Cresson has reported (_Peabody Mus. Rept_., xxii. for 1888) the -discovery of pile ends in the Delaware River, and has shown that two of -these river stations are earlier than the third, as is evident from the -rude implements of argillite found in the two when compared with those -discovered in the third, where implements of jasper and quartz and -fragments of pottery were associated with those of argillite. - -[Illustration: PUEBLO REGION. - -From a map, “Originalkarte der Urwohnsitze der Azteken und Verwandten -Pueblos in New Mexico, zusammengestellt von O. Loew,” in Petermann’s -_Mittheilungen über wichtige neue Erforschungen auf dem Gesammtgebiete -der Geographie_, xxii. (1876), table xii. The small dotted circles -stand for inhabited pueblos; those with a perpendicular line -attached are ruins; and when this perpendicular line is crossed it -is a Mexicanized pueblo. See the map in Powell’s _Second Rept. Bur. -Ethnol._ (1880-81) p. 318, which marks the several classes: inhabited, -abandoned, ruined pueblos, cavate houses, cliff houses, and tower -houses.] - -The earliest discoveries of the cliff houses of the Colorado region -were made by Lieut. J. H. Simpson, and his descriptions appeared in his -_Journal of a Military Reconnoissance_, in 1849.[1688] No considerable -addition was made to our knowledge of the cliff dwellers till in -1874-75, when special parties of the Hayden Geological Survey were -sent to explore them (_Hayden’s Report_, 1876), whence we got accounts -of those of southwestern Colorado by W. H. Holmes, including the -cavate-houses and cliff-dwellers of the San Juan, the Mancos, and the -ruins in the McElmo cañon.[1689] W. H. Jackson gives a revised account -of his 1874 expedition in the _Bulletin_ of the Survey (vol. ii. no. -1), adding thereto an account of his explorations of 1875. Jackson also -gives a chapter on the ruins of the Chaco cañon.[1690] - - * * * * * - -In coming to the class of ruins lying in a few instances just within, -but mostly to the north of, the Mexican line, we encounter the Pueblo -race, whose position in the ethnological chart is not quite certain, -be their connection with the Nahuas and Aztecs,[1691] or with the -moundbuilders,—red Indian if they be,—or with the cliff-dwellers, as -perhaps is the better opinion. Their connection with savage nations -farther north is not wholly determinable, as Morgan allows, on physical -and social grounds, and perhaps not as definitely settled by their -architecture as Cushing seems to think.[1692] - -The Spaniard early encountered these ruins,[1693] and perhaps the -best summary of the growth of our knowledge of them by successive -explorations is in Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, iv. ch. 11.[1694] In the -century after the Spanish conquest, we have one of the best accounts -in the _Memorial_ of Fray Alonso Benavides, published at Madrid in -1630.[1695] The most famous of the ruins of this region, the Casa -Grande of the Gila Valley in Arizona,[1696] is supposed to have been -seen (1540) by Coronado, then in a state of ruin; but we get no clear -description till that given by Padre Mange, who accompanied Padre Kino -to see the ruins in 1697.[1697] - -There are few descriptions[1698] of the antiquities of this country -previous to the military examination of it which was made during the -Mexican War. Such is recorded in W. H. Emory’s _Notes of a Military -Reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth in Missouri to San Diego in -California_,[1699] which gives us some of the earliest representations -of these antiquities, including the ruins of Pecos.[1700] In 1849, -Col. Washington, the governor of New Mexico, organized an expedition -against the Navajos, and Lieut. James H. Simpson gives us the first -detailed account of the Chaco cañon in his _Journal of a Military -Reconnoissance_ (Philad., 1852).[1701] He also covered (p. 90), among -the other ruins of this region, the old and present habitations of the -Zuñi, but these received in some respects more detailed examination -in Capt. L. Sitgreave’s _Report of an Expedition down the Zuñi and -Colorado rivers_ (Washington, 1853),[1702] accompanied by a map and -other illustrations.[1703] New channels of information were opened -when the United States government undertook to make surveys (1853) for -a trans-continental line of railways; and a great deal of material is -embodied in Whipple’s report on the Indian tribes in the _Pacific R. R. -Reports_, vol. iii. The running of the boundary line between the United -States and Mexico also contributed to our knowledge. The commissioner -during 1850-53 was John Russell Bartlett, who, on the failure of the -government promptly to publish his report, printed his _Personal -narrative of explorations and incidents_ (N. Y., 1854), and made in -some parts of it an important contribution to our knowledge of the -antiquities of this region.[1704] - -No considerable advance was now made in this study for about a score -of years. Major Powell first published his account of his adventurous -exploration (1869) of the Colorado cañon in _Scribner’s Monthly_ (Jan., -Feb., Mar.) in 1875, and it was followed by his official _Exploration -of the Colorado River_ (Washington, 1875), making known the existence -of ruins in the cañon’s gloomy depths. The _Reports_ of the U. S. -Geological Survey, including the accounts by W. H. Jackson and W. H. -Holmes, give much valuable and original information; and a good deal of -what has been included in the _Reports of the Chief of Engineers_ (U. -S. Army) for 1875 and 1876 will also be found in the seventh volume, -edited by F. W. Putnam, of _Wheeler’s Survey_,[1705] including the -pueblos of Acoma, Taos, San Juan, and the ruin[1706] on the Animas -River. - -The latest examinations of these Pueblo remains, of which we have -published accounts, are those made by A. F. Bandelier for the -Archæological Institute of America. He has given his results in his -“Historical introduction to studies among the sedentary Indians of New -Mexico,” and in his “Report on the ruins of Pecos,” which constitutes -the initial volume of _Papers, American series_, of the Institute -(Boston, 1881).[1707] He believes Pecos to be Cicuye, visited by -Alvarado in 1541,—a huge pile with 585 compartments, finally abandoned -in 1840. In October, 1880, he examined the region west of Santa Fé -(_Second Rept. Archæol. Inst._). His explorations also determined -the eastern limits of the sedentary occupation of New Mexico (_Fifth -Report_). He renewed his studies in 1882 (_First Bull. Archæol. Inst._, -Jan., 1883), and thought the ruins showed successive occupiers, and -divides them into cave dwellings, cliff houses, one-story buildings, -and those of more than one, with each higher one retreating from the -front of the next lower. - -[Illustration: THE PUEBLO REGION. - -A reduction of the map accompanying Bandelier’s report on his -investigations in New Mexico, in the _Fifth Rept. of the Archæological -Institute of America_ (Cambridge, 1884).] - -The most essential sources of information have thus been enumerated, -but there is not a little fugitive and comprehensive treatment of -the subject worth the student’s attention who follows a course of -investigation.[1708] - - * * * * * - -The literature of the moundbuilders, and of the controversies arising -out of the mysterious relics of their life, is commensurate with the -very wide extent of territory covered by their traces.[1709] It was -long before any intelligent notice was taken of the mounds by those who -traversed the wilderness. De Soto, in 1540, could get no traditions -concerning them beyond the assurances that the peoples he encountered -had built them, or some of them. We read of them also in Garcilasso -de la Vega, Biedma and the Knight of Elvas, on the Spanish side; but -on the French at a later day we learn little or nothing from Joutel, -Tonti, and Hennepin, though something from Du Pratz, La Harpe and some -of the missionaries. Kalm,[1710] the Swede, in 1749, was about the -first to make any note of them. Carver found them near Lake Pepin in -1768. In 1772 the missionary David Jones[1711] made observations upon -those in Ohio. Adair did not wholly overlook them in his _American -Indians_ in 1775. Prof. James Dunbar, of Aberdeen, in his _Essays on -the history of mankind in rude and uncultivated ages_ (Lond., 1780), -uses what little Kalm and Carver afforded. Jefferson in his _Notes on -Virginia_ (1782) speaks of them as barrows “all over the country,” and -“obvious repositories of the dead.”[1712] Arthur Lee makes reference -to them in 1784. A map of the Northwest Territory, published by John -Fitch about 1785, places in the territory which is now Wisconsin the -following legend: “This country has once been settled by a people -more expert in the art of war than the present inhabitants. Regular -fortifications, and some of these incredibly large, are frequently -to be found. Also many graves and towers like pyramids of earth.” In -1786 Franklin thought the works at Marietta might have been built -by De Soto; and Noah Webster, in a paper in Roberts’ _Florida_, -assented.[1713] B. S. Barton, in his _Observations in some parts of -Natural History_ (London, 1787), credited the Toltecs with building -them, whom he considered the descendants of the Danes. - -As the century draws to a close, we find occasional and rather -bewildered expression of interest in the _Observations on the Ancient -Mounds_ by Major Jonathan Heart;[1714] in the _Missions_ of Loskiel; -in the _New Views_ of Dr. Smith Barton; in the _Carolina_ of William -Bartram; and in the travels of Volney. In 1794 Winthrop Sargent -reported in the _Amer. Philos. Soc. Trans._, iv., on the exploration of -the mounds at Cincinnati. The present century soon elicited a variety -of observations, but there was little of practical exploration. A New -England minister, Thaddeus Mason Harris, passed judgment upon those in -Ohio, when he journeyed thither in 1803.[1715] The commissioner of the -United States to run the Florida boundary, Andrew Ellicott, describes -some near Natchez in his _Journal_ (1803). Bishop Madison communicated -through Professor Barton some opinions about those in Western Virginia, -which appear in the _Transaction_ of the American Philosophical -Society, taking different grounds from Dr. Harris, who had thought them -works of defence. The explorations of Lewis and Clark (1804-6) up the -Missouri, and of Pike (1805-7) up the Mississippi, produced little. -Robin, the French naturalist, in 1805,[1716] Major Stoddard[1717] -and Breckenridge[1718] later, saw some in Louisiana, Missouri, and -Illinois. A leading periodical, _The Portfolio_, contributed something -to the common stock in 1810 and 1814, giving plans of some of the -mounds. Those in Ohio were again the subject of inquiry by F. Cuming in -his _Sketches of a Tour to the Western Country_ (Pittsburg, 1810), and -by Dr. Daniel Drake in his _Picture of Cincinnati and the Miami Valley_ -(Cinn., 1815). John Heckewelder, the Moravian missionary, accounted for -the ancient fortifications through the traditions of the Delawares, -who professed once to have inhabited this country, but it has been -suspected that the worthy missionary was imposed upon.[1719] DeWitt -Clinton, in 1811, before the New York Historical Society, and again in -1817, before the Literary and Philosophical Society of New York, had -given some theories in which the Scandinavians figured as builders of -the mounds in that State. - -It was thus at a time when there was much speculation and not much -real experimental knowledge respecting these remains that, under the -auspices of the then newly founded American Antiquarian Society, -Mr. Caleb Atwater, of Ohio, was employed to explore and survey a -considerable number of these works. He embodied his results in the -initial volume of the publication of that society, the _Archæologia -Americana_.[1720] After pointing out scattered evidences of the traces -of European peoples, found in coins and other relics throughout the -country, Atwater proceeds to his description of the earthworks, mainly -of Ohio; and beside giving many plans,[1721] he enters into the -question of their origin, and expresses a belief in the Asiatic origin -of their builders, and in their subsequent migration south to lay, as -he thinks, the foundations of the Mexican and Peruvian civilizations. - -[Illustration: COL. CHARLES WHITTLESEY. - -After a photograph kindly furnished by the Hon. C. C. Baldwin, of -Cleveland, Ohio, who has printed a memorial of his friend with a list -of his writings in _Tract 68 of the Western Reserve Hist. Soc._] - -During the next twenty-five years there cannot be said to have been -much added to a real knowledge of the subject. Yates and Moulton in -their _Hist. New York_ (1824) borrowed mainly from Kirkland (1788) -the missionary. Humboldt had no personal contact with the remains to -give his views any value (1825). Warden in his _Recherches_ (1827) -gave some new plans and rearranged the old descriptions. There was -some sober observation in M’Culloh’s _Researches_ (3d ed., 1829); some -far from sober in Rafinesque (1838); some compiled descriptions with -worthless comment in Josiah Priest’s _American Antiquities_ (Albany, -1838); something like scientific deductions in S. G. Morton’s study of -the few moundbuilders’ skulls then known, in his _Cranea Americana_ -(1839); with an attempt at summing up in Delafield (1839) and Bradford -(1841). This is about all that had been added to what Atwater did, when -E. G. Squier and E. H. Davis eclipsed all labors preceding theirs, and -began the series of the _Smithsonian Contributions_ with their _Ancient -Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_ (Washington, 1847 and 1848).[1722] -During the preceding two years they had opened over two hundred mounds, -and explored about a hundred earthwork enclosures, and had gathered a -considerable collection of specimens of moundbuilders’ relics.[1723] -They had begun their work under the auspices of the American -Ethnological Society, but the cost of the production of the volume -exceeded the society’s resources, and the transfer was made to the -Smithsonian Institution. The work took a commanding position at once, -and still remains of essential value, though some of the grounds of its -authors are not acceptable to present observers; and indeed in his work -on the mounds of New York, which the Smithsonian Institution included -in the second volume of their _Contributions_, Squier found occasion to -alter some of his opinions in his earlier work, or at least to ascribe -the mounds of that State to the Iroquois. The third volume of the same -_Contributions_ (1852) introduces to us one of the ablest of the local -investigators in a paper by Charles Whittlesey, of “Descriptions of -Ancient Works in Ohio,”—the forerunner of numerous papers which he has -given to the public in elucidation of the mounds.[1724] Three years -later (1855), in the seventh volume of the _Smithsonian Contributions_, -a new field in the emblematic and animal mounds of the northwest -was for the first time brought to any considerable extent to public -attention in the paper by Increase A. Lapham, on the “Antiquities of -Wisconsin.” Lapham had made his explorations under the auspices of the -American Antiquarian Society,[1725] and his manuscript had been revised -by Haven, when it was decided to consign it for publication to the -Smithsonian Institution. - -[Illustration: INCREASE A. LAPHAM. - -Engraved from a photograph dated 1863, kindly furnished by his friend, -Prof. J. D. Whitney. Lapham died in 1875. Cf. _Amer. Journal of -Science_, x. 320; xi. 326, 333; _Trans. Wisc. Acad. Science_, iii. 264.] - -The animal mounds had been indeed earlier mentioned, and the great -serpent mound of Ohio had long attracted attention; but it was in the -territory now known as Wisconsin that these mounds were found chiefly -to abound. Long, in 1823, speaks of mounds in this region; but the -forest coverings seem to have prevented any observer detecting their -shapes till Lapham first noted this peculiarity in 1836. In April, -1838, R. C. Taylor was the earliest to figure them in the _Amer. -Journal of Science_ (Silliman’s), and again they were described by S. -Taylor in _Ibid._, 1842. Prof. John Locke referred to them in a _Report -on the mineral lands of the United States_, made to Congress in 1844. -William Pidgeon, who had been a trader among the Indians, published in -his _Traditions of De-coo-dah, and Antiquarian researches: comprising -extensive exploration, surveys and excavations of the Mound Builders in -America; the traditions of the last Prophet of the Elk Nation, relative -to their origin and use, and the evidences of an ancient population -more numerous than the present Aborigines_ (N. Y., 1853; again 1858) -what he pretended was in large part the results of his intercourse -with an Indian chief, involving some theories as to the symbolism of -the mounds. The book contained so many palpable perversions, not to -say undisguised fictions, that the Smithsonian Institution refused to -publish it;[1726] and the book has never gained any credit, though some -unguarded writers have unwittingly borrowed from it.[1727] - -In the eighth volume of the _Smithsonian Contributions_,[1728] Haven, -the librarian of the Amer. Antiq. Soc., summed up the results of mound -exploration as they then stood. The steady and circumspect habit of -Haven’s mind was conspicuous in his treatment of the mounds. It is -to him that the later advocates of the identity of their builders -with the race of the red Indians look as the first sensibly to affect -public opinion in the matter.[1729] He argued against their being a -more advanced race (p. 154), and in his _Report_ of the Am. Antiq. -Soc., in 1877 (p. 37), he held that it might yet be proved that the -moundbuilders and red Indians were one in race, as M’Culloh had already -suggested. - -At the time when Haven was first intimating (1856) that this view -might yet become accepted, it was doubtless held to be best established -that those who built the mounds were quite another race from those -who lived among them when Europeans first knew the country. The fact -that the Indians had no tradition of their origin was held to be -almost conclusive, though it is alleged that the southern Indians in -later times retained no recollections of the expedition of De Soto, -and Dr. Brinton thinks that it is common for Indian traditions to die -out.[1730] It is not till recent years that any considerable number of -moundbuilder skulls have been known, and from the scant data which the -early craniologists had, their opinion seems to have coincided with -those in favor of a vanished race.[1731] It was a favorite theory, not -yet wholly departed, that they were in some way connected with the more -southern peoples, the Pueblo Indians, the Aztecs, or the Peruvians; -either that they came from them, or migrated south and became one with -them.[1732] The bolder theory, that we see their descendants in the red -Indians, is perhaps gaining ground, and it has had the support of the -Bureau of Ethnology and some able expounders.[1733] - -[Illustration: THE GREAT SERPENT MOUND. - -This follows a survey given in Squier’s _Serpent Symbol_ (N. Y., -1851), p. 137. It is criticised by Putnam in _Peabody Museum Reports_, -xviii. 348, and _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1883. Putnam has -recently purchased over sixty acres about the effigy, which is to -be held by the trustees of the Peabody Museum as a park (_Repts._, -xxi. 14); and his recent explorations show that the projections in -the side of the head (shaded dark in the cut) are not a part of the -construction. He also finds two distinct periods of occupation in this -region, to the oldest of which he attributes this work (_Peab. Mus. -Rept._ 1888). W. H. Holmes made a survey in 1886 (_Amer. Antiquarian_, -May, 1887, ix. 141; _Science_, viii. 624, Dec. 31, 1886). Cf. J. P. -MacLean, in _Amer. Antiquarian_, vii. 44, and his _Moundbuilders_, p. -56; Baldwin’s _Anc. America_, 29. T. H. Lewis describes a snake mound -in Minnesota (_Science_, ix. 393). On the serpent symbol see S. D. -Peet, in _Amer. Antiquarian_, viii. 197; ix. 13, where he manifests a -somewhat omnivorous appetite.] - -Of the opposing theory of a disappeared race, Capt. Heart in reply to -Barton (_Amer. Philolog. Asso. Proc._ iii.) gave, as Thomas thinks, -“the earliest clear and distinct expression,” but Squier and Davis may -be considered as first giving it definite meaning; and though Squier -does not seem to have actually revoked this judgment as respects the -mounds in the Mississippi valley, he finally reached the conclusion -that those in New York were really the work of the Iroquois.[1734] -This ancient-race theory, sometimes amounting to a belief in their -autochthonous origin, has impressed the public through some of the -best known summaries of American antiquities, like those of Baldwin, -Wilson, and Short,[1735] and has been adopted by men of such reputation -as Lyell.[1736] The position taken by Professor F. W. Putnam, the -curator of the Peabody Museum of Archæology at Cambridge, is much like -that taken earlier by Warden in his _Recherches_, that both views -are, within their own limitations, correct, and, as Putnam expresses -it, “that many Indian tribes built mounds and earthworks is beyond -doubt; but that all the mounds and earthworks of North America are -by these same tribes, or their immediate ancestors, is not thereby -proved.”[1737] Thomas (_Fifth Report, Bureau Ethnol._) holds this -statement to be too vague. It is certainly shown in the whole history -of archæological study that uncompromising demarcations have sooner or -later to be abandoned. - -Morgan finds it difficult to dissociate the mounds with his favorite -theory of communal life.[1738] There is no readier way of marking the -development of opinion on this question than to follow the series -of the _Annual Reports_ of the Smithsonian Institution, as hardly -a year has passed since 1861 but these _Reports_ have had in them -contributions on the subject.[1739] Among periodicals, the more -constant attention to the mounds is conspicuous in the _American -Antiquarian_.[1740] - -The basis for estimating the age of the mounds is threefold. In the -first place, there are very few found on the last of the river terraces -to be reclaimed from the stream. In the second place, the decay of the -skeletons found in them can be taken as of some indication, if due -regard be had to the kind of earth in which they are buried. Third, -the age of trees upon them has been accepted as carrying them back a -certain period, at least, though this may widely vary, if you assume -their growth to be subsequent to the abandonment of the mounds, or -if, as Brinton holds,[1741] the trees were planted immediately upon -the building. The dependence upon counting the rings is by no means a -settled opinion as to all climes; but in the temperate zone the best -authorities place dependence upon it. Unfortunately it cannot carry us -back much over 600 years.[1742] - - * * * * * - -The early attempts to disclose the ethnological relations of the -moundbuilders on cranial evidence were embarrassed by the fewness -of the skulls then known. Morton (_Crania Americana_) called the -four examined by him identical with those of the red Indian.[1743] -At present, considerable numbers are available; but still Wilson -(_Prehistoric Man_, ii. 128) holds that “we lack sufficient data,” and -in the consideration of them sufficient care has not always been taken -to distinguish intrusive burials of a later date.[1744] - -J. W. Foster (_Prehist. Races_, ch. 8; _Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. -Trans._, 1872; and _Amer. Naturalist_, vi. 738) held to a lower type -of skull, on this evidence, than Wilson (_Prehist. Man_, ii. ch. 20) -contended for. There are examples of the wide difference of views -(MacLean, 142), when some, like Morgan, connect them with the Pueblo -skulls (_No. Amer. Rev._, cix., Oct., 1869), and others, like Morton, -Winchell, Wilson, Brasseur, and Foster, find their correspondences -in those of Mexico and Peru.[1745] Putnam, whose experience with -mound skulls is greatest of all, holds to the southern short head -and the northern long head (_Rept._ 1888). Probably we have no -better enumeration of the variety of objects and relics found in the -mounds, though much has since been added to the collection, than in -Rau’s _Catalogue of the Archæological Collection of the National -Museum_ (Washington, 1876).[1746] Unfortunately he shows little or -no discrimination between discoveries in the mounds and those of -the surface. The interest in such collections has naturally brought -prominently to the attention of every student of such collections -the tricks of fraudulent imitators, and there are several well-known -instances of protracted controversies on the genuineness of certain -relics.[1747] - -There remains in this survey of the literature of the mounds in -all their varieties, to go over it, finally, in relation to their -geographical distribution:[1748]— - -New England is almost destitute of these antiquities. The one that has -attracted some attention is what is described as a fortification in -Sanbornton, in New Hampshire, which when found was faced with stone -externally, and the walls were six feet thick and breast-high, when -described about one hundred and fifteen years ago. There is a plan -of it, with a descriptive account, preserved in the library of the -American Antiq. Society,[1749] and another plan and description in M. -T. Runnels’s _Hist. of Sanbornton_ (Boston, 1882), i. ch. 4. Squier -also figured it. - -[Illustration: CINCINNATI TABLET. - -After a cut in Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, i. 274, engraved from a -rubbing taken from the original. Wilson adds: “Mr. Whittlesey has -included this tablet among his Archæological Frauds; but the result -of inquiries made by me has removed from my mind any doubt of its -genuineness.” Cf. other cuts in M. C. Read, _Archæol. of Ohio_ (1888); -Squier and Davis, fig. 195; Short, p. 45; MacLean, 107; and _Second -Rept. Bur. of Ethnol._, pp. 133-34.] - -As we move westward, the mounds begin to be numerous in the State -of New York, and particularly in the western part of it. One of the -earliest descriptions of them, after that of the missionary Kirkland -(about 1788), is in the “Journal of the Rev. John Taylor while on -a mission through the Mohawk and Black River Country in 1802,” -which was first printed, with plans of the works examined, in the -_Documentary Hist. New York_ (vol. iii. quarto ed.). In 1818 DeWitt -Clinton published at Albany his _Memoir on the Antiquities of the -western part of New York_, in which he attributes their origin to -the Scandinavians.[1750] They were again described in David Thomas’s -_Travels through the western country in 1816_ (Auburn, 1819). There is -not much else to note for twenty-five years. In 1845, Schoolcraft made -to the N. Y. Senate his _Report on the Census of the Iroquois Indians_ -(Albany and N. Y., 1846, 1847, 1848), which is better known, perhaps, -in the trade edition, _Notes on the Iroquois; or Contributions to the -Statistics, Aboriginal History, Antiquities and General Ethnology -of Western New York_ (N. Y. 1846). In 1850, the _Third Report_ of -the Regents of the University of the State of N. Y. contains F. B. -Hough’s paper on the earthwork enclosures in the State, with cuts. -The same year (1850) came the essential authority on the New York -mounds, E. G. Squier’s _Aboriginal Monuments of the State of N. Y., -comprising the results of original surveys and explorations, with an -illustrative appendix_ (Washington, 1850), which the next year made -part of the second volume of the _Smithsonian Contributions_.[1751] He -enumerates in New York about 250 defensive structures, beside burial -mounds and in his appendix describes those in New Hampshire and some in -Pennsylvania.[1752] Some new explorations of the New York mounds were -made in 1859 by T. Apoleon Cheney, who describes them, giving plans and -cuts, in the _Thirteenth Report_ of the Regents of the University.[1753] - -[Illustration: ANCIENT WORKS ON THE MUSKINGUM. - -Reduced from an early engraving in T. M. Harris’s _Journal of a Tour -into the territory northwest of the Alleghany, 1803_ (Boston, 1805). -Harris’s plan in relation to the new town of Marietta is given in Vol. -VII. p. 540. To follow down the plans chronologically, we find that of -Winthrop Sargent, communicated to the Amer. Academy in 1787, reproduced -in their _Memoirs_, new ser. v. part i. The _Columbian Mag._, May, -1787, vol. i. 425, and the _N. Y. Mag._ (1791) had plans. One was in -Schultz’s _Travels_ (1807), 146. Atwater, of course, gave one in 1820. -A survey by S. Dewitt, 1822, is in Josiah Priest’s _Amer. Antiquities_, -3d ed., Albany, 1833. Others are in the _Amer. Pioneer_, Oct., 1842, -June 1843, and in S. P. Hildreth’s _Pioneer History_, 212 (Jan., 1843). -Whittlesey made the survey in Squier and Davis (who also give a colored -view), and it is reduced in Foster. Cf. also _Amer. Antiquarian_, Jan., -1880; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, 1885, p. 547; Henry A. Shepard’s _Antiquities -of Ohio_ (Cinn., 1887); Nadaillac’s _L’Amérique préhistorique_, 105, -and _Les prem. Hommes_, ii. 33.] - -It was, however, in Ohio that the interest in these mounds was first -incited, and that the more thorough exploration has been made.[1754] -The earliest pioneers reported upon them. Cutler described them in -1789 in a letter to Jeremy Belknap.[1755] Benj. S. Barton described a -mound at Cincinnati in 1799.[1756] Dr. Harris in 1805 was seemingly -the earliest traveller to note them in _Journal of a Tour_, where he -gives one of the earliest engravings. A plan of those at Circleville, -with description by J. Kilbourne, is given in the _Ohio Gazetteer_ -(Columbus, 1817). Caleb Atwater, in 1820, was more familiar with them -than with others of his broader field. Warden in his _Recherches_ -noted the early describers. Gen. Harrison discussed the mounds in his -_Discourse on the Aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio_ (Cincinnati, -1838). Squier and Davis, of course, brought them within their -range,[1757] and Col. Whittlesey supplemented their work in the third -volume of the _Smithsonian Contributions_. Whittlesey and Matthew C. -Read contributed the Report on the Archæology of Ohio, which forms -the second portion of the _Final Report of the Ohio State Board of -Centennial Managers_ (Columbus, 1877), and in it is a list of the -ancient enclosures, which is not, as Short says (p. 82), as complete -as it should be. A survey of the mounds was made by E. B. Andrews, -and published in the _Peabody Mus. Repts._ (no. x.), 1877. The Ohio -State Archæological and Historical Society started in June, 1887, the -_Ohio archæological and historical Quarterly_, which has vigorously -entered the field, and in it (March, 1888) G. F. Wright has reported -on the present condition of the mounds. M. C. Read’s _Archæology of -Ohio_ (Cleveland, 1888) was published by the Western Reserve Historical -Society, whose series of Tracts is of importance for the study of the -mounds.[1758] Henry A. Shepard’s _Antiquities of the State of Ohio_ -(Cincinnati, 1887) summarizes the discoveries to date.[1759] Thomas -(_Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol._) claims that the Ohio mounds were built -by Indians, but not by the Indians, nor by the ancestors of them, who -inhabited this region at the coming of the whites; but by an Indian -race driven south, of whom he finds the modern representatives in the -Cherokees. - -[Illustration: MAP OF A SECTION OF TWELVE MILES _of the_ SCIOTO VALLEY. -_WITH ITS_ ANCIENT MONUMENTS. - -_LITH. OF SARONY & MAJOR, 117, FULTON ST. N. Y._ - -From E. G. Squier’s _Aboriginal Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_ -(N. Y., 1847), taken from _Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, ii. The letters -A, B, C, etc. mark the ancient works. Enclosures are shown by broken -lines. The mounds are designated by small dots. Some of the best maps -which we have showing the geographical positions of groups of mounds -accompany Thomas’s paper in the _Fifth Rept., Bur. Ethnol._] - -The works at Marietta, on the Muskingum River, were the earliest -observed. Taking the southern and southeastern counties, there are -no very conspicuous examples elsewhere, though the region is well -dotted with earthworks.[1760] Those at Cincinnati were, after those at -Marietta, the earliest to be noticed.[1761] The adjacent Little Miami -Valley is the region which Professor Putnam and Dr. Metz have been of -late so successfully working.[1762] - -[Illustration: THE WORKS AT NEWARK, OHIO. - -After a cut in Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, i. 269, made from surveys -“executed while the chief earthworks could still be traced in all -their integrity;” and they “illustrate rites and customs of an ancient -American people, without a parallel among the monumental memorials of -the old world.” Cf. Atwater, Warden, Squier and Davis, and MacLean.] - -Of all the works in the central portions of Ohio, and indeed of all -in any region, those at Newark, in Licking County, are the most -extensive, and have been often described.[1763] In the east[1764] and -west[1765] there are other of these earthworks; but those in the north -have been particularly examined by Col. Whittlesey and others.[1766] -The enclosure called Fort Azatlan, at Merom on the Wabash River, is -the most noticeable in Indiana.[1767] In Illinois, the great Cahokia -truncated pyramid, 700 feet long by 500 wide and 90 high, is the most -important.[1768] - -Henry Gillman, of Detroit, has been the leading writer on the mounds -of Michigan.[1769] The supposed connection of their builders with the -ancient copper mines of Lake Superior is considered in another place. -Thomas (_Fifth Rept., Bur. Ethnol._) contends that much of the copper -found in the mounds was of European make, and had no relation to any -aboriginal mining. - -Wisconsin is the central region of what are known as the animal, -effigy, symbolic, or emblematic mounds. Mention has been made elsewhere -of the earliest notices of this kind of earthwork. The most extensive -examination of them is the _Antiquities of Wisconsin as surveyed and -described by I. A. Lapham_ (Washington, 1855), with a map showing the -sites.[1770] The consideration of these effigy mounds has given rise to -various theories regarding their significance, whether as symbols or -to totems.[1771] It is Thomas’s conclusion that the effigy mounds and -the burial mounds of Wisconsin were the work of the same people (_Fifth -Rept., Bur. Ethnol._). - -The existence of what is called an elephant or mastodon mound in Grant -County has been sometimes taken to point to the age of those extinct -animals as that of the erection of the mounds.[1772] Putnam, referring -to the confined area in which these effigy mounds are found, says that -the serpent mound, the alligator mound,[1773] and Whittlesey’s effigy -mound in Ohio, and two bird mounds in Georgia,[1774] are the only other -works in North America to which they are at all comparable.[1775] - -When Lewis and Clark explored the Missouri River in 1804-6, they -discovered mounds in different parts of its valley; but their -statements were not altogether confirmed till the parties of the United -States surveyors traversed the region after the civil war, as is -particularly shown in Hayden’s _Geological Survey, 6th Rept._, in 1872. -Within the present State of Missouri the mounds which have attracted -most notice are those near the modern St. Louis.[1776] In Iowa (Clayton -County) there is said to be the largest group of effigy mounds west -of the Mississippi.[1777] The mounds of Iowa and the neighboring -region are also discussed by Thomas in the _Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol._ -O. H. Kelley has reported on the remains of an ancient town in -Minnesota.[1778] In Kansas there is little noticeable,[1779] and there -is not much to record in Dacotah,[1780] Utah,[1781] California,[1782] -and Montana.[1783] We find scant accounts of the mounds in Oregon and -Washington in the narrative of the Wilkes Exploring Expedition and -in the earlier story of Lewis and Clark. Some of the mounds are of -doubtful artificiality.[1784] - -Along the lower portion of the Mississippi, but not within three -hundred miles of its mouth, we find in Louisiana other mound -constructions, but not of unusual significance.[1785] - -The first effigy mound, a bear, which was observed south of the Ohio, -is near an old earthwork in Greenup County, Kentucky.[1786] The mounds -of this State early attracted notice.[1787] Bishop Madison[1788] -thought them sepulchral rather than military. In the _Western Review_ -(Dec., 1819) one was described near Lexington. Rafinesque added a -not very sane account of them to Marshall’s _History of Kentucky_, -in 1824, which was also published separately, and since then all the -general histories of Kentucky have given some attention to these -antiquities.[1789] - -In Tennessee we find in connection with the earthworks the stone -graves, which the explorations of Putnam, about ten years ago, brought -into prominence.[1790] The chief student of the aboriginal mounds -in Georgia has been Col. C. C. Jones, Jr., who has been writing on -the subject for nearly forty years.[1791] The mounds in the State of -Mississippi, as including the region of the Natchez Indians, derive -some added interest because of the connection sometimes supposed -to exist between them and the race of the mounds.[1792] The same -characteristics of the mounds extend into Alabama.[1793] The mounds in -Florida attracted the early notice of John and William Bartram, and -are described by them in their _Travels_, and have been dwelt upon -by later writers.[1794] The seaboard above Georgia has not much of -interest.[1795] Concerning the mounds along the Canadian belt there is -hardly more to be said.[1796] - - * * * * * - -Lubbock classes the signs of successive periods in North America thus: -original barbarism, mounds, garden beds, and then the relapse into -barbarism of the red Indian. The agricultural age thus follows that of -the mound erection, in his view, though, as Putnam says, there seems -enough evidence that the constructors of the old earthworks were an -agricultural race.[1797] - - * * * * * - -There is another class of relics which, outside the hieroglyphics of -Central America, has as yet had little comprehensive study, though the -general books on American archæology enumerate some of the inscriptions -on rocks, which are so widely scattered throughout the continent.[1798] - -Out of all this discussion has risen the new science of Anthropology, -broad enough in its scope to include not only archæology in its -general acceptation, but to sweep into its range of observation -various aspects of ethnology and of geology. It is a new science -as at present formulated; but under other conditions it is traced -from its origin with the ancients in a paper by T. Bendyshe in the -_Memoirs of the Anthropological Society of London_ (vol. i. 335). -Its progress in America is treated by O. T. Mason in the _American -Naturalist_ (xiv. 348; xv. 616). The most approved methods of modern -research are explained in Emil Schmidt’s _Anthropologische Methoden; -Anleitung zum beobachten und sammeln für Laboratorium und Reise_ -(Leipzig, 1888). “The methods of archæological investigation are as -trustworthy as those of any natural science,” says Lubbock (_Scientific -Lectures_, 139). Beside the publications of the various Archæological, -Anthropological, and Ethnological Societies and Congresses[1799] -of both hemispheres, we find for Europe a considerable centre of -information in the _Materiaux pour l’histoire primitive et naturelle -(philosophique) de l’homme_,[1800] and for America in the publications -of the Smithsonian Institution,[1801] in the _Comptes rendus_ of the -successive Congresses of Américanistes, and in such periodicals as the -_American Antiquarian_, the _American Anthropologist_, and the _Folk -Lore Journal_. - -[Illustration: MAJOR POWELL.] - -The broad subject of prehistoric archæology is covered in a paper -by Lubbock, which is included in his _Scientific Lectures_ (Lond., -1879);[1802] in H. M. Westropp’s _Prehistoric Phases, or Introductory -Essays on Prehistoric Archæology_ (Lond., 1872); in Stevens’s _Flint -Chips_ (1870); by Dr. Brinton in the _Iconographic Encyclopædia_, vol. -ii.; and more popularly in Charles F. Keary’s _Dawn of History, an -introd. to prehistoric study_ (N. Y., 1879), and in Davenport Adams’s -_Beneath the Surface, or the Underground World_. - -The French have contributed a corresponding literature in Louis -Figuier’s _L’Homme Primitif_ (Paris, 1870);[1803] in Zaborowski’s -_L’homme préhistorique_ (Paris, 1878); and in the Marquis de -Nadaillac’s _Les premiers hommes et les temps préhistoriques_ (Paris, -1881), and his _Mœurs et monuments des peuples préhistoriques_ (Paris, -1888), not to mention others.[1804] - -The principal comprehensive works covering the prehistoric period in -North America, are J. T. Short’s _North Americans of Antiquity_ (N. -Y., 1879, and later); the _L’Amérique préhistorique_ of Nadaillac -(Paris, 1883);[1805] Foster’s _Prehistoric Races of the United States_ -(Chicago, 1873; 6th ed., 1887); and the compact popular _Ancient -America_ (N. Y., 1871) of John D. Baldwin. Beside Bancroft’s _Native -Races_, there are various treatises of confined nominal scope, but -covering in some degree the whole North American field, which are noted -in other pages.[1806] - -The purely ethnological aspects of the American side of the subject -are summarily surveyed in A. H. Keane’s “Ethnology of America,” -appended to Stanford’s _Compendium of Geography, Cent. America_, -etc. (London, 2nd ed., 1882), and there are papers on Ethnographical -Collections in the _Smithsonian Report_ (1862).[1807] The great -repository of material, however, is in the _Contributions to North -American Ethnology_, being a section of Major Powell’s _Survey of the -Rocky Mountain Region_, and in the _Annual Reports_ of the Bureau of -Ethnology since 1879, made under Major Powell’s directions, and in the -_Reports of the Peabody Museum_.[1808] - - - - -APPENDIX. - -I. - -BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ABORIGINAL AMERICA. - -_By the Editor._ - - -THE student will find a general survey of “Les Sources de l’histoire -anté-Colombienne du nouveau monde, par Léon de Rosny,” in the _Revue -Orientale et Américaine_ (_Mém. de la soc. d’ethnographie_) _session -de 1877_ (p. 139). Bancroft in his _Native Races_ (v. 136) makes a -similar grouping of the classes of sources relating to the primitive -Americans.[1809] These classes are defined in Daniel G. Brinton’s -_Review of the data for the study of the prehistoric chronology of -America_ (Salem, 1887), from the _Proceedings of the Amer. Asso. for -the Advancement of Science_ (vol. xxxvi.), as conveniently divided into -groups pertaining to legendary, monumental, industrial, linguistic, -physical, and geological phenomena. - -There have been given in the Introduction of the present volume the -titles of general bibliographies of American histories, most of which -include more or less of the titles pertaining to aboriginal times. -It is the purpose of the present brief essay to enumerate, in an -approximately chronological order, the titles of some of those and of -others which are useful to the archæologist. So far as they are of -service to the student of the American languages, an extended list will -be found prefixed to Pilling’s _Proof-Sheets_ (p. xi). - -The earliest American bibliography was that of Antonio de Leon, -usually called Pinelo,—_Epitome de la Biblioteca oriental y occidental -náutica y Geográfica_ (Madrid, 1629),—but which is usually found in -the edition of Gonzales de Barcía, “Añadido y enmendado nuevamente” -(Paris, 1737-1738), in which the American titles, including numerous -manuscripts, are given in the second volume.[1810] - -The _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_ of Nicolás Antonio was first published -at Rome in 1672, but in a second edition at Madrid in 1783-88.[1811] - -Passing by the _Bibliotheca Mexicana_ of Eguiara y Eguren,[1812] and -the early edition of Beristain, we note the new edition of the latter, -prepared not by Juan Evangelista Guadalajara, as Brasseur notes,[1813] -but by another, as the title shows,—_Biblioteca Hispano-Americana -Septentrional, ó catalogo y noticia de los Literatos que ó nacidos, -ó educados, ó florecientes en la America Septentrional Española, han -dado á luz algun escrito ó lo han dexado preparado para la prensa por -José Mariano Beristain y Martin de Souza. Segunda edicion, por Fortino -Hipólito Vera_ (Amecameca, 1883). - -Dr. Robertson intimates that the lists of books which writers of -the seventeenth century had been in the habit of prefixing to their -books as evidence of their industry had come to be regarded as an -ostentatious expression of their learning, and with some hesitancy he -counted out to the reader his 717 titles; but Clavigero, as elsewhere -pointed out,[1814] was richer in such resources. Humboldt, in his -_Vues_,[1815] gives a list of the authors which he cites. - -The class of dealers’ catalogues—we cite only such as have decided -bibliographical value—begins to be conspicuous in Paul Trömel’s -_Bibliothèque Américaine_ (Leipzig, 1861), the best of the German ones, -and in Charles Leclerc’s _Bibliotheca Americana_ (Paris, 1867), much -improved in his _Bibliotheca Americana. Histoire, géographie, voyages, -archéologie et linguistique des deux Amériques et des îles Philippines_ -(Paris, 1878), with later supplements, constituting the best of the -French catalogues, provided with an excellent index and a linguistic -table, rendered necessary by the classified plan of the list. - -The list formed by students in this field begins with the _Bibliotheca -Americana Vetustissima_ of Harrisse (New York, 1866; additions, Paris, -1872), and includes the _Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne, précédée -d’un coup d’œil sur les études américaines dans leurs rapports avec -les études classiques, et suivie du tableau, par ordre alphabétique, -des ouvrages de linguistique Américaine contenus dans le même volume_ -(Paris, 1871) of the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, who at that time had -been twenty-five years engaged in the studies and travels which led to -the gathering of his collection. The library, almost entire, was later -joined to that of Alphonse L. Pinart, and was included in the latter’s -_Catalogue de livres rares et précieux, manuscrits et imprimés_ (Paris, -1883). - -In 1866, Icazbalceta published at Mexico his _Apuntes para un Catálogo -de Escritores en lenguas indígenas de América_,[1816] but of his great -bibliographical work only one volume has as yet appeared: _Bibliografía -Américana del Siglo xvi. Primera parte_. _Catálogo razonado de libros -impresos en México de 1539 à 1600, con biografías de autores y otras -ilustraciones, precedido de una noticia acerca de la introducción de la -imprenta en México_ (México, 1886). - -Bandelier has embodied some of the results of his study in his “Notes -on the Bibliography of Yucatan and Central America,” in the _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., i. pp. 82-118. - -The catalogues of collections having special reference to aboriginal -America are the following:— - -_Catalogue de la Bibliothèque de José Maria Andrade, 7,000 pièces et -volumes, ayant rapport au Méxique ou imprimés dans ce pays_ (Leipzig, -1869).[1817] - -_Bibliotheca Mejicana_: _Books and manuscripts almost wholly relating -to the history and literature of North and South America, particularly -Mexico_ (London, 1869). This collection was formed by Augustin Fischer, -chaplain to the Emperor Maximilian; but there were added to the -catalogue some titles from the collection of Dr. C. H. Berendt. - -_Catalogue of the library of E. G. Squier, edited by Joseph Sabin_ (N. -Y., 1876). - -_Bibliotheca Mexicana, or A Catalogue of the library of the rare books -and important MSS. relating to Mexico and other parts of Spanish -America, formed by the late Señor Don José Fernando Ramirez_ (London, -1880). This catalogue was edited by the Abbé Fischer.[1818] - -The most useful guides to the literature of aboriginal America, -however, are some compiled in this country. First, the comprehensive -though not yet complete bibliography, Joseph Sabin’s _Dictionary of -books relating to America_, now being continued since Sabin’s death, -and with much skill, by Wilberforce Eames. Second, the voluminous -_Proof-sheets of a Bibliography of the languages of the North -American Indians_ (Washington, 1885), prepared by James Constantine -Pilling, tentatively, in a large quarto volume, distributed only to -collaborators, and out of which, with emendations and additions, he is -now publishing special sections of it, of which have already appeared -those relating to the Eskimo and Siouan tongues. His enumeration -so much exceeds the range of purely linguistic monographs that the -treatises become in effect general bibliographies of aboriginal America. - -Third, _An Essay towards an Indian bibliography, being a Catalogue -of books relating to the history, antiquities, languages, customs, -religion, wars, literature and origin of the American Indians, in the -library of Thos. W. Field, with bibliographical and historical notes -and synopses of the contents of some of the works least known_ (N. Y., -1873). The sale of Mr. Field’s library took place in New York, May, -1875, from a Catalogue not so elaborate, but still of use. These books -are not so accurately compiled as to be wholly trustworthy as final -resorts. - -Finally, the list prefixed to Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. i., -and the references of his foot-notes, throughout his five volumes -(condensed often in Short’s _North Americans of Antiquity_), are -on the whole the most serviceable aids to the general student, but -unfortunately the index of the set is of no use in searching for -bibliographical detail. - -The reader will remember that the bibliographies of sectional or -partial import in the field of American archæology are referred to -elsewhere in the present volume. - - - - -II. - -THE COMPREHENSIVE TREATISES ON AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. - -_By the Editor._ - - -AT the time when Bancroft published his _Native Races_ (1875), -he referred to John D. Baldwin’s _Ancient America_ (N. Y., 1871) -as the only preceding, comprehensive book on America before the -Spaniards.[1819] It still remains a convenient book of small compass; -but its absence of references to sources precludes its usefulness for -purposes of study, and it is not altogether abreast of the latest -views. To the popular element a moderate share of the indexical -character, rendering the book passably serviceable to the average -reader, has been added in the somewhat larger _North Americans -of Antiquity, their origin, migrations, and type of civilization -considered, by John T. Short_ (N. Y., 1880,—somewhat improved in later -editions), though it will be observed that the Peruvian and other -South American antiquities have not come within his plan. The latest -of these comprehensive books is the Marquis de Nadaillac’s (Jean F. -A. du Pouget’s) _L’Amérique préhistorique_ (Paris, 1883), which in an -English version by N. D’Anvers was published with the author’s sanction -in London in 1882. With revision and some modifications by W. H. -Dall, which have not met the author’s sanction, it was republished as -_Prehistoric America_ (N. Y., 1884). It is a work of more theoretical -tendency than the student wishes to find at the opening stage of his -inquiry. - -But as a compend of every department of archæological knowledge up to -about fifteen years ago no advance has yet been made upon Bancroft’s -_Native Races_ as indicative of every channel of investigation which -the student can pursue. Upon the monuments of the moundbuilders (iv. -ch. 13) and the antiquities of Peru (iv. ch. 14) the treatment is -condensed and without references, as occupying a field beyond his -primary purpose of covering the Pacific slope of North America and the -immediately adjacent regions. Mention is made elsewhere of Bancroft’s -methods of compilation, and it may suffice to say that in the five -volumes of his _Native Races_ he has drawn and condensed his matter -from the writings of about 1200 writers, whose titles he gives in a -preliminary list.[1820] The method of arranging the departments of the -work is perhaps too far geographical to be always satisfactory to the -special student,[1821] and he seems to be aware of it (for instance, i. -ch. 2); but it may be questioned if, while writing with, or engrafting -upon, an encyclopædic system, what might pass for a continuous -narrative, any more scientific plan would have been more successful. -Bancroft’s opinions are not always as satisfactory as his material. -The student who uses the _Native Races_ for its groups and references -will accordingly find a complemental service in Sir Daniel Wilson’s -_Prehistoric Man_ (London, 1876), in which the Toronto professor -conducts his “researches into the origin of civilization in the old and -the new world,” by primarily treating of the early American man, as the -readiest way of understanding early man in Europe. His system is to -connect man’s development topically in the directions induced by his -habits, industries, dwellings, art, records, migrations, and physical -characterizations. - -Another and older book, in some respects embodying like purposes, -and though produced at a time when archæological studies were much -less advanced than at present, is Alexander W. Bradford’s _American -Antiquities and researches into the origin and history of the red -race_ (N. Y., 1841).[1822] The first section of the book is strictly -a record of results; but in the final portion the author indulges -more in speculative inquiry. Even in this he has not transcended the -bounds of legitimate hypothesis, though some of his postulates will -hardly be accepted nowadays, as when he contends that the red Indians -are the degraded descendants of the people who were connected with the -so-called civilization of Central America.[1823] - -The periodical literature of a comprehensive sort is not so -extensive as treatments of special aspects; but the student will find -Poole’s _Index_ and Rhee’s _Catalogue and Index of the Smithsonian -publications_ serviceable. - - - - -III. - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON THE INDUSTRIES AND TRADE OF THE AMERICAN -ABORIGINES. - -_By the Editor._ - - -WHILE we have a moderate list of works on the general subject of -prehistoric art and industries,[1824] we lack any comprehensive survey -of the subject as respects the American continent, and must depend on -sectional and local treatment. Humboldt in the introduction to his -_Atlas_ of his _Essai politique_ (Paris, 1813) was among the earliest -to grasp the material which illustrates the origin and first progress -of the arts in America. The arts of the southern regions and western -coasts of North America are best followed in those portions of the -chapters on the Wild Tribes, devoted to the subject, which make up -the first volume of Bancroft’s _Native Races_,[1825] and for Mexican -and Maya productions some chapters (ch. 15, 24) in the second volume. -Prescott’s treatment of the more advanced peoples of this region is -scant (_Mexico_, i., introd., ch. 5). The art in stone of the Pueblo -Indians is beautifully illustrated in Putnam’s portion of Wheeler’s -_Report_ of his survey, and comparison may be made with Hayden’s -_Annual Rept._ (1876) of the U. S. Geol. and Geographical Survey. -The work of Putnam and his collaborators in the archæological volume -(vii.) of Wheeler’s _Survey_ is probably the most complete account of -the implements, ornaments and utensils of any one people (those of -Southern California) yet produced; and its illustrations have not been -surpassed. Passing north, we shall get some help from E. L. Berthoud’s -paper on the “Prehistoric human art from Wyoming and Colorado,” in his -“Journal of a reconnaissance in Creek Valley, Col.,” published by the -Colorado Acad. of Nat. Sciences (_Proceedings_, 1872, p. 46). In the -_Pacific Rail Road Reports_ (vol. iii. in 1856) there is a paper by -Thomas Ewbank in “Illustrations of Indian antiquities and arts.” S. S. -Haldeman has described the relics of human industry found in a rock -shelter in southeastern Pennsylvania (_Compte Rendu, Cong. des Amér._, -Luxembourg, ii. 319; and _Transactions Amer. Philos. Soc._, 1878). The -best of all the more comprehensive monographs is Charles C. Abbott’s -_Primitive industry: or illustrations of the handiwork, in stone, bone -and clay, of the native races of the Northern Atlantic seaboard of -America_ (Salem, 1881). Morgan’s _League of the Iroquois_ touches in -some measure of the arts of that confederacy, his earliest study being -in the _Fifth Report of the Regents of the State of New York_ (1852). - -For the Canada regions, the _Annual Reports of the Canadian Institute_, -appended to the _Reports_ of the Minister of Education, Ontario, -contain accounts of the discovery of objects of stone, horn, and shell. -(See particularly the sessions of 1886-87.) Dawson in his _Fossil men_ -(ch. 6) considers what he accounts the lost arts of the primitive races -of North America. On the other hand, Professor Leidy found still in use -among the present Shoshones split pebbles resembling the rudest stone -implements of the palæolithic period (_U. S. Geological Survey_, 1872, -p. 652). - -Many archæologists have remarked on the uniform character of many -prehistoric implements, wherever found, as precluding their being -held as ethnical evidences. The system of quarrying[1826] for flint -best fitted for the tool-maker’s art has been observed by Wilson -(_Prehistoric man_, i. 68) both in the old and new world, and in -his third chapter (vol. i.) we have a treatise on the ancient -stone-worker’s art.[1827] - -Treating the subject topically, we find the late Charles Rau making -some special studies of the implements used in native agriculture[1828] -in the _Smithsonian Reports_ for 1863, 1868, and 1869.[1829] The -agriculture of the Aztecs and Mayas is treated in Max Steffen’s _Die -Landwirtschaft bei den altamerikanischen Kulturvölkern_ (Leipzig, -1883).[1830] - -The working of flint or obsidian into arrowpoints or cutting implements -is a process by pressure that has not been wholly lost. Old workshops, -or the chips of them, have been discovered, and they are found in -numerous localities (Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, i. 75, 79; Abbott’s -_Primitive Industry_, and Putnam in the _Bull. Essex Institute_), -but Powell in his _Report of Explorations of the Colorado of the -West_ (1873) does not, as Wilson says he does, describe the present -ways.[1831] - -Wilson (_Prehistoric Man_, i. ch. 4 and 7) in an essay on the bone and -ivory workers substitutes for the corresponding words usually employed -in classifying stone implements the terms palæotechnic and neotechnic, -as indicating periods of progress, in order that the art of making -tools in horn, bone, shell, and ivory might have a better recognition, -as of equal importance with that of making such in stone. Separate -treatises are few. Morgan has a paper on the bone implements of the -Arickarees in the _21st Rept. of the Regents of the University of the -State of N. Y._ (1871), and Rau’s monograph on _Prehistoric fishing in -Europe and North America, one of the Smithsonian Contributions_ (1884), -involves the making of fish-hooks of bone. See also Putnam in the -_Peabody Museum Reports_, and in _Wheeler’s Survey_, vol. vii.; Wyman’s -contributions on the shell heaps, and the _Journal of the Cincinnati -Soc. of Nat. Hist_. for such as have been found in the ash-pits of -Madisonville. On shell-work there is a section in Foster’s _Prehistoric -Races_ (p. 234); a paper by W. H. Holmes in the _Second Rept. of the -Bureau of Ethnology_ (p. 179); and one on American shell-work and its -affinities by Miss Buckland in the _Journal Anthropol. Inst._, xvi. 155. - -From the primitive materials of stone, bone, horn, or shell, we pass -to metals; but as Wilson (i. p. 174) says, “if metal could be found -capable of being wrought and fashioned without smelting or moulding, -its use was perfectly compatible with the simple arts of the stone -period, as a mere malleable stone;” and to the present day, he adds, -the rude American race has no knowledge of working metal, except by -pounding or grinding it cold.[1832] The story which Brereton tells -in his account of Gosnold’s visit (1602) to New England, about the -finding of abundant metal implements in use among the natives, is -questioned (Baldwin’s _Ancient America_, p. 62). We have the evidences -of the early mining[1833] of copper extending for over a hundred miles -along the southern shores of Lake Superior and on Isle Royale, in the -abandoned trenches and tools first discovered in 1847; and in one case -there was found a mass of native copper (ten feet by three and two, and -weighing over six tons) which had been elevated on a wooden frame prior -to removal, and was discovered in this condition.[1834] There are also -indications that the manufacture of copper tools was carried on in the -neighborhood of the mines (Wilson, i. 213); and chemical tests have -shown that a popular belief in the tempering of metal by these early -peoples is without foundation.[1835] - -It seems to be a fact that while in the use of metals an intermediate -stage of pure copper, as coming between the use of bone and stone -and the use of alloyed metals, was not until comparatively recently -suspected in Great Britain, the “peculiar interest attaches to the -metallurgy of the new world that there all the earlier stages are -clearly defined: the pure native metal wrought by the hammer without -the aid of fire; the melted and moulded copper; the alloyed bronze; -and the smelting, soldering, graving, and other processes resulting -from accumulating experience and matured skill” (Wilson, i. 230). -It is in the regions extending from Mexico to Peru that the art of -alloying introduces us to the American bronze age. Columbus in his -fourth voyage found in a vessel which had come alongside from Yucatan -crucibles to melt copper, as Herrera tells us; and Humboldt was among -the earliest to discover tools alloyed of copper and tin, and many such -alloys have since been recognized among Peruvian bronzes (Wilson, i. -239). In Mexico, metallurgic arts were carried perhaps even farther -in casting and engraving, and not only the results but the evidences -of their mining places have remained to our day (_Ibid._ i. 248). It -seems evident, however, that experimenting with them had not carried -them so near the perfect combination for tool-making (one part tin to -nine parts copper) as the bronze people of Europe had reached, though -they fell considerably short of the exact standard (_Ibid._ i. 234). -Doubt has sometimes been expressed of Mexican mining for copper, as -by Frederick von Hellwald (_Compte Rendu, Cong. des Américanistes_, -1877, i. 51); but Rau indicated the references[1836] to Short (p. -94), which forcibly led him to the conclusion that the Mexicans mined -copper to turn into tools.[1837] Among the Mayas, Nadaillac (p. 269) -contends that only copper and gold were in use. Bancroft (ii. 749) -thinks the use of copper doubtful, and if used, that it must have -been got from the north. He cites the evidences of the use of gold. -William H. Holmes discusses _The use of gold and other metals among -the ancient inhabitants of Chiriqui, Isthmus of Darien_ (Washington, -1887). As to iron, that found in the Ohio mounds, only of late years, -has been proved to be meteoric iron by Professor Putnam (_Amer. Antiq. -Soc. Proc._, Apr., 1883). Bancroft (i. 164) says iron was in use among -the British Columbian tribes before contact with the whites, but it -was probably derived through some indirect means from the whites. -Though iron ore abounds in Peru, and the character of the Peruvian -stone-cutting would seem to indicate its use, and though there is a -native word for it, no iron implements have been found.[1838] There is -not much recorded of the use of silver. It has been found by Putnam in -the mounds in thin sheets, used as plating for other metals.[1839] He -has also found native silver in masses, and in one case a small bit of -hammered gold. - - * * * * * - -Wilson, in 1876, while regretting the dispersion of the William -Bullock collection of pottery, the destruction of that formed by -Stephens and Catherwood, and the transference to an English museum -of most of the specimens gathered by Squier and Davis, lamented that -no American collection[1840] had been yet formed adequate to the -requirements of the students of American archæology and ethnology. -Since that date, however, the collections in the National Museum -(Smithsonian Institution) at Washington and in the Peabody Museum at -Cambridge have largely grown; and especially for the fictile art and -work in stone of Spanish North America the Museo Nacional in Mexico has -assumed importance. The collection in the possession of the American -Philosophical Society in Philadelphia,[1841] since transferred to the -Philadelphia Academy, is also of value for the study of the pottery of -middle America. - -Rau has supplied a leading paper on American pottery in the -_Smithsonian Report_, 1866; and E. A. Barber has touched the subject -in papers at the Copenhagen, Luxembourg, and Madrid meetings of the -Congrès des Américanistes, and in the _American Antiquarian_ (viii. -76).[1842] W. H. Holmes has a paper on the origin and development of -form and of ornament in ceramic art in the _Fourth Report, Bureau of -Ethnology_, p. 437. - -For local characters there are various monographs.[1843] - -There is no satisfactory evidence that the potter’s wheel was known -to any American tribe; but Wilson, in his chapter on ceramic art -(_Prehistoric Man_, ii. ch. 16), feels convinced that the early potter -employed some sort of mechanical process, giving a revolving motion to -his clay. - -[Illustration: MEXICAN CLAY MASK. - -After a cut in _Wilson’s Prehistoric Man_, ii. p. 33, of an example in -the collections of the American Philosophical Society, in a totally -different style from the usual Mexican terra-cottas; and Wilson remarks -of it that one will look in vain in it for the Indian physiognomy. -Tyler, _Anahuac_, 230, considers it a forgery.] - -Modelling in clay for other purposes than the making of vessels is -also considered in this same seventeenth chapter of Wilson, and the -subject runs, as respects masks, figurines, and general ornamentation, -into the wide range of aboriginal art, which necessarily makes part of -all comprehensive histories of art. W. H. Dall has a paper on Indian -masks in the _Third Report, Bureau of Ethnology_, p. 73. The subject is -further treated by Wilson in a paper on “The artistic faculty in the -aboriginal races,” in the _Proceedings_ (iii., 2d part, 67, 119) of the -Royal Society of Canada, and again in a general way by Nadaillac on -_L’art préhistorique en Amérique_ (Paris, 1883), taken from the _Revue -des deux Mondes_, Nov. 1, 1883.[1844] - - * * * * * - -As regards the textile art in prehistoric times, see for a general view -W. H. Holmes in the _American Antiquarian_, viii. 261; and the same -archæologist has treated the subject on the evidences of the impression -of textures as preserved in pottery, in the _Third Rept. Bur. of -Ethnology_, p. 393. Cf. Sellers in _Popular Science Journal_, and Wyman -in _Peabody Museum Reports_. - -J. W. Foster first made (1838) the discovery of relics of textile -fabrics of the moundbuilders; but he did not announce his discovery -till at the Albany meeting (1851) of the American Association for -the Advancement of Science (_Transactions_, 1852, vol. vi. p. 375). -He tells the story in his _Prehistoric Races_, p. 222, and figures -the implements, found in the mounds, supposed to be employed in the -making their cloth with warp and woof. Putnam has since made similar -discoveries (_Peabody Museum Reports_). The subject is also treated -in the _Proceedings_ of the Davenport Academy and of the American -Association for the Advancement of Science. The fabrics were preserved -by being placed in contact with copper implements. - -The Indians of New Mexico were found by the Spaniards in possession -of the art of weaving. Cf. Washington Matthews on the Navajo weavers, -in the _Third Rept. Bur. of Ethnology_, p. 371, and Bancroft (i. -582), who also records the making of fabrics by the wild tribes of -Central America (_Ibid._ i. 766-67). He also notes the references to -the textile manufactures of the Nahuas and Mayas (ii. 484, 752). The -richest accumulation of graphic data relative to the fabrics of Peru is -contained in the great work on the _Necropolis of Ancon_. - -Feather-work was an important industry in some parts of the continent. -The subject is studied in Ferdinand Denis’ _Arte plumaria: Les plumes, -leur valeur et leur emploi dans les arts au Méxique, au Pérou, au -Brésil et dans les Indes et dans l’Océanie_ (Paris, 1875).[1845] - -Lewis H. Morgan’s _Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines_ -(Washington, 1881) is the completest study of the habitations of -the early peoples; but it is written too exclusively in the light -of universal communal custom, and this must be borne in mind in -using it. The edifices of middle America and Peru have been given a -bibliographical apparatus in another part of the present volume; but -references may be made to Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_ (ii. ch. 16), -Viollet le Duc’s _Habitations of Man_, translated by R. Bucknall -(Boston, 1876), and to Bandelier’s _Archæological Tour_, 226, where he -quotes as typical the description of a native house in 1583, drawn by -Juan Bautista Pomar. - -There is no good comprehensive account of American prehistoric trade. -The T-shaped pieces of copper in use by the Mexicans came nearest to -currency as we understand it, unless it be the wampum of the North -American Indians, and the shell money in use on the Pacific coast; -but it should be remembered that copper axes and copper plates served -such a purpose with some tribes.[1846] The Peruvians used weights, but -the Mexicans did not. The latter had, however, a system of measures -of length.[1847] The canoe was a great intermediary in the practice -of barter.[1848] The Peruvians alone understood the use of sails, -and the earliest Spanish navigators on the Pacific were surprised at -what they thought were civilized predecessors in those seas when they -espied in the distance the large white sails of the Peruvian rafts of -burden.[1849] The chief source of trade in such conditions was barter, -and we know how the Mexican travelling merchants got information -that was availed of by the Mexican marauders in their invasions. -Bandelier[1850] gives us the references on the barter system, the -traders, and the currency in that country, and we need to consult Dr. -W. Behrnauer’s _Essai sur le Commerce dans l’ancien Méxique et en -Pérou_, in the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France_ (n. s., vol. i.). - -All the treatises on the mounds of the Ohio Valley derive -illustrations of intertribal traffic from the shells of the coast, the -copper of Lake Superior, the mica of the Alleghanies, the obsidian of -the Rocky Mountains or of Mexico, and the unique figurines which the -explorations of the mounds have disclosed. Charles Rau has a paper on -this aboriginal trade in North America, published in the _Archiv für -Anthroplogie_ (Braunschweig, 1872, vol. iv.), which was republished -in English in the _Smithsonian Report_, 1872, p. 249. Bancroft’s -references under “Commerce” (v. p. 668) will help the student out in -various particulars. - - - - -IV. - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON AMERICAN LINGUISTICS. - -_By the Editor._ - - -IT cannot be said that the study of American linguistics has -advanced to a position wholly satisfactory. It is beset with all the -difficulties belonging to a subject that has not been embraced in -written records for long periods, and it is open to the hazards of -articulation and hearing, acting without entire mutual confidence. -And yet we may not dispute Max Müller’s belief,[1851] that it is the -science of language which has given the first comprehensive impulse to -the study of mankind. - -Out of the twenty distinct sounds which it is said the voice of -man can produce,[1852] there have been built up from roots and -combinations a great diversity of vocabularies. Comparisons of these, -as well as of the methods of forming sentences, have been much used -in investigations of ethnical relations. Of these opposing methods, -neither is sufficiently strong, it is probable, to be pressed without -the aid of the other, though the belief of the Bureau of Ethnology at -Washington, under the influence of Major Powell, practically discards -all tests but the vocabulary, in tracing ethnological relations. It -is held that this one test of words satisfies, as to customs, myths, -and other ethnological traits, more demands of classifications than -any other. Granted that it does, there are questions yet unsolvable -by it; and many ethnologists hold that there are still other tests, -physiological, for instance,[1853] which cannot safely be neglected -in settling such complex questions. The favorite claim of the Bureau -is that its officers are studying man as a human being, and not as an -animal; but it is by no means sure that the physical qualities of man -are so disconnected with his mind and soul as to be unnecessary to -his interpretation. Even if language be given the chief place in such -studies, there is still the doubt if the vocabulary can in all ways -be safely followed to the exclusion of the structure of the language; -and it is not to be forgotten, as Haven recognized thirty years ago, -that “one of the greatest obstacles to a successful and satisfactory -comparison of Indian vocabularies is caused by the capricious and -ever-varying orthography applied by writers of different nations.” This -is a chance of error that cannot be eliminated when we have to deal -with lists of words made in the past, by persons not to be communicated -with, in whom both national and personal peculiarities of ear and vocal -organs may exist to perplex. A part of the difficulty is of course -removed by trained assistants acting in concert, though in different -fields; but the individual sharpness or dulness of ear and purity and -obscurity of articulation will still cause diversity of results,—to say -nothing of corresponding differences in the persons questioned. There -is still the problem, broader than all these divisionary tests, whether -language is at all a safe test of race, and on this point there is -room for different opinions, as is shown in the discussions of Sayce, -Whitney, and others.[1854] “Any attempt,” says Max Müller, “at squaring -the classification of races and tongues must necessarily fail.”[1855] -On the other hand, George Bancroft (Final revision, ii. 90) says that -“the aspect of the red men was so uniform that there is no method of -grouping them into families but by their languages.” - -It is the wide margin for error, already indicated, that vitiates -much that has already been done in philological comparisons, and the -over-eager recognition at all times of what is thought to be the -word-shunting of “Grimm’s Law” has doubtless been responsible for other -confusions.[1856] - -Most of the general philological treatises touch more or less -intimately the question of language as a test of race,[1857] and -all of them engage in tracing affinities, each with confidence in -a method that others with equal assurance may belittle.[1858] Thus -Bancroft,[1859] reflecting an opinion long prevalent, says that -“positive grammatical rules carry with them much more weight than mere -word likenesses,”[1860] while, on the contrary, Dawson[1861] says that -“grammar is, after all, only the clothing of language. The science -consists in its root-words; and multitudes of root-words are identical -in the American languages over vast areas.” This last proposition is, -as we have seen, the principle on which this inquiry is now conducted -with governmental patronage. “Each American language,” says George -Bancroft, in his chapter on the dialects of North America, “was -competent of itself, without improvement of scholars, to exemplify -every rule of the logician and give utterance to every passion.” In -accordance with such perhaps extreme views, it has been usually said -that the American languages are in development in advance of aboriginal -progress in other respects. It is another common observation that while -a certain resemblance runs through all the native tongues,[1862] there -is no such general resemblance to the old-world languages;[1863] but -at the same time the linguistic proof of the unity of the American -race is not irrefragable,[1864] and it would take tens of thousands of -years, as Brinton holds, if there had been a single source, for the -eighty stocks of the North American and for the hundred South American -speeches to have developed themselves in all their varieties.[1865] -Proceeding beyond stocks to dialects, and counting varieties, Ludewig, -in his _Literature of the American Languages_, gave 1,100 different -American languages; but an alphabetical list given by H. W. Bates in -his _Central America, West Indies and South America_ (London, 1882, -2d ed.)[1866] affords 1,700 names of such. The number, of course, -depends on how exclusive we are in grouping dialects. Squier, for -instance, gives only 400 tongues for both North and South America; -for, as Nadaillac says, “philology has no precise definition of what -constitutes a language.”[1867] - -The most comprehensive survey of the bibliography of American -linguistics, excluding South America, is in Pilling’s _Proof-sheets -of a bibliography of the languages of the North American Indians_ -(Washington, 1885), a tentative issue of the Bureau of Ethnology, -already mentioned. Pilling also earlier catalogued the linguistic -MSS. in the library of the Bureau of Ethnology, in Powell’s _First -Report_ of that Bureau (p. 553), in which that bibliographer also gave -a sketch of the history of gathering such collections. A section of -the _Bibliotheca Americana_ of Charles Leclerc (Paris, 1878) is given -to linguistics, and it affords by groups one of the best keys to the -literature of the aboriginal languages which we yet have, and it has -been supplemented by additional lists issued since by Maisonneuve -of Paris. Ludewig’s _Literature of American Aboriginal Languages, -with additions by W. Turner_ (London, 1858), was up to date, thirty -years ago, a good list of grammars and dictionaries, but the increase -has been considerable in this field since then (Pilling’s _Eskimo -Languages_, p. 62). The libraries of collectors of Spanish-American -history, as enumerated elsewhere,[1868] have usually included much on -the linguistic history, and the most important of the printed lists -for Mexico and Central America is that of Brasseur de Bourbourg’s -_Bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne, précédée d’un coup d’œil sur les -études américaines dans leurs rapports avec les études classiques, et -suivi du tableau, par ordre alphabétique, des ouvrages de linguistique -américaine contenus dans le même volume_ (Paris, 1871). This list is -repeated with additions in the _Catalogue de Alphonse L. Pinart et ... -de Brasseur de Bourbourg_ (Paris, 1883). Field’s _Indian Bibliography_ -characterizes some of the leading books up to 1873; but the best source -up to about the same date for a large part of North America is found -in the notes in that section of Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii., -given to linguistics.[1869] The several _Comptes Rendus_ of the Congrès -des Américanistes have sections on the same subject, and the second -volume of the _Contributions to North American Ethnology_, published -by the U. S. Geological Survey (Powell’s), has been kept back for the -completion of the linguistic studies of the government officials, which -will ultimately, under the care of A. S. Gatschet, compose that belated -volume. Major Powell, in his conduct of ethnological investigations -for the United States government, has found efficient helpers in James -C. Pilling, J. Owen Dorsey, S. R. Riggs, A. S. Gatschet, not to name -others. Powell outlined some of his own views in an address on the -evolution of language before the Anthropological Society of Washington, -of which there is an abstract in their _Transactions_ (1881), while the -paper can be found in perfected shape as “The evolution of language -from a study of the Indian languages,” in the _First Report of the -Bureau of Ethnology_. - -Among the earliest of the students of the native languages in the -north were the Catholic missionaries in Canada and in the northwest, -and there is much of interest in their observations as recorded in the -_Jesuit Relations_. We find a _Dictionnaire de la langue huronne_ in -the _Grand Voyage du Pays des Hurons_ (Paris, 1632, etc.). - -The most conspicuous of the English publications of the seventeenth -century was the Natick rendering of the _Bible_ for the Massachusetts -Indians, undertaken by the Apostle John Eliot, as he was called, at -the expense of the London Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. -Eliot also published a _Grammar of the Massachusetts Indian Language_ -(Cambridge, 1666), which, with notes by Peter S. Duponceau and an -introduction by John Pickering, was printed for the Mass. Hist. -Society in 1822, as was John Cotton’s _Vocabulary of the Massachusetts -Indian Language_ (Cambridge, 1830). Roger Williams’ _Key into the -language of America_ has been elsewhere referred to.[1870] The Rev. -Jonathan Edwards wrote a paper on the language of the Mohegan Indians, -which, with annotations by Pickering, was printed in the _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Coll._ in 1823, and is called by Haven (_Archæol. U. S._, 29) -the earliest exposition of the radical connection of the American -languages. Dr. James Hammond Trumbull, the most learned of the students -of these eastern languages, has furnished various papers on them in -the publications of the American Philological Association and of the -American Antiquarian Society,[1871] and has summarized the literature -of the subject, with references, in the _Memorial Hist. of Boston_ -(vol. i.). - -In the eighteenth century there were several philological recorders -among the missionaries. Sebastian Rasle made a _Dictionary of the -Abnake Language_, now preserved in MS. in Harvard College library, -which, edited by John Pickering, was published as a volume of the -_Memoirs_ of the Amer. Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1833. A -grammatical sketch of the Abnake as outlined in Rasle’s _Dictionary_ -is given by M. C. O’Brien in the _Maine Hist. Soc. Coll._, vol. ix. -The publications of the American Philosophical Society in Philadelphia -have preserved for us the vocabularies and grammars of the Delaware -language, collected and arranged by John Heckewelder[1872] and -David Zeisberger, while the latter Moravian missionary collected a -considerable MS. store of linguistic traces of the Indian tongues, a -part of which is now preserved in Harvard College library.[1873] One of -this last collection, an _Indian Dictionary; English, German, Iroquois_ -(_the Onondaga_), _and Algonquin_ (_the Delaware_) (Cambridge, 1887,) -has been carefully edited for the press by Eben Norton Horsford. Dr. -John G. Shea published a _Dictionnaire Français-Onontagué, édité -d’après un manuscrit du 17^e siècle_ (N. Y., 1859), which is preserved -in the Mazarin library in Paris. - -There was no attempt made to treat the study of the American languages -in what would now be termed a scientific spirit by any English -scholar till towards the end of the eighteenth century. The whole -question of the origin of the Indians had for a long time been the -subject of discussion, and it had of necessity taken more or less -of a philological turn from the beginning; but the inquiry had been -simply a theoretical one, with efforts to substantiate preconceived -beliefs rather than to formulate inductive ones, as in such works -as—not to name others—Adair’s _American Indians_ (London, 1775), where -every trace was referable to the Jews, and Count de Gebelin’s _Monde -Primitif_ (Paris, 1781), where a comparison of American and European -vocabularies is given.[1874] - -A much closer student appeared in Benjamin Smith Barton, of -Philadelphia, though he was not wholly emancipated from these same -prevalent notions of connecting the Indian tongues with the old-world -speeches. He says that he was instigated to the study by Pallas’ -_Linguarum totius orbis Vocabularia comparativa_ (Petropolis, 1786, -1789), and the result was his _New View of the Origin of the tribes -and nations of America_ (Philad., 1797; again, 1798). He sets forth -in his introduction his methods of study. Charlevoix had suggested -that the linguistic test was the only one in studying the ethnological -connections of these peoples; but Barton asserted that there were other -manifestations, equally important, like the physical aspects, the -modes of worship, and the myths. He examined forty different Indian -languages, and thinks they show a common origin, and that remotely a -connection existed between the old and new continents. - -The most eminent American student[1875] of this field in the early half -of this century was Albert Gallatin. He began his observations in 1823, -at the instance of Humboldt, and two years later he took advantage of a -representative convocation of Indian tribes, then held in Washington, -to continue his studies of their speech. In 81 tribes brought under his -notice he found what he thought to be 27 or 28 linguistic families. -This was a wider survey than had before been made, and he regretted -that he was not privileged to profit by the vocabularies collected by -Lewis and Clark, which had unfortunately been lost. At the request of -the Amer. Antiquarian Society, he wrote out and enlarged this study in -the second volume of their _Collections_ in 1836, and advanced views -that he never materially changed, believing in a very remote Asiatic -origin of the tongues, and without excepting the Eskimos from his -conclusions. In 1845, in his _Notes on the semi-civilized nations of -Mexico_, his conclusions were much the same, but he made an exception -in favor of the Otomis. At this time he counted more than a hundred -languages, similar in structure but different in vocabularies, and he -argued that a very long period was necessary thus to differentiate the -tongues. At the age of eighty-seven Gallatin gave his final results in -vol. ii. of the _Transactions of the American Ethnological Society_ -(1848). Gallatin published a review[1876] of the volume on Ethnography -and Philology, which had been prepared by Horatio Hale as the seventh -volume of the _Publications of the Wilkes United States Exploring -Expedition_ (1838-42), and Hale himself, then in the beginning of his -reputation as a linguistic scholar,[1877] published some papers of his -own in the same volume of the _Transactions_.[1878] - -The two Americans who have done more than others, without the aid of -the government, to organize aboriginal linguistic studies are Dr. John -Gilmary Shea of Elizabeth, New Jersey, and Dr. Daniel Garrison Brinton -of Philadelphia. Of _Shea’s Library of American Linguistics_ he has -given an account in the _Smithsonian Rept._, 1861.[1879] - -Dr. Brinton has set forth the purposes of his linguistic studies in -an address before the Pennsylvania Historical Society, _American -Aboriginal Languages and why we should study them_ (Philad., 1885,—from -the _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, 1885, p. 15). In starting his -_Library of Aboriginal American Literature_, he announced his purpose -to put within the reach of scholars authentic materials for the study -of the languages and culture of the native races, each work to be -the production of the native mind, and to be printed in the original -tongue, with a translation and notes, and to have some intrinsic -historical or ethnological importance.[1880] - -The other considerable collections are both French. Alphonse L. -Pinart published a _Bibliothèque de linguistique et d’ethnographie -Américaines_ (Paris and San Francisco, 1875-82).[1881] - -The publishing house of Maisonneuve et Compagnie of Paris, which has -done more than any other business firm to advance these studies, has -conducted a _Collection linguistique Américaine_, of much value to -American philologists.[1882] - -Other French studies have attracted attention. Pierre Etienne Duponceau -published a _Mémoire sur le système grammatical des langues de quelques -nations indiennes de l’Amérique du Nord_ (Paris, 1838).[1883] He -conducted a correspondence with the Rev. John Heckewelder respecting -the American tongues, which is published in the _Transactions of -the Amer. Philosophical Society_ (Phil., 1819), and he translated -Zeisberger’s _Delaware Grammar_. - -The studies of the Abbé Jean André Cuoq have been upon the Algonquin -dialects,[1884] and published mainly in the _Actes de la Société -philologique_ (Paris, 1869 and later). His monographic _Etudes -philologiques sur quelques langues sauvages de l’Amérique_ was printed -at Montreal, 1866. It was the result of twenty years’ missionary work -among the Iroquois and Algonquins, and besides a grammar contains a -critical examination of the works of Duponceau and Schoolcraft. Lucien -Adam has been very comprehensive in his researches, his studies being -collected under the titles of _Etudes sur six langues Américaines_ -(Paris, 1878) and _Examen grammatical comparé de seize langues -Américaines_ (Paris, 1878).[1885] - -The papers of the Count Hyacinthe de Charencey have been in the first -instance for the most part printed in the _Revue de Linguistique_, the -_Annales de Philosophie Chrétienne_, and the _Mémoires de l’Académie de -Caen_, and have wholly pertained to the tongues south of New Mexico; -but his principal studies are collected in his _Mélanges de philologie -et de paléographie Américaines_ (Paris, 1883).[1886] - -The most distinguished German worker in this field, if we except the -incidental labors of Alexander and William von Humboldt,[1887] is J. C. -E. Buschmann, whose various linguistic labors cover the wide field of -the west coast of North America from Alaska to the Isthmus, with some -of the regions adjacent on the east. He published his papers in Berlin -between 1853 and 1864, and many of them in the _Mémoires de l’Académie -de Berlin_.[1888] - -Dr. Carl Hermann Berendt has published his papers in Spanish, English, -and German, and some of them will be found in the _Smithsonian -Reports_, in the Berlin _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, and in the -_Revista de Mérida_. Under the auspices of the American Ethnological -Society, a fac-simile reproduction of his graphic _Analytical Alphabet -for the Mexican and Central American languages_ was published in 1869, -the result of twelve years’ study in those countries.[1889] - - * * * * * - -The languages of what are called the civilized nations of the central -regions of America deserve more particular attention. - -In the Mexican empire the Aztec was largely predominant, but not -exclusively spoken, for about twenty other tongues were more or less -in vogue in different parts. Humboldt and others have found occasional -traces in words of an earlier language than the Aztec or Nahua, but -different from the Maya, which in Brasseur’s opinion was the language -of the country in those pre-Nahua days. Bancroft, contrary to some -recent philologists, holds the speech of the Toltec, Chichimec, and -Aztec times to be one and the same.[1890] It was perhaps the most -copious and most perfected of all the aboriginal tongues; and in -proof of this are cited the opinions of the early Spanish scholars, -the successes of the missionaries in the use of it in imparting the -subtleties of their faith, and the literary use which was made of it by -the native scholars, as soon as they had adapted the Roman alphabet to -its vocabulary and forms.[1891] - -The Maya has much the same prominence farther south that the Nahua has -in the northerly parts of the territory of the Spanish conquest, and a -dialect of it, the Tzendal, still spoken near Palenqué, is considered -to be the oldest form of it, though probably this dialect was a -departure from the original stock. It is one of the evidences that the -early Mayas may have come by way of the West India islands that modern -philologists say the native tongues of those islands were allied to -the Maya. Bancroft (iii. 759, with other references, 760) refers to -the list of spoken tongues given in Palacio’s _Carta al Rey de España_ -(1576) as the best enumeration of the early Spanish writers.[1892] For -its literary value we must consult some of the authorities like Orozco -y Berra, mentioned in connection with the Aztec. Squier published a -_Monograph of authors who have written on the languages of Central -America, and collected vocabularies and composed works in the native -dialects of that country_ (Albany, 1861,—100 copies), in which he -mentions 110 such authors, and gives a list of their printed and MS. -works. Those who have used these native tongues for written productions -are named in Ludewig’s _Literature of the Amer. Aborig. Languages_ -(London, 1858) and in Brinton’s _Aboriginal American Authors_ (Phila., -1883).[1893] - -The philology of the South American peoples has not been so -well compassed as that of the northern continent. The classified -bibliographies show the range of it under such heads as Ande (or -Campa), Araucanians (Chilena), Arrawak, Aymara, Brazil (the principal -work being F. P. von Martius’s _Beiträge zur Ethnographie und -Sprachenkunde Amerika’s, zumal Brasiliens_, Leipzig, 1867, with a -second part called _Glossaria linguarum brasiliensium, Erlangen_, -1863), Chama, Chibcha (or Muysca, Mosca), Cumanagota, Galibi, Goajira, -Guarani, Kiriri (Kariri), Lule, Moxa, Paez, Quichua, Tehuelhet, -Tonocote, Tupi, etc. - - - - -V. - -BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ON THE MYTHS AND RELIGIONS OF AMERICA. - -_By the Editor._ - - -THE earliest scholarly examination of the whole subject, which has been -produced by an American author, is Daniel G. Brinton’s _Myths of the -New World, a treatise on the symbolism and mythology of the Red Race -of America_ (N. Y., 1868; 2d ed., 1876). It is a comparative study, -“more for the thoughtful general reader than for the antiquary,” as -the author says. “The task,” he adds, “bristles with difficulties. -Carelessness, prepossessions, and ignorance have disfigured the subject -with false colors and foreign additions without number” (p. 3). -After describing the character of the written, graphic, or symbolic -records, which the student of history has to deal with in tracing North -American history back before the Conquest, he adds, while he deprives -mythology of any historical value, that the myths, being kept fresh -by repetition, were also nourished constantly by the manifestations -of nature, which gave them birth. So while taking issue with those -who find history buried in the myths, he warns us to remember that -the American myths are not the reflections of history or heroes. -In the treatment of his subject he considers the whole aboriginal -people of America as a unit, with “its religion as the development -of ideas common to all its members, and its myths as the garb thrown -around those ideas by imaginations more or less fertile; but seeking -everywhere to embody the same notions.”[1894] This unity of the -American races is far from the opinion of other ethnologists. - -Brinton gives a long bibliographical note on those who had written on -the subject before him, in which he puts, as the first (1819) to take a -philosophical survey, Dr. Samuel Farmer Jarvis in a _Discourse on the -religion of the Indian tribes of North America_, printed in the _N. Y. -Hist. Soc. Collections, iii._ (1821). Jarvis confined himself to the -tribes north of Mexico, and considered their condition, as he found -it, one of deterioration from something formerly higher. There had -been, of course, before this, amassers of material, like the Jesuits in -Canada, as preserved in their _Relations_,[1895] sundry early French -writers on the Indians,[1896] the English agents of the Society for the -Propagation of the Gospel in New England, and the Moravian missionaries -in Pennsylvania and the Ohio country, to say nothing of the historians, -like Loskiel (_Geschichte der Mission_, 1789), Vetromile (_Abnakis and -their History_, New York, 1866), Cusick (_Six Nations_), not to mention -local observers, like Col. Benjamin Hawkins, _Sketch of the Creek -Country (Georgia Hist. Soc. Collections_, 1848, but written about 1800). - -If the placing of Brinton’s book as the earliest scholarly -contribution is to be contested, it would be for E. G. Squier’s -_Serpent Symbol in America_ (N. Y., 1851);[1897] but the book is not -broadly based, except so far as such comprehensiveness can be deduced -from his tendency to consider all myths as having some force of nature -for their motive, and that all are traceable to an instinct that -makes the worship of fire or of the sun the centre of a system.[1898] -With this as the source of life, Squier allies the widespread phallic -worship. In Bancroft’s _Native Races_ (iii. p. 501) there is a summary -of what is known of this American worship of the generative power. -Brinton doubts (_Myths_, etc., 149) if anything like phallic worship -really existed, apart from a wholly unreligious surrender to appetite. - -Another view which Squier maintains is, that above all this and -pervading all America’s religious views there was a sort of rudimentary -monotheism.[1899] - -When we add to this enumeration the somewhat callow and wholly -unsatisfactory contributions of Schoolcraft in the great work on -the _Indian Tribes of the United States_ (1851-59), which the U. S. -government in a headlong way sanctioned, we have included nearly all -that had been done by American authors in this field when Bancroft -published the third volume of his _Native Races_. This work constitutes -the best mass of material for the student—who must not confound -mythology and religion—to work with, the subject being presented -under the successive heads of the origin of myths and of the world, -physical and animal myths, gods, supernatural beings, worship and -the future state; but of course, like all Bancroft’s volumes, it -must be supplemented by special works pertaining to the more central -and easterly parts of the United States, and to the regions south of -Panama. The deficiency, however, is not so much as may be expected -when we consider the universality of myths. “Unfortunately,” says this -author, “the philologic and mythologic material for such an exhaustive -synthesis of the origin and relations of the American creeds as Cox has -given to the world in the Aryan legends in his _Mythology of the Aryan -Nations_ (London, 1870) is yet far from complete.” - -In 1882 Brinton, after riper study, again recast his views of a leading -feature of the subject in his _American hero-myths; a study in the -native religions of the western continent_ (Philad., 1882), in which -he endeavored to present “in a critically correct light some of the -fundamental conceptions in the native beliefs.” His purpose was to -counteract what he held to be an erroneous view in the common practice -of considering “American hero-gods as if they had been chiefs of -tribes at some undetermined epoch,” and to show that myths of similar -import, found among different peoples, were a “spontaneous production -of the mind, and not a reminiscence of an historic event.” He further -adds as one of the impediments in the study that he does “not know -of a single instance on this continent of a thorough and intelligent -study of a native religion made by a Protestant missionary.”[1900] -After an introductory chapter on the American myths, Brinton in this -volume takes up successively the consideration of the hero-gods of -the Algonquins and Iroquois, the Aztecs, Mayas, and the Quichuas of -Peru. These myths of national heroes, civilizers, and teachers are, -as Brinton says, the fundamental beliefs of a very large number of -American tribes, and on their recognition and interpretation depends -the correct understanding of most of their mythology and religious -life,—and this means, in Brinton’s view, that the stories connected -with these heroes have no historic basis.[1901] - -The best known of the comprehensive studies by a European writer is -J. G. Müller’s _Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen_ (Basle, -1855; again in 1867), in which he endeavors to work out the theory that -at the south there is a worship of nature, with a sun-worship for a -centre, contrasted at the north with fetichism and a dread of spirits, -and these he considers the two fundamental divisions of the Indian -worship. Bancroft finds him a chief dependence at times, but Brinton, -charging him with quoting in some instances at second-hand, finds him -of no authority whatever. - -One of the most reputable of the German books on kindred subjects -is the _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_ (Leipzig, 1862-66) of Theodor -Waitz. Brinton’s view of it is that no more comprehensive, sound, and -critical work on the American aborigines has been written; but he -considers him astray on the religious phases, and that his views are -neither new nor tenable when he endeavors to subject moral science to a -realistic philosophy.[1902] - -In speaking of the scope of the comprehensive work of H. H. Bancroft we -mentioned that beyond the larger part of the great Athapascan stock of -the northern Indians his treatment did not extend. Such other general -works as Brinton’s _Myths of the New World_, the sections of his -_American Hero-Myths_ on the hero-gods of the Algonquins and Iroquois, -and the not wholly satisfactory book of Ellen R. Emerson, _Indian -myths; or, Legends, traditions, and symbols of the aborigines of -America, compared with those of other countries, including Hindostan, -Egypt, Persia, Assyria, and China_ (Boston, 1884), with aid from such -papers as Major J. W. Powell’s “Philosophy of the North American -Indians” in the _Journal of the Amer. Geographical Society_ (vol. viii. -p. 251, 1876), and his “Mythology of the North American Indians” in -the _First Annual Rept. of the Bureau of Ethnology_ (1881), and R. -M. Dorman’s _Origin of primitive superstition among the aborigines -of America_ (Philad., 1881), must suffice in a general way to cover -those great ethnic stocks of the more easterly part of North America, -which comprise the Iroquois, centred in New York, and surrounded by -the Algonquins, west of whom were the Dacotas, and south of whom were -the Creeks, Choctaws, and Chickasaws, sometimes classed together as -Appalachians.[1903] - -The mythology of the Aztecs is the richest mine, and Bancroft in his -third volume finds the larger part of his space given to the Mexican -religion. - -Brinton (_Amer. Hero Myths_, 73, 78), referring to the “Historia de los -Méxicanos por sus Pinturas” of Ramirez de Fuenleal, as printed in the -_Anales del Museo Nacional_ (ii. p. 86), says that in some respects it -is to be considered the most valuable authority which we possess,[1904] -as taken directly from the sacred books of the Aztecs, and as explained -by the most competent survivors of the Conquest.[1905] - -We must also look to Ixtlilxochitl and Sahagún as leading sources. From -Sahagún we get the prayers which were addressed to the chief deity, -of various names, but known best, perhaps, as Tezcatlipoca; and these -invocations are translated for us in Bancroft (iii. 199, etc.), who -supposes that, consciously or unconsciously, Sahagún has slipped into -them a certain amount of “sophistication and adaptation to Christian -ideas.” From the lofty side of Tezcatlipoca’s character, Bancroft -(iii. ch. 7) passes to his meaner characteristics as the oppressor of -Quetzalcoatl. - -The most salient features of the mythology of the Aztecs arise from -the long contest of Tezcatlipoca and Quetzalcoatl, the story of which -modified the religion of their followers, and, as Chavero claims, -greatly affected their history.[1906] This struggle, according as the -interpreters incline, stands for some historic or physical rivalry, or -for one between St. Thomas and the heathen;[1907] but Brinton explains -it on his general principles as one between the powers of Light and -Darkness (_Am. Hero Myths_, 65). - -The main original sources on the character and career of Quetzalcoatl -are Motolinía, Mendieta, Sahagún, Ixtlilxochitl, and Torquemada, and -these are all summarized in Bancroft (iii. ch. 7). - -It has been a question with later writers whether there is a foundation -of history in the legend or myth of Quetzalcoatl. Brinton (_Myths of -the New World_, 180) has perhaps only a few to agree with him when he -calls that hero-god a “pure creature of the fancy, and all his alleged -history nothing but a myth,” and he thinks some confusion has arisen -from the priests of Quetzalcoatl being called by his name. - -Bandelier (_Archæol. Tour_) takes issue with Brinton in deeming -Quetzalcoatl on the whole an historical person, whom Ixtlilxochitl -connects with the pre-Toltec tribes of Olmeca and Xicalanca, and -whom Torquemada says came in while the Toltecs occupied the country. -Bandelier thinks it safe to say that Quetzalcoatl began his career -in the present state of Hidalgo as a leader of a migration moving -southward, with a principal sojourn at Cholula, introducing arts and a -purer worship. This is substantially the view taken by J. G. Müller, -Prescott, and Wuttke. - -[Illustration: QUETZALCOATL. - -After a drawing in Cumplido’s Mexican ed. of Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. -iii. Images of him are everywhere (Nadaillac, 273-74). Cf. Eng. transl. -of Charnay, p. 87.] - -Bancroft (iii. 273) finds the _Geschichte der Amer. Urreligionen_ -(p. 577) of Müller to present a more thorough examination of the -Quetzalcoatl myth than any other,[1908] but since then it has been -studied at length by Bandelier in his _Archæological Tour_ (p. 170 -etc.), and by Brinton in his _Amer. Hero Myths_, ch. 3.[1909] - - * * * * * - -What Tylor (_Primitive Culture_, ii. 279) calls “the inexplicable -compound, parthenogenetic deity, the hideous, gory Huitzilopochtli” -(Huitziloputzli, Vitziliputzli), the god of war,[1910] the protector of -the Mexicans, was considered by Boturini (_Idea_, p. 60) as a deified -ancient war-chief. Bancroft in his narrative (iii. 289, 294; iv. 559) -quotes the accounts in Sahagún and Torquemada, and (pp. 300-322) -summarizes J. G. Müller’s monograph on this god, which he published in -1847, and which he enlarged when including it in his _Urreligionen_. - -Acosta’s description of the Temple of Huitzilopochtli is translated in -Bancroft (iii. 292). Solis follows Acosta, while Herrera copies Gomara, -who was not, as Solis contends, so well informed. - -As regards the Votan myth of Chiapas, Brinton tells us something in -his _American Hero Myths_ (212, with references, 215); but the prime -source is the Tzendal manuscript used by Cabrera in his _Teatro -Critico-Americano_.[1911] No complete translation has been made, and -the abstracts are unsatisfactory. Bancroft aids us in this study of -worship in Chiapas (iii. 458), as also in that of Oajaca (iii. 448), -Michoacan[1912] (iii. 445), and Jalisco (iii. 447). - -[Illustration: THE MEXICAN TEMPLE. - -Reduced from a drawing in Icazbalceta’s _Coleccion de Documentos_, -i. p. 384. There were two usual forms of the Mexican temple: one of -this type, and the other with two niche-like pavilions on the top. Cf. -drawings in Clavigero (Casena, 1780), ii. 26, 34; Eng. tr. by Cullen, -i. 262, 373; Stevens’s Eng. tr. Herrera (London, 1740, vol. ii.).] - -“The religion of the Mayas,” says Bancroft (iii. ch. 11), “was -fundamentally the same as that of the Nahuas, though it differed -somewhat in outward forms. Most of the gods were deified heroes.... -Occasionally we find very distinct traces of an older sun-worship -which has succumbed to later forms, introduced according to vague -tradition from Anahuac.” The view of Tylor (_Anahuac_, 191) is that the -“civilization,” and consequently the religions, of Mexico and Central -America were originally independent, but that they came much into -contact, and thus modified one another to no small extent.” - -Modern scholars are not by any means so much inclined as Las Casas and -the other Catholic fathers were to recognize the dogma of the Trinity -and other Christian notions, which have been thought to be traceable in -what the Maya people in their aboriginal condition held for faith. - -The most popular of their deified heroes were Zamná and Cukulcan, not -unlikely the same personage under two names, and quite likely both -are correspondences of Quetzalcoatl. We can find various views and -alternatives on this point among the elder and recent writers. The -belief in community of attributes derives its strongest aid from the -alleged disappearance of Quetzalcoatl in Goazacoalco just at the epoch -when Cukulcan appeared in Yucatan. The centres of Maya worship were at -Izamal, Chichen-Itza, and the island of Cozumel. - -The hero-gods of the Mayas is the topic of Brinton’s fourth chapter in -his _American Hero Myths_, with views of their historical relations of -course at variance with those of Bancroft. As respects the material, -he says that “most unfortunately very meagre sources of information -are open to us. Only fragments of their legends and hints of their -history have been saved, almost by accident, from the general wreck of -their civilization.” The heroes are Itzamná, the leader of the first -immigration from the east, through the ocean pathways; and Kukulcan, -the conductor of the second from the west. For the first cycle of -myths Brinton refers to Landa’s _Relation_, Cogolludo’s _Yucatan_, Las -Casas’s _Historia Apologética_, involving the reports of the missionary -Francisco Hernandez, and to Hieronimo Roman’s _De la Republica de las -Indias Occidentales_. - -[Illustration: THE TEMPLE OF MEXICO. - -After plate (reduced) in Herrera.] - -The Kukulcan legends are considered by Brinton to be later in date -and less natural in character, and Hernandez’s Report to Las Casas -is the first record of them. Brinton’s theory of the myths does not -allow him to identify the Quetzalcoatl and Kukulcan hero-gods as one -and the same, nor to show that the Aztec and Maya civilizations had -more correspondence than occasional intercourse would produce; but he -thinks the similarity of the statue of “Chac Mool,” unearthed by Le -Plongeon at Chichen-Itza, to another found at Tlaxcala compels us to -believe that some positive connection did exist in parts of the country -(_Anales del Museo Nacional_, i. 270).[1913] “The Nahua impress,” -says Bancroft (iii. 490), “noticeable in the languages and customs of -Nicaragua, is still more strongly marked in the mythology. Instead of -obliterating the older forms of worship, as it seems to have done in -the northern parts of Central America, it has here and there passed by -many of the distinct beliefs held by different tribes, and blended with -the chief elements of a system which is traced to the Muyscas in South -America.” - -The main source of the Quiché myths and worship is the _Popul Vuh_, -but Bancroft (iii. 474), who follows it, finds it difficult to make -anything comprehensible out of its confusion of statement. But -prominent among the deities seem to stand Tepeu or Gucumatz, whom it is -the fashion to make the same with Quetzalcoatl, and Hurakan or Tohil, -who indeed stands on a plane above Quetzalcoatl. Brinton (_Myths_, -156), on the contrary, connects Hurakan with Tlaloc, and seems to -identify Tohil with Quetzalcoatl. Bancroft (iii. 477) says that -tradition, name, and attributes connect Tohil and Hurakan, and identify -them with Tlaloc. - -[Illustration: TEOYAOMIQUI. - -The idol dug up in the Plaza in Mexico is here presented, after a cut, -following Nebel, in Tylor’s _Anahuac_, showing the Mexican goddess of -war, or death. Cf. cut in _American Antiquarian_, Jan., 1883; Powell’s -_First Rept. Bur. Ethn._, 232; Bancroft, iv. 512, 513, giving the front -after Nebel, and the other views after Léon y Gama. Bandelier (_Arch. -Tour_, pl. v) gives a photograph of it as it stands in the court-yard -of the Museo Nacional. - -Gallatin (_Am. Ethn. Soc. Trans._, i. 338) describes Teoyaomiqui -as the proper companion of Huitzilopochtli: “The symbols of her -attributes are found in the upper part of the statue; but those from -the waist downwards relate to other deities connected with her or with -Huitzilopochtli.” Tylor (_Anahuac_, 222) says: “The antiquaries think -that the figures in it stand for different personages, and that it -is three gods: Huitzilopochtli the god of war, Teoyaomiqui his wife, -and Mictlantecutli the god of hell.” Léon y Gama calls the statue -Teoyaomiqui, but Bandelier, _Archæol. Tour_, 67, thinks its proper name -is rather Huitzilopochtli. Léon y Gama’s description is summarized in -Bancroft, iii. 399, who cites also what Humboldt (_Vues_, etc., ii. -153, and his pl. xxix) says. Bancroft (iii. 397) speaks of it as “a -huge compound statue, representing various deities, the most prominent -being a certain Teoyaomiqui, who is almost identical with, or at least -a connecting link between, the mother goddess” and Mictlantecutli, the -god of Mictlan, or Hades. Cf. references in Bancroft, iv. 515.] - -Brinton’s _Names of the gods in the Kiché myths, a monograph on Central -American mythology_ (Philad. Am. Philos. Soc., 1881), is a special -study of a part of the subject. - -Brinton (_Myths_, etc., 184) considers the best authorities on the -mythology of the Muyscas of the Bogota region to be Piedrahita’s -_Historia de las Conquistas del Nuevo Reyno de Granada_ (1668, followed -by Humboldt in his _Vues_) and Simm’s _Noticias historiales de las -Conquistas de Tierra Firme en el Nuevo Reyno de Granada_, given in -Kingsborough, vol. viii. - -The mythology of the Quichuas in Peru makes the staple of chap. 5 of -Brinton’s _Amer. Hero-Myths_. Here the corresponding hero-god was -Viracocha. Brinton depends mainly on the _Relacion Anónyma de los -Costumbres Antiguos de los Naturales del Piru, 1615_ (Madrid, 1879); -on Christoval de Molina’s account of the fables and religious customs -of the Incas, as translated by C. R. Markham in the Hakluyt Society -volume, _Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas_ (London, 1873); -on the _Comentarios reales_ of Garcilasso de la Vega; on the report -made to the viceroy Francisco de Toledo, in 1571, of the responses to -inquiries made in different parts of the country as to the old beliefs -which appear in the “Informacion de las idolatras de los Incas é -Indios,” printed in the _Coleccion de documentos ineditos del archivo -de Indias_, xxi. 198; and in the _Relacion de Antigüedades deste Reyno -del Piru_, by Juan de Santa Cruz Pachicuti. - -[Illustration: ANCIENT TEOCALLI, OAXACA, MEXICO. - -After a cut in Squier’s _Serpent Symbol_, p. 78.] - -Brinton dissents to D’Orbigny’s view in his _L’homme Américaine_, that -the Quichua religion is mainly borrowed from the older mythology of the -Aymaras. - -Francisco de Avila’s “Errors and False Gods of the Indians of -Huarochiri” (1608), edited by Markham for the Hakluyt Society in the -volume called _Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas_, is a -treatment of a part of the subject. - -Adolf Bastian’s _Ein Jahr auf Reisen—Kreuzfahrten zum Sammelbehuf aus -Transatlantischen Feldern der Ethnologie_, being the first volume of -his _Die Culturländer des Alten America_ (Berlin, 1878), has a section -“Aus Religion and Sitte des Alten Peru.” - - - - -VI. - -ARCHÆOLOGICAL MUSEUMS AND PERIODICALS. - -_By the Editor._ - - -THE oldest of existing American societies dealing with the scientific -aspects of knowledge is the American Philosophical Society of -Philadelphia, whose _Transactions_ began in 1769, and made six volumes -to 1809. A second series was begun in 1818.[1914] What are called -the _Transactions of the Historical and Literary Committee_ make two -volumes (1819, 1838), the first of which contains contributions by -Heckewelder and P. S. Duponceau on the history and linguistics of the -Lenni Lenape. Its _Proceedings_ began in 1838. The American Academy -of Arts and Sciences was instituted at Boston in 1780, a part of its -object being “to promote and encourage the knowledge of the antiquities -of America,”[1915] and its series of _Memoirs_ began in 1783,[1916] -and its _Proceedings_ in 1846. These societies have only, as a rule, -incidentally, and not often till of late years, illustrated in their -publications the antiquities of the new world; but the American -Antiquarian Society was founded in 1812 at Worcester, Mass., by Isaiah -Thomas, with the express purpose of elucidating this department of -American history. It began the _Archæologia Americana_ in 1820, and -some of the volumes are still valuable, though they chiefly stand for -the early development by Atwater, Gallatin, and others of study in this -direction. In the first volume is an account of the origin and design -of the society, and this is also set forth in the memoir of Thomas -prefixed to its reprint of his _History of Printing in America_, which -is a part of the series. The _Proceedings_ of the society were begun in -1849, and they have contained some valuable papers on Central American -subjects. The Boston Society of Natural History[1917] published the -_Boston Journal of Natural History_ from 1834 to 1863, and in 1866 -began its _Memoirs_. Col. Whittlesey gave in its first volume a paper -on the weapons and military character of the race of the mounds, -and subsequent volumes have had other papers of an archæological -nature; but they have formed a small part of its contributions. Its -_Proceedings_ have of late years contained some of the best studies of -palæolithic man. The American Ethnological Society, founded by Gallatin -(New York), began its exclusive work in a series of _Transactions_ -(1845-53, vols. i., ii., and one number of vol. iii.), but it was -not of long continuance, though it embraced among its contributors -the conspicuous names of Gallatin, Schoolcraft, Catherwood, Squier, -Rafn, S. G. Morton, J. R. Bartlett, and others. Its _Bulletin_ was -not continued beyond a single volume (1860-61).[1918] The society was -suspended in 1871. - -The American Association for the Advancement of Science began its -publications with the _Proceedings_ of its Philadelphia meeting in -1848. Questions of archæology formed, however, but a small portion of -its inquiries[1919] till the formation of a section on Anthropology a -few years ago. - -The American Geographical Society has published a _Bulletin_ -(1852-56); _Journal_ (or _Transactions_) (1859), etc., and -_Proceedings_ (1862-64). Some of the papers have been of archæological -interest. - -The Anthropological Institute of New York printed its transactions in a -_Journal_ (one vol. only, 1872-73). - -The Archæological Institute of America was founded in Boston in 1879, -and has given the larger part of its interest to classical archæology. -The first report of its executive committee said respecting the field -in the new world: “The study of American archæology relates, indeed, -to the monuments of a race that never attained to a high degree of -civilization, and that has left no trustworthy records of continuous -history.... From what it was and what it did, nothing is to be -learned that has any direct bearing on the progress of civilization. -Such interest as attaches to it is that which it possesses in common -with other early and undeveloped races of mankind.” Appended to this -report was Lewis H. Morgan’s “Houses of the American Aborigines, -with suggestions for the exploration of the ruins in New Mexico,” -etc.,—advancing his well-known views of the communal origin of the -southern ruins. Under the auspices of the Institute, Mr. A. F. -Bandelier, a disciple of Morgan, was sent to New Mexico for the -study of the Pueblos, and his experiences are described in the -second _Report_ of the Institute. In their third _Report_ (1882) the -committee of the Institute say: “The vast work of American archæology -and anthropology is only begun.... Other nations, with more or less -of success, are trying to do our work on our soil. It is time that -Americans bestir themselves in earnest upon a field which it would -be a shame to abandon to the foreigner.” Still under the pay of the -Institute, Mr. Bandelier, in 1881, devoted his studies to the remains -at Mexico, Cholula, Mitla, and the ancient life of those regions. At -the same time, Aymé, then American consul at Merida, was commissioned -to explore certain regions of Yucatan, but the results were not -fortunate. - -The Institute began in 1881 the publication of an _American Series_ of -its _Papers_, the first number of which embodied Bandelier’s studies -of the Pueblos, and the second covered his Mexican researches. In 1885 -the _American Journal of Archæology_ was started at Baltimore as the -official organ of the Institute, and occasional papers on American -subjects have been given in its pages. The editors were called upon -to define more particularly their relations to archæology in America -in the number for Sept., 1888. In this they say: “The archæology of -America is busied with the life and work of a race or races of men in -an inchoate, rudimentary, and unformed condition, who never raised -themselves, even at their highest point, as in Mexico and Peru, -above a low stage of civilization, and never showed the capacity of -steadily progressive development.... These facts limit and lower the -interest which attaches ... to crude and imperfect human life.... A -comparison of their modes of life and thought with those of other races -in a similar stage of development in other parts of the world, in -ancient and modern times, is full of interest as exhibiting the close -similarity of primitive man in all regions, resulting from the sameness -of his first needs, in his early struggle for existence.” The editors -rest their reasons for giving prominence to classical archæology upon -the necessity of affording by such complemental studies the means of -comparison in archæological results, which can but advance to a higher -plane the methods and inductions of the prehistoric archæology of -America. - -The American Folk-Lore Society was founded in Jan., 1888, and _The -Journal of American Folk-Lore_ was immediately begun. A large share -of its papers is likely to cover the popular tales of the American -aborigines. - -The Anthropological Society of Washington is favorably situated to -avail itself of the museums and apparatus of the American government, -and members of the Geological Survey and Ethnological Bureau have -been among the chief contributors to its _Transactions_,[1920] which -in January, 1888, were merged in a more general publication, _The -American Anthropologist_. A National Geographic Society was organized -in Washington in 1888. - -There are numerous local societies throughout the United States whose -purpose, more or less, is to cover questions of archæological import. -Those that existed prior to 1876 are enumerated in Scudder’s _Catalogue -of Scientific Serials_; but it was not easy always to draw the line -between historical associations and those verging upon archæological -methods.[1921] - -The oldest of the scientific periodicals in the United States to -devote space to questions of anthropology is Silliman’s _American -Journal of Science and Arts_ (1818, etc.). The _American Naturalist_, -founded in 1867, also entered the field of archæology and anthropology. -The same may be said in some degree of the _Popular Science Monthly_ -(1877, etc.), _Science_ (1883), and the _Kansas City Review_. The chief -repository of such contributions, however, since 1878, has been _The -American Antiquarian_ (Chicago), edited by Stephen D. Peet. Its papers -are, unluckily, of very uneven value.[1922] - -The best organized work has been done in the United States by the -Peabody Museum of American Archæology and Ethnology, in Cambridge, -Mass., and by certain departments of the Federal government at -Washington. - -The Peabody Museum resulted from a gift of George Peabody, an American -banker living in London, who instituted it in 1866 as a part of Harvard -University.[1923] It was fortunate in its first curator, Dr. Jeffries -Wyman, who brought unusual powers of comprehensive scrutiny to its -work.[1924] He died in 1874, and was succeeded by one of his and of -Agassiz’s pupils, Frederick W. Putnam, who was also placed in the chair -of archæology in the university in 1886. The _Reports_, now twenty-two -in number, and the new series of _Special Papers_ are among the best -records of progress in archæological science. - -The creation of the Smithsonian Institution in 1846, under the bequest -of an Englishman, James Smithson, and the devotion of a sum of about -$31,000 a year at that time arising from that gift, first put the -government of the United States in a position “to increase and diffuse -knowledge among men.”[1925] - -The second _Report_ of the Regents in 1848 contains approvals of a -manuscript by E. G. Squier and E. H. Davis, which had been offered to -the Institution for publication, and which had been commended by Albert -Gallatin, Edward Robinson, John Russell Bartlett, W. W. Turner, S. G. -Morton, and George P. Marsh. Thus an important archæological treatise, -_The Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley, comprising the -results of extensive original surveys and explorations_ (Washington, -1848), became the first of the _Smithsonian Contributions to -Knowledge_. The subsequent volumes of the series have contained other -important treatises in similar fields. Foremost among them may be -named those of Squier on the Aboriginal Monuments of New York (vol. -ii., 1851); Col. Whittlesey on _The Ancient Works in Ohio_ (vol. iii., -1852); S. R. Riggs’ _Dakota Grammar and Dictionary_ (vol. iv., 1852); -I. A. Lapham’s _Antiquities of Wisconsin_ (vol. vii., 1855); S. F. -Haven’s _Archæology of the United States_ (vol. viii., 1856); Brantz -Mayer’s _Mexican History and Archæology_ (vol. ix., 1857); Whittlesey -on _Ancient Mining on Lake Superior_ (vol. xiii., 1863); Morgan’s -_Systems of Consanguinity of the human family_ (vol. xvii., 1871);—not -to name lesser papers. To supplement this quarto series, another in -octavo was begun in 1862, called _Miscellaneous Collections_; and in -this form there have appeared J. M. Stanley’s _Catalogue of portraits -of No. Amer. Indians_ (vol. ii., 1862); a _Catalogue of photographic -portraits of the No. Amer. Indians_ (vol. xiv., 1878). - -Of much more interest to the anthropologist has been the series of -_Annual Reports_ with their appended papers,—such as Squier on _The -Antiquities of Nicaragua_ (1851); W. W. Turner on _Indian Philology_ -(1852); S. S. Lyon on _Antiquities from Kentucky_ (1858), and many -others. - -The sections of correspondence and minor papers in these reports soon -began to include communications about the development of archæological -research in various localities. They began to be more orderly arranged -under the sub-heading of Ethnology in the Report for 1867, and this -heading was changed to Anthropology in the _Report_ for 1879. Charles -Rau (d. 1887) had been a leading contributor in this department, and -no. 440 of the Smithsonian publications was made up of his _Articles on -Anthropological Subjects, contributed from 1863 to 1877_ (Washington, -1882). No. 421 is Geo. H. Boehmer’s _Index to Anthropological Articles -in the publications of the Smithsonian Institution_ (Washington, 1881). -Among the later papers those of O. T. Mason of the Anthropological -Department of the National Museum are conspicuous. - -The last series is the _Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology_, placed by -Congress in the charge of the Smithsonian. The _Reports of the American -Historical Association_ will soon be begun under the same auspices. - -Major J. W. Powell, the director of the Bureau of Ethnology, said that -its purpose was “to organize anthropologic research in America.”[1926] -It published its first report in 1881, and this and the later reports -have had for contents, beside the summary of work constituting the -formal report, the following papers:— - -Vol. i.: J. W. POWELL. The evolution of language.—Sketch of the -mythology of the North American Indians.—Wyandot government.—On -limitations to the use of some anthropologic data.—H. C. YARROW. -A further contribution to the study of mortuary customs among the -North American Indians.—E. S. HOLDEN. Studies in Central American -picture-writing.—C. C. ROYCE. Cessions of land by Indian tribes to -the United States: illustrated by those in Indiana.—G. MALLERY. -Sign language among North American Indians compared with that among -other peoples and deaf-mutes.—J. C. PILLING. Catalogue of linguistic -manuscripts in the library.—Illustration of the method of recording -Indian languages. From the manuscripts of J. O. Dorsey, A. S. Gatschet, -and S. R. Riggs. - -Vol. ii.: F. H. CUSHING. Zuñi fetiches.—_Mrs._ E. A. SMITH. Myths -of the Iroquois.—H. W. HENSHAW. Animal carvings from mounds of the -Mississippi Valley.—W. MATTHEWS. Navajo silversmiths.—W. H. HOLMES. Art -in shell of the ancient Americans.—J. STEVENSON. Illustrated catalogue -of the collections obtained from the Indians of New Mexico and Arizona -in 1879;—Illustrated catalogue of the collections obtained from the -Indians of New Mexico in 1880. - -Vol. iii.: CYRUS THOMAS. Notes on certain Maya and Mexican -manuscripts.—W. (C.) H. DALL On masks, labrets, and certain aboriginal -customs, with an inquiry into the bearing of their geographical -distribution.—J. O. DORSEY. Omaha sociology.—WASHINGTON MATTHEWS. -Navajo weavers.—W. H. HOLMES. Prehistoric textile fabrics of the United -States, derived from impressions on pottery;—Illustrated catalogue of a -portion of the collections made by the Bureau of Ethnology during the -field season of 1881.—JAMES STEVENSON. Illustrated catalogue of the -collections obtained from the Pueblos of Zuñi, New Mexico, and Wolpi, -Arizona, in 1881. - -Vol. iv.: GARRICK MALLERY. Pictographs of the North American -Indians.—W. H. HOLMES. Pottery of the ancient Pueblos;—Ancient -pottery of the Mississippi Valley;—Origin and development of form and -ornament in ceramic art.—F. H. CUSHING.. A study of Pueblo pottery as -illustrative of Zuñi culture growth. - -Vol. v.: CYRUS THOMAS. Burial mounds of the northern sections of the -United States.—C. C. ROYCE. The Cherokee nation of Indians.—WASHINGTON -MATTHEWS. The Mountain Chant: a Navajo ceremony.—CLAY MACCAULEY. The -Seminole Indians of Florida.—_Mrs._ TILLY E. STEVENSON. The religious -life of the Zuñi child. - - * * * * * - -What is known as the United States National Museum is also in charge of -the Smithsonian Institution,[1927] and here are deposited the objects -of archæological and historical interest secured by the government -explorations and by other means. The linguistic material is kept -in the Bureau of Ethnology. The skulls and physiological material, -illustrative of prehistoric times, are deposited in the Army Medical -Museum, under the Surgeon-General’s charge. - -Major Powell, while in charge of the Geographical and Geological Survey -of the Rocky Mountain Region, had earlier prepared five volumes of -_Contributions to Ethnology_, all but the second of which have been -published. The first volume (1877) contained W. H. Dall’s “Tribes of -the Extreme Northwest” and George Gibbs’ “Tribes of Western Washington -and Northwestern Oregon.” The third (1877): Stephen Powers’ “Tribes -of California.” The fourth (1881): Lewis H. Morgan’s “Houses and -house life of the American Aborigines.” The fifth (1882): Charles -Rau’s “Lapidarian sculpture of the Old World and in America,” Robert -Fletcher’s “Prehistoric trephining and cranial Amulets,” and Cyrus -Thomas on the Troano Manuscript, with an introduction by D. G. Brinton. - -Among the _Reports_ of the geographical and geological explorations -and surveys west of the 100th meridian conducted by Capt. Geo. M. -Wheeler, the seventh volume, _Report on Archæological and Ethnological -Collections from the vicinity of Santa Barbara, California, and from -ruined pueblos of Arizona and New Mexico and certain Interior Tribes_ -(Washington, 1879), was edited by F. W. Putnam, and contains papers -on the ethnology of Southern California, wood and stone implements, -sculptures, musical instruments, beads, etc.; the Pueblos of New -Mexico, their inhabitants, architecture, customs, cliff houses and -other ruins, skeletons, etc.; with an _Appendix_ on Linguistics, -containing forty Vocabularies of Pueblo and other Western Indian -Languages and their classification into seven families. - -The _Reports_ of the Geological and Geographical Survey of the -Territories, under the charge of F. V. Hayden, brought to us in those -of 1874-76 the knowledge of the cliff-dwellers, and they contain among -the miscellaneous publications such papers as W. Matthews’ _Ethnography -and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians_ and W. H. Jackson’s _Descriptive -Catalogue of photographs of No. Amer. Indians_. - -There are other governmental documents to be noted: _The Exploration -of the Red River of Louisiana in 1852_, by R. B. Marcy and G. B. -McClellan (Washington, 1854), contains a vocabulary of the Comanches -and Witchitas, with some general remarks by W. W. Turner. There is help -to be derived from the geographical details, and from something on -ethnology, in the _Reports of Explorations and Surveys for a Railroad -from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean_ (Washington, 1856-60, -in 12 vols.); in W. H. Emory’s _Report on the United States and Mexican -Boundary Survey_ (Washington, 1857-58, in 2 vols.); J. H. Simpson’s -_Report of Explorations across the great basin of the territory of Utah -in 1859_ (Washington, 1876); J. N. Macomb’s _Report of the Exploring -Expedition from Santa Fé to the Junction of the Grand and Green Rivers -of the Great Colorado of the West in 1859_ (Washington, 1876). - -There were also published, under the auspices of the government, -the conglomerate and very unequal work of Henry R. Schoolcraft, -_Historical and Statistical Information respecting the history, -conditions, and prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United -States, collected and prepared under the direction of the Bureau -of Indian Affairs_ (Philad., 1851-57, in 6 vols., with a trade -edition of the same date). An act of Congress (March 3, 1847) -authorized its publication. As reissued it is called _Archives -of aboriginal knowledge, containing original papers laid before -Congress, respecting the Indian tribes of the United States_ -(Philadelphia, 1860, ’68, 6 vols.). It has the following divisions: -General history.—Manners and customs.—Antiquities.—Geography.—Tribal -organization, etc.—Intellectual capacity.—Topical history.—Physical -type.—Language.—Art.—Religion and mythology.—Demonology, magic, -etc.—Medical knowledge.—Condition and prospects.—Statistics and -population.—Biography.—Literature.—Post-Columbian history.—Economy and -statistics. An edition of vols. 1-5 (1856) is called _Ethnological -researches respecting the Red Men of America, Information respecting -the history_, etc. The sixth volume is in effect a summary of the -preceding five.[1928] - -At a recent meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of -Science, a committee was charged with preparing a memorial to Congress, -urging action to insure the preservation of certain national monuments. -There is a summary of their report in _Science_, xii. p. 101. - - * * * * * - -Of all European countries, the most has been done in France, by way of -periodical system and corporate organizations, to advance the study -of American anthropology, ethnology, and archæology. The _Annales des -voyages, de la géographie et de l’histoire, traduits de toutes les -langues Européennes; des relations originales, inédites_,[1929] the -publication of which was begun by Malte-Brun in 1808 and continued -to 1814, and the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, begun in 1819 -and continued with a slightly varying title till 1870, are sources -occasionally of much importance. At a later day, Edouard Lartet and -others have used the _Annales des Sciences Naturelles_ as a medium -for their publications. We hardly trace here, however, any corporate -movement before the institution of the Société de Géographie de Paris -in 1820. In 1824 it issued the first volume of its _Recueil de Voyages -et de Mémoires_, which reached seven volumes in 1864, and had included -(vol. ii.) an account of Palenqué and the researches of Warden on the -antiquities of the United States. Since this society began the issue -of its _Bulletin_ in 1827, it has occasionally given assistance in the -study of American archæology. - -The earliest distinctive periodical on the subject was the _Revue -Américaine_, of which, in 1826-27, three volumes, in monthly parts, -were published in Paris.[1930] In 1857 a movement was inaugurated -which engaged first and last the coöperation of some eminent scholars -in these studies, like Aubin, Buschmann, V. A. Malte-Brun, Abbé -Brasseur de Bourbourg, Jomard, Alphonse Pinart, Cortambert, Léon de -Rosny, Waldeck, Abbé Domenech, Charencey, etc. The active movers were -first known as the Comité d’Archéologie Américaine, and they issued -an _Annuaire_ (1863-67) and one volume, at least, of _Actes_ (1865), -as well as a collection of _Mémoires sur l’archéologie Américaine_ -(1865). This organization soon became known as the Société Américaine -de France, and under the auspices of this name there has been a series -of publications of varying designation.[1931] Its _Annuaire_ began -in 1868, and has been continued. The general name of _Archives de la -Société Américaine de France_ covers its other publications, which -more or less coincide with the _Revue Orientale et Américaine par Léon -de Rosny_, the first series of which appeared in Paris in 10 vols., -in 1859-65, followed by a second, the first volume of which (vol. xi. -of the whole) is called _Revue Américaine, publié sous les auspices -de la Société d’Ethnographie et du Comité d’Archéologie Américaine_, -and is at the same time the fourth volume of the _Actes de la Société -d’Ethnographie Américaine et Orientale_. The whole series is sometimes -cited as the _Mémoires de la Société d’Ethnographie_.[1932] The -series, already referred to, of the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de -France_ is made up thus: Première série: vol. i., _Revue Orientale et -Américaine_; ii., _Revue Américaine_; iii. and iv., _Revue Orientale et -Américaine_.[1933] The nouvelle série has no sub-titles, and the three -volumes bear date 1875, 1876, 1884. - -The student of comparative anthropology will resort to the _Materiaux -pour l’histoire positive et philosophique_ (later _primitive et -naturelle_) _de l’homme_, the publication of which was begun at Paris -in 1864 by Gabriel de Mortillet, and has been continued by Trutot, -Cartailhac, Chautre, and others. This publication has contained -abstracts of the proceedings of an annual gathering in Paris, whose -_Comptes rendu_ have been printed at length as of the _Congrès -international d’anthropologie et d’archéologie préhistoriques_ (1865, -etc.).[1934] - -Léon de Rosny published but a single volume of a projected series, -_Archives paléographiques de l’Orient et de l’Amérique_ (Paris, -1870-71), which contains some papers on Mexican picture-writing. Rosny -and others, who had been active in the movement begun by the Comité -d’Archéologie Américaine, were now instrumental in organizing the -periodical gathering in different cities of Europe, which is known -as the _Congrès international des Américanistes_. The first session -was held at Nancy in 1875, and its _Compte Rendu_ was published -in two volumes (Nancy and Paris, 1876). The second meeting was at -Luxembourg in 1877 (_Compte Rendu_, Paris, 1878, in 2 vols.); the third -at Brussels in 1879 (_Compte Rendu_); the fourth at Madrid in 1881 -(_Congreso internacional de Américanistas. Cuarta reunion_, Madrid, -1881); the fifth at Copenhagen (_Compte Rendu_, Copenhagen, 1884); and -others at Chalons-sur-Marne, Turin, and Berlin. The papers are printed -in the language in which they were read. - -The _Mémoires de la Société d’Ethnographie_ (founded in 1859) began -to appear in 1881, and its third volume (1882) is entitled _Les -Documents écrits de l’Antiquité Américaine, compte rendu d’une mission -scientifique en Espagne et en Portugal, par Léon de Rosny, avec une -carte et 10 planches_. The fourth volume is P. de Lucy-Fossarieu’s -_Ethnographie de l’Amérique Antarctique_ (Paris, 1884). In the second -volume of a new series there is an account by V. Devaux of the work in -American ethnology done by Lucien de Rosny as a preface to a posthumous -work[1935] of Lucien de Rosny, _Les Antilles, étude d’Ethnographie et -d’Archéologique Américaines_ (Paris, 1886). - -Latterly there has been a consolidation of interests among kindred -societies under the name of Institution Ethnographique, whose initial -_Rapport annuel sur les récompenses et encouragements décernés en 1883_ -was published at Paris in 1883. This society now comprises the Société -d’Ethnographie, Société Américaine de France, Athénée Oriental, and -Société des Etudes Japonaises. - - * * * * * - -In England, organized efforts for the record of knowledge began with -the creation of the Royal Society, though certain sporadic attempts -had earlier been known. America was represented among its founders -in the younger John Winthrop, and Cotton Mather was a contributor -to its transactions, and there has occasionally been a paper in its -publications of interest to American archæologists.[1936] The Society -of Antiquaries began to print its _Archæologia_ in 1779 and its -_Proceedings_ in 1848, and the American student finds some valuable -papers in them. The British Association for the Advancement of Science -began its _Reports_ with the meeting of 1831, and it has had among its -divisions a section of anthropology. In 1830 the Royal Geographical -Society began its _Journal_ with a preliminary issue (1830-31, in -2 vols.), though its regular series first came out in 1832. Its -_Proceedings_ appeared in 1855, and both publications are a conspicuous -source in many ways relating to early American history.[1937] Closely -connected with its interest has been the publication begun under the -editing of C. R. Markham, and called successively _Ocean Highways_ -(1869-73, vol. i.-v.), with an added title of _Geographical Review_ -(1873-74), and lastly as _The Geographical Magazine_ (vol. i.-iii., -1874-76). - -The Ethnological Society published four volumes of a _Journal_[1938] -between 1844 and 1856, and resuming published two more volumes in -1869-70. Its contents are mainly of interest in comparative study, -though there are a few American papers, like D. Forbes’s on the Aymara -Indians of Peru. This society’s _Transactions_ was issued in two -volumes, 1859-60; and again in seven volumes, 1861-69. - -Meanwhile, some gentlemen, not content with the restricted field of -the Ethnological Society, founded in London an Anthropological Society, -which began the publication of _Memoirs_ (1863-69, in 3 vols.); and in -this publication Bollaert issued his papers on the population of the -new world, on the astronomy of the red man, on American paleography, on -Maya hieroglyphics, on the anthropology of the new world, on Peruvian -graphic records,—not to name other papers by different writers. The -_Transactions_ and _Journal_ of the society, as well as the _Popular -Magazine of Anthropology_ (1866), made part in one form or another of -the _Anthropological Review_, begun in 1863, and discontinued in 1870, -when the _Journal of Anthropology_ succeeded, but ceased the next year. -The _Proceedings_ of the society make one volume, 1873-75, under the -title of _Anthropologia_, and the society also maintained a series -of translations of foreign treatises, the first of which was Theodor -Waitz’s _Introduction to Anthropology_, ed. from the German by J. F. -Collingwood (1863); and this was followed by a version by James Hunt, -the president of the society, of Professor Carl Vogt’s _Lectures on -Man, his place in Creation and in the history of the Earth_ (1864), and -by other works of Broca, Pouchet, Blumenbach, etc. - -What is known as the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and -Ireland united some of these separate endeavors and began its _Journal_ -in 1871. The _Quarterly Journal of the Geological Society_ has also at -times been the channel by which some of the leading anthropologists -have published their views, and a few papers of archæological import -have been given in the _Transactions_ (1884, etc.) of the Royal -Historical Society. Professedly broader relations belong to the -_Transactions_ (_Comptes rendus_) of the International Congress of -prehistoric (anthropology and) archæology, which began its sessions in -1866.[1939] The latest summary is the _Archæological Review, a journal -of historic and prehistoric antiquities_, edited by G. L. Gomme, of -which the first number appeared in March, 1888, which has for a main -feature a bibliographical record of past and current archæological -literature.[1940] - -It is, however, in the volumes of the Hakluyt Society’s publications, -beginning in 1847, in the annotated reprint of the early writers on -American nations and on the European contact with them, that the most -signal service has been done in England to the study of the early -history of the new world. They are often referred to in the present -History. - - * * * * * - -In Germany a _Magazin für die Naturgeschichte des Menschen_ was -published at Zittau as early as 1788-1791. - -Wagner published at Vienna, in 1794-96, two volumes of _Beiträge zur -philosophischen Anthropologie_; and Heynig’s _Psychologisches (zugleich -Anthropologisches) Magazin_ was published at Altenburg in 1796-97. - -The Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaft began its _Abhandlungen_ in -1804, but it was not till long after that date that Buschmann and -others used it as a channel of their views. - -Vertuch’s _Archiv für Ethnographie und Linguistik_ (Weimar, 1807) only -reached a single number. - -The _Zeitschrift für physische Aerzte_, which was published by Nasse, -at Leipzig, 1818-22, was succeeded by the _Zeitschrift für die -Anthropologie_ (Leipzig, 1823-24), and this was followed by a single -volume, _Jahrbücher für Anthropologie_ (Leipzig, 1830). - -Bran’s _Ethnographisches Archiv_ was published at Jena from 1818 to -1829. - -It was not till after 1860 that the new interest began to manifest -itself, though Fechner’s _Centralblatt für Naturwissenschaften und -Anthropologie_ was published at Leipzig in 1853-54. - -Ecker’s _Archiv für Anthropologie_ was published at Braunschweig -in 1866-68, which came in 1870 under the direction of the Deutsche -Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, which -also began a _Correspondenzblatt_ in 1870, and a series, _Allgemeine -Versammlung_, in 1873. This is the most important of the German -societies. - -Bastian’s _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_ was begun at Berlin in 1869, and -later added a _Supplement_. - -The Anthropologische Gesellschaft of Vienna began its _Mittheilungen_ -in 1870; and in 1887 the Prähistorische Commission of the Kais. -Akad. der Wissenschaften at Vienna printed the first number of its -_Mittheilungen_. - -The _Verein für Anthropologie_ in Leipzig published but a single number -of a _Bericht_ in 1871. - -The Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und -Urgeschichte continued its _Verhandlungen_ for 1871-72 only; and the -Göttinger Anthropologischer Verein made but a bare beginning (1874) of -its _Mittheilungen_. - -The _Bericht_ of the Museum für Völkerkunde was begun in Leipzig in -1874. - -The Münchener Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und -Urgeschichte began the publication of _Beiträge_ in 1876. - -In all these publications there have been papers interesting to -American archæologists, if only in a comparative way, and at times -American subjects have been frequent, especially in later years. The -publications of zoölogical and geographical societies have in some -respects been at times of equal interest, but it has not been thought -worth while to enumerate them.[1941] - -The Königliche Museum at Berlin has a considerable collection of -American antiquities, which has been fostered by Humboldt and others, -and the ethnological department has made some important publications -like those relating to _Amerika’s Nordwestküste_.[1942] - -Waitz in his _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_ (vol. iii.; _Die -Amerikaner_, Th. i., Leipzig, 1862) has enumerated the literature of -American anthropology upon which he depended. - - * * * * * - -The interest in most of the other European countries is more remotely -American. The Museum of Ethnography at St. Petersburg is not without -some objects of interest.[1943] - -In Sweden the Antropologiska Sällskapet of Stockholm began a -_Tidsskrift_ in 1875; but it affords little assistance to the -Americanist except in comparative study.[1944] - -The student will find some suggestions in a little tract by J. J. A. -Worsaae, _De l’organisation des musées historico-archéologiques dans le -Nord et ailleurs. Traduit par E. Beauvois_ (Copenhagen, 1885), which is -extracted from the _Mémoires de la société royale des antiquaires de -Nord, 1885_. - -There has begun recently in Leyden an _Internationales Archiv für -Ethnographie. Herausg. von Krist. Bahnson, Guido Cora [etc.]_ (Leiden, -1888). - -In Italy the _Archivio per l’Antropologia et la Etnologia_ was begun at -Florence in 1871, and was later made the organ of the Società Italiana -di Antropologia di Etnologia. There is an occasional paper in the -_Bollettino della Società Geografica Italiana_, published at Rome. - -In Spain the Sociedad Antropológica Española began at Madrid the -publication of its _Revista de Antropologia_ in 1875. - -The session of the Congrès des Américanistes at Madrid in 1881 gave a -new life in Spain to the study of American archæology and history, and -out of this impulse there was begun a _Biblioteca de los Americanistas, -publícala D. Justo Zaragoza; Editor D. Luis Navarro_; and the series -has been begun with the _Recordacion florida, discurso del reino de -Guatemala_, an hitherto unpublished work (1690) of Francisco Antonio -de Fuentes y Guzmán, edited by Justo Zaragoza; and with the _Historia -de Venezuela_, being a third edition of the work of José de Oviedo y -Baños, edited by C. F. Duro. - -The Museo Nacional in Mexico has grown to have a proper -importance,[1945] since the Mexican government has prevented the -further exportation of archæological relics. It was founded in 1824 -by Fathers Icaza and Gondra, but it owes its creation largely to the -skill of Professor Gumesindo Mendoza, its curator, by whose death it -lost much.[1946] There is a tendency to draw to it other collections. -There was a beginning made to publish illustrations of the relics in -the museum sixty years ago, but it came to little,[1947] and it was -not until recently the publication of _Anales del Museo Nacional de -Méjico_ was begun that there seemed to be a proper effort made. The -periodicals _Revista Mexicana_ (1835), and _Museo Mexicano_ (1843-45) -have done something to illustrate the subject,—not to name others of -less importance. The principal periodical source farther south, the -_Registro Yucatéco_, only ran to four volumes, published at Merida in -1845-46. - -The most conspicuous archæological repository in South America is that -of the National Museum at Rio de Janeiro, whose published _Mémoires_ -contain important contributions to Brazilian Archæology. - - * * * * * - -_The editor must be understood as approaching the purely archæological -side of the study of Aboriginal America, as a student of the literature -pertaining to it, rather than as a critic of phenomena. He has not -proceeded even in this course without consultation with Professors -Putnam, Haynes, and Brinton, with Mr. Lucien Carr and with Señor -Icazbalceta._ - - - - - INDEX. - - -[Reference is commonly made but once to a book, if repeatedly mentioned -in the text; but other references are made when additional information -about the book is conveyed.] - - - - - AA, VAN DER, _Voyagien_, xxxv. - - Abancay, 236. - - Abbot, C. C., associates the rude implements of Trenton with Eskimos, - 106, 366; - his discoveries in the Delaware gravels considered, 330 _et seq._; - _Implements in the river-drift at Trenton_, 333; - _Supposed palæolithic implements from the valley of the Delaware_, - 334, 388; - on the pre-Indian race, 336; - importance of his discoveries, 356; - on the origin of Americans, 369; - on the tertiary man, 387; - researches in the Trenton gravels, 388; - finds a molar tooth, 388; - and a human jaw, 388; - _Antiq. of Man in the Delaware Valley_, 388; - _Evidences of the Antiq. of Man_, 388; - on archæological frauds, 403; - _Primitive Industry_, 358, 416; - on Atlantic coast pottery, 419. - - Abbott, _Brief Description_, 109. - - Abelin, J. P., _Theatrum Europeum_, xxxiii. - _See_ Gottfried, J. L. - - Abenaki, 322. - - Abert, J. W., _Examination of New Mexico_, 396. - - Acagchemem, 328. - - Acaltecs, 191. - - Achilles Tatius, _Isagoge_, 8. - - Acolhua, forms a confederacy, 147. - - Acolhuacan conquered, 147. - - Acoma, 396. - - Acora, burial-tower at, 248; - cut, 249. - - Acosta, José de, in De Bry, xxxii; - _East and West Indies_, 45, 262; - _Historia_, 155, 262; - corresponds with Tobar, 155; - in Peru, 262; - _Concilium Limense_, 268; - _Nueva Granada_, 282. - - Adair, Jas., _Amer. Indians_, 116, 320, 424; - on the lost tribes, 116; - on the mounds, 398. - - Adam, Lucien, on Fousang, 80; - opposes Irish connection with Mexico, 83; - on the Eskimo language, 107; - on the Quichua, 281; - criticises Horatio Hale, 422; - edits the Taensa grammar, 426; - _Le Taensa_, 426; - _Etudes sur six langues_, 425, 427; - _Lengua Chiquita_, 425; - _Examen grammatical_, 425. - - Adam of Bremen on Vinland, 89; - _Hist. Eccles._, 89, 94. - - Adam, a race earlier than, 384. - - Adams, Davenport, _Beneath the Surface_, 412. - - Adelung, J. C., xxxv, 422. - - Adhémer, _Rev. de la Mer_, 387. - - Aelian, _Varia Historia_, 21, 40, 42. - - Aeneas Silvius, 26. - - Æschylus, _Prometheus Bound_, 13. - - Africa, ancient views of its extension south of the equator, 7, 10; - circumnavigated, 7; - migrations from, to America, 116; - its people in Yucatan, 370. - - Agassiz, Alex., _Cruises of the Blake_, 17. - - Agassiz, Louis, on the autochthonous American man, 373; - portrait, 373; - his views attacked, 374; - on the earliest land above water, 384; - _Geol. Sketches_, 384. - - Agatharcides, _Geography_, 34. - - Agnese map (1554), 53. - - Agnew, S. A., 410. - - Agriculture in pre-Spanish America, 173, 417; - in Peru, 252. - - Ahuitzotl, 148. - - Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty, 306. - - Alabama, shell-heaps, 393; - mounds, 410. - - Alaguilac language, 428. - - Alaska, 77; - caves, 391; - Indians, 328. - - Albany, treaty at (1674), 304; - (1684), 304. - - Albinus, P., 370. - - Albornoz, J. de, _Lengua Chiapaneca_, 425. - - Albyn, Cornelis, _Nieuwe Weerelt_, xxv. - - Alcavisa, 224. - - Alcedo, Ant. de, _Bibl. Amer._, ii. - - Alcobasa, 265. - - Aleutian islands, as a route from Asia, 78; - caves, 391; - shell-heaps, 393. - - Alexander, C. A., on the Royal Society, 442. - - Algonquins, trace of the Northmen among, 99; - hero-gods, 430; - legends of, 431. - - Allan, John, his library, xiii. - - Allard, Latour, 192. - - Allday, Jacob, 107. - - Allen, Chas., _Stockbridge Indians_, 323. - - Allen, Edw. G., iv. - - Allen, F. A., 379; - _Polynesian Antiq._, 82. - - Allen, Harrison, 201. - - Allen, Joel A., _Works on the orders of Cete, etc._, 107. - - Allen, Zachariah, _Condition of Indians_, 323. - - Allibone, S. A., xii. - - Alligator mound, 409. - - Allouez, reference to copper mines, 417. - - Alloys of metals, 418. - - Almaraz, R., _Memoria_, 182. - - Alpacas, 213, 253. - - Alsop, Richard, 328. - - Alzate y Ramirez, J. A., _Xochicalco_, 180. - - Amaquemecan, 139. - - Amat de San Filippo, Pietro, _Planisferio del 1436_, 56. - - Amautas, 223, 241. - - Amegluno, F., _La Antigüedad del Hombre en la Plata_, 390. - - America, early descriptions of, xix; - early voyages to, xix; - how far known to the ancients, 1, 15, 22, 29; - held to be Atlantis, 16; - to be the land of Meropes, 22; - men supposed to reach Europe from, 26; - early references to, 40; - Egyptian visits, 41; - Phœnician, 41; - Tyrian, 41; - Carthaginian, 41; - Asiatic connection, 59, 76; - Basques in, 75; - early visits by drifting vessels, 75; - voyage to Fousang, 78; - maps of routes from Asia, 81; - by the Polynesian islands, 81; - state of culture reached in, 329; - origin of man in, 369; - climate, 370; - autochthonous man in, 372; - held to be, later than Europe, the home of man, 377; - stone age in, references, 377; - ethnological maps, 378; - connections with Asia, 383; - earliest land above water, 384; - geological connection with Europe, 384; - bibliog. of its aboriginal aspects, 413; - comprehensive treatises on the antiquities, 415; - arts in, 416. - _See_ Africa, Asia, Chinese, Jews, Madoc, Man, Northmen, Phœnician, - Scythian, Tartar, Zeni, Vinland, etc. - - American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 437. - - American Antiq. Soc. Catal., xvii; - founded, 371, 437; - _Archæologia Americana_, 437. - - _American Anthropologist_, 438. - - _American Antiquarian_, 439. - - American Association for the Advancement of Science, 437; - would protect antiquities, 441. - - American Ethnological Society, 320, 399, 437; - its publications, 376. - - American Folk-Lore Society, 438. - - _American Gazetteer_, 321. - - American Geographical Society, xvii, 437. - - American Historical Association, 439. - - _American Journal of Archæology_, 438. - - _American Journal of Science and Arts_, 438. - - _American Naturalist_, 438. - - American Philosophical Society, their publications, 437. - - _American Traveller_ (1743), xxxv, 370. - - Americana, i; - bibliographies, i; - dealers in, xiii. - - Americanism, 160. - - Ammianus Marcellinus, 42. - - Ampère, _Promenade en Amérique_, 81. - - Anáhuac, history of, 139; - map of, in Clavigero, in facs., 144; - its limits, 182; - map, 182. - - Anaxagoras, 3. - - Anchorena, J. D., on the Quichua grammar, 280. - - Ancients, their knowledge of America, 1. - - Ancon, burials at, 276, 373; - cut of mummy, 276; - of cloth, 278. - - Ancona, Eligio, _Yucatan_, 166. - - Ande, 428. - - Anderson, Rasmus B., translates Horn’s _Lit. Scandin. North_, 84; - _America not discovered by Columbus_, 97; - on Dighton Rock, 104. - - Anderson, Winslow, on human bodies found in California, 138. - - Andrade, J. M., 170; - _Catalogue_, 414. - - Andree, Richard, _Ethnog. Parallelen_, 105. - - Andrews, Edmund B., on geological evidence from the great lakes, 382; - on the Ohio mounds, 402, 407, 408. - - Angliara, Johan von, xxi. - - Angrand, L., on Waldeck, 194; - _Les Antiquités de Tiaguanaco_, 273. - - Anguilla island, 390. - - Animal mounds, 400. - - Animals, domestic, hardly known in pre-Spanish America, 173. - - Animas River, ruins, 396. - - _Annales maritimos_, xix. - - _Annales Archéologiques_, 441. - - _Annals of Science_, 418. - - Antarctic continent, 10. - - _Anthropologia_, 442. - - Anthropological Institute of Great Britain, 443; - _Journal_, 443. - - Anthropological Institute of New York, 438. - - _Anthropological Review_, 442. - - Anthropological Society of Washington, 438. - - Anthropology and its method, 378, 411; - hist. of, 411. - - Antichthones, 9. - - Antilles, remnants of Atlantis, 44. - _See_ Antillia. - - Antillia, island, 31, 48; - bibliog. 48; - in Bianco and Pizigani maps, 54. - - Antipodes, ancient views of, 9, 31, 37. - - _Antiquarisk Tidsskrift_, 94. - - Antiquity of man. _See_ Man. - - Antisell, Thos., 78. - - Antonio, Nic., _Bibl. Hispaña nova_, 413. - - Apaches, 327. - - Apalaches, 426, 431. - - Apes, Wm., _Kingdom of Christ_, 116; - _Son of the Forest_, 323. - - Apianus’s map, xxi. - - Apollonius Rhodius, _Argonautica_, 35. - - Apponyi, _Libraries of San Francisco_, xviii. - - Aprositos, 48. - - Arabian geographers, 48. - - Arabic maps, 53. - - Arabs, their knowledge of the Atlantic islands, 47. - - Arana, D. B., _Notas_, vi. - - Arana, _Bibliog. de obras anon._, xxiv. - - Aratus, _Phaenomena_, 35. - - Araucanians, 428. - - Arcelin, 357. - - Archæological Institute of America, 169, 438. - - _Archæological Review_, 443. - - Archer-Hind, Ed. Plato’s _Timæus_, 46. - - Archimedes, his globe, 3. - - Architecture of Middle America, 176, 177; - in Peru, 247. - - _Archiv für Ethnographie_, 444. - - _Archivo des Açores_, xix. - - _Archivio per l’Anthropologia_, 444. - - Arctic peoples. _See_ Eskimos. - - Arequipa, 277. - - Argillite, 417; - spear-points, 359; - commonness of the mineral, 363. - - Argonauts, 6. - - Argyle, Duke of, _Primeval Man_, 381. - - Arica, 275. - - Arickarees, 417. - - Aristotle on the form of the earth, 2; - _Meteorologia_, 7; - _De Mirab. Auscultationibus_, 24; - on the Atlantic, 28; - his scientific treatises, 34; - his influence in the West, 37. - - Arizona, caves in, 391; - ruins in, 397; - map, 397. - - Armin, _Heutige Mexico_, 178. - - Armstrong, Col., 312. - - Army Medical Museum, 440. - - Arnold, Gov., his stone windmill at Newport, 105. - - Arrawak, 428. - - Arriaga, José de, 264; - _La Idolatria del Peru_, 264. - - Arrow-heads, art of making, 417. - - Arroyo de la Cuesta, F., _Mutsun language_, 425. - - Artaun, S. de, 262. - - Arthur, King, in Iceland, 60. - - Arthur von Dartzig, xxxiii; - _Hist. Ind. orient._, xxxiii. - - Arts in America, 416. - - Arundel de Wardour, Lord, _Plato’s Atlantis_, 45. - - Asguaws, 111. - - Asher, David, 200. - - Ashtabula Co., Ohio, mounds, 408. - - Asia, emigration to America, 59, 76, 329, 371, 383; - similarity of flora, 60; - of physical appearance of peoples, 76; - migration to Fousang, 78; - maps of routes to America, 81; - supported by Humboldt, 371; - testimony of jade, 417; - ancient views of its east coast, 7. - _See_ Fousang, Mongols, etc. - - Aspinwall, Thomas, his library, iv; - burned, iv; - sold to S. L. M. Barlow, iv. - - Assarigoa, 289. - - Astley, _Voyages_, xxxv. - - Astor Library, xvii. - - Astrolabe, 37. - - Astronomy among the Mexicans, 179. - - Atahualpa, his portrait, 228; - his palace, 231; - meets Pizarro, 231. - - Atenco, 139. - - _Atenco de Linia_, 282. - - _Athenæ Rauricæ_, xxvi. - - Atlantic islands, ancient names attached to, 14; - remnants of Atlantis, 21, 45; - fabulous ones, 31, 46; - in maps, 47, 48; - known to the Arabs, 47 - as mapped by Gaffarel (_fac-simile_), 52. - - Atlantic Ocean, contour of its bottom, map, 17; - depth of, 17; - its plateaus, 21; - dreaded by the ancients, 28; - myths of, 31; - soundings in, 44; - Toscanelli’s ideas of, 51; - early maps of, 53; - Arabs on, 72. - - Atlantis, story of, 15; - in Plato, 16; - interpretations of it, 16; - held to be America, 16, 43; - maps of, 18, 19, 20; - merely a literary ornament, 21; - interest in it on the revival of learning, 33; - history of the belief, 41; - various identifications, 42; - the Atlantic islands remnants, 43; - Gaffarel’s map of the remnants, 52; - Dawson’s views, 382. - - Atonaltzin, 148. - - Attu, 78. - - Atwater, Caleb, _Indians of the N. W._, 327; - on the origin of Americans, 372; - on the shell-heaps of the Muskingum, 392; - _Antiquities in the State of Ohio_, 398; - _Writings_, 398; - _Tour to Prairie du Chien_, 298. - - Aubin, his acc. of Boturini’s collection of MSS., 159; - purchases what was left of it, 160; - aids in establishing the Soc. Américaine de France, 161; - describes his own collection, 162; - list of his MSS., 162; - _Mém. sur la peinture didactique_, 176, 200; - _Examen des anc. peintures fig. de l’anc. Méxique_, 200; - _La langue Méxicaine_, 427. - - Aughey, Samuel, 348. - - Autochthonous theory, 375. _See_ Man. - - Avallon, 32. - - Avendaño, F. de, 280. - - Avendaño, H. de, 264; - _Idolatrios de los Indios_, 264. - - Avienus, _Ora maritima_, 25; - _Descriptio orbis terræ_, 36. - - Avila, F. de, 264; - his Indian mythology as translated by Markham, 436; - his chapter on the Quichua, 274. - - Aviles, Estavan, _Guatemala_, 168. - - Axapusco, 173. - - Axayacatl, 148. - - Axelsen, Otto, 107. - - Axon, W. E. A., on Trübner, xvi. - - Aymara Indians, 226, 428, 442; - language, 279, 428. - - Aymé, L. H., on Mitla, 185. - - Azangaro, 271. - - Azatlan, Fort, 408. - - Azcapuzalco, 146. - - Azores, known to the Arabs, 47; - on the early maps, 49; - statue in, 49. - - Aztecs, origin of, 135; - traces of their tongue in the north, 138; - their migration maps, 138; - their cradle in the north, 137, 138; - in the south, 139; - arrive in Mexico, 142; - Ranking’s map of their dominion, 144; - divided into Mexicans and Tlatelulcas, 146; - confederation formed, 147; - laws and institutions, 153; - _Mappe Tlotzin_, 163; - their profiles, 193; - the curve of the nose helped by an ornament, 193; - their military dress, 193; - picture-writing, 197 (_see_ Hieroglyphics); - Aubin’s studies of it, 200; - their books described, 203; - their paper, 203; - music of, 420; - language, 426; - hero-gods, 430; - alleged monotheism, 430; - mythology, 431; - prayers, 431; - priesthood and festivals, 431; - sacred buildings, 431; - goddess of war, 435. - _See_ Mexico, Nahua. - - Aztlan, 137; - map of, 394; - a myth, 138; - its situation, 138; - in the south, 139. - - - BABBITT, MISS F. E., _Ancient Quartz Workers_, 345; - _Glacial Man in Minnesota_, 388. - - Babel, dispersion of, 137. - - Bachiller y Morales, on the Northmen, 94. - - Bachman, John, _Unity of the Human Race_, 374. - - Backer, Louis de, _Saint Brandan_, 48; - _Misc. Bibliog._, 48. - - Backofen, J. J., _Mutterrecht_, 380. - - Bacqueville de la Potherie, _Hist. de l’Amérique_, 321, 324. - - Baffin Land, 107. - - Baguet, M. A., _Races prim. des deux Amériques_, 369. - - Bahnson, K., 444. - - Baily, John, _Cent. America_, 197; - _Guatemala_, 168. - - Baird, S. F., on shell-heaps, 392. - - Bake, J., _Posidonii reliquiæ_, 34. - - Balboa, M. C., _Miscellanea Austral._, 262. - - Baldwin, Cornelius, on burial cists, 408. - - Baldwin, C. C., 399; on the moundbuilders, 402; - _Relics of Moundbuilders_, 403. - - Baldwin, E., _La Salle County, Ill._, 408. - - Baldwin, John D., _Anc. America_, 412, 415. - - Ballesteros, _Ordenanzas del Peru_, 268. - - Baltic Sea, early maps, 119, 124, 125, 126, 129. - - Baltimore, libraries, xviii. - - Bamps, _L’homme blanc_, 195. - - Bancarel, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Bancroft, Geo., his library, xvii; - on the Northmen, 93; - his map of Indian tribes, 321; - on the origin of Americans, 375; - believes in the unity of the race, 375. - - Bancroft, H. H., aids to bibliog. of Indian languages, vii; - buys the Squier MSS., viii, 272; - his library, viii, ix; - his _Native Races_, viii, 169, 415, 430; - his lists and foot-note references, 414, 415; - _Literary Undertakings_, viii; - _Works_, viii; - his _Central America_, ix; - _Early American Chroniclers_, ix; - criticised, ix; - _Essays and Miscellanies_, ix; - _Hist. of the Pacific States_, ix; - _Hist. of California_, ix; - on Mexican history, 150; - on Sahagún, 157; - on Clavigero, 158; - on Maya history, 166; - condenses the _Popul Vuh_, 166; - on the anc. Mexican magnificence, 174; - on their warfare, 175; - attacks Morgan, 176; - his estimate of Prescott, 269; - on the moundbuilders, 401; - on the general sources of aboriginal America, 413; - his opinions, 415; - on the aboriginal arts, 416; - on American myths, 430. - - Bandelier, A. F., on early Mexican chronology, 133, 155; - on the Toltecs, 141; - on the Aztec arrival, 142; - on the Mexican confederacy, 147; - on Torquemada, 157; - on Ixtlilxochitl, 157; - promises an ed. of the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, 158; - On the _Popul Vuh_, 167; - _Sources of the Aborig. History of Spanish America_, 167; - _Warfare of the Ancient Mexicans_, 169, 175; - _Tenure of lands_, 169; - _Mode of government_, 169, 175; - _Archæological Tour in Mexico_, 169, 180, 185; - on the Mexican civilization, 173; - Morgan’s pupil, 174, 175; - his papers on Mexican life, 175; - admiration for Morgan, 175; - on calendars, 179; - _Studies about Cholula_, 180; - _Archæolog. Notes on Mexico_, 182; - on Mitla, 185; - on the Mexican paintings, 200; - on the Pueblo ruins, 396; - _Sedentary Indians of New Mexico_, 396; - _Ruins of Pecos_, 396; - his use of sources, 413; - _Bibliog. of Yucatan and Cent. America_, 414; - on American Monotheism, 430; - Quetzalcoatl, 432; - his labors in Mexico, 438. - - Baradère, 192. - - Barber, _Hist. Coll. Mass._, 104. - - Barber, E. A., 395, 419; - _Les anciens pueblos_, 397. - - Barcia, annotates Garcia, 369. - - Bardsen, Ivan, his sailing directions, 109. - - Barentz, voyage, 36. - - Baring-Gould, Sabine, _Iceland_, 84, 85. - - Barlow, S. L. M., his library, iv, xviii; - _Rough List_, iv; - _Bibl. Barlowiana_, v. - - Barnard, M. R., 85. - - Barranca, J. S., _Ollanta_, 281. - - Barrandt, A., 409. - - Barrientos, Luis, _Doct. Cristiana_, 425. - - Barrow, John, _Voyages into the Polar Regions_, xxxvi, 93. - - Barry, Wm., 408. - - Barter, _See_ Trade, Traffic. - - Bartlett, John R., edits the Murphy Catalogue, x; - the Carter-Brown Catalogues, xii; - _Bibliog. Notices_, xii; - drawing of Dighton Rock, 101, 104; - _Personal Narrative_, 139, 396; - on rock inscriptions, 410. - - Bartlett, S. C., on Dartmouth College, 322. - - Bartoli, _Essai sur l’Atlantide_, 46. - - Barton, Benj. Smith, _New Views_, 76, 371, 398, 424; - on the Madoc voyage, 110; - his linguistic studies, 424; - on the location of Indian tribes, 321; - portrait, 371; - his career, 371; - _Amer. Antiq._, 371; - _Observations_, 398; - thought the mounds built by the Toltecs, the descendants of the - Danes, 398; - on the Ohio mounds, 407; - on affinities of Indian words, 437. - - Bartram, John, _Travels_, 398, 410. - - Bartram, Wm., _Travels_, 398, 410. - - Basadre, Modesto, 214; - _Riquezas Peruanas_, 244; - on Tiahuanacu, 273. - - Basalenque, _San Augustin de Mechoacan_, 168. - - Basques in America, 74; - their language, 75. - - Bassett, F. S., _Legends of the Sea_, 46. - - Bastian, Adolf, on Yucatan, 166; - _Geschichte des Alten Mexico_, 172; - _Stein Sculpturen aus Guatemala_, 197; - _Der Mensch in der Geschichte_, 378; - _Ein Jahr auf Reisen_, 436; - on the religion of Peru, 436; - _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 443; - _Culturländer_, 443. - - Bates, H. W., _Ethnog. of America_, 76; - _Cent. Amer._, 76, 422. - - Baylies, Francis, 104. - - Beach, W. W., _Indian Miscellany_, 320. - - Beamish, N. L., _Disc. of Amer. by the Northmen_, 96. - - Bear Mound, in Kentucky, 409. - - Beatty, Chas., _Tour in America_, 110, 116, 325; - on the lost tribes, 116. - - Beauchamp, A. de, _Conquête du Pérou_, 228. - - Beauchamp, W. W., 323, 325. - - Beaufoy, M., _Mex. Illustrations_, 180. - - Beaumes Chaudes caves, 357. - - Beauvois, Eugène, _L’Elysée transatlantique_, 31, 47; - _L’Eden_, 33, 50; - on St. Malo’s voyage, 48; - on the Irish discovery of America, 83; - _Markland et Escociland_, 83; - _Les relations des Gaels avec le Méxique_, 83; - _Ancien Evêché du Nouveau Découvertes des Scandinaves_, 96; - _Les derniers Vestiges du Christianisme dans le Markland_, 97; - _Les Colonies Européennes du Markland_, 97; - _Les Skrælings_, 105. - - Beccario, his map, 49. - - Becher, H. C. R., _Trip to Mexico_, 170. - - Becker, J. H., 403; - _Migrations des Nahuas_, 139. - - Beckwith, H. W., 327. - - Becmann, I. C.,_ Hist. Orbis terrarum_, 43. - - Bede, _De Natura Rerum_, 37. - - Beéche, G., his books, xiii. - - Behaim on the Seven Cities (island), 49; - globe (1492), 58, 120. - - Behring’s Straits, route by, 77; - map of, 77; - in quaternary times, 78; - once land, 383. - - Behrnauer, W., _Commerce dans l’ancien Méxique_, 420. - - Belknap, Jeremy, on the Norse voyages, 92. - - Bell, A. W., 397. - - Bell, J. S., 184. - - Bellegarde, Abbé, xxxv. - - Belt, Th., _Stone implements_, 388. - - Beltran de Santa Rosa, P., _Idioma Maya_, 427. - - Beltrami, J. C., _Pilgrimage_, 369. - - Beloit, Wisc., mounds, 409. - - Belt, Thos., on the Trenton gravels, 337; - finds a skull in Colorado, 349. - - Bembo, Cardinal, his history of Venice, 26. - - Benasconi, A., on Palenqué, 191. - - Benavides, Alonso, _Memorial_, 395. - - Bendyshe, T., 411. - - Benes, J. B., 265. - - Benincasa, Andreas, his map (1476), cut, 56; - other maps, 56. - - Bennet and Wijk, _Nederl. Ontdekkingen_, xxxvii; - _Zeereizen_, xxxvii. - - Benzoni, _New World_, xxxii; - printed with Martyr, xxiii. - - Beothuks, 321. - _See_ Newfoundland. - - Berenger, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Berendt, C. H., his Maya collection bought by Brinton, 164; - memoir by Brinton, 164; - on Guatemala docs., 166; - _Centres of Anc. Civilization_, 176; - notes on Central America, 196; - his books, 414; - his linguistic studies, 426; - _Analytical Alphabet_, 426, 427; - his papers, 426; - memoir by Brinton, 426; - on the Maya tongue, 427; - _Ancient Civilizations in Cent. America_, 427. - - Bergen, 68. - - Berger, H., _Fragmente des Hipparchus_, 34; - _des Eratosthenes_, 9, 34; - _Gesch. der Wiss. Erdkunde_, 36; - _Geographie_, 28. - - Beristain de Souza, _Bibl. Hisp.-Amer._, ii, 413. - - Berlin, A. F., 347. - - Berlin, Akad. der Wissenschaft, 443; - Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, 443; - Königliche Museum, 443. - - Berlin tablet, 404. - - Berlioux, E. F., _Les Atlantes_, 43. - - Bernard, _Voiages_, xxxv. - - Bernhardy, G., _Eratosthenica_, 34. - - Berniggerus, _Questiones_, 40. - - Bernoulli, Dr., 200. - - Berthelot, _Antiq. Canariennes_, 116. - - Berthoud, E. L., 397; _Natchez Indians_, 326; - on human relics in Wyoming, 389; - _Creek Valley, Colorado_, 416. - - Bertonio, L., his Aymara grammar, 279. - - Bertran, Giacomo, map, 58. - - Bertrand, _Mémoires_, 116. - - Betanzos, J. J. de, _Doctrina_, 260; - _Suma y Narracion de los Incas_, 260. - - Betoner, Wm. (of Worcester), 50. - - Beughem, C., _Bibl. Hist._, i. - - Bianco, Andreas, his map (1436), 50, 53, 55, 56, 114; - cut of, 54; - (1448), 50, 53; - Carta Nautica, 55; - assists Fra Mauro, 117. - - Biart, Lucien, _Les Aztéques_, 143, 172; - _The Aztecs_, 172. - - Bibliographies, Americana, i; - _Livres payés 1,000 francs et an dessus_, xx. - - _Biblioteca de los Americanistas_, 444. - - _Bibliothèque linguistique Amér._, vii. - - Biddle, _Sebastian Cabot_, 112; - believed the Zeni story a fraud, 112. - - Big Bone Lick, 388. - - Bigelow, A., 409. - - Bigelow, _Natick_, 322. - - Bigmore, _Bibliog. of Printing_, xvi. - - Billaine, _Recueil de divers Voyages_, xxxiv. - - Bimini island, 47. - - Birch, _Robt. Boyle_, 322. - - Birchrod on Atlantis, 43. - - Bird mounds, 409. - - Biscayans in America, 75. - - Bjarni Asbrandson, his voyage, 82. - - Blackamoors found in Central America, 117. - - Blackett, W. S., _Lost Histories of America_, 40, 43. - - Blackmore collections, 399, 444. - - Blade, J. F., _L’Origine des Basques_, 75. - - Blake, C. C., on Peruvian skulls, 244. - - Blake, John H., his Peruvian collection, 273. - - Blenheim Library, xiii. - - Blome, _Jamaica_, xxxiv. - - Blondel, S., _Recherches_, 419. - - Boas, Franz, on the Eskimos, 107; - his papers, 107. - - Boban, 179. - - Bodfish, J. P., on the Northmen voyages, 104. - - Bodleian Library, _Codex Mendoza_, 203. - - Boehmer, Geo. H., _Index to Anthropol. Articles_, 439. - - Bohn, H. G., xvi. - - Bolivia, map, 209. - - Bollaert, Wm., on the Mexican calendars, 179; - on Amer. palæography, 201; - _Cent. Amer. hieroglyphics_, 201; - _Antiq. Researches_, 270; - _Anc. Peruvian graphic records_, 270; - Incas, 270; - on Tiahuanacu, 273; - _Anthropol. of the New World_, 270, 375; - his publications, 442. - - Bollandists, _Acta Sanctorum_, 48. - - Boncourt, F., 182. - - Bone-workers, 417. - - Bonneville, C. de, 370. - - Boon, E. P., his library, xiii. - - Bordone, B., his map of the Atlantic islands (1547), 57, 58; - map of Scandinavia, 114, 126; - had access to the Zeno map, 73. - - Borgia, Cardinal, his museum, 205. - - Bory de St. Vincent, J. B.,_ Les Isles Fortunées_, 19, 43; - map, 19. - - Boscana, G., _Chinigchinich_, 328. - - Bossange, Hector, xvi. - - Boston, private libraries, x; - Public Library, its catalogues, xvii; - as centre of study in American history, xvii; - its libraries, xvii. - - Boston Athenæum, its catal., xvii. - - Boston Society of Natural History, 437. - - Botanical arguments for the connection of Asia and America, 383. - - Boturini, Beneduci, books on Indian tongues, vii; - his collections in Mexican history, 159; - its vicissitudes, 159; - described by Aubin, 159; - _Idea de una nueva Hist._, 159; - facs. of title, 161; - portraits, 160, 161; - his catalogue, 159; - his collection suffers in government hands, 162; - contentions over it, 162. - - Boucher de Perthes, his discoveries, 390; - _Antiq. Celtiques_, 390; - _De l’homme antédiluvien_, 390; - _Bibl. Univ._, 93. - - Boucher de la Richarderie, _Bibl. Univ. des Voyages_, ii. - - Boudinot, Elias, _Star in the West_, 116. - - Boué, A., on the floras of the earth, 44. - - Bouquet, Col., secures captives from the Indians, 290. - - Bourgeois, Abbé, on tertiary man, 387. - - Bourke, J. G., _Snake Dance_, 429. - - Bourne, Wm., _Treasure for Travellers_, 369. - - Bovallius, K., _Nicaraguan Antiq._, 197. - - Bowen, B. F., _America discovered by the Welsh_, 111. - - Boyle, Fred., _Ride across a Continent_, 197. - - Bracir (island). _See_ Brazil. - - Braddock, Gen., his march, 294, 296. - - Bradford, A. W., _Amer. Antiq._, 376, 415. - - Brahm, Ger. de, 116. - - Brainerd, David, his _Life_, 431. - - Bran, _Ethnographisches Archiv_, 443. - - Bransford, J. F., _Antiq. at Pantaleon_, 197. - - Brasseur de Bourbourg, Abbé, his aids in linguistics, vii; - his writings and career, vii, 170; - _Coll. de docs. dans les langues Amér._, vii; - his library, xiii; - on Egyptian traces in America, 41, 167; - on the Atlantis theory, 44, 172; - on Fousang, 80; - on the Northmen and their traces, 94, 99; - on scattered traces of the Jews, 116; - on the Votan myth, 134; - on the Chichimecs, 136; - on the Nahua migrations, 138; - his easy credence, 139; - begins Mexican hist. at B.C. 955, 155; - on Sahagún, 157; - _Lettres au duc de Valmy_, 158; - on the Toltecs, 158; - _Nations civilisées du Méxique_, 158, 171; - chief sources of, 171; - uses the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, 158; - the _Codex Gondra_, 158; - describes Aubin’s collection, 162; - his own collection, 162; - edits _Landa’s Relation_, 164, 165, 200; - _Mission scientifique au Méxique_, 164, 170; - on Yucatan history, 165; - edits the _Popul Vuh_, 99, 166; - _Dissert. sur les mythes de l’Antiq. Amér._, 166; - his theory of cataclysms, 166; - a Quiché MS., 167; - translates _Mem. Tecpan-Atitlan_, 167; - on Oajaca, 168; - on Fuentes y Guzman, 168; - portrait, 170; - _Hist. du Canada_, 170; - in Mexico, 170; - _Esquisses l’histoire_, 170; - _Ruines de Mayapan_, 170; - _Lettres pour servir l’introduction a l’histoire du Méxique_, 171; - helped by Aubin, 171; - search for MSS., 171; - _Quatre Lettres_, 171; - bibliog., 171; - his _MS. Troano_, 172, 200, 206, 207; - _Chronol. hist. des Méxicains_, 179; - on the ruins of Yucatan, 188; - at Uxmal, 189; - furnishes a text to Waldeck’s _Monuments Anc. du Méxique_, 194; - _Ruines de Palenqué_, 171, 194; - _Lettre à Léon de Rosny_, 200; - Landa’s alphabet explained, 200; - futile attempts at interpreting the hieroglyphics, 201; - on the _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, 205; - _Système graphique des Mayas_, 207; - _Dict. de la Langue Maya_, 207, 427; - his _Rapport_ on the MS. Troano, 207; - on the _Codex Perezianus_, 207; - on the origin of Americans, 369; - on the moundbuilders, 401; - _Bibl. Mex.-Guat._, 172, 414, 423; - on Mexican philology, 427; - finds Greek roots, 427; - _La lengua Quiché_, 427. - - Brazil (country), rock inscriptions, 411. - - Brazil (island), 31; - bibliog., 49; - origin of name, 50; - on recent maps, 53; - in Bianco and Pizigani maps, 54. - - Brébœuf, the best observer of Indian traits, 317. - - Breckenridge, H. H., on Indian populations, 437. - - Breckenridge, _Louisiana_, 398. - - Bredsdorff, T. H., on the Zeni, 112. - - Breed, E. E., 409. - - Brenden. _See_ St. Brandan. - - Brenner, Oskar, 98 - _Grönland_, 85; - his map of Olaus Magnus, 125; - _Die ächte Karte des O. Magnus_, 125. - - Brerewood, E., _Enquiries_, 369. - - Bretschneider, E., _Fusang_, 80. - - Bretton, Baron de, _Origines des peuples de l’Amérique_, 369. - - Breusing, _Nautik der Alten_, 24. - - Brevoort, James C., his likeness, x; - his library, x, xviii; - supt. of Astor Library, x; - on Leclerc’s _Bib. Am._, xvi. - - Briganti, A., xxix. - - Brigham, W. T., _Guatemala_, 166, 197. - - Brine, Lindesay, _Ruined Cities of Cent. Amer._, 176. - - Brinley, Geo., his library, xii. - - Brinton, D. G., _Abor. Amer. Authors_, vii, 426; - on Algonquin legends, 99; - on Aztlan, 138; - considers the Toltecs merely a dynasty, 141; - on the Votanic Empire, 152; - owns Berendt’s collection, 164; - portrait, 165; - on Dr. Berendt, 164; - on Central American MSS., 164; - _Books of Chilan Balam_, 164; - _Chac-Xulub-Chen_, 164; - on editions of Landa, 165; - on the _Popul Vuh_, 167; - _Names of the Gods in the Kiché myths_, 167, 436; - _Annals of the Cakchiquels_, 167, 425; - on the ethnology of the Cakchiquels, 167; - on Nicaraguan history, 169; - on Brasseur, 171; - on Landa’s alphabet, 200; - _Anc. Phonetic Alphabet of Yucatan_, 201, 427; - _Graphic system of the Mayas_, 201; - _Phonetic elements_, 201; - _Ikonomic method_, 201; - on the _MS. Troano_, 207; - on Peruvian myths and literature, 270; - on the effect of missions on the Indians, 318; - “Archæology corrects Geology”, 350; - on Theo. Waitz, 378; - on the Nicaragua footprints, 385; - _Floridian Peninsula_, 391, 393; - on shell heaps, 393; - opposes Carr’s views on the moundbuilders, 402; - his own views, 402; - _Rev. of data for the study of prehist. Chronology_, 412, 413; - _Recent European Contributions_, 412; - _Prehist. Archæology_, 412; - on the use of mica, 416; - _Lineal measures of Mexico_, 420; - _Language of the palæolithic man_, 421; - _Polysyntheism of Amer. languages_, 422; - _Amer. Aborig. languages_, 425; - _Chronicles of the Mayas_, 164, 425; - _Gueguence_, 425, 428; - the _Taensa Grammar_, 426; - _Philos. Grammar of the Amer. languages_, 426; - _Memoir of Berendt_, 164, 426; - _Anc. Nahuatl Poetry_, 426; - _Nahuatl language_, 426; - _Cakchiquel language_, 427; - _Xinca Indians_, 427; - _Alaguilac language_, 427; - on the Nicaragua tongues, 428; - _Mangue dialect_, 428; - _Lenape and their legends_, 325; - _Nat. legend of the Chata-mus-ko-kee tribes_, 326; - on the Shawanees, 326; - on the mental capacity of the Indian, 328; - _Myths of the New World_, 429; - on sun-worship, 429; - on phallic worship, 429; - _American Hero-Myths_, 430; - on monotheism, 430; - _Religious sentiment_, 430; - _Journey of the Soul_, 431; - on Quetzalcoatl, 432. - - Bristol, Eng., sends out expeditions westward, 75. - - Britain, the Island of the Blessed, 15. - - British Assoc. for the Adv. of Science, _Reports_, 442. - - British Columbia mounds, 410. - - _British Sailor’s Directory_, 110. - - Brixham cave, 390. - - Broadhead, G. C., 409. - - Brocard, _Descriptio_, xxi. - - Brockhaus (Leipzig), _Bibl. Amér._, xvii. - - Brocklehurst, T. U., _Mexico To-day_, 177, 182. - - Brodbeck, J., 109. - - Bronze Age in America, 418. - - Brooks, C. T., _Newport Mill_, 105. - - Brooks, Ch. W., on the emigrations to China, 81. - - Broughton, Richard, _Monasticon Brit._, 83. - - Brown, Dewi, 326. - - Brown, D., on Georgia shell heaps, 393. - - Brown, G. S., _Yarmouth_, 102. - - Brown, John Carter, his library and its catalogues, xii. - - Brown, J. Madison, on the ten lost tribes, 116. - - Brown, Marie A., _Icelandic Discoverers_, 96. - - Brown, Nathan, 81. - - Brown, Dr. Robt., on the Eskimos, 107. - - Brown, Thomas J., 407. - - Browne, J. M., 328. - - Browne, J. Ross, 328; - _Apache Country_, 396. - - Bruff, J. G., on rock inscriptions, 104, 410. - - Brühl, Gustav, _Culturvölker_, 195, 411. - - Brunet on De Bry, xxxii. - - Brunn, _Bibl. Danica_, 40. - - Brunner, D. B., _Indians of Berks County_, 325. - - Brunson, Alfred, 408. - - Bruyas, J., _Radices Verborum Iroquæorum_, 425. - - Bryce, Geo., on Manitoba mounds, 410. - - Brynjalfson, G., on Scandin. polar explorations, 62. - - Buache, Philippe, 20; - _Antillia_, 49; - map of the route to Fousang, 79; - on the Zeni, 112; - _Sur Frisland_, 112. - - Buchholtz, _Die Homerische Realien_, 13. - - Büchner, L., _Der Mensch_, 383; - _Man_, 381. - - Buck, W. J., _Lappawinzo_, 325. - - Buckland, Dr., _Reliq. Diluvianæ,_ 390. - - Buckland, Miss, 417. - - Buckle, _Hist. Civilization_, 41. - - Buddhist priest in Fousang, 78. - - Buffon, _Epoques de la Nat._, 44; - on stone implements, 387; - on bones from the Big Bone Lick, 388. - - Bull, Henry, 323. - - Bull, Ole, and the statue of Leif Ericson, 98. - - Bull, Mrs. Ole, on the Northmen, 98. - - _Bulletin Archéologique Français_, 441. - - Bullock, Wm., collection of pottery, 418. - - Bullock, W. H., _Six mos. in Mexico_, 180. - - Bumstead, Geo., xvi. - - Bumstead, Jos. (Boston), xv. - - Bunbury, E. H., _Anc. Geog._, 36; - on Atlantis, 46. - - Burder, Geo., _Welsh Indians_, 110. - - Bureau of Ethnology, _Reports_, 439. - - Burge, Lorenzo, _Preglacial Man_, 387. - - Burgoa, F. de, _Géog. Descripcion_, 168. - - Burkart, J., _Reisen in Mexico_, 183. - - Burke, L., 46. - - Burke, J., at Chichen-Itza, 190. - - Burney, Jas., _Chron. History of Discovery_, xxxvi. - - Burns, C. R., _Missouri_, 409. - - Burr, R. T., 397. - - Burton, R. F., _Ultima Thule_, 84, 85, 118. - - Bus, land of, 47. - - Buschmann, J. C. E., _Die Spuren der Aztekischen Sprache_, 138; - _Die Lautveränderung Aztek. Wörter_, 138; - his linguistic studies, vii, 425; - _Die Aztekischen Ortsnamen_, 427; - _Die Völker Neu-Mexicos_, 427. - - Bussière, Th. de, _Le Pérou_, 275. - - Bustamante, C. M. de, edits Leon y Gama’s _Piedras_, 159; - _Mañanas de la Alameda_, 179. - - Butler, Amos W., _Sacrificial Stone_, 183. - - Butler, J. D., _Prehistoric Wisconsin_, 408; - on copper implements, 418; - _Copper Age in Wisconsin_, 418. - - Butler County, Ohio, mounds, 408. - - Butterfield, C. W., 326; on the mounds, 407. - - Buxton, _Migrations of the Ancient Mexicans_, 169. - - Byles, Mather, xxviii. - - - CABOT, JOHN, xxviii, xxxiv; - in De Bry, xxxii; - bust of, 56. - - Cabot, J. Elliot, on the Northmen, 96. - - Cabot, Sebastian, in Bristol, 50. - - Cabrera, Felix, _Teatro Crit. Amer._, 134, 191, 433. - - Cacama, 149. - - Cæsar, Julius (Englishman), xxiii. - - Cahokia mound, 408. - - Cakchiquels, in Guatemala, 150; - their geog. position, 151; - their ethnog. relations, 167; - their dialect, 427. - - Calancha, A. de la, _Coronica Moralizada_, etc., 264; - _Hist. Peruanæ_, etc., 264. - - Calaveras skull, 351, 352, 384; - cut, 385. - - Calaveras County (Cal.) cave, 390. - - Calculiform characters, 201. - - Calderon, J. A., on Palenqué, 191. - - Calendar disks, 179; - stone of Mexico, 159, 178. - - California Acad. of Science, 438. - - California, gold drift, 384; - its Indians, 81, 328; - an island in Sanson’s map, 18; - alleged tertiary relics, 351; - mounds, 409; - the original home of the Nahuas, 137, 138; - linguistic confusion in, 138; - pottery, 419; - shell heaps, 393. - - Callender, John, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Callières, 303. - - Camargo, D. M., _Tlaxcallan_, 163. - - Campa, 428. - - Campanius on the Sagas, 92. - - Campbell, John, _Voyages_, xxxiv. - - Campbell, John, 322, 369; - on the linguistic affiliations with Asia, 77; - on traditions of Mexico and Peru, 81; - on the Davenport tablet, 404. - - Camus, A. G., _De Bry_, xxxii. - - Canaanites, ancestors of the Americans, 371. - - Canada, Indians, 321; - their arts, 416; - library of Parliament, xviii; - mounds, 410. - - _Canadian Antiquarian_, 438. - - Canadian Institute, 438; - _Ann. Repts._, 416. - - _Canadian Journal_, 438. - - _Canadian Monthly_, 438. - - _Canadian Naturalist_, 438. - - Canaries, called _Ins. Fortunæ_, 14, 27, 47; - known to the Carthaginians, 25. - _See_ Fortunate Islands. - Known to the Arabs, 47; - island seen from, 48; - _Noticias_ by Viera y Clavijo, 48; - in the Bianco map, 50, 54; - in Sanuto’s map, 53; - in Pizigani’s map, 54; - relations with America, 116. - _See_ Guanches. - - Canas, 226. - - Candolle, De, _Géog. botanique_, 212. - - Canepa map, 58. - - Cañete, 275. - - Canfield, W. H., _Sauk County_, 409. - - Cannon, C. L., 397. - - Canoes, 420; drifting, 78. - - Canstadt, race of, 377. - - Cantino map (1501-3), 53, 120. - - Canto, Ernesto do, _Archivo des Açores_, xix; - _Os Corte-Reaes_, xix. - - Cape Cod, map of, 100; - ancient hearth on, 105; - map of shell heaps, 393. - - Cape Prince of Wales, 77. - - Cape de Verde islands known to the ancients, 14, 25. - - Capel, _Vorstellungen des Norden_, xxxiv, 111. - - Capella, Marcianus, _De Nuptiis_, etc., 36. - - Caradoc, 109. - - Cardiff giant a fraud, 41. - - Carelloy Ancona C., _La lengua Maya_, 427. - - Carette, E., _Les temps antéhistoriques_, 421. - - Carey, _Amer. Museum_, 110. - - Cari, 229. - - Caribs, origin of, 117; - descendants of the Chichimecs, 136. - - Carignano map (xiv. cent.), 53. - - Carleton, J. H., 397. - - Carli, Count Carlo, _Briefe über Amerika_, 20; - controverts DePauw, 370; - _Delle Lettere Amer._, 43, 44, 370. - - Carlson, F. F., 84. - - Carolina, Indians of, 325. - _See_ North Carolina. - - Carolus, J., map of Greenland, 131. - - Carr, Lucien, 412; - on the position of Indian women, 328; - _Crania of No. Amer. Indians_, 356; - on the study of skulls, 373; - on the Trenton implements, 337, 388; - _Mounds of the Mississippi Valley_, 402; - on Virginia mounds, 410. - - Carrasco, C., _Ollanta_, 281. - - Carrenza, L., 282. - - Carrera, F. de, _Yunca Grammar_, 274, 279, 280. - - Carreri, G. F. G., _Giro del Mondo_, 138, 158; - attacked by Robertson and defended by Clavigero, 158. - - Carriedo, J. B., on Oajaca, 168; - _Los Palacios antiquos de Mitla_, 184. - - Carrillo, Canon (now Bishop), Crescencio, his collection of MSS., 163; - on Zumárraga, 203; - _Yucatan_, 164, 166; - _Geog. Maya_, 188; - _La langua Maya_, 164. - - Carrington, Margaret J., _Absaraka_, 327. - - Cartailhac, E., 411, 442; - _L’age de pierre_, 387. - - Carter-Brown. _See_ Brown, J. C. - - Carver, Jona., on the mounds, 398. - - Carthaginian discoveries, 14, 25. - - Casa Blanca, 395. - - Casa Grande of the Gila Valley, 395, 397. - - Casas Grandes, 395. - - Caspari, Otto, _Urgeschichte der Menschheit_, 81, 383. - - Caspi, Marquis de, 205. - - Cass, Lewis, on Heckewelder, 398. - - Casselius, _De nav. fortuitis in Americam_, 75. - - Cassell, J. P., _Observatio hist._, 92. - - Cassino, _Standard Nat. History_, 34, 412. - - Castaing, Alphonse, _Les fêtes dans l’antiq. peruvienne_, 238; - _Système relig. dans l’antiq. peruvienne_, 241. - - Castañeda, drawings of Palenqué, 191, 192. - - Castell, _America_, xxxiv. - - Castelnau, F. de, _Expédition_, 271; - on the antiquities of the Incas, 271. - - Castillo, G., _Dict. de Yucatan_, 166. - - Castillo y Orozco, E., _Vocab. Paéz-Castellano_, 425. - - Cat, Edouard, _Découvertes Maritimes_, xxxvii. - - Catalan map (1375), 49; - cut, 55 (xiv. cent.), 53; - carta nautica (1487), 58. - - Catcott, A., _Deluge_, 370. - - _Catecismo de la doctrina Cristiana_ vii. - - Catherwood, Frederick, _Anc. Mts. in Cent. Amer._, 176. - - Catlin, Geo., on the Welsh Indians, iii; - finds analogies to Hebrew customs in the Indians, 116; - _Lifted and subsided rocks_, 46; - _Life among the Indians_, 369; - _Last Rambles_, 369; - _North American Indians_, 320; - bibliog., 320; - his _Indian Gallery_, 320; - _Illustrations of the Manners_, etc., 320; - portraits, 320; - map of the Indian tribes, 321. - - Cauchis, 226. - - Cavate dwellings, 395. - - Cave-bear epoch, 377. - - Cave man, 377, 390; - held to be speechless, 377; - represented to-day by the Eskimos, 377; - drawings of, 382. - - Cavendish, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi; - in _De Bry_, xxxii; - in _Claesz_, xxxiii. - - Caves in America, 389. - - Caxamarca, 231. - - Cayaron, _Chaumont_, 321; - _Autobiographie_, 321. - - Celedon, R., _Lengua gocejra_, 425. - - Cellarius, _Notit. orb. antiq._, 37, 45. - - Céloron, 286, 310. - - Cenecu, 394. - - Central America, Scandinavians in, 99; - map of, by Malte-Brun, 151; - notes on the ruins, 176. - _See_ Yucatan, Guatemala, Nicaragua. - - Central Ohio Scientific Assoc., 407. - - _Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen_, xvii. - - Ceramic art. _See_ Pottery. - - Chac-Mool, statue, 180, 190, 434. - - Chaca, 224; - ruins, 224; - described by Squier, 224. - - Chaco Cañon, 395, 396. - - Chadbourne, P. A., on shell heaps, 392. - - Chahta, 402. - - Chalcedony, 417. - - Chalco conquered, 147. - - Challenger ridge in the Atlantic, 44. - - Chalmers, interpreting the geological record, 383. - - Chama, 428. - - Chamberlin, T. C., _Our glacial drift_, 332. - - Champlain, his friendship with the Hurons, 285. - - Chancas, 210, 227, 230. - - Chanes, 135. - - Changos, 275. - - Chapultepec, Aztecs at, 142; - sculptured likeness on its cliff, 148. - - Charencey, H. de, _Mélanges_, vii; - _La langue Basque_, 75; - _Mythe de Votan_, 81; - _Djemschid et Quetzalcohuatl_, 81; - _Myth d’Imos_, 134; - _Civilisation du Méxique_, 176; - on the Maya hieroglyphics, 195; - _Fragment d’inscription palenquéens_, 201; - his linguistic studies, 425; - _Mélanges_, 426, 427; - _Chrestomathie de la langue Maya_, 427; - _Des mots en lengua Maya_, 427; - _Le Déluge_, 431. - - Charlevoix, _Nouv. France_, ii; - on Amer. linguistics, 424. - - Charnay, Désiré, finds Buddhist traces in Mexico, 81; - on the Toltecs, 141; - _Cités et Ruines Amér._, 176, 186, 195; - _Le Méxique_, 176; - papers in _No. Amer. Rev._, 177; - in _Tour du Monde_, 177; - _Les Anc. Villes_, 177, 186, 195; - _Ancient Cities_, 177; - in Yucatan, 186; - portrait, 187; - his route in Yucatan, 188; - at Chichen-Itza, 190; - at Palenqué, 195. - - Charton, Ed., _Voyageurs_, xxxvii. - - Chase, A. W., 409. - - Chata-mus-ko-kee tribes, 326. - - Chatinos, 136. - - Chautre, 442. - - Chavanne, _Lit. Polar Regions_, 78. - - Chavero, A., _Sahagún_, 157; - _México á través de los Siglos_, 172; - on the Calendar Stone, 179; - his old view of Mexico, 182; - _La Piedra del Sol_, 431. - - Chaves, Francisco de, in Peru, 260. - - Chekilli, 326. - - Chellean period, 377. - - Chelly, Cañon, cliff-houses, 395. - - Cheney, T. A., 405. - - Chenooks, 99. - _See_ Chinook. - - Cherbonneau on Arab geographers, 48. - - Cherokees, Timberlake on, 83; - _Enquiry into the origin_, 370; - held to be moundbuilders, 402; - council-house, 402; - sources of their history, 326; - their case with Georgia, 326. - - Cherry, P. P., 403. - - Chert, 417. - - Chesapeake Bay, shell heaps, 392. - - Chevalier, Michel, _Du Méxique avant et pendant la Conquête_, - 172, 176; - _Le Méxique_, 172. - - Chiapaneca language, 425. - - Chiapas, 433; - MS. concerning, 168; - sources of its history, 168; - map, 188; - ruins in, 191. - - Chibchas, 282, 428; - their language, 425; - origin of, 80; - position of, 210. - - Chicama, 276. - - Chi-Chen, 186. - - Chichimecs, barbarians or a tribe, 136; - etymology, 136; - in Mexico, 139; - invade Anáhuac, 142; - their stock, 142; - adopt the Nahua tongue, 142; - form alliances, 142; - authorities, 147; - anc. MS. on, 157; - MS. annals, 162; - genealogy of their chiefs, 162; - their language, 426. - - Chichen-Itza, 434; - position of, 151, 188; - Charnay at, 186; - Le Plongeon at, 186, 190; - accounts of, 190; - ornaments, 190; - statue of Chac-Mool, 190; - wall paintings, 190; - hieroglyphics at, 200. - - Chiclayo, 276. - - Chicomoztoc, 138. - - Chil, Dr., on Atlantis, 46. - - Chilca, 277. - - Chillicothe, map, 406. - - Chimalpain, Domingo, notes on Mexican history, 162. - - Chimalpain, A. M., _Crónica Méx._, 164. - - Chimborazo, 275. - - Chimus, 227, 275; - burial habits, 276; - character of the people, 277. - - Chinantecs, 136. - - Chinchas, 227, 277. - - Chinese emigration, 369; - in Peru, 82. - _See_ Fousang. - - _Chinese Recorder_, 80. - - Chinook jargon and language, 422, 425. - - Chippewas, 326. - - Chiquimala, 168. - - Chiquita language, 425. - - Christianity introduced into Greenland, 62. - - Christy collection, 444. - - Chocope, 276. - - Cholula, temple built by the Olmecs, 137; - a shrine, 140; - views, 177, 178; - account of, 178; - when built, 178; - dimensions, 178; - arms of, 178; - restorations, 178; - early mentions, 180; - maps, 180; - communal house at, 175. - - Chontales, 136. - - Chucuito, ruins at, 245. - - Chumeto language, 426. - - Chun-kal-cin, 187. - - Chuquisaca, 278. - - Churchhill’s _Voyages_, xxxiv. - - Cibola, seven cities of, 138, 396; - held to be Fousang, 80; - map of, 394. - - Cicero, 7; - _Tusculan Disputations_, 9; - _Respublica_, 9; - on geog. questions, 36; - dream of Scipio, 36. - - Cicogna, _Bibl. Veneziana_, xxix. - - Cicuye (Pecos), 396. - - Cieza de Leon, P., as an authority on anc. Peruvian history, xxxv, - 259. - - Cimmerians, 13. - - Cincinnati, Nat. Hist. Soc., 407, 438. - - Cincinnati tablet, 404; - cut, 404; - mounds, 408. - - Circleville, Ohio, mounds, 407. - - Cisneros, Garcia de, 155, 276. - - Cisternay du Fay, xxxii. - - Ciudad Rodrigo, A. de, 155. - - Civilization of the ancient nations of middle America, 173; - bibliog., 176. - - Claesz, C., coll. of voyages, xxxiii. - - Clallam language, 425. - - Clark, Gen. J. S., map of the Iroquois country, 323. - - Clark, J. V. H., _Onondaga_, 325. - - Clark, W. P., _Indian Sign-language_, 422. - - Clarke, Hyde, _Legend of Atlantis_, 43, 383; - _Khita-Peruvian Epoch_, 82; - _Researches_, 369. - - Clarke, P. D., _Wyandotts_, 327. - - Clarke, Robt., his book-lists, xv; - on the Cincinnati tablet, 404. - - Clarke County, Ohio, mounds, 408. - - Claus, C., _Den Grölandske Chronica_, 85. - - Clavigero, _Storia del Messico_, ii; - his beginning of Mexican hist., 155; - on the sources of Mexican history, 158; - describes the material, 158; - belittled by Robertson, 158; - portrait, 159; - his bibliog., 413. - - Clavus, Claudius, his map, 114, 117; - facs., 118, 119. - - Clay, moulding in, 419; - masks of, 419. - - Claymont, Del., deposits, 342. - - Cleomedes, 4. - - Cleomedes, _De sublimibus circulis_, 8, 35. - - Clermont, college of, ii. - - Cliff-dwellers’ pottery, 419; - their houses, 395. - - Climate, influence on man, 372, 378; - theories of changes in, 387. - - Clint, Wm., 322. - - Clinton, De Witt, on the Northmen remains, 102; - on mounds, 398; - _Antiq. of Western N. Y._, 414. - - Clodd, Edw., 387; - _Childhood of the world_, 412. - - Cloth. _See_ Textile arts. - - Cluverius, 43; - _Introd. in univ. geog._, 40. - - Coahuila cave, 390. - - Coate, B. H., _Discourse_, 369. - - Cobo, B., _Lima_, 274. - - Cochrane, J., 408. - - Cocomes, 152. - - _Codex Chimalpopoca_, 135; - named by Brasseur, 158; - acc. of, 158; - copies, 158; - _Hist. de los Reynos de Colhuacan_, 158; - _Anales de Cuauhtitlan_, 158; - owned by Aubin, 162. - - _Codex Cortesianus_, 206, 207. - - _Codex Flatoyensis_, 88, 92. - - _Codex Gondra_, 158. - - _Codex Mendoza_, 203. - - _Codex Mexicanus_, 162, 207. - - _Codex Perezianus_, 207; - cut, 207. - - _Codex Troano_, 205; - ed. by Brasseur, 207. - - Cogulludo, _Yucathan_, 165; - _Los tres Siglos en Yucatan_, 165. - - Cohn, Albert, xxxii. - - Cohuixcas, 136. - - Coins, Roman, found in America, 41. - - Colaeus at Gades, 25. - - Colden, Cadwallader, among the Mohawks, 289; - _Five Indian Nations_, 324; - editions, 324; - his career, 324. - - Colhuacan, founded, 139; - seat of power, 139; - its league, 140. - - Colhuas, 136, 139; - vassals of the Chichimecs, 142. - - Colijn, M., _Journalen_, xxxiv. - - Collahuaso, J., _Inca Atahualpa_, 268. - - Collas, 226. - - Collingwood, J. F., 443. - - Colorado Cañon, explored by Powell, 396. - - Colorado caves, 391. - - Colorado, expeditions in, 395. - - Columbia River Valley, centre of migrations, 381. - - Columbus, Christopher, acc. of his voyages, xix, xxiv, xxxiv, xxxvi; - believed he found Asia, 1; - inherited the idea of the sphericity of the earth, 31; - inspired by anc. writers, 40; - his idea of the width of the Atlantic, 51; - Toscanelli’s letter to him, 51; - in Iceland, 61; - _Tratado de las cinco zonas_, 61; - supposed knowledge of the Norse discoveries, 96; - efforts to canonize him, 96; - attacks on his character, 96; - meets a Maya vessel, 173; - his Garden of Eden, 372. - - Columbus, Ferd., his library, vi; - life of C. Columbus, xxxiv. - - Comanches, 327; - vocabulary, 440. - - Comfort, A. J., 409. - - Comité d’Archéologie Américaine, its members, 441; - _Annuaire_, 441; - _Actes_, 441; - _Mémoires_, 441. - - Commelin, Isaac, _Oost-Indische Compagnie_, xxxiv. - - Communal customs, 420; - life, 175, 176. - - Conant, A. J., 409; - _Footprints of a vanished race_, 400. - - Conant, H. S., 177. - - Concacha, ruins, 220, 221. - - Conchucus, 227. - - Condamine, C. M. la, _Voyage_, 271; - on Peruvian monuments, 271. - - Congrès International des Américanistes, 442; - its sessions and _Comptes rendus_, 442. - - Congrès Internat. d’Anthropologie, 442. - - Connecticut Acad. of Arts, etc., 438. - - Connecticut Indians, 323. - - Conover, G. S., on the Seneca burial mound, 405. - - Contractus, H., _De util. astrolabii_, 37. - - Conybeare, C. A. V., _Place of Iceland_, 85. - - Cook, G. H., _Reports_, 388. - - Cooke, J. J., his library, xii. - - Cooley, W. D., _Maritime Discovery_, 72, 93. - - Copan (ruins), 135; - position of, 151; - plan, 194; - statues, 196; - early accounts, 196; - seen by Stephens, 196; - plans, 197. - - Copan (town), 196. - - Cope, Edw. D., Mesozoic and Cænozoic of N. America, 353; - on cave deposits, 390. - - Copenhagen, Royal Soc. of Northern Antiquities, 93; - its publications, 94. - - Copper, mining, 417; - tools of, 417, 418; - moundbuilders’ use of, 408. - - Copway, Geo., _Ojibway nation_, 327. - - Cora, Guido, 444; - _Precursori di Colombo_, 115. - - Coras, 136. - - Cordeiro, L., _Les Portugais dans la découverte de l’Amérique_, xix. - - Cordoba, Andrés de, 155. - - Cordova, H. de, first sees the Yucatan ruins, 173. - - Cordova y Salinas, D. de, 264. - - Coreal, François, _Voyages_, 145. - - Corlear, 289. - - Cornelius E., 410. - - Cornell University, Sparks’s library at, vi. - - Corni, C. M., 263. - - Corroy, F., 193. - - Cortambert, Richard, _Voyages_, xxxvii. - - Cortereal, John Vas Costá, at Newfoundland, 75, 125. - - Cortereal, Gasper, xix, xxxiv. - - Cortereals, the, xix, xxxiv. - - Cortés, his lost first letter, xxi; - his letters, xxv; - sought a passage to Asia, 1; - arrives on the coast (1579), 149; - hailed as Quetzalcoatl, 149; - his statements about the native displays, 173; - his knowledge of Palenqué, 191; - sends feather work to Charles V, 420. - - Coruña, Martin de, 155. - - Corvo, equestrian statue, 49. - - Coryat, _Crudities_, 32. - - Cosmas, 30, 38. - - Cosmogonists, 383. - - Cosmology of the Middle Ages, 36. - - Coursey, Col. Henry, 304. - - Court, Dr. J., his library, xiii. - - Cousin, on the So. Amer. coast, 76. - - Cowles, Henry, _Pentateuch_, 374. - - Cox, _Mythology of the Aryan nations_, 430. - - Coxe, Daniel, _Voyages_, xxxv; - _Carolana_, 326. - - Cozumel, ruins in, 185, 188, 434. - - Cozzen, _Marvellous Country_, 396. - - Craniology, diversified in America, 356; - science of, 373; - capacity no sure guide to intelligence, 373; - kinds of, 375; - long-headed, or dolichocephalic, 375; - short-headed, or brachycephalic, 375; - medium, or mesocephalic, 375; - Cro-magnon skull, 377, 389; - Calaveras skull, 384, 385; - Trenton gravel skulls, 388; - Enghis skull, 389; - Neanderthal skull, 389, 390; - Hochelagan skull, 389; - moundbuilders’ skulls, 399, 400, 403. - - Crantor, commentator on Plato, 41. - - Crantz, David, _Grönland_, 86; - editions, 86; - on Hans Egede, 108. - - Crates of Mallus, 7; - his globe, 9. - - Crawford, Chas., _Indians descended from the Ten Tribes_, 116. - - Crawford and Balcarres on De Bry, xxxiii. - - Crawfordville, mounds, 400. - - Cresson, H. T., finds palæolithic implements, 341; - discoveries at Naaman’s Creek, Del., 363; - finds piles, 364, 395; - _Aztec music_, 420. - - Crevaux, J. (with P. Sagot and L. Adam), _Langues de la région des - Guyanes_, 425. - - Croghan, Col. George, 318. - - Croll, James, _Climate and Cosmology_, 383, 387; - his theory of climatic changes, 387; - _Climate and Time_, 387; - controversy with Newcomb, 387. - - Cro-magnon skull, 377, 389; - cut of, 377; - of the cave race, 377. - - Cromlechs in Peru, 214. - - Crook, G., on making arrow-heads, 417. - - Crosby, Dr. Howard, on Geo. H. Moore, xii. - - Cross, the, among the Mayas and Nahuas, 195; - held to be a symbolized fire drill, 195; - the symbol of life, 195. - - Crow Indians, 327. - - Crowninshield, E. A., his library, xii. - - Ctesias, _India_, 39. - - Cuella, Juan de, 265. - - Cuesta, Fernandez, _Enciclopedia de viajes_, xxxvii. - - Cuextecas, 136. - - Cuitatecs, 136. - - Cuitlahuac conquered, 147. - - Cukulcan, 434. - - Cumanagota, 428. - - Cuming, F., _Tour_, 398. - - Cumming, Thos., 306. - - Cuoq, J. A., on the Algonquin dialects, 425; - _Etudes_, 425; - _La langue Iroquoise_, 425. - - Currency. _See_ Money. - - Cuscatlan, 168. - - Cushing, F. H., on the habitation of man as affected by surroundings, - 378; - on the Pueblo architecture, 395; - on the Zuñi, 396; - on N. Y. mounds, 405; - _Pueblo pottery_, 419, 440; - _Zuñi fetiches_, 440. - - Cushites of Egypt, 41. - - Cusick, David, _Anc. History of the Six Nations_, 325. - - Cutler, Manasseh, on the Ohio mounds, 407. - - Cutter, Chas. A., edits Sparks’s Catalogue, vii; - on bibliog. of De Bry, xxxii. - - Cutts, J. B., 409. - - Cuvier opposes Lamarck, 383. - - Cuyahoga Valley mounds, 408. - - Cuzco, great wall in, 220; - its fortress, 220; - plans of, 229; - old view, 229; - zodiac of gold found at, 235; - foundation of the city, 246. - - - D’ARBOIS DE JUBAINVILLE, H., _Litt. Celtique_, 50; - _Litt. Epique d’Irlande_, 50. - - D’Autun, Honoré, _Imago Mundi_, 48. - - D’Avalos y Figueroa, Diego, _Miscelanea Austral_, 280. - - D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, 43, 47; - _Les iles de St. Brandan_, 47; - _Les iles fantastiques_, 43, 47; - on the Laon globe, 56. - - Da Gama, xxviii. - - Dabry de Thiersant, _Origine des Indiens_, 77, 176. - - Dacotahs, 327; - bibliog., 424; - mythology, 431; - mounds, 409; - linguistic connection with Asia, 77. - _See_ Sioux. - - Dahlman, F. C., _Dänemark_, 84. - - Dahlmann, _Forschungen_, 99. - - Dalin, Olaf von, _Svearikes Hist._, 84. - - Dall, W. H., on the peopling of America, 76, 77, 78; - on the Polynesians, 82; - on the Eskimos, 107, 437; - _Alaska_, 107; - on the origin of the Americans, 369; - against the autochthonous theory, 375; - on Alaska caves, 391; - on shell heaps, 393; - on Aleutian islands, 393; - edits Nadaillac, 412, 415; - on prehistoric man, 412; - on Indian masks, 419; - on the Alaska tribes, 328, 437. - - Dallas, W. S., 383. - - Dalrymple, Alex., _Voyages_, xxxv. - - Dalrymple, _Bibl. Amer._, ii. - - Daly, D., 432. - - Damariscotta, Me., shell heap, 392. - - Dammartin, _La Pierre de Taunston_, 104. - - Danforth, Dr., on Dighton Rock, 103. - - Danilsen, A. F., 410. - - Danish peat beds, man of, 395. - - Danmar, 31, 47, 49. - - Dapper’s collection, xxxiv. - - Daremburg and Saglio, _Dict. de l’Antiq._, 36. - - Dartmouth College founded, 322. - - Darwin, Chas., _Descent of Man_, 375; - on the degeneracy of the savage, 381. - - Darwinism, 383. - - Dasent, G. W., _Burnt Njal_, 85; - _Norsemen in Iceland_, 85; - introd. to Vigfusson’s _Icelandic Dict._, 88. - - Daux, A., _Etudes préhistoriques_, 416. - - Davenport Academy of Sciences, 438. - - Davenport tablets, 404; - controversy, 404. - - Davilla Padilla, _Prov. de Santiago_, 156; - _Varia hist._, 156. - - Davis, Asahel, _Antiq. of Cent. Amer._, 176. - - Davis, A. C., 418. - - Davis, And. McF., on Indian games, 328. - - Davis, E. H. _See_ Squier, E. G. - - Davis, Horace, _Japanese blood on our N. W. coast_, 78. - - Davis, John (navigator), xxxiv; - in Davis Straits, 107. - - Davis, John (Judge), on the Dighton Rock, 104. - - Dawkins, W. B., on the Basques, 75; - on the Eskimos, 105; - on the tertiary man, 353; - _Early man in No. America_, 353; - _Early man in Britain_, 356; - on prehistoric study, 376; - on the antiquity of man, 383; - on the Calaveras skull, 385; - on man and extinct animals, 388; - _Cave Hunting_, 390. - - Dawson, Sir J. W., on the Skrælings, 105; - on the early migrations, 138; - follows Morgan in his communal theory, 176; - on the unity of the human race, 374; - believes the biblical account literally, 375; - portrait, 380; - on No. Amer. migrations, 381; - _Fossil Men_, 382, 383, 416; - advocates the theory of degeneracy, 382; - _Nature and the Bible_, 382; - _Story of the Earth_, 382, 386; - _Origin of the World_, 382; - on the Calaveras skull, 385; - on the moundbuilders, 401. - - Day, St. John V., _Prehistoric Use of Iron_, 41, 418. - - Dayton, E. A., 410. - - De Brosses, _Hist. des Navigations_, xxxv. - - De Bry, Theodore, portrait, xxx; - _Voyages_, xxxi; - his heirs, xxxi; - _Collectiones peregrinationum_, xxxi; - bibliog., xxxii; - _Elenchus_, xxxii; - counterfeit eds., xxxii; - his other publications, xxxiii; - abridgments, xxxiii; - original Wyth drawings, xxxiii. - - De Bure on De Bry, xxxii. - - De Candolle, _Géog. botanique_, 117. - _See_ Candolle. - - De Costa, B. F., _Pre-Columbian Discovery_, 97; - _Notes on a Review_, 97; - _Northmen in Maine_, 97; - _Sailing Directions of Hudson_, 97; - _Columbus and the geographers of the North_, 97; - on Dighton Rock, 104; - on the Eskimos, 105; - on the Zeni, 115. - - De Courcy, _Hist. Chh. in America_, 69. - - De Ferry, H., _Le Maconnais préhistorique_, 357. - - De Forest, _Indians of Conn._, 323. - - De Haas, W., _Archæology of the Mississippi Valley_, 437. - - De Hart, J. D., 408. - - De Hart, J. M., 409. - - De la Porte, Abbé, _Voyageur Français_, xxxvi. - - De Laet, on Madoc, 109; - on the Zeni, 111. - _See_ Laet. - - De Leyre, xxxv. - - De Pauw, C., his depreciation of American products, 370; - _Recherches Philos._, 370; - editions, 370; - _Defenses_, 370. - - De Tocqueville on the Indians, 320. - - Dean, C. K., 409. - - Deane, Chas., his library, x; - his likeness, xi; - on James Lenox, xi; - on E. A. Crowninshield, xiii; - on the Northmen, 98. - - Degrees, length of, 32. - - Delafield, John, _Antiq. of Amer._, 372. - - Delamar, island, 49. - - Delaware River gravels, 360, 361, 388. - _See_ Trenton. - - Delawares, in Penna., 306; - in Pontiac’s conspiracy, 316; - sources of their history, 325; - their language, 423; - their legends, 431. - - Deluge, myths of the, 431. - - Deman, island, 49. - - Demmin, A., _La Céramique_, 419. - - Demons, isles of, 32. - - Denis, Ferd., _Arte plumaria_, 420. - - Dennie, _Portfolio_, on the mounds, 398. - - Denton, _Desc. of N. Y._, vi. - - Derby, J. C., _Fifty years_, viii. - - Desimoni, Cornelio, on the Atlantic islands, 47; - _Le carte nautiche del medio evo_, 55; - on the Zeni, 113. - - Desjardins, Ernest, _Rapport sur Harrisse_, v; - _Pérou avant la conquête_, 270. - - Desnoyers on tertiary man, 387. - - Desor, Ed., _Palafittes_, 395. - - Deuber, F. X. A., _Gesch. der Schiffahrt im Atl. Ozean_, 60. - - Deutsch, Manuel, xxvii. - - Deutsche Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, 443; - _Correspondenzblatt_, 443; - _Allgemeine Versammlung_, 443. - - Devaux, V., 442. - - Devereux on Arkansas pottery, 419. - - Dewitt, S., 405. - - Dexter, Henry M., his library, xvii; - his bibliog. of Congregationalism, xvii. - - Dhoulcarnain, 49. - - Dialects, 422. - _See_ Linguistics. - - Diaz, Bernal, his stories of regal pomp, 173; - as a chronicler, 153; - facs. of his MS., 154. - - Dibden on De Bry, xxxii. - - Didron, Aîné, _Annales Archéologiques_, 441. - - Dieskau, Baron, on his Indian allies, 296. - - Dighton Rock, held to be Phœnician, 41, 104; - Rafn’s view of it, 101; - various drafts of its inscription, 103; - account of, 104; - work of the Indians, 104; - of Siberians, 104; - of Northmen, 104; - of Roman Catholics, 104. - - Dille, I., 407, 410. - - Diman, J. L., on the unhistoric quality of the sagas, 97. - - Dimning, E. O., 408. - - Dinwiddie, Gov., on the Indians as allies, 296. - - Dionne, N. E., 317. - - Diodorus Siculus, 14. - - Diogenes Laertius, 3. - - District Historical Soc., 407. - - D’Orbigny, A., _L’homme Americain_, 412; - on the religion of the Quichuas, 436. - - Doddridge, Jos., _Settlement and Indian wars_, 319; - his career, 319. - - Dodge, David, 347. - - Dodge, J. R., _Red Man_, 326. - - Dodge, Wm. (Cincinnati), xv. - - Dodsley, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Dolfus, Montserrat and Pavie, _Mémoires_, 170. - - Dolphin ridge in the Atlantic, 44. - - Domenech, Abbé, _Seven years’ residence_, 80; - _Manuscrit pictographique_, 163; - on the American man, 369. - - Donaldson, Thomas, _Geo. Catlin’s Indian Gallery_, 320. - - Doncker, H., map of Greenland, 131. - - Dongan, Gov., 304. - - Donis, his Ptolemy map, 114; - sketch of northern parts, 122. - - Donnelly, Ignatius, _Atlantis_, 16, 45, 46. - - Dorman, R. M., _Primitive Superstition_, 431. - - Dörpfeld, _Metrologie_, 5. - - Dorr, H. C., 327. - - Dorsey, J. O., 423; - on the Omahas, 327. - - Douglass, A. E., 393. - - Doutrelaine, _Mitla_, 170, 185. - - Doyle, _English in America_, 325. - - Drake, Daniel, _Cincinnati_, 398. - - Drake, E. C., _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Drake, Sir Francis, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii; - on De Bry, xxxii; - on Claesz, xxxiii. - - Drake, F. S., his deceptive _Indian Tribes_, 320, 441. - - Drake, Samuel G., dealer in Americana, xv; - dies, xv; - his library, xv; - sold to Conn. Hist. Soc., xv; - sold coll. of school-books to the Brit. Mus. xv; - his books on the Indians, 318; - _Aborig. Races of No. America_, 318. - - Draper, _Intellectual development of Europe_, 176. - - Draudius, _Bibl. Classica_, i. - - _Dresden Codex_, 204, 205; - ed. by Förstemann, 205. - - Drogeo, 72, 128. - - D’Urban, 43. - - Du Perier, _Voyages_, xxxv. - - Du Pré, L. J., on a prehistoric threshing floor, 210. - - Ducatel, J. T., on shell heaps, 392. - - Duchateau, Julien, _L’écriture calculiforme des Mayas_, 201. - - Dufossé, _Americana_, xvi. - - Dunbar, Jas., _Hist. of Markland_, 398. - - Dunbar, J. B., 327. - - Dunbar, W., on the Indian sign language, 437. - - Dunn, Oscar, 60. - - Dunning, E. O., 410. - - Dupaix, on Mitla and Palenqué, 192; - _Antiq. Méxicaines_, 192; - on the monuments of New Spain, 203. - - Duponceau, P. E., 423; - _Mém. sur le système grammatical_, 425. - - Durán, Diego, _Las Indias_, 155. - - Duro, C. F., 444. - - Duro, Ferd., _Disquis. Nauticas_, 75. - - Dury, John, 115. - - Dussieux, L., _Hist. de la Géog._, 94. - - Dutch, early, in Newfoundland, 75. - - Dwight, Theo. F., xv. - - - EAMES, WILBERFORCE, vi; bibliog. of Ptolemy, 35; - continues _Sabin’s Dictionary_, 414. - - Earl, title of, 61. - - Earth, spherical theory, 2; - the ancients’ notion of its size, 4, 8; - measured, 4; - distribution of land and sea, 6; - shape of the part known, 8; - notions respecting the unknown parts, 8; - a supposed southern continent, 9; - size supposed in the Middle Ages, 30; - rectangular map of, 30; - sphericity taught in the Middle Ages, 31; - the word “rotundus” as applied, 36; - its sphericity ignored by the Church Fathers, 37; - acknowledged by others, 37; - theories respecting its form, 38; - a plane in Homer, 39. - - Easter Island, 81. - - Eastman, Mrs. Mary, _Dacotah_, 327, 431. - - Ebeling, Professor, his likeness, iii; - library, iii; - his own books on Amer. history, iii. - - Ebn Sáyd, 47. - - Ecker, _Archiv_, 443. - - Ecuador, map, 200. - - Eden, Richard, _Decades_, xxiii; - _Hist. of Travayle_, xxiii. - - Eden, Garden of, 372. - - Edkins, J., 78. - - Edrisi, _Geography_, 33, 48, 72; - on Arab voyages on the Atlantic, 72; - his map, 72. - - Edwards, Jona., on the lost tribes, 116; - on linguistic traces, 116; - _Muhhekaneew Indians_, 116; - on the Mohegan language, 423. - - Effigy mounds, 408. - - Egede, Hans, in Greenland, 69, 107; - _Grönland_, 107; - facs. of its title, 108; - bibliog. 108; - his map, 131. - - Egede, Paul, in Greenland, 69; - _Grönland_, 108, 131; - his map in facs., 131; - acc. of, 131. - - Eggers, H. P. von, _Om Grönlands österbygds_, 108; - _Ueber die wahre Lage des Ostgrönlands_, 108; - on the Zeni, 111. - - _Egils saga_, 88. - - Eguiara y Eguren, _Bibl. Mex._ 413. - - Egyptian migrations, 372; - visits to America, 41; - analogies in Mexico, 183; - built the mounds, 405. - - Eichthal, Gustave de, on Fousang, 80; - _Les origins Bouddhiques de la civilisation Amér._, 80; - _Races océaniennes_, 82. - - El-Ghanam, 47. - - Elephant mound, 409. - - Eliot, John, apostle, on Jews in America, 115; - his letters, 322; - _Brief Narration_, 322; - _Grammar Mass. Indian Language_, 423. - - Eliot, Samuel, _Early relations with the Indians_, 323. - - Eliot, Samuel A., iii. - - Ellicott, Andrew, on mounds near Natchez, 398. - - Elliott, C. W., _New England_, 96. - - Elliott, E. T., 391. - - Ellis, F. S., _Americana_, xvi. - - Ellis, Geo. E., on Sparks, vii; - “The Red Indian of North America”, 283; - _Red Man and White Man_, 322; - on the Indians of Mass., 323. - - Ellis, Robt., _Peruvia Scythica_, 82, 241, 281. - - Ellis and White, xvi. - - Elton, C. A., _Remains of Hesiod_, 2. - - Elysian Fields, 12, 13. - - Emblematic mounds, 400 - Emerson, Ellen R., _Indian Myths_, 431. - - Emery, Geo. E., on the Zeno map, 115. - - Emory, W. H., _Mil. Reconnoissance_, 327, 396; - on the Mexican boundary survey, 396, 440. - - Enciso, M. F. d’, _Suma de Geog._, 173. - - Engel, E. B. d’, _Essai_, 370. - - Enghis skull, 389. - - England, archæological studies in, 442. - - English colonists in North America, their treatment of the Indians, - 283; - compared with the French, 298; - exceed the French in number, 299; - number of, 310. - - Engroneland, 72. - _See_ Greenland. - - Engronelant sometimes made distinct from Greenland, 121, 122. - - Enriques, Martin, tries to gather Mexican relics, 155. - - Ens, Gasper, _West-und-Ost Indischer Lustgart_, xxxiii. - - Eocene man, 387. - - Epstein, I., 426. - - Equinoxes, precession of, 387. - - Eratosthenes, on the form of the earth, 3; - measured it, 4; - _Hermes_, 7; - his view of the habitable earth, 9; - and the western passage, 27; - his age, 34. - - Eric Upsi, Bishop, 65. - - Eric the Red, his career, 61; - saga, 85, 90, 94. - - Erizzo, _Le Scoperte Artiche_, 127. - - Erslef, Ed., on the Zeni, 114. - - Erytheia, 14. - - Escoma (Bolivia) ruins, 250. - - Escudero, _Chihuahua_, 396. - - Eskimos, their boats drift to Europe, 61; - appear in Greenland, 68, 107; - near Behring’s Straits, 78; - described by La Peyrère, 86; - known to the Northmen as Skrælings, 105; - bibliog., 105, 108; - their former southern range, 106, 336; - their intellectual char., 106; - their migrations, 106, 321; - their skulls, 106, 377; - bone implements, 106; - their linguistic differences, 107, 425; - missions among, 108; - De Pauw on, 370; - allied to the cave race of Europe, 377, 390; - of the primitive race of America, 336, 367; - their stone implements, 336. - - Esparza, M. de, _Informe_, 183. - - Espinosa, J. D., 427. - - Essex Institute, 438. - - Estes, L. C., 409. - - Estete, M., 277. - - Estienne, Jean d’, on Atlantis, 45. - - Estotiland, 72, 128; - identification of, 114; - not America, 111, 115; - was America, 114, 115. - - Eten, 277. - - Eternal Islands, 47. - - Ethnographical collections, 412. - - _Ethnological Journal_, 442. - - Ethnological Society, _Journal_, 442; - _Transactions_, 442. - - Etowah valley mounds, 410. - - Ettwein, _Traditions of the Indians_, 325. - - Etzel, Anton von, _Grönland_, 107. - - Eudoxus, 35. - - Eumenius, 47. - - Euphemus in the Atlantic, 26. - - Euripides, _Helena_, 13; - _Hippolytus_, 14. - - Euseues, 22. - - Euthymemes, 26. - - Evans, John, _Anc. stone implements_, 384. - - Evans, A. S., _Our Sister Republic_, 180. - - Everett, Alex. H., in Spain, iii; - on the Norse voyages, 94. - - Everett, Edw., on the Norse voyages, 94. - - Everett, Wm., on the Northmen, 98. - - Evers, E., _Archæology of Missouri_, 419. - - Ewbank, T., _Rock-writing_, 105; - _Indian Antiq. and Arts_, 416. - - Eyrbyggja Saga, 83. - - - FABRICIUS, _Dissert. Crit._, 372. - - Fabulous islands, 46. - _See_ Atlantic islands. - - Faidherbe, Gen., 25. - - Fairfield County, Ohio, mounds, 408. - - Falb, R., _Land der Inca_, 275. - - Falconer, Hugh, _Palæontol. Memoirs_, 384; - _Primeval Man_, 390. - - Falconer, Richard, _Voyages_, 318. - - Faliès, L., _Populations primitives de l’Amérique_, 415. - - Fall River, “Skeleton in Armor” found, 105. - - Fancourt, C. G., _Yucatan_, 188. - - Farcy, Ch., 192; - _Antiq. de l’Amérique_, 77. - - Faria y Sousa, _Hist. Portuguezas_, 49. - - Faribault, G. B., _Catalogue_, iv. - - Farnham, Luther, _Private Libraries of Boston_, x, xvii. - - Farnum, Alex., _Northmen in Rhode Island_, 102. - - Faroe Islands, 114. - - Farquharson, R. J., 404. - - Farrar, _Families of Speech_, 75. - - Farrer, J. A., _Primitive Manners_, 379. - - Favyn, Andre, _Navarre_, 75. - - Fay, Jos. S., 99. - - Fay, S. L., 403. - - Feather work, 420. - - Fechner, _Centralblatt_, 443. - - Fegeux, _Quemada_, 183. - - _Fejérvary Codex_, 205. - - Fernandez, Melchior, 279. - - Ferrer de Conto, José, _La Marina real_, xxxvii. - - Feudal system in anc. Mexico, 173. - - Feyerabend, Sigmund, portrait, xxxi. - - Field, Thomas W., _Ind. Bibliog._, xiii, 414; - his _Catalogue_, xiii, 414. - - Field of Delight, 32. - - Fifteenth-century maps, 53, 57. - - Figueredo, J. de, 279. - - Figuier, Louis, _L’homme primitif_, 388, 412; - _Human Race_, 412; - _World before the Deluge_, 375, 412. - - Finæus, Orontius, his map, xxiv. - - Finlay, J. B., _Wyandotte Mission_, 116. - - Finley, E. B., 403. - - Finley, I. J., _Ross County, Ohio_, 408. - - Finns build the mounds, 405. - - Fiorin, Nic., his map, 58. - - Fischer, Abbé, edits Ramirez’s Catalogue, 414; - _Bibl. Mejicana_, xiii, 414. - - Fischer, Theobald, edits Ongania maps, 47. - - Fischer, _Origin des Américaines_, 76. - - Fish-hooks of bone, 417. - - Fish-spears, 360. - - Fish-weirs, 365. - - Fiske, Moses, 371. - - Fiske, Willard, _Bibliog. Notices_, 93. - - Fitch, John, his map on the mounds, 398. - - Fitzer, W., xxxi; - _Orient. Indian_, xxxiii. - - Five Nations. _See_ Iroquois. - - Flat-heads, 425. - - Flath Inis, 32. - - _Flatoyensis Codex_, 99. - - Fleming, Abraham, _Registre of Hystorie_, 21. - - Fletcher, Alice C., _Indian Education and Civilization_, 321; - her studies on the Sioux, 327; - _Omaha Tribe_, 327. - - Fletcher, Robt., _Prehist. trephining_, 440. - - Flint, Earl, on the Nicaragua footprints, 385; - on Palenqué, 191. - - Flint chips, 388. - _See_ Stone. - - Flint folk, 416; - in America, 417. - - Flora, that of South America connected with Polynesia, 82. - - Flores, I. J., _La lengua del Regno Cakchiquel_, 427. - - Florida, calcareous conglomerate, reported human remains in, 389; - migration from, to Mexico, 136; - mounds, 410; - pile-houses in, 393; - pottery, 419; - shell heaps, 393. - - Flower, W. H., 106; - on the study of skulls, 373. - - Folsom, Geo., on the Northmen, 96; - on the Zeni, 112. - - Fondouce, C. de, _Les temps préhistoriques_, 390. - - Fontaine, Edw., _How the World was Peopled_, 374; - on the recent origin of man, 382. - - Fontpertuis, A. F. de, _Canaries_, 116; - on the mounds, 403. - - Footprints in geological times, 385; - cut of one, 386. - - Forbes, D., 442. - - Forbiger, _Handbuch der Alten Geog._, 4, 36. - - Force, M. F., on the mounds, 402. - - Force, Col. Peter, his library, vi, 171; - dies, vi; - tributes to, vii. - - Forged relics made in Mexico, 180. - - Formaleoni, _Saggio sulla Nautica Ant. dei Veneziani_, 47. - - Forrey, Samuel, 374. - - Forshey, C. G., 409. - - Förstemann, Ed., edits the _Dresden Codex_, 205; - _Die Maya Handschrift_, 205; - _Der Maya Apparat in Dresden_, 205; - _Erläuterungen zur Mayahandschrift_, 202, 205. - - Forster, J. R., _Geschichte der Entd. und Schifffahrten_ xxxvi; - _Entdeckungen im Norden_, 92; - on the Zeni, 111. - - Fort Ancient, Ohio, 408. - - Fort Chartres, last French flag at, 316. - - Fort Duquesne, 310. - - Fortia, 43. - - Fortunate Islands, 15, 22, 27, 47, 48. - _See_ Canaries. - - Fossey, M., _Le Méxique_, 180, 184. - - Foster, G. E., _Se-quo-yah_, 326. - - Foster, J. W., _Prehistoric Races_, 401, 412; - on the moundbuilders, 401, 409; - (with Whitney), _Geology of Lake Superior_, 418. - - Four Worlds, doctrine of, 11. - - Fourteenth-century maps, 55. - - Fousang, in Buache’s map, 79; - discussions on, 81; - voyage to, 78. - - Fox, A. L., on early navigation, 81. - - Fox, Luke, on the Zeni, 111. - - Fraggia, _Coleccion de MSS._, ii. - - Frampton, John, translates Monardes, xxix. - - France, archæological efforts in, 441; - Congrès archéologique, 441; - Société Américaine, 441; - _Annuaire_, 441; - _Archives_, 441; - _Revue Américaine_, 441; - _Actes de la Soc. d’Ethnographie_, 441. - - Franciscans in Mexico, 154. - - Franciscus, E., _Ost- und West-Indischer Lustgarten_, 370. - - Francisque, Michel, _Le Pays Basque_, 75. - - Franco, Alonzo, 162. - - Franco, P., _Indios de Veragua_, 425. - - Franklin, B., his papers in Henry Stevens’s hands, xv; - on the Norse voyages, 92; - on the mounds, 398. - - Franklin Co., Ohio, mounds, 408. - - Frantzius, A. von, _San Salvador_, etc., 196. - - Fraser, W., 51. - - Frassus, _Regio_, etc., ii. - - Frauds, archæological, 403. - - Frazier, J. G., 328. - - French colonists in North America, their treatment of the Indians, - 283, 297; - compared with the English, 299; - aim to possess the Western country, 301, 302; - their forts along the lakes, 302; - their use of Indian lands, 303; - numbers, 310; the testimony of their early explorers, 318; - their manœuvres to monopolize the fur trade, 324. - - Fresnoy, Lenglet du, _Méthode_, xxxii. - - Fréville, _Cosmog. du Moyen Age_, 38, 76; - _Commerce de Rouen_, 76. - - Frey, S. L., 405. - - Frezier, A. F., _Voyage_, 243, 271. - - Friederichsthal, Baron von, in Yucatan, 186. - - Friends. _See_ Quakers. - - Frisch, E. F., _Wikingzüge_, 85. - - Frisius, Laurentius, map, 114. - - Frislanda, 72; - name used by Columbus, 73; - “Fixlanda”, 73; - in maps, 73; - in the Zeno map, 114; - different identifications, 114, 115; - in Stephanus’s map, 130. - - Fritsch, J. G., _Disputatio_, 93, 371. - - Frobisher, xxxiv; - and the island of Bus, 51. - - Frode, Are, 84. - - Froebel, _Seven Years’ Travel_, 410. - - Fry, J. B., _Army Sacrifices_, 319. - - Fuenleal, Bishop, 155. - - Fuensalida, Luis de, 155. - - Fuentes y Guzman, F. A. de, _Guatemala_, 167, 196; - _Recordacion Florida_, 168, 444. - - Fuhlrott, Dr., 390. - - Fur trade, 302. - - Fusang. _See_ Fousang. - - Fustér, _Bibl. Valenciana_, ii. - - - GABRIAC, CTE. DE, _Promenade à travers l’Amérique du Sud_, 231. - - _Gacetas de Literatura_, 180. - - Gadé, G., on an ancient Norse ship, 62. - - Gades (Cadiz), 13, 24. - - Gaffarel, Paul, _L’Atlantide_, 16; - _Les isles fantastiques_, 31, 47; - _Relations entre l’anc. monde et l’Amérique_, 38, 60; - _Etude sur les rapports de l’Amérique_, 40; - _Les Grecs ont-ils connu l’Amérique?_ 40; - on the Phœnician visits to America, 41; - on Roman inscriptions in America, 41; - _Rapports de l’Atlantis_, 44, 46; - his later studies of it, 44, 46; - bibliog. of Atlantis, 46; - _Voyages de St. Brandan_, 48; - his map (_fac-simile_) of the Atlantic islands, 52; - on the Arab voyages, 72; - on Vinland, 97; - on the Newport mill, 105; - on the Zeno voyage, 115; - on the lost tribes of Hebrews, 116; - on blackamoors in America, 117. - - Galapagos, 81. - - Gale, G., _Upper Mississippi_, 327; - his annotations on Lapham’s _Antiq. of Wisconsin_, 408. - - Galibi, 428. - - Galicia, F. C., 171. - - Gallindo, J., 193. - - Gallæus, Ph., _Enchiridion_, 129; map, in facs., 129. - - Gallatin, Albert, on Polynesian connections of the American man, 82; - on pre-Spanish migrations, 138; - on the Toltecs, 141; - _Notes on the semi-civilized nations of Mexico_, 169, 424; - _Synopsis of the Indian Tribes_, 320; - his map of the Indian tribes,321; - a student of ethnology, 376; - on the pueblos, 396; - on American languages, 320, 422, 424; - review of Hale’s work on the Wilkes Exped., 424; - on Teoyaomiqui, 435; - founds the American Ethnological Society, 437; - commends the work of Squier and Davis, 439. - - Galloway, W. B., _Science and Geology_, 387. - - Galvano, xxxvi; on the seven cities, 75. - - Gannett, H., 397. - - Gante, Pedro de, 156; - _Chronica Compend._, 156. - - Garcia y Cubas, _Ensayo_, 41; - _Atlas de la Republica Mejicana_, 139; - _Pirámides_, 183. - - Garcia, Gregorio, _Origen de los Indios_, i, 116, 264, 369; - his _Monarquia de los Incas_ lost, 264. - - Gardar, Cathedral, 108. - - Garden beds, 410. - - Garden of Eden, 372. - - Gardner, Job, on Dighton Rock, 103, 104. - - Gardner, J. S., _Eocenes of England_, 44. - - Garnier, Jules, _Les migrations polynésiennes_, 82. - - Garnier, J. L., 172. - - Garrigue and Christern, _Livres curieux_, xv. - - Gass, Rev. J., 404. - - Gatschet, A. S., on the Beothuks, 321; - _Migration legend of the Creeks_, 326, 425, 426; - his linguistic studies, 423, 426. - - Gavarrete, Juan, 167. - - Gavilan, A. R., _Hist. de Copacabana_, 264. - - Gay, Sydney H., on the Norse voyages, 97. - - Gebelin, Count, 104; - _Monde primitif_, 41, 424. - - Geiger, Lazarus, _Development of the human race_, 200. - - Geijer, E. J., _Hist. of Sweden_, 84. - - Geikie, A., _Search for Atlantis_, 45. - - Geikie, Jas., _Great Ice Age_, 332, 386. - - Gelcich, E., _Fischgang des Gascogner_, 75. - - Geminus, _Isagoge_, 7; - _Elementa astron._ or _Isagoge_, 35. - - Gendron, _Pays des Hurons_, 321. - - Genesis, a record of the Jews only, 372. - - _Genesis of Earth and Man_, 373. - - _Geografisk Tidsskrift_, 113. - - _Geographi Græci minores_, 25. - - Geographical Society of the Pacific, 438. - - Geological Society, _Quarterly Journal_, 443. - - Geology as controverting theology, 383. - - George, Wm., xvi. - - Georgia, case with the Cherokees, 326; - mounds in, 410; - Reck in, 326; - shell heaps, 393. - - Germany, archæological studies in, 443. - - Gesner, W., 416. - - Gesture-language, 422. - - Ghetel, Henning, xx. - - Gheysmer abridges Saxo, 92. - - Giants in Mexico, 133; - references, 133; - their bones proved to be mastodon’s, 133; - the Toltecs, 141. - - Gibbs, Geo., 409, 422; - on the Oregon tribes, 328; - _Chinook Dict._, 423; - his linguistic studies, 424; - memoir of, 424; - _Vocabularies of the Clallam and Lummi_, 425; - _Chinook jargon_, 425; - _Chinook language_, 425. - - Gila Valley, 395. - - Gilbert, J. K., _Niagara falls_, 333. - - Gillies, John, _Hist. Collections_, 322. - - Gilliss, G. M., 275. - - Gillman, H., _Anc. men of the great lakes_, 403; - papers on the mounds, 408; - _Anc. works at Isle Royale_, 418. - - Giroldi map (1426), 53. - - Gist, Christopher, 287. - - Glacial age, how long ago, 333, 382, 386; - in America, 332, 386; - man in the, 343, 387. - - Glacial gravels, 387. - _See_ Trenton. - - Gladiatorial stone, 182. - - Gladstone, W. E., _Homer_, 12, 39. - - Glareanus, revised Strabo, 34; - on early references to America, 40. - - Glass in pre-Spanish times, 177. - - Gleeson, _Cath. Chh. in California_, 409. - - Gliddon, Geo. R. _See_ Nott, J. C. - - _Glorias del segundo siglo de la compañia de Jesus_, 317. - - Goajira, 428. - - Goajira language, 425. - - Gobineau, _Moral Diversity of Races_, 374. - - Godron, A., on Fousang, 80. - - Godthaab, 69. - - Gold found in the mounds, 418. - - Goldsmidt, Edmund, 370. - - Gomez, Estevan, his voyage, xxxvi. - - Gomme, G. L., 443. - - Gonçalvez de Mattos Corrêa, _Descobertas_, xix. - - Gondra, Padre, 170, 444. - - Gonino, J., 177. - - Goodell, A. C., jr., on the Norse voyages, 98. - - Gooding, Jos., 103, 104. - - Goodnow, I. P., 390. - - Goodrich, Aaron, _The So-called Columbus_, 97. - - Goodrich, S. G., 328. - - Goodson, _Straits of Anian_, 110. - - Gookin, Daniel, 322. - - Goranson, 92. - - Gorgon islands, 13. - - Gosnold found metal in use in New England, 417. - - Gosse, L. A., _Déformations du crane_, 373. - - Gosselin, P. F. J., _Géog. des Grecs_, 36; - _Recherches sur la géog._, 36; - _Iles de l’océan_, 46; - on Atlantis, 46. - - Gottfried, J. L., _Neue Welt_, xxxiii. - - Göttingen, Anthropol. Verein, 443; - Americana in, iii. - - Götz, _Dresdener Bibliothek_, 205. - - Goupil, René, 323. - - Gowans, Wm., bookseller, vi; - dealer in Americana, xv. - - Graah, W. A., _Reise till ostkysten af Gronland_, 109. - - Grammar as an ethnical test, 421, 422. - - Granados y Galvez, J. J., _Tardes Américanas_, 172. - - Grant, E. M., 410. - - Gratacap, L. P., 177, 377. - - Grave Creek mound, 403; - alleged Scandinavian inscription in, 102, 403. - - Gravier, Gabriel, _Les Normands_, 76, 97; - _Découverte de l’Amérique_, 97; - on Norse civilization among the Aztecs, 99; - on the Dighton Rock, 104; - _Le Roc de Dighton_, 104; - on the Newport mill, 105. - - Gray, Asa, on the flora of Japan, 44; - in _Darwiniana_, 60; - on Jeffries Wyman, 392. - - Gray, D., 325. - - Gray, Thomas, his copy of the _Novus Orbis_, xxv. - - Greek allied to the Maya, 427. - - Greeks, cosmography among, 2; - in the Atlantic, 26. - - Green, John, xxxv. - - Green, Dr. S. A., 102. - - Green rock (in the Atlantic), 51. - - Greene, Albert G., his books, xiii. - - Greenland, in the Ptolemy of 1482, xii; - its name, 61; - earliest people there, 61; - its folk lore, 61; - Norse visits in eighth century, 61; - churches in, 63, 86; - East and West Bygd, 63, 108; - Norse occupation, 68; - bishops of, 68; - extinction of the colonists, 68, 69; - efforts to learn their fate, 69; - climatic changes, 69; - its colonists perhaps merged in the Eskimos, 69; - ancient bishopric, 85; - its ruins, 85; - bibliog., 85; - runes in, 87; - seals of the bishops, 87; - voyages hence to Vinland, 87; - _Antiq. Amer._, 94; - map, 95; - a prolongation of Europe, 99, 122, 125. _See_ Eskimos. - Sometimes confounded with Spitzbergen, 107; - bibliog. of the lost colonies, 107; - voyages to discover them, 107, 109; - Hans Egede on, 107; - sites of the colonies disputed, 108, 109; - scant population on east coast, 109; - the Zeni in, 114; - cartography of, 117, 132; - oldest map yet found, 117; - in the Genovese portolano, 117; - in the _Tab. Reg. Sept._, 117, 121; - maps by Hans Egede, 108; - by G. Fries, 108; - by Paul Egede, 108; - by Anderson, 108; - by Rafn, 109; - by Claudius Clavus, 117, 118; - by Fra Mauro, 117; - by Behaim, 120; - by Sylvanus, 120; - by Waldseemüller, 122; - by Apian, 122; - by Frisius, 122; - by Olaus Magnus, 123, 125; - by Münster, 126; - by Bordone, 126; - by Vopellio, 126; - by Gallæus, 129; - notions of Greenland in Columbus’ time, 120; - in Portuguese chart (1503), 120; - Ruysch made it a part of Asia, 120; - made to stretch northerly from Europe, 125; - to connect Europe with America, 126; - called Labrador by Rotz, 126; - severed from Europe in the alteration of the Zeno map (1561), 128, - 129; - made an island by Mercator and others, 129; - earliest Scandinavian maps to illustrate the sagas, 129; - maps of xvith cent., 130; - Moll’s confusion, 131; - maps by Hans Egede, 131; - by Paul Egede, in facs., 131; - by Jovis Carolus, 131; - by H. Doncker, 131; - by J. Meyer, 131; - De la Martinière connects it with northern Asia, 132; - La Peyrère’s map in facs., 132. - - Greenwood, Dr. Isaac, on Dighton Rock, 103, 104. - - Greg, R. P., _Fret ornament_, 176. - - Gregg, _Commerce des Prairies_, 396. - - Gregory IV., his bull, 61. - - Grenville, Thos., _Bibl. Grenvil._, iv. - - Griffis, W. E., _Arent van Curler_, 323. - - Grijalva, Juan de, on the Mexican coast (1518), xxi, 149. - - Grimm’s Law, 421. - - Grinlandia. _See_ Greenland. - - Griswold, Almon W., his library, xiii. - - Grocland, a geographical misapprehension, 129; - on maps, 129. - - Gronland, or Gronlandia. _See_ Greenland. - - Gros, _Sur les Monuments de Mexico_, 170. - - Grossmann, F. E., 397. - - Grote, A. R., 369; - on the Eskimos, 105. - - Grote, _Greece_, 28. - - Grotius, Hugo, on Scandinavia blood in Central America, 99; - _De Origine Americanarum_, 369; - his controversies, 370. - - Grotlandia. _See_ Greenland. - - Gruppe, _Die Kosmischen Systeme der Griechen_, 39. - - Grynæus, Simon, portrait, xxiv; - _Novus Orbis_, xxiv; - _Die neue Welt_, xxv; - map (1532), 114. - - Guajiquero Indians, 169. - - Guanches in the Canaries, 25, 116, 377. - - Guano, 253. - - Guaranis, 136. - - Guarini language, 278. - - Guatemala, linguistic evidence of Norse influence in, 99; - early hist. of, 135, 150; - the ethnological connection of its people in dispute, 150; - native sources, 166; - _Popul Vuh_, 166; - _Memorial de Tecpan Atitlan_, 166; - bibliog., 166. - _See_ Quichés, Cakchiquels. - - Guatusos, 169. - - Guaxtecas, 136. - - Guazucupan, 168. - - Gucumatz, 135, 435. - - Gudmund, Jonas, his Vinland map, 130. - - Gudrid, 65. - - Guerrero, ruins in, 184. - - Guerrero, Lobo, _Constituciones Synodales_, 268. - - Guest, Dr., _Origines Celticæ_, 45. - - Guest, W. E., 410. - - Guignes, on the Arab voyages, 72; - _Les navigations des Chinois_, 78. - - Guillot, Paul, 93. - - Guimet, Emile, _Anc. peuples de Méxique_, 81. - - Guiyard, _Géog. d’Abul-Fada_, 47. - - Gumilla, 75. - - Gunnbiorn, his voyage, 61; - his Skerries, 109. - - Günther, Siegmund, _Hypothèse_, 37; - _Die Lehre von der Erdrundung_, 38. - - Gurnet Head, 102. - - Gutierrez, Manuel, 183. - - - HAAS, WILLS DE, on the moundbuilders, 401, 403. - - Habel, S., on sculptures in Guatemala, 197. - - Haeckel, _Hist. of Creation_, 375; - _Natürl. Schöpfungsgesch._, 383. - - Hakluyt, Richard, edits Peter Martyr, xxiii; - used by Lok, xxiii; - _Divers Voyages_, xxix; - _Principall Navigations_, xxix; - on Madoc, 109; - on the Zeni, 111. - - Hakluyt Soc. publications, xxxvii, 443. - - Haldeman, S. S., 437; - discovers rude implements, 347; - on a Rock shelter, in Penna., 416. - - Hale, Capt. Chas. R., on the Dighton Rock, 102. - - Hale, E. E., on the Madoc voyage, 111. - - Hale, Horatio, _Iroquois Book of Rites_, 325, 425; - on the tribes of the N. W. coast, 328; - _Origin of Language_, 377, 421; - on the Cherokees, 402; - _Primitive money_, 420; - _Indian migrations_, 403, 422; - in Wilkes’ Exploring Exped., 423, 424; - his linguistic studies, 424. - - Hale, Nathan, 320. - - Haliburton, R. G., on Bjarni’s voyage, 63; - on the Norse voyages, 98. - - Hall, Jacob, 107. - - Hall, James, _Indian Tribes_, 320. - - Hall, Joshua, 410. - - Hamconius, _Frisia_, 75. - - Hamlin, A. C., 102. - - Hampstead, G. S. B., _Portsmouth_, Ohio, 408. - - Hamor in De Bry, xxxii. - - Hamy, E. T., on a Chinese inscription at Copan, 81; - _Crania Ethica_, 373; - _Précis de paléontologie humaine_, 383. - - Hanno, on the coast of Africa, 25; - _Periplus_, 34; - his voyage, 45. - - Hanson, _Gardiner, Me._, 322; - _Norridgewock_, 322. - - Happel, _Thesaurus_, 320. - - Hardiman, _Irish minstrelsy_, 50. - - Hardin Co., Ohio, mounds, 408. - - Hardy, Michel, _Les Scandinaves_, 97. - - Hariot, _Virginia_, xxxi. - - Harrassowitz, Otto, xvi, xvii. - - Harris, G. H., _Lower Genesee County_, 323. - - Harris, John, _Voyages_, xxxiv. - - Harris, T. M., on the mounds, 398; - _Tour_, 405. - - Harrison, Gen. W. H., on the mounds, 407. - - Harrison, _John Howard Payne_, 326. - - Harrisse, Henry, _Bibl. Am. Vet._, v, 414; - _Notes on Columbus_, v; - controversy with Henry Stevens, v; - _Sur la nouvelle France_, v; - _Additions_, v; - _La Colombine_, v; - _Les Cortereal_, xix; - on Peter Martyr, xx; - on early Basque voyages to America, 75. - - Hartgers, Joost, _Voyagien_, xxxiv. - - Hartman cave, 391. - - Harvard College library, rich in Americana, iii; - Sparks MSS. in, vii; - its catalogue, xvii. - - Hassaurek, F., _Spanish Americans_, 272. - - Hassler, _Buchdruckergeschichte Ulms_, 118. - - Hatfield, R. G., on the Newport mill, 105. - - Hatun-runas, 226. - - Haumonté, J. D., _La Langue Taensa_, 425. - - Harard, V., 328. - - Haven, S. F., on the Northmen, 96; - portrait, 374; - his _Reports_, 374; - his career, 376; - _Archæology of the United States_, 376; - revises Lapham’s _Antiq. of Wisconsin_, 400; - on mound exploration, 400; - believes in their Indian origin, 400; - _Prehist. Amer. Civilization_, 412. - - Haven, S. F., jr., bibliography, ii. - - Hawkins, Benj., _Creek Country_, 326, 429. - - Hawkins, _Voyage_, xxxvi. - - Hay, _Texcoco_, 170. - - Hayden, F. V., _Ethnography and Philology of the Missouri Valley_, - 424; - _Survey of the territories_, 440; - among the cliff houses, 395. - - Hayes, I. I., _Land of Desolation_, 69, 98. - - Haynes, H. W., on runic frauds, 97; - on Vinland, 98; - on the Monhegan runes, 102; - “The prehistoric Archæology of North America”, 329; - discovers rude implements in N. E., 347, 363; - _Bow and arrow unknown to the palæolithic man_, 355; - believes in interglacial man, 355; - at Solutré, 357; - on the Eng. trans. of Grotius, 370; - on the Trenton implements, 388; - _Copper implements_, 418; - on the Taensa fraud, 426. - - Hayti held to be Ophir, 82. - - Haywood, John, _Tennessee_, 372. - - Headlee, S. H., 409. - - Heart, Maj. Jona., _Ancient Mounds_, 398, 410. - - Heaviside, J. T. C., _Amer. Antiquities_, 41. - - Hecatæus, 34. - - Heckewelder, J., on Delaware names, 437; - on the mounds, 398; - on the Delaware language, 423; - correspondence with Duponceau, 425. - - Heer, _Flora tert. Helv._, 44; - _Urwelt der Schweitz_, 44. - - Hegewisch, Prof., iii. - - Heidenheimer, H., _Petrus Martyr_, xx. - - _Heimskringla_, 83. - - Heller, C. B., on Uxmal, 189; - _Reisen_, 189. - - Helluland, 63, 130. - - Hellwald, F. von, on Amer. migrations, 139; - on the autochthonous theory, 375; - _Naturgeschichte des Menschen_, 412; - on Mexican mining, 418. - - Helps, Sir Arthur, xii; - gives the first English condensation of the _Popul Vuh_, 166; - on Zumárraga, 203; - _Spanish Conquest_, 269; - on Peru, 269; - _Realmah_, 379. - - Henao, G. de, _Antig. de Cantabria_, 75. - - Henderson, Ebenezer, _Iceland_, 93. - - Henderson, Geo. F., _The Republic of Mexico_, 427. - - Henotheism, 430. - - Henry, Alex., _Travels_, 318; - mentions copper mines, 417. - - Henry, David, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Henry, Joseph, 139; - on Lake Superior mining, 418. - - Henshaw, H. W., on the mounds, 401; - _Animal carvings_, 404; - on sinkers, 351, 417. - - Herbert, Sir Thomas, _Travaile into Africa_, 109. - - Herbrüger, E., _Album de Mitla_, 185. - - Herckmann, _Der Zeevaert_, etc., xxxiv. - - Hercules’ twelve labors, 13. - - Heredra, J. M. de, ed. Bernal Diaz, 154. - - Heremite, J. d’, _Journael_, 271. - - Herjulfson, Bjarni, his voyage, 63. - - Hermes, K. H., _Entdeckung von America_, 96. - - Herodotus, 39. - - Herr, Michael, _Die neue Welt_, xxv. - - Herrera, H. A. de, _Disputatio_, xx. - - Herrera in De Bry, xxxii; - made use of the _Relaciones descriptivas_, 266; - title-page of his fifth book, showing portraits of Incas, 267; - _Historia_, 1, 155. - - Hervai, ruins, 271, 277. - - Hervas, L., _Lenguas y naciones Americanas_, 422; - _Catálogo de las Lenguas_, 422. - - Hervey de St. Denis, _Fou-Sang_, 80. - - Hesiod, _Theogony_, 2; - on the Elysian Fields, 13; - _Works and Days_, 13. - - Hesperides, 14. - - Heve language, 425. - - Heynig, _Psychologisches Magazin_, 443. - - Hidatsa language, 425. - - Hieroglyphics, invented, 152; - of Yucatan, attempts to decipher, 195; - by Charencey, 195; - used by Spaniards in relig. instruction, 197; - stages of, 197; - color and forms, elements, 197; - not easily read even by natives, 198; - Mrs. Nuttall’s complemental signs, 198; - phonetic scale, 198, 200; - Landa’s Alphabet, 198; - general references, 198; - on a Yucatan statue, 199; - early descriptions, 200; - sculptured in wood, 200; - inscription on the Palenqué tablet, 200; - cut of the same, 201; - comparative age of those on stone and in MS., 202; - rebus character, 202; - _Codex Mendoza_, 203; - tribute rolls, 203, 205; - _Dresden Codex_, plate of, 204; - explained, 205; - _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, 205; - _Codex Vaticanus_, 205; - _Fejérvary Codex_, 205; - other Maya MSS., 205; - _Codex Troano_, 205, 207; - _Codex Cortesianus_, 207; - facs. of plate, 206; - _Codex Perezianus_, 207. - - Higginson, T. W., _Larger Hist. U. S._, 98, 176. - - Higginson, Waldo, _Memorials of Class of 1833_, H. C., 439. - - Highland County, Ohio, mounds, 408. - - Hildebrand, H. O. H., _Island_, 85. - - Hilder, F. F., 409. - - Hildreth, Richard, on the Northmen, 96. - - Hildreth, Dr. S. P., _Pioneer History_, 319; - _Pioneer Settlers_, 319. - - Hilgard, E. W., 386. - - Hill, G. W., 408. - - Hill, Horatio, iii. - - Hill, Ira, _Antiq. of America_, 104, 415. - - Hill, S. S., _Peru and Mexico_, 272. - - Himilko on the ocean, 25. - - Hindoos, migrations, 371, 372. - - Hipkins, A. J., _Musical instruments_, 420. - - Hipparchus, 34; - on the form of the earth, 3; - on the oceans, 7. - - _Hispanicarum rerum, Scriptores_, xxix. - - Historical societies, their libraries, xviii. - - Hobbs, James, _Wild life_, 327. - - Hochelagan skull, 377. - - Hochstetter, F. von, _Ueber Mex. Reliquien_, 420. - - Hodgson, Adam, _Letters_, 76. - - Hoei Shin, 78, 80. - - Hoffman, W. J., 347. - - Holden, Edw. S., _Cent. Amer. Picture-writing_, 201, 202, 440. - - Holden, Mrs. H. M., on Atlantis, 45. - - Hole, the Norse Holl, 99. - - Holguin, D. G., his grammar, 279. - - Holm, Lieut., on the Greenland ruins, 86. - - Holmberg, A. E., _Nordbon_, etc., 85. - - Holmes, O. W., on Jeffries Wyman, 392. - - Holmes, W. H., on the sacrificial stone of Teotihuacan, 183; - on the cliff houses, 395; - survey of the serpent mound, 401; - on shell work, 417; - _Use of gold in Chiriqui_, 418; - on textile art, 419; - _Ceramic art_, 419; - on pottery in the Mississippi Valley, 419; - _Pueblo Pottery_, 419, 440. - - Homer, Arthur, _Bibl. Amer._, ii. - - Homer, his World, 6; - his ideas of the earth, 38; - his geography, 39. - - Hondt, F. de, xxxv. - - Honduras Indians, 169. - - Hooker, J. D., _Botany of the Voyage of the Erebus_, etc., 82; - _Flora of Tasmania_, 82. - - Hopkins, A. G., 323. - - Hopkins, Samuel, _Housatunnuk Indians_, 323. - - Horace, and Atlantic islands, 27. - - Horn, F. W., _Lit. of the Scandinavian North_, 84, 98. - - Horn (Hornius), Geo., _Responsio ad diss. H. Grotii_, 370; - on the Zeni, 111; - on Madoc, 109. - - Hornstone, 417. - - Horsford, E. N., _Disc. of America by Northmen_, 98; - edits Zeisberger’s _Dictionary_, 424. - - Hosea, L. M., 408. - - Hospitality, laws of, 175. - - Hotchkiss, T. P., 409. - - Hotten, J. C., xvi. - - Hough, F. B., on the N. Y. Indians, 325; - on mound in N. Y. State, 405. - - Houghton, Jacob, _Copper mines of Lake Superior_, 418. - - Housatonics, 323. - - Houses of the American aborigines, 420. - - Howard, Lord, gov. of Virginia, 304. - - Howe, _Hist. Coll. Ohio_, 407. - - Howell, G. R., on Munsell, xv. - - Howells, Jas., _Fam. letters_, 109. - - Howgate polar exped., 106. - - Howland, H. R., 408. - - Howley, M. F., _Eccles. Hist. Newfoundland_, 69. - - Howorth, H. H., _Irish monks and Northmen_, 61; - _Mammoth and the Flood_, 45, 382; - on Genesis, 384. - - Hoy, P. R., 402; - _Copper implements_, 418. - - Hoyt, Epaphas, _Antiq. Researches_, 323. - - Huacabamba, 276. - - Huacrachucus, 227. - - Hualli, 275. - - Huamachuchus, 227. - - Huanacauri hill, 224. - - Huanaco, 213. - - Huanapu, 275. - - Huancas, 227; - allies of the Chancas, 230. - - Huanuco el viejo, 247. - - Huaraz, ruins, 220. - - Huarcu, 277. - - Huarochiri, 277, 436. - - Huascar, 231. - - Huastecs, 136. - - Huayna Ccapac, 231. - - Hubbard, Bela, _Mem. of half century_, 408. - - Hudson, Hendrick, voyage, xxxiv. - - Hudson Bay connected with the Great Lakes, 79. - - Hudson Bay Company, its relations with the Indians, 297. - - Hudson Bay Indians, 321. - - Hudson, _Geog. vet. script. Græci minores_, 34. - - Hudson River Indians, 325. - - Huebbe and Azuar, map of Yucatan, 188. - - Huehue-Tlapallan, 136, 137. - - Huemac, 140, 432. - - Huerta, Alonso de, 279. - - Huiñaque, ruins, 220. - - Huitramannaland, 82. - - Huitzillopochtli, 148, 432, 435. - - Hulsius, bibliog., xii. - - Hultsch, _Metrologie_, 4, 5. - - Human sacrifices, 140, 145, 147, 148, 185; - in Peru, 237, 238; - in Mexico, 431. - - Humboldt, Alex. von, his library, vi; - _Examen Critique_, vi, 40; - _Crit. Untersuchungen_, vi; - _Géog. du nouveau monde_, vi; - _Cosmos_, vi; - his MSS., vi; - on early mentions of America, 40; - on Atlantis, 46; - on the fabulous islands, 47; - on the Arab voyages in the Atlantic, 72; - on the Asiatic origin of Americans, 76; - on the Icelandic sagas, 94; - on the Norse discovery, 96; - on the Dighton Rock, 104; - on the Eskimos, 105; - on the Zeni, 115; - on the Aztec wanderings, 138; - on their migration maps, 139; - on Carreri, 158; - buys some part of the Boturini collection, 160, 162; - on the ruins of Middle America, 176; - on the Cholula mound, 180; - on Mitla, 184; - describes Aztec MSS., 203; - on the _Codex Telleriano_, 205; - in South America, 270; - _Vues de Cordillères_, 271, 371; - Eng. transl., 271; - _Voyage au régions équinoxiales_, 271; - _Ansichten der Natur_, 271; - _Aspects of Nature_, 271; - _Views of Nature_, 271; - on the Chibchas, 282; - on the origin of Mexicans, 371; - his bibliog. in his _Vues_, 413; - on arts in America, 416; - (with Bonpland) _Voyage_, 426. - - Humboldt, Wm. von, his linguistic studies, 426. - - Humphrey, D., _Soc. for propagating the Gospel_, 323. - - Humphrey and Abbott, _Physics of the Mississippi Valley_, 393. - - Hunt, Jas., 443. - - Hurakan, 435. - - Huron River, Ohio, mounds near, 408. - - Hurons, 321; - their language, 423. - - Hutchinson, Thos., his library, i. - - Hutchinson, T. J., on Peruvian skulls, 244; - _Two years in Peru_, 272; - _Some fallacies about the Incas_, 272. - - Huttich, John, _Novus Orbis_, xxiv. - - Huxley, on cataclysmic force, 382; - _Distribution of Races_, 383; - _Man’s place in nature_, 390. - - Hygden maps (1350), 55, 117; Polychronicon, 117. - - Hyginus, on the form of the earth, 3; - _Poeticon astron._, 36. - - Hyperboreans, 12. - - Hyrcanian ocean, 382. - - - ICAZA, Father, 444. - - Icazbalceta, J. G., on Indian languages, vii; - _Don Fray Zumárraga_, 155, 156, 203; - on Sahagún, 157; - ed. Mendieta, 157; - _Apuntes_, 157; - portrait, 163; - prints the_Hist. de los Méxicanos por sus Pinturas_, 164; - defends Zumárraga, 203; - _Destruccion de Antigüedades_, 203; - _Las bibliotecas de Eguiara y de Beristain_, 413; - _Cat. de escritores en lenguas indígenas_, 414; - _Bibl. Amér. del Siglo xvi._, 157, 414, 426; - his MSS., 427. - - Iceland, visited by King Arthur, 60; - by Irish, 60, 82; - by the Norse, 83; - bibliog., 84; - millennial celebration, 85; - books printed in, 93, 94; - _Antiq. Amer._, 94; - map, by Rafn, 95; - by Claudius Clavus, 117, 118; - other maps, 118; - in Mauro’s map, 120; - in map (1467), 121; - in Martellus’ map, 122; - Olaus Magnus, 123, 124, 125; - Seb. Münster, 126; - Zeno map, 127, 128; - by Gallæus, 129. - - Icelandic language, 66. - - Icelandic sagas. _See_ Saga. - - Ideler, J. I., vi. - - Idols still preserved in Mexico, 180. - - Igh, 134. - - _Il genio vagante_, xxxiv. - - Illinois, Indians, 327; - mounds, 408. - - _Ilustracion Mexicana_, 184. - - Imlay, G., _Western Territory_, 398. - - Imox, 134. - - Inca civilization. _See_ Peru. - - India, supposed westerly route to, 27. - - Indian languages. _See_ Linguistics. - - Indian Ocean once dry land, 383. - - Indian summer, origin of the term, 319. - - Indians, variety of complexion among, 111, 370; - Morgan on their houses, 175; - their contact with the French and English, 283; - their feuds, 284; - acquire firearms, 285, 301; - deed lands, 286, 296; - trade with the whites, 286; - lose skill with the bow, 287; - adoption of prisoners, 287; - sell them for ransoms, 287, 289; - treatment of captives, 290; - captives cling to them, 291; - life of, 293; - trails, 294; - traders among, 294, 297; - as allies, 295; - treaties with the English, 300, 304, 305; - French missionaries among, 301; - fur-hunters, 301; - attempts to christianize, 307; - the French instigations, 313; - number of souls, 315; - bibliog., 316; - character in war, 318; - government publications on, 320, 321; - their shifting locations, 321; - reservations for, 321; - life of, as depicted by Morgan, 325; - tribal society, 328; - position of women, 328; - medicine, 328; - mortuary rites, 328; - their games, 328; - their mental capacity, 328; - myths, 429; - non-pastoral, 379; - map of tribes, 381; - decay of tradition among them, 400; - degraded descendants of the higher races of middle America, 415; - industries and trade, 416; - lost arts, 416; - copper mining, 418; - influence of missions, 430; - belief in a future life, 431; - scope of Schoolcraft’s work, 441. - - Indiana, _Geol. Report_, 393; - Indians, 327; mounds, 408. - - Indianapolis Acad. of Sciences, 438. - - Indio triste, statue, 183. - - Industries of the Amer. aborigines, 416. - - Ingersoll, Ernest, 440; - _Village Indians_, 396; - on Indian money, 420. - - Ingolf in Iceland, 61. - - Ingolfshofdi, 61. - - Ingram, Robert, 115. - - Institut Archéologique, _Annales_, 441. - - Institution Ethnographique, 442; - _Rapport_, 442. - - _Insulae Fortunatae_, 14. - _See_ Fortunate Islands, Canaries. - - Interglacial man, 334, 355. - - International Congress of Prehistoric Archæology, _Trans._, 443. - - Inwards, Richard, _Temple of the Andes_, 219, 273. - - Iowa mounds, 409. - - Ireland the Great, 61; - references, 82; - variously placed, 82, 83; - Rafn’s map, 95. - - Ireland, early map of, 118 - - Irish legends about the island Brazil, 50. - - Irish in Iceland, 60, 61, 82. - - Irland it Mikla, 82. - _See_ Ireland the Great. - - Irminger, Admiral, on the Zeni, 114. - - Iron, meteoric, found in the mounds, 418. - - Iroquois, held to be Turks, 82; - Sir Wm. Johnson breaks their league, - 284, 300; - attacked by the French, 300; - extend their hunting grounds, 303; - war against the Illinois, etc., 303; - addicted to rum, 303; - treaty with the English (1764), 304; - sources of their history, 323; - map of their country, 323; - in Colden’s _Five Nations_, 324; - their cession of western lands to the English in 1726, 324; - sacrifice of the white dog, 325; - build the mounds in New York, 402, 405; - their arts, 416; - hero-gods, 430; - their monotheism, 430; - myths, 431; - language, 425. - - Irving, Washington, on O. Rich, iii; - on the Norse voyages, 93, 96. - - Isla Verde, 31, 47, 51. - - Islands of the Blest, 13, 15. - _See_ Canaries, Fortunate Islands. - - Isle Royale, copper mines, 418. - - _Islenzkir Annáler_, 83. - - Israel, lost tribes. _See_ Jews. - - Italy, anthropological studies in, 444. - - Itzamná, 434. - - Itzcohuatl, 203. - - Ivory workers, 417. - - Ixtlilxochitl (ruler), 146. - - Ixtlilxochitl (writer), 148; - beginning of Mexican history, 155; - gathers records, 157; - his character, 157; - his MS. material, 157; - part secured by Aubin, 162; - _Hist. Chichimeca_, 162; - chief instigator of the feudal view of Mexican life, 173; - his illusive character, 174. - - Izalco, 168. - - Izamal, 186, 188, 434. - - Iztachnexuca, 139. - - Iztcoatl, 146. - - - JACKER, E., 327, 328. - - Jackson, C. T., _Geol. Report_, 418. - - Jackson, Jas., _Liste de bibliog. géog._, i, xvii. - - Jackson, W. H., among the cliff dwellings, 395; - in the Chaco cañon, 396; - _Photographs of N. Am. Indians_, 440. - - Jacobs-Beeckmans, _Les iles Atlantique_, 53. - - Jacobs, _Praying Indians_, 322. - - Jacquet Island, 53. - - Jade, 417; - in Asia and America, 81. - - Jadite, 417. - - _Jahrbücher für Anthropologie_, 443. - - Jalisco, 139, 433. - - James, Capt. Thomas, his voyage, xxxv. - - Japan discovered, 32; - held to be Fusang, 78. - - Jargons, 422. - - Jarl, 61. - - Jarvis, S. F., 381; - _Religion of the Indian Tribes_, 429. - - Jarz, K., on the Homeric islands, 40. - - Jasper, 417. - - Jaubert, trans. of _Edrisi_, 48. - - Jay, John, early navigator, 50. - - Jefferson, Thos., his anthropological collections, 371; - on the mounds, 398; - on Amer. linguistics, 424; - his MSS. burned, 424; - _Notes on Va._, ii. - - Jeffreys, _French Dominion_, 326. - - Jemez, 394. - - Jeremias, _Die Babylon.—Assyr. Vorstellungen_, 13. - - Jesuits, their _Relations_ as a source of Indian history, 316; - their bibliog., xii; - their missions, 317; - travels of their missionaries, 318; - in Peru, 262. - - Jewitt, J. R., _Journal at Nootka Sound_, 327. - - Jews, Grave Creek tablet, 404; - migrations to America, 115. - - Jiménes de la Espada, Márcos, _Biblioteca Hispano-ultramarina_, 260; - edits Santillan, 261; - edits Montesinos, 263; - edits the _Relacion_ of the Anonymous Jesuit, 263; - _Coleccion de libros Españoles raros_, 263; - _Tres Relaciones_, 263; - edits Salcamayhua, 266; - edits the _Informaciones por mandado de Don F. de Toledo_, 268; - his editorial labors, 274; - edits Cieza de Léon, 274; - edits Betanzos, 274; - portrait, 274. - - Jogues, the missionary, 323; - sources, 323. - - Johannes, Count. _See_ Jones, George. - - Johnson, Elias, _Six Nations_, 325. - - Johnson, G. H. M., 325. - - Johnson, Sir William, and the Iroquois, 284; - on his influence among the Indians, 318. - - Jolibois, Abbé, on the anc. Mexicans, 81. - - Joly, _L’homme avant métaux_, 383; - _Man before metals_, 383; - on the moundbuilders, 403. - - Jomard, _Les Antiq. Amér._, 80; - _Une pierre gravée_, 404. - - Jones, C. C., _Tomo-chi-chi_, 326; - finds rude stone implements in Georgia, 344; - _Antiq. of No. Amer. Indians_, 344; - on the making of arrow-heads, 417; - on the Georgia mounds, 410; - _Indian Remains_, 410; - _Anc. tumuli_, 410; - _Antiq. of Southern Indians_, 293, 410; - on effigy mounds, 410; - on bird-shaped mounds, 410; - on rock inscriptions, 411. - - Jones, David, _Two visits_, 110, 326, 398. - - Jones, Geo., _Orig. Hist. of Ancient America_, 41, 190. - - Jones, H. G., on Madoc’s voyage, 110. - - Jones, Jos., 419; on the mounds, 410. - - Jones, J. M., on shell heaps, 392. - - Jones, Morgan, on the Tuscaroras, 109. - - Jones, Peter, _Ojibway Indians_, 327. - - Jones, _Oneida County_, 323. - - Jones, _Stockbridge_, 323. - - Jónsson, Arngrimur, 84; - _Grönlandia_, 85. - - Jordan, Francis, _Aboriginal Encampment at Rehoboth, Del._, 393. - - Jordan, Fr., jr., 419. - - Jorell, Otto, _Navires du Nord_, 62. - - Jotunheimer, 130. - - Jourdain, A., _Traductions d’Aristote_, 37. - - Jourdain, Ch., _Influence d’Aristote_, 37, 38. - - _Journal of American Folk Lore_, 438. - - _Journal of Anthropology_, 442. - - Jowett, B., _Dialogues of Plato_, 46. - - Joyce, _Old Celtic Romances_, 33, 50. - - Juarros, Domingo, _Guatemala_, 168, 196. - - Jubinal, _Légendes de S. Brandaines_, 48. - - Julianehaab district, maps, 87, 89. - - Junks, drifting of, 78. - - Junquera, S. P., 115. - - Justiniani, Dr. Pablo, 281. - - - KABAH, 188, 200. - - Kabah-Zayi, 186. - - Kakortok, 86, 88. - - Kalbfleisch, C. H., his library, xviii. - - Kalm, Peter, on the Norse voyages, 92; - _Travels_, 325; - on the mounds, 398; - on the formation of soil, 361. - - Kames, Lord, _Hist. of Man_, 380. - - Kan-ay-ko, 394. - - Kane, Paul, _Wanderings_, 321. - - Kansas Academy of Sciences, 438. - - _Kansas City Review_, 439. - - Kansas mounds, 409. - - Keane, A. H., 273, 410; - _Ethnology of America_, 412, 422. - - Keary, C. F., _Dawn of History_, 412, 415. - - Keller, Dr., on the Swiss lake dwellings, 395. - - Kelley, O. H., 409. - - Kemp’s discovery in London, 388. - - Kendall, E. A., 104; - _Travels_, 104. - - Kennebecs, 322. - - Kennedy, James, _Origin Amer. Indians_, 117. - - Kennedy, J., _Probable origin of the Amer. Indians_, 369; - _Essays_, 369. - - Kennett, White, _Bibl. Amer. Prim._, i; - his library, i. - - Kennon, B., 78. - - Kentucky caves, 390. - - Kentucky mounds, 409. - - Keppel, Gestalt, _Grösse, and Weltstellung der Erde_, 39. - - Kerr, Henry, _Travels_, 111. - - Kerr, Robert, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Keyport, N. Jersey, 363, 393. - - Keyser, J. R., _Private life of the old Northmen_, 85; - _Religion of the Northmen_, 85. - - Keyser, K., _Norges Hist._, 85. - - Kich-Moo, 187. - - Kiché, Brinton’s spelling of Quiché, 167. - - Kidder, F., 325. - - King, Richard, 106. - - Kingektorsoak stone, 66. - - Kingsborough, Edward, Lord, his belief in the lost-tribe theory, 116; - acc. of, 203; - his MSS. in Rich’s hands, 203; - in Sir Thomas Philipps’, 203; - _Antiq. of Mexico_, 203; - copies, 203; - finds no MSS. in Spain, 203. - - Kingsley, Chas., _Lectures_, 98. - - Kingsley, J. S., _Standard Nat. Hist._, 356. - - Kino, Padre, 396. - - Kircher, A., _Mundus Subterraneus_, 9, 43; - _Œdipus Ægypticus_, 204. - - Kiriri, 428. - - Kirkland, the missionary, on the mounds, 399. - - Kitchen-middens. _See_ Shell heaps. - - Kittanning, 312. - - Klaproth, J. H. von, _Fousang_, 78. - - Klee, _Le Déluge_, 390. - - Klemm, _Allgem. Culturgesch. der Menschheit_, 377, 431; - _Allgem. Culturwissenschaft_, 377. - - Kneeland, Samuel, _Amer. in Iceland_, 85; - on the skeleton in armor, 105. - - Kneip, C. H., iii. - - Knight, Mrs. A. A., 45. - - Knox, Robert, _Races of Men_, 369. - - Knox, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Koch and the Missouri mastodon, 388. - - Kohl, J. G., on the Northmen voyages, 97; - on Frislanda, 114; - _Kitchi-Gami_, 327. - - Kolaos, voyage, 40. - - Kollmann, Dr., 384. - - _Kosmos_, 438. - - Koriaks, 77. - - Kramer, J., ed. Strabo, 34. - - Krarup, F., on the Zeni, 113. - - Krause, E., _Northwest Coast of America_, 328. - - Kristni Saga, 85. - - Krossanes, 101, 102. - - Kublai Khan, 82. - - Kukulcan, 152. - _See_ Cukulcan. - - Kumlein, L., _Nat. Hist. Arctic America_, 106. - - Kunstmann, _Mémoires_, 53. - - - LA BORDE, _Mer du Sud_, 43; - _L’origine des Caraibes_, xxxiv, 117. - - La Harpe, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - La Mothe Cadillac at Detroit, 303. - - La Peyrère, map of Greenland, 132; - _Relation du Groenland_, 132. - - La Roquette on the Zeni, 112. - - La Salle and the Indians, 318. - - Labarthe, Charles, _La civilisation péruvienne_, 275; - _Doc. inédits sur l’Empire des Incas_, 275. - - Labat, _Nouveau Voyage_, 117. - - Labrador, name of, 31, 74. - - Lacandons, 188. - - Lacerda, José de, _Doutor Livingstone_, 114. - - Lachmann, _Sagenbibliothek_, 91. - - Lacustrine deposits, 347; - habitations, 393. - - Laet, Joannes de, _Nieuwe Wereldt_, i; - _Notæ ad diss. H. Grotii_, 370; - further controversy with Grotius, 370. - - Lafieri, Geografia, 125. - - Lafitau, on the Asiatic origin of Americans, 76; - _Mœurs des Sauvages_, 317; - on the Tartar origin of Americans, 371. - - Lagerbring, Sven, 84. - - Laguna, Col. de la, 184. - - Laing, Ed., _Heimskringla_, 92; - on the sagas, 99. - - Lake Bonneville, 347. - - Lake Lahontan, 347. - - Lake Superior, copper mines, 417. - - Lamarck, J. B. A., his transformation theory, 383; - _Philosophie Zool._, 383. - - Lambayeque, 275. - - Lancaster, Pa., treaty at, 305. - - Landa, Bishop, _Relacion_, 164, 200; - edited by Brasseur, 164; - by Rada y Delgado, 165; - critical account of editions by Brinton, 165; - his alphabet, 198; - facs. of part of it, 198; - exists only in a copy, 198; - pronounced a fabrication, 200, 202; - analysis of, 201; - misleading, 202; - his destruction of MSS., 203. - - Landino, 35. - - _Landnamabók_, 83; editions, 83. - - Landry, S. F., _Moundbuilder’s Brain_, 403. - - Lands, tenure of, 175. - - Lang, A., 281. - - Lang, J. D., _Polynesian Nations_, 82. - - Langdon, F. W., 408. - - Langebek, Jacobus, _Scriptores rerum Danicarum_, 83. - - Langius, _Med. Epist. Misc._, 41. - - Langlet du Fresnoy, _Méthode_, i. - - Language, as a test of race, 421, 422; - failed in the palæolithic man, 421. - _See_ Linguistics. - - Laon globe (1486), 119; cut, 56. - - Lapham, I. A., on the Indians of Wisconsin, 327; - _Antiq. of Wisconsin_, 400, 408. - - Lappawinzo, 325. - - Larenaudière, _Méxique_, 190. - - Larkin, F., _Anc. man in America_, 384, 405, 415. - - Larrabure y Unanue, E., on the Ollantay drama, 282. - - Larrainzar, M., _Estudios sobre la hist. de America_, 172, 195; - on Palenqué, 195. - - Lartet, Ed., _Nouvelles Recherches_, 388; - _Annales des Sciences_, 441. - - Lartet and Christy, _Reliq. Aquitanicæ_, 389. - - Las Casas, _Narratio_, xxxiii; - _Apolog. hist._, 155. - - Latham, _Nat. Hist. of Man_, 374; - _Man and his migrations_, 381. - - Latreille, 16. - - Latrobe, C. J., _Rambles in Mexico_, 180. - - Laud, Archbp., 205. - - Laurentian hills, 384. - - Laurenziano-Gaddiano portolano, 55. - - Law, A. E., 410. - - Lawson, _Carolina_, xxxv. - - L’Estrange, Sir H., _Americans no Jewes_, 115. - - Le Beau, _Voyage_, 321. - - Le Hon, H., _Influence des lois Cosmiques_, 387; - _L’homme fossile_, 383. - - Le Moyne, _Florida_, xxxii. - - Le Noir on the _Dresden Codex_, 205. - - Le Plongeon, Dr., on Atlantis, 44; - on the connection of the Maya and Asiatic races, 81; - on traces of the Guanches in Yucatan, 117; - his studies in Yucatan, 166, 186; - his discovery of the Chac-mool, 180, 181, 190; - _Sacred Mysteries_, 180, 187; - his over-confidence, 187, 200; - controversies, 187; - at Chichen-Itza, 187, 190; - on the Maya tongue, 427. - - Le Plongeon, Mrs. Alice, her studies on the Mayas, 166, 169, 187; - _Vestiges of the Mayas_, 187; - _Here and There in Yucatan_, 187. - - Leardo, Giovanni, map (1448), 56; - (1452), 53, 56, 115. - - Leclerc, Ch., _Bibl. Amer._, vii, xvi, 413, 423. - - Leclercq, _Gaspésie_, 321. - - Leconte, J. L., on the California Indians, 437. - - Lee, Arthur, on the mounds, 398. - - Lee, J. C. Y., 397. - - Lee, J. E., _Lake dwellings of Switzerland_, 395. - - Leffler, O. P., 84. - - Legendre, Napoleon, _Races de l’Amérique_, 369. - - Legis-Glueckselig, _Die Runen_, 66. - - Legrand d’Aussy, _Image du monde_, 37. - - Leibnitz, _Opera philol._, 40. - - Leidy, Jos., 374; - discovers rude implements in lacustrine deposits, 347; - on a mustang skull found in the California gravels, 353; - _Extinct mammalia_, 388; - on shell-heaps, 393; - on the Hartman cave, 391. - - Leif Ericson, his career, 62; - his voyage to Vinland, 63; - described, 90; - statue in Boston, 98. - - Leipzig, Museum für Völkerkunde, _Bericht_, 443; - _Verein für Anthropologie_, 443. - - Leland, Ch. G., C_alifornia and Mexico in the Fift. Cent._, 80; - _Fusang_, 80; - _Mythology of the Algonquins_, 99; - _Algonquin legends_, 99, 431; - on the Norse spirit in Algonquin myths, 99. - - Lelewel, on the Arab voyages, 72; - on Frislanda, 114. - - Lemoine, J. M., on the Hurons, 321; - on Indian mortuary rites, 328. - - Lemuria, 383. - - Lenape stone, 405. - - Lenni Lenape, 325, 437. - _See_ Delawares. - - Lenoir, A., on Egyptian traces in America, 41; - compares Palenqué with Egyptian remains, 192. - - Lenox Library, xi; - its bibliographical contributions, xi. - - Lenox, Jas., his library, xi; - _Recollections_ by Stevens, xi; - his De Brys, xxxiii. - - Léon y Gama, A. de, _Desc. de las Dos Piedras_, 159, 182; - chronol. tables of Mexico, 133. - - Léon y Pinelo, _Epitome_, i. - - Leone, Giovan, _Viaggio_, xxix. - - Lepsius, _Das Stadium_, 4. - - Lesage, S., 317. - - Lesley, J. P., _Origin and Destiny of Man_, 379, 383; - his independent views, 384. - - Lesson and Martinet, _Les Polynésiens_, 82. - - Letheman on the Navajos, 327. - - Letronne, on the size of the earth, 5; - on the views of the extension of Africa, 7; - _Opinions Cosmog. des Pères_, 38. - - Levinus printed with Martyr, xxiii. - - Lévy-Bing on the Grave Creek mound tablet, 404. - - Lewis, Sir Geo. C., _Astron. of the Ancients_, 36. - - Lewis, H. C., _Geol. Survey of Penna._, 388; - _Trenton gravels_, 337, 388. - - Lewis, T. H., on the mounds, 400, 403; - on a snake mound, 401; - on Iowa mounds, 409; - on Kentucky mounds, 409; - on Red River mounds, 410; - on Rock inscriptions, 410. - - Lewis and Clarke, on the Indians, 320; - discover mounds, 409; - their Indian vocabularies lost, 424. - - Lexington, Ky., Indian fort, 437. - - Li Yan Tcheou, 80. - - Libraries, American, i; - in New England, i; - private, of Americana, vi. - - _Libretto de tutta la navigazione_, etc., xix. - - Libyan relic in America, 404. - - Lick Creek mound, 408. - - Lima, audience of, 211. - - Linares on Teotihuacan, 182. - - Lindenow, G., voyage to Greenland, 107. - - Linguistics, American, bibliog. of, vii, 421, 423; - affiliations with Asia, 77; - with China, 81; - used in studying ethnical relations, 421; - number of stocks, 422, 424; - dialects, 422; - maps of America, by languages, 422; - polysynthesis, 422; - collections, 425; - vocabularies in Wheeler’s Survey, 440. - - Linschoten, xxxvii. - - Lisbon Academy, _Memorias da Litteratura_, xix. - - Little, Wm., _Warren_, 322. - - Little Falls, Minn., 346. - - Little Miami valley, mounds in, 403, 408. - - Littlefield, Geo. E., xv. - - Livermore, Geo., on Henry Stevens, xiv. - - Lizana, B., 165. - - Ljung, E. P., _Dissertatio_, 370. - - Llamas of Peru, 213, 253; cut of, 213. - - Llanos, Adolfo, _Sahagún_, 157. - - Lloyd, Humphrey, _Cambria_, 109. - - Lloyd, H. E., 108. - - Lloyd, T. G. B., 321. - - Loaysa, 162. - - Locke, Caleb, _Hist. de la navigation_, xxxiv. - - Locke, John, on the Wisconsin mounds, 400; - _Mineral Lands_, 400. - - Locket, S. H., 409. - - Lockwood, Rev. Samuel, 363; - collection, 393. - - Lodge, Henry Cabot, review of Gravier’s _Découverte par les Normands_, - 97. - - Loess, 332, 348; - of the Mississippi Valley, 388. - - Loew, O., 394. - - Löffler, E., on Vinland, 98. - - Logan, James, his position in Penna., 308. - - Logstown, 287. - - London Anthropological Society, _Memoirs_, 442; - _Trans._ and _Journals_, 442. - - London Society of Antiquaries, _Archæologia_, 442. - - Long, R. C., _Anc. Arch. of America_, 176. - - Long, _Bibl. Amer._, ii. - - Longfellow, H. W., _Skeleton in Armor_, 105. - - Longperier, A. de, _Notice des Monuments_, 444; - _Bronzes Antiques_, 26. - - Loo-choo Islands, 80. - - Lopez, V. F., on Quichua roots, 280; - _Les Races Aryennes du Pérou_, 82, 241, 281; - on the Ollantay drama, 282, - - Lorente, S., _Hist. Antiq. del Peru_, 270; - papers in the _Revista Peruana_, 270; - _Revista de Lima_, 270. - - Lorenzana, _Hist. Nueva España_, 203. - - Lorillard, Pierre, 177. - - Lorillard City, 177; - situation, 188. - - Lort, Michael, 104. - - Loskiel, G. H., _Mission_, 371, 429. - - Lothrop, S. K., _Kirkland_, 323. - - Loudon, Archibald, _Selection of narratives_, 319. - - Louisiana, missions in, 326; - mounds, 409. - - Löw, Conrad, _Meer Buch_, xxxiii. - - Löwenstern, _Le Méxique_, 182. - - Lowndes, the bibliographer, xvi. - - Lubbock, Sir John, _Origin of Civilization_, 377, 380; - as an anthropologist, 379; - portrait, 379; - _Prehistoric Times_, 379; - on _No. Amer. Archæology_, 379; - on the degeneracy of the savage, 381; - _Early Condition of Man_, 381; - _Scientific Lectures_, 387; - on prehistoric archæology, 412. - - Lucy-Fossarieu, P. de, _Ethnographie de l’Amérique Antarctique_, 442. - - Ludewig, Hermann E., _Amer. local History_, v; - _Amer. Aborig. Linguistics_, v; - _Lit. of Amer. Aborig. Language_, vii, 423. - - Lule, 428. - - Lummi language, 425. - - Lumnius, J. F., _De Extremo Dei Judicio_, 115. - - Lunarejo, Dr., 280. - - Lund, Dr., on caves in Brazil, 390. - - Lurin, 277. - - Lyctonia, 46. - - Lydius, B., xxv. - - Lyell, Sir Charles, on Atlantis, 44; - _Antiquity of Man_, 384; - eds., 384; - _Second Visit_, 393; - on the moundbuilders, 402. - - Lykins, W. H. R., 409. - - Lyman, Theodore, 3, 412. - - Lyó-Baa, 184. - - Lyon, G. F., _Journal_, 170; - _Mexico_, 183. - - Lyon, S. S., 410; - _Antiquities from Kentucky_, 439. - - Lyon, W. B., 397. - - - MACCAULEY, CLAY, on the Seminole Indians, 326. - - Macedo, Dr., on Inca and Aztec civilizations, 275. - - Machimus, 22. - - Maciana library (Venice), vi. - - Mackenna, B. V., his books, xiii. - - Maclean, J. P., on Atlantis, 45; - _Mastodon, Mammoth and Man_, 388; - _Moundbuilders_, 401; - on the serpent mound, 401; - on the Grave Creek tablet, 404; - mounds in Butler County, 408. - - Maclovius, Bishop of Aleth, 48. - - Macomb, J. N., _Exploring Exped. from Santa Fé_, 440. - - Macrobius, 13, 31; - _Comm. in Somn. Scip._, 9, 10, 11, 36; - his maps, 10, 11, 12. - - Madeira, 48; - known to the ancients, 15, 25, 27; - in the Bianco map, 50. - - Madier de Montjau, _Chronol. hiérog._, 133; - on Mexican MSS., 163; - _Chronol. des rois Aztéques_, 200. - - Madison, Bishop J., on the mounds, 398; - on fortifications in the West, 437. - - Madisonville, Ohio, Archæolog. Soc., 407; - mounds, 408. - - Madoc, Prince, his voyage, 71; - bibliog., 109, 110, 111; - linguistic traces of the Welsh in America, 109; - English eagerness to substantiate his voyage, 109; - some believe he went to Spain, 111; - his people are the Mandans, 111; - possible, but not probable, 111. - - Madriga, P. de, 271; voyage to Peru, xxxiv. - - Madrinanus, A., xx. - - Maelduin, 33, 50. - - Mag Mell, 32. - - _Magazin für die Naturgeschichte des Menschen_, 443. - - Magellan, xxviii, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi, xxxvii. - - Magio, Ant., _Lengua de los Indios Baures_, 425. - - Magnus, Olaus, _Hist. of the Goths_, 84; - maps (1539), 123; - (1555), 124; - (1567), 125; - _Historia_, 125; - _Von dem alten Goettenreich_, 125. - - Magnusen, Finn, 86, 96; - on _Scand. divisions of time_, 99; - an instance of his over-eagerness, 102. - - Magnussen, Arne, 88. - - Magrurin, 33. - - Mahudel on stone implements, 387. - - Mailduin, 33, 50. - - Maillard, Abbé, _Miconaque language_, 425. - - Maine Indians, 322; - Indian missions, 322; - shell heaps, 392. - - Maisonneuve, _Bibl. Amer._, xiv, xvi; - _Collection linguistique_, 425. - - Maisonneuve. _See_ Leclerc. - - Maize in Peru, 213. - - Major, R. H., on the Atlantic islands, 47; - on Arab voyages in the Atlantic, 72; - on the Northmen, 96; - on the sites of the Greenland colonies, 109, 113; - on the Madoc voyage, 111; - advocates the Zeni story, 112; - portrait, 112. - - Mala, 277. - - Malay emigration to America, 60. - - Malay stock in America, 81, 82. - - Mallery, Col. Garrick, on the Dighton Rock, 103; - on Indian inscriptions, 104; - on pictographs, 410; - on gesture language, 422; - _Study of Sign language_, 422, 440. - - Mallet, P. H., _Dannemark_, 92; - _Northern Antiq._, 84, 92. - - Malte-Brun, _Annales des Voyages_, xxxvi, 441; - _Nouvelles Annales_, xxxvi, 441; - on the Arab voyagers, 72; - on the sagas, 92; - on the Zeni, 112; - _Précis de la géog._, 112; - map of Central America, 151; - map of Yucatan, 188; - _L’époque des monumens de l’Ohio_, 398; - _Nations et langues au Méxique_, 427. - - Mame-Huastèque language, 426. - - Mamertinus, 47. - - Mammoth, 388. - - Man Satanaxio, 31, 47, 49, 54. - - Man, origin and antiquity of, in America, 330, 369; - bibliog., 369; - plurality of origin, 372; - autochthonous, in America, 372; - references on, 375; - prehistoric, 377; - stages of prehistoric existence, 377; - his progress from barbarism to civilization, 378; - influenced by climate, 378; - degenerate in the modern savage, 380; - controversy on this point, 381; - arguments against his antiquity, 382; - for it, 383; - English, French, and German schools of opinion, 383; - original home in the Indian Ocean, 383; - his geological remoteness in Europe, 330, 384; - references on his antiquity in America, 384; - in the Glacial age, 387; - existence with extinct animals, 388; - in American caves, 389; - scarcity of human remains of the palæolithic era, 390; - early man in So. America, 390; - as lake dweller, 395; - of the Danish peat beds, 395; - general references on prehistoric man, 412, 415; - as a speaking animal, 421; - unity of the American race, 429; - the thoughts of early man, 429. - _See_ Anthropology. - - Manasseh Ben Israel, 115. - - Manchester Geographical Society, _Journal_, 442. - - Manco Ccapac, origin of, 225; - at Cuzco, 224; - portrait, 228. - - Mancos River, 395. - - Mandans, 111. - - Mange, Padre, 396. - - Mangue dialect, 428. - - Mangues, 169. - - Mani, 153; - archives, 189. - - Manilius, on the form of the earth, 3; - _Astronomicon_, 36. - - Manitoba Hist. Society, _Trans._, 410; - mounds, 410. - - _Mapa de Cuauhtlantzinco_, 180. - - Marana, J. P., _Turkish Spy_, 110. - - Marçay, De, _Découvertes de l’Amérique_, 45. - - Marceau, E., _Les anc. peuples d’Amérique_, 412. - - Marcel de Serre, _Cosmog. de Moise_, 41. - - Marcellus, _Ethiopic History_, 41. - - March y Labores, José, xxxvii. - - Marcoy, _Travels in So. Amer._, 209; - _Voyage_, 272. - - Marcy, R. B., _Border Reminiscences_, 319; - (with G. B. McClellan) _Exploration of the Red River_, 327, 440. - - Margry, Pierre, _Mémoires_, 302, 317. - - Maricheets, 321. - - Marietta, mounds, plan of, by W. Sargent, 437; - Harris, view of the mounds, 405; - mounds at, discovered, 407. - - Marinelli, G., _Erdkunde bei den Kirchen-Vätern_, 30, 38. - - Marinus of Tyre, 34; - on the size of the known earth, 8. - - Markham, C. R., on the Eskimos, 107; - “The Inca civilization in Peru”, 209; - translates Report of Ondegardo, 261; - Molina’s _Rites of the Incas_, 262, 436; - translates Avila’s narrative, 264; - edits Salcamayhua, 266; - _Cuzco and Lima_, 271; - _Travels in Peru and India_, 271; - _Peru_, 271; - portrait, 272; - on Tiahuanacu, 273; - his editorial work, 274; - on the Quichua language, 280; - _Ollanta_, 281; - reply to Mitre, 282; - _Ocean Highways_, 442; - _Geog. Review_, 442; - _Geog. Mag._, 442. - - Markland, 63, 130. - - Marmier, X., _Island_, 84. - - Marmocchi, F. C., _Viaggi_, xxxvii, 163. - - Marquesas islands, 81. - - Marquez, P., _Antichi mon. de Arch. Messicana_, 180. - - Marriott mound, 408. - - Marryat’s _Travels_, 321. - - Marsh, Geo. P., 84, 439. - - Marsh, O. C., on the Newark mounds, 408. - - Marshall, O. H., _Hist. Writings_, 323; - on the Ohio Valley Indians, 326. - - Marson, Arc, 82. - - Martellus, H., _Insularium illustratum_, 114, 119; - map sketched, 122. - - Marten, _Voyage to Greenland_, xxxiv. - - Martha’s Vineyard, tracts on the conversion of the Indians, 322. - - Martin, Félix, _Hurons et Iroquois_, 321; - _Jogues_, 323. - - Martin, Gabriel, xxxii. - - Martin, Henri, _Dissertation sur l’Atlantide_, 46; - _Timée de Platon_, 46. - - Martin, Luis, 184. - - Martin, T. H., his astron. papers, 36; - _Cosmog. Grecque_, 39; - _Sur le Timée_, 42. - - Martin of Valencia, 156. - - Martinez, J., Quichua vocabulary, 279. - - Martinière, map of Greenland, 132; - _Voyages_, 132. - - Martius, F. P. von, _Sprachenkunde Amerikas_, 428; - _Glossaria_, 428; - _Beiträge_, 136. - - Martyr, Peter, bibliog., xx; - his first decade, xx; - _Legatio Babylonica_, xx; - acc. by Harrisse, xx; - by Schumacher, xx; - by Heidenheimer, xx; - _Die Schiffung_, xxi; - Poemata, xxi; - _De Nuper sub D. Carolo repertis insulis_, xxi; - facs. of title, xxii; - _De orbe novo_, xxi; - _Extrait ou Recueil_, xxi; - _De rebus oceanicis_, xxiii; - _Summario_, xxiii; - joined with Oviedo, xxiii; - Eden’s _Decades_, xxiii; - Willes’ _Hist. of Travayle_, xxiii; - edited by Hakluyt, xxiii; - by Lok, xxiii; - _Opus Epistolarum_, xxiv; - on the Ethiopian origin of the tribes of Yucatan, 117; - describes the Maya and Nahua picture-writings, 203. - - Maryland, docs. in her Archives, xiv; - Hist. Soc., xviii; Indians, 325. - - Masks, Mexican, 419. - - Mason, Geo. C., on the Newport mill, 105; - _Rem. of Newport_, 105. - - Mason, O. T., on the mounds, 402; - bibliog. of anthropology, 411; - on anthropology in the U. S., 411; - his anthropolog. papers, 439. - - Massachusetts Bay map, 100. - - Massachusetts Hist. Soc., Library Catalogue, xvii; - on the statue of Leif Ericson, 98; - on Rafn’s over-confidence, 100. - - Massachusetts Indians, 323. - - _Massachusetts Quart. Rev._, 96. - - Massachusetts State Library, xvii. - - Massilia founded, 26. - - Mastodon, carvings of, 405; - mound, 409; - remains of man associated with the, 388; - how long disappeared, 389. - - _Materiaux pour l’histoire primitive_, 411. - - Mather, Cotton, on Dighton Rock, 103, 104; - _Wonderful works of God_, 104; - on Jews in New England, 115; - on supposed remains of a giant, 389; - and the Royal Society, 442. - - Mather, Increase, his letter to Leusden, 322. - - Mather, Saml., _America known to the ancients_, 40. - - Mathers, their library, i. - - Matienzo, Juan de, _Gobierno de el Peru_, 261. - - Matlaltzinca, 148. - - Matthews, W., _Language of the Hidatsa_, 425; - _Hidatsa Indians_, 440. - - Maudsley, A. P., _Guatemala_, 197. - - Maurault, _Abenakis_, 322. - - Maurer, Konrad, _Altnord. Sprache_, 84; - _Island_, 85; - _Isländische Volkssagen_, 85; - on the Zeni, 113; - _Rechtgesch. des Nordens_, 85. - - Mauro, Fra, map (1457), 53, 117; - facs. of northern parts, 120. - - Maury, Alfred, 374. - - Mavor, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, his library, viii. - - Maximilian, Prince, _Reise_, 319; - _Travels_, 392. - - Maxtla, 146. - - Maya d’Ahkuil-Chel, 426. - - Mayapan, 152; deserted, 153. - - Mayas, origin of, 134, 152; - name first heard, 135; - nations comprised, 135; - acc. of, 152; - hieroglyphics, 152, 426; - Katunes, 152; - calendar, 152; - manuscripts, 162; - Chilan Balam, 164; - _Popul Vuh_, their sacred book, 166; - their last pueblo, 175; - picture-writing, 197; - metals among, 418; - languages of, 427; - dialects, 427; - allied to the Greek, 427; - general references, 427; - religion of, 433; - hero-gods, 430, 434. - - Mayberry, S. P., on Florida shell heaps, 393. - - Mayda, 31, 47, 51, 53. - - Mayer, Brantz, on Sparks, vii; - _Mexico_, 170; - _Observations on Mex. hist._, 184. - - Mayhews, the Indian missionaries, 322. - - Mayta, Ccapac, Inca, 229. - - Mazahuas, 136. - - Mazetecs, 136. - - McAdams, W., 409; - _Anc. Races in the Mississippi Valley_, 403, 410; - _Cahokia_, 408. - - McCaul, John, 99. - - McCharles, A., 410. - - McClellan, G. B., 440. - - McClintock and Strong’s _Cyclop. bibl. lit._, 384. - - McClure and Parish, _Mem. of Wheeloch_, 322. - - McCoy, Isaac, _Baptist Indian missions_, 369. - - McCulloh, James H., _Researches on America_, 169, 372; - on the mounds, 399. - - McCullough, John, captive to the Indians, 292, 319. - - McElmo cañon, 395. - - McFarland, R. W., 408. - - McGee, W. J., 377; - on glacial man, 330, 343; - on the Columbia period, 343; - his lacustrine explorations, 349; - on Iowa mounds, 409. - - McIntosh, John, _Disc. of America_, 372. - - McKenney, T. L., _Memoirs_, 320; - his career, 320; - (with James Hall) _Indian Tribes_, 320. - - McKinley, Wm., 410. - - McKinney, W. A., 41. - - McLennan, J. F., _Primitive Marriage_, 380; - _Studies in Anc. Hist._, 380. - - McMaster, S. Y., 111. - - McParlin, J. A., 397. - - McWhorter, T., 408. - - Measures of length used by the Mexicans, 420. - - _Meddelelser om Grönland_, 86. - - Medel on the Mex. hieroglyphics, 200. - - Megatherium, 389. - - Megiser, H., _Sept. Novantiquus_, xxxiv, 111. - - Meigs, J. A., on Morton’s collection, 372; - _Catal. human crania_, 372; - _Obs. on the cranial forms_, 374; - _Form of the occiput_, 375. - - Meineke, A., ed. Strabo, 34. - - Mela, Pomponius, his views of the extension of Africa, 10; - relations with Ptolemy, 10; - on men supposed to be carried from America to Europe, 26; - _De Situ Orbis_, 36. - - Melgar, E. S. de, 279. - - Melgar, J. M., _De las Teogonias en los manuscritos Méxicanos_, 431. - - Melgar, Señor, 116. - - Melkarth, 24. - - Melo, Garcia de, 260. - - Menana, 102. - - Mendieta, _Hist. Eçcles. Ind._, 157. - - Mendoza, Gumesindo, 155; - curator of Museo Nacional in Mexico, 444. - - Menendez, _Geog. del Peru_, 212. - - Mengarini, G., _Flat-head Grammar_, 425. - - Mentone caves, 390. - - Menzel, _Bibl. Hist._, ii. - - Menzies, Wm., his library and catalogue, xii. - - Mer de l’Ouest, 79. - - Mercator map (1538), 125. - - Mercer, H. G., 405. - - _Mercurio Peruano_, 276. - - Meredith, a Welsh bard, 109. - - Merian, M., xxxi. - - Merida, 188. - - Meridian, the first, where placed by the ancients, 8. - - Merivale, C., _Conversion of the Northern Nations_, 85. - - Merom, Ohio, 408. - - Meropes, 22. - - Merry Meeting Bay, 102. - - Mesa, Alonso de, 260; - _Anales del Cuzco_, 270. - - Metal, use of, 418; - working in Peru, 256; - among the early Americans, 417. - - Metz, Dr. C. L., finds palæolithic implements in Ohio, 340, 341; - _Prehist. Mts. Little Miami Valley_, 408. - - Meunier, V., _Les ancêtres d’Adam_, 383. - - Mexia y Ocon, J. R., 279. - - Mexico (country), linguistics of, viii; - held to be Fousang, 78, 80, 81; - correspondences in languages with Chinese, 81; - with Sanskrit, 81; - Asiatic origin of games, 81; - jade ornaments in, 81; - Asiatic origin, references on, 81; - obscurities of its pre-Spanish history, 133; - early race of giants, 133; - chronologies, 133; - the Toltecs arrive, 139; - the confederacy growing, 147; - its nature, 147; - portraits of the kings, 148; - sources of pre-Spanish history, 153; - the early Spanish writers, 153; - the courts and the natives, 160; - MS. annals, 162; - general accounts in English, 169; - _Archives de la Com. Scient. du Méxique_, 270; - ethnology of, 172; - character of its civilization, 173, 176; - the confederacy, 173; - diverse views of the extent of the population, 174; - disappearance of their architecture, 174; - map by Santa Cruz, 174; - mode of government, 174, 175; - their palaces, 175, 176; - notes on the ruins, 176; - astronomy in, 179; - idols still preserved, 180; - superstitions for writings, 180; - origin of the people, 375; - copper, use of, 418; - variety of tongues in, 426; - culture, 329, 330. - _See_ Toltecs, Nahuas, Anahuac, Aztecs, Chichimecs. - - Mexico (city), founded, 133, 144; - Clavigero’s map in facs., 143; - its lakes, 143; - other maps, 143; - facs. of the map in Coreal’s _Voyages_, 145; - a native acc. of the capture, 162; - calendar stone, 179; - used to regulate market days, 179; - Museo Nacional, 419, 444; - its _Anales_, 444; - view of, 180, 181; - forgeries in, 180; - no architectural remains, 182; - the city gradually sinking, 182; - relics still beneath the soil, 182; - Bandelier’s notes, 182; - old view of the city, 182; - early descriptions, 182; - its military aspect, 182; - relics unearthed, 182; - temple of (views), 433, 434. - - Meye, Heinrich, _Copan und Quiriguá_, 196, 197. - - Meyer, A. B., 417. - - Meyer, J., map of Greenland, 131. - - Mica, 416. - - Michel, Francisque, _Saint Brandan_, 48. - - Michigan mounds, 408. - - Michinacas, 136. - - Michoacan, 149, 433. - - Micmacs, 321; - language, 425; - legends, 431; - missions, 321; - traditions of white comers among, 99. - - Mictlan, 184, 435. - - Mictlantecutli, 435. - - Middle Ages, geographical notions, 30. - - Miedna, 78. - - Migration of nations in pre-Spanish times, 137, 139, 369; - disputes over, 138; - Gallatin’s view, 138; - bibliog., 139; - Dawson’s map of those in North America, 381; - generally from the north, 381. - - Mil, A., _De origine Animalium_, 370. - - Milfort, a creek, 326. - - Miller, J., _Modocs_, 327. - - Miller, W. J., _Wampanoags_, 102. - - Mindeleff, V., on Pueblo architecture, 395. - - Minnesota mounds, 409. - - Minutoli, J. H. von, on Palenqué, 191; - _Stadt in Guatemala_, 195. - - Miocene man, 387. - - Miquitlan, 184. - - _Mirror of Literature_, 110. - - _Mission Scientifique au Méxique, Ouvrages_, 207. - - Missions’ effect on the Indians, 318. - - Mississippi Valley, loess of, 388; - mounds, 410. - - Missouri, mounds, 409; - pottery, 419. - - Missouri River, lacustrine age, 348. - - Mitchell, S. L., on the Asiatic origin of the Americans, 76, 371; - on the Northmen, 102. - - Mitchell, A., 410. - - Mitchell, W. S., on Atlantis, 44. - - Mitchener, C. H., _Ohio Annals_, 407. - - Mitla, ruins of, 184; - plan, 184. - - Mitre, Gen. B., _Ollantay_, 282. - - Miztecs, 136; - subjugated, 149. - - Mochica language, 227, 275, 276. - - Modocs, 327. - - Mohawks put English arms on their castles, 304, 324. - - Mohegan Indians, their language, 423. - - Moke, H. T., _Hist. des peuples Américains_, 172. - - Moletta (Moletius) on the Zeno map, 129. - - Molina, Alonzo de, 156. - - Molina, Christoval de, in Peru, 262; - _Fables and Rites of the Incas_, 262; - on the Incas, 436. - - Molina, _Vocabulario_, viii; - _Arte de la lengua Méx._, viii. - - Möllhausen, Reisen, 396; - _Tagebuch_, 396. - - Moluccan migration to South America, 370. - - Monardes, _Dos Libros_, xxix; - _Hist. Medicinal_, xxix; - likeness, xxix; - _Joyfull Newes_, xxix. - - Monboddo, Lord, on Irish linguistic traces in America, 83. - - Moncacht-Ape, 77. - - Money, 420. - - Mongolian stock on the Pacific coast, 82. - - Mongols in Peru, 82. - - Monhegan, alleged runes on, 102. - - Monogenism, 374. - - Monotheism in America, 430. - - Monro, R., _Anc. Scotch lake dwelling_, 393. - - Montalboddo, _Paesi Nov._, xix. - - Montana mounds, 409. - - Montanus, _Nieuwe Weereld_, i; - on the Zeni, 111; - _America_, xxxiv; - on the sagas, 92; - on the Madoc voyage, 109. - - Monte Alban, 184. - - Montelius, O., _Bibliog. de l’archéol. de la Suède_, 444. - - Montémont, A., Voyages, xxxvii. - - Montesinos, F., in Peru, 263; - _Memorias antiguas_, 82, 263; - _Anales_, 263; - _Mémoire historique_, 263; - on Jews in Peru, 115; - _Mémoires_, 273. - - Montesquieu, _Esprit des Lois_, 380. - - Montezuma (hero-god), 147, 150. - - Montezuma (first of the name), 146; - in power, 147; - various spelling of the name, 147; - dies, 148. - - Montezuma (the last of the name), 148; - forebodings of his fall, 148; - hears of the coming of the Spaniards, 149; - his “Dinner”, 174, 175. - - Montfaucon, _Collectio_, 30. - - Montgomery, James, _Greenland_, 69. - - Moore, Dr. Geo. H., at the Lenox Library, xii; - account of, xii. - - Moore, Martin, 322. - - Moore, M. V., 41. - - Moore, Thos., _Hist. Ireland_, 61. - - Moosmüller, P. O., _Europäer in America_, 88, 90. - - Moquegua, 277. - - Moqui Indians, 397, 429; - representatives of the cliff dwellers, 395. - - Moravian missions, 308, 318. - - _Moravian Quarterly_, 109. - - Morellet, Arthur, _Voyage_, 194; - _Travels_, 195. - - Morgan, Col. Geo., 319. - - Morgan, L. H., his _Montezuma’s dinner_, ix, 174; - attacked by H. H. Bancroft, ix, 174; - on the cradle of the Mexicans, 138; - his exaggerated depreciation of the Mexican civilization, 173, 174; - his relations with the Iroquois, 174; - _Houses and House life_, 175, 420; - _Ancient Society_, 175, 382; - controverted, 380; - his publications, 175; - his death, 175; - on Rau’s views as respects the Tablet of the Cross, 195; - on centres of migrations, 381; - on human progress, 382; - on the Pueblo race, 395; - on the ruins of the Chaco cañon, 396; - on the ruins on the Animas River, 396; - on the social condition of the Pueblos, 397; - on the moundbuilders, 401; - finds their life communal, 402; - on their houses, 402; - _League of the Iroquois_, 325, 416; - on bone implements, 417; - on linguistic divisions, 422; - on Indian life, 325; - _Iroquois laws of descent_, 437; - _Bestowing of Indian names_, 437; - _Houses of American Aborigines_, 437. - - Morgan, Thomas, on Vinland, 98. - - Morillot, Abbé, _Esquimaux_, 105. - - Morisotus, C., _Epist. Cent. duæ_, 370. - - Morlot, A., 395; on the Phœnicians in America, 41. - - Mormon bible, its reference to the lost tribes, 116. - - Morris, C., 403. - - Morse, Abner, _Anc. Northmen_, 105. - - Morse, Edw. S., _Arrow Release_, 69; - on the tertiary man, 387; - on prehistoric times, 412. - - Morse, Jed., _Report on Indian affairs_, 320. - - Mortillet, G. de, _Le Signe de la Cross_, 196; - _Antiq. de l’homme_, 383; - founds the _Materiaux_, etc., 411, 442; - _L’homme_, 442; - _Dict. des Sciences Anthropologique_, 442. - - Morton, S. G., _Inquiry into the distinctive characteristics of the - aborig. race_, 437; - _Crania Amer._, 372; - his collection of skulls, 372; - _Physical type of the American Indian_, 372; - _Aboriginal Race of America_, 372; - _Some observations_, 372; - on the moundbuilders’ skulls, 399, 403. - - Morton, Thomas, _New English Canaan_, 369. - - Mossi, H., on the Quichua language, 280. - - Motolinía, _Historia_, 156. - - Motupé, 276. - - Moulton, J. W., _New York_, 93. - - Moulton, M. W., 409. - - Moundbuilders, connected with the Irish, 83; - with the Welsh, 111; - with the Jews, 116; - with the later peoples of Mexico, 136, 137; - Morgan on their houses, 175; - Haynes’s views, 367; - literature of, 397; - early Spanish and French notices of, 398; - accounts by travellers, 398, 402; - held to be ancestors of the Aztecs and other southern peoples, 398; - emblematic mounds, 400; - the most ancient, 402; - believed to be of the Indian race, 400, 401, 402; - earliest advocates of this view, 400; - vanished race view, 400, 401, 402; - Great Serpent mound, 401; - no clue to their language, 401; - mounds in New York built by the Iroquois, 402; - date of their living, 402; - divisions of the United States by their characteristics, 402; - held to be Cherokees, 402; - agriculturalists, 402, 410; - sun-worshippers, 402; - age of, 403; - contents of the mounds, 403; - fraudulent relics, 403; - geographical distribution of their works, 404; - built by Finns, 405; - by Egyptians, 405; - maps, 406; - use of copper, 408; - pipes, 409; - military character, 409; - turned hunters, 410; - their textile arts, 419; - cloth found, 419; - pottery, 419. - - Movers, _Die Phoenizier_, 24. - - Mowquas, 111. - - Moxa, 428. - - M’Quy, Dr., 191. - - Mudge, B. F., 409. - - Muellenhof, _Alterthumskunde_, 4. - - Muhkekaneew Indians, 116. - - Mühlenpfordt, E. L., _Versuch_, 184. - - Muiscas. _See_ Muyscas. - - Mujica, M. A., 282. - - Müller, C., _Geog. Græci_, 34. - - Müller, F., _Allgemeine Ethnographie_, 375. - - Müller, J. G., on the Peruvian religion, 270; - _Amer. Urreligionen_, 380, 430; - on Quetzalcoatl, 433. - - Müller, J. W. von, _Reisen_, 185. - - Müller, Max, on early Mexican history, 133; - on Ixtlilxochitl, 157; - on the _Popul Vuh_, 167; - on E. B. Tylor, 377; - on American monotheism, 430. - - Müller, P. E., _Icelandic Hist. Lit._, 84; - (with Velchow, J.) ed. _Saxo Gram._, 92; - _Sagenbibliothek_, 85. - - Müller, _Handbuch des klas. Alterth._, 5. - - Muller, Frederik, xvi. - - Mummies, in American caves, 391; - of Incas, 234, 235; - Peruvian, 276, 277. - - Munch, P. A., _Det Norske Folks Hist._, 84; - _Olaf Tryggvesön_, 90; - _Norges Konge-Sagaer_, 90. - - Munich, Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, 443. - - Muñoz, J. B., 191; _Historia_, ii; on the Norse voyages, 92. - - Munsell, Frank, xv. - - Munsell, Joel, xv; - his publications, xv; - sketch by G. R. Howell, xv. - - Münster, Sebastian, his map, xxv; - _Cosmographia_, xxv; - likeness, xxvi, xxvii; - _Kosmograffia_, xxviii; - translations, xxviii; - on the Greenland geography, 126. - - Murphy, H. C., his library, ix; - his _Catalogue_, ix; - dies, ix. - - Murray, Andrew, _Geog. Distrib. Mammals_, 82, 106. - - Murray, Hugh, _Travels_, 93, 111; - _Disc. in No. America_, 72; - on the Northmen, 93. - - Múrua, M. de, _Hist. gen. del Peru_, 264. - - _Museo Erudico_, 276. - - _Museo Guatemalteco_, 168. - - _Museo Mexicano_, 444. - - Music, 420. - - Musical instruments, 420. - - Mutsun language, 425. - - Muyscas, myths of, 436; - idol, 281; - origin of, 80. - - Myths, not the reflex of history, 429; - literature of American, 429. - - - NAAMAN CREEK, rock shelter at, 365. - - Nachan, 135. - - Nadaillac, Marquis de, _L’Amérique préhistorique_, 369, 412, 415; - _Prehistoric America_, 415; - on the autochthonous theory, 375; - _De la période glaciaire_, 388; - _Les prem. hommes_, 369, 412; - _Mœurs des peuples préhistorique_, 412; - _Les pipes et le tabac_, 416; - _L’art préhist. en Amérique_, 419. - - Nahuas, origin of, 134; - direction of their migration controverted, 134, 136, 137, 138; - earliest comers, 137; - from the N. W., 137; - date disputed, 137; - their governmental organizations, 174; - places of their kings, 174; - their buildings, 182; - picture-writing, 197; - myths, 431. - _See_ Aztecs, Mexico. - - Narborough, _Magellan Straits_, xxxiv. - - Narragansetts, 323. - - Nasca, Peru, 271, 277. - - Nasmyth, J., 50. - - Natchez Indians, 326; - supposed descendants of Votanites, 134. - - Natchez, relics at, 389. - - Natick language, 423. - - National Geographic Society, 438. - - Natural Hist. Soc. of Montreal, 438. - - _Nature_, 443. - - Naugatuck valley, 323. - - Naulette cave, 377. - - Nauset, 102. - - Navajos, 327; - expedition against, 396; - weaving among, 420. - - Neanderthal, race, 377; - skull, 377, 389. - - Nebel, Carlos, _Viaje pintoresco_, 179, 180. - - Negro race, as primal stock, 373; - of a stock earlier than Adam, 384. - - Nehring, A., on animals found in Peruvian graves, 273. - - Neill, E. D., on the Ojibways, 327. - - Neolithic Age, 377; - implements of, 377. - _See_ Stone Age. - - Nepeña, 276. - - _Neue Berlinische Monatsschrift_, 371. - - Neumann, K. F., _Amerika nach Chinesischen Quellen_, 78, 80. - - Névome language, 425. - - New Brunswick shell heaps, 392. - - New England Hist. Geneal. Society, xvii. - - New England Indians, 322; - mounds in, 404; - visited by the Northmen, 94, 95, 96; - shell heaps, 392. - - New Grenada, map, 209; - tribes of, 282. - - New Hampshire, bibliog., xv; - Indians, 322. - - New Jersey, copies of docs. in her Archives, xiv; - Indians, 325; - shell heaps, 393. - - New Mexico, map of ruins in, 397. - - New Orleans, human skeleton found near, 389. - - New York Acad. of Science, 438. - - New York city, as a centre for the study of Amer. hist., xvii; - its Hist. Soc. library, xvii; - Astor Library, xvii; - private libraries, x, xviii. - - New York State, local history in, v; - its library at Albany, xviii; - the French import goods into, for the Indian trade, 311; - its trade with the Indians, 311; - Indians, 323; - missions, 323; - mounds, 404. - - Newark, Ohio, map of mounds at, 407; - described, 408. - - Newcomb, Simon, opposes Croll’s theory, 387. - - Newfoundland, early visited by the Basques, 75; - in the early maps, 74; - Eskimos in, 106; - Indians of, 321. - - Newman, J. B., _Red Men_, 46. - - Newport stone tower claimed to be Norse, 105. - - Nezahualcoyotl, 146, 147; - dies, 148. - - Nezahualpilli, 148. - - Nicaragua, early footprint in, 385; - explorers of, 197; - mythology, 434; - sources of its history, 169. - - Nicholas V, alleged bull about Greenland, 69. - - Nicholls and Taylor, _Bristol_, 50. - - Nienhof, _Brasil. Zee-en Lantreize_, xxxiv. - - Nijhoff, Martin, xvii. - - Nilsson, _Stone Age_, 412. - - Niza, Marco de, _Quito_, 268. - - Noah, M. M., _American Indians descendants of the Lost tribes_, 116. - - Nodal, J. F., on the Quichua tongue, 280; - _Ollanta_, 281. - - Nonohualcas, 136. - - Nordenskjöld, A. E., _Exped. till Grönland_, 86; - his belief in a colony on east coast of Greenland, 109; - portrait, 113; - on the Zeni, 114; - _Bröderna Zenos_, 114; - _Trois Cartes précolumbiennes_, 114, 117; - _Studienund Forschungen_, 114; - finds the oldest maps of Greenland, 117; - his projected _Atlas_, 125; - on the Olaus Magnus map (1567), 125. - - Norman, B. M., _Rambles in Yucatan_, 186. - - Norman sailors on the American coasts, 97. - - Norris, P. W., 409. - - Norse. _See_ Northmen. - - North Carolina, antiquities, 410; - rock inscriptions, 411. - - Northmen, cut of their ship, 62; - plan of same, 63; - ship discovered at Gokstad, 62; - another at Tune, 62; - one used as a house, 64; - depicted in the Bayeux tapestry, 64; - flags, 64; - weapons, 64; - characteristics, 67; - in Greenland, 68; - in Iceland, 83; - alleged visits to America, 98; - their voyages seldom recognized in the maps of the xvth cent., 117. - - Northwest coast, the Berlin Museum’s _Nordwest Küste_, 76. - - Nortmanus, R. C., _De origine gent. Amer._, 370. - - Norton, Charles B., his _Lit. Letter_, xv. - - Norumbega held to be a corruption of Norvegia, 98. - - Norway, early map, 118; - in Fra Mauro’s map, 120; - in Olaus Magnus, 124, 125; - by Bordone, 126; - in Gallæus, 129. - - Nott, J. C. (with Gliddon), _Types of Mankind_, 372; - _Physical Hist. of the Jews_, 373; - _Indigenous Races_, 374. - - Nova Scotia, Indians, 321; - shell-heaps, 392. - - Nova Scotia Institute of Nat. Science, 438. - - Novo y Colson, D. P. de, and Atlantis, 45. - - Noyes, _New England’s Duty_, 322. - - Noymlap, 275. - - Numismatic and Antiq. Soc. of Philadelphia, 438. - - Nuttall, Thomas, _Arkansa Territory_, 326. - - Nuttall, Mrs. Zelia, on Mexican communal life, 175; - on the so-called Sacrificial Stone, 185; - on complemental signs in the Mexican graphic system, 198; - on Mexican feather-work, 420; - on terra cottas from Teotihuacan, 182. - - Nyantics, 323. - - - O’BRIEN, M. C., grammatical sketch of the Abnake, 423. - - O’Curry, Eugene, _Anc. Irish history_, 50. - - O’Flaherty, _Islands of Arran_, 50; - _Ogygia_, 51. - - Oajaca, 149, 433; - sources of its history, 168; - ruins in, 184; - teocalli at (view), 436. - - Obando, Juan de, his Quichua dictionary, 279; - grammar, 279. - - Ober, F. A., _Travels in Mexico_, 170; - _Anc. Cities of America_, 177. - - Obsidian, 417; - implements, 358. - - Ocean, ancient views of the, 7; - depth of, 383. - - _Ocean Highways_, 442. - - Ococingo, 135. - - Odysseus, voyage of, 6; - his wanderings, 40. - - Ogallala Sioux, 327. - - Ogilby, _America_, i, xxxiv. - - Ogygia, 12, 13, 23. - - _Ohio Archæological and Hist. Quarterly_, 407. - - Ohio Land Company (1748), formation of the, 309. - - Ohio, mounds in, 405; - bibliog. and hist., 406; - _Centennial Report_, 406; - pictographs, 410; - State Board of Centennial managers, _Final Report_, 407. - - Ohio Valley, ancient man in, 341; - ancient hearths in, 389; - caves, 391; - English attempts to occupy, 312; - frontier life, 319; Indians, 326. - - Ojeda, A. de, describes pile dwellings, 364. - - Ojibways, 327. - - Olaf, Tryggvesson, 62; - saga, 90; - editions, 90. - - Olaus Magnus, 65; - _Hist. de Gentibus Septent_, 67. - - Olivarez, A. F., 282. - - _Ollantai_ or _Ollantay_, 425; - drama, 274, 242, 281; - different texts, 281; - its age, 282. - - Ollantay-tampu _or_ tambo, ruins, 220, 221, 271. - - Olmecs, migration of, 135; - earliest comers, 135; - overcame the giants, 137. - - Olmos, A. de, 156, 276, 279. - - Olosingo, 196. - - Omahas, 327. - - Onas, 289. - - Ondegardo, Polo de, in Peru, 260, 261; - _Relaciones_, 261. - - Onderdonk, J. L., 412. - - Ongania, _Sammlung_, 47, 53. - - Onondaga language, 424. - - Onontio, 289. - - Ophir of Solomon, 82, 369; - found in Palenqué, 191. - - Orbigny, A. d’, _L’homme Américain_, 271; - _Voyages_, 271; - his ethnographical map of South America, 271. - - Orcutt, S., _Indians_, 323; - _Stratford_, 323. - - Ordoñez, Ramon de, _La Creacion del Cielo_, etc., 168; - _Palenqué_, 191. - - Oré, L. G. de, _Rituale_, 227, 280. - - Oregon, Indians, 328; - mounds, 409; - shell heaps, 393. - - Orozco y Berra, helped by the collections of Icazbalceta and Ramirez, - 163; - _Geog. de las lenguas de México_, 135, 172, 427; - _Dic. Universal de Hist_., 172; - _Mexico_, 172; - _El Cuauhxicalli de Tizoc_, 185; - _Códice Mendozino_, 200. - - Orrio, F. X. de, _Solution_, _del gran problema_, 76. - - Ortega, C. F., ed. Veytia, 159. - - Ortelius, on the Zeni, 111; - holds Plutarch’s continent to be America, 40; - believed Atlantis to be America, 43; - map of the Atlantic Ocean (1587), 58; - map of Scandia, 129; - and the sagas, 92. - - Otomis, 136, 424; - their language, 81. - - Otompan, 140. - - Otté, E. C., 271. - - Otumba, fight at, 175. - - Ovid, _Fasti_, 3. - - Oviedo y Baños, J. de, _Venezuela_, 444. - - _Oxford Voyages_, xxxiv. - - Oztotlan, 139. - - - PACCARI-TAMPU, 223. - - Pachacamac, 234, 277. - - Pachicuti, J. de S. C., _Reyno del Piru_, 436. - - Pachacutec, Inca, 230, 277. - - Pacific Ocean, great Japanese current, 78; - its islands in geol. times, 383; - long voyages upon, in canoes, 81. - - Pacific Railroad surveys, 440. - - Packard, A. S., on the Eskimos, 105. - - Padoucas, 110. - - _Pæsi Novamente_, xix; - _Newe unbek. landte_, xx; - fac-simile of title, xxi; - _Nye unbek. lande_, xx; - _Itinerariū Portugal_, xx; - _Sensuyt le nouveau monde_, xx; - _Le nouv. monde_, xxi. - - Paez, 428. - - Paéz-Castellano language, 425. - - Page, J. R., 410. - - Paijkull, C. W., _Summer in Iceland_, 83. - - Paint Creek, map, 406. - - Painter, C. C., _Mission Indians_, 328. - - Palacio, Diego Garcia de, _Carta_, 168, 427. - - Palacio, M., 281. - - Palæolithic age, named by Lubbock, 377; - its implements, 331; - cut of, 331; - man in America, 357, 358; - could he talk? 421; - developments towards the neolithic state, 365. - _See_ Stone Age. - - Palenqué, position of, 151; - ruins described, 191; - first discovered, 191; - age of, 191; - restorations, 192; - tablet, 193; - sculptures from the Temple of the Cross, 193, 195; - seen by Waldeck, 194; - plans, 195; - views, 195; - statues, 196. - - Palfrey, J. G., on the Northmen, 96; - on the Newport tower, 105; - on the Indians, 323. - - Palin, Du, _Study of hieroglyphics_, 204. - - Pallas, _Vocab. comparativa_, 424. - - Palmer, Edw., 409; - on a cave in Utah, 390. - - Palmer, Geo., _Migrations from Shinar_, 374. - - Palomino, 260. - - Palos, Juan de, 155. - - Palszky, F., 374. - - Panchæa, 12. - - Pandosy, M. C., _Yahama language_, 425. - - Papabucos, 136. - - Papantla, 178. - - Paracelsus, Theoph., on the plurality of the human race, 372. - - Paradise, position of, 31, 47. - - Paraguay, 370. - - Paravey, C. H. de, _Fou-Sang_, 80; - _Nouvelles preuves_, 80; - _Plateau de Bogota_, 80; - replies to Jomard, 80. - - Pareja, F., _La Lengua Timuquana_, 425. - - Pareto, Bart. de, his map (1455), 56. - - Paris, peace of (1763), 312, 313; - Société de Géographie founded, 441; - _Recueil de Voyages_, 441; - _Bulletin_, 441. - - Parkman, F., _California and the Oregon trail_, 327; - _France and England in North America_, 316; - on the Indian character, 317; - _La Salle_, 318. - - Parmenides, 3. - - Parmentier, Col., 81. - - Parmunca, 275. - - Parsons, S. H., 437. - - Parsons, Usher, on the Nyantics, 323. - - Passamaquoddy legends, 431. - - Patin, Ch., xxiv. - - Pattison, S. R., _Age of Man_, 387; - _Earth and the Word_, 383. - - Patton, A., 408. - - Pauw., De, _Recherches_, 173. - _See_ De Pauw. - - Pawnees, 327. - - Paynal, 432. - - Payta, 275. - - Pazos-kanki, V., his Quichua work, 280. - - Peabody, Geo., 439. - - Peabody Academy of Science, 438. - - Peabody Institute (Balt.), xviii. - - Peabody Museum of Archæology and Ethnology, 439; - _Reports_, 439; - _Special Papers_, 439. - - Peale, T. R., 409, 410. - - Pech, Nakuk, 164. - - Peck, W. F., _Rochester_, 323. - - Pecos, ruins, 396. - - Pederson, Christiern, ed. of Saxo, 92. - - Peet, S. D., _The Pyramid in America_, 177; - on Pueblo architecture, 395; - on the serpent symbol, 401; - on the moundbuilders, 403, 408, 409; - on mounds as totems, 408; - on the Saint Louis mounds, 409; - on early agriculture, 417; - human faces in American art, 420; - _Religious beliefs of the Aborigines_, 431; - _Animal worship and Sun worship_, 431; - _Religion of the Moundbuilders_, 431; - edits _Amer. Antiquarian_, 439. - - Pégot-Ogier, E., _Archipel des Canaries_, 48. - - Peirce, C. S., on the Newport mill, 105. - - Pelaez, Paula G., _Guatemala_, 168. - - Pemicooks, 323. - - Pemigewassets, 322. - - Penafiel, Antonio, _Nombres géog. de México_, 427. - - Penn, Wm., on Jews in America, 115. - - Pennant, _Tour of Wales_, iii. - - Pennock, B., 85. - - Pennsylvania, Indians in, 306, 325; - mounds, 405; - settlers of, 307; - their treatment of the Indians, 309. - - Penobscots, 322; - their legends, 431. - - Pentland, J. B., map of Lake Titicaca, 246. - - Pequods, 323. - - Percy, Bishop, ed. Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_, 91. - - Perdita, island, 48. - - Perez, José, 77, 117, 404; - preserver of Maya MSS., 163. - - Perez, Pio, _Chron. Yucateca_, 164; - his notes, 164. - - Periegetes, D., _Periplus_, 39. - - Peringskiöld, ed. _Heimskringla_, 91. - - Perizonius, 22, 40. - - Perkins, Fred. B., his sketch of Gowans, xv; - _Scrope_, xv. - - Pernetty, D., controverts De Pauw, 370; - _Examen_, 370; - _De l’Amérique_, 370. - - Perrine, T. M., 408. - - Perrot, Nic., _Mémoires_, 429. - - Pertuiset, E., _Le Trésor des Incas_, 272. - - Pertz, G. H., _Mon. Germ. Hist._, 88. - - Peru, Mongols in, 82; - giants in, 82; - the Ophir of Solomon, 82; - Chinese in, 82; - Jews in, 115; - Votanites in, 134; - civilization in, 209; - evidences of it, 209; - maps, 210, 211; - bounds, 212; - length of the settled condition of the Inca race, 212; - plants and animals domesticated, 212; - ancient burial-places, 214; - pre-Inca people, 214; - cyclopean remains, 220; - water sacrifices, 221; - deity of, 222; - Pirua dynasty, 223, 225; - its people, 227; - Tampu Tocco, 223; - Inca dynasty, 223; - its duration, 225; - list of the kings, 223; - origin of the Incas, 223; - their rise under Manco, 225; - their original home, 226; - their subjugation of the earlier peoples, 227; - establish their power at Cuzco, 228; - portraits of the Incas, 228, 267; - picture of warriors, 230; - Chanca war, 230; - Inca Yupanqui, 230; - war between Huascar and Atahualpa, 231, 262; - names of the Incas, 231; - succession of the Incas, 231, 232; - their religion, 232; - belief in a Supreme Being, 233; - sun-worship, 233; - plan of the Temple of the Sun, 234; - religious ceremonials, 236, 240; - astronomical knowledge, 236; - their months, 236; - festivals, 237; - human sacrifices, 237, 238; - learned men, 241; - the Quichua language, 241; - the court language, 241; - references on the Inca civilization, 241; - their bards, 242; - dances, 242; - musical instruments, 242; - dramas, 242; - quipus records, 242; - healing art, 243; - the central sovereign, 244; - tributes, 245; - the Inca insignia, 245; - their architecture, 247; - two stages of it, 247; - their thatching, 247; - ruins, 247; - social polity, 249; - the Inca family, 249; - divisions of the empire, 249; - provinces, 250; - ruins of a village, 251; - laborers, 251; - bringing up of children, 251; - land measure, 251; - their agriculture, 252; - hanging gardens, 252; - irrigation, 253; - peculiar products, 253; - their flocks, 253; - their roads, 254, 261; - travelling, 254; - map of roads, 254; - colonial system, 255; - military system, 255; - arts, 255; - metal-workers, 256; - pottery, 256, 257, 258; - weapons, 257; - spinning, weaving, and dyeing, 257; - cloth-making, 258; - authorities on ancient Peruvian history, 259; - the conquerors as authors, 260; - lawyers and priests, 261; - poetry, 262; - chronology, 262; - efforts to extirpate idolatry, 264; - native writers, 265; - _Relaciones descriptivas_ filled out in Peru, 266; - the _Informaciones_ respecting the usurpation of the Incas, 268; - pedigrees of the Incas, 268; - ordinances, 268; - works of travellers, 270, 272; - origin of its civilization, 273; - the great work of Raimondi, 273; - on the geography, 273; - editors of old works, 273; - songs of the Incas, 274; - ancient people of the coasts, 275; - native language, 278; - iron in, 418; - cloths of, 420; - mythology of, 436. - - Peschel, O., _Gesch. der Erdkunde_, 36; - _Erd- und Völkerkunde_, 48; - on the Arab voyages, 72; - _Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeck._, 96; - portrait, 391; - _Abhandlungen_, 391; - acc. of, 391; - on the Polynesians, 82; - _Races of Men_, 381; - on Orozco y Berra, 427. - - Petavius, Dionysius, _Uranologion_, 6, 8, 35. - - Peter, R., 410. - - Peter of Ghent. _See_ Gante. - - Peters, Richard, on the lost tribes, 116. - - Petersen, N. M., _Danmarks Hist._, 84. - - Peterson, J. G., 84. - - Peterson, _Rhode Island_, 105. - - Petit Anse Island, basket-work discovered at, 348, 386. - - Pettitot, P. E., _Langue Dènè-Dindjie_, 425; - _Vocab. Français-Esquimau_, 425. - - Petzholdt, _Bibl. Bibliog._, xvii. - - Peyrère, Isaac de la, _Groenland_, 85; - editions and translations, 86; - _Præadamitæ_, 384; - _Man before Adam_, 384. - - Peyster, J. W. de, _Miscellanies by an officer_, 321. - - Phallic symbols, 81, 195, 429. - - Philadelphia libraries, xviii. - - Philip, King, his war, 297; - prisoners in, 289. - - Phillips, H., jr., 155, 444; - on the alleged Nova Scotia runes, 102. - - Phillips, J. S., 372. - - Phillipps, Sir. Thomas, 155; - receives some of Kingsborough’s MSS., 203; - _Catalogue_, 203; - his copy of Kingsborough’s book, 203. - - Philoponus, _Nova typis transacta navigatio_, 48. - - Phœnicians and maritime discovery, 23, 29. - - Photography of the Yucatan ruins, 186. - - Picard, _Peuples idolatres_, xxxiii. - - Pichardo, J. A., and the Boturini collection, 160. - - Pickering, Chas., his ethnolog. map, 82; - _Races of Man_, 374; - _Men and their geog. distribution_, 381. - - Pickering, John, 423. - - Pickett, E., _Testimony of the Rocks_, 403, 409. - - Pictographs, 105, 410. - - Picture-writing, notes on, 197; - that of the Aztecs and Mayas early confounded, 197, 205 (_see_ - Hieroglyphics); - recent sales of MSS., 200; - Maya method, 202; - P. Martyr’s descriptions, 203; - in Kingsborough’s work, 203. - - Pidgeon, Wm., _Traditions of De-coo-dah_, 400; - on Fort Azatlan, 408. - - Piedrahita, _Granada_, 436. - - Pierre, Henry, xxviii. - - Pile dwellings, 364. - - Pillars of Hercules, 25. - - Pilling, Jas. C., _Bibliog. Indian Languages, Proof-sheets_, vii, 414, - 423; - on linguistic MSS., 423. - - Pim, Bedford, _Dottings_, 197. - - Pima language, 425. - - Pimentel, Antonio, _Relaciones_, 164. - - Pimentel, F., _Lenguas indigenas de México_, viii, 142, 425, 426. - - Pinart, Alphonse, _Les Aléoutes_, 78; - _Catalogue_, 414, 423, 425; - _Coleccion de linguistica_, vii; - _Bibl. de linguistique Amér._, 425. - - _Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, vii, xiii. - - Pindar on the Atlantic Ocean, 28. - - Pinelo, Ant. de Léon, _Biblioteca_, 413; - Barcia’s ed., 413. - - Pinelo. _See_ Léon y Pinelo. - - Pinkerton, John, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Pinzon’s voyages, acc. of, xxiv. - - Pipart, Abbé J., 200; - _Astronomie des Méxicaines_, 179. - - Pipe-stone quarries, 416. - - Piquet, Father, 308. - - Pirinda-Othomi language, 426. - - Piruas, 222. - - Pisco, valley, 277; - mummy from, 277. - - Pissac, 236. - - Pizarro, Pedro, 260. - - Pizigani, Fr., map (1367), 50, 55; - cut of, 54; - (1373), 53, 55. - - Plato, on the form of the earth, 3; - _Phaedo_, 3; - _Timaeus_, 3, 15, 42; - on the Atlantis story, 15, 41; - his works, 34; - editions, 42. - - Platzmann, Julius, _Grammatiken_, vii. - - Pleistocene man in America, 329, 357. - _See_ Tertiary and Quaternary man. - - Pliny on the form of the earth, 3; - _Nat. Hist._, 15, 35, 42; - his _Atlantis_, 42. - - Pliocene man, 385. - _See_ Pleistocene. - - Plummets, 417. - - Plurality of races, 372. - - Plutarch, _De Placitis Philosophorum_, 3; - his Saturnian continent, 23; - _Moralia_, 35; - on Solon, 42. - - Poinsett, J. R., _Notes on Mexico_, 180. - - Poisson, J. B., _Animadversiones_, 370. - - Polo, Marco, xxiv, xxviii, xxxv, xxxvi. - - Polybius, 34; on the branches of the ocean, 7. - - Polynesians, their relations to the Malays, 81; - their route to America, 81; - migrations, 82, 376. - - Pomar, J. B., _Antigüedades de los Indios_, 164; - _Memorias históricas_, 164; - on a Mexican house, 420. - - Ponce, Father Alonzo, 197. - - Pontanus, _Rerum et urbis Amst. hist._, xxxiii; - on the Zeni, 111. - - Pontiac’s conspiracy, 284, 314; - number of warriors, 315; - posts captured, 316. - - Pontoppidan, _Norway_, 92. - - Poole, W. F., 43; - on Donnelly’s _Atlantis_, 45; - on Weise’s _Disc. of America_, 45. - - _Popular Mag. of Anthropology_, 442. - - _Popular Science Monthly_, 439. - - _Popular Science Review_, 443. - - Porcelain in pre-Spanish times, 177. - - Porcupine bank, 51. - - Portuguese discoveries in America, bibliog., xix; - the first explorers of the African coast, 38; - early views of the American coast, 120. - - Posidonius, 5, 34. - - Post, C. F., in Ohio, 311. - - Potato in Peru, 213. - - Potter, W. P., 409. - - Potter, _Early Hist. Narragansett_, 323. - - Potter’s wheel, 419. - - Pottery, collections of, 418, 419; - paper on, 419; - in Peru, 256, 257. - - Pourtalès, Count, on human remains in Florida, 389. - - Powell, David, 109. - - Powell, Maj. J. W., in the Colorado cañon, 396; - portrait, 411; - _Survey of the Rocky Mt. region_, 412; - _Ann. Reports Bur. Ethnol._, 412; - on the moundbuilders, 401; - views on language, 423; - _Evolution of language_, 423, 440; - on the Wyandots, 327, 440; - on tribal society, 328; - _Philosophy of the No. Amer. Indians_, 431; - _Mythology of the No. Amer. Indians_, 431, 440; - director of Bureau of Ethnology, 439; - his linguistic studies, 439; - edits _Contributions to Ethnology_, 440. - - Powers, Stephen, on the California Indians, 81; - _Tribes of California_, 81, 328. - - Pownal, Gov. Thomas, suggests the cranial test of race, 372. - - Prantl, _Aristoteles_, 7; - _Himmelsgebäude_, 7. - - Pratt, W. H., 408. - - Praying Indians, 309. - - Preadamites, 384. - - Preble, G. H., on Norse ships, 62. - - Precession of the equinoxes, 387. - - Prehistoric archæology, canons of, 329; - Internat. Congresses, 411. - - Prehistoric time, usual divisions of, 377; - stages of development not decided by time, 377. - - Prescott, W. H., on the Northmen, 96; - _Mexico_, 163; - notes on it by Ramirez, 163; - on the Mexican civilization, 174; - his relative use of early Spanish writers in his _Peru_, 263, 269; - his library, 269; - on the Mexican connection with Asia, 375. - - Prestwich, on cataclysmic force, 382; - on the age of man, 384; - _On the drift containing implements_, 384; - _Flint-implement-bearing beds_, 386. - - Prevost, Abbé, _Voyages_, xxxv. - - Price, E., 403. - - Price, J. E., 258. - - Prichard, J. C., _Researches_, 320, 412. - - Priest, Josiah, _Amer. Antiq._, 372. - - Prime, W. C., on Gowans, xv. - - Prince, Thos., his library, i. - - Prinz, R., _De Solonis Plutarchi fontibus_, 42. - - Pritt, Jos., _Olden Time_, 319. - - Proclus, comment on Plato, 35; - _Comment. in Timaeum_, 41. - - Proudfit, S. V., 347. - - Prunières, 357. - - Ptolemy, on the form of the earth, 3; - on the size of the known earth, 8; - his system revived, 32; - his influence, 34; - editions, 34; - bibliog., 35; - _Almagest_, 35; - on the Atlantic islands, 47. - - Pueblo Indians, arts of, 416; - pottery, 419; - connection with the Aztecs, 427; - general references, 397; - their race, 395; - ruins among them, 395; - their connection with the moundbuilders, 395. - _See_ Zuñi, Moqui, etc. - - Pueblo region, maps of, 394, 397. - - Pulgar, Fernando del, xxiv. - - Pullen, Clarence, 397. - - Pulszky, F., _Human races and their art_, 420. - - Pumpelly, R., _Across America_, 327. - - Puquina, 274; language, 226, 280. - - Purchas, Samuel, xxxiii; - on the Zeni, 111; - buys the _Codex Mendoza_, 204. - - Purpurariæ, 14. - - Putnam, C. E., 404; - _Authenticity of the elephant pipes_, 404. - - Putnam, F. W., on the California Indians, 328; - on the origin of Americans, 375; - on the Trenton implements, 334, 337, 388; - _Palæolithic implements_, 388; - on Kentucky caves, 390; - on shell heaps, 392; - on Jeffries Wyman, 392; - on the Great Serpent mound, 401; - his position on the question of moundbuilders, 402; - on their skulls, 403; - on Fort Ancient, 408; - in the Little Miami Valley, 408; - on Fort Azatlan, 408; - on stone graves in Tennessee, 410; - on the Kentucky mounds, 410; - in Cassino’s _Standard Nat. Hist._, 412; - on the arts of Southern California, 416; - edits the archæological part of _Wheeler’s Survey_, 416, 440; - on soap-stone quarries, 416; - on traces of stone-working, 417; - on jade in America, 417; - on the melting of metal, 417; - finds meteoric iron in the mounds, 418; - silver, 418; - gold, 418; - on copper objects, 418; - in Mexico, 418; - on moundbuilders’ pottery, 419; - on Tennessee pottery, 419; - _Conventionalism in Anc. Amer. art_, 420; - on cloth in the mounds, 420; - as curator of Peabody Museum, 439; - on Amer. archæological collections, 440; - his comments on the relics of the Naaman Creek rock shelter, 367. - - Putnam, Rufus, _Ross County, Ohio_, 408. - - Pyramids in America, 177. - - Pythagoras, 3. - - Pytheas, 34; on the Atlantic, 28; - at Thule, 28. - - - QUAKERS, bibliog., xvii; - in Pennsylvania, oppose resistance to Indians, 308; - relation to the Indians, 325. - - Quaritch, Bernard, the London bookseller, xvi; - his _Museum_, xvi; - his _General Catalogues_, xvi; - in the “Sett of Odd Volumes”, xvi; - sketch by W. H. Wyman, xvi. - - Quarry of pipe-stones, 416. - - Quarrying stone, 416. - - Quartz, 417. - - Quartzite, 417. - - Quaternary man, the earliest, 387. - - Quatrefages de Bréan, A. de, _Les Polynésiens_, 82; - _Crania Ethica_, 373; - _Unité de l’espèce humaine_, 374; - _Races humaines_, 374, 387; - _Human Species_, 374; - _Nat. Hist. of Man_, 374, 387, 411; - _Les progrès de l’Anthropologie_, 378; - _Hommes fossiles_, 359, 411; - _Rapport sur le progrès de l’Anthropologie_, 411. - - Quauhnahuac conquered, 147. - - Quauhtlatohuatzin, 146. - - Queh, F. G., 167. - - Quellenata, ruins, 249. - - Quemada, ruins, 183. - - Querez, 394. - - Querlon, xxxv. - - Quetzalcoatl (a king), 140; - discredited by Brinton, 141. - - Quetzalcoatl (a divinity), a white-bearded man, 137; - the myth, 137; - identified with Cortés, 149; - Bastian on, 172; - his mound, 179; - oppressed by Tezcatlipoca, 431; - references, 432; - historical basis of his story, 432; - effigy, 432; - under other names, 434. - - Quiahuiztlan, 164. - - Quiché-Cakchiquel peoples of Guatemala, 135; - their geog. position, 151. - - Quichés, language, 427; - myths, 435; - origin of, 134; - traditions, 135; - their power in Guatemala, 150; - warned of the Spaniards’ coming, 151; - their geog. position, 151. - - Quichuas, their language and literature, 82, 241, 278; - grammars, 278; - vocabularies, 278; - myths of, 436; - original home, 226. - - Quignon, Mount, human jaw found at, 390. - - Quinames, 133, 136. - - Quinantzin, 142. - - Quincy, Josiah, _Hist. Harvard University_, iii. - - Quinsai, 51. - - Quinté Bay mounds, 410. - - Quipus, 242; cut, 243. - - Quiriguá, ruins, 196; - plan, 196; - references, 197. - - Quito, Hassaurek on, 272; - map, 211; - early accounts lost, 268; - later histories, 268. - - Quitus, 227. - - Quivira, 394. - - - RACES, unity or plurality of, bibliog., 372. - - Rada, De la, on Rosny, 201; - _Les Vases péruviennes_, 257. - - Rada y Delgado, J. D. de la, publishes Landa’s _Relacion_, 165. - - Radisson, P. E., _Voyages_, 318. - - Rae, John, 106. - - Rafinesque, C. S., on Atlantis, 46; - on the Delawares, 325; - _Anc. Mts. of America_, 372; - on the mounds, 409; - his character, 424; - introd. to Marshall’s _Kentucky_, 424; - _Ancient History_, 424; - _The American Nations_, 424. - - Rafn, C. C., _Grönlands Hist. Mindesmaerker_, 86; - autog., 87; - _Americas Geog._, 87; - ed. Olaf Tryggvesson’s Saga, 90; - portrait, 90; - his career, 93; - _Cabinet d’Antiq. Amér._, 93; - _Antiq. Americanæ_, 94; - bibliog., 94; - his lesser statements about the Northmen, 94; - _L’ancienne géog. des régions arctiques_, 94; - _Antiq. Américaines_, 94; - influence of Rafn, 96. - - Ragine, A., _Découv. de l’Amérique_, 78. - - Raimondi, Ant., _El Peru_, 273. - - Rain-god, 180. - - Raleigh, Sir Walter, on De Bry, xxxii. - - Ramirez, José F., edits Duran’s _Historia_, 155; - on Sahagún, 157; - his collection of MSS., 157, 163; - notes on Prescott, 163; - _Bibl. Mex._, 414. - - Ramirez de Fuenleal, _Hist. de los Méxicanos por sus Pinturas_, 431. - - Ramon de Ordoñez, _Hist. del Cielo_, 134. - _See_ Ordoñez. - - Ramusio, edits P. Martyr and Oviedo, xxiii; - _Navigazioni_, xxiii, xxviii; - on the Zeni, 111. - - Randolph, J. W., xv. - - Ranking, John, _Conquest of Peru by the Mongols_, 82. - - Rask, Erasmus, 88; - on the Irish discovery of America, 83. - - Rasle, S., _Abnake language_, 423. - - Rau, Chas., on Dighton Rock, 104; - on the Palenqué Tablet, 195; - on the progress of study in the hieroglyphics, 202; - _Catal. Nat. Museum_, 403; - on Illinois mounds, 408; - _Articles_, etc., 411; - on the aboriginal implements of agriculture, 417; - _Prehistoric fishing_, 417; - on the stock in trade of an aboriginal lapidary, 417; - various papers on stone implements, 417; - on Amer. pottery, 419; - _Aboriginal Trade_, 420; - thought the earliest man could not talk, 421; - _Articles on Anthropol. Subjects_, 439; - _Archæolog. Coll. of the U. S._, 440; - _Lapidarian Sculpture_, 440. - - Rawlinson, Geo., _Antiq. of Man_, 381, 382. - - Rawlinson, Sir H. C., on the Zeni, 113. - - Ray, Luzerne, 323. - - Rea, A. de la, _Mechoacan_, 168. - - Read, Harvey, 418. - - Read, M. C., 407; - _Archæology of Ohio_, 407; - on the Tennessee mounds, 410. - - Reade, John, 328. - - Reck, P. G. F. von, _Diarium_, 326. - - Recollects, missions, 317. - - _Recueil de Voyages_, etc., xix. - - Red River of Louisiana, 440. - - Red River of the North, mounds, 410. - - Red pipe-stone quarry, 416. - - _Registro Yucatéco_, 444. - - Reynolds, E. R., 416; - _Shell-heaps at Newburg, Md._, 393. - - Reynolds, H. L., jr., _Metal Art of Anc. Mexico_, 418. - - Reid, _Bibl. Amer._, ii. - - Reikjavik, 61. - - Reillo, island, 49. - - Reinaud, _Relations de l’Empire Romaine avec l’Asie_, 11; - _Géog. d’Abul-Fada_, 47. - - Reindeer Period, 339, 377. - - Reisch’s map, 122. - - Reiss, W., and A. Stübel, _Necropolis of Ancon_, 273. - - Relics, spurious, 180. - - Remesal, Ant. de, _Hist. gen. de las Indias_, 168; - praised by Helps, 168. - - Renard, on St. Paul’s Rocks in the Atlantic Ocean, 45. - - Repartimientos, 174. - - Retzius, A., _Present state of Ethnology_, 44; - on the human skull, 373; - on the unity of man, 374; - on the Guanche skulls, 116, 117. - - Reusner, _Icones_, xxiv. - - Réville, Albert, _Origin and growth of religion_, 241, 431. - - _Revista Méxicana_, 444. - - _Revista Peruana_, 276. - - _Revue Américaine_, 441. - - _Revue d’Anthropologie_, 442. - - _Revue d’Architecture_, 217. - - _Revue Ethnographique_, 441. - - _Revue des Soc. Savantes_, 38. - - Rhees, W. J., _History of the Smithsonian Institution_, 439. - - Rhode Island, docs. in her Archives, xiv; - Indians, 323. - - Rialle, G. de, _La Mythologie_, 430. - - Ribas, Juan de, 155. - - Ricardo, Ant., 278. - - Riccioli, _Geog._, 5. - - Rice, A. T., _Essays from No. Amer. Rev._, 92. - - Rich, Obadiah, his career, iii; - dies, iv; - his catalogues, iv; - assists Kingsborough, 203; - obtains his MSS., 203; - helped Prescott, 260. - - Richarderie. _See_ Boucher. - - Richardson, J. M., 408. - - Richardson, _Voyages_, xxxvi. - - Riggs, R. S., 423; - _Dacota language_, 424; - on the Dacotah myths, 431. - - Rigollet, convinced by De Perthes, 390. - - Rikardsen, K., 107. - - Rimac, 277. - - Rink, Hinrich, _Eskimoiske Eventyr_, 70; - portrait, 106; - best authority on the Eskimos, 106; - his publications, 106; - _Tales of the Eskimo_, 107; - _Danish Greenland_, 107; - _Eskimo Tribes_, 107; - on their dialects, 107; - their origin and descent, 107; - their primitive abode, 107; - their traditions, 107; - _Ostgrönländerne_, 131. - _See_ Greenland. - - Rio, Ant. del, at Palenqué, 191; - _Ruins of an anc. city_, 191. - - Rio de Janeiro, Nat. Museum, 444; - _Mémoires_, 444. - - Rios, P. de los, 205. - - Riseland, 130. - - River drift, man of, 377. - - Rivero, M. E. de, _Antigüedades Peruanas_, 270; - translations, 270. - - Rivera, P., 183. - - Rivière, E., in the Mentone caves, 390; - _Un Squelette humain_, 390. - - Robertson, D. A., 403, 405. - - Robertson, R. S., 401, 403, 408. - - Robertson, Samuel, 74. - - Robertson, Wm., _America_, ii., 169; - on the Norse voyages, 92; - his nearly correct view of the anc. Mexican civilization, 173; - severe on Clavigero, 158; - disbelieved in pre-Spanish ruins, 176; - on the Incas, 269; - portrait, 269; - on the Amer. Indians, 320; - on seventeenth-century literature of Americana, 413; - his bibliog., 413. - - Robin, _Louisiane_, 398. - - Robinson, Conway, _Disc. in the West_, 93. - - Robinson, Edw., 439. - - Robinson, _Life in California_, 328. - - Rocca, inca, 229. - - Rock inscriptions of the Indians, 104, 105, 410, 411. - - Rock shelter at Naaman’s Creek, 365. - - Rock-writing, 105. - - Rocks, cup-like cavities in, 417. - - Rockall, 51. - - Rockford tablet, 404. - - Roehrig on the Sioux, 77. - - Rogers, Horatio, _Private libraries of Providence_, xvii. - - Roisel, _Etudes ante-historiques_, 46. - - Rojas, _Cholula_, 180. - - Roman, G., 265. - - Roman, H., _Republica de las Indias_, 434. - - Roman coins, in the Danish shell-heaps, 382; - found in America, 41. - - Romans, Bernard, _Florida_, 326, 372; - on the autochthonous Amer. man, 372. - - Romans in the Atlantic, 26. - - Rome, _Società Geog. Ital., Bollettino_, 444. - - Romero on Mexican languages, vii. - - Roquefeuil, de, Voyage, 78. - - Rosa, Gonzalez de la, 274, 280. - - Rosas, Dr., 281. - - Rosny, Léon de, _L’Atlantide_, 46; - on Fousang, 80; - _Variétés Orientales_, 80; - _Les doc. écrit. de l’antiq. Amér._, 139, 201, 207, 442; - on Sahagún, 157; - gives fac. of Aztec map, 163; - _Essai sur le déchiffrement_, etc. 163, 198, 201, 207; - on Landa’s Alphabet, 200; - _Les écritures figuratives_, 201; - _Archives paléographiques_, 201, 442; - _Anc. textes Mayas_, 201; - _Nouvelles Recherches_, 201; - his studies on Spain and Portugal, 201; - _Les Sources d’histoire anté-Columbienne_, 201, 413; - bibliog. 201; - portrait, 202; - on the _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, 205; - on Brasseur’s ed. of the _Codex Troano_, 207; - discovers the _Codex Perezianus_, 207; - _Manuscrit dit Méxicain, No. 2 de la bibl. impériale_, 207; - his works on Amer. archæology, 207; - on jade industries, 417; - _Revue Orientale et Américaine_, 441. - - Rosny, Lucien de, _Les Antilles_, 412, 442; - _Le tabac_, 416; - _La Céramique_, 419. - - Ross, Thomasina, 271. - - Rosse, Irving C., 106. - - Rothelin, Abbé, De Bry, xxxii. - - Rotz, his map of Greenland, 126. - - Roujow, _Races humaines_, 390. - - Rowbotham, J. F., _Hist. of Music_, 420. - - Royal Geographical Society and its publications, 442. - - Royal Historical Soc. _Trans._, 443. - - Royal Society of Canada, 438. - - Royal Society, 442. - - Royce, C. C., on the Cherokees, 326; - _Indian Cessions of land_, 440; - on the Shawanees, 326. - - Royllo, island, 49. - - Rucharner, _Newe unbek. landte_, xx. - - Rudbeck, on Atlantis, 16. - - Ruffner, E. H., _Ute Country_, 327. - - Ruge, _Der Chaldäer Selenkos_, 7. - - Ruins in Middle America, notes on, 176. - - Runes, alleged ones in Nova Scotia, 102; - cuts of, 66, 67; - age of, 66; - references, 66; - in Greenland, 87. - - Runnels, M. T., _Sanbornton, N. H._, 404. - - Rupertus, _Dissertationes_, 40. - - Russell, I. C., _Lake Lahontan_, 349. - - Ruttenber, E. M., _Hudson River Indians_, 325. - - Ruxton, _Life in Far West_, 111, 327. - - Ruysch’s map, 120, 122. - - - SAABYE, HANS E., 108. - - Sabin, Jos., his publications, vi; - _Amer. Bibliopolist_, vi; - _Dictionary_, vi, 414; - _Squier Catal._, viii, 414; - _Menzies Catal._, xii. - - Sabine, Lorenzo, on the Indians in Maine, 322. - - Sac and Fox tribes, 327. - - Sacrificial Stone in Mexico, 180, 181, 185. - - Sacsahuaman, ruins, 220, 221. - - Sagard, _Canada_, 429; - reference to copper mines, 417. - - Sagas, when written, 84; - credibility of, 87, 98, 99; - fac-simile of script, 87; - largely myths, 88; - when put in writing, 88; - _Codex Flatoyensis_, 88, 99; - bibliog., 91; - absurdities in, 99; - oldest maps in accordance with, 129. - _See_ Northmen, Iceland, etc. - - Saghalien, 80. - - Sagot, P., 425. - - Sahagún, Father, as linguistic student, 156; - portrait, 156; - his true name, 156; - bibliog., 157. - - Sahuaraura, inca, Dr. J., 281; - _Recuerdos de la Monarquia Peruana_, 270. - - Saint. _See_ St. - - Sails used by the Peruvians, 420. - - Salcamayhua, J. de, S. P. Y., _Relacion_, 266. - - Saldamando, E. T., _Los Antiquos Jesuitas del Peru_, 223, 262. - - Sale, Ant. de la, _La Salade_, 85. - - Salisbury, Stephen, jr., 137; - assists Le Plongeon, 186, 187; - _The Mayas_, 187; - _Terra Cottas of Isla Mujeres_, 187. - - Salone on Atlantis, 46. - - Salter, John, 328. - - San Juan, cliff houses on the, 395; - pueblo, 396. - - San Miguel, 49. - - San Tomas, his grammar, 278. - - Sana, 276. - - Sanborn, J. W., _Seneca Indians_, 323. - - Sanbornton, N. H., Indian fortification, 404. - - Sanford, Ezekiel, _Hist. United States_, 320. - - Sans, R., 264. - - Sanskrit roots in Mexican, 81. - - Sanson, Guillaume, on Atlantis, 16; - his map, 18. - - Santa, 275. - - Santarem, _Hist. de la Cosmog._, 38; - his atlas, 53. - - Santillan, Fernando de, Relacion, 261. - - Sanuto, Marino, his map (1306), 53; - acc. of, 53 (1320), 55. - - Saravia, B. de, _Antig. del Peru_, 261, 268. - - Sargasso Sea, 25. - - Sargent, Winthrop, on the Cincinnati mounds, 398, 437; - plan of the Marietta mounds, 405. - - Sarmiento de Gamboa, P., discovers islands, 268; - _Viage al estrecho de Magellanes_, 268. - - Sars, J. E., _Norske Hist._, 85. - - Satanagio. _See_ Man Satanaxio. - - Satanaxio. _See_ Man. - - Saunders, Trelawny, map of Peru, 211. - - Saussure, H. de, _Ruines d’une anc. ville_, 182. - - Savage, a.d., 196. - - Savage, Jos., 409. - - Sawkins, J. G., 184. - - Saxe-Eisenach, Duke of, 205. - - Saxenburg, island, 47. - - Saxo-Grammaticus, _Hist. Danica_, 91. - - Scandinavia. _See_ Northmen, Norway, Sweden, Iceland. - - Schaefer, _Entwicklung, etc._, 3; - _Gestalt und Grösse der Erde_, 39; - _Philologus_, 5. - - Schaghticoke Indians, 324. - - Schellhas, _Die Mayahandschrift_, 205. - - Scherer, J. B., _Recherches_, 76, 424, 445. - - Scherzer, K., _Wanderungen_, 166; - _Las Hist. del Origen de los Indios_, 166; - _Quiriguá_, 197. - - Schiern, F., _Un Enigme_, 26. - - Schlagintweit, 412. - - Schmerling, Dr., _Recherches sur les ossemens_, 390. - - Schmidel, Brazil, xxxii. - - Schmidt, E., 402; - _Dissert. de America_, 40; - _Die ältesten Spuren des Menschen_, 384; - _Anthropol. Methoden_, 411. - - Schmidt, Julius, _Copan and Quiriguá_, 196, 197. - - Schneider, C. E. C., 41. - - Schoebel, C., among the pueblos, 397. - - Schöning, Gerhard, _Norges Rigens Hist._, 92. - - Schonlandia, 129. - - Schoolcraft, H. R., _Books in the Indian tongues_, vii; - on the Northmen, 96; - on the Grave Creek inscription, 102; - on the Dighton Rock, 102, 104; - _Indian Tribes_, 320, 376, 430, 441; - opinions of it, 320, 441; - otherwise called _Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge_, 441; - and _Ethnological Researches_, 441; - F. S. Drake’s ed., 441; - his notes on antiquities, 376; - _Grave Creek Mound_, 403; - _Report on Iroquois_, 324, 405; - _Notes on the Iroquois_, 324, 405; - on Virginia mounds, 410; - on Florida pottery, 419; - his linguistic studies, 424; - dies, 441; - rivalry of Catlin, 441. - - Schouten in De Bry, xxxii. - - Schrader, _Namen der Meere_, 13. - - Schultz-Sellack, Carl, _Die Amer. Götter_, 202, 434. - - Schultz, _Travels_, 405. - - Schumacher, H. A., _Petrus Martyr_, xx. - - Schumacher, P., 393; on pottery making, 419. - - Schwab, Moïse, 404. - - Schwatka, F., on the Eskimos, 107. - - _Science_, 439. - - Scioto Valley, map of mounds, 406. - - Scipio’s dream, 9, 11. - - Scoffern, John, _Stray leaves_, 383. - - Scolvus, Jac., his landfall, 129. - _See_ Skolno. - - Scott, P. A., 350. - - Scott, Sir Walter, on the Sagas, 83. - - Scotland, early map of, 118. - - Scudder, S. H., _Catal. of Scientific Serials_, 438, 441. - - Scull, G. D., edits Radisson, 318. - - Scylax on the Atlantic, 28; - _Periplus_, 28. - - Scythian migration to America, 370. - - Sea of Darkness, 32, 74. - - Seager, his drawing of the Dighton Rock, 102. - - Sebillot, Paul, _Légendes_, 47. - - Seeman, B., _Dottings_, 197. - - Selden collection, 205. - - Selish grammar, 425. - - Sellers, on arrow points, 417. - - Seminole Indians, 326. - - Semites, 25. - - Seneca, L. A., _Questionum Nat._, 35; - works, 35; - on the westward passage, 27; - his prophecy, 29; - his “Ultima Thule”, 29; - his _Medea_, 29. - - Seneca Indians, 323; - origin of the name, 323; - their burial mound, 405. - _See_ Iroquois. - - Septon, J., 85. - - Se-quo-yah, 326. - - Serpent mound, 401. - - Serpent symbol, 401. - - Serpent, worship of, 429. - - Sertorius, 14, 26. - - Seven Caves, 138. - - Seven Cities, island of, 31, 47, 48. - - Sewall, Samuel, on Hornius, 370; - _Phænomena_, 115. - - Sewell, Stephen, on Dighton Rock, 103, 104. - - Shaler, N. S., on the New Jersey gravels, 334; - their implements, 388; - on the disappearance of the mastodon, 389; - on Ohio Valley caves, 391; - _Kentucky Survey_, 402; - on the mounds, 410. - - Shaw, J., 408. - - Shawanees, 307, 326; - in Pontiac’s conspiracy, 316. - - Shea, J. G., _Library of Amer. Linguistics_, vii; - _Catholic Missions_, 318; - on the Indians of Nova Scotia, 321; - translates Martin’s _Jogues_, 323; - on the Wisconsin Indians, 327; - _Dict. Français-Onontagué_, 424; - _Lib. of Amer. Linguistics_, 425; - its contents, 425; - _French Onondaga Dict._, 425. - - Shell-heaps, 391; - contemporary with the cave-men, 391; - contents of those in No. America, 392; - general references, 392, 393. - - Shell-money, 420. - - Shell-work, 417. - - Shepard, H. A., Antiq. of Ohio, 405, 407. - - Sherman, D., 325. - - Sherwood, J. D., 403. - - Sherwood, R. H., 322. - - Shetimasha Indians, 426. - - Ships, speed of ancient, 24; - of the fifteenth century, 73; - a British ship, 110. - _See_ Northmen. - - Short, C. W., 437. - - Short, J. T., _No. Amer. of Antiq._, vii, 412, 415; - on Fousang, 81; - on the antiquity of man in America, 330. - - Shoshones, arts of, 416; - their migrations, 381. - - Sierra, Justo, 165. - - Sign-language. _See_ Gesture language. - - Sigüenza y Gongora, C. de, his chronology of Mexico, 133; - collection of, 158. - - Silenus, 21. - - Silliman, _Journal of Arts_, 371. - See _Amer. Journal of Science and Arts_. - - Sillustani, 236; - Chulpas at, 248; - cut, 250. - - Silver, 418. - - Silvestre, _Paléographie_, 205. - - Siméon, Rémi, _Les Annales Méxicaines_, 164; - _La langue Méxicaine_, 427; - _Sur la numération_, 170. - - Simms, _Views and Reviews_, 328. - - Simon, Mrs. B. A., _Hope of Israel_, 116; - _Ten Tribes_, 116. - - Simonin, L., _L’homme Américain_, 375, 381. - - Simpson, H. F. M., _Prehist. of the North_, 85. - - Simpson, J. H., _Navajo Country_, 327; - _Mil. Reconnaissance_, 395, 396; - _Explorations of Utah_, 440. - - Sinding, Paul K., _Scandinavia_, 96; - _Scandin. Races_, 96. - - Sinkers, 417. - - Sioux, 327. - _See_ Dacotahs. - - Sitgreave, Capt. L., _Expedition_, 396. - - Sitjav, B., language of the San Antonio Mission, 425. - - Six Nations. _See_ Iroquois. - - Skeleton in armor, 105. - - Skertchly, S. B. J., 352. - - Skolno on the Labrador coast, 76. - _See_ Scolvus. - - Skrælings, 68, 105. - _See_ Eskimos. - - Skulls, trepanned, 244; - deforming of, 244. - _See_ Craniology. - - Sladen, Von, _Brazil_, xxxii. - - Slafter, E. F., _Voyages of the Northmen_, 76. - - Small, John, on Thule, 118. - - Smedt, C. de, 48. - - Smith, Alf. R., xvi. - - Smith, B., 169; - on the Dighton Rock, 104; - _Heve language_, 425; - _Pima language_, 425. - - Smith, C. D., 416. - - Smith, C. H., 369; - _Human Species_, 374. - - Smith, Ethan, _View of the Hebrews_, 116. - - Smith, Mrs. E. A., on the Iroquois, 425; - _Myths of the Iroquois_, 431. - - Smith, Col. James, 292, 319; - _Captivity_, 288. - - Smith, John, in De Bry, xxxii. - - Smith, J. G., _Atla_, 45. - - Smith, John Russell, xvi. - - Smith, J. T., _Northmen in New England_, 96; - _Disc. of America by the Northmen_, 96. - - Smith, J. W. C., 410. - - Smith, J. Y., 369. - - Smith, Jos., _Friends’ books_, xvii; - _Anti-quakeriana_, xvii; - _Bibl. Quakeristica_, xvii. - - Smith, Wm., _New York_, 324. - - Smithsonian Institution, 439; - its publications, 439. - - Smucker, Isaac, 403; - archæology in Ohio, 406; - on the Newark mounds, 408; - on the Alligator mound, 409. - - Smyth, Thos., _Unity of the Human Race_, 374. - - Snorre Sturleson, _Heimskringla_, 83. - - Snorre, ancestor of Thorwaldsen, the Danish sculptor, 65. - - Soap-stone quarries, 416. - - Sobolewski, S., his catalogue, xiii; - his De Bry, xxxii. - - Sobron, F. C. Y., _Los idiomas_, vii. - - Société Americaine de France, 176, 441. - - Société d’Anthropologie, 390; - _Bulletin_ and _Mémoires_, 442. - - Société d’Ethnographie, _Mémoires_,442; - _Les Documents écrits de l’Antiquité Amér._, 442. - - Société Ethnographique, _Bulletin_ and _Mémoires_, 441. - - Soil formation in America, 461. - - Solberg, Th., bibliog. of Scandinavia, 98. - - Soldan, Paz., _Geog. del Peru_, 212. - - Soligo, Christ., map (1487?), 58. - - Solinus, _Polyhistor._, 35. - - Sollars, W. J., 106. - - Solomon, his Ophir, 82. - _See_ Ophir. - - Solon and Atlantis, 15, 42. - - Solorano, Juan de, _Politica Indiana_, 268. - - Soloutre, village, 357, 377. - - Soltecos, 136. - - Soto, Francis de, 155; - on the mounds, 397. - - South America, flora corresponds with African, 117; - prehistoric man in, 412; - languages, 428. - - Southall, Jas. C., on the Unity of Races, 374; - believes in the theory of degeneracy, 382; - _Recent origin of Man_, 382, 384; - biblical trust, 382; - _Epoch of the Mammoth_, 382; - his views, 382; - controversy with the archæologists, 382; - on his opponents, 382. - - Southern States, Indians of, 326. - - Southey, Robert, _Madoc_, 111. - - Spain, arms of, 267; - hieroglyphic MSS. in, 203; - Sociedad Anthropológica Española, 444; - _Revista_, 444. - - Spainhour, J. M., 410. - - Spanish America, writers of, ii. - - Sparks, Jared, his library, vi; - his MSS., vii; - dies, vii. - - _Speaker’s Commentary_, 383. - - Speech wanting in the palæolithic man, 377. - - Speer, Wm., 81. - - Spilbergen on De Bry, xxxii. - - Spilsbury, J. H. G., his Quichua work, 280. - - Spineto, _Hieroglyphics_, 205. - - Spitzbergen sometimes called Greenland in early accounts, 107. - - Spizelius, Theoph., _Elevatio_, 115. - - _Sporting Review_, 213. - - Spotswood, Gov., on the frontier posts, 309. - - Sprengel, M. C., _Europäer in Nord Amerika_, 92. - - Squier, E. G., on Zestermann’s _Colonization of America_, 60; - his publications and library, vii, viii, 169, 272, 414; - _Serpent Symbol_, 76; - notes on Zestermann, 83; - on the Grave Creek inscription, 102; - _Catalogue of his library_, 169; - _Central America_, 169; - _Collection of Docs._, 169; - _The Great Calendar Stone_, 179; - introd. to Morellet’s _Travels_, 195; - on the Central America ruins and their relative age, 196; - _Nicaragua_, 197; - on Tenampua, 197; - criticised by Bovallius, 197; - on a defect in the signatures of Kingsborough’s book, 203; - in Peru, 224; - at Chacha, 224; - at Lake Titicaca, 247; - _La géog. du Pérou_, 247; - _Primeval monuments of Peru_, 249; - _Peru, incidents of Travel_, 272; - his mission and studies in Peru, 272; - _Les monuments du Pérou_, 272; - death, 272; - _Traditions of the Algonquins_, 325; - on early notices of the Pueblo race, 395; - _Semi-civilized Nations of New Mexico and California_, 396; - (with Davis), _Anc. Mts. of the Mississippi Valley_, 399; - commended by Gallatin and others, 439; - on the New York mounds, 399; - _Observations onmounds_, 399; - doubts the Grave Creek tablet, 404; - _Aborig. Mts. State of N. Y._, 405; - _Antiq. of N. Y. State_, 405; - _Monograph of Authors_, 427; - _Serpent Symbol_, 429. - - Squier, Mrs. M. F., 195. - - St. Bonaventure, G. de, 427; _Grammaire Maya_, 200. - - St. Brandan, island of, 32; - his story, 48; - his island, 48. - - St. Clement, 37. - - St. Lawrence Island, 77. - - St. Louis Academy of Science, 438; - mounds near, 409. - - St. Malo, legend of, 48. - - St. Patrick, 83. - - St. Petersburg, Museum of Ethnography, 443. - - St. Thomas in Central America, 137; - connected with Quetzalcoatl, 432. - - Stadium, length of, 4. - - Stallbaum, ed. of Plato, 43; - on Phœnician knowledge of America, 43. - - Stanford, _Compend. of Geog._, 412. - - Stanley, J. M., _Portraits of No. Amer. Indians_, 439. - - Steenstrup, Japetus, on the Zeni, 114. - - Steenstrup, K., on Scandinavian ruins, 86; - _Osterbygden_, 131; - on the Greenland colonies, 109. - - Steffen, Max, _Landwirtschaft_, 253, 417. - - Stein, Gerard, _Die Entdeckungsreisen_, 72. - - Steiner, Abraham G., 408. - - Steinthal, H., _Ursprung der Sprache_, 421. - - Stelle, J. P., 410. - - Stenstrom, H., _De America_, 93. - - Stephens, Geo., _Oldest Doc. in Danish_, 66; - _No. Runic Mts._, 66; - _Runic Mts. of Scandinavia_, 66. - - Stephens, J. L., _Yucatan_, 164, 176, 186; - prints a Maya doc., 164; - held responsible by Morgan for exaggerated notions of the Maya - splendor, 176; - _Central America_, 176, 186, 194; - in Yucatan, 185, 186; map, 188; - at Uxmal, 189; - at Chichen-Itza, 190; - his results in Yucatan, 190; - at Palenqué, 194; - at Copan, 196. - - Stephens, _Lit. of the Cymry_, 111. - - Stephenson, Geo., 410. - - Stephenson, M. F., 410. - - Sterling, H. H., _Irish Minstrelsy_, 50. - - Stevens, E. T., _Flint Chips_, 392, 444. - - Stevens, Henry, controversy with Harisse, v; - buys Humboldt’s library, vi; - on Humboldt, vi; - _Recoll. of Lenox_, xi; - bought Crowninshield library, xii; - dealer in Americana, xiii; - _Schedule of Nuggets_, xiii, xiv; - _Bibl. Hist._, xiii, xiv; - dies, xiii; - on De Bry, xxxii; - proposed _Bibl. Americana_, xiv; - his transcripts of MSS., xiv; - agent of the Smithsonian Inst., the British Museum, the Bodleian, - xiv; - his _English Library_, xiv; - _Amer. Bibliographer_, xiv; - _Books in the Brit. Mus._, xiv; - _Hist. Nuggets_, xiv; - _Bibl. Amér._, xiv; - _Hist. and Geog. Notes_, xiv; - _Bibl. Geog. et Hist._, xiv; - _Amer. books with tails_, xv; - _Hist. Collections_, xv; - owns Franklin MSS., xv; - list of his own publications, xv; - _Bibliog. of New Hampshire_, xv; - buys the Brockhaus collection, xvii; - Zeni map, 113. - - Stevens, H. N., xiv. - - Stevens, John, _Voyages_, xxxv. - - Stevens, J. A., _Geo. Gibbs_, 424. - - Stevens, Simon, xiv. - - Stevenson, Jas., on the cliff houses, 395; - _Anc. habitations of the Southwest_, 397; - catalogue of pottery, 419; - researches among the Pueblos, 439. - - Stevenson, J. E., 403; _Zuñi_, 396. - - Stevenson, Mrs. T. E., _Religious life of the Zuñi child_, 440. - - Stevenson, W., on navigation, xxxvi. - - Stickney, C. E., _Minisink Region_, 323. - - Stiles, Dr. Ezra, on the Dighton Rock, 104; - _The United States elevated to glory_, 371; - on the origin of the American, 371; - on an Indian idol, 437. - - Stockbridge Indians, 323. - - Stoddard, Amos, _Louisiana_, 110. - - Stoddard, _Louisiana_, 398. - - Stoll, O., _Republik Guatemala_, 428. - - Stone, O. M., _Teneriffe_, 48. - - Stone, W. L., on the moundbuilders, 41; - _Uncas and Miantonomoh_, 323; - his lives of Johnson, Brant, and Red Jacket, 325; - on the N. Y. mounds, 405. - - Stone Age in America, oldest implements yet found, 343; - different stones used, 362. - _See_ Palæolithic, Neolithic. - - Stone, artificial cleavages of, 388; - chipping, the process, 417; - work in, 416. - - Strabo, on the size of the known world, 8; - his views of habitable parts, 9; - _Geographia_, 5, 34; - editions, 34; - translations, 34; - Gosselin’s French transl., 34; - translated by order of Nicholas V, 37. - - Strebel, H., _Alt-Mexico_, 172, 420. - - Strinhold, A. M., 85. - - Stroll, Otto, _Guatemala_, 141. - - Strong, Moses, 409. - - Strutt, _Dict. Engravers_, xxvii. - - Stuart and Kuyper, _De Mensch_, 320. - - Stübel, A., _Necropolis of Ancon_, 273; - _Ueber Altperuvianische Gewebemuster_, 273. - - Studley, Cordelia A., 390. - - Sturleson, Snorro, _Heimskringla_, 91. - - Sulte, B., on the Iroquois, 321. - - Sumner, Chas., _Prophetic voices concerning America_, 40. - - Sun, worship of, 429. - - Sunderland library, xiii. - - Susquehanna Valley Indians, 325. - - Sutcliffe, Thomas, _Chili and Peru_, 272. - - Sutherland, P. C., 106. - - Sweden, anthropological studies in, 444. - - Sweden, early map, 119, 124, 125, 129. - - Swedes, their blinding patriotism, 88; - on the Delaware, 307. - - Sweetzer, Seth, on prehist. man, 412. - - Swinford, _Mineral Resources of Lake Superior_, 418. - - Swiss lake dwellings, 395; - relics from, 395; - general references, 395. - - Switzler, W. F., _Missouri_, 409. - - Sylvester, _Northern New York_, 323. - - - TACITUS, _Germania_, 28. - - Tacna, 277. - - Tamana, idol from, 281. - - Tamoanchar, 135; - geog. position, 151. - - Tanmar. _See_ Danmar. - - Tanos, 394. - - Taos, 394, 396. - - Tapenecs. _See_ Tepanecs. - - Tapijulapane-Mixe, 426. - - Tarapaca, 270, 275. - - Tarascos, 136. - - Tarayre, G., _L’Exploration mineralogique_, 170. - - Targe, xxxvi. - - Tartar migrations to America, 369, 370; - traces in N. W. America, 78. - - Tassin, French geographer, 51. - - Tayasàl, 175. - - Taylor, A. S., bibliog. of California, ix. - - Taylor, Isaac, _Alphabets_, 200. - - Taylor, Jeremy, _Dissuasive from Popery_, 51. - - Taylor, John, on the N. Y. mounds, 404. - - Taylor, R. C., on the Wisconsin mounds, 400. - - Taylor, S., 400. - - Taylor, Thomas, 41; - _Commentaries of Proclus_, 35. - - Taylor, W. M., on mounds, 405. - - Techotl, 146. - - Tecpan, 175. - - Tecpaneca conquered, 147. - - Tehna, 394. - - Tehuelhet, 428. - - _Telleriano-Remensis Codex_, 205. - - Temple, Edw., _Travels in Peru_, 272. - - Temple, _No. Brookfield_, 323. - - Tempsky, G. F. von, _Mitla_, 184. - - Ten Kate, H. F. C., 356; - _Reizen_, 395. - - Tenampua, 197. - - Tenayocan, 142. - - Tennessee, aborig. remains, 410; - pottery, 419; - stone graves, 410. - - Tenochtitlan. _See_ Mexico (city). - - Teoamoxtli, 158, 167. - - Teoculcuacan, 138. - - Teotihuacan, Olmecs at, 135; - a religious shrine, 140; - ruins, 182. - - Teoyaomiqui, effigy, 182, 435. - - Tepanecs, 136, 146. - - Tepechpan, 162. - - Tepeu, 435. - - Tepeyahualco, 173. - - Terceira, 49. - - Ternaux-Compans, H., his library, iv; - _Bibl. Amér._, iv; - _Voyages_, xxxvii, 273; - his studies of Peru, 273; - _La theogonie Méxicaine_, 431. - - Terra cotta, 420. - - Tertiary man, 387; - evidences, 353, 385, 387. - - Tertullian, _De Pallio_, 42. - - Teruel, Luis de, 264; - MSS. on the Peruvians, 264. - - Textile arts, 419; - impression preserved in pottery, 419; - of the moundbuilders, 419. - - Tezcatlipoca, 431; - oppressor of Quetzalcoatl, 431. - - Tezcuco, growth of, 140, 142; - alleged empire at, 173; - old bridge near, 182; - old buildings, 182. - - Tezozomoc, H. de A., 146; - _Crónica Méx._, 155, 163; - MSS. on Mexican history, 162. - - Theopompus of Chios, 21; - his continent, 21. - - Thévenot, bibliog., xii, xxxiv; - _Voyages_, 204. - - Thévet, A., on the Jewish migration to America, 115. - - Thiersant, Dabry de, _Origine des Indiens_, 369. - - Thomas, Cyrus, on Mexican MSS., 163; - on the Mexican astronomy, 179; - on Landa’s alphabet, 200; - _MS. Troano_, 201, 207, his course of study, 201; - on Maya numerical signs, 205; - on the mounds, 401; - _Work on Mound Exploration_, 401; - _Burial Mounds_, 401; - disputes Putnam’s view of the mounds, 402; - presentations of his views on the moundbuilders, 402; - on the elephant pipes, 404; - on the builders of the mounds, 407; - on the effigy mounds, 408, 409; - on the stone graves of Tennessee, 410; - on the Etowah mounds, 410; - conducts mound explorations, 439; - _Maya and Mexican MSS._, 440. - - Thomas, Mrs. Cyrus, bibliog. of Ohio mounds, 406. - - Thomas, David, _Travels_, 405. - - Thomas, Isaiah, founds Amer. Antiq. Soc., 437. - - Thompson, E. H., _Atlantis not a Myth_, 44; - on Yucatan, 187; - on the “Elephants’ trunks”, 188. - - Thompson, G. A., _New Theory_, 76. - - Thompson, J., translates De Pauw, 370. - - Thompson, T. P., _Knot Records of Peru_, 243; - _Hist. of the Quipus_, 243. - - Thompson, Waddy, _Recoll. of Mexico_, 180. - - Thomson, Chas., _Enquiry_, 325. - - Thorfinn Karlsefne, in Vinland, 65; - Saga, 90. - - Thorlacius, G., his map of Vinland, 130, 131. - - Thorlacius, Theod., 130, 131. - - Thorlakssen. _See_ Thorlacius. - - Thorndike, Col., Israel, iii. - - Thorne, Robt., his map, 125. - - Thornton, J. W., 102. - - Thoron, Onffroy de, 82. - - Thorowgood, Thomas, _Jewes in America_,115; - _Vindiciæ Jud._, 115; - _Digitus Dei_, 115. - - Thorwald on Vinland, 65. - - Three Chimneys (islands), 53. - - Thule, 117; discovered, 26; - in Seneca, 29; - varying position, 118. - - Thurston, G. P., 81, 402. - - Thyle, on Macrobius’ map, 10. - _See_ Thule. - - Tiahuanacu, position, 210; - architectural details, 214, 215, 216, 217, 218; - ruins restored, 219; - ruins described, 215; - doorway, 216, 218; - seen by D’Orbigny, 271; - various descriptions, 272, 273; - by Bollaert, 273; - by Basadie, 273; - by Inwards, 273. - - Tibullus, _Elegies_, 7. - - Tides, Macrobius’ view of, 11. - - Tiele, P. A., xxxiii. - - Tiguex, 394. - - Tikal, 200. - - Tilantongo, 148. - - Tillinghast, W. H., “Geog. Knowledge of the Ancients”, 1. - - Timagenes, 42. - - Timber brought from Vinland, 65. - - Timberlake, Henry, on the Cherokees, 83. - - Timucua language, 426. - - Timuquana language, 425. - - Tin mines, early, 24. - - Tinneh, 77. - - Tishcoban, 325. - - Titicaca, lake, seat of worship, 222; - its myth, 222; - seat of the Piruas, 223; - connected with the Inca myths, 224; - dwellers near, 226; - views of lake and ruins, 246; - Squier’s Explorations, 246; - surveyed by J. B. Pentland, 246; - Inca palace, 247; - map, 248. - - Tizoc, 148. - - Tlacatecuhtli, 173. - - Tlacopan forms a confederacy, 147. - - Tlacutzin, 139. - - Tlaloc, 435; - rain-god, 180. - - Tlapallan, 137, 139. - - Tlapallanco, 139. - - Tlascalans, 149. - - Tobacco, mortars for pounding it, 416. - - Tobar, Juan de, _Codex Ramirez_, 155; - _Relacion_, 155; - printed by Sir Thos. Phillipps, 155; - _Hist. de los Indios_, 155. - - To-carryhogan, 289. - - Tollan, 137, 139. - - Tollatzinco, 139. - - Toloom, 190. - - Toltecs, descendants of the Atlantides, 44; - origin of, 135, 141; - from Tollan, 137; - their appearance in Mexico, 139; - end of their power, 140; - a nation or a dynasty, 140; - their story, 140; - their later migrations, 140; - Brinton and Charnay disagree on their status, 141; - Bandelier considers them Maya, 141; - Sahagún the “giants”, 141; - Bandelier’s view, 141; - sources of their history, 141; - MS. annals, 162; - their astronomical ideas, 179; - build the ruins of Yucatan, 191. - - Tomo-chi-chi, 326. - - Tomlinson, A. B., 403. - - Tonocote, 428. - - Topinard on the jaw-bone from the Naulette Cave, 377. - - Torfæus, _Hist. Gronlandiæ_, 85; - his character, 88; - _Hist. Vinlandiæ_, 92; - facs. of title, 91; - places Vinland in Newfoundland, 99; - gives maps, 129. - - Toribio de Benevente, 155. - - Torquemada, instructed by Ixtlilxochitl, 173; - on the origin of Americans, 369; - MS. used by him, 162; - _Monarchia Ind._, 157. - - Torres Rubio, Irego de, in Peru, 279; - his Quichua grammar, 278. - - Torrid zone, notions regarding it, 6; - they check exploration, 6. - - Toscanelli on Antillia, 49; - his ideas of the Atlantic ocean, 51; - letter to Columbus, 51; - different texts of it, 51, 52; - his working papers, 52; - his map, 56. - - Totems, 408. - - Totemism, 328. - - Totonacs, 136. - - Totul Xius, 152; sources, 153. - - Toulmin, Harry, 110. - - Tovar, _See_ Tobar. - - Trabega, 205. - - Trade of the Amer. Aborigines, 416; - no good acc. of, 420. - - Traffic, intertribal, 420. - - Treaties with the Indians, methods of, 305. - - Trees, rings of, as signs of age, 191, 403. - - Trenton gravel bluff, view of, 335; - the deposits described, 338; - skulls found in, 356; - gravels, 388; - traces of man in, 388. - _See_ Delaware, New Jersey. - - Trepanning in Peru, 244. - - Trephining, 244. - - Trigoso, S. F. M., _Descob. e Commercio dos Portuguezes_, xix. - - Triquis, 136. - - Tritemius, Joannes, _De Scriptoribus_, xx. - - Trivizano, _Libretto_, xx. - - Trivulgiana library (Milan), vi. - - Tro y Ortolano, J., 205. - - Trocadero Museum in Paris, 177. - - Troil, _Lettres sur l’Islande_, 84. - - Trojans, ancestors of the Indians, 369. - - Trömel, Paul, _Bibl. Amér._, xvii, 413. - - Troost, G., on Tennessee archeol. remains, 410. - - Tross, Edwin, catalogues, xvi. - - Trowbridge, D., 405. - - Troyon, Prof., _Habitations lacustres_, 395. - - Trübner, K. J., xvi. - - Trübner, Nic., _Bibl. Hisp. Amer._, xvi; - dies, xvi. - - Trumbull, J. H., on Indian languages, vii; - edits the Brinley library catalogue, xii; - _Indian Missions in New England_, 322; - his studies in the Indian languages, 322, 423. - - Trutat, E., 411. - - Trutot, 442. - - Truxillo, Diego de, _Relacion_, 260. - - Truxillo, ruins near, 275. - - Tschudi, J. D. von, on the llamas, 213; - _Antig. Peruanas_, 270; - _Reisen_, 270; - _Travels_, 270; - _Ollanta_, 281; - on the Quichua language, 280; - his grammar, 280. - - Tula, 137; - ruin at, 177. - - Tulan, 135. - - Tulan, Zuiva, 139. - - Tumbez, 277. - - Tungus, 77. - - Tupac Inca Yupanqui, 230. - - Tupis of South America, 136, 428. - - Turnefort, 43. - - Turner, G., 437. - - Turner, Sharon, _Anglo-Saxons_, 88. - - Turner, W., 423. - - Turner, W. W., vii, 424, 440; - _Indian Philology_, 439. - - Tusayan, 394. - - Tuscaroras, 310. - - Tuttle, C. W., 102. - - Two Sorcerers, island, 47. - - Tylor, E. B., on Egyptian hieroglyphics, 41; - _Scandin. civilization among Eskimaux_, 70; - on connection of Asia and Mexico, 77; - _Anáhuac_, 170, 174; - applauds Prescott’s view, 174; - portrait, 376; - his rank as an anthropologist, 377; - _Early Hist. of Mankind_, 377, 380; - _Early Mental Condition of Man_, 378; - _Condition of Prehist. Races_, 378; - on man’s progress from barbarism to civilization, 378; - _Primitive Culture_, 378; - _Anthropology_, 378; - _Amer. aspects of Anthropology_, 379; - acc. of, 379; - on the degeneracy of the savage, 381. - - Tyrians on the Atlantic, 24. - - Tzendal language, 427. - - Tzequiles, 135. - - Tzetzes, _Scholia in Lycophron_, 15. - - - UA CORRA, 50. - - Uhde collection, 444. - - Uhle, Max, 404. - - Uira-cocha, 222, 229. - - Ukert, _Geog. der Griechen_, 28, 36, 46. - - Ule, Otto, _Die Erde_, 44. - - Ulloa, A., _Mémoires_, 271; - _Voyage historique_, 271; - _Not. Amer._, 370. - - Ulloa, J. J., _Voyage_, 271. - - Ulloa, _Relacion Hist._, 228. - - Ulpius globe, 126. - - Uncpapas, 327. - - Unger, F., _Insel Atlantis_, 44. - - United States Army, _Reports of Chief Engineer_, 396; - geological survey, _Reports_, 396; - National Museum, 440. - - Upham, Warren, 333; _Recession of the ice sheet in Minnesota_, 346; - _Ohio gravel beds_, 388. - - Urcavilca, 230. - - Urco, 229. - - Uricoechea, E., _Memorias_, 282; - _Lengua Chibcha_, 425. - - Urlsperger Tracts, 326. - - Urrabieta, xxxvii. - - Ursel, Comte d’, _Sud Amérique_, 272. - - Ursúa, M., 175. - - Urus, 226, 280. - - Utah mounds, 409. - - Utes, 327. - - Utlatlan, position of, 151, 152. - - Uxmal, position of, 151, 188; - Totul Xius in, 153; - communal house near, 175; - seen by Zavala, 186; - by Waldeck, 186; - by Charnay, 186, 188; - descriptions, 188; so-called elephants’ trunks, 189; - early accounts, 189; - view of ruined temple, 189; - seen by Brasseur, 189; - inhabited when the Spaniards came, 190; - plans, 190. - - Uzielli, G., on Toscanelli, 51. - - - VALADES, DIDACUS, _Rhetorica Christ._, 154. - - Valdemar-Schmidt, _Voyages au Groenland_, 109. - - Valdez, Ant., 281. - - Valencia, Martin de, 155. - - Valentini, P. J. J., _Olmecas and Tultecas_, 137; - on the Calendar Stone, 179; - on Landa’s alphabet, 200; - _Mexican copper tools_, 418; - _Katunes of Maya Hist._, 152, 164. - - Valera, Blas, his work lost, 209; - his career, 261; - his MSS. used by Garcilasso, 262. - - Valera, Luis, 260. - - Vallancey, Chas., 104. - - Valmy, Duc de, 171. - - Valpy, _Panegyrici veteres_, 47. - - Valsequa, Gabriell de, his map (1439), 56. - - Vancouver’s Island, 81, 393. - - Van den Bergh, L. P. C., _Amerika voor Columbus_, 75. - - Van den Bos, Lambert, _Zee-helden_, xxxiv. - - Van der Aa. _See_ Aa. - - Van Noort, Olivier, xxxiii. - - Vanuxem, Professor, on shell heaps, 392. - - Varnhagen, F. de, _L’Origine touranienne des Américains_, 41, 117. - - Vasquez, Francisco, _Guatemala_, 168. - - Vasquez, T., 260. - - Vater, J. S., _Ueber Amerikas Bevölkerung_, 60; - (with Adelung), _Mithridates_, 422; - _Analekten der Sprachenkunde_, 422. - - Vaugondy, _Atlantis_, 16. - - Veer, G. de, _Voyages_, 85. - - Vega, Father, his collection of MSS., 157. - - Vega, F. Nuñez de la, knew the Book of Votan, 134; - _Obispado de Chiappas_, 134. - - Vega, Garcilasso de la, in Peru, 265; - house in which he was born, 265; - son of an Inca princess, 265; - his expedition of De Soto, 265; - _Commentarios Reales_, 265, 266; - used Blas Valera, 265; - wrote on Spain thirty years after leaving Peru, 266; - corrects Acosta, 266; - critics of, 266; - dies, 266. - - Velasco, Juan de, 279; - _Reino de Quito_, 268, 273. - - Ventancurt, _Teatro Mex._, 171. - - Vera, F. H., 413. - - Vera Cruz, ruins near, 178. - - Verneau, _Dans l’Archipel Canarienne_, 25. - - Verreau, Abbé, on the beginnings of the Church in Canada, 317. - - Vertuch, _Archiv für Ethnographie_, 443. - - Vespucius in De Bry, xxxii; - voyages, acc. of, xxiv; - mentioned, xxviii, xxxiv, xxxv, xxxvi; - map owned by him, 56. - - Vetanzos, Juan de, used by Garcia, 369. - _See_ Betanzos. - - Vetromile, _Abnakis and their history_, 466. - - Veytia, on the Toltecs, 141; - _Hist. Antiq. de Mejico_, 141, 159; - better on the Tezcucans than on the Mexicans, 150; - begins Mexican history at A.D. 697, 155; - used Boturini’s collection, 159; - annotates Ixtlilxochitl’s MSS., 162; - continues Boturini’s labors, 162. - - Vicary, J. F., _Saga time_, 92. - - Victor, J. D., _Disput. de America_, 40, 370. - - Vicuña, 213. - - Vienna, Anthropologische Gesellschaft, 443; - Prähist. Commission, 443. - - Viera y Clavijo, J. de, _Islas de Canaria_, 48. - - Vigfússon, G., _Icelandic Eng. Dict._, 85; - _Icelandic Sagas_, 90. - - Vigil, José M., 155. - - Vikings, burial of, 62. - - Vilcashuaman, ruins, 247, 271. - - Villacastin, F. de, 260. - - Villagutierre Soto-Mayor, _Conquista de Itza_, 165. - - Villar, Dr., 282; - _Uira-cocha_, 271. - - Villar, Leonardo, 266. - - Villebrune, J. B. L., 370. - - Vincent, _Commerce of the Ancients_, 117. - - Vining, E. P., _An inglorious Columbus_, 80. - - Vinland, found and named, 64; - attempted identification, 65; - last ship to, 65; - probability of voyages to, 67; - bibliog., 87, 98; - the sagas, 87, 88; - put in writing, 88; - situated in Labrador, 92, 93, 96, 99; - in Newfoundland, 92, 93, 94, 96, 99; - in Greenland, 92, 98; - in New York, 93, 102; - not in America, 93; - in New England, 93; - in Maine, 102; - in Massachusetts, 94, 99; - in Rhode Island, 94, 96, 99, 102; - in Africa, 100; - maps, 94; - those of Rafn reproduced, 95, 100; - probability of the voyages to, 98; - linguistic proofs of, 98; - ethnographical proofs, 99; - physical and geographical proofs, 99; - tides in, 99; - length of summer day in, 99; - Rafn’s attempts to identify it, 100; - his map, 100; - held to be a prolongation of Africa, 100; - monumental proofs, 102; - has no frost, 102; - natives called Skrælings, 105; - held to be north of Davis’s Straits by the oldest Norse maps, 130; - that by Stephanius (1570) in facs., 130; - separated from America, 130. - - Vinson, Julien, _La langue basque_, 75. - - Viollet-le-Duc, _Habitation humaine_, 64, 176; - belief in a yellow race in Central America, 81; - on Norse ceremonials in the south, 99; - his text to Charnay, 176; - a restoration of Palenqué, 192. - - Viracocha, 436. - - Virchow, R., on Peruvian skulls, 244; - on human remains found in Peruvian graves, 273. - - Virgil, _Georgics_, 6; - prophecy of Anchises, 27. - - Virginia, docs. in her Archives, xiv; - Indian conspiracy of. 1622, 284; - Indians, 325; - mounds in, 410; - graves, 410. - - Visconti, 33; - map (1311), 53; - (1318), 53. - - Vitalis, Ordericus, _Hist. Eccles._, 88. - - Vitziliputzli, 432. - - Vivien de St. Martin, _Hist. de la Géog._, 36; - on Fousang, 80. - - Vocabularies, numerous, 421; - tests of ethnical relations, 421; - formed as tests, 424. - _See_ Linguistics. - - Vogel, Theo., xxxvii. - - Vogeler, A. W., 393, 403. - - Vogt, Carl, _Vorlesungen_, 369; - _Lectures on Man_, 369, 443. - - Völcker, _Homersch. Geog._, 39. - - Volney on the mounds, 398. - - Von Baer, K. E., _Fahrten des Odysseus_, 40. - - Voss, _Die Gestalt der Erde_, 39. - - Votan, and his followers, 133, 141; - _Book of Votan_, 134; - dim connection with Guatemala, 150; - with Yucatan, 152; - myth of, 433. - - Voyages, collections of, xxxiv; - early ones to America, bibliog., xix. - - Vreeland, C. E., _Antiquities at Pantaleon_, 197. - - Vries, voyage to Virginia, xxxiv. - - - WADSWORTH, M. E., 334; - _Microscopic evidence of a lost continent_, 45. - - Wagner, G., _De originibus Amer._, 370; - _Beiträge zur Anthropologie_, 443. - - Wahlstedt, J. J., _Iter in Americam_, 92. - - Waiknas, 136. - - Waitz, T., on Peruvian anthropology, 270; - _Naturvölker_, 369, 430, 443; - _Anthropologie_, 378, 430; - portrait, 378; - _Die Amerikaner_, 172, 378; - _Introd. to Anthropology_, 370, 378, 443. - - Wake, C. S., _Chapters on Man_, 82; - _Serpent Worship_, 429. - - Walam-Olum, 325. - - Waldeck, Frederic de, buys some of the Boturini collection, 162; - _Voyage pittoresque_, 186; - at Uxmal, 186, 188; - portrait, 186; - map of Yucatan, 188; - in Yucatan, 194; - _Monuments Anc. du Méxique_, 194; - liberties of his drawings, 202; - _Coleccion de las Antig. Mex._, 444. - - Walkenaer, C. A., _Voyages_, xxxvii. - - Walkendorf, Bishop Eric, 107. - - Walker, S. T., on Tampa Bay shell-heaps, 393. - - Walker, _Athens County, Ohio_, 408. - - Walker River cañon, 350. - - Wallace, A. R., _Antiq. of Man in America_, 330; - on climate and its influence on races, 378; - _Tropical Nature_, 383; - does not believe in sunken continents, 383; - _Geog. Distribution of Animals_, 383; - _Malay Archipelago_, 383; - on the antiq. of man, 330, 384; - _Island life_, 387. - - Wallace, C. M., _Flint implements_, 345. - - Wallace, Jas., _Orkney Islands_, 118. - - Wallbridge, T. C., 410. - - Wampanoag Indians, 102, 323. - - Wampum, 420; - belts, 420. - - Ward, H. G., _Mexico_, 180. - - Warden, David B., his library, iii; - _Art de vérifier des dates_, iii; - dies, iii; - translates Rio on Palenqué, 191; - on the origin of Americans, 192; - on the mounds, 399; - _Recherches_, 415. - - Warner, J., 409. - - Warren, Dr. J. C., on the mounds, 400. - - Warren, W. F., _Key to Anc. Cosmologies_, 12; - on Homer’s earth, 39; - _True Key_, 39; - _Paradise Found_, 39, 47. - - Warren, W. W., 327. - - Washington, Col., expedition against Navajos, 396. - - Washington, Geo., on the Dighton Rock, 104. - - Washington, D. C., as a centre of study in Amer. history, xvii. - - Water, proportion of, on the globe, 383. - - Watkinson Library, xii. - - Watrin, F., 326. - - Watson, P. B., _Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries_, 98. - - Watts, Robt., i. - - Weaving, art of, 420. - - Webb, Daniel, 370. - - Webb, Dr. T. H., 94. - - Webster, Noah, on the mounds, 398. - - Wedgwood, _Origin of language_, 422. - - Weeden, W. B., _Indian money_, 420. - - Wegner, G., _De Nav. Solomonæis_, 82. - - Weigel, T. O., xvii; - on De Bry, xxxii. - - Weights used by the Peruvians, 420. - - Weise, A. J., _Disc. of America_, 45, 98; - on Atlantis, 45. - - Weiser, Conrad, interpreter, 305; - his career, 305; - his papers, 305. - - Welch, L. B., _Prehistoric Relics_, 408. - - Welsh in America, 72. - _See_ Madoc. - - West India Island, Malay stock in, 82. - - Western Reserve Historical Soc., 407. - - Westropp, H. M., _Prehistoric Phases_, 412. - - Whately, Richard, _Polit. Economy_, 381; - _Origin of Civilization_, 381. - - Wheaton, Henry, _Northmen_, 93; - French version, 93. - - Wheeler, G. M., on the _Pueblos_, 395; - _U. S. Geol. Survey_, 396, 440. - - Wheelock, Eleazer, his charity school, 322; - founds Dartmouth College, 322; - _Indian Charity School_, 322; - memoir, 322. - - Whipple, Report on the Indian tribes, in _Pacific R. R. Repts._, 396. - - White’s drawings in Hariot’s _Virginia_, xxxiii. - - White, John S., 62. - - Whitney, J. D., _Climatic Changes_, 69, 383; - searches in the Trenton gravels, 337; - on the neolithic man in the tertiary gravels, 350; - views the Calaveras skull, 385; - his accounts of it, 385; - _Auriferous Gravels_, 385; - _Human remains of the Gravel series_, 385; - disbelieves the precession of the equinoxes as affecting climate, - 387; - on the Trenton implements, 388; - _Geol. of Lake Superior_, 418. - - Whitney, W. D., _Language_, 74; - _Bearing of language on the Unity of Man_, 372; - _Testimony of language respecting the unity of the human race_, 422. - - Whitney, W. F., _Bones of the native races_, 373. - - Whittlesey, Col. Chas., on anc. hearths in the Ohio Valley, 389; - _Antiquity of Man in the U. S._, 391; - portraits, 399; - _Ancient Works in Ohio_, 399; - _Weapons of the Race of the Mounds_, 400; - on the Grave Creek tablet, 404; - on the Cincinnati tablet, 404; - surveys the Marietta mounds, 405; - on the Ohio mounds, 407, 408; - _Report_ on the archæology of Ohio, 407; - _Fugitive Essays_, 407; - surveys the Newark mounds, 408; - on Rock inscriptions, 410; - _Anc. mining at Lake Superior_, 418; - on anc. human remains in Ohio, 437. - - Wicksteed, P. H., 241, 431. - - Wiener, Charles, _Pérou et Bolivie_, 271; - _Le communisme des Incas_, 271; - _Les institutions de l’Empire des Incas_, 82, 271. - - Wieser, F., on Zoana Mela, 122. - - Wilde, Sir W. R., on lacustrine dwellings, 393. - - Wilder, B. G., on Jeffries Wyman, 392. - - Wilhelmi, K., _Island_, etc., 83, 96. - - Willes, Richard, edits Eden, xxiii. - - William of Worcester, 50. - - Williams, C. M., 80. - - Williams, G., _Guatemala_, 197. - - Williams, H. C., 410. - - Williams, H. L., 318. - - Williams, Helen M., translates Humboldt’s _Vues_, 271. - - Williams, Isaac, memoir, 319. - - Williams, John, _Prince Madog_, 110. - - Williams, Roger, on the Jews in America, 115; - _Key_, 423. - - Williams, S. W., on Fousang, 80. - - Williamson, Jos., on the Northmen in Maine, 97. - - Williamson, Peter, _Sufferings_, 318. - - Williamson on the Asiatic origin of Americans, 371. - - Williamson, _No. Carolina_, 93. - - Willson, Marcus, _American History_, 415. - - Wilson, Sir Daniel, _Lost Atlantis_, 46; - on Vinland, 97; - _Historic Footprints in America_, 97; - on Dighton Rock, 104; - on the exaggeration of Mexican splendor, 174; - on picture-writing, 198; - on the Huron-Iroquois, 322; - on the Canada tribes, 322; - _Certain Cranial Forms_, 373; - on the unity of man, 374; - _American Cranial Type_, 374; - portrait, 375; - _Prehistoric Annals of Scotland_, 376; - first used the word “prehistoric”, 376; - _Prehistoric Man_, 376, 379, 415; - _Pre-Aryan Amer. Man_, 377; - _Unwritten History_, 377; - _Interglacial Man_, 388; - on the moundbuilders, 402; - on the Grave Creek tablet, 404; - accepts the Cincinnati tablet, 404; - on Canadian mounds, 410; - on bone and ivory work, 417; - on American pottery, 419; - _Artistic faculty in the aborig. races_, 419; - _American Crania_, 437. - - Wilson, R. A., _New Conquest of Mexico_, 41, 174, 203. - - Wimmer, L. F. A., _Runenskriftens_, etc., 66. - - Winchell, Alex., on Atlantis, 45; - on the retrocession of the falls of St. Anthony, 382; - _Preadamites_, 379, 384. - - Winchell, N. H., _Geol. of Minnesota_, 333; - discovers rude implements, 345; - on copper mining, 418. - - Winsor, Justin, “Americana”, i; - “Early Descriptions of America”, etc., xix; - _Ptolemy’s Geography_, xxv; - “Pre-Columbian Explorations”, 59; - “Cartography of Greenland”, 117; - “Mexico and Central America”, 133; - sources of the history of the modern Indians, 316; - “Progress of Opinion respecting the Origin and Antiquity of Man in - America”, 369; - “Bibliog. of Aboriginal America”, 413; - “Comprehensive treatises on Amer. Antiquities”, 415; - “Industries and Trade of the American Aborigines”, 416; - “American Linguistics”, 421; - “American Myths and Religions”, 429; - “Archæological Museums and Periodicals”, 437; - _Calendar of the Sparks MSS._, 423. - - Winthrop, Jas., on Dighton Rock, 103, 104. - - Winthrop, John, the younger, 442. - - Winthrop, R. C., 437. - - Wisconsin Academy of Science, 438. - - Wisconsin, Indians, 327; - mounds in, 400, 408. - - Wiseman, Cardinal, _Lectures_, 372. - - Witchitas, vocabulary, 440. - - Withrow, W. H., on the last of the Hurons, 322; - on Jogues, 323. - - Witsen, Nic., _Tartarye_, 123, 370. - - Wittmack, L., on Peruvian plants found on graves, 273. - - Wollheim, A. E., _Nat. lit. der Scand._, 66, 88. - - Woodward, Ashbel, _Wampum_, 420. - - Workshops of stone chipping, 417. - - Wormskiold on the sites of the Greenland colonies, 108. - - Worsaae, J. A., _Vorgesch. des Nordens_, 85; - acc. of, 85; - _Prehistory of the North_, 62; - _L’organisation des Musées_, 444; - _Danes in England_, 61. - - Worsley, Israel, _View of the Amer. Indians_, 116. - - Worthen, A. H., 388. - - Wright, B. M., _Gold ornaments from the graves_, etc., 273. - - Wright, D. F., 410. - - Wright, Geo. F., on the antiq. of man in America, 340; - examines deposits in Delaware, 342; - _Man and the glacial period_, 388; - _Preglacial man in Ohio_, 388; - _Ohio gravel beds_, 388. - - Wright, Thomas, _St. Brandan_, 48. - - Wureland, 117. - - Wuttke, H., _Erdkunde_, 38, 49; - on the Atlantic islands, 47. - - Wuttke, _Gesch. der Schrift_, 205. - - Wyandots, 327. - - Wyhlandia, 117. - - Wyman, Jeffries, 439; on the Calaveras skull, 353; - portrait, 392; - investigates shell-heaps, 392; - death, 392; accounts of, 392; - on the Florida shell heaps, 393; - on the St. John River, 393. - - Wyman, W. H., on Quaritch, xvi; - _Bibliog. of Printing_, xvi. - - Wynne, _Private Libraries of N. Y._, x, xviii. - - Wyoming Hist. and Geol. Soc., 438. - - - XAHILA, F. E. A., 167. - - Xenophanes, 6. - - Xeres, on Peru, xxxvii. - - Xibalba, 134; held to be Palenqué, 135; - Brinton’s view, 135. - - Xicalancas, 136. - - Xicaques, 169. - - Ximenes, Francisco, 155; - finds the _Popul Vuh_, 166. - - Ximenes, _Gnomone fioretino_, 51. - - Xinca Indians, 428. - - Xochicalco, 180. - - Xochimilca conquered, 147. - - Xoloc founded, 142. - - Xolotl, 162. - - Xuares, Juan, 155. - - - YAHAMA LANGUAGE, 425. - - Yahuar-huaccac, 229. - - Yaqui, 135. - - Yarrow, H. C., _Mortuary Customs_, 328, 440; - on mound-burials, 408. - - Yates and Moulton, _New York_, 104. - - Yca, 277. - - Youmans, Eliza H., 411. - - Yucatan. - _See_ Mayas; - difficulty of the chronology, 152; - the Perez MS., 153; - sources, 164; - scant material, 164; - Barendt’s collection, 164; - ruins, 185; - early described, 186; - seen by Stephens, 186; - ancient records, 187; - architecture, 188; - Charnay’s map, 188; - other maps, 188; - age of the ruins, 191; - types of heads, 195; - bas-relief, 208; - had an Ethiopian stock, 370; - crucible for melting copper used, 418; - folk-lore, 434. - - Yucay, 247. - - Yuma language, 426. - - Yuncas, 227; - grammar of, 280. - - Yupanqui, Inca, his portrait, 228; - in power, 230; - called Pachacutec, 230. - - - ZABOROWSKI, _L’homme préhistorique_, 412. - - Zacatecas, 183. - - Zach, _Correspondenz_, 41. - - Zachila, 184. - - Zahrtmann on the Zeni, 112. - - Zamná, 152, 434. - - Zani, Count V., 205. - - Zapaña, 229. - - Zapata, MS. Hist. of Tlaxcalla, 162; - _Cronica de Tlaxcallan_, 164. - - Zapotecs, 146, 149. - - Zaragoza, Justo, 167, 444. - - Zarate, Augustin de, _Prov. del Peru_, 261. - - Zavala, L. de, on Uxmal, 186. - - Zayi, ruins, 188. - - Zegarra, G. P., _Ollantay_, 281, 282. - - Zegarra, Pedro, 281; - _Ollantay_, 425. - - Zeisberger, David, missionary, 423; - _Indian Dictionary_, 423; - on a Delaware grammar, 437. - - _Zeitschrift für die Anthropologie_, 443. - - _Zeitschrift für physische Aerzte_, 443. - - Zeller, _Gesch. der Griech. Philosophie_, 36. - - Zeni, brothers, xxviii, xxxiv, xxxvi; - northern voyage, 72, 111; - bibliog., 115; - _Dei Commentarii del Viaggio_, 73; - fac-simile of title, etc., 70, 71; - their map perhaps used by Bordone, 73; - it made an impression, 74, 128; - history of the belief in their voyage, 111; - the map, 111, 112, 114; - fac-simile of, 11, 127; - altered in Ptolemy, 111, 114; - facsimiles of this alteration, 111, 128; - maps possibly to be used by the young Zeno, 114, 126; - map compared with that of Olaus Magnus, 126; - condition of northern cartography at the date of the Zeno - publication, 126, 127. - - Zerffi, _Hist. development of art_, 416. - - Zestermann, C. A. A., _Colonization of America_, 60, 83. - - Ziegler, America, xxxiii, 125. - - Zoana Mela, 122. - - Zorzi, Pæsi Nov., xix. - - Zumárraga, Bp., orders a collection of traditions, 164; - _Hist. de los Mexicanos_, 164; - _Codex Zumárraga_, 164; - his alleged destruction of MSS., 203. - - Zuñi, representatives of the cliff dwellers, 395; - references on, 396; - visits to, 396. - - Zurita, A. de, on the Quiches, 168; - _Rapport_, 153; - character of, 153. - - Zurla, Cardinal, on the Zeni, 112; - _Dissertazione_, 112; - _Di Marco Polo_, 47, 112; - _Fra Mauro_, 47. - - Zutigils, 152. - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Herrera failed to add a list of authors to the original edition of -his _Historia_ (1601-1615), but one of about thirty-three entries is -found in later editions. - -[2] See Vol. IV. p. 417. - -[3] Sabin, vol. x. no. 40,053; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 347; -Rich (1832), no. 188; Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide to American -Literature_, p. viii; Murphy, no. 1,471. - -[4] _Dictionary_, vol. ii. no. 5,102. - -[5] For an account of a likeness, see J. C. Smith’s _British Mezzotint -Portraits_, iv. no. 1,694. - -[6] The book, of which 250 copies only were printed, is rare, and -Quaritch prices it at £3 (Sabin, vol. ix. no. 37,447). It preserves -some titles which are not otherwise known; and represents a library -which Kennett had gathered for presentation to the Society for the -Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Rich (_Bibl. Amer. nova_, -i. 21) says the index was made by Robert Watts. Although Stevens -(Historical Collections, i. 142) says that the books were dispersed, -the library is still in existence in London, though it lacks many -titles given in the printed catalogue, and shows others not in that -volume. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xx. 274; Allibone, ii. 1020; -James Jackson’s _Bibliographies géographiques_ (Paris, 1881), no. 606; -Trübner’s _Bibliographical Guide_, p. ix; Sabin, _Bibliography of -Bibliographies_, p. lxxxvii. - -[7] _Memorial History of Boston_, vol. i. pp. xviii, xix; vol. ii. pp. -221, 426. - -[8] The original edition was Valencia, 1607. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. -52. - -[9] _Catalogue_ (1832), no. 188. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 568; -Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. ix; Sabin, vol. i. no. 3,349. The -portion on America is in vol. ii. - -[10] For example, the Champlain of 1613, 3 fr.; that of 1632, 4 fr.; 21 -volumes of the _Relations_ of the Jesuits, 18 fr. - -[11] Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. ii. no. 5,198; and _Bibliography of -Bibliographies_, p. xviii; _Hist. Mag._, i. 57; and Allibone, ii. 1764, -who calls him Reid, an American resident in London, and says he issued -the bibliography as preparatory to a history of America. Jackson’s -_Bibliographies géographiques_, no. 611, and Trübner, _Bibliographical -Guide_, p. x, call it by the name of the publisher, Debrett. - -[12] Jackson’s _Bibliographies géographiques_, no. 621. - -[13] Jackson, _Bibliographies géographiques_, no. 612; _Serapeum_ -(1845), p. 223; Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xxv. - -[14] Sparks, _Catalogue_, no. 1,635; Jackson’s _Bibliographies -géographiques_, no. 613; Trübner, p. xxv. - -[15] _History of Mexico_, iii. 512, where is an account of Alcedo’s -historical labors. - -[16] Sparks, _Catalogue_, no. 1,635 _a_, and p. 230. - -[17] Sabin, _Bibliography of Bibliographies_, p. xxiv; H. H. Bancroft, -_Central America_, ii. 700, 760. - -[18] Quincy’s _Harvard University_, ii. 413, 596. It is noteworthy, -in view of so rich an accession coming from Germany, that Grahame, -the historian of our colonial period, says that in 1825 he found the -University Library at Göttingen richer in books for his purpose than -all the libraries of Britain joined together. - -[19] This collection is also embraced in the Catalogue of the College -Library already referred to. Mr. Warden began the collection of -another library, which he used while writing the American part (10 -vols.) of the _Art de vérifier des Dates_, Paris, 1826-1844, and which -(1,118 works) was afterward sold to the State Library at Albany for -$4,000. Dr. Henry A. Homes, the librarian at Albany, informs me that -when arranged it made twenty-one hundred and twenty-three volumes. -Warden’s _Bibliotheca Americana_, Paris, 1831, reprinted at Paris in -1840, is a catalogue of this collection. Mr. Warden died in 1845, -aged 67. Cf. Ludewig in the _Serapeum_, 1845, p. 209; Muller, _Books -on America_ (1872), no. 1734; Allibone, iii. 2,579; S. G. Goodrich, -_Recollections_, ii. 243; Jackson’s _Bibl. Géog._, nos. 617, 618; -Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xiv. There was a final sale of Mr. -Warden’s books by Horatio Hill, in New York, in 1846. - -[20] This portrait of one of the earliest contributors to the -bibliography of American history follows an engraving in the -_Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden_, May, 1800, p. 395. Ebeling was -born Nov. 20, 1741, and died June 30, 1817, and his own contributions -to American History were— - -(_a_) _Amerikanische Bibliothek_ (Zwei Stücke), Leipzig, 1777. - -(_b_) _Erdbescreibung und Geschichte von America_, Hamburg, 1795-1816, -in seven vols.; the author’s interleaved copy, with manuscript notes, -is in Harvard College Library. - -(_c_) With Professor Hegewisch, _Americanisches Magazin_, Hamburg, 1797. - -There are other likenesses,—one a large lithograph published at -Hamburgh; the other a small profile by C. H. Kniep. Both are in the -collection of the American Antiquarian Society. - -[21] This collection was offered to Congress for purchase through -Edward Everett in December, 1827. The printed list, with nearly a -hundred entries for manuscripts and three hundred and eighty-nine for -printed books, covering the years 1506-1825, was printed as Document -37 of the 1st session of the 20th Congress. The sale was not effected. -Rich had been able to gather the books at moderate cost because of the -troubled political state of the peninsula. Trübner, _Bibliographical -Guide_, p. xv. - -[22] _Dictionary_, ii. 1788. - -[23] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xxix. - -[24] Dibdin (_Library Companion_, edition 1825, p. 467) refers to -this spirit, hoping it would lead to a new edition of White Kennett, -perfected to date. - -[25] _Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_ (London, 1842), now a part of the -British Museum. - -[26] Sabin, _Bibliog. of Bibliog._, p. cxxi; Allibone, _Dictionary_, -p. 1787; Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide to American Literature_, -Introduction, p. xiv; Jackson’s _Bibl. Géog._, no. 623, etc.; _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, i. 395; _Historical Magazine_, iii. 75; _Menzies -Catalogue_, no. 1,690; Ternaux-Compans, _Bibliothèque Américaine_, -Preface. Puttick and Simpson’s _Catalogues_, London, June 25, 1850, and -March, April, and May, 1872, note some of his books, besides manuscript -bibliographies. - -After Mr. Rich’s death Mr. Edward G. Allen took the business, and -issued various catalogues of books on America in 1857-1871. Cf. -Jackson’s _Bibliog. Géog._, nos. 677-682. - -[27] See Vol. III. p. 159. The catalogue, being without date, is -sometimes given later than 1833. Cf. Jackson, _Bibliog. Géog._, no. -636; and no. 690. A new _Rough List_ of the Barlow Collection was -printed in 1885. - -[28] _Magazine of American History_, iii. 177. This library was sold in -November, 1836, as Raetzel’s; the numbers 908-2,117 concerned America. -Trübner (_Bibliographical Guide_, p. xviii) says the collection was -formed by Ternaux probably with an ultimate view to sale. Ternaux did -not die till December, 1864. - -[29] Now worth 40 or 50 francs. - -[30] Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xvi. - -[31] See Vol. IV. p. 367. Cf. also Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, -p. xviii; and Daniel’s _Nos Gloires Nationales_, where will be found a -portrait of Faribault. - -[32] Sabin, x. nos. 42, 644-42, 645. - -[33] Sabin, x. 42, 643; Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xxi. - -[34] _Historical Magazine_, xii. 145; Allibone, ii. p. 1142. The sale -of Mr. Ludewig’s library (1,380 entries) took place in New York in 1858. - -[35] In his _Verrazano_, p. 5. - -[36] Cf. also D’Avezac in his _Waltzemüller_, p. 4. - -[37] Sabin, viii. p. 107; Jackson, _Bibliog. Géog._, no. 696. The -edition was four hundred copies. - -[38] An error traced to the proof-reader, it is said in Sabin’s -_Bibliog. of Bibliog._, p. lxxiv. - -[39] Stevens noticed this defence by reiterating his charges in a note -in his _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870, no. 860. - -[40] Vol. IV. p. 366. - -[41] Sabin, _Bibliography of Bibliographies_, p. lxxv. - -[42] _Grandeur et décadence de la Colombine_, Paris, 1885. - -[43] _J. J. Cooke Catalogue_, no. 2,214; _Griswold Catalogue_, nos. -730, 731. The editions were fifty copies on large paper, two hundred -on small. It may be worth record that Gowan, a publisher in New York, -was the earliest (1846) to instigate a taste for large paper copies -among American collectors, by printing in that style Furman’s edition -of Denton’s _Description of New York_, after the manner of the English -purveyors to book-fancying. - -[44] See _Proceedings of the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society_, -Philadelphia, 1881, p. 28. - -[45] Mr. Wilberforce Eames is the new editor. A list of the catalogues -prepared by Mr. Sabin is given in his _Bibliography of Bibliographies_, -p. cxxiv, etc. - -[46] The German translation, _Kritische Untersuchungen_, was made by J. -I. Ideler, Berlin, 1852, in 3 vols. It has an index, which the French -edition lacks. - -[47] Sabin, viii. 539. The edition of Paris, without date, called -_Histoire de la géographie du nouveau continent_, is the same, with -a new title and an introduction of four pages, La Cosa’s map being -omitted. - -[48] _Verrazano_, p. 4. - -[49] In his _Cosmos_ Humboldt gives results, which he says are reached -in his unpublished sixth volume of the _Examen critique_. - -[50] The Humboldt Library was burned in London in June, 1865. Nearly -all of the catalogues were destroyed at the same time; but a few large -paper copies were saved, which, being perfected with a new title -(London, 1878), have since been offered by Stevens for sale. Portions -of the introduction to it are also used in an article by Stevens on -Humboldt, in the _Journal of Sciences and Arts_ January, 1870. Various -of Humboldt’s manuscripts on American matters are advertised in -Stargardt’s _Amerika und Orient_, no. 135, p. 3 (Berlin, 1881). - -[51] Cf. _Historical Magazine_, vol. ix. no. 335; _Magazine of American -History_, vol. ii. pp. 193, 221, 565; _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, -1868. Colonel Force died in January, 1868. - -[52] Mr. Sparks died March 14, 1866. Tributes were paid to his memory -by distinguished associates in the Massachusetts Historical Society -(_Proceedings_, ix. 157), and Dr. George E. Ellis reported to them a -full and appreciative memoir (_Proceedings_, x. 211). Cf. also _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc._, March, 1866; _Historical Magazine_, May, 1866; -Brantz Mayer before the Maryland Historical Society, 1867, etc. - -[53] Cf. _Historical Magazine_, vol. ix. p. 137. - -[54] The principal interpreter of the Indian languages of the temperate -parts of North America has been Dr. J. Hammond Trumbull, of Hartford, -for whose labor in the bibliography of the subject see a chapter in -vol i. of the _Memorial History of Boston_. There is also a collection -edited by him, of books in and upon the Indian languages, in the -_Brinley Catalogue_, iii. 123-145. He gave in the _Proceedings_ of -the American Antiquarian Society, and also separately in 1874, a list -of books in the Indian languages, printed at Cambridge and Boston, -1653-1721 (Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,571). Cf. also Ludewig’s -_Literature of American Aboriginal Languages_, mentioned on an -earlier page. It was edited and corrected by William W. Turner. (Cf. -_Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 565; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. -959). - -Icazbalceta published in 1866, at Mexico, a list of the writers on the -languages of America; and Romero made a similar enumeration of those of -Mexico, in 1862, in the _Boletin de la Sociedad Mexicana de Geografia_, -vol. viii. Dr. Daniel G. Brinton has made a good introduction to the -literary history of the native Americans in his _Aboriginal American -Authors_, published by him at Philadelphia in 1883. For his own -linguistic contributions, see Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 187, -etc. One of the earliest enumerations of linguistic titles can be -picked out of the list which Boturini Benaduci, in 1746, appended to -his _Idea de una nueva historia general de la America septentrional_. - -The most extensive enumeration of the literature of all the North -American tongues is doubtless to be the _Bibliography of North American -Linguistics_, which is preparing by Mr. James C. Pilling of the Bureau -of Ethnology in Washington, and which will be published in due time -by that bureau. A preliminary issue (100 copies) for corrections is -called _Proof-sheets of a Bibliography of the Indian Languages of North -America_ (pp. xl, 1135). - -The _Bibliotheca Americana_ of Leclerc (Paris, 1879) affords many -titles to which a preliminary “Table des Divisions” affords an index, -and most of them are grouped under the heading “Linguistique,” p. 537, -etc. The third volume of H. H. Bancroft’s Native Races, particularly -in its notes, is a necessary aid in this study; and a convenient -summary of the whole subject will be found in chapter x. of John T. -Short’s _North Americans of Antiquity_. J. C. E. Buschmann has been -an ardent laborer in this field; the bibliographies give his printed -works (Field’s _Indian Bibliography_, p. 208, etc.), and Stargardt’s -_Catalogue_ (no. 135, p. 6) shows some of his manuscripts. The Comte -Hyacinthe de Charencey has for some years, from time to time, printed -various minor monographs on these subjects; and in 1883 he collected -his views in a volume of _Mélanges de philologie et de paléographie -Américaines_. - -The Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his _Bibliothèque -Mexico-Guatemalienne_ (Leclerc, nos. 81, 1,084), has given for -Central America a very excellent list of the works on the linguistics -of the natives, which are all contained also in the _Catalogue_ -of the Pinart-Brasseur sale, which took place in Paris in January -and February, 1884. Cf. the paper on Brasseur by Dr. Brinton, in -_Lippincott’s Magazine_, vol. i.; and the enumeration of his numerous -writings in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, ii. 7,420; also Leclerc, Field, and -Bancroft. - -Dr. Félix C. Y. Sobron’s _Los Idiomas de la America Latina,—Estudios -Biografico-bibliograficos_, published a few years since at Madrid, -gives, according to Dr. Brinton, extended notices of several rare -volumes; but on the whole the book is neither exhaustive nor very -accurate. - -Julius Platzmann’s _Verzeichniss einer Auswahl Amerikanischer -Grammatiken_, etc. (Leipsic, 1876), is a small but excellent list, with -proper notes. These bibliographies will show the now numerous works -upon the aboriginal tongues, their construction and their fruits. - -There are several important series interesting to the student, which -are found in the catalogues. Such are the _Bibliothèque linguistique -Américaine_, published in seven volumes by Maisonneuve in Paris -(Leclerc, no. 2,674); the _Coleccion de linguistica y etnografía -Americanas_, or _Bibliothèque de linguistique et d’Ethnographie -Américaines_, 1875, etc., edited by A. L. Pinart; the _Library of -American Linguistics_, in thirteen volumes, edited by Dr. John G. Shea -(Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, vol. iii. no. 5,631; Field, no. 1,396); -_Brinton’s Library of Aboriginal American Literature_, published by Dr. -D. G. Brinton in Philadelphia; and Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Collection -de documents dans les langues indigènes_, Paris, 1861-1864, in four -volumes (cf. Field, p. 175). - -The earliest work printed exclusively in a native language was the -_Catecismo de la Doctrina Cristiana en lengua Timuiquana_, published at -Mexico in 1617 (cf. Sabin, vol. xiv. no. 58,580; Finotti, p. 14). This -is the statement often made; but Mr. Pilling refers me to references -in Icazbalceta’s _Zumárraga_ (vol. 1. p. 200) to an earlier edition -of about 1547; and in the same author’s _Bibliografia Mexicana_ (p. -32), to one of 1553. Molina’s _Vocabulario de la lengua Castellana y -Mexicana_, placing the Nahuatl and Castilian in connection, was printed -at Mexico in 1555. The book is very rare, five or six copies only being -known; and Quaritch has priced an imperfect copy at £72 (Quaritch, -_Bibliog. Géog. linguistica_, 1879, no. 12,616; Carter-Brown, vol. i. -no. 206; _Brinley Catalogue_, vol. iii. no, 5,771). The edition of 1571 -is also rare (_Pinart-Brasseur Catalogue_, no. 630; Carter-Brown, vol. -i. nos. 285, 286; Quaritch, 1879, no. 12,617). The first edition of -Molina’s Aztec grammar, _Arte de la lengua Mexicana y Castellana_, was -published the same year (1571). Quaritch (1879, no. 12,615) prices this -at £52 10_s._ Cf. also Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 284. One of the chief -of the more recent studies of the linguistics of Mexico is Francisco -Pimentel’s _Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de las lenguas indigenas -de México_, Mexico, 1862-1865; and second edition in 1874-1875. - -This subject has other treatment later in the present volume. - -[55] It included two thousand and thirty-four items, ninety-four of -which were Mr. Squier’s own works. - -[56] Vol. II. p. 578. - -[57] He says that up to 1881 he had gathered 35,000 volumes, at a cost -of $300,000, exclusive of time and travelling expenses. His manuscripts -embraced 1,200 volumes. The annual growth of his library is still 1,000 -volumes. - -[58] One twelfth of the earth’s surface, as he says. - -[59] Cf. account of Maximilian’s library in the _Bookworm_ (1869), p. -14. - -[60] These biographical data are derived from a tract given out by -himself which he calls _A brief account of the literary undertakings -of Hubert Howe Bancroft_ (San Francisco, A. L. Bancroft & Co. [his own -business house], 1882, 8vo, pp. 12). Other accounts of his library will -be found in the _American Bibliopolist_, vii. 44; and in Apponyi’s -_Libraries of California_, 1878. Descriptions of the library and of the -brick building (built in 1881) which holds it, and of his organized -methods, have occasionally appeared in the _Overland Monthly_ and in -other serial issues of California, as well as in those of the Atlantic -cities. He has been free to make public the most which is known -regarding his work. He says that the grouping and separating of his -material has been done mostly by others, who have also written fully -one half of the text of what he does not hesitate to call _The Works -of Hubert Howe Bancroft_; and he leaves the reader to derive a correct -understanding of the case from his prefaces and illustrative tracts. -Cf. J. C. Derby’s _Fifty Years among authors, books, and publishers_ -(New York, 1884), p. 31. - -[61] Averaging twelve from that time to this; a hundred persons were -tried for every one ultimately retained as a valuable assistant,—is his -own statement. - -[62] At a cost, as he says, of $80,000 to 1882. - -[63] They appeared in _The Nation_ and in the _New York Independent_ -early in 1883. The first aimed to show that there were substantial -grounds for dissent from Mr. Bancroft’s views regarding the Aztec -civilization. The second ignored that point in controversy, and merely -proposed, as was stated, to test the “bibliographic value” which Mr. -Bancroft had claimed for his book, and to point out the failures of the -index plan and the vicarious system as employed by him. - -[64] Seemingly intended to make part of one of the later volumes of his -series, to be called _Essays and Miscellanies_. - -[65] With a general title (as following his _Native Races_) of _The -History of the Pacific States_, we are to have in twenty-eight volumes -the history of Central America, Mexico, North Mexico, New Mexico, -Arizona, California, Nevada, Utah, Northwest Coast, Oregon, Washington, -Idaho, Montana, British Columbia, and Alaska,—to be followed by six -volumes of allied subjects, not easily interwoven in the general -narrative, making thirty-nine volumes for the entire work. The volumes -are now appearing at the rate of three or four a year. - -[66] The list which is prefixed to the first volume of the _History -of California_, forming vol. xiii. of his Pacific States series, is -particularly indicative of the rich stores of his library, and greatly -eclipses the previous lists of Mr. A. S. Taylor, which appeared in -the _Sacramento Daily Union_, June 25, 1863 and March 13, 1866. Cf. -Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xxxix. A copy of Taylor’s pioneer -work, with his own corrections, is in Harvard College Library. Mr. -Bancroft speaks very ungraciously of it. - -[67] See Vol. IV., chap. i. p. 19. - -[68] Jackson, _Bibl. Géog._, no. 639; _Menzies Catalogue_, nos. 1,459, -1,460; Wynne’s _Private Libraries of New York_, p. 335. Mr. Murphy -died Dec. 1, 1882, aged seventy-two; and his collection, then very -much enlarged, was sold in March, 1884. Its _Catalogue_, edited by Mr. -John Russell Bartlett, shows one of the richest libraries of Americana -which has been given to public sale in America. It is accompanied by a -biographical sketch of its collector. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 22. - -[69] Cf. Wynne’s _Private Libraries of New York_, p. 106. Mr. Brevoort -died December 7, 1887. - -[70] Cf. Sabin, v. 283; Farnham’s _Private Libraries of Boston_. - -[71] February, 1880, aged eighty years. His father was Robert Lenox, -a Scotchman, who began business in New York in 1783, and retired in -1812 with a large fortune, including a farm of thirty acres, worth -then about $6,000, and to-day $10,000,000,—if such figures can be made -accurate. Cf. also Charles Deane in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, -1880. Henry Stevens’s _Recoll. of Lenox_ is conspicuous for what it -does not reveal. - -[72] The Lenox Library is now under the direction of the distinguished -American historical student, Dr. George H. Moore, so long in charge of -the New York Historical Society’s library. Cf. an account of Dr. Moore -by Howard Crosby in the _Historical Magazine_, vol. xvii. (January, -1870). The officer in immediate charge of the library is Dr. S. Austin -Allibone, well known for his _Dictionary of Authors_. - -[73] Mr. Bartlett was early in life a dealer in books in New York; and -the Americana catalogues of Bartlett and Welford, forty years ago, were -among the best of dealers’ lists. Jackson’s _Bibl. Géog._, no. 641. - -[74] The field of Americana before 1800 has been so nearly exhausted -in its composition, that recent purchases have been made in other -departments, particularly of costly books on the fine arts. - -[75] Cf. Vol. III. p. 380. - -[76] Because Greenland in the map of the Ptolemy of this year is laid -down. The slightest reference to America in books of the sixteenth -century have entitled them to admission. - -[77] The book purports to have been printed in one hundred copies; but -not more than half that number, it is said, have been distributed. -Some copies have a title reading, _Bibliographical notices of rare -and curious books relating to America, printed in the fifteenth and -sixteenth centuries, in the library of the late John Carter Brown, by -John Russell Bartlett_. - -[78] Sir Arthur Helps, in referring to the assistance he had got from -books sent to him from America, and from this library in particular, -says: “As far as I have been able to judge, the American collectors of -books are exceedingly liberal and courteous in the use of them, and -seem really to understand what the object should be in forming a great -library.” _Spanish Conquest_, American edition, p. 122. - -[79] Cf. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, October, 1875. - -[80] Dr. Trumbull himself has been a keen collector of books on -American history, particularly in illustration of his special study -of aboriginal linguistics; while his influence has not been unfelt in -the forming of the Watkinson Library, and of that of the Connecticut -Historical Society, both at Hartford. - -[81] The first sale—there are to be four—took place in March, 1878, -and illustrated a new device in testamentary bequests. Mr. Brinley -devised to certain libraries the sum of several thousand dollars each, -to be used to their credit for purchases made at the public sale of his -books. The result was a competition that carried the aggregate of the -sales, it is computed, as much beyond the sum which might otherwise -have been obtained, as was the amount devised,—thus impairing in -no degree the estate for the heirs, and securing credit for public -bequests. The scheme has been followed in the sale of the library (the -third part of which was Americana, largely from the Menzies library) of -the late J. J. Cooke, of Providence, with an equivalent appreciation -of the prices of the books. It is a question if the interests of the -libraries benefited are advanced by such artificial stimulation of -prices, which a factitious competition helps to make permanent. - -[82] _American Bibliopolist_, viii. 128; Wynne’s _Private Libraries of -New York_, p. 318. The collection was not exclusively American. - -[83] Memoir of Mr. Crowninshield, by Charles Deane, in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xvii. 356. Mr. Stevens is said to have given about $9,500 -for the library. It was sold in various parts, the more extensive -portion in July, 1860. Allibone, vol. ii. p. 2,248. - -[84] This collection—which Mr. Allan is said to have held at -$15,000—brought $39,000 at auction after his death. - -[85] Another catalogue rich in pamphlets relating to America is that of -Albert G. Greene, New York, 18339. - -[86] The _Catalogue_ is more correctly printed than the _Essay_. Sabin, -_Bibliog. of Bibliog._, p. cxxv. - -[87] _Bibliotheca Mejicana, a collection of books relating to Mexico, -and North and South America_; sold by Puttick & Simpson in London, -June, 1869. (About 3,000 titles.) - -[88] Jackson, _Bibl. Géog._, nos. 844, 845. - -[89] _Catalogue de la collection précieuse de livres anciens et -modernes formant la Bibliothèque de feu M. Serge Sobolewski (de -Moscou)_ Leipsic, 1873. - -[90] _Bibliotheca Sunderlandiana. Sale Catalogue of the Sunderland or -Blenheim Library. Five Parts._ London, 1881-1883. (13,858 nos.) - -[91] _Catalogue de livres rares et précieux, manuscrits et imprimés, -principalement sur l’Amérique et sur les langues du monde entier, -composant la bibliothèque de Alphonse L. Pinart, et comprenant en -totalité la bibliothèque Mexico-Guatémalienne de M. l’abbé Brasseur de -Bourbourg._ Paris, 1883. viii. 248 pp. 8º. - -[92] _Catalogue de la précieuse bibliothèque de feu M. le Docteur J. -Court, comprenant une collection unique de voyageurs et d’historiens -relatifs à l’Amérique. Première partie._ Paris, 1884. (458 nos.) - -[93] There is an account of his family antecedents, well spiced as his -wont is, in the introduction to his _Bibliotheca Historica_, 1870. - -[94] Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide to American Literature_ (1859), p. -iv.; _North American Review_, July, 1850, p. 205, by George Livermore. - -[95] Allibone, ii. 2247-2248. - -[96] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 49,961. - -[97] Stevens, _Historical Collections_, i. 874. It was ostensibly made -in preparation for his projected _Bibliographia Americana_. - -[98] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 90; Allibone, vol. ii. p. -2248. - -[99] Allibone, ii. 2248; _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 875; -_Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), no. 1,974. - -[100] Allibone, ii. 2248; _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 878. - -[101] It was first published, less perfectly, in the _American -Journal of Science_, vol. xcviii. p. 299; and of the separate issue -seventy-five copies only were printed. _Bibliotheca Historica_ (1870), -no. 1,976. It was also issued as a part of a volume on the proposed -_Tehuantepec Railway_, prepared by his brother, Simon Stevens, and -published by the Appletons of New York the same year. _Ibid._ no. -1,977; _Historical Collections_, vol. i. nos. 894-895; Allibone, vol. -ii. p. 2348, nos. 17, 18, 19. - -[102] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 897. - -[103] It is a droll fancy of his to call his bookshop the “Nuggetory;” -to append to his name “G. M. B.,” for Green Mountain Boy; and even -to parade in a similar titular fashion his rejection at a London -Club,—“Bk-bld—Ath.-Cl.” - -[104] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 898. - -[105] _Historical Collections_, vol. i. no. 899. - -[106] The public is largely indebted to the efforts of Mr. Theodore F. -Dwight, the librarian and keeper of the Archives of the Department of -State at Washington, for the ultimate success of the endeavor to secure -these manuscripts to the nation. Mr. Stevens had lately (1885) formed a -copartnership with his son, Mr. Henry N. Stevens, and had begun a new -series of Catalogues, of which No. 1 gives his own publications, and -No. 2 is a bibliography of New Hampshire History. He died in London, -February 28, 1886. - -[107] _N. E. Hist. and Geneal. Reg._, 1863, p. 203. Dr. Homes, of -Albany, is confident Joseph Bumstead was earlier in Boston than Mr. -Drake. The _Boston Directory_ represents him as a printer in 1800, and -as a bookseller after 1816. - -[108] His earliest catalogue appeared in 1842, as of his private -library. Sabin’s _Bibl. of Bibl._, p. xlix. A collection announced for -sale in Boston in 1845 was withdrawn after the catalogue was printed, -having been sold to the Connecticut Historical Society for $4,000. -At one time he amassed a large collection of American school-books -to illustrate our educational history. They were bought (about four -hundred in all) by the British Museum. - -[109] Cf. Jackson’s _Bibl. Géog._, no. 684, and pp. 185, 199. Also see -Vol. III. 361. - -[110] His catalogues are spiced with annotations signed “Western -Memorabilia.” Sabin (_Dictionary_, vii. 369) quotes the saying -of a rival regarding Gowans’s catalogues, that their notes “were -distinguished by much originality, some personality, and not a little -bad grammar.” His shop and its master are drawn in F. B. Perkins’s -_Scrope, or the Lost Library_. _A Novel_. Mr. Gowans died in November, -1870, at sixty-seven, leaving a stock, it is said, of 250,000 bound -volumes, besides a pamphlet collection of enormous extent. Mr. W. C. -Prime told the story of his life, genially, in _Harper’s Magazine_ -(1872), in an article on “Old Books in New York.” Speaking of his -stock, Mr. Prime says: “There were many more valuable collections in -the hands of booksellers, but none so large, and probably none so -wholly without arrangement.” Mr. Gowans was a Scotchman by birth, and -came to America in 1821. After a varied experience on a Mississippi -flat-boat, he came to New York, and in 1827 began life afresh as a -bookseller’s clerk. Cf. _American Bibliopolist_, January, 1871, p. 5. - -[111] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xxx. - -[112] Jackson, _Bibl. Géog._, nos. 670-676. - -[113] Jackson, no. 687. See Vol. IV. p. 435. Munsell issued privately, -in 1872, a catalogue of the works printed by him. Sabin, _Bibl. of -Bibl._, p. cv. Cf. a _Biographical Sketch of Joel Munsell, by George -R. Howell, with a Genealogy of the Munsell Family, by Frank Munsell_. -Boston, 1880. This was printed (16 pp.) for the New England Historic -Genealogical Society. - -[114] Jackson, no. 669. - -[115] They have been issued in 1869, 1871, 1873, 1876, 1877, 1878, -1879, 1883. Jackson, nos. 705-711. Lesser lists have been issued -in Cincinnati by William Dodge. The chief dealer in Americana in -Boston, who issues catalogues, is, at the present time, Mr. George E. -Littlefield. - -[116] Another is now in progress. - -[117] With these canons Mr. Quaritch’s prices can be understood. The -extent and character of his stock can be inferred from the fact that -his purchases at the Perkins sale (1873) amounted to £11,000; at the -Tite sale (1874), £9,500; at the Didot sales (1878-1879), £11,600; and -at the Sunderland sales (1883), £32,650, out of a total of £56,851. -At the recent sales of the Beckford and Hamilton collections, which -produced £86,444, over one half, or £44,105, went to Mr. Quaritch. -These figures enable one to understand how, in a sense, Mr. Quaritch -commands the world’s market of choice books. A sketch, _B. Q., a -biographical and bibliographical Fragment_ (1880, 25 copies), in the -privately printed series of monographs issued to a club in London, of -which Mr. Quaritch is president, called “The Sette of Odd Volumes,” -has supplied the above data. The sketch is by C. W. H. Wyman, and -is also reprinted in his _Bibliography of Printing_, and in the -_Antiquarian Magazine and Bibliographer_, November, 1882. One of the -club’s “opuscula” (no. iii.) has an excellent likeness of Mr. Quaritch -prefixed. Cf. also the memoir and portrait in Bigmore and Wyman’s -_Bibliography of Printing_, ii. 230. - -[118] Jackson, nos. 643-649; Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. xix. - -[119] Mr. Trübner died in London March 30, 1884. Cf. memorial in -_The Library Chronicle_, April, 1884, p. 43, by W. E. A. Axon; -also a “Nekrolog” by Karl J. Trübner in the _Centralblatt für -Bibliothekswesen_, June, 1884, p. 240. - -[120] Cf. notice by Mr. Brevoort in _Magazine of American History_, iv. -230. - -[121] There is a paper on “Edwin Tross et ses publications relatives -à l’Amérique” in _Miscellanées bibliographiques_, Paris, 1878, p. 53, -giving a list of his imprints which concern America. - -[122] Jackson, nos. 689, 703, 717. - -[123] Vol. IV. chap. viii. editorial note. There is an account -of Muller and his bibliographical work in the _Centralblatt für -Bibliothekswesen_, November, 1884. - -[124] Jackson, nos. 650-654; Trübner, _Bibliographical Guide_, p. -xix; Sabin, _Bibliog. of Bibliog._, p. cv; Petzholdt, _Bibliotheca -Bibliographica_. - -[125] More or less help will be derived from the American portion of -the _Liste provisoire de bibliographies géographiques spéciales, par -James Jackson_, published in 1881 by the Société de Géographie de -Paris,—a book of which use has been made in the preceding pages. - -[126] See the chapter on the libraries of Boston in the _Memorial -History of Boston_, vol. iv. - -[127] The extent of Dr. Dexter’s library is evident from the signs -of possession which are so numerously scattered through the 7,250 -titles that constitute the exhaustive and very careful bibliography of -Congregationalism and the allied phases of religious history, which -forms an appendix to his _Congregationalism as seen in its Literature_, -New York, 1880. He explains in the Introduction to his volume the -wide scope which he intended to give to this list; and to show how -poorly off our largest public libraries in America are in the earliest -books illustrating this movement, he says that of the 1,000 earliest -titles which he gives, and which bear date between 1546 and 1644, he -found only 208 in American libraries. His arrangement of titles is -chronological, but he has a full name-index. - -The students of the early English colonies cannot fail to find -for certain phases of their history much help from Joseph -Smith’s _Descriptive Catalogue of Friends’ Books_, London, 1867; -his _Bibliotheca Anti-Quakeriana_, 1873; and his _Bibliotheca -Quakeristica_, a bibliography of miscellaneous literature relating to -the Friends, of which Part I. was issued in London in 1883. - -[128] The private library of George Bancroft is in Washington. It is -described as it existed some years ago in Wynne’s _Private Libraries of -New York_. - -[129] A book on the private libraries of San Francisco by Apponyi was -issued in 1878. - -[130] An account of the libraries of the various historical societies -in the United States is given in the _Public Libraries of the United -States_, issued by the Bureau of Education at Washington in 1876. - -[131] The title is quoted differently by different authorities. -Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 32, and _Additions_, no. 16; his -_Christophe Colomb_, i. 89; Humboldt, _Examen critique_, iv. 67; -Sabin, _Dictionary of Books relating to America_, x. 327; D’Avezac, -_Waltzemüller_, p. 79; Varnhagen, _Nouvelles Recherches_, p. 17; -Irving’s _Columbus_, app. ix. - -[132] See Vol. IV. p. 12. The editorship is in dispute,—whether Zorzi -or Montalboddo. The better opinion seems to be that Humboldt erred in -assigning it to Zorzi rather than to Montalboddo. Cf. Humboldt, _Examen -critique_; Brunet, v. 1155, 1158; Sabin, _Dictionary_, vol. xii. no. -50,050; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 80; Graesse, _Trésor_; Harrisse, -_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 48, 109, app. p. 469, and _Additions_, no. -26; _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_, October, 1857, p. 312; -Santarem’s _Vespucius_, Eng. tr., p. 73; Irving’s _Columbus_, app. -xxx.; Navarrete, _Opúsculos_, i. 101; Harrisse, _Christophe Colomb_, i. -89. There are copies of this 1507 edition in the Lenox and Carter-Brown -libraries, and in the Grenville Library; and one in the Beckford -sale, 1882 (no. 186), brought £270. Cf. also _Murphy Catalogue_, -no. 2,612[A], and _Catalogue de la précicuse bibliothèque de feu M. -le Docteur F. Court_ (Paris, 1884), no. 262. The _Paesi novamente -retrovati_ is shown in the chapter on the Cortereals in Vol. IV. to -be of importance in elucidating the somewhat obscure story of that -portion of the early Portuguese discoveries in North America. Since -Vol. IV. was printed, two important contributions to this study have -been made. One is the monograph of Henry Harrisse, _Les Cortereal et -leur voyages au Nouveau-monde. D’après des documents nouveaux ou peu -connus tirés des archives de Lisbonne et de Modène. Suivi du texte -inédit d’un recit de la troisième expédition de Gasper Cortereal et -d’une carte nautique portugaise de 1502 reproduite ici pour la première -jois. Mémoire lu à l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres -dans sa séance du 1er juin, 1883_, and published in Paris in 1883, -as Vol. III. of the _Recueil de voyages et de documents pour servir -à l’histoire de la géographie depuis le XIIIe jusqu’à la fin du XVIe -siècle_. The other is the excerpt from the _Archivo des Açores_, -which was drawn from that work by the editor, Ernesto do Canto, and -printed separately at Ponta Delgarda (S. Miguel) in an edition of one -hundred copies, under the title of _Os Corte-Reaes, memoria historica -accompanhada de muitos documentos ineditos_. Do Canto refers (p. 34) to -other monographs on the Portuguese discoveries in America as follows: -Sebastião Francisco Mendo Trigoso,—_Ensaio sobre os Descobrimentos e -Commercio dos Portuguezes em as Terras Septentrionaes da America_, -presented to the Lisbon Academy (1813), and published in their -_Memorias da Litteratura_, viii. 305. Joaquim José Gonçalves de Mattos -Corrêa,—_Acerca da prioridade das Descobertas feitas pelos portuguezes -nas costas orientaes da America do norte_, which was printed in -_Annaes maritimos e Coloniaes_, Lisbon, 1841, pp. 269-423. Luciano -Cordeiro,—_De la part prise par les Portugais dans le découverte de -l’Amerique_, Lisbon, 1876. This was a communication made to the Congrès -des Américanistes in 1875. Cf. Vol. IV. p. 15. - -[133] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 55; D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, -p. 80; Wieser, _Magalhâes-Strasse_, pp. 15, 17. There are copies in the -Lenox, Carter-Brown, Harvard College, and Cincinnati Public libraries. -The Beckford copy brought, in 1882, £78. Quaritch offered a copy in -1883 for £45. At the Potier sale, in 1870 (no. 1,791), a copy brought -2,015 francs; the same had brought 389 francs in 1844 at the Nodier -sale. _Livres payés en vente publique 1,000 francs et au dessus_, 1877, -p. 77. Cf. also Court, no. 263. - -[134] Only one copy in the United States, says Sabin. - -[135] In Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries; also in the Marciana and -Brera libraries. Leclerc in 1878 priced a copy at 1,000 francs. Cf. -Harrisse, no. 90, also p. 463, and _Additions_, no. 52; Sobolewski, no. -4,130; Brunet, v. 1158; Court, no. 264. - -[136] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,054; Leclerc, no. 2,583 (500 francs). -A copy was sold in London in March, 1883. There is a copy in the -Cincinnati Public Library. - -[137] Harrisse, no. 109; Sobolewski, no. 4,131; Carter-Brown, vol. i. -no. 68; Murphy, no. 2,617. - -[138] _Newe unbekanthe landte_ (Nuremberg, 1508), by Ruchamer; copies -are in the Lenox, Carter-Brown, Congress, and Cincinnati Public -libraries. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,056; Carter-Brown, vol. i. -no. 36; Harrisse, no. 57; Murphy, no. 2,613; Sobolewski, no. 4,069; -D’Avezac, _Waltzemüller_, p. 83; Rosenthal, _Catalogue_ (1884), no. 67, -at 1,000 marks. - -[139] _Nye unbekande Lande_ (1508), in Platt-Deutsch, by Henning -Ghetel, of Lubeck, following the German. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,057; -Harrisse, _Additions_, no. 29. The Carter-Brown copy (_Catalogue_, -vol. i. no. 37) cost about 1,000 marks at the Sobolewski (no. 4,070) -sale, when it was described as an “édition absolument inconnu jusqu’au -présent.” Mr. C. H. Kalbfleisch has since secured a copy at 3,000 -marks,—probably the copy advertised “as the second copy known,” by -Albert Cohn, of Berlin, in 1881, in his _Katalog_, vol. cxxxix. no. 27. -Cf. _Studi biografici e bibliografici della Società Italiana_, i. 219. - -[140] _Itinerariū Portugallēsiū e Lusitania in Indiā_ (Milan, 1508), -a Latin version by Archangelus Madrinanus, of Milan. Cf. D’Avezac, -_Waltzemüller_, p. 82; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,058; Harrisse, no. 58; -Sobolewski, no. 4,128; Muller (1870), no. 1,844. There are copies in -the Lenox, Barlow, Harvard College, Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. i. -no. 35), and Congressional libraries. The Beckford copy (no. 1,081) -brought £78. Sabin quotes Bolton Corney’s copy at £137. Copies have -been recently priced at £30, £36, and £45. A copy noted in the _Court -Catalogue_ (no. 177) differs from Harrisse’s collation. - -[141] _Sensuyt le nouveau mōde_, supposed to be 1515; some copies vary -in text. The Lenox Library has two varieties. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. nos. -50,059, 50,061; Harrisse, no. 83, and _Additions_, no. 46; D’Avezac, -_Waltzemüller_, p. 84. An edition of 1516 (_Le nouveau monde_) is in -the Carter-Brown and Lenox libraries (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,062; -Court, no. 248; Harrisse, no. 86; Sobolewski, no. 4,129). One placed -in 1521 (_Sensuyt le nouveau mōde_) is in Harvard College Library -(Harrisse, no. 111; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,063). Another (_Sensuyt -le nouveau monde_) is placed under 1528 (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 50,064; -Harrisse, no. 146, and _Additions_, no. 87). - -[142] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 50. Harrisse also gives a chapter to -Peter Martyr in his _Christophe Colomb_, i. 85. - -[143] See also the reference in Joannes Tritemius’ _De scriptoribus -ecclesiasticis_ (Cologne, 1546), pp. 481-482. There have been within -a few years two monographs upon Martyr:(1) Hermann A. Schumacher’s -_Petrus Martyr, der Geschichtsschreiber des Weltmeeres_ (New York, -1879); (2) Dr. Heinrich Heidenheimer’s _Petrus Martyr Anglerius und -sein Opus epistolarum_ (Berlin, 1881). This last writer gives a section -to his geographical studies. - -[144] Humboldt, _Examen critique_, ii. 279; Irving, _Columbus_, app.; -Prescott, _Ferdinand and Isabella_ (1873), ii. 74, and _Mexico_, -ii. 96; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, i. 312; Helps, _Spanish -Conquest_. Cf. Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, nos. 66 and 160. - -[145] Morelli’s edition of _Letter of Columbus_, 1810. - -[146] There is an examination of this edition on page 109 of Vol. II. - -[147] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 88; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, -vol. i. no. 50; Huth, p. 920; Brunet, i. 293; Murphy, no. 1,606; -Leclerc, no. 2,647 (600 francs); Stevens, _Nuggets_, £10 10_s._; -_Bibliotheca Grenvilliana_. There is a copy in Charles Deane’s -collection. Tross priced a copy in 1873 at 900 francs. - -[148] _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 61; Graesse, _Trésor_, i. -130; Sabin, i. 201, who says Rich put it under 1560. - -[149] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 62; _Additions_, p. 78. - -[150] _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 110. - -[151] There are copies in Harvard College and Carter-Brown libraries. -Cf. Sabin, i. 199; Leclerc, no. 24 (150 francs); Court, no. 13; -Murphy, no. 1,606[A]; Stevens, _Historical Collection_, i. 48; his -_Nuggets_, £2 2_s._ But recent prices have been £20 and £25; Brunet, -i. 294; Ternaux, no. 24; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,173. This tract -was reprinted in the _Novus orbis_ (Basle, 1532), and was appended -to the Antwerp edition (1536) of Brocard’s _Descriptio terræ sanctæ_ -(Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 218; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 117). -It is also in the _Novus orbis_ of Rotterdam, 1596 (Carter-Brown, vol. -i. no. 505). - -[152] There are copies in the Harvard College, Lenox, and Carter-Brown -libraries. It is very rare; a fair copy was priced in London, in 1881, -at £62. Cf. Brunet, i. 293; _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 94; -Sabin, i. 198; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 154; Murphy, no. -1,607; Court, no. 14. - -[153] The book is very rare. There is a copy in Harvard College -Library. A copy was priced in London at £36; but Quaritch holds -the Beckford copy (no. 2,275), in fine binding, at £148. Harrisse -(_Bill. Amer. Vet._, no. 167) errs in his description. Cf. Brunet, -i. 294; Sobolewski, no. 3,667; Sabin, i. 199; Huth, p. 920; Stevens, -_Historical Collections_, i. 48; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 99; Murphy, -no. 3,002; Court, no. 124. - -[154] Richard Eden’s copy of this book, with his annotations, -apparently used in making his translation of 1555, was sold in the -Brinley sale, no. 40, having been earlier in the Judge Davis sale in -1847 (no. 1,352). The first of the Stevens copies, in his sale of 1870 -(nos. 75, 1,234), is now in Mr. Deane’s library. There are also copies -in the Force (Library of Congress), Carter-Brown (_Catalogue_, vol. i. -no. 104), and Ticknor (_Catalogue_, p. 14) collections, and in Harvard -College Library. Cf. Sabin, i.; Stevens’s _Nuggets_, £1 11_s._ 6_d._; -Ternaux, no. 47; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 176; Muller (1877), -no. 2,031; Court, no. 15; Murphy, no. 1,608; Leclerc (1878), no. 25 (80 -francs); Quaritch, no. 11,628 (£3 10_s._; again, £5 5_s._); Sunderland, -vol. iv. no. 8,176 (£50). Priced in Germany at 60 and 100 marks. - -[155] Ramusio’s name does not appear, but D’Avezac thinks his -editorship is probable; cf. _Bulletin de la Société de Géographie_ -(1872), p. 11. There are copies in Harvard College, Carter-Brown, J. -C. Brevoort, H. C. Murphy, and Lenox libraries. For an account of a -map said to belong to it, see Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy_, -sub anno 1540. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 190; Stevens, _Historical -Collections_, vol. i. no. 344, and _Nuggets_, vol. ii. no. 1,808; -Murphy, no. 1,609; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,177; Carter-Brown, vol. -i. no. 107; Ternaux, no. 43; Court, no. 213. Ramusio also included -Martyr in the third volume of his _Navigationi_. Cf. the opinions of -Mr. Deane and Mr. Brevoort on the _Summario_ as given in Vol. III. p. -20. - -[156] Brunet, Graesse, Ternaux. - -[157] Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 214. - -[158] Vol. i. p. 199. - -[159] See Vol. III. p. 200; Murphy, no. 1,610. - -[160] The book is rare; the copy in the Menzies sale (no. 1,332) -brought $42.50. Cf. further in Vol. III. p. 204; also Cooke, no. 1,642. - -[161] It has three decades and three books of the “De Babylonica -legatione.” There are copies in Harvard College and the Carter-Brown -libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), no. 52; _Nuggets_, £1 10_s._ 6_d._; Sabin, -i. 201; Muller, (1877), no. 2,031; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 295; -Leclerc, no. 26 (80 francs); Harrassowitz, 35 marks; Quaritch, £1 5s. -and £1 16s.; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,178; O’Callaghan, no. 1,479; -Cooke, no. 1,641; Court, no. 16; Murphy, no. 1,611. - -[162] Graesse, i. 130; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 344; Stevens (1870), -no. 1,235. - -[163] The Sunderland copy (vol. iv. no. 8,179), with the map, brought -£24; a French catalogue advertised one with the map for 250 francs. -Without the map it is worth about $25. See further in Vol. III. p. 42; -also Murphy, no. 1,612; Cooke, no. 1,643; Court, no. 17. Hakluyt’s text -was used by Lok in making an English version (he adopted, however, -Eden’s text of the first three decades), which was printed as _De Novo -Orbe; or, the Historie of the West Indies_. Bibliographers differ about -the editions. One without date is held by some to have been printed in -1597 (White-Kennett; Field, _Indian Bibliography_, no. 1,013; Menzies, -no. 1,333, $35; Huth, p. 923); but others consider it the sheets of -the 1612 edition with a new title (see Vol. III. p. 47, Field, no. -1,014; Stevens, 1870, no. 1,236; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. -10; O’Callaghan, no. 1,481; Murphy, no. 1,612*; Carter-Brown, vol. i. -nos. 129, 130). There are copies of this 1612 edition in the Boston -Athenæum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown, and Massachusetts Historical -Society libraries; it is worth from $30 to $40. Mr. Deane’s edition of -1612 has a dedication to Julius Cæsar, the English jurist of that day, -which is not in the edition without date. See Vol. III. p. 47. The same -was reissued as a “second edition,” with a title dated 1628, of which -there is a copy in Harvard College Library (Field, no. 1,015; Stevens, -_Nuggets_, £4 14_s._ 6_d._; Menzies, no. 1,334; Griswold, no. 475; -Quaritch, £9 and £12). - -[164] Brunet, i. 294; Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 10; _Bibl. -Amer. Vet._, no. 160; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 93; Sunderland, vol. -iv. no. 8,174, (£61). There is also a copy in Harvard College Library. - -[165] Sabin, i. 200. Copy in Harvard College Library; it was printed at -the Elzevir Press (Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 11; Carter-Brown, -vol. ii. no. 1,036; Sunderland, vol. iv. no. 8,175). - -[166] Prescott’s copy is in Harvard College Library (_Ferdinand and -Isabella_, 1873, ii. 76). - -[167] Cf. Arana, _Bibliog. de obras anon._ (1882), no. 373. - -[168] There are copies of this Basle edition in the Boston Public, -Harvard College, Carter-Brown, Lenox, Astor, and Barlow libraries. -Münster’s map, of which an account is given elsewhere, is often -wanting; the price for a copy with the map has risen from a guinea -in Rich’s day (1832), to £5. Cf. Harrisse, no. 171; Leclerc, no. -411; Muller (1877), no. 1,301; Ternaux, no. 38; Sabin, vol. ix. no. -34,100; Court, no. 249. The Paris edition has the Orontius Finæus map -properly, though others are sometimes found in it. Cf. Harrisse, nos. -172, 173; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 102; Sabin, vol. ix. nos. 34,101, -34,102; Leclerc, nos. 412 (150 francs), 2,769; Stevens, _Bibliotheca -geographica_, p. 124; Cooke, no. 2,879; Court, no. 250; Sunderland, -no. 263; Muller (1872), no. 1,847; Quaritch (1883) £12 16_s._ The -Lenox Library has copies of different imprints,—“apud Galeotum” and -“apud Parvum.” There are other copies in the Barlow and Carter-Brown -libraries. Good copies are worth about £10. - -[169] Sabin (vol. ix. p. 30) says it is rarer than the original Latin. -There are copies in Harvard College, Congressional, and Carter-Brown -libraries. Cf. Rich (1832), £1 1_s._; Ternaux, no. 45; Sabin, vol. ix. -no. 34,106; Grenville, p. 498; Harrisse, no. 188, with references; -Stevens (1870), no. 1,419; Muller (1872), no. 1,853, and (1877) no. -1,309 (40 florins), with corrections of Harrisse; Sobolewski, no. -3,857; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 110; Huth, vol. iii. nos. 1,050-1,051. -Quaritch and others of late price it at £3. It was from this German -edition of the _Novus orbis_ that the collection, often quoted as that -of Cornelis Albyn, and called _Nieuwe Weerelt_, was made up in 1563, -with some additional matter. It is in the dialect of Brabant, and -Muller (_Books on America_, 1872, no. 1,854) says it is “exceedingly -rare, even in Holland;” he prices it at 50 florins. Cf. Leclerc, no. -2,579 (250 francs); Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,107; Carter-Brown, vol. i. -no. 240; Huth, vol. iii. no. 1,051; A. R. Smith’s Catalogue (1874), no. -8 (£2 2_s._); Pinart, no. 668. - -[170] It has pp. 585-600 in addition to the edition of 1532. There -are copies in the Cornell University (_Sparks Catalogue_, no. 1,107), -Lenox, Carter-Brown, Barlow, J. C. Brevoort, and American Antiquarian -Society libraries. One of the two copies in Harvard College Library -belonged at different times to Charles Sumner, E. A. Crowninshield -(no. 796), and the poet Thomas Gray, and has Gray’s annotations, and a -record that it cost him one shilling and ninepence. The map of the 1532 -Basle edition belongs to this 1537 edition; but it is often wanting. -The _Huth Catalogue_ (vol. iii. p. 1050) calls the map of “extreme -rarity;” and Quaritch has pointed out that the larger names in the map -being set in type in the block, there is some variation in the style -of these inscriptions belonging to the different issues. Cf. Sabin, -vol. ix. no. 34,103; Harrisse, no. 223; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 123; -Leclerc, no. 413, with map (100 francs); Stevens (_Nuggets_) does not -mention the map, but his _Bibliotheca historica_ (1870), no. 1,455, and -_Historical Collections_, p. 66, give it; Muller (1872), no. 1,850 and -(1877) no. 1,306. Recent prices of good copies with the map are quoted -at £4 4_s._, 57 marks, and 70 francs; without the map it brings about -$4.00. Grolier’s copy was in the Beckford sale (1882), no. 187. - -[171] There are copies in the Boston Public (two copies), Boston -Athenæum, Harvard College, Carter-Brown (no. 202), and American -Antiquarian Society libraries. The map is repeated from the earlier -Basle editions. Cf. _Brinley Catalogue_, no. 50; _Huth Catalogue_ -(without map), iii. 1,050; Harrisse, no. 171; Stevens, _Historical -Collection_, vol. i. no. 501; Cooke, no. 1,064; Sabin, vol. ix. no. -34,104. Rich, in 1832, priced it with map at £2 2_s._; recent prices -are £4 4_s._ and £5 5_s._ - -[172] Edited by Balthazar Lydius. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 182; -Graesse, iv. 699; Brunet, iv. 132; Sabin, vol. ix. no. 34,105; Huth, -iii. 1051; Leclerc, no. 414 (40 francs); Stevens, _Nuggets_, £2 2_s._; -Court, no. 251; Muller (1872), no. 1,870. There are copies in Harvard -College Library and Boston Athenæum. - -[173] The editions of Ptolemy recording or affecting the progress of -geography in respect to the New World are noted severally elsewhere -in the present work; but the whole series is viewed together in the -_Bibliography of Ptolemy’s Geography_, by Justin Winsor, which, -after appearing serially in the _Harvard University Bulletin_, was -issued separately by the University Library in 1884 as no. 18 of its -_Bibliographical Contributions_. - -[174] H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 258. Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, -no. 237) gives the date 1541 as apparently the first edition. His -authority is the _Labanoff Catalogue_; but the date therein is probably -an error (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,384). The _Athenæ Rauricæ_ cites a -Latin edition of 1543,—it is supposed without warrant, though it is -also mentioned in Poggendorff’s _Biog.-liter. Handwörterbuch_, ii. 234. - -[175] Harrisse (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 258), describing a copy in the -Lenox Library. The map of America in this edition is given by Santarem, -and much reduced in Lelewel. There are twenty-four maps in it in all -(Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,385). - -[176] Also published at Basle (Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. Vet., Additions_, -no. 152; Weigel, 1877, _Catalogue_; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,386). It -has twenty-eight maps. There is a copy in the Royal Library at Munich. - -[177] The third and later German editions were as follows: 1546. -According to the _Athenæ Rauricæ_.—1550. Basle, 1,233 pages, woodcuts, -with views of towns added for the first time, and fourteen folios -of maps. Harrisse (no. 294) quotes the description in Ebert’s -_Dictionary_, no. 14,500. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,387; Leclerc, -no. 396; Rosenthal (Munich, 1884), no. 52, at 80 marks. Harrisse -(_Additions_, no. 179) says the Royal Library at Munich has three -different German editions of 1550.—1553. Basle. Muller (_Books on -America_, 1872, no. 1,020; 1877, no. 2,203) cites a copy, with -twenty-six maps; also Sabin (vol. xii. no. 51,388).—1556. Cited by -Sabin, vol. xii. no. 53,389.—1561. Basle. Cf. Rosenthal, _Catalogue_ -(1884), no. 53.—1564. Basle. Cf. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,390; -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 598. It has fourteen maps, the last being -of the New World.—1569, 1574, 1578. Basle. All are cited by Ebert and -Harrisse, who give them twenty-six maps, and say that the cuts are poor -impressions.—1574, 1578, 1588. Undated; but cited by Sabin, vol. xii. -no. 51,391-51,393.—1592, 1598. In these editions the twenty-six maps -and the woodcuts are engraved after new drawings. That of 1592 is in the -Boston Athenæum; that of 1598 is in Harvard College Library. The likeness -of Münster on the title is inscribed: “Seins alters lx jar.” America -is shown in the general mappemonde, and in map no. xxvi., “Die Newe -Welt.” Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,394-51,395.—1614, 1628. These Basle -editions reproduced the engravings of the 1592 and 1598 editions, and -are considered the completest issues of the German text. They are worth -from 30 to 40 marks each. Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,396. - -[178] The _Athenæ Rauricæ_ gives a Latin edition of 1545. - -[179] This 1550 Latin edition has fourteen maps, and copies are worth -from $12 to $15. Cf. _Bibl. Amer. Vet._, no. 300; _Huth Catalogue_, -iii. 1,009; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,379; Strutt, _Dictionary of -Engravers_. - -[180] The title of the 1554 edition as shown in the copy in the Boston -Public Library reads as follows: _Cosmo | graphiae | uniuersalis -Lib. VI. in | quibus iuxta certioris fidei scriptorum | traditionem -describuntur, | Omnium habitabilis orbis partium situs, pro- | priæq’ -dotes. | Regionum Topographicæ effigies. | Terræ ingenia, quibus sit -ut tam differentes & ua | rias specie res, & animatas, & inanimatas, -ferat. | Animalium peregrinorum naturæ & picturæ. | Nobiliorum -ciuitatum icones & descriptiones. | Regnorum initia, incrementa & -translationes. | Regum & principum genealogiæ. | Item omnium gentium -mores, leges, religio, mu- | tationes: atq’ memorabilium in hunc -usque an- | num 1554. gestarum rerum Historia. | Autore Sebast. -Munstero._ The same edition is in the Harvard College Library; but -the title varies, and reads thus: _Cosmo | graphiæ | uniuersalis -Lib. VI. in | quibus, iuxta certioris fidei scriptorum | traditionem -describuntur, | Omniū habitabilis orbis partiū situs, propriæq’ dotes. -| Regionum Topographicæ effigies. | Terræ ingenia, quibus sit ut tam -differentes & uarias | specie res, & animatas & inanimatas, ferat. | -Animalium peregrinorum naturæ & picturæ. Nobiliorum ciuitatum icones & -descriptiones. | Regnorum initia, incrementa & translationes. | Omnium -gentium mores, leges, religio, res gestæ, mu- | tationes: Item regum -& principum genealogiæ. | Autore Sebast. Munstero. | The colophon in -both reads: | Basileæ Apud Henrichum Petri, | Mense Septemb. Anno Sa | -lvtis M.D.LIIII._ | This copy belonged to Dr. Mather Byles, and has his -autograph; the title is mounted, and may have belonged to some other -one of the several “title-editions” which appeared about this time. Cf. -_Harvard University Bulletin_, ii. 285; _Carter-Brown_, vol. i. no. -194; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,380-51,381. The account of America is on -pages 1,099-1,113. These editions have been bought of late years for -about $4; but Rosenthal (Munich, 1884) prices a copy of 1552 at 130 -marks, and one of 1554 at 150 marks. - -[181] Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,382; Muller, _Books on America_ (1872), -p. 11. - -[182] Some copies have nineteen maps, others twenty-two in all. Cf. -Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 291; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,383. Some -passages displeasing to the Catholics are said to have been omitted in -this edition. It is worth about $12 or $15. - -[183] _Supplément_, col. 1,129; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,397. - -[184] That of Basle, 1556, has on pp. 1,353-1,374, “Des nouvelles -ilsles: comment, quand et par qui elles ont esté trouvées,” with a map -and fourteen woodcuts. It is usually priced at about $20; the copies -are commonly worn (Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,398). The same publisher, -Henry Pierre, reissued it (without date) in 1568, with twelve folding -woodcut maps, the first of which pertains to America (Carter-Brown, -vol. i. no. 271; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,399). In 1575 a new French -edition, with the cuts reduced, was issued in three volumes, folio, -edited by Belleforest and others; it gives 101 pages to America. Cf. -Brunet, col. 1,945; _Supplément_, col. 1,129; Stevens (1870), p. 121; -Sunderland, no. 8,722 (£18 10_s._); Porquet (1884), no. 1,673, (150 -francs); Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,400. - -[185] Cf. Vol. III. of the present _History_, pp. 200, 201. - -[186] Weigel (1877), p. 96; Sabin, vol. xii. no. 51,401. - -[187] _Supplément_, col. 1,129. Cf. also Weigel (1877), p. 96; -Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,132; Sabin, vol. xii. nos. 51,402-51,403. - -[188] _Terzo volume delle navigationi et viaggi_, etc., Venice, 1556. -His name is, Latinized, Ramusius. - -[189] Harrisse, _Notes on Columbus_, p. 46. A list of the Contents is -given in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. p. 181), and in Leclerc -(no. 484), where a set (1554, 1583, 1565) is priced at 250 francs. Of -interest in connection with the present History, there are in the first -volume of Ramusio the voyages of Da Gama, Vespucius, and Magellan, as -well as matter of interest in connection with Cabot (see Vol. III. p. -24); in the second volume (1559), the travels of Marco Polo, the voyage -of the Zeni and of Cabot. The first edition of the first volume was -published in 1550; Ramusio’s name does not appear. A second edition -came out in 1554. Cf. _Murphy Catalogue_, nos. 2,096-2,098; Cooke, no. -2,117. - -[190] Born in 1485-1486; died in 1557. There is an alleged portrait -of Ramusio in the new edition of _Il viaggio di Giovan Leone_, etc. -(Venice, 1857), the only volume of it published. The portrait of him by -Paul Veronese in the hall of the Great Council was burned in 1557; and -Cicogna (_Biblioteca Veneziana_, ii. 310) says that the likeness now in -the Sala dello Scudo is imaginary. - -[191] Cf. also Camus, _Mémoire sur De Bry_, p. 8; Humboldt, _Examen -critique_; Hallam, _Literature of Europe_; Harrisse, _Bibl. Amer. -Vet._, no. 304; Brunet, vol. iv. col. 1100; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. -195 Clarke’s _Maritime Discovery_, p. x, where Tiraboschi’s account of -Ramusio is translated; and H. H. Bancroft, _Mexico_, i. 282. Ternaux -mentions a second edition in 1564; but Harrisse could find no evidence -of it (_Bibl. Amer. Vet._, p. xxxiii). There was a well-known second -edition of the third volume in 1565 (differing in title only from the -1556 edition), which, with a first volume of 1588 and a second volume -of 1583, is thought to make up the most desirable copy; though there -are some qualifications in the case, since the 1606 edition of the -third volume is really more complete. - -[192] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 275. - -[193] Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 287, 288, 299, 337; Sunderland, -nos. 8,569, 8,570; Brinley, no. 44; Murphy, no. 1,709; Court, no. 241. - -[194] Court, no. 242. - -[195] Carter-Brown, i. 386; ii. 12; Brinley, no. 45. - -[196] The different editions in the various languages are given in -Sabin, xii. 282. - -[197] Sabin, vol. viii. no. 32,004. - -[198] A complete reprint of all of Hakluyt’s publications, in fourteen -or fifteen volumes, is announced (1884) by E. and G. Goldsmid, of -Edinburgh. - -[199] The title, however, as given in catalogues generally, runs: -_Collectiones peregrinationum in Indiam orientalem et Indiam -occidentalem, XXV partibus comprehensæ a Theodoro, Joan-Theodoro De -Bry, et a Matheo Merian publicatæ. Francofurti ad Mænum_, 1590-1634. - -[200] This part is of extreme rarity, and Dibdin says that Lord Oxford -bought the copy in the Grenville Library in 1740 for £140. Cf. Vol. III. - -[201] The earliest description of a set of De Bry of any -bibliographical moment is that of the Abbé de Rothelin, _Observations -et détails sur la collection des voyages_, etc. (Paris, 1742), pp. -44 (Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 473), which is reprinted in Lenglet du -Fresnoy’s _Méthode pour étudier la géographie_ (1768), i. 324. Gabriel -Martin, in his catalogue of the library of M. Cisternay du Fay, had -somewhat earlier announced that collector’s triumph in calling a set in -his catalogue (no. 2,825) “exemplum omni genere perfectum,” when his -copy brought 450 francs. The Abbé de Rothelin aimed to exceed Cisternay -du Fay, and did in the varieties which he brought together. The next -description was that of De Bure in his _Bibliographie instructive_ -(vol. i. p. 67), printed 1763-1768; but the German editions were -overlooked by De Bure, as they had been by his predecessors. The -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (vol. i. no. 473) shows Sobolewski’s copy of -De Bure with manuscript notes. A lifetime later, in 1802, A. G. Camus -printed at Paris his _Mémoire sur les grands et petits voyages_ [de De -Bry] _et les voyages de Thevenot_. As a careful and critical piece of -work, this collation of Camus was superior to De Bure’s. A description -of a copy belonging to the Duke of Bedford was printed in Paris in -1836 (6 pp.). Weigel, in the _Serapeum_ (1845), pp. 65-89, printed his -“Bibliographische Mittheilungen über die deutschen Ausgaben von De -Bry,” which was also printed separately. It described a copy now owned -in New York. Muller, in his _Catalogue_ (1872), p. 217, indicates some -differences from Weigel’s collations. The copy formed by De Bure fell -into Mr. Grenville’s hands, and was largely improved by him before he -left it, with his library, to the British Museum. The _Bibliotheca -Grenvilliana_ describes it, and Bartlett (_Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. -321) thinks it the finest in Europe. Cf. Dibdin’s description, which -is copied in the _American Bibliopolist_ (1872), p. 13. The standard -collation at present is probably that of Brunet, in his _Manuel du -libraire_, vol. i. (1860), which was also printed separately; in this -he follows Weigel for the German texts. This account is followed by -Sabin in his _Dictionary_ (vol. iii. p. 20), whose article, prepared -by Charles A. Cutter, of the Boston Athenæum, has also been printed -separately. The Brunet account is accompanied by a valuable note -(also in Sabin, iii. 59), by Sobolewski, whose best set (reaching one -hundred and seventy parts) was a wonderful one, though he lacked the -English Hariot. This set came to this country through Muller (cf. -his _Catalogue_, 1875, p. 387), and is now in the Lenox Library. -Sobolewski’s second set went into the Field Collection, and was sold -in 1875; and again in the J. J. Cooke sale (_Catalogue_, iii. 297) in -1883. Cf. _Catalogue de la collection de feu M. Serge Sobolewski de -Moscou_, prepared by Albert Cohn. The sale took place in Leipsic in -July, 1873. Brunet and Sobolewski both point out the great difficulties -of a satisfactory collation, arising from the publisher’s habit of -mixing the sheets of the various editions, forming varieties almost -beyond the acquisition of the most enthusiastic collector, “so that,” -says Brunet, “perhaps no two copies of this work are exactly alike.” -“No man ever yet,” says Henry Stevens (_Historical Collections_, vol. -i. no. 179), “made up his De Bry perfect, if one may count on the three -great De Bry witnesses,—the Right Honorable Thomas Grenville, the -Russian prince Sobolewski, and the American Mr. Lenox,—who all went far -beyond De Bure, yet fell far short of attaining all the variations they -had heard of.” The collector will value various other collations now -accessible, like that in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, vol. i. no. 396 -(also printed separately, twenty-five copies, in 1875); that printed by -Quaritch, confined to the German texts; that in the _Huth Catalogue_, -ii. 404; and that in the _Sunderland Catalogue_, nos. 2,052, 2,053. - -[202] There are lists of the sets which have been sold since 1709 given -in Sabin (vol. iii. p. 47), from Brunet, and in the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_ (vol. i. p. 408). The Rothelin copy, then esteemed the best -known, brought, in 1746, 750 francs. At a later day, with additions -secured under better knowledge, it again changed hands at 2,551 francs, -and once more, in 1855 (described in the _Bulletin du bibliophile_, -1855, pp. 38-41), Mr. Lenox bought it for 12,000 francs; and in 1873 -Mr. Lenox also bought the best Sobolewski copy (fifty-five volumes) for -5,050 thalers. With these and other parts, procured elsewhere, this -library is supposed to lead all others in the facilities for a De Bry -bibliography. Fair copies of the _Grands voyages_ in Latin, in first or -second editions, are usually sold for about £100, and for both voyages -for £150, and sometimes £200. Muller, in 1872, held the fourteen parts, -in German, of the _Grands voyages_, at 1,000 florins. Fragmentary sets -are frequently in the Catalogues, but bring proportionately much less -prices. In unusually full sets the appreciation of value is rapid with -every additional part. Most large American libraries have sets of more -or less completeness. Besides those in the Carter-Brown (which took -thirty years to make, besides a duplicate set from the Sobolewski sale) -and Lenox libraries, there are others in the Boston Public, Harvard -College, Astor, and Long Island Historical Society libraries,—all of -fair proportions, and not unfrequently in duplicate and complemental -sets. The copy of the Great Voyages, in Latin (all first editions), in -the Murphy Library (_Catalogue_, no. 379), was gathered for Mr. Murphy -by Obadiah Rich. The Murphy Library also contained the German text in -first editions. In 1884 Quaritch offered the fine set from the Hamilton -Library (twenty-five parts), “presumed to be quite perfect,” for £670. -The Earl of Crawford and Balcarres is about publishing his bibliography -of De Bry. - -[203] There are somewhat diverse views on this point expressed by -Brunet and in the Grenville Catalogue. - -[204] Reference has been made elsewhere (Vol. III. pp. 123, 164) to -sketches, now preserved as a part of the Grenville copy of De Bry in -the British Museum, which seem to have been the originals from which De -Bry engraved the pictures in Hariot’s _Virginia_, etc. These were drawn -by Wyth, or White. A collection of twenty-four plates of such, from De -Bry, were published in New York in 1841 (_Field’s Indian Bibliography_, -no. 1,701). Cf. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct. 20, 1866, for other of -De Bry’s drawings in the British Museum. De Bry’s engravings have been -since copied by Picard in his _Cérémonies et coutumes religieuses des -peuples idolatres_ (Amsterdam, 1723), and by others. Exception is taken -to the fidelity of De Bry’s engravings in the parts on Columbus; cf. -Navarrete, French translation, i. 320. - -[205] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 453, 454, 455. - -[206] Rich (1832), £5 5_s._ Cf. P. A. Tiele’s _Mémoire bibliographique -sur les journaux des navigateurs Néerlandais réimprimés dans les -collections de De Bry et de Hulsius_, Amsterdam, 1867. - -[207] Stevens (1870), no. 668; Sabin, vi. 211. - -[208] Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 456; vol. ii. no. 198; Muller (1875), -p. 389. - -[209] Carter-Brown, vol. i. nos. 457, 458; vol. ii. nos. 373, 791. -There was a second edition in 1655. Cf. Muller (1872), no. 636; -Sabin, vol. i. no. 50; iii. 59; Huth, ii. 612. Abelin also edited the -first four volumes (covering 1617-1643) of the _Theatrum Europeum_ -(Frankfort, 1635), etc., which pertains incidentally to American -affairs (Muller, 1872, no. 1,514). Fitzer’s _Orientalische Indien_ -(1628) and Arthus’s _Historia Indiæ orientalis_ (1608) are abridgments -of the _Small Voyages_. - -[210] Vol. IV. p. 442. - -[211] Sabin, vol. x. no. 42,392; Carter-Brown, vol. i. no. 530. - -[212] Muller (1872), no. 1,867. - -[213] Vol. III. p. 47. Cf. Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 159, 169, 189, -223, 308, 330, 397. Sobolewski’s copy was in the Menzies sale (no. -1,649). Quaritch’s price is from £75 to £100, according to condition, -which is the price of good copies in recent sales. - -[214] Muller (1872), no. 2,067. - -[215] _Catalogue_ (1875), no. 3,284; (1877), no. 1,627; Tiele, no. 1. - -[216] Muller (1872), no. 1,837. - -[217] This collection also includes the voyages of Barentz, and of -Hudson, as well as several through Magellan’s Straits, with Madriga’s -voyage to Peru and Chili. - -[218] The collection, as it is known, is sometimes dated 1644 and -1645, but usually 1646 (Muller, 1872, no. 1,871; Tiele, _Mémoire -bibliographique_, p. 9; Carter-Brown, vol. ii. nos. 567, 586; Sabin, -iv. 315, 316). A partial English translation appeared in London in 1703 -(Muller, 1872, no. 1,886). The _Oost-Indische Voyagien_, issued at -Amsterdam in 1648 by Joost Hartgers, is a reprint of part of Commelin, -with some additions. Only one volume was printed; but Muller thinks -(1872 _Catalogue_, no. 1877) that some separate issues (1649-1651), -including Vries’s voyage to Virginia and New Netherland, were intended -to make part of a second volume. Cf. Sabin, viii. 118; Stevens, -_Nuggets_, no. 1,339. - -[219] Vol. IV. p. 219. - -[220] The original of Ogilby’s _America_: cf. Vol. III. p. 416. - -[221] Muller (1872), no. 1,884. Another Dutch publication, deserving -of a passing notice, which, though not a collection of voyages, -enlarges upon the heroes of such voyages, is the _Leeven en Daden -der doorluchtigste Zee-helden_ (Amsterdam, 1676), by Lambert van den -Bos, which gives accounts of Columbus, Vespucius, Magellan, Drake, -Cavendish, the Zeni, Cabot, Cortereal, Frobisher, and Davis. There was -a German translation at Nuremberg in 1681 (Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. -1,149; Stevens, 1870, no. 231). - -[222] Carter-Brown, vol. ii. no. 1,111. A second edition was printed by -the widow Cellier in Paris in 1683 (Muller, 1875, p. 395), containing -the same matter differently arranged. - -[223] An earlier edition (1667) did not have them (Muller, 1875, p. -394). Capel’s _Vorstellungen des Norden_ (Hamburg, 1676) summarizes the -voyages of the Zeni, Hudson, and others to the Arctic regions. - -[224] Sabin, iv. 68; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 50. It includes in -the later editions Castell’s description of America, with other of the -Harleian manuscripts, and gives Ferdinand Columbus’ life of his father. - -[225] _Historical Magazine_, i. 125. - -[226] Allibone; Bohn’s _Lowndes_, etc. - -[227] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,400; Sabin, viii. 92; Muller -(1872), no. 1,901. - -[228] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 745, who errs somewhat in -his statements; _Murphy Catalogue_, no. 1,074; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. -no. 88, with full table of contents. The best description is in Muller -(1872), no. 1,887. Although Vander Aa says, in the title of the folio -edition, that it is based on the Gottfriedt-Abelin _Newe Welt_, this -new collection is at least four times as extensive. - -[229] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 96. - -[230] Carter-Brown, iii. 110. - -[231] Carter-Brown, iii. 150. - -[232] The publication began in numbers in 1708, and some copies are -dated 1710 (Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 158). - -[233] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 208, in ten vols., 1715-1718. H. H. -Bancroft (_Central America_, ii. 749), cites an edition (1715-1727) -in nine vols. Muller (1870, no. 2,021) cites an edition, ten vols., -1731-1738. - -[234] Sabin, vol. i. no. 1,250. - -[235] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 792; H. H. Bancroft, _Central -America_, ii. 747. - -[236] Volumes xii. to xv. are given to America; the later volumes were -compiled by Querlon and De Leyre. - -[237] Different sets vary in the number of volumes. - -[238] Muller (1872), nos. 1,895-1,900; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. -831; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 746. A German translation -appeared at Leipsic in 1747 in twenty-one volumes. - -[239] H. H. Bancroft, Central America, ii. 750. - -[240] Muller (1872), nos. 1,980, 1,981. There was a German translation, -with enlargements, by J. C. Adelung, Halle, 1767; an English -translation is also cited. A similar range was taken in Alexander -Dalrymple’s _Historical Collection of Voyages_ in the South Pacific -Ocean (London, 1770), of which there was a French translation in 1774 -(Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,730). The most important contribution -in English on this subject, however, is in Dr. James Burney’s -_Chronological History of Discovery in the South Sea_ (1803-1817), five -volumes quarto. - -[241] Dr. Johnson wrote the Introduction; there was a third edition in -1767 (Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. 2994). - -[242] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 750. - -[243] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 754. - -[244] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,494. - -[245] Sabin, v. 473; H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 750. - -[246] Sabin, ix. 529; Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,602; H. H. -Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 750. - -[247] Carter-Brown, vol. iii. no. 1,733; H. H. Bancroft, _Central -America_, ii. 751. - -[248] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 751; Allibone. - -[249] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 749. - -[250] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 752. - -[251] There was a quarto reprint in Philadelphia of a part of it in -1810-1812. - -[252] There is a catalogue of voyages and an index in vol. xvii. Cf. -Allibone’s _Dictionary_. - -[253] Stevens, _Bibliotheca geographica_, no. 317. - -[254] Muller (1872), no. 1,842. - -[255] Muller (1875), no. 3,303. - -[256] Complete sets are sometimes offered by dealers at £30 to £35. - -[257] H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. 757. - -[258] A Spanish translation of the modern voyages by Urrabieta was -published in Paris in 1860-1861. The Spanish _Enciclopedia de viajes -modernos_ (Madrid, 1859), five volumes, edited by Fernandez Cuesta, -refers to the later periods (H. H. Bancroft, _Central America_, ii. -758). - -[259] The plane earth cut the cosmic sphere like a diaphragm, shutting -the light from Tartarus. - -_ἀυτὰρ ὕπερθεν_ _γῆς ῥίζαι πεφύασι καὶ ἀτρυγέτοιο θαλάσσης._ (Hesiod, -_Theog._ 727.) - -“and above Impend the roots of earth and barren sea.” - -(_The remains of Hesiod the Ascræan_, etc., translated by C. A. Elton, -2d ed. London, 1815.) - -Critics differ as to the age of the vivid description of Tartarus in -the Theogony. - -[260] Pythagoras has left no writings; Aristotle speaks only of his -school; Diogenes Laertius in one passage (_Vitae_, viii. 1 (Pythag.), -25) quotes an authority to the effect that Pythagoras asserted the -earth to be spherical and inhabited all over, so that there were -antipodes, to whom that is _over_ which to us is _under_. As all his -disciples agreed on the spherical form of the earth while differing -as to its position and motion, it is probable that they took the idea -of its form from him. Diogenes Laertius states that Parmenides called -the earth round (_στρογγύλη_, viii. 48), and also that he spoke of it -as spherical (_σφαιροειδῆ_, ix. 3); the passages are not, as has been -sometimes assumed, contradictory. The enunciation of the doctrine is -often attributed to Thales and to Anaximander, on the authority of -Plutarch, _De placitis philosophorum_, iii. 10, and Diogenes Laertius, -ii. 1, respectively; but the evidence is conflicting (Simplicius, -_Ad Aristot._, p. 506^b. ed. Brandis; Aristot., _De caelo_, ii. 13; -Plutarch, _De plac. phil._ iii., xv. 9). - -[261] Plato, _Phaedo_, 109. Schaefer is in error when he asserts -(_Entwicklung der Ansichten der Alten ueber Gestalt and Grösse der -Erde_, 16) that Plato in the _Timaeus_ (55, 56) assigns a cubical form -to the earth. The question there is not of the shape of the earth, the -planet, but of the form of the constituent atoms of the element earth. - -[262] - -Terra pilae similis, nullo fulcimine nixa, Aëre subjecto tam grave -pendet onus. [Ipsa volubilitas libratum sustinet orbem: Quique premit -partes, angulus omnis abest. Cumque sit in media rerum regione locata, -Et tangat nullum plusve minusve latus; Ni convexa foret, parti vicinior -esset, Nec medium terram mundus haberet onus.] Arte Syracosia suspensus -in aëre clauso Stat globus, immensi parva figura poli; Et quantum a -summis, tantum secessit ab imis Terra. Quod ut fiat, forma rotunda -facit. (Ovid, _Fasti_, vi. 269-280.) - -The bracketed lines are found in but a few MSS. The last lines refer to -a globe said to have been constructed by Archimedes. - -[263] Plato makes Socrates say that he took up the works of Anaxagoras, -hoping to learn whether the earth was round or flat (_Phaedo_, 46, -Stallb. i. 176). In Plutarch’s dialogue “_On the face appearing in the -orb of the moon_,” one of the characters is lavish in his ridicule of -the sphericity of the earth and of the theory of antipodes. See also -Lucretius, _De rerum nat._, i. 1052, etc., v. 650; Virgil, _Georgics_, -i. 247; Tacitus, _Germania_, 45. - -[264] That extraordinary picture could, however, hardly have been -intended for an exposition of the actual physical geography of the -globe. - -[265] Aristotle, _De caelo_, ii. 15. - -[266] Archimedes, _Arenarius_, i. 1, ed. Helbig. Leipsic, 1881, vol. -ii. p. 243. - -[267] The logical basis of Eratosthenes’s work was sound, but the -result was vitiated by errors of fact in his assumptions, which, -however, to some extent counterbalanced one another. The majority of -ancient writers who treat of the matter give 252,000 stadia as the -result, but Cleomedes (_Circ. doctr. de subl._, i. 10) gives 250,000. -It is surmised that the former number originated in a desire to assign -in round numbers 700 stadia to a degree. Forbiger, _Handbuch der alten -Geographie_, i. 180, n. 27. - -[268] The stadium comprised six hundred feet, but the length of the -Greek foot is uncertain; indeed, there were at least two varieties, the -Olympic and the Attic, as in Egypt there was a royal and a common ell, -and a much larger number of supposititious feet (and, consequently, -stadia) have been discovered or invented by metrologists. Early French -scholars, like Ramé de l’Isle, D’Anville, Gosselin, supposed the true -length of the earth’s circumference to be known to the Greeks, and held -that all the estimates which have come down to us were expressions -of the same value in different stadia. It is now generally agreed -that these estimates really denote different conceptions of the size -of the earth, but opinions still differ widely as to the length of -the stadium used by the geographers. The value selected by Peschel -(_Geschichte der Erdkunde_, 2d ed., p. 46) is that likewise adopted -by Hultsch (_Griechische und Römische Metrologie_, 2d ed., 1882) and -Muellenhof (_Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, 2d ed., vol. i.). According to -these writers, Eratosthenes is supposed to have devised as a standard -geographical measure a stadium composed of feet equal to one half -the royal Egyptian ell. According to Pliny (_Hist. Nat._, xii. 14, § -5), Eratosthenes allowed forty stadia to the Egyptian schonus; if we -reckon the schonus at 12,000 royal ells, we have stadium = 12,000/40 -× .525^m = 157.5^m. This would give a degree equal to 110,250^m, the -true value being, according to Peschel, 110,808^m. To this conclusion -Lepsius (_Das Stadium und die Gradmessung des Eratosthenes auf -Grundlage der Aegyptischen Masse_, in _Zeitschrift für Aegypt. Sprache -u. Alterthumskunde_, xv. [1877]. See also _Die Längenmasse der Alten_. -Berlin, 1884) objects that the royal ell was never used in composition, -and that the schonus was valued in different parts of Egypt at 12,000, -16,000, 24,000, _small_ ells. He believes that the schonus referred to -by Pliny contained 16,000 small ells, so that Eratosthenes’s stadium = -16,000/40 × .450^m = 180^m. - -It is possible, however, that Eratosthenes did not devise a new -stadium, but adopted that in current use among the Greeks, the Athenian -stadium. (I have seen no evidence that the long Olympic stadium was -in common use.) This stadium is based on the Athenian foot, which, -according to the investigations of Stuart, has been reckoned at -.3081^m, being to the Roman foot as 25 to 24. This would give a stadium -of 184.8^m, and a degree of 129,500^m. Now Strabo, in the passage where -he says that people commonly estimated eight stadia to the mile, adds -that Polybius allowed 8⅓ stadia to the mile (_Geogr._, vii. 7, § 4), -and in the fragment known as the Table of Julian of Ascalon (Hultsch, -_Metrolog. script. reliq._, Lips., 1864, i. 201) it is distinctly -stated that Eratosthenes and Strabo reckoned 8⅓ stadia to the mile. In -the opinion of Hultsch, this table probably belonged to an official -compilation made under the emperor Julian. Very recently W. Dörpfeld -has revised the work of Stuart, and by a series of measurements of the -smaller architectural features in Athenian remains has made it appear -that the Athenian foot equalled .2957^m (instead of .3081^m), which -is almost precisely the Roman foot, and gives a stadium of 177.4^m, -which runs 8⅓ to the Roman mile. If this revision is trustworthy,—and -it has been accepted by Lepsius and by Nissel (who contributes -the article on metrology to Mueller’s _Handbuch der klassischen -Alterthumswissenschaft_, Nordlingen, 1886, etc.),—it seems to me -probable that we have here the stadium used by Eratosthenes, and that -his degree has a value of 124,180^m (Dörpfeld, _Beiträge zur antiken -Metrologie, in Mittheilungen des deutschen Archaeolog. Instituts zu -Athen_, vii. (1882), 277). - -[269] Strabo, _Geogr._, ii. 5, § 7; the estimate of Posidonius is only -quoted hypothetically by Strabo (ii. 2, § 2). - -[270] Pliny, _Hist. Nat._ ii. 112, 113. There is apparently some -misunderstanding, either on the part of Pliny or his copyists, in the -subsequent proposition to increase this estimate by 12,000 stadia. -Schaefer’s (_Philologus_, xxviii. 187) readjustment of the text is -rather audacious. Pliny’s statement that Hipparchus estimated the -circumference at 275,000 stadia does not agree with Strabo (i. 4, § 1). - -[271] The discrepancy is variously explained. Riccioli, in his -_Geographia et hydrographia reformata_, 1661, first suggested the more -commonly received solution. Posidonius, he thought, having calculated -the arc between Rhodes and Alexandria at 1-48 of the circumference, at -first assumed 5,000 stadia as the distance between these places: 5,000 -× 48 = 240,000. Later he adopted a revised estimate of the distance -(Strabo, ii, ch. v. § 24), 3,750 stadia: 3,750 × 48 = 180,000. Letronne -(_Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr. et Belles-Lettres_, vi., 1822) prefers -to regard both numbers as merely hypothetical illustrations of the -processes. Hultsch (_Griechische u. Römische Metrologie_, 1882, p. 63) -follows Fréret and Gosselin in regarding both numbers as expressing -the same value in stadia of different length (Forbiger, _Handbuch der -alten Geographie_, i. 360, n. 29). The last explanation is barred by -the positive statement of Strabo, who can hardly be thought not to have -known what he was talking about: _κἄν τῶν νεωτέρων δὲ ἀναμετρήσεων -εἰσάγηται ἡ ἐλαχίστην ποιόυσα τὴν γῆν, οἵαν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος ἐγκρίνει περὶ -ὀκτωκαίδεκα μυριάδας οὖσαν_, (_Geogr._, ii. 2, § 2.) - -[272] _Geographia_, vii. 5. - -[273] 1° = 500 stadia = 88,700^m, which is about one fifth smaller than -the truth. - -[274] Xenophanes is to be excepted, if, as M. Martin supposes, his -doctrine of the infinite extent of the earth applied to its extent -horizontally as well as downward. - -[275] The domain of early Greek geography has not escaped the -incursions of unbalanced investigators. The Greeks themselves allowed -the Argonauts an ocean voyage: Crates and Strabo did valiant battle for -the universal wisdom of Homer; nor are scholars lacking to-day who will -demonstrate that Odysseus had circumnavigated Africa, floated in the -shadow of Teneriffe—Horace to the contrary notwithstanding,—or sought -and found the north pole. The evidence is against such vain imaginings. -The world of Homer is a narrow world; to him the earth and the Ægean -Sea are alike boundless, and in his thought fairy-land could begin west -of the Lotos-eaters, and one could there forget the things of this -life. There is little doubt that the author of the Odyssey considered -Greece an island, and Asia and Africa another, and thought the great -ocean eddied around the north of Hellas to a union with the Euxine. - -[276] - -Quinque tenent caelum zonae: quarum una corusco Semper sole rubens, et -torrida semper ab igni; Quam circum extremae dextra laevaque trahuntur -Caeruleae glacie concretae atque imbribus atris; Has inter mediam duae -mortalibus aegris Munere concessae divom. - -(Virgil, _Georg._ i. 233.) - -The passage appears to be paraphrased from similar lines which are -preserved in Achilles Tatius (_Isag. in Phænom. Arat._; Petavius, -_Uranolog._ p. 153), and by him attributed to the _Hermes_ of -Eratosthenes. See also Tibullus, _Eleg._ iv., Ovid, and among the men -of science, Aristotle, _Meteorol._, ii. 5, §§ 11, 13, 15; Strabo, -_Geogr._, i. 2, § 24; ii. 5, § 3; Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, ii. ch. 68; -Mela, _De chorographia_, i. 1; Cicero, _Republ._, vi. 16; _Tusc. -Disp._, i. 28. - -[277] Aristotle, _Meteorol._, ii. 1, § 10; ii. 5, § 15; _De caelo_, -ii. 14 _ad fin_. Letronne, finding the latter passage inconvenient, -reversed the meaning by the arbitrary insertion of a negative -(_Discussion de l’opinion d’Hipparque sur le prolongement de l’Afrique -au sud de l’Equator_ in _Journal des Savans_, 1831, pp. 476, 545). The -theory which he built upon this reconstructed foundation so impressed -Humboldt that he changed his opinion as to the views of Aristotle on -this point (_Examen critique_, ii. 373). Such an emendation is only -justifiable by the sternest necessity, and it has been shown by Ruge -(_Der Chaldäer Seleukos_, Dresden, 1865), and Prantl (_Werke des -Aristoteles uebersetzt und erläutert_, Bd. ii.; _Die Himmelsgebäude_, -note 61), that neither sense nor consistency requires the change. - -[278] Herodotus, ii. 23; iii. 115; iv. 36, 40, 45. - -[279] Geminus, _Isagoge_. Polybius’s work on this question is lost, -and his own expressions as we have them in his history are more -conservative. It is, he says, unknown, whether Africa is a continent -extending toward the south, or is surrounded by the sea. Polib. _Hist._ -iii. 38; Hampton’s translation (London, 1757), i. 334. - -[280] Ptolemy, _Geogr._, vii. 3, 5. - -[281] The circumnavigation of Africa by Phœnicians at the command of -Necho, though described and accepted by Herodotus, can hardly be called -an established fact, in spite of all that has been written in its -favor. The story, whether true or false, had, like others of its kind, -little influence upon the belief in the impassable tropic zone, because -most of those who accepted it supposed that the continent terminated -north of the equator. - -[282] Ptolemy, _Geogr._, i. 11-14. Eratosthenes and Strabo located -their first meridian at Cape St. Vincent; Marinus and Ptolemy placed it -in the Canary group. See Vol. II. p. 95. - -[283] Geminus, _Isagoge_, ch. 13; Achilles Tatius, _Isagoge in Phænom. -Arati;_ Cleomedes, _De circulis sublimis_, i. 2. The first two are -given in the _Uranologion_ of Petavius, Lond., Paris, 1630, pp. 56, 155. - -The classes were always divided on the same principle, and each -contained two groups so related that they could apply to one another -reciprocally the name by which the whole class was designed. These -names, however, are not always applied to the same classes by different -writers. 1. The first class embraced the people who lived in the same -half of the same temperate zone; to them all it was day or night, -summer or winter, at the same time. They were called _σύνοικοι_ by -Cleomedes, but _περίοκοι_ by Achilles Tatius. 2. The second class -included such peoples as lived in the same temperate zone, but were -divided by half the circumference of that zone; so that while they -all had summer or winter at the same time, the one group had day when -the other had night, and _vice versa_. These groups could call one -another _περίοικοι_ according to Cleomedes, but _ἀντίχθονες_ according -to Tatius. 3. The third class included those who were divided by the -torrid zone, so that part lived in the northern temperate zone and part -in the southern, but yet so that all were in the same half of their -respective zones; _i. e._, all were in either the eastern or western, -upper or lower, hemisphere. Day and night were shared by the whole -class at once, but not the seasons, the northern group having summer -when the southern had winter, and _vice versa_. These groups could call -one another _ἄντοικοι_. 4. The fourth class comprised the groups which -we know as antipodes, dwelling with regard to one another in different -halves of the two temperate zones, so that they had neither seasons nor -day or night in common, but stood upon the globe diametrically opposed -to one another. All writers agree in calling these groups _ἀντίποδες_. -The introduction of the word _antichthones_ in place of _perioeci_ was -due, apparently, to a misunderstanding of the Pythagorean _antichthon_. -This name was properly applied to the imaginary planet invented by the -early Pythagoreans to bring the number of the spheres up to ten; it -was located between the earth and the central fire, and had the same -period of revolution as the earth, from the outer, Grecian, side of -which it was never visible. This “opposite earth,” _Gegenerde_, was -later confused with the other, western, or lower hemisphere of the -earth itself. It was also sometimes applied to the inhabitants of the -southern hemisphere, as by Cicero in the _Tusculan Disputations_ (i. -28), “duabus oris distantibus habitabilem et cultum; quarum altera quam -nos incolimus, - - Sub axe posita ad stellas septem unde horrifer - Aquiloni stridor gelidas molitur nives, - -altera australis, ignota nobis, _quam vocant Græci_ _ἀντίχθονα_.” Mela -has the same usage (i. 4, 5), as quoted below. Macrobius, _Comm. in -Somn. Scip._ lib. ii. 5, uses the nomenclature of Cleomedes. Reinhardt, -quoted in Engelmann’s _Bibliotheca classica Græca_, under Geminus, I -have not been able to see. - -[284] Strabo, i. 4, § 6, 7; i. 2, § 24. Geminus, _Isagoge_, 13. -Muellenhof, _Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, i. 247-254. Berger, _Geogr. -Fragmente d. Eratosthenes_, 8, 84. - -[285] Cicero, _Respubl._, vi. 15... sed partim obliquos, partim -transversos, partim etiam adversos stare vobis. Some MSS. read aversos. -See also _Tusc. Disp._, i. 28; _Acad._, ii. 39. - -[286] Antichthones alteram [zonam], nos alteram incolimus. Illius situs -ob ardorem intercedentis plagae incognitus, huius dicendus est. Haec -ergo ab ortu porrecta ad occasum, et quia sic iacet aliquanto quam -ubi latissima est longior, ambitur omnis oceano. Mela, _Chor._, i. -4, 5. Because Mela says that the known world is _but little_ longer -than its width, it has been supposed that he was better informed than -his contemporaries, and attributed something like its real extent -to Africa. Thomassy (_Les papes géographiques_, Paris, 1852, p. 17) -finds in his work a rival system to that of Ptolemy. The discovery -of America, he thinks, was due to Ptolemy; that of the Cape of Good -Hope to Mela. It was the good fortune of Mela that his work was -widely read in the Middle Ages, and had great influence; but we owe -him no new system of geography, since he simply adopted the oceanic -theory as represented by Strabo and Crates. That he slightly changed -the traditional proportion between the length and breadth of the -known world is of small importance. The known world, he states, was -surrounded by the ocean, and there is nothing to show that he supposed -Africa to extend below the equator. In his description of Africa -he applies the terms length and breadth not as we should, but with -contrary usage: “Africa ab orientis parte Nilo terminata, pelago a -ceteris, brevior est quidem quam Europa, quia nec usquam Asiae et non -totis huius litoribus obtenditur, longior tamen ipsa quam latior, et -qua ad fluvium adtingit latissima,” etc., i. 20. (Ed. Parthey, 1867.) - -[287] Mela, i. 54, “Alter orbis.” Cicero, _Tusc. Disp._, i. 28, “Ora -Australis.” - -[288] Hyde Clarke, _Atlantis_, in the _Transactions of the Royal -Historical Society_, London, New Series, vol. iii.; Reinaud, _Relations -politiques_, etc., _de l’empire Romaine avec l’Asie orientale_, etc., -in the _Journal Asiatique_, 1863, p. 140. - -[289] The exposition of Macrobius is so interesting as illustrating the -mathematical and physical geography of the ancients, and as showing -how thoroughly the practical consequences of the sphericity of the -earth were appreciated; it is so important in the present connection -as demonstrating that the whole idea of inhabited lands in other parts -of the earth was based on logic only, not on knowledge, that I have -ventured to quote from it somewhat freely. - -Macrobius, _Comm. in Somn. Scipionis_, ii. 5.—“Cernis autem eamdem -terram quasi quibusdam redimitam et circumdatam cingulis, e quibus -duos maxime inter se diversos, et caeli verticibus ipsis ex utraque -parte subnixos, obriguisse pruina vides; medium autem illum, et -maximum, solis ardore torreri. Duo sunt habitabiles: quorum australis -ille, in quo qui insistunt, adversa vobis urgent vestigia, nihil ad -vestrum genus; hic autem alter subjectus aquiloni, quem incolitis, -cerne quam tenui vos parte contingat. Omnis enim terra, quae colitur -a vobis, angusta verticibus, lateribus latior, parva quaedam insula -est....” (Cicero.) ... Nam et septentrionalis et australis extremitas -perpetua obriguerunt pruina.... Horum uterque habitationis impatiens -est.... Medius cingulus et ideo maximus, aeterno afflatu continui -caloris ustus, spatium quod et lato ambitu et prolixius occupavit, -nimietate fervoris facit inhabitabile victuris. Inter extremos vero -et medium duo majores ultimis, medio minores ex utriusque vicinitatis -intemperie temperantur.... Licet igitur sint hae duae ... quas diximus -temperatas, non tamen ambae zonae hominibus nostri generis indultae -sunt: sed sola superior, ... incolitur ab omni, quale scire possumus, -hominum genere, Romani Graecive sint, vel barbari cujusque nationis. -Illa vero ... sola ratione intelligitur, quod propter similem temperiem -similiter incolatur, sed a quibus, neque licuit unquam nobis nec -licebit cognoscere: interjecta enim torrida utrique hominum generi -commercium ad se denegat commeandi.... Nec dubium est, nostrum quoque -septentrionem [ventum] ad illos qui australi adjacent, propter eamdem -rationem calidum pervenire, et austrum corporibus eorum gemino aurae -suae rigore blandiri. Eadem ratio nos non permittit ambigere quin per -illam quoque superficiem terrae quae ad nos habetur inferior, integer -zonarum ambitus quae hic temperatae sunt, eodem ductu temperatus -habeatur; atque ideo illic quoque eaedem duae zonae a se distantes -similiter incolantur.... Nam si nobis vivendi facultas est in hac -terrarum parte quam colimus, quia, calcantes humum, caelum suspicimus -super verticem, quia sol nobis et oritur et occidit, quia circumfuso -fruimur aere cujus spiramus haustu, cur non et illic aliquos vivere -credamus ubi eadem semper inpromptu sunt? Nam, qui ibi dicuntur morari, -eamdem credendi sunt spirare auram, quia eadem est in ejusdem zonalis -ambitus continuatione temperies. Idem sol illis et obire dicitur nostro -ortu, et orietur quum nobis occidet: calcabunt aeque ut nos humum, et -supra verticem semper caelum videbunt. Nec metus erit ne de terra in -caelum decidant, quum nihil unquam possit ruere sursum. Si enim nobis, -quod asserere genus joci est, deorsum habitur ubi est terra, et sursum -ubi est caelum, illis quoque sursum erit quod de inferiore suspicient, -nec aliquando in superna casuri sunt. - -Hi quos separat a nobis perusta, quos Graeci _ἀντοικοὑς_ vocant, -similiter ab illis qui inferiorem zonae suae incolunt partem interjecta -australi gelida separantur. Rursus illos ab _ἀντοικοῖς_ suis, id -est per nostri cinguli inferiora viventibus, interjectio ardentis -sequestrat: et illi a nobis septentrionalis extremitatis rigore -removentur. Et quia non est una omnium affinis continuatio, sed -interjectae sunt solitudines ex calore vel frigore mutuum negantibus -commeatum, has terrae partes quae a quattuor hominum generibus -incoluntur, maculas habitationum vocavit.... - -9. Is enim quem solum oceanum plures opinantur, de finibus ab illo -originali refusis, secundum ex necessitate ambitum fecit. Ceterum -prior ejus corona per zonam terrae calidam meat, superiora terrarum et -inferiora cingens, flexum circi equinoctialis imitata. Ab oriente vero -duos sinus refundit, unum ad extremitatem septentrionis, ad australis -alterum: rursusque ab occidente duo pariter enascuntur sinus, qui usque -ad ambas, quas supra diximus, extremitates refusi occurrent ab oriente -demissis; et, dum vi summa et impetu immaniore miscentur, invicemque -se feriunt, ex ipsa aquarum collisione nascitur illa famosa oceani -accessio pariter et recessio.... Ceterum verior, ut ita dicam, ejus -alveus tenet zonam perustam; et tam ipse qui equinoctialem, quam sinus -ex eo nati qui horizontem circulum ambitu suae flexionis imitantur, -omnem terram quadrifidam dividunt, et singulas, ut supra diximus, -habitationes insulas faciunt ... binas in superiore atque inferiore -terrae superficie insulas.... - -[290] Mr. Gladstone (_Homer and the Homeric age_, vol. iii.) transposes -these Homeric localities to the east, and a few German writers agree -with him. President Warren (_True key to ancient cosmologies_, etc., -Boston, 1882) will have it that Ogygia is neither more nor less than -the north pole. Neither of these views is likely to displace the one -now orthodox. Mr. Gladstone is so much troubled by Odysseus’s course -on leaving Ogygia that he cannot hide a suspicion of corruption in the -text. President Warren should remember that Ogygia apparently enjoyed -the common succession of day and night. In Homeric thought the western -sea extended northward and eastward until it joined the Euxine. Ogygia, -located northwest of Greece, would be the centre, _omphalos_, of the -sea, as Delphi was later called the centre of the land-masses of the -world. - -[291] _Odyssey_, iv. 561, etc. - -[292] It is well known that whereas Odysseus meets the spirits of -the dead across Oceanus, upon the surface of the earth, there is in -the _Iliad_ mention of a subterranean Hades. The Assyrio-Babylonians -had also the idea of an earth-encircling ocean stream,—the word -_Ὠκεανὸς_ the Greeks said was of foreign origin,—and on the south of -it they placed the sea of the dead, which held the island homes of -the departed. As in the _Odyssey_, it was a place given over to dust -and darkness, and the doors of it were strongly barred; no living -being save a god or a chosen hero might come there. Schrader, _Namen -d. Meere in d. Assyrischen Inschriften (Abhandl. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. -zu Berlin_, 1877, p. 169). Jeremias, _Die Babylonisch-Assyrischen -Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode_ (Leipzig, 1887). The Israelites, -on the other hand, imagined the home of the dead as underground. -_Numbers_, xvi. 30, 32, 33. - -Buchholtz, _Die Homerische Realien_, i. 55, places Hades on the -European shores of Ocean, but the text of the Odyssey seems plainly -in favor of the site across the stream, as Völcker and others have -understood. - -[293] Hesiod, _Works and Days_, 166-173; Elton’s translation, London, -1815, p. 22. Paley marks the line _Τηλοῦ ἀπ̓ ἀθανάτων τόισιν Κρόνος -ἐμβασιλζύει_ as probably spurious. Cronos appears to have been -originally a Phœnician deity, and his westward wandering played an -important part in their mythology. We shall find further traces of this -divinity in the west. - -[294] Pindar, _Olymp._, ii. 66-85, Paley’s translation, London, 1868, -p. 12. See also Euripides, _Helena_, 1677. - -[295] Æschylus, in the _Prometheus bound_, introduced the Gorgon -islands in his epitome of the wanderings of Io, and certainly seems to -speak of them as in the east; the passage is, however, imperfect, and -its interpretation has overtasked the ablest commentators. - -[296] Euripides, _Hippolytus_, 742-751; Potter’s translation, i. p. -356. See also Hesiod, _Theog._, 215, 517-519. - -[297] Mela, iii. 100, 102, etc. The chief passage is Pliny, _Hist. -Nat._, vi. 36, 37, who took his information from King Juba and a writer -named Statius Sebosus. Pliny, who, beside the groups named in the -text, mentions the Gorgades, which he identifies with the place where -Hanno met the gorillas, has probably misunderstood and garbled his -authorities; his account is contradictory and illusive. - -[298] Tzetzes (_Scholia in Lycophron_, 1204, ed. Mueller, ii. 954), a -grammarian of the twelfth century, says that the Isles of the Blessed -were located in the ocean by Homer, Hesiod, Euripides, Plutarch, Dion, -Procopius, Philostratus and others, but that to many it seems that -Britain must be the true Isle of the Blessed; and in support of this -view he relates a most curious tale of the ferriage of the dead to -Britain by Breton fishermen. - -[299] _L’Atlantide_, by Paul Gaffarel, in the _Revue de Géographie_, -April, May, June, July, 1880 (vi. 241, 331, 421; vii. 21). See also, -in his _Étude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent -avant Christophe Colomb_ (Paris, 1869). - -[300] _Atlantis: the antediluvian world_, New York, 1882. - -[301] Theopomp., _Fragmenta_, ed. Wieters, 1829, no. 76, p. 72. -_Geographi Graec. minores_, ed. Mueller, i. 289. Aeliani, _Var. Hist._, -iii. 18. The extracts in the text are taken from “_A Registre of -Hystories, etc., written in Greeke by Aelianus, a Roman, and delivered -in English by_ Abraham Fleming.” London, 1576, fol. 36. - -[302] We owe this quip to Tertullian (he at least is the earliest -writer to whom I can trace it): “Ut Silenus penes aures Midae blattit, -_aptas sane grandioribus fabulis_” (_De pallio_, cap. 2). - -[303] “Furthermore he tolde one thing among all others, meriting -admiration, that certain men called Meropes dwelt in many cittyes -there about, and that in the borders adiacent to their countrey, was a -perilous place named Anostus, that is to say, wythout retourne, being -a gaping gulfe or bottomles pit, for the ground is as it were cleft -and rent in sonder, in so much that it openeth like to the mouth of -insatiable hell, y^t it is neither perfectly lightsome, nor absolutely -darksome, but that the ayer hangeth ouer it, being tempered with a -certaine kinde of clowdy rednes, that a couple of floodes set their -recourse that way, the one of pleasure the other of sorow, and that -about each of them growe plantes answearable in quantity and bignes -to a great plaine tree. The trees which spring by y^e flood of sorow -yeldeth fruite of one nature, qualitie, and operation. For if any man -taste thereof, a streame of teares floweth from his eyes, as out of a -conduite pipe, or sluse in a running riuer, yea, such effect followeth -immediately after the eating of the same, that the whole race of their -life is turned into a tragical lamentation, in so much that weeping and -wayling knitteth their carkeses depriued of vitall mouing, in a winding -sheete, and maketh them gobbettes for the greedy graue to swallow and -deuoure. The other trees which prosper vpon the bankes of the floode -of pleasure, beare fruite cleane contrary to the former, for whosoeuer -tasteth thereof, he is presently weined from the pappes of his auncient -appetites and inueterate desires, & if he were linked in loue to any -in time past, he is fettered in the forgetfulnes of them, so that -al remembrance is quite abolished, by litle and litle he recouereth -the yeres of his youth, reasuming vnto him by degrees, the times & -seasons, long since, spent and gone. For, the frowardnes and crookednes -of old age being first shaken of, the amiablenes and louelynesse of -youth beginneth to budde, in so much as they put on y^e estate of -stripplings, then become boyes, then change to children, then reenter -into infancie, & at length death maketh a finall end of all.” - -Compare the story told by Mela (iii. 10) about the Fortunate Isles: -“Una singulari duorum fontium ingenio maxime insignis: alterum qui -gustavere risu solvuntur, ita adfectis remedium est ex altero bibere.” - -It should be noted that the country described by Theopompus is called -by him simply “The Great Continent.” - -[304] Strabo, vii. 3, § 6. Perizonius makes this passage in Aelian -the peg for a long note on ancient knowledge of America, in which he -brings together the most important passages bearing on the subject. He -remarks: “Nullus tamen dubito, quin Veteres aliquid crediderint vel -sciverent, sed quasi per nebulam et caliginem, de America, partim ex -antiqua traditione ab Aegyptiis vel Carthaginiensibus accepta, partim -ex ratiocinatione de forma et situ orbis terrarum, unde colligebant, -superesse in hoc orbe etiam alias terras praeter Asiam, Africam, & -Europam.” In my opinion their assumed knowledge was based entirely on -ratiocination, and was not real knowledge at all; but Perizonius well -expresses the other view. - -[305] _Mare Cronium_ was the name given to a portion of the northern -ocean. Forbiger, _Handbuch_, ii. 3, note 9. - -[306] The average of all known rates of speed with ancient ships is -about five knots an hour; some of the fastest runs were at the rate of -seven knots, or a little more. Breusing, _Nautik der Alten_, Bremen, -1886, pp. 11, 12. Movers, _Die Phœnizier_, ii. 3, 190. Movers estimates -the rate of a Phœnician vessel with 180 oarsmen at double that of a -Greek merchantman. He compares the sailing qualities of Phœnician -vessels with those of Venice in the Middle Ages to the disadvantage of -the latter. As the ancients had nothing answering to our log, and their -contrivances for time-keeping were neither trustworthy nor adapted -for use on shipboard, these estimates are necessarily based on a few -reports of the number of days spent on voyages of known length,—a -rather uncertain method. - -[307] Tin exists in some of the islands of the Indian Ocean, and they -were worked at a later period, but there is no direct evidence, as far -as I am aware, that they were known at the date when Tyre was most -flourishing. - -[308] Diodorus Siculus, v. 18, 19; _De Mirab. Auscult._, 84. Müllenhof, -_Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, i., Berlin, 1870, p. 467, traces the report -through the historian Timaeus to Punic sources. - -[309] The narration of Hanno’s voyage has been preserved, apparently -in the words of the commander’s report. _Geographi Graeci minores_, -ed. Mueller (Paris, 1855), i. pp. 1-14. Cf. also _Prolegom._, pp. -xviii, xxiii. Our only notion of the date of the expedition is derived -from Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, v. i. § 7, who says: “Fuere et Hannonis -Carthaginiensium ducis commentarii, _Punicis rebus florentissimis_ -explorare ambitum Africae jussi.” All that is known of Himilko is -derived from the statement of Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, ii. 67, that he was -sent at about the same time as Hanno to explore the distant regions of -Europe; and from the poems of Avienus, who wrote in the fourth century, -and professed to give, in the _Ora Maritima_, many extracts from the -writings of Himilko. The description of the difficulties of navigation -in the Atlantic is best known. In his _Deutsche Alterthumskunde_ -(Berlin, 1870), i. pp. 73-210, Muellenhof has devoted especial -attention to an analysis of this record. - -[310] Pliny, _Hist. Nat._, vi. 36, 37; Mela, iii. 100, etc.; Solinus, -23, 56 [ed. Mommsen, p. 117, 230]; Ptolemy, _Geogr._, iv. 6; _Rapport -sur une mission scientifique dans l’archipel Canarienne,_ par M. -le docteur Verneau; 1877. In _Archives des Missions Scientifique -et Litteraires_, 3^e série, tom. xiii. pp. 569, etc. The presence -of Semites is indicated in Gran Canaria, Ferro, Palma, and the -inscriptions agree in character with those found in Numidia by Gen. -Faidherbe. In Gomera and Teneriffe, where the Guanche stock is purest, -there have been no inscriptions found. Dr. Verneau believes that the -Guanches are not descended from Atlantes or Americans, but from the -Quaternary men of Cro-magnon on the Vézère; he found, however, traces -of an unknown brachycephalic race in Gomera. - -[311] In the second century, a.d., Pausanias (_Desc. Graec._, i. 23) -was told by Euphemus, a Carian, that once, on a voyage to Italy, he had -been driven to the sea outside [_ἐς τὲν ἔξω θάλασσαν_], where people -no longer sailed, and where he fell in with many desert islands, some -inhabited by wild men, red-haired, and with tails, whom the sailors -called Satyrs. Nothing more is known of these islands. _Ἔξο_ has here -been rendered simply “distant”; but even in this sense it could hardly -apply in the time of Pausanias to any region but the Atlantic. It is -more probable that the phrase means “outside the columns.” - -In the first century B.C., some men of an unknown race were cast by -the sea on the German coast. There is nothing to show that these men -were American Indians; but since that has been sometimes assumed, the -matter should not be passed over here. The event is mentioned by Mela -(_De Chorogr._, iii. 5, § 8), and by Pliny (_Hist. Nat._, ii. 67); -the castaways were forwarded to the proconsul, Q. Caecilius Metellus -Celer (B.C. 62), by the king of the tribe within whose territory they -were found. Pliny calls the tribe the Suevi; the reading in Mela is -very uncertain. Parthey has _Botorum_, the older editors _Baetorum_, -or _Boiorum_. The Romans took them for inhabitants of India, who had -been carried around the north of Europe; modern writers have seen in -them Africans, Celts, Lapps, or Caribs. A careful study of the whole -subject, with references to the literature, will be found in an article -by F. Schiern: _Un énigme ethnographique de l’antiquité_, contributed -to the Memoirs of the Royal Society of Northern Antiquaries; New -Series, 1878-83, pp. 245-288. - -In the Louvre is an antique bronze which has been thought to represent -one of the Indians of Mela, and also to be a good reproduction of the -features of the North American Indian (Longpérier, _Notice des bronzes -antiques_, etc., _du Musée du Louvre_, Paris, 1868, p. 143), but the -supposition is purely arbitrary. - -Such an event as an involuntary voyage from the West Indies to the -shores of Europe is not an impossibility, nor is the case cited by -Mela and Pliny the only one of the kind which we find recorded. Gomara -(_Hist. gen. de las Indias_, 7) says some savages were thrown upon -the German coast in the reign of Frederic Barbarossa (1152-1190), -and Aeneas Silvius (Pius II.) probably refers to the same event when -he quotes a certain Otho as relating the capture on the coast of -Germany, in the time of the German emperors, of an Indian ship and -Indian traders (mercatores). The identity of Otho is uncertain. Otto -of Freisingen ([Dagger] 1158) is probably meant, but the passage does -not appear in his works that have been preserved (Aeneas Silvius, -_Historia rerum_, ii. 8, first edition, Venice, 1477). The most curious -story, however, is that related by Cardinal Bembo in his history of -Venice (first published 1551), and quoted by Horn (_De orig. Amer._, -14), Garcia (iv. 29), and others. It deserves, however, record here. -“A French ship while cruising in the ocean not far from Britain picked -up a little boat made of split oziers and covered with bark taken -whole from the tree; in it were seven men of moderate height, rather -dark complexion, broad and open faces, marked with a violet scar. -They had a garment of fishskin with spots of divers shades, and wore -a headgear of painted straw, interwoven with seven things like ears, -as it were (coronam e culmo pictam septem quasi auriculis intextam). -They ate raw flesh, and drank blood as we wine. Their speech could not -be understood. Six of them died; one, a youth, was brought alive to -Roano (so the Italian; the Latin has Aulercos), where the king was” -(Louis XII.). Bembo, _Rerum Venetarum Hist._ vii. year, 1508. [_Opere_, -Venice, 1729, i. 188.] - -[312] - -Nos manet Oceanus circumvagus; arva, beata -Petamus arva, divites et insulas, -Reddit ubi Cererem tellus inarata quotannis -Et inputata floret usque vinea. - - * * * * * - -Non huc Argoo contendit remige pinus, Neque inpudica Colchis intulit -pedem; _Non huc Sidonii torserunt cornua nautae_, Laboriosa nec cohors -Ulixei. Juppiter illa piae secrevit litora genti, Ut inquinavit aere -tempus aureum; Aere, dehinc ferro duravit saecula, quorum Piis secunda, -vate me, datur fuga. - -(Horace, _Epode_, xvi.) - -Virgil, in the well-known lines in the prophecy of Anchises— - -Super et Garamantes et Indos Proferet inperium; iacet extra sidera -tellus, Extra anni solisque vias, ubi caelifer Atlas Axem humero -torquet stellis ardentibus aptum— - -(_Æneid_, vi. 795.) - -had Africa rather than the west in mind, according to the commentators. - -It is possible that the islands described to Sertorius were Madeira and -Porto Santo, but the distance was much overestimated in this case. - -[313] “He [Eratosthenes] says that if the extent of the Atlantic Ocean -were not an obstacle, we might easily pass by sea from Iberia to India, -still keeping in the same parallel, the remaining portion of which -parallel ... occupies more than a third of the whole circle.... But -it is quite possible that in the temperate zone there may be two or -even more habitable earths _οἰκουμένας_, especially near the circle -of latitude which is drawn through Athens and the Atlantic ocean.” -(Strabo, _Geogr._, i. 4, § 6.) - -[314] Seneca, _Naturalium Quaest. Praefatio._ The passage is certainly -striking, but those who, like Baron Zach, base upon it the conclusion -that American voyagers were common in the days of Seneca overestimate -its force. It is certainly evident that Seneca, relying on his -knowledge of theoretical geography, underestimated the distance to -India. Had the length of the voyage to America been known, he would not -have used the illustration. - -[315] Smaller vessels even than were then afloat have crossed the -Atlantic, and the passage from the Canaries is hardly more difficult -than the Indian navigation. The Pacific islanders make voyages of -days’ duration by the stars alone to goals infinitely smaller than the -broadside of Asia, to which the ancients would have supposed themselves -addressed. - -[316] Aristotle, _Meteorolog._, ii. 1, § 14; Plato, _Timaeus_; Scylax -Caryandensis, _Periplus_, 112. _τῆς Κέρνης δὲ νέσου τὰ ἐπέκεινα οὐκέτι -ἐστὶ πλωτὰ διὰ βραχύτητα θαλάττης καὶ πελὸν καὶ φῦκος_(_Geogr. Graec. -min._, ed. Mueller, i. 93; other references in the notes). Pytheas -in Strabo, ii. 4, § 1; Tacitus, _Germania_, 45, 1; _Agricola_, x. A -gloss to Suidas applies the name Atlantic to all innavigable seas. -Pausanias, i. ch. 3, § 6, says it contained strange sea-beasts, and was -not navigable in its more distant parts. A long list of references to -similar passages is given by Ukert, _Geogr. der Griechen u. Römer_, ii. -1, p. 59. See also Berger, _Wissenschaftliche Geographie_, i. p. 27, -note 3, and Grote, _Hist. of Greece_, iii. ch. 18, notes. - -[317] _De Mirab. Auscult._, 136. The Phœnicians are said to have -discovered beyond Gades extensive shoals abounding in fish. - -Quae Himilco Poenus mensibus vix quatuor, Ut ipse semet re probasse -retulit Enavigantem, posse transmitti adserit: Sic nulla late flabra -propellunt ratem, Sic segnis humor aequoris pigri stupet. Adjecit et -illud, plurimum inter gurgites Extare fucum, et saepe virgulti vice -Retinere puppim: dicit hic nihilominus, Non in profundum terga dimitti -maris, Parvoque aquarum vix supertexi solum: Obire semper huc et huc -ponti feras, Navigia lenta et languide repentia Internatare belluas. -(Avienus, _Ora Maritima_, 115-130.) - -Hunc usus olim dixit Oceanum vetus, Alterque dixit mos Atlanticum mare. -Longo explicatur gurges hujus ambitu, Produciturque latere prolixe -vago. Plerumque porro tenue tenditur salum, Ut vix arenas subjacentes -occulat. Exsuperat autem gurgitem fucus frequens, Atque impeditur -aestus hic uligine: Vis belluarum pelagus omne internatat, Multusque -terror ex feris habitat freta. Haec olim Himilcos Poenus Oceano super -Spectasse semet et probasse retulit: Haec nos, ab imis Punicorum -annalibus Prolata longo tempore, edidimus tibi. (_Ibid._ 402-415.) - -Whether Avienus had immediate knowledge of these Punic sources is quite -unknown. - -[318] Seneca, _Medea_, 376-380. - -[319] In the first book of his _Suasoriæ_, M. Annaeus Seneca collected -a number of examples illustrative of the manner in which several -of the famous orators and rhetoricians of his time had handled the -subject, _Deliberat Alexander, an Oceanum naviget_, which appears to -have been one of a number of stock subjects for use in rhetorical -training. This collection thus gives a good view of the prevalent -views about the ocean, and certainly tells strongly against the idea -that the western passage was then known or practised. “Fertiles in -Oceano jacere terras, ultraque Oceanum rursus alia littora, alium nasci -orbem, ... _facile ista finguntur; quia Oceanus navigari non potest_ -... confusa lux alta caligine, et interceptus tenebris dies, ipsum -veros grave et devium mare, et aut nulla, aut ignota sidera. Ita est, -Alexander, rerum natura; _post omnia Oceanus, post Oceanum nihil_.... -Immensum, et humanae intentatum experientiae pelagus, totius orbis -vinculum, terrarumque custodia, inagitata remigio vastitas.... Fabianus -... divisit enim illam [quaestionem] sic, ut primum negaret ullas in -Oceano, aut trans Oceanum, esse terras habitabiles: deinde si essent, -perveniri tamen ad illas non posse. Hic difficultatem ignoti maris, -naturam non patientem navigationis.” - -[320] Virgil, bishop of Salzburg, was accused before Pope Zacharias -by St. Boniface of teaching the doctrine of antipodes; for this, and -not for his belief in the sphericity of the earth (as I read), he was -threatened by the Pope with expulsion from the church. The authority -for this story is a letter from the Pope to Boniface. See Marinelli, -_Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvätern_, p. 42. - -[321] Cosmas, as will be seen in the cut, adhered to the continental -theory, placing Paradise on the continent in the east. Paradise was -more commonly placed in an island east of Asia. - -[322] It has been suggested by M. Beauvois that Labrador may in -the same way derive its name from _Inis Labrada_, or the Island of -Labraid, which figures in an ancient Celtic romance. The conjecture -has only the phonetic resemblance to recommend it. Beauvois, _L’Elysée -transatlantique (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions_, vii. (1883), p. -291, n. 3). - -[323] Gaffarel, P., _Les isles fantastiques de l’Atlantique au moyen -âge_, 3. - -[324] Coryat’s _Crudities_, London, 1611. Sig. h(4), verso. - -[325] The result of the Arabian measurements gave 56⅔3 miles to a -degree. Arabian miles were meant, and as these contain, according -to Peschel (_Geschichte der Geographie_, p. 134) 4,000 ells of -540.7^{mm}., the degree equalled 122,558.6^m. The Europeans, however, -thought that Roman miles were meant, and so got but 83,866.6^m. to a -degree. - -[326] Edrisi, _Geography_, Climate, iv., § 1, Jaubert’s translation, -Paris, 1836, ii. 26. - -[327] Found in various Celtic MSS. See Beauvois, _L’Eden occidentale -(Rev. de l’Hist. des Relig._), viii. (1884), 706, etc.; Joyce, _Old -Celtic Romances_, 112-176. - -[328] These alleged voyages are considered in the next chapter. - -[329] Polybius, _Hist._, iii. 38. - -[330] The tract _On the World_ (_περὶ κόσμου_, de mundo), and the -_Strange Stories_ (_περὶθαυμασίων ἀκουσμάτν_, _de mirabilibus -auscultationibus_), printed with the works of Aristotle, are held to -be spurious by critics: the former, which gives a good summary of -the oceanic theory of the distribution of land and water (ch. 3), is -considerably later in date; the latter is a compilation made from -Aristotle and other writers. Muellenhof has sought partially to analyze -it in his _Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, i. 426, etc. - -[331] First in _Geographica Marciani, Scylacis, Artemidoris, Dicæarchi, -Isidori. Ed. a Hoeschelio_ (Aug. Vind., 1600). The great collection -made by Hudson, _Geographiae veteris scriptores Graeci minores_ (4 -vols., Oxon., 1698-1712; re-edited by Gail, Paris, 1826, 6 vols.), is -still useful, notwithstanding the handy edition by C. Mueller in the -Didot classics, _Geographiae Graeci minores_ (Paris, 1855-61. 2 vols. -and atlas). - -[332] _Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum. Ed. C. et T. Mueller_ (Paris, -Didot, 1841-68. 5 vols.). - -[333] _Die geographischen Fragmente des Hipparchus: H. Berger_ -(Leipzig, 1869); _Posidonii Rhodii reliquiae doctrinae: coll. J. Bake_ -(Lugd. Bat., 1810); _Eratosthenica composuit G. Bernhardy_ (Berlin, -1822); _Die geographischen Fragmente des Eratosthenes: H. Berger_ -(Leipzig, 1880). - -[334] _Strabonis Geographia_ (Romae, Suweynheym et Pannartz, s. a.), in -1469 or 1470, folio. First edition of the Latin translation which was -made by Guarini of Verona, and Lilius Gregorius of Tiferno; only 275 -copies were printed. It was reprinted in 1472 (Venice), 1473 (Rome), -1480 (Tarvisii), 1494 (Venice), 1502 (Venice), 1510 (Venice), and 1512 -(Paris). _Strabo de situ orbis_ (Venice. Aldus et Andr. Soc., 1516), -fol., was the first Greek edition; a better edition appeared in 1549 -(Basil., fol.), with Guarini’s and Gregorius’s translation revised by -Glareanus and others. Critical ed. by J. Kramer (Berlin, 1844), 3 vols. -Ed. with Latin trans. by C. Müller and F. Dübner (Paris, Didot, 1853, -1857). It has since been edited by August Meineke (Leipsic, Teubner, -1866. 3 vols. 8vo). - -There was an Italian translation by Buonacciuoli, in Venice and -Ferrara, 1562, 1585. 2 vols. The _Γεωγραφικὰ_ has been several -times translated into German, by Penzel (Lemgo, 1775-1777, 4 Bde. -8vo), Groskund (Berlin, Stettin, 1831-1834. 4 Thle.), and Forbiger -(Stuttgart, 1856-1862. 2 Bde.), and very recently into English by H. C. -Hamilton and W. Falconer (London, Bell [Bohn], 1887). 3 vols. This has -a useful index. - -The great French translation of Strabo, made by order of Napoleon, -with very full notes by Gosselin and others, is still the most useful -translation: _Géographie du Strabon trad. du grec en française_ (Paris, -1805-1819). 5 vols. 4to. - -[335] The Geography was first printed, in a Latin translation, at -Vincentia, in 1475; the date 1462 in the Bononia edition being -recognized as a misprint, probably for 1482. The history of the book -has been described by Lelewel in the appendix to his _Histoire de la -Géographie_, and more fully in Winsor’s _Bibliography of Ptolemy’s -Geography_ (Cambridge, Mass., 1884), and in the section on Ptolemy by -Wilberforce Eames in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, also printed separately. - -[336] The _Phaenomena_ of Aratus was a poem which had great vogue both -in Greece and Rome. It was commented upon by Hipparchus and Achilles -Tatius (both of which commentaries are preserved, and are found in the -_Uranologion_ of Petavius), and translated by Cicero. - -[337] _Gemini elementa astronomiae_, also quoted by the first word of -the Greek title, _Isagoge_. First edition, Altorph, 1590. The best -edition is still that in the _Uranologion_ of Dionysius Petavius -(Paris, 1630). It is also found in the rare translation of Ptolemy by -Halma (Paris, 1828). - -[338] _Κύκλικη θεώρια_ quoted as _Cleom. de sublimibus circulis_. The -first edition was at Paris, 1539. 4to. It has been edited by Bake -(Lugd. Bat., 1826), and Schmidt (Leips. 1832). Nothing is known of the -life of Cleomedes. He wrote after the 1st cent. A.D., probably. - -[339] It was first printed in the Plato of Basle, 1534. There is an -English translation by Thomas Taylor, _The Commentaries of Proclus on -the Timaeus of Plato_, in 2 vols. (London, 1820). Proclus was also the -author of astronomical works which helped to keep Grecian learning -alive in the early Middle Ages. - -[340] The works of L. Annaeus Seneca were first printed in Naples, -1475, fol., but the _Questionum naturalium lib. vii._ were not included -until the Venice ed. of 1490, which also contained the first edition of -the _Suasoriae and Controversariae_ of M. Ann. Seneca. The _Tragoediae_ -of L. Ann. Seneca were first printed about 1484 by A. Gallicus, -probably at Ferrara. - -[341] _Historiae naturalis libri xxxvii._ The first edition was the -famous and rare folio of Joannes de Spira, Venice, 1469. I find record -of ten other editions and three issues of Landino’s Italian translation -before 1492. - -[342] _C. Julii Solini Collectanea rerum memorabilium sive polyhistor._ -Solinus lived probably in the third century A.D. His book was a great -favorite in the Middle Ages, both in manuscript and in print, and was -known by various titles, as _Polyhistor, De situ orbis_, etc. The first -edition appeared without place or date, at Rome, about 1473, and in the -same year at Venice, and it was often reprinted with the annotations -of the most famous geographers. The best edition is that by Mommsen -(Berlin, 1864). See Vol. II. p. 180. - -[343] First edition, Milan, 1471. 4to. The best is that by Parthey, -Berlin, 1867. A history and bibliography of this work is given in Vol. -II. p. 180. - -[344] _Commentariorum in somnium Scipionis libri duo._ The first -edition was at Venice, 1472. There has been an edition by Jahn (2 vols. -Quedlinburg, 1848, 1852), and by Eyssenhardt (Leipzig, 1868), and a -French translation by various hands, printed in 3 vols. at Paris, -1845-47. - -[345] _Descriptio orbis terrae; ora maritima._ The first edition -appeared at Venice in 1488, with the _Phaenomena_ of Aratus. It is -included in the _Geogr. Graec. min._ of Mueller. Muellenhof has treated -of the latter poem at length in his _Deutsche Alterthumskunde_, i. -73-210. - -[346] _Astronomicon libri v._ Manilius is an unknown personality, -but wrote in the first half of the first century A. D. (First ed., -Nuremberg, 1472 or 1473); Hyginus, _Poeticon Astronomicon_, 1st or 2d -cent. A. D. (Ferrara, 1475). - -[347] _De nuptiis philologiae et Mercurii_, first ed. Vicent., 1499. - -[348] E. H. Bunbury, _Hist. of Anc. Geog. among the Greeks and Romans_ -(London, 1879), in two volumes,—a valuable, well-digested work, but -scant in citations. Ukert, _Geog. der Griechen and Römer_ (Weimar, -1816), very rich in citations, giving authorities for every statement, -and useful as a summary. - -Forbiger, _Handbuch der alten Geographie_ (Hamburg, 1877), compiled on -a peculiar method, which is often very sensible. He first analyzes and -condenses the works of each writer, and then sums up the opinions on -each country and phase of the subject. - -Vivien de St. Martin, _Histoire de la Géographie_ (Paris, 1873). - -Peschel, _Geschichte der Erdkunde_ (2d ed., by S. Ruge, München, 1877). -Perhaps reference is not out of place also to P. F. J. Gosselin’s -_Géographie des Grecs analysée, ou les Systèmes d’Eratosthenes, de -Strabon et de Ptolémée, comparés entre eux et avec nos connaissances -modernes_ (Paris, 1790); and his later _Recherches sur la Geographie -systématique et positive des anciens_ (1797-1813). - -Cf. Hugo Berger, _Geschichte der wiss. Erdkunde der Griechen_ (Leipzig, -1887). - -[349] _Geschichte der Griechischen Philosophie_ (Tübingen, 1856-62). - -[350] Sir George Cornwall Lewis, _Historical Survey of the Astronomy of -the Ancients_ (London, 1862). - -Theodore Henri Martin, whose numerous papers are condensed in the -article on “Astronomie” in Daremberg and Saglio’s _Dictionnaire de -l’Antiquité_. Some of the more important distinct papers of Martin -appeared in the _Mém. Acad. Inscrip. et Belles Lettres._ - -[351] See Cellarius, _Notit. orb. antiq._ i. ch. 2, _de rotunditate -terrae_. See also Günther, _Aeltere und neuere Hypothese ueber die -chronische Versetzung des Erdschwerpunktes durch Wassermassen_ (Halle, -1878). - -[352] _De Natura Rerum._ - -[353] See _ante_, p. 31. In the second century St. Clement spoke of the -“Ocean impassible to man, and the worlds beyond it.” _1st Epist. to -Corinth._ ch. 20. (_Apostolic Fathers_, Edinb. 1870, p. 22.) - -[354] Legrand d’Aussy, _Image du Monde_. _Notices et extraits de la -Bibliothèque du Roi_, etc., v. (1798), p. 260. It is also said that -the earth is round, so that a man could go all round it as an insect -can walk all round the circumference of a pear. This notable poem has -been lately studied by Fant, but is still unprinted. It was known to -Abulfeda, that if two persons made the journey described, they would -on meeting differ by two days in their calendar (Peschel, _Gesch. d. -Erdkunde_, p. 132). - -[355] A. Jourdain, _Recherches critique sur l’âge et l’origin des -traductions latines d’Aristote, et sur des commentaires Grecs et Arabes -employés par les docteurs scolastiques_ (Paris, 1843). See also _De -l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes sur la découverte du -nouveau-monde, par Ch. Jourdain_ (Paris, 1861). - -[356] See Vol. II., ch. i., Critical Essay. - -[357] Cf. a bibliographical note in St. Martin’s _Histoire de la -Géographie_ (1873), p. 296. The well-known _Examen Critique_ of -Humboldt, the _Recherches sur la géographie_ of Walckenaer, the -_Géographie du moyen-âge_ of Lelewel, with a few lesser monographic -papers like Fréville’s “Mémoire sur la Cosmographie du moyen-âge,” in -the _Revue des Soc. Savantes_, 1859, vol. ii., and Gaffarel’s “Les -relations entre l’ancient monde et l’Amérique, étaient-elles possible -au moyen-âge,” in the _Bull. de la Soc. Normande de Géog._, 1881, vol. -iii. 209, will answer most purposes of the general reader; but certain -special phases will best be followed in Letronne’s _Des opinions -cosmographiques des Pères de l’Eglise, rapprocher des doctrines -philosophiques de la Grece_, in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_, Mars, -1834, p. 601, etc. The Vicomte Santarem’s _Essai sur l’histoire de -la cosmographie et de la cartographie pendant le moyen-âge, et sur -les progrès de la géographie après les grandes découvertes du xv^e -siècle_ (Paris, 1849-52), in 3 vols., was an introduction to the great -_Atlas_ of mediæval maps issued by Santarem, and had for its object the -vindication of the Portuguese to be considered the first explorers of -the African coast. He is more interested in the burning zone doctrine -than in the shape of the earth. H. Wuttke’s _Ueber Erdkunde und Kultur -des Mittelalters_ (Leipzig, 1853) is an extract from the _Serapeum_. -G. Marinelli’s _Die Erdkunde bei den Kirchenvätern_ (Leipzig, 1884, -pp. 87) is very full on Cosmas, with drawings from the MS. not -elsewhere found; Siegmund Günther’s _Die Lehre von der Erdrundung u. -Erdbewegung im Mittelalter bei den Occidentalen_ (Halle, 1877), pp. 53, -and his _Die Lehre von der Erdrundung u. Erdbewegung bei den Arabern -und Hebräern_ (Halle, 1877), pp. 127, give numerous bibliographical -references with exactness. Specially interesting is Charles Jourdain’s -_De l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes aux la découverte -du nouveau monde_ (Paris, 1861), where we read (p. 30): “La pensée -dominante de Colomb était l’hypothèse de la proximité de l’Espagne -et de l’Asie, et ... cette hypothèse lui venait d’Aristote et des -scolastiques;” and again (p. 24): “Ce n’est pas à Ptolémée ... que le -moyen âge a emprunté l’hypothèse d’une communication entre l’Europe et -l’Asie par l’océan Atlantique.... Cette conséquence, qui n’avait par -éschappé à Eratosthène, n’est pas énoncée par Ptolémée tandis qu’elle -retrouve de la manière la plus expresse chez Aristote.” - -[358] See also _ante_, p. 37. - -[359] Plato, _Phaedo_, 108; Plutarch, _De facie_. - -[360] Aristotle, _De caelo_, ii. 13. - -[361] Ctesias, _On India_, ch. v. (ed. Didot, p. 80), says the rising -sun appears ten times larger in India than in Greece. Strabo, _Geogr._ -iii. 1, § 5, quotes Posidonius as denying a similar story of the -setting sun as seen from Gades. - -Whether Herodotus had a similar idea when he wrote that in India the -mornings were torrid, the noons temperate and the evenings cold (Herod. -iii. 104), is uncertain. Also see Dionysius Periegetes, _Periplus_, -1109-1111, in _Geographi Graeci minores_. _Ed. C. Mueller_ (Paris, -Didot, 1861, ii. 172). Rawlinson sees in it only a statement of -climatic fact. - -[362] _The True Key to Ancient Cosmogonies_, in the _Year Book of -Boston University_, 1882, and separately, Boston, 1882; and in his -_Paradise Found_, 4th ed. (Boston, 1885). - -[363] Geminus, _Isagoge_, c. 13. - -[364] “Ueber die Gestalt der Erde nach den Begriffen der Alten,” in -_Kritische Blätter_, ii. (1790) 130. - -[365] _Ueber Homerische Geographie und Weltkunde_ (Hanover, 1830). - -[366] _Homerische Realien, I. 1. Homerische Cosmographie und -Geographie_ (Leipzig, 1871). - -[367] _Homer and the Homeric Age_ (London, 1858), ii. 334. The question -of Aeaea, “where are the dancing places of the dawn” (_Od._ xii. 5), -almost induces Gladstone to believe that Homer thought the earth -cylindrical, but it may be doubted if the expression means more than -an outburst of joy at returning from the darkness beyond ocean to the -realm of light. - -[368] “Mémoire sur la cosmographie Grecque à l’époque d’Homere et -d’Hesiode,” in _Mém. de l’Acad. des Inscr. et des Belles Lettres_, -xxviii. (1874) 1, 211-235. - -[369] _Entwicklung der Ansichten des Alterthums ueber Gestalt und -Grösse der Erde._ Leipzig, 1868. (Gymn. z. Insterburg.) - -[370] _Die Kosmischen Systeme der Griechen_ (Berlin, 1851). - -[371] See also Keppel, _Die Ansichten der alten Griechen und Römer von -der Gestalt, Grösse, und Weltstellung der Erde_. (Schweinfurt, 1884.) - -[372] For example, K. Jarz, “Wo sind die Homerischen Inseln Trinakie, -Scherie, etc. zu suchen?” in _Zeitschr. für wissensch. Geogr._ ii. -10-18, 21. - -[373] See Vol. II. p. 26. His son Ferdinand enlarges upon this. The -passage in Seneca’s _Medea_ was a favorite. This is often considered -rather as a lucky prophecy. Leibnitz, _Opera Philologica_ (Geneva, -1708), vi. 317. Charles Sumner’s “Prophetic Voices concerning America,” -in _Atlantic Monthly_, Sept. 1867 (also separately, Boston, 1874). -_Hist. Mag._ xiii. 176; xv. 140. - -[374] Vol. II. 25. Harrisse, _Bib. Amer. Vet._ i. 262. - -[375] Perizonius, in his note to the story of Silenus and Midas, -quoted from Theopompus by Ælian in his _Varia Historiæ_ (Rome, 1545; -in Latin, Basle, 1548; in English, 1576), quotes the chief references -in ancient writers. Cf. Ælian, ed. by Perizonius, Lugd. Bat. 1701, -p. 217. Among the writers of the previous century quoted by this -editor are Rupertus, _Dissertationes mixtæ, ad Val. Max._ (Nuremberg, -1663). Math. Berniggerus, _Ex Taciti Germaniâ et Agricolâ questiones_ -(Argent. 1640). Eras. Schmidt, _Dissert. de America_, which is annexed -to Schmidt’s ed. of Pindar (Witelsbergæ, 1616), where it is spoken of -as “Discursus de insula Atlantica ultra columnas Herculis qua America -hodie dicitur.” Cluverius, _Introduction in univers. geogr._, vi. 21, -§ 2, supports this view, 1st ed., 1624. In the ed. 1729 is a note by -Reiskius on the same side, with references (p. 667). - -Of the same century is J. D. Victor’s _Disputatio de America_ (Jenæ, -1670). - -In Brunn’s _Bibliotheca Danica_ are a number of titles of dissertations -bearing on the subject; they are mostly old. - -[376] Even the voyage of Kolaos, mentioned in Herodotus (iv. 152), is -supposed by Garcia a voyage to America. - -[377] _Mœurs des Sauvages_ (Paris, 1724). - -[378] _Attempt to show that America must have been known to the -Ancients_ (Boston, 1773). - -[379] _History of America_, 1775. - -[380] See Vol. II. p. 68. Humboldt (i. 191) adopts the view of Ortelius -that the grand continent mentioned by Plutarch is America and not -Atlantis. Cf. Brasseur’s _Lettres à M. le Duc de Valmy_, p. 57. - -[381] Gaffarel has since elaborated this part of the book in some -papers, “Les Grecs et les Romains ont-ils connu l’Amérique?” in the -_Revue de Géographie_ (Oct. 1881, _et seq._), ix. 241, 420; x. 21, -under the heads of traditions, theories, and voyages. - -There are references in Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. ch. 1; and in -his _Cent. America_, vi. 70, etc.; in Short, _No. Amer. of Antiq._, -146, 466, 474; in DeCosta’s _Precolumbian Discovery_. Brasseur touches -the subject in his introduction to his _Landa’s Relation_; Charles -Jourdain, in his _De l’influence d’Aristote et de ses interprètes -sur la découverte du nouveau monde_ (Paris, 1861), taken from the -_Journal de l’Instruction Publique_. A recent book, W. S. Blackett’s -_Researches_, etc. (Lond. 1883), may be avoided. - -[382] Of lesser importance are these: Bancroft’s _Native Races_, -iv. 364, v. 55; Short, 418; Stephens’s _Cent. Amer._, ii. 438-442; -M’Culloh’s _Researches_, 171; Weise, _Discoveries of America_, p. 2; -Campbell in _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér._ 1875, i. W. L. Stone asks -if the moundbuilders were Egyptians (_Mag. Amer. History_, ii. 533). - -[383] Of less importance are: Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 63-77, with -references; Short, 145; Baldwin’s _Anc. America_, 162, 171; Warden’s -_Recherches_, etc. The more general discussion of Humboldt, Brasseur -(_Nat. Civ._), Gaffarel (_Rapport_), De Costa, etc., of course helps -the investigator to clues. - -The subject is mixed up with some absurdity and deceit. The Dighton -Rock has passed for Phœnician (Stiles’ _Sermon_, 1783; Yates and -Moulton’s _New York_). At one time a Phœnician inscription in Brazil -was invented (_Am. Geog. Soc. Bull._ 1886, p. 364; St. John V. Day’s -_Prehistoric Use of Iron_, Lond. 1877, p. 62). The notorious Cardiff -giant, conveniently found in New York state, was presented to a -credulous public as Phœnician (_Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Ap. 1875). The -history of this hoax is given by W. A. McKinney in the _New Englander_, -1875, P. 759. - -[384] Cf. Johr. Langius, _Medicinalium Epistolarum Miscellanea_ (Basle, -1554-60), with a chapter, “De novis Americi orbis insulis, antea ab -Hannone Carthaginein repertis;” Gebelin’s _Monde Primitif_; Bancroft’s -_Native Races_, iii. 313, v. 77; Short, 145, 209. - -[385] A specimen is in M. V. Moore’s paper in the _Mag. of Amer. -Hist._ (1884), xii. 113, 354. There are various fugitive references to -Roman coins found often many feet under ground, in different parts of -America. See for such, Ortelius, _Theatrum orbis terrarum_; Haywood’s -_Tennessee_ (1820); _Hist. Mag._, v. 314; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, xiii. -457; Marcel de Serre, _Cosmogonie de Moise_, p. 32; and for pretended -Roman inscriptions, Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Nat. Civ. Méx._, preface; -_Journal de l’Instruction Publique_, Juin, 1853; Humboldt, _Exam. -Crit._, i. 166; Gaffarel in _Rev. de Géog._, ix. 427. - -[386] _Procli commentarius in Platonis Timaeum. Rec. C. E. C. -Schneider. (Vratislaviae, 1847.) The Commentaries of Proclus on the -Timaeus of Plato. Translated by Thomas Taylor_, 2 vols. 4º. (London, -1820.) Proclus lived A.D. 412-485. The passages of importance are found -in the translation, vol. i. pp. 64, 70, 144, 148. - -[387] Taylor, i. 64. - -[388] _Procl. in Tim._ (Schneider), p. 126; Taylor, i. 148. Also in -_Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum_, ed. Mueller. (Paris, 1852), vol. -iv. p. 443. - -[389] _Geogr._ ii. § 3, § 6 (p. 103). - -[390] _Hist. Nat._, ii. 92. - -[391] The Atlantis mentioned by Pliny in _Hist. Nat._, vi. 36, is -apparently entirely distinct from the Atlantis of Plato. - -[392] Amm. Marc. xvii. 7, § 13. Fiunt autem terrarum motus modis -quattuor, aut enim brasmatiae sunt, ... aut climatiae ... aut -chasmatiae, qui grandiori motu patefactis subito voratrinis terrarum -partes absorbent, ut in Atlantico mare Europaeo orbe spatiosor insula, -etc. (Ed. Eyssenhardt, Berlin, 1871, p. 106). - -[393] Martin, _Etudes sur le Timée_ (1841), i. 305, 306. The passage in -question is in _Schol. ad Rempubl._, p. 327, Plato, ed. Bekker, vol. -ix. p. 67. - -[394] Cited in Aelian’s _Varia Historia_, iii. ch. 18. For the other -references see above, pp. 23, 25, 26. - -[395] Ammianus Marcellinus (xv. 9) quotes from Timagenes (who wrote in -the first century a history of Gaul, now lost) a statement that some of -the Gauls had originally immigrated from very distant islands and from -lands beyond the Rhine (_ab insulis extimis_ confluxisse et tractibus -transrhenanis) whence they were driven by wars and the incursions of -the sea (Timag. in Mueller, _Frag. hist. of Graec._, iii. 323). It -would seem incredible that this should be dragged into the Atlantis -controversy, but such has been the case. - -[396] Plutarch, _Solon_, at end. R. Prinz, _De Solonis Plutarchi -fontibus_ (Bonnæ, 1857). - -[397] _De Pallio, 2, Apol._, p. 32. Also by Arnobius, _Adversus -gentes_, i. 5. - -[398] Ed. Montfaucon, i. 114-125, ii. 131, 136-138, iv. 186-192, xii. -340. - -[399] Gaffarel in _Revue de Géographie_, vi. - -[400] _Platonis omnia opere cum comm. Proclii in Timaeum_, etc. (Basil. -Valderus, 1534). - -[401] _Ex Platoni Timaeo particula, Ciceronis libro de universitate -respondens ... op. jo. Perizonii_ (Paris, Tiletanus, 1540; Basil. s. -a.; Paris, Morell, 1551). _Interpret. Cicerone et Chalcidio_, etc. -(Paris, 1579). _Le Timée de Platon, translaté du grec en français, -par L. le Roy_, etc. (Paris, 1551, 1581). _Il dialogo di Platone, -intitolato il Timaeo trad. da Sb. Erizzo, nuov. mandato en luce d. Gir. -Ruscellii_ (Venet. 1558). - -[402] _Birchrodii Schediasma de orbe novo non novo_ (Altdorf, 1683). - -[403] The representation of Sanson is reproduced on p. 18. The full -title of these curious maps is given by Martin, _Etudes sur le Timée_, -i. 270, _notes_. - -[404] _Plato, ed. Stallbaum_ (Gothae, 1838); vii. p. 99, note E. See -also his _Prolegomena de Critia_, in the same volume, for further -discussion and references. - -[405] Cluverius, _Introduct._, ed. 1729, p. 667. - -[406] _Examination of the legend of Atlantis in reference to -protohistoric communications with America_, in the _Trans. Royal Hist. -Soc._ (Lond., 1885), iii. p. 1-46. - -[407] W. S. Blackett, _Researches into the lost histories of America; -or, the Zodiac shown to be an old terrestrial map in which the Atlantic -isle is delineated_, etc. (London, 1883), p. 31, 32. The work is not -too severely judged by W. F. Poole, in the _Dial_ (Chicago), Sept. 84, -_note_. The author’s reasons for believing that Atlantis could not have -sunk are interesting in a way. The _Fourth Rept. Bur. of Ethnology_ (p. -251) calls it “a curiosity of literature.” - -[408] E. F. Berlioux, _Les Atlantes: histoire de l’Atlantis, et de -l’Atlas primitif_ (Paris, 1883). It originally made part of the first -_Annuaire_ of the Faculté des lettres de Lyon (Paris, 1883). - -[409] _Thesaurus Geogr._, 1587, under _Atlantis_. See also under -_Gades_ and _Gadirus_. On folio 2 of his _Theatrum orbis terrarum_ he -rejects the notion that the ancients knew America, but in the index, -under _Atlantis_, he says _forte America_. - -[410] Bartolomé de las Casas, _Historia de las Indias. Ed. De la -Fuensanto de Valle and J. S. Rayon_ (Madrid, 1875), i. cap. viii. pp. -73-79. - -[411] Taylor, in the introduction to the Timaeus, in his translation -of Plato, regards as almost impious the doubts as to the truth of the -narrative. _The Works of Plato_, vol. i. London, 1804. - -[412] _Thes. Geogr._, s. v. _Gadirus_. - -[413] _Athanasii Kircherii Mundus subterraneus in xii. libros digestus_ -(Amsterd., 1678), pp. 80-83. He gives a cut illustrative of his views -on p. 82. - -[414] _Historia orbis terrarum geographica et civilis_, cap. 5, § 2, -hist. insul. I. C. Becmann, 2d ed. (Francfort on Oder, 1680). Title -from British Museum, as I have been unable to see the work. The _Allg. -Deutsche Biographie_ says the first edition appeared in 1680. It was a -book of considerable note in its day. - -[415] De la Borde, _Histoire abregée de la mer du Sud_ (Paris, 1791). - -[416] J. B. G. M. Bory de St. Vincent, _Essais sur les isles Fortunées -et l’antique Atlantide_ (Paris, an xi. or 1803), ch. 7. Si les Canaries -et les autres isles de l’ocean Atlantique offrent les débris d’un -continent. pp. 427, etc. His map is given _ante_, p. 19. - -[417] This is the second part of his _Iles de l’Afrique_ (Paris, 1848), -belonging to the series _L’Univers. Histoire et description de tous les -peuples_, etc. Cf. also his _Les îles fantastiques_ (Paris, 1845). - -[418] G. R. Carli, _Delle Lettere Americane_, ii. (1780). Lettere, vii. -and following; especially xiii. and following. - -[419] Lyell, _Elements of Geology_ (Lond., 1841), p. 141; and his -_Principles of Geology_, 10th ed. Buffon dated the separation of the -new and old world from the catastrophe of Atlantis. _Epoques de la -Nat._, ed. Flourens, ix. 570. - -[420] _Quatres lettres sur la Méxique; Popul Vuh_, p. xcix, and his -_Sources de l’histoire primitive du Méxique_, section viii. pp. xxiv, -xxxiii, xxxviii and ix, in his edition of Diego da Landa, _Relation des -choses de Yucatan_ (Paris, 1864). H. H. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iii. -112, 264, 480; v. 127, develops Brasseur’s theory. In his _Hist. Nat. -Civilisées_ he compares the condition of the Colhua kingdom of Xibalba -with Atlantis, and finds striking similarities. Le Plongeon in his -_Sacred Mysteries_ (p. 92) accepts Brasseur’s theory. - -[421] A. Retzius, _Present state of Ethnology in relation to the form -of the human skull_ (Smithsonian Report, 1859), p. 266. The resemblance -is not indorsed by M. Verneau, who has lately made a detailed study of -the aborigines of the Canaries. - -[422] F. Unger, _Die versunkene Insel Atlantis_ (Wien, 1860). -Translated in the _Journal of Botany_ (London), January, 1865. Asa Gray -had already called attention to the remarkable resemblance between the -flora of Japan and that of eastern North America, but had not found -the invention of a Pacific continent preferable to the hypothesis of -a progress of plants of the temperate zone round by Behring’s Strait -(_Memoirs of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences_, vi. 377). -Unger’s theory has been also more or less urged in Heer’s _Flora -Tertiaria Helveticae_ (1854-58) and his _Urwelt der Schweitz_ (1865), -and by Otto Ule in his _Die Erde_ (1874), i. 27. - -[423] _Sitzungsberichte der Math. Phys. Classe d. k. Akad. d. -Wissensch._ at Vienna, lvii. (1868) p. 12. - -[424] The “Lost Atlantis” and the “Challenger” soundings, _Nature_, 26 -April, 1877, xv. 553, with sketch map. - -[425] J. Starkie Gardner, _How were the eocenes of England deposited?_ -in _Popular Science Review_ (London), July, 1878, xvii. 282. Edw. H. -Thompson, _Atlantis not a Myth_, in _Popular Science Monthly_, Oct., -1879, xv. 759; reprinted in _Journal of Science_, Lond., Nov. 1879. - -[426] _Etude sur les rapports de l’Atlantis et de l’ancien continent -avant Colomb_ (Paris, 1869). - -[427] _Revue de Géographie_, Mars, Avril, 1880, tom. vi. et vii. - -[428] See p. 46. - -[429] _Ultima teoria sobre la Atlantida._ A paper read before the -Geographical Society at Lisbon. I have seen only the epitome in -_Bolletino della Società Geografica Italiana_, xvi. (1879), p. 693. -Apparently the paper was published in 1881, in the proceedings of the -fourth congress of Americanists at Madrid. - -[430] Winchell, _Preadamites, or a demonstration of the existence of -man before Adam_, etc. (Chicago, 1880), pp. 378 and fol. - -[431] Ignatius Donnelly, _Atlantis: the Antediluvian World_ (N. Y., -1882). - -[432] His work is much more than a defence of Plato. He attempts to -show that Atlantis was the terrestrial paradise, the cradle of the -world’s civilization. I suppose it was his book which inspired Mrs. J. -Gregory Smith to write _Atla: a Story of the Lost Island_ (New York, -1886). - -Donnelly’s book was favorably reviewed by Prof. Winchell (“Ancient Myth -and Modern Fact,” _Dial_, Chicago, April, 1882, ii. 284), who declared -that there was no longer serious doubt that the story was founded on -fact. His theory was enthusiastically adopted by Mrs. A. A. Knight in -_Education_ (v. 317), and somewhat more soberly by Rev. J. P. McLean in -the _Universalist Quarterly_ (Oct., 1882, xxxix. 436, “The Continent of -Atlantis”). I have not seen an article in _Kansas Review_ by Mrs. H. M. -Holden, quoted in _Poole’s Index_ (_Kan. Rev._, viii. 435; also, viii. -236, 640). It was more carefully examined and its claims rejected by -a writer in the _Journal of Science_ (London), (“Atlantis once more,” -June, 1883; xx. 319-327). W. F. Poole doubts whether Mr. Donnelly -himself was quite serious in his theorizing (“Discoveries of America: -the lost Atlantis theory,” _Dial_, Sept., 1884, v. 97). Lord Arundel -of Wardour controverted Donnelly in _The Secret of Plato’s Atlantis_ -(London, 1885), and believes that the Atlantis fable originated in -vague reports of Hanno’s voyage—a theory hardly less remarkable than -the one it aims to displace. Lord Arundel’s book was reviewed in the -_Dublin Review_ (Plato’s “Atlantis” and the “Periplus” of Hanno), July, -1886, xcix. 91. - -[433] Renard, M., _Report on the Petrology of St. Paul’s Rocks, -Challenger Report, Narrative_ (London, 1882), ii. Appendix B. - -[434] _A search for “Atlantis” with the microscope_, in _Nature_, 9 -Nov., 1882, xxvii. 25. - -[435] _The microscopic evidence of a lost continent_, in _Science_, 29 -June, 1883, i. 591. - -[436] _Origines Celticae_ (London, 1883), i. 119, etc. - -[437] _The discoveries of America to the year 1525_ (New York, 1884), -ch. 1. Cf. Poole’s review of this jejune Work, quoted above, for some -healthy criticism of this kind of writing (_Dial_, v. 97). Also a -notice in the _Nation_, July 31, 1884. - -The scientific theory of Atlantis is, I believe, supported by M. Jean -d’Estienne in the _Revue des Questiones Scientifiques_, Oct., 1885, and -by M. de Marçay, _Histoire des descouvertes et conquêtes de l’Amerique_ -(Limoges, 1881), but I have seen neither. H. H. Howorth, _The Mammoth -and the Flood_ (London, 1887), is struggling to revive the credit of -water as the chief agent in the transformations of the earth’s surface, -and relies much upon the deluge myths, but refuses to accept Atlantis. -He thinks the zoölogic evidence proves the existence in pleistocene -times of an easy and natural bridge between Europe and America, but -sees no need of placing it across the mid-Atlantic (p. 262). - -[438] _The naturall and morall historie of the East and West Indies_, -etc., _written in Spanish by Joseph Acosta, and translated into English -by E. G[rimeston]_ (London, 1604), p. 72, 73 (lib. i. ch. 22). - -[439] _Notitiae orbis antiquae_ (Amsterdam, 1703-6), 2 vols. The first -ed. was Cantab., 1703. “Atlantica insula Platonis quae similior fabulae -est quam chorographiae,” lib. i. cap. xi. p. 32. In the _Additamentum -de novo orbe an cognatus fuerit veteribus_ (tome ii. lib. iv. pp. -164-166) Cellarius speaks more guardedly, and quotes with approval the -judgment of Perizonius, which has been given above (p. 22). - -[440] _Essai sur l’explication historique donnée par Platon de sa -République et de son Atlantide_ (in _Reflexions impartiales sur le -progrès réal ou apparent que les sciences et les arts ont faits dans -le xviii^e siècle en Europe_, Paris, 1780). The work is useful because -it contains the Greek text (from a MS. in the Bibl. du Roi. Cf. _MSS. -de la bibliothèque_, v. 261), the Latin translations of Ficinus and -Serranus, several French translations, and the Italian of Frizzo and of -Bembo. - -[441] _Recherches sur les iles de l’océan Atlantique_, in the -_Recherches sur la géographie des anciens_, i. p. 146 (Paris, 1797). -Also in the French translation of Strabo (i. p. 268, note 3). Gosselin -thought that Atlantis was nothing more than Fortaventure or Lancerote. - -[442] _Geogr. d. Griechen u. Römer_, i. 1, p. 59; ii. 1, p. 192. Cf. -Letronne’s _Essai sur les idées cosmographiques qui se rettachent au -nom d’Atlas_, in the _Bull. Univ. des sciences_ (Ferussac), March, 1831. - -[443] _Examen Crit._, i. 167-180; ii. 192. - -[444] _The dialogues of Plato, translated by B. Jowett_ (N. Y., 1873), -ii. p. 587 (Introduction to Critias). - -[445] Bunbury, _History of ancient geography_, i. 402. - -[446] _Etude sur le Timée de Platon_ (Paris, 1841), t. i. pp. 257-333. - -[447] Paul Gaffarel, _Etude sur les rapports de l’Amérique et de -l’ancien continent avant Christophe Colomb_ (Paris, 1869), ch. 1er; -_L’Atlantide_, pp. 3-27. The same author has more lately handled the -subject more fully in a series of articles: _L’Atlantide_, in the -_Revue de Géographie_, April-July, 1880; vi. 241, 331, 421; vii. -21,—which is the most detailed account of the whole matter yet brought -together. - -[448] One of the most recent résumés of the question is that by -Salone in the _Grande Encyclopédie_. (Paris, 1888, iv. p. 457). The -_Encyclopædia Britannica_, by the way, regards the account, “if not -entirely fictitious, as belonging to the most nebulous region of -history.” - -A few miscellaneous references, of no great significance, may close -this list: _Amer. Antiquarian_, Sept., 1886; H. H. Bancroft, _Nat. -Races_, v. 123; J. S. Clarke’s _Progress of Maritime Discovery_, p. -ii. Geo. Catlin’s _Lifted and Subsided Rocks of America_ (Lond., 1870) -illustrates “The Cataclysm of the Antilles.” Dr. Chil, in the Nancy -_Congrès des Américanistes_, i. 163. Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_, app. -E. Haven’s _Archæol. U. S._ Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxii. Major’s -_Prince Henry_ (1868), p. 87. Nadaillac’s _Les Prem. Hommes_, ii. 114, -and his _L’ Amérique préhistorique_, 561. John B. Newman’s _Origin -of the Red Men_ (N. Y., 1852). Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 356. C. S. -Rafinesque’s incomplete _American Nations_ (Philad.), and his earlier -introduction to Marshall’s _Kentucky_, and his _Amer. Museum_ (1832). -Two articles by L. Burke in his _Ethnological Journal_ (London), 1848: -_The destruction of Atlantis_, July; _The continent of America known to -the ancient Egyptians and other nations of remote antiquity_, Aug. The -former article is only a reprint of Taylor’s trans. of Plato. Roisel’s -_Etudes ante-historiques_ (Paris, 1874), devoted largely to the -religion of the Atlanteans. Léon de Rosny’s “L’Atlantide historique” in -the _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie_ (Paris, 1875), xiii. 33, 159, or -_Revue Orientale et Américaine_. Short’s _No. Americans of Antiquity_, -ch. 11. Daniel Wilson’s _Lost Atlantis_ (Montreal, 1886), in _Proc. and -Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada_, 1886, iv. Cf. also _Poole’s Index_, i. 73; -ii. 27; and Larousse’s _Grand Dictionnaire_. - -[449] _Legends and Superstitions of the Sea and of Sailors in all Lands -and at all Times_ (Chicago and New York, 1885). - -[450] _Légendes, croyances de la mer._ 2 vols. (Paris, 1886.) See ch. 9 -in 1^{ere} série. - -[451] _L’Elysée transatlantique et l’Eden Occidental_ (Mai-Juin, -Nov.-Dec., 1883), vii. 273; viii. 673. - -[452] _Paradise Found: the Cradle of the Human Race at the North Pole_ -(Boston, 1885), 4th ed. - -[453] Eumenius (?), in the third century A.D., is doubtful about the -existence even of the Fortunate Isles (i. e. the Canaries). _Eumenii -panegyricus Constantino Aug._, vii., in Valpy’s _Panegyrici veteres_ -(London, 1828), iii. p. 1352. Baehrens credits this oration to an -unknown author. Mamertinus appears to know them from the poets only -(_Ibid._ p. 1529). - -[454] _Saggio sulla nautica antica dei Veneziani_, n. p., n. d. -(Venice, 1783); French translation (Venice, 1788). - -[455] _Il mappamondo di Fra Mauro descritto ed illustrato_ (Venice, -1806). _Di Marco Polo e degli altri viaggiatori veneziani ... con -append. sopra le antiche mappe lavorate in Venezia_ (Venice, 1818). - -[456] ii. 156, etc. - -[457] D’Avezac: _Iles d’Afrique_ (Paris, 1848) 2^e _partie_; _Iles -connues des Arabes_, pp. 15; _Les îles de Saint-Brandan_, pp. 19; _Les -îsles nouvellement trouvées du quinzième siècle_, pp. 24. The last -two pieces had been previously published under the title _Les îles -fantastiques de l’Ocean occidental au moyen âge_, in the _Nouvelles -Annales des Voyages_ (Mars, Avril, 1845), 2d série, i. 293; ii. 47. - -[458] _Les îsles fantastiques de l’Atlantique au moyen âge._ Lyon -[1883], pp. 15. This is apparently extracted from the _Bulletin de la -Société de Géographie de Lyon_ for 1883. - -[In _Poole’s Index_ is a reference to an article on imaginary islands -in _London Society_, i. 80, 150.] - -[459] “Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde in der letzten Hälfte des -Mittelalters. Die Karten der seefahrenden Völker Süd-Europas bis zum -ersten Druck der Erdbeschreibung des Ptolemaeus.” _Jahresbericht_, vi. -vii. (1870). Accompanying the article are sketches of the principal -mediæval maps, which are useful if access to the more trustworthy -reproductions cannot be had. - -[460] _Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten italienischen -Ursprungs_, etc. (Venice, 1886), especially pp. 14-22, and under the -notices of particular maps in the second part. - -[461] _The Life of Prince Henry of Portugal, surnamed the Navigator_, -etc. London, 1868. - -[462] The position of these islands and the fact that the Arabs -believed that they were following Ptolemy in placing in them the first -meridian seems almost conclusive in favor of the Canaries; but M. -D’Avezac is inclined in favor of the Azores, because the Arabs place in -the Eternal Isles certain pillars and statues warning against further -advance westward, which remind him of the equestrian statues of the -Azores, and because Ebn Sáyd states that the Islands of Happiness lie -between the Eternal Islands and Africa. - -[463] D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 15. _Géographie d’Abul-Fada trad. -par M. Reinand et M. Guiyard_ (Paris, 1848-83). 2 vols. The first -volume contains a treatise on Arabian geographers and their systems. -_Géographie d’Edrisi trad. par M. Jaubert_ (Paris, 1836-40). 2 vols. -4to (Soc. de Géogr. de Paris, _Recueil de Voyages_, v., vi.) Cf. -Cherbonneau on the Arabian geographers in the _Revue de Géographie_ -(1881). - -[464] Humboldt, _Examen Crit._, ii. 163; D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, -ii. 19; St. Malo’s voyage by Beauvois, _Rev. Hist. Relig._, viii. 986. - -[465] _Les voyages de Saint Brandan et des Papoe dans l’Atlantique au -moyen-âge_, published by the Soc. de Géogr. de Rochefort (1881). See -also his _Rapports de l’Amérique et de l’ancien continent_ (Paris, -1869), p. 173-183. The article _Brenden_ in Stephen’s _Dict. of -National Biography_, vol. vi. (London, 1886), should be consulted. - -[466] 16 May; _Maii_, tom. ii. p. 699. - -[467] _La légende latine de S. Brandaines, avec une traduction -inédite_, etc. (Paris, 1836). M. Jubinal gives a full account of all -manuscripts. - -[468] _St. Brandan, a mediæval legend of the sea, in English prose and -verse_ (London, 1844). The student of the subject will find use for -_Les voyages de Saint Brandan à la recherche du paradis terrestre, -legend en vers du XII^e siècle, avec introduction par Francisque -Michel_ (Paris, 1878), and “La legende Flamande de Saint Brandan et du -bibliographie” by Louis de Backer in _Miscellanées bibliographiques_, -1878, p. 191. - -[469] _Nova typis transacta navigatio._ _Novi orbis India -occidentalis_, etc. (1621), p. 11. - -[470] Honoré d’Autun, _Imago Mundi_, lib. i. cap. 36. In _Maxima -Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum_ (Lugd., 1677), tom. xx. p. 971. - -[471] Humboldt (_Examen Critique_, ii. 172) quotes these islands from -Sanuto Torsello (1306). They appear on a map of about 1350, preserved -in St. Mark’s Library at Venice (Wuttke, in _Jahresber. d. Vereins für -Erdkunde zu Dresden_, xvi. 20), as “_I fortunate I beate, 368,_” in -connection with _La Montagne de St. Brandan_, west of Ireland. They are -also in the Medicean Atlas of 1351, and in Fra Mauro’s map and many -others. - -[472] _Noticias de la historia general de las islas de Canaria_, by -D. Jos. de Viera y Clavijo, 4 vols. 4to (Madrid, 1772-83). Humboldt, -_Examen_, ii. 167. D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 22, etc. _Les îles -fortunées ou archipel des Canaries_ [by E. Pégot-Ogier], 2 vols. -(Paris, 1862), i. ch. 13. Saint-Borondon (_Aprositus_), pp. 186-198. -_Teneriffe and its six satellites_, by O. M. Stone, 2 vols. (London, -1887), i. 319. This mirage probably explains the _Perdita_ of Honoré -and the _Aprositos_ of Ptolemy. Cf. O. Peschel’s _Abhandlungen zur -Erd- und Völkerkunde_ (Leipzig, 1877), i. 20. A similar story is -connected with Brazil. - -[473] M. Buache in his _Mémoire sur l’Isle Antillia_ (_Mém. Inst. de -France, Sciences math. et phys._, vi., 1806), read on a copy of the -Pizigani map of 1367, sent to him from Parma, the inscription, _Ad -ripas Antilliae or Antullio_. Cf. Buache’s article in German in _Allg. -Geogr. Ephemeriden_, xxiv. 129. Humboldt (_Examen_, ii. 177) quotes -Zurla (_Viaggi_, ii. 324) as denying that such an inscription can be -made out on the original: but Fischer (_Sammlung von Welt-karten_, -p. 19) thinks this form of the name can be made out on Jomard’s -fac-simile. Wuttke, however, thinks that the word Antillia is not to -be made out, and gives the inscription as _Hoc sont statua q fuit -ut tenprs A cules_, and reads _Hoc sunt statuae quae fuerunt antea -temporibus Arcules = Herculis_ (Wuttke, _Zur Geschichte der Erdkunde -in der letzten Haelfte des Mittelalters_, p. 26, in _Jahresbericht des -Vereins für Erdkunde zu Dresden_, vi. and vii., 1870). The matter is -of interest in the story of the equestrian statue of Corvo. According -to the researches of Humboldt, this story first appears in print in -the history of Portugal by Faria y Sousa (_Epitome de las historias -Portuguezas_, Madrid, 1628. _Historia del Reyno de Portugal_, 1730), -who describes on the “Mountain of the Crow,” in the Azores, a statue -of a man on horseback pointing westward. A later version of the -story mentions a western promontory in _Corvo_ which had the form of -a person pointing westward. Humboldt (ii. 231), in an interesting -sketch, connects this story with the Greek traditions of the columns of -Hercules at Gades, and with the old opinion that beyond no one could -pass; and with the curious Arabic stories of numberless columns with -inscriptions prohibiting further navigation, set up by _Dhoulcarnain_, -an Arabian hero, in whose personality Hercules and Alexander the Great -are curiously compounded (see _Edrisi_). Humboldt quotes from Buache -a statement that on the Pizigani map of 1367 there is near Brazil -(Azores) a representation of a person holding an inscription and -pointing westward. - -[474] Fernan Colomb, _Historia_, ch. 9; Horn, _De Originibus Amer._ -p. 7, quoted by Gaffarel in his _Les îles fantastiques_, p. 3, _note_ -1, 2. D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 27, quotes a similar passage -from Medina (_Arte naviguar_), who found it in the Ptolemy dedicated -to Pope Urban (1378-1389). According to D’Avezac (_Iles_, ii. 28), -a “geographical document” of 1455 gives the name as _Antillis_, and -identifies it with Plato’s _Atlantis_. - -[475] Formaleoni, _Essai_, 148. - -[476] D’Avezac marks as wrong the reading _Sarastagio_ of Humboldt. - -[477] D’Avezac, _Iles d’Afrique_, ii. 29; Gaffarel, _Iles -fantastiques_, 12. Fischer (_Sammlung_, 20) translates _Satanaxio, -Satanshand_, but thinks the island of _Deman_, which appears on the -Catalan chart of 1375, is meant by the first half of the title. The -Catalan map, fac-similed by Buchon and Foster in the _Notices et -extraits des documents_, xiv. 2, has been more exactly reproduced in -the _Choix des documents géographiques conservées à la Bibl. Nat._ -(Paris, 1883). - -[478] Peter Martyr, in 1493, states that cosmographers had determined -that Hispaniola and the adjacent isles were _Antillae insulae_, meaning -doubtless the group surrounding Antillia on the old maps (_Decades_, -i. p. 11, ed. 1583); but the name was not popularly applied to the new -islands until after Wytfliet and Ortelius had so used it (Humboldt, -_Examen_, ii. 195, etc.). But Schöner, in the dedicatory letter of -his globe of 1523, says that the king of Castile through Columbus has -discovered _Antiglias Hispaniam Cubam quoque_ (Stevens, _Schöner_, -London, 1888, fac-simile of letter). In the same way the name Seven -Cities was applied to the pueblos of New Mexico by their first -discoverers, and Brazil passed from an island to the continent. - -[479] Humboldt identified it with _Terceira_, but Fischer questions -whether St. Michael does not agree better with the easterly position -constantly assigned to Brazil. - -[480] The Bianco map of 1436 has, on the ocean sheets, five groups -of small islands, from south to north: (1) Canaries; (2) Madeira and -Porto Santo; (3) _luto_ and _chapisa_; (4) _d. brasil, di colonbi, -d. b. ntusta, d. sanzorzi_; (5) _coriios_ and _corbo marinos_; (6) -_de ventura_; (7) _de brazil_. West of the third and fourth lies -_Antillia_, and N. W. of the fifth a corner of _de laman satanaxio_, -while west of six and seven are numerous small islands unnamed. On -the ocean sheet of the Bianco of 1448, we have (2) Madeira and Porto -Santo; (3) _licongi_ and _coruo marin_; (4) _de braxil, zorzi_, etc.; -(5) _coriios_ and _coruos marinos_; (6) _y. d. mam debentum_; (7) _y. -d. brazil d. binar_. There is no Antillia and no Satanaxio, but west -of (3) and (4) are two other groups: (1) _yd. diuechi marini, y de -falconi_; (2) _y fortunat de s^o. beati. blandan, dinferno, de ipauion, -beta ixola, dexerta_. There is not much to be hoped from such geography. - -[481] Over against Africa he has an _Isola dei Dragoni_. On the -Pizigani map of 1367 the Brazil which lies W. of North France is -accompanied by a cut of two ships, a dragon eating a man, and a legend -stating that one cannot sail further on account of monsters. There was -a dragon in the Hesperian isles, and some have connected it with the -famous dragon-tree of the Canaries. - -[482] _Examen_, ii. 216, etc. - -[483] For an account of the Irish MSS. see Eugene O’Curry, _Lectures -on the MS. material of ancient Irish history_ (Dublin, 1861), lect. -ix. p. 181; H. d’Arbois de Jubainville, _Introduction a l’étude de la -littérature Celtique_, 2 vols. (Paris, 1883), i. chap. 8, p. 349, etc.; -also _Essai d’un catalogue de littérature épique d’Irlande_, by the -same author (Paris, 1883). For accounts of the voyages see O’Curry, -p. 252, and especially p. 289, where a sketch of that of the sons of -_Ua Corra_ is given. A list of the voyages is given by D’Arbois de -Jubainville in his _Essai_, under _Longeas_ (involuntary voyages) and -_Immram_ (voluntary voyages), with details about MSS. and references -to texts and translations (_Mailduin_, p. 151; _Ua Corra_, 152). See -also Beauvois, _Eden occidental, Rev. de l’Hist. des Relig._, viii. -706, 717, for voyages of _Mailduin_ and the sons of _Ua Corra_, and of -other voyages. Also Joyce, _Old Celtic romances_ (London, 1879). Is M. -Beauvois in earnest when he suggests that the talking birds discovered -by Mailduin (and also by St. Brandan) were probably parrots, and their -island a part of South America? - -[484] The name is derived by Celtic scholars from _breas_, large, and -_i_, island. - -[485] _Gulielmi de Worcester Itineraria_, ed. J. Nasmyth (Cantab., -1778), p. 223, 267. I take the quotation from _Notes and Queries_, Dec. -15, 1883, 6th series, viii. 475. The latter passage is quoted in full -in _Bristol, past and present_, by Nicholls and Taylor (London, 1882), -iii. 292. Cf. H. Harrisse’s _C. Colomb._, i. 317. - -[486] _Cal. State Papers, Spanish_, i. p. 177. - -[487] _Irish Minstrelsy, or bardic remains of Ireland_, etc., 2 vols. -(London, 1831), i. 368. - -[488] This is very nearly its position in the _Arcano del Mare_ of -Dudley, 1646 (Europe 28), where it is called “disabitata e incerta.” - -[489] i. 369. _O-Brazile, or the enchanted island, being a perfect -relation of the late discovery and wonderful disenchantment of an -island on the North [sic] of Ireland_, etc. (London, 1675). - -[490] John T. O’Flaherty, _Sketch of the History and antiquities of the -southern islands of Aran_, etc. (Dublin, 1884, in _Roy. Irish Acad. -Trans._, vol. xiv.) - -[491] _On Hy Brasil, a traditional island off the west coast of -Ireland, plotted in a MS. map written by Le Sieur Tassin_, etc., in the -_Journal of the Royal Geological Society of Ireland_ (1879-80), vol. -xv. pt. 3, pp. 128-131, _fac-simile of map_. - -[492] In an atlas issued 1866, I observe _Mayda_ and _Green Rock_. - -[493] Harrisse would put it in 1482. See Vol. II. p. 90. - -[494] Also in his _Bib. Amer. Vet._, p. xvi. - -[495] The various versions of the letter are as follows: _Ulloa_ -(_Historie_, 1571, ch. 8). Dalla città di Lisbona per dritto verso -ponente sono in detta carta ventisei spazi, ciascun de’ quali contien -dugento, & cinquanta miglia, fino alla ... città di Quisai, la quale -gira cento miglia, che sono trentacinque leghe.... Questo spazio e -quasi la terza parte della sfera.... E dalla’ Isola di Antilia, che -voi chiamate di sette città, ... fino alla ... isola di Cipango sono -dieci spazi, che fanno due mila & cinquecento miglia, cioè dugento, & -venticinque leghe. - -_Barcia._ Hallareis en un mapa, que ai desde Lisboa, à la famosa ciudad -de Quisay, tomando el camino derecho à Poniente, 26 espacios, cada uno -de 150 millas. Quisai’ tiene 35 leguas de ambitu.... De la isla Antilla -hasta la de Cipango se quentan diez espacios, que hacen 225 leguas. - -_Las Casas_: Y de la ciudad de Lisboa, en derecho por el Poniente, son -en la dicha carta 26 espacios, y en cada uno dellos hay 250 millas -hasta la ... ciudad de Quisay, la cual etiene al cerco 100 millas, que -son 25 leguas, ... (este espacio es cuasi la tercera parte de la sfera) -... é de la isla de Antil, ... Hasta la ... isla de Cipango hay 10 -espacios que son 2,500 millas, es á sabre, 225 leguas. - -_Columbus’s copy_: A civitate vlixiponis per occidentem indirecto sunt -.26. spacia in carta signata quorum quodlibet habet miliaria .250. -usque ad nobilisim[am], et maxima ciuitatem quinsay. Circuit enim -centum miliaria ... hoc spatium est fere tercia pars tocius spere.... -Sed ab insula antilia vobis nota ad insulam ... Cippangu sunt decem -spacia. - -[496] Cf. “Les îles Atlantique,” by Jacobs-Beeckmans in the _Bull. de -la Soc. géog. d’Anvers_, i. 266, with map. - -[497] Of these collections, those of Kunstmann and Jomard are not -uncommon in the larger American libraries. A set of the Santarem series -is very difficult to secure complete, but since the description of -these collections in Vol. II. was written, a set has been secured for -Harvard College library, and I am not aware of another set being in -this country. The same library has the Ongania series. The maps in this -last, some of which are useful in the present study, are the following:— - -1. Arabic marine map, xiiith cent. (Milan); 2. Visconte, 1311 -(Florence); 3. Carignano, xivth cent. (Florence); 4. Visconte, 1318 -(Venice); 5. Anonymous, 1351 (Florence); 6. Pizigani, 1373 (Milan); -7. Anon., xivth cent. (Venice); 8. Giroldi, 1426 (Venice); 9. Bianco, -1430, (Venice); 10. Anon., 1447 (Venice); 11. Bianco, 1448 (Milan); -12. Not issued; 13. Anon., Catalan, xvth cent. (Florence); 14. Leardo, -1452; 15. Fra Mauro, 1457 (Venice); 16. Cantino, 1501-3 (Modena). This -has not been issued in this series, but Harrisse published a fac-simile -in colors in connection with his _Les Corte-Real_, etc., Paris, 1883. -17. Agnese, 1554 (Venice). The names on these photographs are often -illegible; how far the condition of the original is exactly reproduced -in this respect it is of course impossible to say without comparison. - -[498] The notions prevailing so far back as the first century are seen -in the map of Pomponius Mela in Vol. II. p. 180. - -[499] Vol. II. p. 36. - -[500] Lelewel (ii. 119) gives a long account of Sanuto and his maps, -and so does Kunstmann in the _Mémoires_ (vii. ch. 2, 1855) of the Royal -Bavarian Academy; but a more perfect inventory of his maps is given in -the _Studi biog. e bibliog._ of the Italian Geographical Society (1882, -i. 80; ii. 50). Cf. Peschel, _Gesch. der Erdkunde_, Ruge, ed. 1877, p. -210. Sanuto’s map of 1320 was first published in his _Liber Secretorum -fidelium crucis_ (Frankfort, 1811. Cf. reproduction in St. Martin’s -_Atlas_, pl. vi. no. 3). Further references are in Winsor’s _Kohl -Maps_, no. 12. It is in part reproduced by Santarem. - -[501] Cf. _Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal_, xii. 177, and references in the -_Kohl Maps_, nos. 13 and 14. - -[502] Vol. II. p. 38. - -[503] Cf. references in Vol. II. 38. - -[504] Cf. _Studi_, etc., ii. no. 392. - -[505] Cf. Desimoni’s _Le carte nautiche Italiane del medio evo a -proposito di un libro del Prof. Fischer_ (Genoa, 1888). - -[506] Cf. Vol. II. 38 for references; and Lelewel and Santarem’s -Atlases. - -[507] Cf. _Studi_, etc., vol. ii. pp. viii, 67, 72, with references. - -[508] Cf. Pietro Amat in the _Mem. Soc. Geografica_, Roma, 1878; -_Studi_, etc., ii. 75; Winsor’s _Bibliog. Ptolemy_, sub anno 1478. - -[509] Cf. account of inaugurating busts of Fra Mauro and John Cabot, -in _Terzo Congresso Geografico internazionale_ (held at Venice, Sept., -1881, and published at Rome, 1882), i. p. 33. - -[510] Asa Gray, in _Darwiniana_, p. 203. Cf. his _Address_ before Amer. -Assoc. Adv. Science, 1827. - -[511] The subject of these pre-Columbian claims is examined in almost -all the general works on early discovery. Cf. Robertson’s _America_; -J. S. Vater’s _Untersuchungen über Amerikas Bevölkerung aus dem alten -Continent_ (Leipzig, 1810); Dr. F. X. A. Deuber’s _Geschichte der -Schiffahrt im Atlantischen Ozean_ (Bamberg, 1814); Ruge, _Geschichte -des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (ch. 2); Major’s _Select Letters of -Columbus_, introd.; C. A. A. Zestermann’s _Memoir on the Colonization -of America in antehistoric times, with critical observations by E. G. -Squier_ (London, 1851); _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (ii. 404); -“Les précurseurs de Colomb” in _Études par les Pères de la Compagnie -de Jesus_ (Leipzig, 1876); Oscar Dunn in _Revue Canadienne_, xii. 57, -194, 305, 871, 909,—not to name numerous other periodical papers. Paul -Gaffarel, in his “Les relations entre l’ancien monde et l’Amérique -étaient-elles possibles au moyen âge?” (_Soc. Normande de Géog. -Bulletin_, 1881, p. 209), thinks that amid the confused traditions -there is enough to convince us that we have no right to determine that -communication was impossible. - -[512] _MSS. de la bibliothèque royale_ (Paris, 1787), i. 462. - -[513] De Costa in _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._ xii. (1880) p. 159, etc., -with references. - -[514] Humboldt, _Views of Nature_, p. 124. He also notes the drifting -of Eskimo boats to Europe. - -[515] _Tratado de las cinco zonas habitables._ - -[516] Respecting these Christian Irish see the supplemental chapters of -Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_ (London, 1847); Dasent’s _Burnt Njal_, -i. p. vii.; Moore’s _History of Ireland_; Forster’s _Northern Voyages_; -Worsaae’s _Danes and Norwegians in England_, 332. Cf. on the contact of -the two races H. H. Howorth on “The Irish monks and the Norsemen” in -the _Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans._ viii. 281. - -[517] Conybeare remarks that jarl, naturalized in England as earl, has -been displaced in its native north by graf. - -[518] It has sometimes been contended that a bull of Gregory IV, in -A.D. 770, referred to Greenland, but Spitzbergen was more likely -intended, though its known discovery is much later. A bull of A.D. -835, in Pontanus’s _Rerum Daniarum Historia_, is also held to indicate -that there were earlier peoples in Greenland than those from Iceland. -Sabin (vi. no. 22,854) gives as published at Godthaab, 1859-61, in 3 -vols., the Eskimo text of Greenland Folk Lore, collected and edited by -natives of Greenland, with a Danish translation, and showing, as the -notice says, the traditions of the first descent of the Northmen in the -_eighth_ century. - -[519] Known as the Katortuk church. - -[520] An apocryphal story goes that one of these churches was built -near a boiling spring, the water from which was conducted through the -building in pipes for heating it! The Zeno narrative is the authority -for this. Cf. Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._ i. 79. - -[521] The Westribygd, or western colony, had in the fourteenth century -90 settlements and 4 churches; the Eystribygd had 190 settlements, a -cathedral and eleven churches, with two large towns and three or four -monasteries. - -[522] R. G. Haliburton, in the _Popular Science Monthly_, May, 1885, p. -40, gives a map in which Bjarni’s course is marked as entering the St. -Lawrence Gulf by the south, and emerging by the Straits of Belle Isle. - -[523] Dated 1135, and discovered in 1824. - -[524] Distinctly shown in the diverse identifications of these -landmarks which have been made. - -[525] On the probabilities of the Vinland voyages, see Worsaae’s _Danes -and Norwegians in England_, etc., p. 109. - -[526] _Grönland’s Hist. Mindesmaeker_, iii. 9. - -[527] The popular confidence in this view is doubtless helped by -Montgomery, who has made it a point in his poem on Greenland, canto v. -De Courcy (_Hist. of the Church in America_, p. 12) is cited by Howley -(_Newfoundland_) as asserting that the eastern colony was destroyed by -“a physical cataclysm, which accumulated the ice.” On the question of a -change of climate in Greenland, see J. D. Whitney’s _Climatic Changes_ -(_Mus. Comp. Zoöl. Mem._, 1882, vii. 238). - -[528] Rink (_Danish Greenland_, 22) is not inclined to believe that -there has been any material climatic change in Greenland since the -Norse days, and favors the supposition that some portion of the finally -remaining Norse became amalgamated with the Eskimo and disappeared. If -the reader wants circumstantial details of the misfortunes of their -“last man,” he can see how they can be made out of what are held to be -Eskimo traditions in a chapter of Dr. Hayes’s _Land of Desolation_. - -Nordenskjöld (_Voyage of the Vega_) holds, such is the rapid -assimilation of a foreign stock by a native stock, that it is not -unlikely that what descendants may exist of the lost colonists of -Greenland may be now indistinguishable from the Eskimo. - -Tylor (_Early Hist. Mankind_, p. 208), speaking of the Eskimo, says: -“It is indeed very strange that there should be no traces found among -them of knowledge of metal-work and of other arts, which one would -expect a race so receptive of foreign knowledge would have got from -contact with the Northmen.” - -Prof. Edward S. Morse, in his very curious study of _Ancient and Modern -Methods of Arrow Release_ (Salem, 1885,—_Bull. Essex Inst._, xvii.) p. -52, notes that the Eskimo are the only North American tribe practising -what he calls the “Mediterranean release,” common to all civilized -Europe, and he ventures to accept a surmise that it may have been -derived from the Scandinavians. - -[529] Given by Schlegel, Egede (citing Pontanus), and Rafn; and a -French version is in the _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog._, 2d series, -iii. 348. It is said to be preserved in a copy in the Vatican. M. F. -Howley, _Ecclesiastical Hist. of Newfoundland_ (Boston, 1888), p. 43, -however, says “Abbé Garnier mentions a bull of Pope Nicholas V, of date -about 1447, concerning the church of Greenland; but on searching the -Bullarium in the Propaganda library, Rome, in 1885, I could not find -it.” - -[530] Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 146. - -[531] E. B. Tylor on “Old Scandinavian Civilization among the modern -Esquimaux,” in the _Journal of the Anthropological Inst._ (1884), -xiii. 348, shows that the Greenlanders still preserve some of the -Norse customs, arising in part, as he thinks, from some of the lost -Scandinavian survivors being merged in the savage tribes. Their -recollection of the Northmen seems evident from the traditions -collected among them by Dr. Rink in his _Eskimoiske Eventyr og Sagn_ -(Copenhagen, 1866); and their dress, and some of their utensils and -games, as it existed in the days of Egede and Crantz, seem to indicate -the survival of customs. - -[532] _Cosmos_, Bohn’s ed., ii. 610; _Examen Crit._, ii. 148. - -[533] Cf. _Geographie de Edrisi, traduite de l’arabe en français -d’après deux manuscrits de la bibliothèque du Roi, et accompagnée de -notes, par G. Amédée Jaubert_ (Paris, 1836-40), vol. i. 200; ii. 26. -Cf. _Recueil des Voyages et Mémoires de la Société de Géographie de -Paris_, vols. v., vi. The world-map by Edrisi does not indicate any -knowledge of this unknown world. Cf. copies of it in St. Martin’s -_Atlas_, pl. vi; Lelewel, _Atlas_, pl. x-xii; Peschel’s _Gesch. der -Erdkunde_, ed. by Ruge, 1877, p. 144; _Amer. Geog. Soc. Journal_, -xii. 181; _Allg. Geog. Ephemeriden_, ix. 292; Gerard Stein’s _Die -Entdeckungsreisen in alter und neuer Zeit_ (1883). - -Guignes (_Mém. Acad. des Inscriptions_, 1761, xxviii. 524) limits the -Arab voyage to the Canaries, and in _Notices et Extraits des MSS. de -la bibliothèque du Roi_, ii. 24, he describes a MS. which makes him -believe the Arabs reached America; and he is followed by Munoz (_Hist. -del Nuevo Mondo_, Madrid, 1793). Hugh Murray (_Discoveries and Travels -in No. Amer._, Lond., 1829, i. p. II) and W. D. Cooley (_Maritime -Discovery_, 1830, i. 172) limit the explorations respectively to the -Azores and the Canaries. Humboldt (_Examen Crit._, 1837, ii. 137) -thinks they may possibly have reached the Canaries; but Malte Brun -(_Géog. Universelle_, 1841, i. 186) is more positive. Major (_Select -Letters of Columbus_, 1847) discredits the American theory, and in -his _Prince Henry_ agrees with D’Avezac that they reached Madeira. -Lelewel (_Géog. du Moyen Age_, ii. 78) seems likewise incredulous. S. -F. Haven (_Archæol. U. S._) gives the theory and enumerates some of -its supporters. Peschel (_Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_, -1858) is very sceptical. Gaffarel (_Etudes_, etc., p. 209) fails to -find proof of the American theory. Gay (_Pop. History U. S._, i. 64) -limits their voyage to the Azores. - -[534] Given as A.D. 1380; but Major says, 1390. _Journal Royal Geog. -Soc._, 1873, p. 180. - -[535] De Costa, _Verrazano the Explorer_ (N. Y., 1880), pp. 47, 63, -contends that Benedetto Bordone, writing his _Isole del Monde_ in 1521, -and printing it in 1528, had access to the Zeno map thirty years and -more earlier than its publication. This, he thinks, is evident from the -way in which he made and filled in his outline, and from his drawing -of “Islanda,” even to a like way of engraving the name, which is in -a style of letter used by Bordone nowhere else. Humboldt (_Cosmos_, -Bohn’s ed., ii. 611) has also remarked it as singular that the name -Frislanda, which, as he supposed, was not known on the maps before -the Zeni publication in 1538, should have been applied by Columbus to -an island southerly from Iceland, in his _Tratado de las cinco zonas -habitables_. Cf. De Costa’s _Columbus and the Geographers of the North_ -(1872), p. 19. Of course, Columbus might have used the name simply -descriptively,—cold land; but it is now known that in a sea chart of -perhaps the fifteenth century, preserved in the Ambrosian library at -Milan, the name “Fixlanda” is applied to an island in the position of -Frislanda in the Zeno chart, while in a Catalan chart of the end of -the fifteenth century the same island is apparently called “Frixlanda” -(_Studi biog. e bibliog. della soc. geog. ital._, ii. nos. 400, 404). -“Frixanda” is also on a chart, A.D. 1471-83, given in fac-simile to -accompany Wuttke’s “Geschichte der Erdkunde” in the _Jahrbuch des -Vereins für Erdkunde_ (Dresden, 1870, tab. vi.). - -[536] Irving’s _Columbus_ takes this view. - -[537] J. P. Leslie’s _Man’s Origin and Destiny_, p. 114, for instance. - -[538] Brevoort (_Hist. Mag._, xiii. 45) thinks that the “Isola Verde” -and “Isle de Mai” of the fifteenth-century maps, lying in lat. 46° -north, was Newfoundland with its adjacent bank, which he finds in one -case represented. Samuel Robertson (_Lit. & Hist. Soc. Quebec, Trans._ -Jan. 16) goes so far as to say that certain relics found in Canada may -be Basque, and that it was a Basque whaler, named Labrador, who gave -the name to the coast, which the early Portuguese found attached to -it! We find occasional stories indicating knowledge of distant fishing -coasts at a very early date, like the following:— - -“In the yeere 1153 it is written that there came to Lubec, a citie of -Germanie, one canoa with certaine indians, like unto a long barge, -which seemed to have come from the coast of Baccalaos, which standeth -in the same latitude that Germanie doth” (_Galvano_, Bethune’s edition, -p. 56). - -[539] W. D. Whitney, _Life and Growth of Language_, p. 258, says: “No -other dialect of the old world so much resembles in structure the -American languages.” Cf. Farrar’s _Families of Speech_, p. 132; Nott -and Gliddon’s _Indigenous Races_, 48; H. de Charencey’s _Des affinités -de la langue Basque avec les idiomes du Nouveau Monde_ (Paris and -Caen, 1867); and Julien Vinson’s “La langue basque et les langues -Américaines” in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_ (Nancy, -1875), ii. 46. On the other hand, Joly (_Man before Metals_, 316) says: -“Whatever may be said to the contrary, Basque offers no analogy with -the American dialects.” - -These linguistic peculiarities enter into all the studies of this -remarkable stock. Cf. J. F. Blade’s _Etude sur l’origine des Basques_ -(Paris, 1869); W. B. Dawkins in the _Fortnightly Review_, Sept., 1874, -and his _Cave Hunting_, ch. 6, with Brabrook’s critique in the _Journal -Anthropological Institute_, v. 5; and Julien Vinson on “L’Ethnographie -des Basques” in _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie, Session de 1872_, p. -49, with a map. - -[540] But see Vol. III. 45; IV. 3. Forster (_Northern Voyages_, book -iii. ch. 3 and 4) contends for these pre-Columbian visits of the -European fishermen. Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1508. -The same currents and easterly trade-winds which helped Columbus might -easily have carried chance vessels to the American coasts, as we have -evidence, apparently, in the stern-post of a European vessel which -Columbus saw at Guadaloupe. Haven cites Gumilla (_Hist. Orinoco_, ii. -208) as stating that in 1731 a bateau from Teneriffe was thrown upon -the South American coast. Cf. J. P. Casselius, _De Navigationibus -fortuitis in Americam, ante Columbum factis_ (Magdeburg, 1742); -Brasseur’s _Popul Vuh_, introd.; Hunt’s _Merchants’ Mag._ xxv. 275. - -[541] Francisque-Michel, _Le Pays Basque_, 189, who says that the -Basques were acquainted with the coasts of Newfoundland a century -before Columbus (ch. 9). - -Humboldt (_Cosmos_, Eng. ed. ii. 142) is not prepared to deny such -early visits of the Basques to the northern fishing grounds. Cf. -Gaffarel’s _Rapport_, p. 212. Harrisse (_Notes on Columbus_, 80) goes -back very far: “The Basques and Northmen, we feel confident, visited -these shores as early as the seventh century.” - -There are some recent studies on these early fishing experiences in -Ferd. Duro’s _Disquisiciones nauticas_ (1881), and in E. Gelcich’s -“Der Fischgang des Gascogner and die Entdeckung von Neufundland,” in -the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin_ (1883), vol. -xviii. pp. 249-287. - -[542] Cf. M. Hamconius’ _Frisia: seu de viris erbusque Frisiæ -illustribus_ (Franckeræ, 1620), and L. Ph. C. v. d. Bergh’s _Nederlands -annspraak op de ontdekking van Amerika voor Columbus_ (Arnheim, 1850). -Cf. Müller’s _Catalogue_ (1877), nos. 303, 1343. - -[543] Watson’s bibliog. in Anderson, p. 158. - -A Biscayan merchant, a subject of Navarre, is also said to have -discovered the western lands in 1444. Cf. André Favyn, _Hist. -de Navarre_, p. 564; and G. de Henao’s _Averignaciones de las -Antigüedades? de Cantabria_, p. 25. - -Galvano (Hakluyt Soc. ed., p. 72) recounts the story of a Portuguese -ship in 1447 being driven westward from the Straits of Gibraltar to -an island with seven cities, where they found the people speaking -Portuguese; who said they had deserted their country on the death of -King Roderigo. “All these reasons seem to agree,” adds Galvano, “that -this should be that country which is called Nova Spagna.” - -It was the year (1491) before Columbus’ voyage that the English began -to send out from Bristol expeditions to discover these islands of the -seven cities, and others having the same legendary existence. Cf. -Ayala, the Spanish ambassador to England, in _Spanish State Papers_, i. -177. Cf. also Irving’s _Columbus_, app. xxiv., and Gaffarel’s _Etude -sur la rapports_, etc., p. 185. - -[544] See Vol. II. p. 34. - -[545] See Vol. II. p. 34, where is a list of references, which may be -increased as follows: Bachiller y Morales, _Antigüedades Americanas_ -(Havana, 1845). E. de Freville’s _Mémoire sur le Commerce maritime -de Rouen_ (1857), i. 328, and his _La Cosmographie du moyen age, et -les découvertes maritimes des Normands_ (Paris, 1860), taken from the -_Revue des Sociétés Savantes_. Gabriel Gravier’s _Les Normands sur la -route des Indes_, (Rouen, 1880). Cf. _Congrès des Américanistes in -Compte Rendu_ (1875), i. 397. - -[546] “Ethnography and Philology of America,” in H. W. Bates, _Central -America, West Indies, and South America_ (Lond., 1882). This was the -opinion of Prescott (_Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., iii. 398), and he based his -judgment on the investigations of Waldeck, Voyage dans la Yucatan, and -Dupaix, _Antiquités Méxicaines_. Stephens (_Central America_) holds -similar views. Cf. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, i. 327; ii. 43. Dall -(_Third Rep. Bur. Ethnol._, 146) says: “There can be no doubt that -America was populated in some way by people of an extremely low grade -of culture at a period even geologically remote. There is no reason for -supposing, however, that immigration ceased with these original people.” - -[547] Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. 39; -_Amerika’s Nordwest Küste; Neueste Ergebnisse ethnologischer Reisen_ -(Berlin, 1883), and the English version, _The Northwest Coast of -America. Being Results of Recent Ethnological Researches from the -collections of the Royal Museums at Berlin. Published by the Directors -of the Ethnological Department_ (New York, 1883). - -[548] Cf. his _Observations on some remains of antiquity_ (1796). - -[549] Different shades of belief are abundant: F. Xavier de Orrio’s -_Solucion del gran problema_ (Mexico, 1763); Fischer’s _Conjecture sur -l’origine des Américaines_; Adair’s _Amer. Indians;_ G. A. Thompson’s -_New theory of the two hemispheres_ (London, 1815); Adam Hodgson’s -_Letters from No. Amer._ (Lond., 1824); J. H. McCulloh’s _Researches_ -(Balt., 1829), ch. 10; D. B. Warden’s “Recherches sur les Antiquités -de l’Amérique” in the _Antiquités Méxicaines_ (Paris, 1834), vol. ii.; -E. G. Squier’s _Serpent Symbol_ (N. Y., 1851); Brasseur de Bourbourg’s -_Hist. des Nations Civilisées_, i. 7; José Perez in _Revue Orientale -et Américaine_ (Paris, 1862), vol. viii.; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, -v. 30, 31, with references; Winchell’s _Preadamites_, 397; a paper on -Asiatic tribes in North America, in _Canadian Institute Proceedings_ -(1881), i. 171. Dabry de Thiersant, in his _Origine des Indiens du -nouv. monde_ (Paris, 1883), reopens the question, and Quatrefages -even brings the story of Moncacht-Ape (see _post_, Vol. V. p. 77) to -support a theory of frequent Asiatic communication. Tylor (_Early Hist. -Mankind_, 209) says that the Asiatics must have taught the Mexicans to -make bronze and smelt iron; and (p. 339) he finds additional testimony -in the correspondence of myths, but Max Müller (_Chips_, ii. 168) -demurs. Nadaillac, in his _L’Amérique préhistorique_, discussed this -with the other supposable connections of the American people, and -generally disbelieved in them; but Dall, in the English translation, -summarily dismisses all consideration of them as unworthy a scientific -mind; but points out what the early Indian traditions are (p. 526). - -A good deal of stress has been laid at times on certain linguistic -affiliations. Barton, in his _New Views_, sought to strengthen the -case by various comparative vocabularies. Charles Farcy went over -the proofs in his _Antiquités de l’Amérique: Discuter la valeur des -documents relatifs à l’histoire de l’Amérique avant la conquête des -Européens, et déterminer s’il existe des rapports entre les langues -de l’Amérique et celles des tribus de l’Afrique et de l’Asie_ (Paris, -1836). H. H. Bancroft (_Native Races_, v. 39) enumerates the sources of -the controversy. Roehrig (_Smithsonian Report_, 1872) finds affinities -in the languages of the Dakota or Sioux Indians. Pilling (_Bibliog. of -Siouan languages_, p. 11) gives John Campbell’s contributions to this -comparative study. In the _Canadian Institute Proceedings_ (1881), vol. -i. p. 171, Campbell points out the affinities of the Tinneh with the -Tungus, and of the Choctaws and Cherokees with the Koriaks. Cf. also -_Ibid_., July, 1884. Dall and Pinart pronounce against any affinity of -tongues in the _Contributions to Amer. Ethnology_ (Washington), i. 97. -Cf. Short, _No. Amer. of Antiq._, 494; Leland’s _Fusang_, ch. 10. - -[550] Behring’s Straits, first opened, as Wallace says, in quaternary -times, are 45 miles across, and are often frozen in winter. South -of them is an island where a tribe of Eskimos live, and they keep -constant communication with the main of Asia, 50 miles distant, and -with America, 120 miles away. Robertson solved the difficulty by -this route. Cf. _Contributions to Amer. Ethnology_ (1877), i. 95-98; -Warden’s _Recherches_; Maury, in _Revue des deux Mondes_, Ap. 15, 1858; -Peschel’s _Races of Men_, p. 401; F. von Hellwald in _Smithsonian -Report_, 1866; Short, p. 510; Bancroft, _Native Races_, v. 28, 29, 54; -and Chavanne’s _Lit. of the Polar Regions_, 58, 194—the last page shows -a list of maps. Max Müller (_Chips_, ii. 270) considers this theory a -postulate only. - -[551] _Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology_, i. 96; Lyell’s _Principles of -Geology_, 8th ed., 368; A. Ragine’s _Découverte de l’Amérique du -Kamtchatka et des îles Aléoutiennes_ (St. Petersburg, 1868, 2d ed.); -Pickering’s _Races of Men_; Peschel’s _Races of Men_, 397; Morgan’s -_Systems of Consanguinity_. Dall (_Tribes of the Northwest_, in -Powell’s _Rocky Mountain Region_, 1877, p. 96) does not believe in the -Aleutian route. - -On the drifting of canoes for long distances see Lyell’s _Principles of -Geology_, 11th ed., ii. 472; Col. B. Kennon in Leland’s _Fousang; Rev. -des deux Mondes_, Apr., 1858; Vining, ch. 1. Cf. Alphonse Pinart’s “Les -Aléoutes et leur origine,” in _Mém. de la Soc. d’Ethnographie, session -de 1872_, p. 155. - -[552] Cf. references in H. H. Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, v. 54. We have -an uncorroborated story of a Tartar inscription being found. Cf. Kalm’s -_Reise_, iii. 416; _Archæologia_ (London, 1787), viii. 304. - -[553] Gomara makes record of such floating visitors in the beginning -of the sixteenth century. Horace Davis published in the _Amer. Antiq. -Soc. Proc._ (Apr., 1872) a record of Japanese vessels driven upon the -northwest coast of America and its outlying islands in a paper “On the -likelihood of an admixture of Japanese blood on our northwest coast.” -Cf. A. W. Bradford’s _American Antiquities_ (N. Y., 1841); Whymper’s -_Alaska_, 250; Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, v. 52, with references; -_Contributions to Amer. Ethnol._, i. 97, 238; De Roquefeuil’s _Journal -du Voyage autour du Monde_ (1876-79), etc. It is shown that the great -Pacific current naturally carries floating objects to the American -coast. Davis, in his tract, gives a map of it. Cf. Haven, _Archæol. U. -S._, p. 144; _Bull. Amer. Geog. Soc._ (1883), xv. p. 101, by Thomas -Antisell; and _China Review_, Mar., Apr., 1888, by J. Edkins. - -[554] _Recherches sur les navigations des Chinois du côte de l’Amérique -et sur quelques peuples situés à l’extrémité orientale de l’Asie_ -(Paris, 1761). It is translated in Vining, ch. 1. - -[555] _Examen Critique_, ii. 65, and _Ansichten der Natur_, or _Views -of Nature_, p. 132. - -[556] Much depends on the distance intended by a Chinese _li_. Klaproth -translated the version as given by an early Chinese historian of the -seventh century, Li Yan Tcheou, and Klaproth’s version is Englished in -Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, v. 33-36. Klaproth’s memoir is also translated -in Vining, ch. 3. Some have more specifically pointed to Saghalien, -an island at the north end of the Japan Sea. Brooks says there is a -district of Corea called Fusang (_Science_, viii. 402). Brasseur says -the great Chinese encyclopædia describes Fusang as lying east of Japan, -and he thinks the descriptions correspond to the Cibola of Castañeda. - -[557] Again with a commentary in _The Continental Mag._ (New York, vol. -i.). Subjected to the revision of Neumann, it is reproduced in Leland’s -_Fusang_ (Lond., 1875). Cf. Vining, ch. 6, who gives also (ch. 10) the -account in Shan-Hai-king as translated by C. M. Williams in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, April, 1883. - -[558] The pamphlets are translated in Vining, ch. 4 and 5. Paravey -held to the Mexican theory, and he at least convinced Domenech (_Seven -years’ residence in the great deserts of No. Amer._, Lond., 1860). -Paravey published several pamphlets on subjects allied to this. His -_Mémoire sur l’origine japonaise, arabe et basque de la civilisation -des peuples du plateau de Bogota d’après les travaux de Humboldt et -Siebold_ (Paris, 1835) is a treatise on the origin of the Muyscas or -Chibchas. Jomard, in his _Les Antiquités Américaines au point de vue -des progrès de la géographie_ (Paris, 1817) in the _Bull. de la Soc. -Géog._, had questioned the Asiatic affiliations, and Paravey replied -in a _Réfutation de l’opinion émise par Jomard que les peuples de -l’Amérique n’ont jamais en aucun rapport avec ceux de l’Asie_ (Paris, -1849), originally in the _Annales de philosophie Chrétienne_ (May, -1849). - -[559] Also in the _Rev. Archéologique_ (vols. x., xi.), and epitomized -in Leland. Cf. also Dr. A. Godron on the Buddhist mission to America -in _Annales des Voyages_ (Paris, 1864), vol. iv., and an opposing view -by Vivien de St. Martin in _L’Année géographique_ (1865), iii. p. 253, -who was in turn controverted by Brasseur in his _Monuments Anciens du -Méxique_. - -[560] This paper is reprinted in Leland. - -[561] Cf. also his _Variétés Orientales_, 1872; and his “L’Amérique, -etait-elle connue des Chinois à l’époque du déluge?” in the _Archives -de la Soc. Amér. de France_, n. s., iii. 191. - -[562] S. W. Williams, in the _Journal of the American Oriental Soc._ -(vol. xi.), in controverting the views of Leland, was inclined to find -Fusang in the Loo-choo Islands. This paper was printed separately as -_Notices of Fusang and other countries lying east of China in the -Pacific ocean_ (New Haven, 1881). - -[563] A good deal of labor has been bestowed to prove this identity of -Fusang with Mexico. It is held to be found in the myths and legends -of the two people by Charency in his _Mythe de Votan, étude sur les -origines asiatiques de la civilisation américaine_ (Alençon, 1871), -drawn from the _Actes de la Soc. philologique_ (vol. ii.); and he has -enforced similar views in the _Revue des questions historiques_ (vi. -283), and in his _Djemschid et Quetzalcohuatl. L’histoire légendaire de -la Nouvelle-Espagne rapprochée de la source indo-européenne_ (Alençon, -1874). Humboldt thought it strange, considering other affinities,—as -for instance in the Mexican calendars,—that he could find no Mexican -use of phallic symbols; but Bancroft says they exist. Cf. _Native -Races_, iii. 501; also see v. 40, 232; Brasseur’s _Quatre Lettres_, p. -202; and John Campbell’s paper on the traditions of Mexico and Peru as -establishing such connections, in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér._ -(Nancy, 1875), i. 348. Dr. Hamy saw in a monument found at Copan an -inscription which he thought was the Taë-kai of the Chinese, the symbol -of the essence of all things (_Bull. de la Soc. de Géog._, 1886, and -_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xvi. 242, with a cut of the -stone). Dall controverts this point (_Science_, viii. 402). - -Others have dwelt on the linguistic resemblances. B. S. Barton in -his _New Views_ pressed this side of the question. The presence of a -monosyllabic tongue like the Otomi in the midst of the polysyllabic -languages of Mexico has been thought strongly to indicate a survival. -Cf. Manuel Najera’s _Disertacion sobre la lengua Othomi_, Mexico, -1845, and in _Amer. Philos. Soc. Trans._, n. s., v.; Ampère’s -_Promenade en Amérique_, ii. 301; Prescott’s _Mexico_, iii. 396; -Warden’s _Recherches_ (in Dupaix), p. 125; Latham’s _Races of Men_, -408; Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, iii. 737; v. 39, with references. Others -find Sanskrit roots in the Mexican. E. B. Tylor has indicated the -Asiatic origin of certain Mexican games (_Journal of the Anthropol. -Inst._, xxiv.). Ornaments of jade found in Nicaragua, while the stone -is thought to be native only in Asia, is another indication, and they -are more distinctively Asiatic than the jade ornaments found in Alaska -(_Peabody Mus. Reports_, xviii. 414; xx. 548; _Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc._, -Jan., 1886). - -On the general question of the Asiatic origin of the Mexicans see -Dupaix’s _Antiquités Méxicaines_, with included papers by Lenoir, -Warden, and Farcy; the _Report_ on a railroad route from the -Mississippi, 1853-54 (Washington); Whipple’s and other _Reports_ on the -Indian tribes; John Russell Bartlett’s _Personal Narrative_ (1854); -Brasseur’s _Popul Vuh_, p. xxxix; Viollet le Duc’s belief in a “yellow -race” building the Mexican and Central American monuments, in Charnay’s -_Ruines Américaines_, and Charnay’s traces of the Buddhists in the -_Popular Science Monthly_, July, 1879, p. 432; Le Plongeon’s belief -in the connection of the Maya and Asiatic races in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, Apr. 30, 1879, p. 113; and some papers on the ancient Mexicans -and their origin by the Abbé Jolibois, Col. Parmentier, and M. Emile -Guimet, which, prepared for the Soc. de Géog. de Lyon, were published -separately as _De l’origine des Anciens Peuples du Méxique_ (Lyon, -1875). - -A few other incidental discussions of the Fusang question are these: R. -H. Major in _Select Letters of Columbus_ (1847); J. T. Short in _The -Galaxy_ (1875) and in his _No. Americans of Antiquity_; Nadaillac in -his _L’Amérique préhistorique_, 544; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._ calls -the story vague and improbable. In periodicals we find: _Gentleman’s -Mag._, 1869, p. 333 (reprinted in _Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1869, xvi. 221), -and 1870, reproduced in _Chinese Recorder_, May, 1870; Nathan Brown in -_Amer. Philolog. Mag._, Aug., 1869; Wm. Speer in _Princeton Rev._, xxv. -83; _Penn Monthly_, vi. 603; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Apr., 1883, p. 291; -_Notes and Queries_, iii. 58, 78; iv. 19; _Notes and Queries in China -and Japan_, Apr., May, 1869; Feb., 1870. Chas. W. Brooks maintained -on the other hand (_Proc. California Acad. Sciences_, 1876; cf. -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, v. 51), that the Chinese were emigrants from -America. There is a map of the supposed Chinese route to America in -the _Congrès des Américanistes_ (Nancy, 1875), vol. i.; and Winchell, -_Pre-Adamites_, gives a chart showing different lines of approach from -Asia. Stephen Powers (_Overland Monthly_, Apr., 1872, and _California -Acad. Sciences_, 1875) treats the California Indians as descendants of -the Chinese,—a view he modifies in the _Contrib. to Amer. Ethnology_, -vol. iii., on “Tribes of California.” It is claimed that Chinese coin -of the fifteenth century have been found in mounds on Vancouver’s -Island. Cf. G. P. Thurston in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, xiii. p. 457. The -principal lists of authorities are those in Vining (app.), and Watson’s -in Anderson’s _America not discovered by Columbus_. - -[564] From Easter Island to the Galapagos is 2,000 miles, thence to -South America 600 more. On such long migrations by water see Waitz, -_Introduction to Anthropology_, Eng. transl., p. 202. On early modes of -navigation see Col. A. Lane Fox in the _Journal Anthropological Inst._ -(1875), iv. 399. Otto Caspari gives a map of post-tertiary times in his -_Urgeschichte der Menschheit_ (Leipzig, 1873), vol. i., in which land -is made to stretch from the Marquesas Islands nearly to South America; -while large patches of land lie between Asia and Mexico, to render -migration practicable. Andrew Murray, in his _Geographical Distribution -of Mammals_ (London, 1866), is almost compelled to admit (p. 25) that -as complete a circuit of land formerly crossed the southern temperate -regions as now does the northern; and Daniel Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, -holds much the same opinion. The connection of the flora of Polynesia -and South America is discussed by J. D. Hooker in the _Botany of the -Antarctic Voyage of the Erebus and Terror, 1839-43_, and in his _Flora -of Tasmania_. Cf. _Amer. Journal of Science and Arts_, Mar., May, 1854; -Jan., May, 1860. - -[565] _Races of Men._ - -[566] _Compte Rendu_, 1877, p. 79; 1883, p. 246; the latter -being called “Polynesian Antiquities, a link between the ancient -civilizations of Asia and America.” Further discussions of the -Polynesian migrations will be found as follows: A. W. Bradford’s _Amer. -Antiquities_ (N. Y., 1841); Gallatin (_Am. Eth. Soc. Trans._, i. 176) -disputed any common linguistic traces, while Bradford thought he found -such; Lesson and Martinet’s _Les Polynésiens, leur origine, leurs -migrations, leur langage_; Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. 344; Jules -Garnier’s “Les migrations polynésiennes” in _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. -de Paris_, Jan., June, 1870; G. d’Eichthal’s “Etudes sur l’histoire -primitive des races océaniennes et Américaines” in _Mem. de la Soc. -Ethnologique_ (vol. ii.); Marcoy’s _Travels in South America_; C. -Staniland Wake’s _Chapters on Man_, p. 200; a “Rapport de la Polynésie -et l’Amérique” in the _Mémoires de la Soc. Ethnologique_, ii. 223; A. -de Quatrefages de Bréau’s _Les Polynésiens et leurs migrations_ (Paris, -1866), from the _Revue des deux Mondes_, Feb., 1864; O. F. Peschel in -_Ausland_, 1864, p. 348; W. H. Dall in _Bureau of Ethnology Rept._, -1881-82, p. 147. Allen’s paper, already referred to, gives references. - -[567] Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 44, with references, p. 48, epitomizes -the story. Cf. Short, 151. There was a tradition of giants landing on -the shore (Markham’s _Cieza de Leon_, p. 190). Cf. Forster’s _Voyages_, -43. - -[568] A belief in the Asiatic connection has taken some curious forms. -Montesinos in his _Memorias Peruanas_ held Peru to be the Ophir -of Solomon. Cf. Gotfriedus Wegner’s _De Navigationis Solomonæis_ -(Frankfort, 1689). Horn held Hayti to be Ophir, and he indulges in some -fantastic evidences to show that the Iroquois, _i. e._ Yrcas, were -Turks! Cf. Onffroy de Thoron in _Le Globe_, 1869. C. Wiener in his -_L’Empire des Incas_ (ch. 2, 4) finds traces of Buddhism, and so does -Hyde Clarke in his _Khita-Peruvian Epoch_ (1877). Lopez has written -on _Les Races Aryennes de Pérou_ (1871). Cf. Robert Ellis, _Peruvia -Scythica_. _The Quicha Language of Peru, its derivation from Central -Asia with the American languages in general_ (London, 1875). Grotius -held that the Peruvians were of Chinese stock. Charles Pickering’s -ethnological map gives a Malay origin to the islands of the Gulf of -Mexico and a part of the Pacific coast, the rest being Mongolian. - -[569] The story is given in English by De Costa (_Pre-Columbian Disc. -of America_, p. 85) from the _Landnámabók_, no. 107. Cf. _Saga of -Thorfinn Karlsefne_, ch. 13, and that of Erik the Red. Leif is said in -the sagas to have met shipwrecked white people on the coasts visited by -him (_Hist. Mag._, xiii. 46). - -[570] _Antiquitates Americanæ_, 162, 183, 205, 210, 211, 212, 214, 319, -446-51. - -[571] Brinton in _Hist. Mag._, ix. 364; Rivero and Tschudi’s _Peru_. - -[572] Schöning’s _Heimskringla_. _Grönlands Historiske Mindesmærker_, -i. 150. - -[573] _Eyrbyggja Saga_, ch. 64, and given in English in De Costa’s -_Pre-Columbian Discovery_, p. 89. Cf. Sir Walter Scott’s version of -this saga and the appendix of Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_ - -[574] Traces of Celtic have been discovered by some of the -philologists, when put to the task, in the American languages. Cf. -Humboldt, _Relation Historique_, iii. 159. Lord Monboddo held such a -theory. - -[575] Brinton’s _Myths of the New World_, 176. One of the earliest -accounts which we have of the Cherokees is that by Henry Timberlake -(London, 1765), and he remarks on their lighter complexion as -indicating a possible descent from these traditionary white men. - -[576] Richard Broughton’s _Monasticon Britannicum_ (London, 1655), pp. -131, 187. - -[577] _A Memoir on the European Colonization of America in antehistoric -times_ was contributed to the _Proceedings_ of the American -Ethnological Society in 1851, to which E. G. Squier added some notes, -the original paper being by Dr. C. A. A. Zestermann of Leipzig. The -aim was to prove, by the similarity of remains, the connection of the -peoples who built the mounds of the Ohio Valley with the early peoples -of northwestern Europe, a Caucasian race, which he would identify -with the settlers of Irland it Mikla, and with the coming of the -white-bearded men spoken of in Mexican traditions, who established a -civilization which an inundating population from Asia subsequently -buried from sight. This European immigration he places at least -1,200 years before Christ. Squier’s comments are that the monumental -resemblances referred to indicate similar conditions of life rather -than ethnic connections. - -The other advocate was Eugène Beauvois in a paper published in the -_Compte Rendu du Congrès des Américanistes_ (Nancy, 1875, p. 4) as _La -découverte du nouveau monde par les irlandais et les premières traces -du christianisme en Amérique avant l’an 1000_, accompanied by a map, in -which he makes Irland it Mikla correspond to the provinces of Ontario -and Quebec. Again, in the session at Luxembourg in 1877, he endeavored -to connect the Irish colony with the narrative of the seaman in the -Zeno accounts, in a paper which he called _Les Colonies Européennes -du Markland et de l’Escociland au xiv. Siècle, et les vestiges qui -en subsistèrent jusqu’aux xvi^e et xvii^e Siècles_, and in which -he identifies the Estotiland of the Frislanda mariner. M. Beauvois -again, at the Copenhagen meeting of the same body, read a paper on -_Les Relations précolumbiennes des Gaels avec le Méxique_ (Copenhagen, -1883, p. 74), in which he elicited objections from M. Lucien Adam. -Beauvois belongs to that class of enthusiasts somewhat numerous in -these studies of pre-Columbian discoveries, who have haunted these -Congresses of Americanists, and who see overmuch. Other references to -these Irish claims are to be found in Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 186; -Beamish’s _Discovery of America_ (London, 1841); Gravier’s _Découverte -de l’Amérique_, p. 123, 137, and his _Les Normands sur la route, etc._, -ch. 1; Gaffarel’s _Etudes sur les rapports de l’Amérique_, pp. 201, -214; Brasseur’s introd. to his _Popul Vuh_; De Costa’s _Pre-Columbian -Discovery_, pp. xviii, xlix, lii; Humboldt’s _Cosmos_ (Bohn), ii. 607; -Rask in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 21; _Journal London Geog. -Soc._, viii. 125; Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, i. 53; and K. Wilhelmi’s -_Island, Hvitramannaland, Grönland und Vinland, oder Der Norrmänner -Leben auf Island und Grönland und deren Fahrten nach Amerika schon über -500 Jahre vor Columbus_ (Heidelberg, 1842). - -[578] The account in the Landnámabók is briefly rehearsed in ch. 8 of -C. W. Paijkull’s _Summer in Iceland_ (London, 1868). - -[579] There are various editions, of which the best is called that -of Copenhagen, 1843. The _Islendingabók_, a sort of epitome of a -lost historical narrative, is considered an introduction to the -_Landnámabók_. Much of the early story will be found in Latin in the -_Islenzkir Annáler, sive Annales Islandici ab anno Christi 803 ad anno -1430_ (Copenhagen, 1847); in the _Scripta historica Islandorum de rebus -veterum Borealium_, published by the Royal Soc. of Northern Antiquaries -at Copenhagen, 1828-46; and in Jacobus Langebek’s _Scriptores Rerum -Danicarum medii ævi_ (Copenhagen, 1772-1878,—the ninth volume being a -recently added index). - -[580] A convenient survey of this early literature is in chapter 1 of -the _History of the Literature of the Scandinavian North, from the most -ancient times to the present, by Frederick Winkel Horn, revised by the -author, and translated by Rasmus B. Anderson_ (Chicago, 1884). The text -is accompanied by useful bibliographical details. Cf. B. F. De Costa in -_Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._ (1880), xii. 159. - -[581] Saxo Grammaticus acknowledges his dependence on the Icelandic -sagas, and is thought to have used some which had not been yet put into -writing. - -[582] Baring-Gould in his _Iceland, its Scenes and Sagas_ (London, -1863) gives in his App. D a list of thirty-five published sagas, -sixty-six local histories, twelve ecclesiastical annals, and sixty-nine -Norse annals. Cf. the eclectic list in Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 17. - -Konrad Maurer has given an elaborate essay on this early literature -in his _Ueber die Ausdrücke: altnordische, altnorwegische und -isländische Sprache_ (Munich, 1867), which originally appeared in the -_Abhandlungen_ of the Bavarian Academy. - -G. P. Marsh translated P. E. Müller’s “Origin, progress, and decline -of Icelandic historical literature” in _The American Eclectic_ (N. -Y., 1841,—vols. i., ii.). In 1781, Lindblom printed at Paris a French -translation of Bishop Troil’s _Lettres sur l’Islande_, which contained -a catalogue of books on Iceland and an enumeration of the Icelandic -sagas. (Cf. Pinkerton’s _Voyages_, vol. i.) Chavanne’s _Bibliography of -the Polar Regions_, p. 95, has a section on Iceland. - -Solberg’s list of illustrative works, appended to Anderson’s version -of Horn’s _Lit. of the Scandinavian North_, is useful so far as the -English language goes. Periodical contributions also appear in _Poole’s -Index_ (p. 622) and _Supplement_, p. 214. - -Burton (_Ultima Thule_, i. 239) enumerates the principal writers on -Iceland from Arngrimur Jónsson down, including the travellers of this -century. - -[583] The more general histories of Scandinavia, like Sinding’s English -narrative,—not a good book, but accessible,—yield the comparisons more -readily. - -[584] There are also German (Gotha, 1844-75) and French versions -(Paris). The best German version, _Geschichte Schwedens_ (Hamburg and -Gotha, 1832-1887), is in six volumes, a part of the _Geschichte der -europäischen Staaten_. Vol. 1-3, by E. G. Geijer, is translated by O. -P. Leffler; vol. 4, by F. F. Carlson, is translated by J. G. Petersen; -vol. 5, 6, by F. F. Carlson. - -[585] Published in German at Lübeck in 1854 as _Das heroische Zeitalter -der Nordisch-Germanischen Völker und die Wikinger-Züge_. - -[586] Maurer had long been a student of Icelandic lore, and his -_Isländische Volkssagen der Gegenwart gesammelt und verdeutscht_ -(Leipzig, 1860) is greatly illustrative of the early north. Conybeare -(_Place of Iceland in the History of European Institutions_, preface) -says: “To any one writing on Iceland the elaborate works of the learned -Maurer afford at once a help and difficulty: a help in so far as they -shed the fullest light upon the subjects; a difficulty in that their -painstaking completeness has brought together well-nigh everything that -can be said.” - -[587] What is known as the Kristni Saga gives an account of this -change. Cf. Eugène Beauvois, _Origines et fondation du plus ancien -évêché du nouveau monde. Le diocèse de Gardhs en Grœnland, 986-1126_ -(Paris, 1878), an extract from the _Mémoires de la Soc. d’Histoire, -etc., de Beaune_; C. A. V. Conybeare’s _Place of Iceland in the -history of European institutions_ (1877); Maurer’s _Beiträge zur -Rechtsgeschichte des germanischen Nordens_; Wheaton’s _Northmen_; -Worsaae’s _Danes and Norwegians in England_, p. 332; Jacob Rudolph -Keyser’s _Private Life of the Old Northmen_, as translated by M. -R. Barnard (London, 1868), and his _Religion of the Northmen_, as -translated by B. Pennock (N. Y., 1854); _Quarterly Review_, January, -1862; and references in McClintock and Strong’s _Cyclopædia_, under -Iceland. - -[588] Such are the Swedish work of A. M. Strinhold, known in the German -of E. F. Frisch as _Wikingzüge, Staatsverfassung und Sitten der alten -Scandinaver_ (Hamburg, 1839-41). - -A summarized statement of life in Iceland in the early days is held to -be well made out in Hans O. H. Hildebrand’s _Lifvet þå Island under -Sagotiden_ (Stockholm, 1867), and in A. E. Holmberg’s _Nordbon under -Hednatiden_ (Stockholm). J. A. Worsaae published his _Vorgeschichte des -Nordens_ at Hamburg in 1878. It was improved in a Danish edition in -1880, and from this H. F. Morland Simpson made the _Prehistory of the -North, based on contemporary materials_ (London, 1886), with a memoir -of Worsaae (d. 1885), the foremost scholar in this northern lore. - -[589] This book is recognized as one of the best commentaries and most -informing books on Icelandic history, and this writer’s introduction -to Gudbrand Vigfússon’s _Icelandic-English Dictionary_ (3 vols., -Cambridge, Eng., 1869, 1870, 1874) is of scholarly importance. - -[590] The millennial celebration of the settlement of Iceland in 1874 -gave occasion to a variety of books and papers, more or less suggestive -of the early days, like Samuel Kneeland’s _American in Iceland_ -(Boston. 1876); but the enumeration of this essentially descriptive -literature need not be undertaken here. - -[591] _Antiquitates Americanæ_, pp. 1-76, with an account of the -Greenland MSS. (p. 255). Müller’s _Sagenbibliothek_. Arngrimur -Jónsson’s _Grönlandia_ (Iceland, 1688). A fac-simile of the title is -in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, ii., no. 1356. A translation by Rev. -J. Sephton is in the _Proc. Lit. and Philos. Soc. of Liverpool_, vol. -xxxiv. 183, and separately, Liverpool, 1880. There is a paper in the -_Jahresbericht der geographischen Gesellschaft in München für 1885_ -(Munich, 1886), p. 71, by Oskar Brenner, on “Grönland im Mittelalter -nach einer altnorwegischen Quelle.” - -Some of the earliest references are: Christopherson Claus’ _Den -Grölandske Chronica_ (Copenhagen, 1608), noticed in the _Carter-Brown -Catalogue_, ii., no. 64. Gerald de Veer’s _True and perfect description -of three voyages_ speaks in its title (_Carter-Brown_, ii. 38) of “the -countrie lying under 80 degrees, which is thought to be Greenland, -where never man had been before.” Antoine de la Sale wrote between 1438 -and 1447 a curious book, printed in 1527 as _La Salade_, in which he -refers to Iceland and Greenland (Gronnellont), where white bears abound -(Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet._, no. 140). - -[592] This book is now rare. Dufossé prices it at 50 francs; F. S. -Ellis,—London. 1884, at £5.5.0. Before Torfæus, probably the best -known book was Isaac de la Peyrère’s _Relation du Groenland_ (Paris, -1647). It is one of the earliest books to give an account of the -Eskimos. It was again printed in 1674 in _Recueil de Voyages du Nord_. -A Dutch edition at Amsterdam in 1678 (_Nauwkenrige Beschrijvingh van -Groenland_) was considerably enlarged with other matter, and this -edition was the basis of the German version published at Nuremberg, -1679. Peyrère’s description will be found in English in a volume -published by the Hakluyt Society in 1855, where it is accompanied -by two maps of the early part of the seventeenth century. Cf. -Carter-Brown, ii., no. 1192, note; Sabin, x. p. 70. - -[593] Pilling (_Eskimo Bibliog._, p. 20) gives the most careful account -of editions. Cf. Sabin, v. 66. A Dutch translation at Haarlem in 1767 -was provided with better and larger maps than the original issue; and -this version was again brought out with a changed title in 1786. There -was a Swedish ed. at Stockholm in 1769, and a reprint of the original -German at Leipzig in 1770, and it is included in the _Bibliothek der -neuesten Reisebeschreibungen_ (Frankfort, 1779-1797), vol. xx. Cf. -Carter-Brown, ii., nos. 1443, 1576, 1577, 1671, 1728. - -[594] This constitutes in 3 vols. a sort of supplement to the -_Antiquitates Americanæ_, Cf. _Dublin Review_, xxvii. 35; _Bulletin de -la Soc. de Géog. de Paris_, 3d ser., vol. vi., and a synopsis of the -_Mindesmæker_ in _The Sacristy_, Feb. 1, 1871 (London). - -[595] The principal ruin is that of a church, and it will be found -represented in the Antiquitates Americanæ, and again by Nordenskjöld, -Steenstrup, J. T. Smith (_Discovery of America_, etc.), Horsford; and, -not to name more, in Hayes’s _Land of Desolation_ (and in the French -version in _Tour du Monde_, xxvi.). - -[596] Rafn in his _Americas arctiske landes Gamle Geographie efter de -Nordiske Oldskrifter_ (Copenhagen, 1845) gives the seals of some of the -Greenland bishops, various plans of the different ruins, a view of the -Katortok church with its surroundings, engraving of the different runic -inscriptions, and a map of the Julianehaab district. - -[597] This tendency of the Scandinavian writers is recognized among -themselves. Horn (Anderson’s translation, 324) ascribes it to “an -unbridled fancy and want of critical method rather than to any wilful -perversion of historical truth. This tendency owed its origin to an -intense patriotism, a leading trait in the Swedish character, which on -this very account was well-nigh incorrigible.” - -[598] Dasent translates from the preface to _Egils Saga_ (Reikjavik, -1856): “The sagas show no wilful purpose to tell untruths, but simply -are proofs of _the beliefs and turns of thought of men in the age when -the sagas were reduced to writing_” (_Burnt Njal_, i. p. xiii). - -[599] Rink (_Danish Greenland_, p. 3) says of the sagas that “they -exist only in a fragmentary condition, and bear the general character -of popular traditions to such a degree that they stand much in need -of being corroborated by collateral proofs, if we are wholly to rely -upon them in such a question as an ancient colonization of America.” -So he proceeds to enumerate the kind of evidence, which is sufficient -in Greenland, but is wholly wanting in other parts of America, and to -point out that the trustworthiness of the sagas of the Vinland voyages -exists only in regard to their general scope. - -Dasent, in the introduction of Vigfússon’s _Icelandic Dictionary_, -says of the sagas: “Written at various periods by scribes more or less -fitted for the task, they are evidently of very varying authority.” -The Scandinavian authorities class the sagas as mythical histories, as -those relating to Icelandic history (subdivided into general, family, -personal, ecclesiastical), and as the lives of rulers. - -[600] Anderson’s translation, _Lit. of the Scand. North_, p. 81. - -[601] Laing (_Heimskringla_, i. 23) says: “Arne Magnussen was the -greatest antiquary who never wrote; his judgments and opinions are -known from notes, selections, and correspondence, and are of great -authority at this day in the saga literature. Torfæus consulted him in -his researches.” - -[602] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 20. - -[603] Oswald Moosmüller’s _Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus_ -(Regensburg, 1879, p. 4) enumerates the manuscripts in the royal -library in Copenhagen. - -[604] A. E. Wollheim’s _Die Nat. lit. der Scandinavier_ (Berlin, -1875-77), p. 47. Turner’s _Anglo Saxons_, book iv. ch. 1. Mallet’s _No. -Antiq._ (1847), 393 - -[605] Cf. G. H. Pertz, _Monumenta Germaniæ historica_, 1846, vol. vii. -cap. 247. Of the different manuscripts, some call Vinland a “regio” and -others an “insula.” - -[606] Discovered in the seventeenth century in a monastery on an -island close by the Icelandic coast, and now in the royal library -in Copenhagen. Cf. Laing’s introduction to his edition of the -_Heimskringla_, vol. i. p. 157. Horn says of this codex: “The book was -written towards the end of the fourteenth century by two Icelandic -priests, and contains in strange confusion and wholly without criticism -a large number of sagas, poems, and stories. No other manuscript -confuses things on so vast a scale.” Anderson’s translation of Horn’s -_Lit. of the Scandin. North_, p. 60. Cf. _Flateyjarbok. En Samling af -Norske Konge-Sagaer med indskudte mindre fortællinger om Begivenheder i -og Udenfor Norge samt Annaler_ (Christiania, 1860); and Vigfússon’s and -Unger’s edition of 1868, also at Christiania. The best English account -of the _Codex Flatoyensis_ is by Gudbrand Vigfússon in the preface to -his _Icelandic Sagas_, published under direction of the Master of the -Rolls, London, 1887, vol. i. p. xxv. - -[607] For texts, see C. C. Rafn’s edition of _Kong Olaf Tryggvesons -Saga_ (Copenhagen, 1826), and Munch’s edition of _Kong Olaf -Tryggvesön’s Saga_ (Christiania, 1853). Cf. also P. A. Munch’s _Norges -Konge-Sagaer_ of Snorri Sturleson, Sturla Thordsson, etc. (Christiania, -1859). - -[608] The _Codex Flatoyensis_ says that it was sixteen winters after -the settlement of Greenland before Leif went to Norway, and that in the -next year he sailed to Vinland. - -[609] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 21. - -[610] These sagas are given in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin in Rafn’s -_Antiquitates Americanæ_ (Copenhagen, 1837). Versions or abstracts, -more or less full, of all or of some of them are given by Beamish, in -his _Discovery of America by the Northmen_ (London, 1841), whose text -is reprinted by Slafter, in his _Voyages of the Northmen_ (Boston, -1877). J. Elliot Cabot, in the Mass. Quart. Review, March, 1849, -copied in part in Higginson’s _Amer. Explorers_. Blackwell, in his -supplementary chapters to Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_ (London, -Bohn’s library). B. F. De Costa, in his _Pre-Columbian Discovery of -America_ (Albany, 1868). Eben Norton Horsford, in his _Discovery of -America by Norsemen_ (Boston, 1888). Beauvois, in his _Découvertes -des Scandinaves en Amérique_ (Paris, 1859). P. E. Müller, in his -_Sagabibliothek_ (Copenhagen, 1816-20), and a German version of part -of it by Lachmann, _Sagenbibliothek des Scandinavischen Alterthums in -Aussügen_ (Berlin, 1816). - -[611] When, however, Peringskiöld edited the Heimskringla, in 1697, -he interpolated eight chapters of a more particular account of the -Vinland voyages, which drew forth some animadversions from Torfæus in -1705, when he published his _Historia Vinlandiæ_. It was later found -that Peringskiöld had drawn these eight chapters from the _Codex -Flatoyensis_, which particular MS. was unknown to Torfæus. When Laing -printed his edition of the _Heimskringla, The Sea Kings of Norway_ -(London, 1844), he translated these eight chapters in his appendix -(vol. iii. 344). Laing (_Heimskringla_, i. 27) says: “Snorro Sturleson -has done for the history of the Northmen what Livy did for the history -of the Romans,”—a rather questionable tribute to the verity of the saga -history, in the light of the most approved comments on Livy. Cf. Horn, -in Anderson’s translation, _Lit. of the Scandinavian North_ (Chicago, -1884), p. 56, with references, p. 59. - -[612] J. Fulford Vicary’s _Saga Time_ (Lond., 1887). Some time in the -fifteenth century, a monk, Thomas Gheysmer, made an abridgment of Saxo, -alleging that he “had said much rather for the sake of adornment than -in behalf of truth.” The Canon Christiern Pederson printed the first -edition of Saxo at Paris in 1514 (Anderson’s Horn’s _Lit. Scandin. -North_, p. 102). This writer adds: “The entire work rests exclusively -on oral tradition, which had been gathered by Saxo, and which he -repeated precisely as he had heard it, for in the whole chronicle there -is no trace of criticism proper.... Saxo must also undoubtedly have -had Icelandic sagamen as authorities for the legendary part of his -work; but there is not the slightest evidence to show that he ever had -a written Icelandic saga before him.... In this part of the work he -betrays no effort to separate fact from fiction, ... and he has in many -instances consciously or unconsciously adorned the original material.” -Horn adds that the last and best edition is that of P. E. Müller and J. -Velchow, _Saxonis Grammatici Historia Danica_ (Copenhagen, 1839). - -[613] Humboldt (_Crit. Exam._, ii. 120) represented that Ortelius -referred to these voyages in 1570; but Palfrey (_Hist. New England_, i. -51) shows that the language cited by Humboldt was not used by Ortelius -till in his edition of 1592, and that then he referred to the Zeno -narrative. - -[614] See _post_, Vol. IV. p. 492. - -[615] His account is followed by Malte Brun in his _Précis de la -Géographie_ (i. 395). Cf. also _Annales des Voyages_ (Paris, 1810), x. -50, and his _Géographie Universelle_ (Paris, 1841). Pinkerton, in his -_Voyages_ (London, 1814), vol. xvii., also followed Torfæus. - -[616] J. J. Wahlstedt’s _Iter in Americam_ (Upsala, 1725). Cf. _Brinley -Catal._, i. 59. - -[617] _Observatio historica ad Frisonum navigatione fortuita in -Americam sec. xi. facta_ (Magdeburg, 1741). - -[618] _Franklin’s Works_, Philad., 1809, vol. vi.; Sparks’s ed., viii. -69. - -[619] This is the book which furnished the text in an English dress -(London, 1770) known as _Northern Antiquities_, and a part of his -account is given in the _American Museum_ (Philad., 1789). In the -Edinburgh edition of 1809 it is called: _Northern antiquities: or a -description of the manners, customs, religion and laws, of the ancient -Danes, including those of our Saxon ancestors. With a translation -of the Edda and other pieces, from the ancient Icelandic tongue. -Translated from “L’introduction à l’histoire de Dannemarc, &c.,” par -Mons. Mallet. With additional notes by the English translator [Bishop -Percy], and Goranson’s Latin version of the Edda_. In 2 vols. The -chapters defining the locations are omitted, and others substituted, in -the reprint of the _Northern Antiquities_ in Bohn’s library. - -[620] There are French and English versions. - -[621] Edinburgh, 1818; Boston, 1831. - -[622] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1865, p. 184. - -[623] _Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopædia._ - -[624] Allibone, iii. 2667. - -[625] Irving, in reviewing the book in the _No. Am. Rev._, Oct., 1832, -avoided the question of the Norse discovery. (Cf. his _Spanish Papers_, -vol. ii., and Rice’s _Essays from the No. Am. Rev._) C. Robinson, in -his _Discoveries in the West_ (ch. 1), borrows from Wheaton. - -[626] Octavo ed., i. pp. 5, 6. - -[627] Orig. ed., iii. 313; last revision, ii. 132. - -[628] This society, Kongelige Nordiske Oldskrift-Selskab, since 1825, -has been issuing works and periodicals illustrating all departments -of Scandinavian archæology (cf. Webb, in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, -viii. 177), and has gathered cabinets and museums, sections of which -are devoted to American subjects. C. C. Rafn’s _Cabinet d’antiquités -Américaines à Copenhague_ (Copenhagen, 1858); _Journal of the Royal -Geographical Society_, xiv. 316; Slafter’s introd. to his _Voyages of -the Northmen_. - -[629] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 81; _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -April, 1865; _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1865, p. 273; _To-day_, ii. -176. - -[630] Professor Willard Fiske has paid particular attention to the -early forms of the Danish in the Icelandic literature. In 1885 the -British Museum issued a _Catalogue of the books printed in Iceland -from A.D. 1578 to 1880 in the library of the British Museum_. In 1886 -Mr. Fiske privately printed at Florence _Bibliographical Notices, i.: -Books printed in Iceland, 1578-1844, a supplement to the British Museum -Catalogue,_ which enumerates 139 titles with full bibliographical -detail and an index. He refers also to the principal bibliographical -authorities. Laing’s introduction to the _Heimskringla_ gives a survey. - -[631] Cf. list of their several issues in Scudder’s _Catal. of Scient. -Serials_, nos. 640, 654, and the Rafn bibliography in Sabin, xvi. nos. -67,466-67,486. In addition to its Danish publications, the chief of -which interesting to the American archæologist being the _Antiquarisk -Tidsskrift_ (1845-1864), sometimes known as the _Revue Archéologique -et Bulletin_, the society, under its more familiar name of Société -Royale des Antiquaires du Nord, has issued its _Mémoires_, the first -series running from 1836 to 1860, in 4 vols., and the second beginning -in 1866. These contain numerous papers involving the discussion of the -Northmen voyages, including a condensed narrative by Rafn, “Mémoire sur -la découverte de l’Amérique au 10^e siècle,” which was enlarged and -frequently issued separately in French and other languages (1838-1843), -and is sometimes found in English as a _Supplement to the Antiquitates -Americanæ_, and was issued in New York (1838) as _America discovered -in the tenth century_. In this form (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. -187) it was widely used here and in Europe to call attention to Rafn’s -folio, _Antiquitates Americanæ_. - -The _Mémoires_ also contained another paper by Rafn, _Aperçu de -l’ancienne géographie des régions arctiques de l’Amérique, selon les -rapports contenus dans les Sagas du Nord_ (Copenhagen, 1847), which -also concerns the Vinland voyages, and is repeated in the _Nouvelles -Annales des Voyages_ (1849), i. 277. - -[632] _Antiqvitates Americanæ sive scriptores septentrionales rerum -ante-Columbianarum in America. Samling af de i nordens oldskrifter -indeholdte efterretninger om de gamle nordboers opdagelsesreiser -til America fra det 10de til det 14de aarhundrede. Edidit Societas -regia antiquariorum Septentrionalium_ (Hafniæ, 1837). CONTENTS: -Præfatio.—Conspectus codicum membraneorum, in quibus terrarum -Americanarum mentio fit.—America discovered by the Scandinavians in -the tenth century. (An abstract of the historical evidence contained -in this work.)—Pættir af Eireki Rauda ok Grænlendingum.—Saga Porfinns -Karlsefnis ok Snorra Porbrandssonar.—Breviores relationes: De -inhabitatione Islandiæ; De inhabitatione Grœnlandiæ; De Ario Maris -filio; De Björne Breidvikensium athleta; De Gudleivo Gudlœgi filio; -Excerpta ex annalibus Islandorum; Die mansione Grœnlandorum in locis -Borealibus; Excerpta e geographicis scriptis veterum Islandorum; Carmen -Færöicum, in quo Vinlandiæ mentio fit; Adami Bremensis Relatio de -Vinlandia; Descriptio quorumdam monumentorum Europæorum, quæ in oris -Grönlandiæ ocidentalibus reperta et detecta sunt; Descriptio vetusti -monumenti in regione Massachusetts reperti; Descriptio vetustorum -quorundam monumentorum in Rhode Island.—Annotationes geographicæ; -Islandia et Grönlandia; Indagatio Arctoarum Americæ regionum.—Indagatio -Orientalium Americæ regionum.—Addenda et emendanda.—Indexes. The larger -works are in Icelandic, Danish, and Latin. - -Cf. also his _Antiquités Américaines d’après les monuments historiques -des Islandais et des anciens Scandinaves_ (Copenhagen, 1845). An -abstract of the evidence is given in the _Journal of the Royal -Geographical Society_ (viii. 114), and it is upon this that H. H. -Bancroft depends in his _Native Races_ (v. 106). Cf. also _Ibid._ v. -115-116; and his _Cent. America_, i. 74. L. Dussieux in his _Les Grands -Faits de l’Histoire de la Géographie_ (Paris, 1882; vol. i. 147, 165) -follows Rafn and Malte-Brun. So does Brasseur de Bourbourg in his -_Hist. de Nations Civilisées_, i. 18; and Bachiller y Morales in his -_Antigüedades Americanas_ (Havana, 1845). - -Great efforts were made by Rafn and his friends to get reviews of his -folio in American periodicals; and he relied in this matter upon Dr. -Webb and others, with whom he had been in correspondence in working up -his geographical details (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, ii. 97, 107; viii. -189, etc.), and so late as 1852 he drafted in English a new synopsis -of the evidence, and sent it over for distribution in the United -States (_Ibid._ ii. 500; _New Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi.; _N. E. -Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1853, p. 13). So far as weight of character went, -there was a plenty of it in his reviewers: Edward Everett in the _No. -Amer. Rev._, Jan., 1838; Alexander Everett in the _U. S. Magazine and -Democratic Review_ (1838); George Folsom in the _N. Y. Review_ (1838); -H. R. Schoolcraft in the _Amer. Biblical Repository_ (1839). Cf. _Mass. -Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 182-3; _Poole’s Index_, 28, 928. - -[633] Bohn’s ed., English transl., ii. 603; Lond. ed., 1849, ii. -233-36. Humboldt expresses the opinion that Columbus, during his -visit to Iceland, got no knowledge of the stories, so little an -impression had they made on the public mind (_Cosmos_, Bohn, ii. -611), and that the enemies of Columbus in his famous lawsuit, when -every effort was made to discredit his enterprise, did not instance -his Iceland experience, should be held to indicate that no one in -southern Europe believed in any such prompting at that time. Wheaton -and Prescott (_Ferdinand and Isabella_, orig. ed., ii. 118, 131) hold -similar opinions. (Cf. Vol. II. p. 33.) Dr. Webb says that Irving -held back from accepting the stories of the saga, for fear that they -could be used to detract from Columbus’ fame. Rafn and his immediate -sympathizers did not fail to make the most of the supposition that -Columbus had in some way profited by his Iceland experience. Laing -thinks Columbus must have heard of the voyages, and De Costa (_Columbus -and the Geographers of the North_) thinks that the bruit of the -Northmen voyages extended sufficiently over Europe to render it -unlikely that it escaped the ears of Columbus. Cf. further an appendix -in Irving’s _Columbus_, and Mallet’s _Northern Antiquities_, Bohn’s -ed., 267, in refutation of the conclusions of Finn Magnusen in the -_Nordisk Tidsskrift_. It has been left for the unwise and overtopped -advocates of a later day, like Goodrich and Marie A. Brown, to go -beyond reason in an indiscriminate denunciation of the Genoese. The -latter writer, in her _Icelandic Discoverers of America_ (Boston, -1888), rambles over the subject in a jejune way, and easily falls into -errors, while she pursues her main purpose of exposing what she fancies -to be a deep-laid scheme of the Pope and the Catholic Church to conceal -the merits of the Northmen and to capture the sympathies of Americans -in honoring the memory of Columbus in 1892. It is simply a reactionary -craze from the overdone raptures of the school of Roselly de Lorgues -and the other advocates of the canonization of Columbus, in Catholic -Europe. - -[634] This book is for the sagas the basis of the most useful book -on the subject, Edmund Farwell Slafter’s _Voyages of the Northmen -to America_. _Including extracts from Icelandic Sagas relating to -Western voyages by Northmen in the 10th and 11th centuries in an -English translation by Nathaniel Ludlow Beamish; with a synopsis of -the historical evidence and the opinion of professor Rafn as to the -places visited by the Scandinavians on the coast of America_. _With -an introduction_ (Boston, 1877), published by the Prince Society. -Slafter’s opinion is that the narratives are “true in their general -outlines and important features.” - -[635] _Island, Huitramannaland, Grönland und Vinland_ (Heidelberg, -1842). - -[636] _Die Entdeckung von Amerika durch die Isländer im zehnten -und eilften Jahrhundert_ (Braunschweig, 1844). Cf. E. G. Squier’s -_Discovery of America by the Northmen, a critical review of the works -of Hermes, Rafn and Beamish_ (1849). - -[637] Cf. his paper in the _Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans._, 1865. - -[638] Beauvois also made at a later period other contributions to the -subject: _Les derniers vestiges du Christianisme prêchés du X^e au -XIV^e siècles dans le Markland et le Grande-Irlande, les porte-croix de -la Gaspésie at de l’Arcadie_ (Paris, 1877) which appeared originally -in the _Annales de philosophie Chrétiennes_, Apr., 1877; and _Les -Colonies européennes du Markland at de l’Escociland au XIV^e siècle -et les vestiges qui en subsistèrent jusqu’aux XVI^e et XVII^e siècle_ -(Luxembourg, 1878), being taken from the _Compte Rendu_ of the -Luxembourg meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes. - -[639] _Prehistoric Man_, 3d ed., ii. 83, 85. Cf. also his _Historic -Footprints in America_, extracted from the _Canadian Journal_, Sept., -1864. - -[640] Joseph Williamson, in the _Hist. Mag._, Jan., 1869 (x. 30), -sought to connect with the Northmen certain ancient remains along the -coast of Maine. - -[641] He was rather caustically taken to account by Henry Cabot Lodge, -in the _No. Am. Review_, vol. cxix. Cf. Michel Hardy’s _Les Scandinaves -dans l’Amérique du Nord_ (Dieppe, 1874). An April hoax which appeared -in a Washington paper in 1867, about some runes discovered on the -Potomac, had been promptly exposed in this country (_Hist. Mag._, Mar. -and Aug., 1869), but it had been accepted as true in the _Annuaire de -la Société Américaine_ in 1873, and Gaffarel (_Etudes sur les Rapports -de l’Amérique avant Columbus_, Paris, 1869, p. 251) and Gravier (p. -139) was drawn into the snare. (Cf. Whittlesey’s _Archæol. frauds_ in -the _Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts_, no. 9, and H. W. Haynes in -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1888, p. 59.) In a later monograph, -_Les Normands sur la route des Indes_ (Rouen, 1880), Gravier, while -still accepting the old exploded geographical theories, undertook -further to prove that the bruits of the Norse discoveries instigated -the seamen of Normandy to similar ventures, and that they visited -America in ante-Columbian days. - -[642] There is an authorized German version, _Die erste Entdeckung von -Amerika_, by Mathilde Mann (Hamburg, 1888). - -[643] _American in Iceland_ (Boston, 1876). - -[644] _Land of Desolation_ (New York, 1872). There is a French version -in the _Tour du Monde_, xxvi. - -[645] _Lectures delivered in America_ (Philad., 1875),—third lecture. - -[646] _Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus, nach Quellen bearbeitet von P. -Oswald Moosmüller_ (Regensburg, 1879). - -[647] _Larger History of the United States_ (N. Y., 1886). - -[648] _Discoveries of America_ (N. Y., 1884). - -[649] Particularly Beauvois, already mentioned, and Dr. E. Löffler, on -the Vinland Excursions of the Ancient Scandinavians, at the Copenhagen -meeting, _Compte Rendu_ (1883), p. 64. Cf. also Michel Hardy’s _Les -Scandinaves dans l’Amérique du Nord au X^e Siècle_ (Dieppe, 1874). - -[650] R. G. Haliburton, in _Roy. Geog. Soc. Proc._ (Jan., 1885); Thomas -Morgan, in _Roy. Hist. Soc. Trans._ iii. 75. - -[651] E. N. Horsford’s _Discovery of America by the Northmen_ (Boston, -1888); Anderson’s _America not discovered by Columbus_, 3d ed., p. 30; -_N. Y. Nation_, Nov. 17, 1887; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Mar., 1888, p. 223. - -[652] Remarks of Wm. Everett and Chas. Deane in the society’s -_Proceedings_, May, 1880. - -[653] _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Dec., 1887. The most incautious -linguistic inferences and the most uncritical cartological perversions -are presented by Eben Norton Horsford in his _Discovery of America by -the Northmen—address at the unveiling of the statue of Leif Eriksen, -Oct. 29, 1887_ (Boston, 1888). Cf. Oscar Brenner in _Beilage zur -Allgemeinen Zeitung_ (Munich, Dec. 6, 1888). A trustful reliance upon -the reputations of those who have in greater or less degree accepted -the details of the sagas characterizes a paper by Mrs. Ole Bull in the -_Mag. of Amer. Hist._, Mar., 1888. She is naturally not inclined to -make much allowance for the patriotic zeal of the northern writers. - -[654] The best list is in P. B. Watson’s “Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian -Discoveries of America,” originally in the _Library Journal_, vi. 259, -but more complete in Anderson’s _America not discovered by Columbus_ -(3d ed., Chicago, 1883). Cf. also Chavanne’s _Literature of the -Polar Regions_; Th. Solberg’s Bibliog. of Scandinavia, in English, -with magazine articles, in F. W. Horn’s _Hist. of the lit. of the -Scandinavian North_ (1884, pp. 413-500). There is a convenient brief -list in Slafter’s _Voyages of the Northmen_ (pp. 127-140), and a not -very well selected one in Marie A. Brown’s _Icelandic Discoverers_. -_Poole’s Index_ indicates the considerable amount of periodical -discussions. The Scandinavian writers are mainly referred to by Miss -Brown and Mrs. Bull. - -[655] Forster finds a corruption of Norvegia (Norway) in Norumbega. -Rafn finds the Norse elements in the words Massachusetts, Nauset, -and Mount Hope (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, viii. 194-198). The word -Hole, used as synonymous to harbor in various localities along the -Vineyard Sound, has been called a relic of the Icelandic Holl, a hill -(_Mag. Amer. Hist._, June, 1882, p. 431; Jos. S. Fay in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, xii. 334; and in Anderson, _America not discovered by -Columbus_, 3d ed.). - -Brasseur de Bourbourg in his _Nations civilisées du Méxique_, and more -emphatically in his _Grammaire Quichée_, had indicated what he thought -a northern incursion before Leif, in certain seeming similarities to -the northern tongues of those of Guatemala. Cf. also _Nouv. Annales -des Voyages_, 6th ser., xvi. 263; _N. Y. Tribune_, Nov. 21, 1855; -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, iii. 762. - -[656] _De origine gentium Americanarum_ (1642). - -[657] _Nouv. Ann. des Voyages_, 6th ser., vols. iii. and vi. - -[658] In Charnay’s _Ruines_, etc. (Paris, 1867). - -[659] _Découverte de l’America par les Normands_ (Paris, 1864). - -[660] H. H. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 115-16, gives references on the -peopling of America from the northwest of Europe. - -[661] _Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit._, xiv. 1887; also printed separately as -_Mythology, legends and Folk-lore of the Algonquins_. Cf. also his -_Algonquin Legends of New England_ (1885). Cf. D. G. Brinton in _Amer. -Antiquarian_, May, 1885. - -[662] Mr. Mitchell, of the U. S. Coast Survey, has attended to this -part of the subject, and Horsford (p. 28) quotes his MS. He finds on -the Massachusetts coast what he thinks a sufficient correspondence to -the description of the sagas. - -[663] So plain a matter as the length of the longest summer day would -indubitably point to an absolute parallel of latitude as determining -the site of Vinland, if there was no doubt in the language of the saga. -Unfortunately there is a wide divergence of opinion in the meaning of -the words to be depended upon, even among Icelandic scholars; and the -later writers among them assert that Rafn (_Antiq. Amer._ 436) and -Magnusen in interpreting the language to confirm their theory of the -Rhode Island bays have misconceived. Their argument is summarized in -the French version of Wheaton. John M’Caul translated Finn Magnusen’s -“Ancient Scandinavian divisions of the times of day,” in the _Mémoire -de la Soc. Roy. des Antiq. du Nord_ (1836-37). Rask disputes Rafn’s -deductions (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xviii. 22). Torfæus, who is our -best commentator after all, says it meant Newfoundland. Robertson put -it at 58° north. Dahlmann in his _Forschungen_ (vol. i.) places it -on the coast of Labrador. Horsford (p. 66) at some length admits no -question that it must have been between 41° and 43° north. Cf. Laing’s -_Heimskringla_, i. 173; Palfrey’s _New England_, i. 55; De Costa’s -_Pre-Columbian Disc._, p. 33; Weise’s _Discoveries of America_, 31; -and particularly Vigfússon in his _English-Icelandic Dictionary_ under -“Eykt.” - -[664] “The discovery of America,” says Laing (_Heimskringla_, i. 154), -“rests entirely upon documentary evidence which cannot, as in the -case of Greenland, be substantiated by anything to be discovered in -America.” Laing and many of the commentators, by some strange process -of reasoning, have determined that the proof of these MS. records -being written before Columbus’ visit to Iceland in 1477 is sufficient -to establish the priority of discovery for the Northmen, as if it was -nothing in the case that the sagas may or may not be good history; and -nothing that it was the opinion entertained in Europe at that time that -Greenland and the more distant lands were not a new continent, but a -prolongation of Europe by the north. It is curious, too, to observe -that, treating of events after 1492, Laing is quite willing to believe -in any saga being “filled up and new invented,” but is quite unwilling -to believe anything of the kind as respects those written anterior to -1492; and yet he goes on to prove conclusively that the _Flatoyensis -Codex_ is full of fable, as when the saga man makes the eider-duck lay -eggs where during the same weeks the grapes ripen and intoxicate when -fresh, and the wheat forms in the ear! Laing nevertheless rests his -case on the _Flatoyensis Codex_ in its most general scope, and calls -poets, but not antiquaries, those who attempt to make any additional -evidence out of imaginary runes or the identification of places. - -[665] It must be remembered that this divergence was not so wide to the -Northmen as it seems to us. With them the Atlantic was sometimes held -to be a great basin that was enclasped from northwestern Europe by a -prolongation of Scandinavia into Greenland, Helluland, and Markland, -and it was a question if the more distant region of Vinland did not -belong rather to the corresponding prolongation of Africa on the south. -Cf. De Costa, _Pre-Columbian Disc._, 108; _Hist. Mag._, xiii. 46. - -[666] He wrote “Here for the first time will be found indicated the -precise spot where the ancient Northmen held their intercourse.” The -committee of the Mass. Hist. Soc. objected to this extreme confidence. -_Proceedings_, ii. 97, 107, 500, 505. - -[667] Reproduction of part of the plate in the _Antiquitates -Americanæ_, after a drawing by J. R. Bartlett. The engravings of the -rock are numerous: _Mem. Amer. Acad._, iii.; the works of Beamish, J. -T. Smith, Gravier, Gay, Higginson, etc.; Laing’s _Heimskringla_; the -French ed. of Wheaton; Hermes’ _Entdeckung von America_; Schoolcraft’s -_Ind. Tribes_, i. 114, iv. 120; Drake’s ed., Philad., 1884, i. p. 88; -the Copenhagen _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_, p. 70, from -a photograph. The Hitchcock Museum at Amherst, Mass., had a cast, and -one was shown at the Albany meeting (1836) of the Am. Asso. for the -Adv. of Science. The rock was conveyed by deed in 1861 to the Roy. -Soc. of Northern Antiquaries (_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, v. 226; vi. -252), but the society subsequently relinquished their title to a Boston -committee, who charged itself with the care of the monument; but in -doing so the Danish antiquaries disclaimed all belief in its runic -character (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, iii. 236). - -[668] De Costa, _Pre-Col. Disc._, 29; _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, -xviii. 37; Gay, _Pop. Hist._, i. 41; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, viii. -72; _Am. Geog. Soc. Journal_, 1870, p. 50; _Amer. Naturalist_, Aug. and -Sept., 1879. - -[669] _Am. Ass. Adv. Science, Proc._ (1856), ii. 214. - -[670] Cf. paper on the site of Vinland in _Hist. Mag._, Feb., 1874, -p. 94; Alex. Farnum’s _Visit of the Northmen to Rhode Island_ (_R. I. -Hist. Tracts_, no. 2, 1877). The statement of the sagas that there -was no frost in Vinland and grass did not wither in winter compels -some of the identifiers to resort to the precession of the equinox as -accounting for changes of climate (Gay’s _Pop. Hist._, i. 50). - -[671] E. G. Squier in _Ethnological Journal_, 1848; Wilson’s Prehist. -Man, ii. 98; _Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, i. 392; Schoolcraft’s _Indian -Tribes_, iv. 118; _Mém. de la Soc. royale des Antiq. du Nord_, 1840-44, -p. 127. - -[672] _Amer. Philos. Soc. Proc._, May 2, 1884 (by Henry Phillips, Jr.); -_Numismatic and Antiq. Soc. of Philad., Proc._, 1884, p. 17; Geo. S. -Brown’s _Yarmouth_ (Boston, 1888). - -[673] Wilson’s _Prehist. Man_, ii. 98; _Amer. Asso. Adv. Science, -Proc._, 1856, p. 214; _Séance annuelle de la Soc. des Antiq. du Nord_, -May 14, 1859; H. W. Haynes in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1888, -p. 56. The Monhegan inscription, as examined by the late C. W. Tuttle -and J. Wingate Thornton, was held to be natural markings (_Mag. Amer. -Hist._, ii. 308; _Pulpit of the Revolution_, 410). Charles Rau cites a -striking instance of the way in which the lively imagination of Finn -Magnusen has misled him in interpreting weather cracks on a rock in -Sweden (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, ii. 83). - -[674] _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, 1854, p. 185. - -[675] _Antiquitates Americanæ_, 335, 371, 401; _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, Oct., 1868, p. 13; W. J. Miller’s _Wampanoag Indians_. - -[676] Cf. list of inscribed rocks in the _Proceedings_ (vol. ii.) of -the Davenport Acad. of Natural Sciences. - -[677] The stone with its inscription early attracted attention, but -Danforth’s drawing of 1680 is the earliest known. Cotton Mather, in a -dedicatory epistle to Sir Henry Ashurst, prefixed to his _Wonderful -Works of God commemorated_ (Boston, 1690), gave a cut of a part of -the inscription; and he communicated an account with a drawing of -the inscription to the Royal Society in 1712, which appears in their -_Philosophical Transactions_. Dr. Isaac Greenwood sent another draft to -the Society of Antiquaries in London in 1730, and their _Transactions_ -in 1732 has this of Greenwood. In 1768 Professor Stephen Sewall of -Cambridge made a copy of the natural size, which was sent in 1774 by -Professor James Winthrop to the Royal Society. Dr. Stiles says that -Sewall sent it to Gebelin, of the French Academy, whose members judged -them to be Punic characters. Stiles himself, in 1783, in an election -sermon delivered at Hartford, spoke of “the visit by the Phœnicians, -who charged the Dighton Rock and other rocks in Narragansett Bay with -Punic inscriptions remaining to this day, which last I myself have -repeatedly seen and taken off at large.” Cf. Thornton’s _Pulpit of -the Revolution_, p. 410. The _Archæologia_ (London, viii. for 1786) -gave various drawings, with a paper by the Rev. Michael Lort and some -notes by Charles Vallancey, in which the opinion was expressed that -the inscription was the work of a people from Siberia, driven south by -hordes of Tartars. Professor Winthrop in 1788 filled the marks, as he -understood them, with printer’s ink, and in this way took an actual -impression of the inscription. His copy was engraved in the _Memoirs -of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences_ (vol. ii. for 1793). It -was this copy by Winthrop which Washington in 1789 saw at Cambridge, -when he pronounced the inscription as similar to those made by the -Indians, which he had been accustomed to see in the western country -during his life as a surveyor. Cf. _Belknap Papers, Mass. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, ii. 76, 77, 81; _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, x. 114. In 1789 -there was also presented to the Academy a copy made by Joseph Gooding -under the direction of Francis Baylies (_Belknap Papers_, ii. 160). In -the third volume of the Academy’s _Memoirs_ there are papers on the -inscription by John Davis and Edward A. Kendall; Davis (1807) thinking -it a representation of an Indian deer hunt, and Kendall later, in his -_Travels_ (vol. ii. 1809), assigns it to the Indians. This description -is copied in Barber’s _Historical Collections of Mass._ (p. 117). In -1812 a drawing was made by Job Gardner, and in 1825 there was further -discussion in the _Mémoires de la Société de Géographie de Paris_, and -in the _Hist. of New York_ by Yates and Moulton. In 1831 there was -a cut in Ira Hill’s _Antiquities of America explained_ (Hagerstown, -Md.) This was in effect the history of the interest in the rock up to -the appearance of Rafn’s _Antiquitates Americanæ_, in which for the -first time the inscription was represented as being the work of the -Northmen. This belief is now shared by few, if any, temperate students. -The exuberant Anderson thinks that the rock removes all doubt of the -Northmen discovery (_America not discovered by Columbus_, pp. 21, 23, -83). The credulous Gravier has not a doubt. Cf. his _Notice sur le roc -de Dighton et le séjour des Scandinaves en Amérique au commencement du -XI^e siècle_ (Nancy, 1875), reprinted from the _Compte Rendu, Congrès -des Américanistes_, i. 166, giving Rafn’s drawing. The Rev. J. P. -Bodfish accepts its evidence in the _Proc. Second Pub. Meeting U. S. -Cath. Hist. Soc._ (N. Y., 1886). - -[678] _Pre-Columbian Discovery of America_, p. lvii. The _Brinley -Catalogue_, iii. 5378, gives Dammartin’s _Explification de la Pierre -de Taunston_ (Paris? 1840-50) as finding in the inscription an -astronomical theme by some nation foreign to America. Buckingham Smith -believed it to be a Roman Catholic invocation, around which the Indians -later put their symbols (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr. 29, 1863, p. -32). For discussions more or less extensive see Laing’s _Heimskringla_, -i. 175; Haven in _Smithsonian Contributions_, 1856, viii. 133, in a -paper on the “Archæology of the United States;” Charles Rau in _Mag. -Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1878; Apr., 1879; and in _Amer. Antiquarian_, -i. 38; Daniel Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. 97; J. R. Bartlett in -_Rhode Island Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1872-73, p. 70; Haven and others in -_Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1864, and Oct., 1867; H. H. Bancroft’s -_Native Races_, v. 74; Drake’s _N. E. Coast; North American Rev._, -1874; _Amer. Biblical Repository_, July, 1839; _Historical Mag._, Dec., -1859, and March, 1869; Lelewel’s _Moyen Age_, iii.; H. W. Williams’s -transl. of Humboldt’s _Travels_, i. 157, etc. - -[679] Schoolcraft wavered in his opinion. (Cf. Haven, 133.) He showed -Gooding’s drawing to an Algonkin chief, who found in it a record of a -battle of the Indians, except that some figures near the centre did -not belong to it, and these Schoolcraft thought might be runic, as De -Costa has later suggested; but in 1853 Schoolcraft made no reservation -in pronouncing it entirely Indian (_Indian Tribes_, i. 112; iv. 120; -pl. 14). Wilson (_Prehist. Man_, ii., ch. 19) is severe on Schoolcraft. -On the general character of Indian rock inscriptions,—some of which -in the delineations accompanying these accounts closely resemble the -Dighton Rock,—see Mallery in the _Bureau of Ethnology, Fourth Report_, -p. 19; Lieut. A. M. Wheeler’s Report on Indian tribes in _Pacific Rail -Road Reports_, ii.; J. G. Bruff on those of Green River in the Sierra -Nevada, in _Smithsonian Rept._ (1872); _American Antiquarian_, iv. 259; -vi. 119; _Western Reserve Hist. Soc. Tracts_, nos. 42, 44, 52, 53, 56; -T. Ewbank’s _No. Amer. Rock Writing_ (Morrisania, 1866); Brinton’s -_Myths of the New World_, p. 10; Tylor’s _Early Hist. Mankind_; -Dr. Richard Andree’s _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_ -(Stuttgard, 1878). It is Mallery’s opinion that no “considerable -information of value in an historical point of view will be obtained -directly from the interpretations of the Pictographs in North America.” - -[680] Palfrey, i. p. 57; Higginson’s _Larger Hist._, 44; Gay’s _Pop. -Hist._, i. 59, 60; Laing’s _Heimskringla_, i. 183; Charles T. Brooks’s -_Controversy touching the old stone mill in Newport_ (Newport, 1851); -Peterson’s _Rhode Island_; Drake’s _New England Coast_; Schoolcraft’s -_Indian Tribes_, iv. 120; Bishop’s _Amer. Manufactures_, i. 118; C. S. -Pierce in _Science_, iv. 512, who endeavored by measurement to get at -what was the unit of measure used,—an effort not very successful. Cf. -references in _Poole’s Index_, p. 913. - -Gaffarel accepts the Rafn view in his _Etudes sur la rapports_, etc., -282, as does Gravier in his _Normands sur la route_, p. 168; and De -Costa (_Pre-Columbian Disc._, p. lviii) intimates that “all is in a -measure doubtful.” R. G. Hatfield (_Scribner’s Monthly_, Mar., 1879) in -an illustrated paper undertook to show by comparison with Scandinavian -building that what is now standing is but the central part of a Vinland -baptistery, and that the projection which supported the radiating roof -timbers is still to be seen. This paper was answered by George C. Mason -(_Mag. Amer. Hist._, iii. 541, Sept., 1879, with other remarks in the -_Amer. Architect_, Oct. 4, 1879), who rehearsed the views of the local -antiquaries as to its connection with Gov. Arnold. Cf. _Reminiscences -of Newport_, by Geo. C. Mason, 1884. - -[681] _Hist. Mag._, Apr., 1862, p. 123; _N. E. Hist. Geneal. Reg._, -1865, p. 372; Abner Morse’s _Traces of the Ancient Northmen in America_ -(Aug., 1861), with a _Supplement_ (Boston, 1887). - -[682] _Mémoires de la Soc. roy. des Antiq. du Nord_, 1843; _New Jersey -Hist. Soc. Proc._, vi.; Stone’s _Brant_, ii. 593-94; Schoolcraft’s -_Ind. Tribes_, i. 127; _Smithsonian Rept._, 1883, p. 902; Dr. Kneeland -in _Peabody Mus. Repts._, no. 20, p. 543. The skeleton was destroyed by -fire about 1843. - -[683] Dawkins in his _Cave Hunters_ accounts them survivors of the -cave dwellers of Europe. Cf. Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_. A. R. Grote -(_Amer. Naturalist_, Apr., 1877) holds them to be the survivors of the -palæolithic man. - -[684] E. Beauvois’ _Les Skroelings, Ancêtres des Esquimaux_ (Paris, -1879); B. F. DeCosta in _Pop. Science Monthly_, Nov., 1884; A. S. -Packard on their former range southward, in the _American Naturalist_, -xix. 471, 553, and his paper on the Eskimos of Labrador, in _Appleton’s -Journal_, Dec. 9, 1871 (reprinted in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, -Albany, 1877). Humboldt holds them to have been driven across -America to Europe (_Views of Nature_, Bohn’s ed., 123). Ethnologists -are not wholly agreed as to the course of their migrations. The -material for the ethnological study of the Eskimos must be looked -for in the narratives of the Arctic voyagers, like Scoresby, Parry, -Ross, O’Reilly, Kane, C. F. Hall, and the rest; in the accounts -by the missionaries like Egede, Crantz, and others; by students -of ethnology, like Lubbock (_Prehist. Times_, ch. 14); Prichard -(_Researches_, v. 367); Waitz (_Amerikaner_, i. 300); the Abbé Morillot -(_Mythologie et légendes des Esquimaux du Groenland in the Actes de -la Soc. Philologique_ (Paris, 1875), vol. iv.); Morgan (_Systems of -Consanguinity_, 267), who excludes them from his Ganowanian family; -Irving C. Rosse on the northern inhabitants (_Journal Amer. Geog. -Soc._, 1883, p. 163); Ludwig Kumlien in his _Contributions to the -natural history of Arctic America_, made in connection with the -Howgate polar expedition, 1877-78, in _Bull. of the U. S. Naval -Museum_ (Washington, 1879), no. 15; and his paper in the _Smithsonian -Report_ (1878). There are several helpful papers in the _Journal of -the Anthropological Institute_ (London), vol. i., by Richard King, on -their intellectual character; vol. iv. by P. C. Sutherland; vol. vii. -by John Rae on their migrations, and W. H. Flower on their skulls; vol. -ix. by W. J. Sollars on their bone implements. For other references -see Bancroft, _Native Races_, i. 41, 138; _Poole’s Index_, p. 424, and -_Supplement_, p. 146. - -[685] This evidence is of course rather indicative of a geological -antiquity not to be associated with the age of the Northmen. Cf. -Murray’s _Distribution of Animals_, 128; Howarth’s _Mammoth and Flood_, -285. - -[686] Rink, born in 1819 in Copenhagen, spent much of the interval -from 1853 to 1872 in Greenland. Pilling (_Bibl. Eskimo Language_, p. -80) gives the best account of Rink’s publications. His principal book -is _Grönland geographisch und statistisch beschrieben_ (Stuttgart, -1860). The English reader has access to his _Tales and Traditions of -the Eskimo_, translated by Rink himself, and edited by Dr. Robert Brown -(London, 1875); to _Danish Greenland, its people and its products_, ed. -by Dr. Brown (London, 1877). Rink says of this work that in its English -dress it must be considered a new book. He also published _The Eskimo -tribes; their distribution and characteristics, especially in regard to -language. With a comparative vocabulary_ (Copenhagen, etc., 1887). He -also considered their dialects as divulging the relationship of tribes -in the _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_ (xv. 239); and in the -same journal (1872, p. 104) he has written of their descent. Rink also -furnished to the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_, a paper on -the traditions of Greenland (Nancy, 1875, ii. 181), and (Luxembourg, -1877, ii. 327) another on “L’habitat primitif des Esquimaux.” - -Dr. Brown has also considered the “Origin of the Eskimo” in the -_Archæological Review_ (1888), no. 4. - -[687] _Alaska and its Resources_, p. 374; and in _Contributions to -Amer. Ethnology_, i. 93. - -[688] “On the origin and migrations of the Greenland Esquimaux” in -the _Journal Royal Geog. Soc._, 1865; “The Arctic highlanders” in the -_Lond. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._ (1866), iv. 125, and in _Arctic Geography -and Ethnology_ (London, 1875), published by the Royal Geog. Society. - -[689] _American Antiquarian_, Jan., 1888. Cf. other papers by him in -the _Proc. Roy. Soc. of Canada_, vol. v. “A year among the Eskimos” -in the _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, 1887, xix. p. 383; “Reise in -Baffinland” in the proceedings of the Berlin Gesellschaft für Erdkunde -(1885). Cf. Pilling’s Eskimo Bibliog., p. 12; and for linguistic -evidences of tribal differences, pp. 69-72, 81-82. Cf. also H. H. -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, iii. 574, and Lucien Adam’s “En quoi la -langue Esquimaude, deffère-t-elle grammaticalement des autres langues -de l’Amérique du Nord?” in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Amér._ -(Copenhagen), p. 337. - -Anton von Etzel’s _Grönland, geographisch und statistisch beschrieben -aus Dänischen Quellschriften_ (Stuttgart, 1860) goes cursorily over the -early history, and describes the Eskimos. Cf. F. Schwatka in _Amer. -Magazine_, Aug., 1888. - -[690] There is an easy way of tracing these accounts in Joel A. Allen’s -_List of Works and Papers relating to the mammalian orders of Cete and -Sirenia_, extracted from the _Bulletin of Hayden’s U. S. Geol. and -Geog. Survey_ (Washington, 1882). It is necessary to bear in mind that -Spitzbergen is often called Greenland in these accounts. - -[691] His book, _Det gamle Grönlands nye Perlustration_, etc., was -first published at Copenhagen in 1729. Pilling (_Bibliog. of the Eskimo -language_, p. 26) was able to find only a single copy of this book, -that in the British Museum. Muller (_Books on America_, Amsterdam, -1872, no. 648) describes a copy. This first edition escaped the notice -of J. A. Allen, whose list is very carefully prepared (nos. 217, 220, -226, 230, 235). There were two German editions of this original form -of the book, Frankfort, 1730, and Hamburg, 1740, according to the -_Carter-Brown Catalogue_ (ii. 448, 647), but Pilling gives only the -first. The 1729 edition was enlarged in the Copenhagen edition of 1741, -which has a map, “Gronlandia Antiqua,” showing the east colony and west -colony, respectively, east and west of Cape Farewell. This edition is -the basis of the various translations: In German, Copenhagen, 1742, -using the plates of the 1741 ed.; Berlin, 1763. In Dutch, Delft, 1746. -In French, Copenhagen, 1763. In English, London, 1745; abstracted in -the _Philosoph. Transactions Royal Soc._ (1744), xlii. no. 47; and -again, London (1818), with an historical introduction based on Torfæus -and La Peyrère. Crantz epitomizes Egede’s career in Greenland. - -The bibliography in Sabin’s _Dictionary_ (vi. 22,018, etc.) confounds -the Greenland journal (1770-78) of Hans Egede’s grandson, Hans Egede -Saabye (b. 1746; d. 1817), with the work of the grandfather. This -journal is of importance as regards the Eskimos and the missions -among them. There is an English version: _Greenland: extracts from -a journal kept in 1770 to 1778. Prefixed an introduction; illus. by -chart of Greenland, by G. Fries. Transl. from the German_ _[by H. E. -Lloyd]_ (London, 1818). The map follows that of the son of Hans, Paul -Egede, whose _Nachrichten von Grönland aus einem Tagebuche von Bischof -Paul Egede_ (Copenhagen, 1790) must also be kept distinct. Pilling’s -_Bibliog. of the Eskimo language_ affords the best guide. - -[692] An English translation by Macdougall was published in London in -1837 (Pilling, p. 38; Field, no. 619). A French version of Graah’s -introduction with notes by M. de la Roquette was published in 1835. -Cf. _Journal Royal Geog. Soc._, i. 247. After Graah’s publication Rafn -placed the Osterbygden on the west coast in his map. Graah’s report -(1830) is in French in the _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris_, 1830. - -[693] On the present scant, if not absence of, population on the east -coast of Greenland, see J. D. Whitney’s _Climatic Changes of later -geological times_ (_Mus. of Comp. Zoöl. Mem._, vii. p. 303, Cambridge, -1882). - -[694] The changes in opinion respecting the sites of the colonies and -the successive explorations are followed in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès -des Américanistes_ by Steenstrup (p. 114) and by Valdemar-Schmidt, -“Sur les Voyages des Danois au Groenland” (195, 205, with references). -Cf. on these lost colonies and the search for them _Westminster -Review_, xxvii. 139; _Harper’s Monthly_, xliv. 65 (by I. I. Hayes); -_Lippincott’s Mag._, Aug., 1878; _Amer. Church Rev._, xxi. 338; and in -the general histories, La Peyrère (Dutch transl., Amsterdam, 1678); -Crantz (Eng. transl., 1767, p. 272); Egede (Eng. ed., 1818, introd.); -and Rink’s _Danish Greenland_, ch. 1. - -[695] The original of Bardsen’s account has disappeared, but Rafn puts -it in Latin, translating from an early copy found in the Faröe Islands -(_Antiquitates Américanæ_, p. 300). Purchas gives it in English, from -a copy which had belonged to Hudson, being translated from a Dutch -version which Hudson had borrowed, the Dutch being rendered by Barentz -from a German version. Major also prints it in _Voyages of the Zeni_. -He recognizes in Bardsen’s “Gunnbiorn’s Skerries” the island which is -marked in Ruysch’s map (1507) as blown up in 1456 (see Vol. III. p. 9). - -[696] Hakluyt, however, prints some pertinent verses by Meredith, a -Welsh bard, in 1477. - -[697] _Murphy Catal._, no. 1489; Sabin, x. p. 322; _Carter-Brown -Catal._ for eds. of 1584, 1697, 1702, 1774, 1811, 1832, etc. - -[698] In the seventeenth century there were a variety of symptoms of -the English eagerness to get the claims of Madoc substantiated, as in -Sir Richard Hawkins’s _Observations_ (Hakluyt Soc., 1847), and James -Howell’s _Familiar Letters_ (London, 1645). Belknap (_Amer. Biog._, -1794, i. p. 58) takes this view of Hakluyt’s purpose; but Pinkerton, -_Voyages_, 1812, xii. 157, thinks such a charge an aspersion. The -subject was mentioned with some particularity or incidentally by -Purchas, Abbott (_Brief Description_, London, 1620, 1634, 1677), Smith -(_Virginia_), and Fox (_North-West Fox_). Sir Thomas Herbert in his -_Relation of some Travaile into Africa and Asia_ (London, 1634) tracks -Madoc to Newfoundland, and he also found Cymric words in Mexico, which -assured him in his search for further proofs (Bohn’s _Lowndes_, p. -1049; Carter-Brown, ii. 413, 1166). - -The _Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld_ of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1671) made -the story more familiar. It necessarily entered into the discussions -of the learned men who, in the seventeenth century, were busied with -the question of the origin of the Americans, as in De Laet’s _Notæ -ad dissertationem Hugonis Grotii_ (Paris, 1643), who is inclined to -believe the story, as is Hornius in his _De Originibus Americaniis_ -(1652). - -[699] Cf. Catlin’s _No. Amer. Indians_, i. 207; ii. 259, 262. - -[700] _Gentleman’s Magazine_. It is reprinted in H. H. Bancroft’s -_Native Races_, v. 119, and in Baldwin’s _Anc. America_, 286. Cf. -John Paul Marana, Letters writ by a Turkish Spy, 1691, and later. -The story had been told in _The British Sailors’ Directory_ in 1739 -(Carter-Brown, iii. 599). - -[701] Warden’s _Recherches_, p. 157; Amos Stoddard’s _Sketches of -Louisiana_ (Philad., 1812), ch. 17, and _Philad. Med. and Physical -Journal_, 1805; with views _pro_ and _con_ by Harry Toulmin and B. S. -Barton. - -[702] The book was reprinted by Sabin, N. Y., 1865, with an -introduction by Horatio Gates Jones. - -[703] _An inquiry into the truth of the tradition concerning the -discovery of America by Prince Madog_ (Lond., 1791), and _Further -Observations ... containing the account given by General Bowles, the -Creek or Cherokee Indian, lately in London, and by several others, -of a Welsh tribe of Indians now living in the western parts of North -America_ (Lond., 1792,—Field’s _Ind. Bibliog._, nos. 1664-65). Carey’s -_American Museum_ (April, May, 1792), xi. 152, etc., gave extracts from -Williams. - -[704] _The Welsh Indians, or a collection of papers respecting a people -whose ancestors emigrated from Wales to America with Prince Madoc, and -who are now said to inhabit a beautiful country on the west side of the -Mississippi_ (London, 1797). He finds these conditions in the Padoucas. -Goodson, _Straits of Anian_ (Portsmouth, 1793), p. 71, makes Padoucahs -out of “Madogwys”! - -[705] _Chambers’ Journal_, vi. 411, mentioning the Asguaws. - -[706] _Letter on the Manners, Customs, and Condition of the No. Amer. -Indians_ (N. Y., 1842). - -[707] He convinced, for instance, Fontaine in his _How the World was -Peopled_, p. 142. - -[708] On the variety of complexion among the Indians, see Short’s _No. -Amer. of Antiq._, p. 189; McCulloh’s _Researches_; Haven, _Archæol. U. -S._, 48; Morton in _Schoolcraft_, ii. 320; _Ethnolog. Journal_, London, -July, 1848; App. 1849, commenting on Morton. - -[709] Pilling, _Bibliog. of Siouan languages_ (Washington, 1887, p. -48), enumerates the authorities on the Mandan tongue. The tribe is now -extinct. Cf. Morgan’s _Systems of Consanguinity_, p. 181. - -[710] See also _Smithsonian Report_, 1885, Part ii. pp. 80, 271, 349, -449. Ruxton in _Life in the Far West_ (N. Y., 1846) found Welsh traces -in the speech of the Mowquas, and S. Y. McMaster in _Smithsonian -Rept._, 1865, heard Welsh sounds among the Navajos. - -[711] Filson in his _Kentucke_ has also pointed out this possibility. - -[712] The bibliography of the subject can be followed in Watson’s -list, already referred to, and in that in the _Amer. Bibliopolist_, -Feb., 1869. A few additional references may help complete these lists: -Stephens’s _Literature of the Cymry_, ch. 2; the Abbé Domenech’s -_Seven Years in the Great Desert of America_; Tytler’s _Progress -of Discovery_; Moosmüller’s _Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus_ -(Regensburg, 1879, ch. 21); Gaffarel’s _Rapport_ etc., p. 216; -_Analytical Mag._, ii. 409; _Atlantic Monthly,_ xxxvii. 305; _No. Am. -Rev._ (by E. E. Hale), lxxxv. 305; _Antiquary_, iv. 65; _Southern -Presbyterian Rev._, Jan., April, 1878; _Notes and Queries_, index. - -[713] This Ptolemy map is reproduced in Gravier’s _Les Normands sur -la route_, etc., 6th part, ch. 1; and in Nordenskjöld’s _Studien und -Forschungen_ (Leipzig, 1805), p. 25. The Ptolemy of 1562 has the same -plate. - -[714] J. R. Forster’s _Discoveries in the Northern Regions_. His -confidence was shared by Eggers (1794) in his _True Site of Old -East Greenland_ (Kiel), who doubts, however, if the descriptions of -Estotiland apply to America. It was held to be a confirmation of the -chart that both the east and west Greenland colonies were on the side -of Davis’s Straits. - -[715] Buache reproduced the map, and read in 1784, before the Academy -of Inscriptions in Paris, his _Mémoire sur la Frisland_, which was -printed by the Academy in 1787, p. 430. - -[716] _Dissertazione intorno ai viaggi e scoperte settentrionali -di Nicolo e Antonio Fratelli Zeni._ This paper was substantially -reproduced in the same writer’s _Di Marco Polo e degli altri -Viaggiatori veneziani più illustri dissertazioni_ (Venice, 1818). - -[717] _Annales des Voyages_ (1810), x. 72; _Précis de la Géographie_ -(1817). - -[718] _Nordisk Tidsskrift for Oldkyndighed_ (Copenhagen, 1834), vol. i. -p. 1; _Royal Geog. Soc. Journal_ (London, 1835), v. 102; _Annales des -Voyages_ (1836), xi. - -George Folsom, in the _No. Amer. Rev._, July, 1838, criticised -Zahrtmann, and sustained an opposite view. T. H. Bredsdorff discussed -the question in the _Grönlands Historiske Mindesmæker_ (iii. 529); and -La Roquette furnished the article in Michaud’s Biog. _Universelle_. - -[719] Major also, in his paper (_Royal Geog. Soc. Journal_, 1873) -on “The Site of the Lost Colony of Greenland determined, and the -pre-Columbian discoveries of America confirmed, from fourteenth century -documents,” used the Zeno account and map in connection with Ivan -Bardsen’s Sailing Directions in placing the missing colony near Cape -Farewell. Major epitomized his views on the question in _Mass. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1874. Sir H. C. Rawlinson commented on Major’s views -in his address before the Royal Geog. Society (_Journal_, 1873, p. -clxxxvii). - -Stevens (_Bibl. Geographica_, no. 3104) said: “If the map be genuine, -the most of its geography is false, while a part of it is remarkably -accurate.” - -[720] _I viaggi e la Carta dei Fratelli Zeno Veneziani_ (Florence, -1878), and a _Studio Secondo_ (_Estratto dall. Archivio Storico -Italiano_) in 1885. - -[721] “Zeniernes Rejse til Norden et Tolkning Forsoeg,” with a -fac-simile of the Zeni map. - -[722] Nordenskjöld’s _Om bröderna Zenos resor och de äldsta kartor -öfner Norden_ was published at Stockholm in 1883, as an address -on leaving the presidency of the Swedish Academy, April 12, 1882; -and in the same year, at the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des -Américanistes, he presented his _Trois Cartes précolumbiennes, -représentant une partie de l’Amérique_ (Greenland), which included -facsimiles of the Zeno (1558) and Donis (1482) maps with that of -Claudius Clavus (1427). This last represents “Islandia” lying midway -alone in the sea between “Norwegica Regio” and “Gronlandia provincia.” -The “Congelatum mare” is made to flow north of Norway, so as almost -to meet the northern Baltic, while north of this frozen sea is an -Arctic region, of which Greenland is but an extension south and -west. The student will find these and other maps making part of the -address already referred to, which also makes part in German of his -_Studien und Forschungen veranlasst durch meine Reisen im hohen Norden, -autorisirte deutsche Ausgabe_ (Leipzig, 1885). The maps accompanying -it not already referred to are the usual Ptolemy map of the north of -Europe, based on a MS. of the fourteenth century; the “Scandinavia” -from the _Isolario_ of Bordone, 1547; that of the world in the MS. -_Insularium illustratum_ of Henricus Martellus, of the fifteenth -century, in the British Museum, copied from the sketch in José de -Lacerda’s _Exame dos Viagens do Doutor Livingstone_ (Lisbon, 1867); the -“Scandinavia” and the “Carta Marina” in the Venetian Ptolemy of 1548; -the map of Olaus Magnus in 1567; the chart of Andrea Bianco (1436); -the map of the Basle ed. (1532) of Grynæus’ _Novis Orbis_; that of -Laurentius Frisius (1524). He gives these maps as the material possible -to be used in 1558 in compiling a map, and to show the superiority of -the Zeno chart. Cf. _Nature_, xxviii. 14; and Major in _Royal Geog. -Soc. Proc._, 1883, p. 473. - -[723] “Zeni’ernes Reiser i Norden” in the publication of the Royal -Society of Northern Antiquaries (Copenhagen, 1883), in which he -compares the Zeno Frislanda with the maps of Iceland. He also -communicated to the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes -“Les voyages des frères Zeni dans le Nord” (_Compte Rendu_, p. 150). - -[724] This also appeared in the _Geog. Tidsskrift_, vii. 153, -accompanied by facsimiles of the Zeni map, with Ruscelli’s alteration -of it (1561), and of the maps of Donis (1482), Laurentius Frisius -(1525), and of the Ptolemy of 1548. - -[725] _Roy. Geog. Soc. Journal_ (1879), vol. xlix. p. 398, “Zeno’s -Frisland is Iceland and not the Faröes,”—and the same views in -“Nautical Remarks about the Zeni Voyages” in _Compte Rendu, Cong. des -Amér._ (Copenhagen, 1883), p. 183. - -[726] “Zeno’s Frisland is not Iceland, but the Faröes” in _Roy. Geog. -Soc. Journal_ (1879), xlix. 412. - -[727] _Géog. du Moyen Age_, iii. 103. - -[728] _Discovery of Maine_, 92. - -[729] Dudley, _Arcano del Mare_, pl. lii, places Estotiland between -Davis and Hudson’s Straits; but Torfæus doubts if it is Labrador, as -is “commonly believed.” Lafitau (_Mœurs des Sauvages_) puts it north -of Hudson Bay. Forster calls it Newfoundland. Beauvois (_Les colonies -Européenes du Markland at de l’Escociland_) makes it include Maine, -New Brunswick, and part of Lower Canada. These are the chief varieties -of belief. Steenstrup is of those who do not recognize America at all. -Hornius, among the older writers, thought that Scotland or Shetland -was more likely to have been the fisherman’s strange country. Santarem -(_Hist. de la Cartographie_, iii. 141) points out an island, “Y -Stotlandia,” in the Baltic, as shown on the map of Giovanni Leardo -(1448) at Venice. - -In P. B. Watson’s _Bibliog. of Pre-Columbian Discoveries of America_ -there is the fullest but not a complete list on the subject, and from -this and other sources a few further references may be added: Belknap’s -_Amer. Biography_; Humboldt’s _Examen Critique_, ii. 120; Asher’s -_Henry Hudson_, p. clxiv; Gravier’s _Découverte de l’Amérique_, 183; -Gaffarel’s _Etude sur l’Amérique avant Colomb_, p. 261, and in the -_Revue de Géog._, vii., Oct., Nov., 1880, with the Zeno map as changed -by Ortelius; De Costa’s _Northmen in Maine_; Weise’s _Discoveries -of America_, p. 44; Goodrich’s _Columbus_; Peschel’s _Gesch. des -Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_ (1858), and Ruge’s work of the same title; -Guido Cora’s _I precursori di Cristoforo Colombo_ (Rome, 1886), taken -from the _Bollettino della soc. geog. italiana_, Dec., 1885; Gay’s -_Pop. Hist. U. S._ (i. 76); Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_; _Studi biog. -e bibliog. soc. geog. ital._, 2d ed., 1882, p. 117; P. O. Moosmüller’s -_Europäer in Amerika vor Columbus,_ ch. 24; _Das Ausland_, Oct. 11, -Dec. 27, 1886; _Nature_, xxviii. p. 14. - -Geo. E. Emery, Lynn, Mass., issued in 1877 a series of maps, making -Islandia to be Spitzbergen, with the East Bygd of the Northmen at its -southern end; Frisland, Iceland; and Estotiland, Newfoundland. - -[730] Sabin, x., no. 42,675. - -[731] There are editions with annotations by Robert Ingram, at -Colchester, Eng., 1792; and by Santiago Perez Junquera, at Madrid, -1881. Theoph. Spizelius’ _Elevatio relationis Montezinianæ de repertis -in America tribubus Israeliticis_ (Basle, 1661) is a criticism -(Leclerc, 547; Field, 1473). One Montesinos had professed to have found -a colony of Jews in Peru, and had satisfied Manasseh Ben Israel of his -truthfulness. - -[732] Cf. collations in Stevens’s _Nuggets_, p. 728, and his _Hist. -Coll._, ii. no. 538; Brinley, iii. no. 5463; Field, no. 1551, who cites -a new edition in 1652, called _Digitus Dei: new discoveryes, with some -arguments to prove that the Jews (a nation) a people ... inhabit now in -America ... with the history of Ant: Montesinos attested by Mannasseh -Ben Israell_. A divine, John Dury, had urged Thorowgood to publish, and -had before this, in printing some of the accounts of the work of Eliot -and others among the New England Indians, announced his belief in the -theory. - -[733] Cotton Mather (_Magnalia_, iii. part 2) tells how Eliot traced -the resemblances to the Jews in the New England Indians. - -[734] 2d ed., 1727. Cf. Sibley’s _Harvard Graduates_, ii. p. 361; -Carter-Brown, iii. 401. - -[735] _The History of the American Indians, particularly those Nations -adjoining to the Mississippi, East and West Florida, Georgia, South -and North Carolina, and Virginia: Containing an Account of their -Origin, Language, Manners, Religious and Civil Customs, Laws, Form of -Government, etc., etc., with an Appendix, containing a Description of -the Floridas, and the Missisipi Lands, with their productions_ (London, -1775). His arguments are given in Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., viii. -Bancroft (_Nat. Races_, v. 91) epitomizes them. Adair’s book appeared -in a German translation at Breslau (1782). - -[736] _Observations on the language of the Muhhekaneew Indians, in -which ... some instances of analogy between that and the Hebrew are -pointed out_ (New Haven, 1788). Cf. on the contrary, Jarvis before the -N. Y. Hist. Soc. in 1819. - -[737] _Essay upon the propagation of the Gospel, in which there are -facts to prove that many of the indians in America are descended from -the Ten Tribes_ (Philad., 1799; 2d ed., 1801). - -[738] _A Star in the West, or an attempt to discover the long lost Ten -Tribes of Israel_ (Trenton, N. J., 1816). - -[739] _View of the Hebrews, or the tribe of Israel in America_ -(Poultney, Vt., 1825). - -[740] _A view of the Amer. Indians, shewing them to be the descendants -of the Ten Tribes of Israel_ (Lond., 1828). - -[741] _Discourse on the evidences of the Amer. Indians being the -descendants of the lost tribes of Israel_ (N. Y., 1837). It is -reprinted in Maryatt’s _Diary in America_, vol. ii. - -[742] _Hist. of the Wyandotte Mission_ (Cincinnati, 1840); Thomson’s -_Ohio Bibliog._, 409. - -[743] _Manners, &c. of the N. Amer. Indians_ (Lond., 1841). Cf. -_Smithsonian Rept._, 1885, ii. 532. - -[744] Mainly in vol. vii.; but see vi. 232, etc. Cf. Short, 143, 460, -and Bancroft, _Nat. Races_ (v. 26), with an epitome of Kingsborough’s -arguments (v. 84). Mrs. Barbara Anne Simon in her _Hope of Israel_ -(Lond., 1829) advocated the theory on biblical grounds; but later she -made the most of Kingsborough’s amassment of points in her _Ten Tribes -of Israel historically identified with the aborigines of the Western -Hemisphere_ (London, 1836). - -[745] The recognition of the theory in the Mormon bible is well -known. Bancroft (v. 97) epitomizes its recital, following Bertrand’s -_Mémoires_. There is a repetition of the old arguments in a sermon, -_Increase of the Kingdom of Christ_ (N. Y., 1831), by the Indian -William Apes; and in _An Address_ by J. Madison Brown (Jackson, Miss., -1860). Señor Melgar points out resemblances between the Maya and the -Hebrew in the _Bol. Soc. Méx. Geog._, iii. Even the Western mounds have -been made to yield Hebrew inscriptions (_Congrès des Amér._, Nancy, ii. -192). - -Many of the general treatises on the origin of the Americans have set -forth the opposing arguments. Garcia did it fairly in his _Origen de -los Indios_ (1607; ed. by Barcia, 1729), and Bancroft (v. 78-84) has -condensed his treatment. Brasseur (_Hist. Nat. Civ._, i. 17) rejects -the theory of the ten tribes; but is not inclined to abandon a belief -in some scattered traces. Short (pp. 135, 144) epitomizes the claims. -Gaffarel covers them in his _Etude sur les rapports de l’Amérique_ (p. -87) with references, and these last are enlarged in Bancroft’s _Nat. -Races_, v. 95-97. - -[746] Varnhagen’s _L’origine touranienne des Américains Tupis-Caraïbes -et des anciens Egyptiens, indiquée principalement par la philologie -comparée: traces d’une ancienne migration en Amérique, invasion du -Brésil par les Tupis_ (Vienne, 1876). Labat’s _Nouveau Voyage aux isles -de l’Amérique_ (Paris, 1722), vol. ii. ch. 23. Sieur de la Borde’s -_Relation de l’origine, mœurs, coutumes, etc. des Caraibes_ (Paris, -1764). Robertson’s America. James Kennedy’s _Probable origin of the -Amer. Indians, with particular reference to that of the Caribs_ (Lond., -1854), or _Journal of the Ethnolog. Soc._ (vol. iv.). _London Geog. -Journal_, iii. 290. - -[747] Cf. Peter Martyr, Torquemada, and later writers, like La Perouse, -McCulloh, Haven (p. 48), Gaffarel (_Rapport_, 204), J. Perez in _Rev. -Orientale et Amér._, viii., xii.; Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iii. 458. -Brinton (_Address_, 1887) takes exception to all such views. Cf. -Quatrefages’ _Human Species_ (N. Y., 1879, pp. 200, 202). - -[748] Cf. Beccari in _Kosmos_, Apr., 1879; De Candolle in _Géographie -botanique_ (1855). - -[749] Santarem, _Hist. de la Cartog._, iii. 76, refers to maps of the -fourteenth century in copies of Ranulphus Hydgen’s _Polychronicon_, in -the British Museum and in the Advocates’ library at Edinburgh, which -show a land in the north, called in the one Wureland and in the other -Wyhlandia. - -[750] _Mag. Am. Hist._, April, 1883, p. 290. Cf. Vol. II. p. 28. The -name used is “Grinlandia.” - -[751] Mauro’s map was called by Ramusio, who saw it, an improved -copy of one brought from Cathay by Marco Polo. It is preserved in -the Biblioteca Marciana at Venice. It was made by Mauro under the -command of Don Alonso V., and Bianco assisted him. The exact date is -in dispute; but all agree to place it between 1457 and 1460. A copy -was made on vellum in 1804, which is now in the British Museum. Our -cut follows one corner of the reproduction in Santarem’s _Atlas_. A -photographic fac-simile has been issued in Venice by Ongania, and St. -Martin (_Atlas_, p. vii) follows this fac-simile. Ruge (_Geschichte -des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_) gives a modernized and more legible -reproduction. There are other drawings in Zurla’s _Fra Mauro_; -Vincent’s _Commerce and Navigation of the Ancients_ (1797, 1807); -Lelewel’s _Moyen Age_ (pl. xxxiii). Cf. _Studi della Soc. Geografia -Italia_ (1882), ii. 76, for references. - -[752] Rafn gives a large map of Iceland with the names of a.d. 1000. -On the errors of early and late maps of Iceland see Baring-Gould’s -_Ultima Thule_, i. 253. On the varying application of the name Thule, -Thyle, etc., to the northern regions or to particular parts of them, -see R. F. Burton’s _Ultima Thule, a Summer in Iceland_ (London, 1875), -ch. 1. Bunbury (_Hist. Anc. Geog._, ii. 527) holds that the Thule of -Marinus of Tyre and of Ptolemy was the Shetlands. Cf. James Wallace’s -_Description of the Orkney islands_ (1693,—new ed., 1887, by John -Small) for an essay on “the Thule of the Ancients.” - -[753] There are other reproductions of the map in full, in -Nordenskjöld’s _Vega_, i. 51; in his _Broderna Zenos_, and in his -_Studien_, p. 31. Cf. also the present _History_, II., p. 28, for -other bibliographical detail; Hassler, _Buchdruckergeschichte Ulm’s_; -D’Avezac’s _Waltzemüller_, 23; Wilberforce Eames’s _Bibliography -of Ptolemy_, separately, and in Sabin’s _Dictionary_; and Winsor’s -_Bibliog. of Ptolemy’s Geography_. - -[754] Cf. D’Avezac in _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog._, xx. 417. - -[755] See Vol. II. p. 41. There is another sketch in Nordenskjöld’s -_Studien_, etc., p. 33, which is reduced from a fac-simile given in -José de Lacerda’s _Exame dos Viagens do Doutor Livingstone_ (Lissabon, -1867). The present extract is from Santarem, pl. 50. Cf. O. Peschel in -_Ausland_, Feb. 13, 1857, and his posthumous _Abhandlungen_, i. 213. - -[756] See references in Vol. II. p. 105. - -[757] See Vol. II. p. 108. - -[758] See _post_, Vol. IV. p. 35; and Kohl’s _Discovery of Maine_, p. -174. Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1511. - -[759] He holds that the 1513 Ptolemy map was drawn in 1501-4, and was -engraved before Dec. 10, 1508. - -[760] See Vol. II. p. 115. - -[761] Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1511. - -[762] See Vol. II. p. 111. Winsor’s _Ptolemy_, sub anno 1513. Reisch, -in 1515, seems to have been of the same opinion. Cf. the bibliography -of Reisch’s _Margarita Philosophia_ in Sabin’s _Dictionary_, vol. -xvi., and separately, prepared by Wilberforce Eames. Reisch’s map is -given _post_, Vol. II. p. 114. Another sketch of this map, with an -examination of the question, where the name “Zoana Mela,” applied on it -to America, came from, is given by Frank Wieser in the _Zeitschrift für -Wissensch. Geographie_ (Carlsruhe), vol. v., a sight of which I owe to -the author, who believes Waldseemüller made the map. - -[763] The map is given, _post_, Vol. II. 175. Cf. also Nordenskjöld, -_Studien_, p. 53. - -[764] Cf. Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1522. - -[765] Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1525. This map is no. -49, “Gronlandiæ et Russiæ.” Cf. Witsen’s _Noord en Oost Tartctrye_ -(1705), vol. ii. - -[766] Winsor’s _Kohl Collection_, no. 102. - -[767] Given _post_, Vol. III. p. 17. - -[768] Given _post_, Vol. III. p. 11. - -[769] _Jahrb. des Vereins für Erdkunde in Dresden_ (1870), tab. -vii. A similar feature is in the map described by Peschel in the -_Jahresbericht des Vereins für Erdkunde in Leipzig_ (1871). It is also -to be seen in the Homem map of about 1540 (given in Vol. II. p. 446), -and in the map which Major assigns to Baptista Agnese, and which was -published in Paris in 1875 as a _Portulan de Charles Quint._ (Cf. Vol. -II. p. 445.) - -[770] There is a fac-simile of Ziegler’s map in Vol. II. 434; also in -Goldsmid’s ed. of Hakluyt (Edinb., 1885), and in Nordenskjöld’s _Vega_, -i. 52. - -[771] The map (1551) of Gemma Frisius in Apian is much the same. - -[772] In the Basle ed. of the _Historia de Gentium_. Cf. Nordenskjöld’s -_Vega_, vol. i., who says that the map originally appeared in Magnus’s -_Auslegung und Verklarung der Neuen Mappen von den Alten Goettenreich_ -(Venice, 1539); and is different from the map which appeared in the -intermediate edition of 1555 at Rome, a part of which is also annexed. - -[773] The same is done in the Ptolemy of 1548 (Venice). There is a -fac-simile in Nordenskjöld’s _Studien_, p. 35. - -[774] See Vol. IV. p. 84. - -[775] We find it in the Nancy globe of about 1540 (see Vol. IV. p. 81); -in the Mercator gores of 1541 (Vol. II. p. 177); and in the Ruscelli -map of 1544 (Vol. II. p. 432), where Greenland (Grotlandia) is simply -a neck connecting Europe with America; and in Gastaldi “Carta Marina,” -in the Italian Ptolemy of 1548, where it is a protuberance on a -similar neck (see Vol. II. 435; IV. 43; and Nordenskjöld’s _Studien_, -43). The Rotz map of 1542 seems to be based on the same material used -by Mercator in his gores, but he adds a new confusion in calling -Greenland the “Cost of Labrador.” Cf. Winsor’s _Kohl Maps_, no. 104. -The “Grutlandia” of the Vopellio map of 1556 is also continuous with -Labrador (see Vol. II. 436; IV. 90). - -[776] See Vol. IV. pp. 42, 82. - -[777] In the edition of 1562, which repeated the map, the cartographer -Moletta (Moletius) testified that its geography had been confirmed “by -letters and marine charts sent to us from divers parts.” - -[778] Winsor’s _Bibliog. of Ptolemy_, sub anno 1561. - -[779] Lok’s map of 1582 calls it “Groetland,” the landfall of “Jac. -Scolvus,” the Pole. Cf. Vol. III. 40. - -[780] For Mercator’s map, see Vol. II. 452; IV. 94, 373. Ortelius’ -separate map of Scandia is much the same. It is the same with the map -of Phillipus Gallæus, dated 1574, but published at Antwerp in 1585 in -the _Theatri orbis terrarum Enchiridion_. Gilbert’s map in 1576 omits -the “Grocland” (Vol. III. 203). Both features, however, are preserved -in the Judæis of 1593 (Vol. IV. 97), in the Wytfliet of 1597 (Vol. II. -459), in Wolfe’s Linschoten in 1598 (Vol. III. 101), and in Quadus in -1600 (Vol. IV. 101). In the Zaltière map of 1566 (Vol. II. 451; IV. -93), in the Porcacchi map of 1572 (Vol. II. 96, 453; IV. 96), and in -that of Johannes Martines of 1578, the features are too indefinite for -recognition. Lelewel (i. pl. 7) gives a Spanish mappemonde of 1573. - -[781] In fac-simile in Nordenskjöld’s _Vega_, i. 247. - -[782] Vol. III p. 98. - -[783] A paper by H. Rink in the _Geografisk Tidskrift_ (viii. 139) -entitled “Ostgrönländerne i deres Forhold till Vestgrönländerne og -de övrige Eskimostammer,” is accompanied by drafts of the map of G. -Tholacius, 1606, and of Th. Thorlacius, 1668-69,—the latter placing -East Bygd on the east coast near the south end. K. J. V. Steenstrup, on -Osterbygden in _Geog. Tidskrift_, viii. 123, gives facsimiles of maps -of Jovis Carolus in 1634; of Hendrick Doncker in 1669. Sketches of maps -by Johannes Meyer in 1652, and by Hendrick Doncker in 1666, are also -given in the _Geografisk Tidskrift_, viii. (1885), pl. 5. - -[784] _Voyages des Pais Septentrionaux,_—a very popular book. - -[785] _Chips from a German Workshop_, i. 327. - -[786] _Archæological Tour_, p. 202. - -[787] The earliest fixed date for the founding of Tenochtitlan (Mexico -city) is 1325. Brasseur tells us that Carlos de Sigüenza y Gongora made -the first chronological table of ancient Mexican dates, which was used -by Boturini, and was improved by Leon y Gama,—the same which Bustamante -has inserted in his edition of Gomara. Gallatin (_Amer. Ethnol. Soc. -Trans._, i.) gave a composite table of events by dates before the -Conquest, which is followed in Brantz Mayer’s _Mexico as it was_, i. -97. Ed. Madier de Montjau, in his _Chronologie hiéroglyphico-phonétique -des Rois Astéques de 1352 à 1522_, takes issue with Ramirez on some -points. - -[788] Bancroft (v. 199) gives references to those writers who have -discussed this question of giants. Bandelier’s references are more -in detail (_Arch. Tour_, p. 201). Short (p. 233) borrows largely the -list in Bancroft. The enumeration includes nearly all the old writers. -Acosta finds confirmation in bones of incredible largeness, often found -in his day, and then supposed to be human. Modern zoölogists say they -were those of the Mastodon. Howarth, _Mammoth and the Flood_, 297. - -[789] See _Native Races_, ii. 117; v. 24, 27. - -[790] Sometimes it is said they came from the Antilles, or beyond, -easterly, and that an off-shoot of the same people appeared to the -early French, explorers as the Natchez Indians. We have, of course, -offered to us a choice of theories in the belief that the Maya -civilization came from the westward by the island route from Asia. This -misty history is nothing without alternatives, and there are a plenty -of writers who dogmatize about them. - -[791] _Constituciones diocesanas del obispado de Chiappas_ (Rome, 1702). - -[792] _Nat. Races_, v. 160. - -[793] _Hist. Nations Civilisées_, i. 37, 150, etc. _Popul Vuh_, -introd., sec. v. Bancroft relates the Votan myth, with references, in -_Nat. Races_, iii. 450. Brasseur identifies the Votanites with the -Colhuas, as the builders of Palenqué, the founders of Xibalba, and -thinks a branch of them wandered south to Peru. There are some stories -of even pre-Votan days, under Igh and Imox. Cf. H. De Charency’s “Myth -d’Imos,” in the _Annales de philosophie Chrétienne_, 1872-73, and -references in Bancroft, v. 164, 231. - -[794] _Native Races_, ii. 121, etc. - -[795] Bancroft (v. 236) points to Bradford, Squier, Tylor, -Viollet-le-Duc, Bartlett, and Müller, with Brasseur in a qualified way, -as in the main agreeing in this early disjointing of the Nashua stock, -by which the Maya was formed through separation from the older race. - -[796] Enforced, for instance, by one of the best of the later Mexican -writers, Orozco y Berra, in his _Geografía de las lenguas y Carta -Ethnografica de México_ (Mexico, 1865). - -[797] Tylor, _Anahuac_, 189, and his _Early Hist. Mankind_, 184. Orozco -y Berra, _Geog._, 124. Bancroft, v. 169, note. The word Maya was first -heard by Columbus in his fourth voyage, 1503-4. We sometimes find it -written Mayab. It is usual to class the people of Yucatan, and even -the Quiché-Cakchiquels of Guatemala and those of Nicaragua, under the -comprehensive term of Maya, as distinct from the Nahua people farther -north. - -[798] _Nat. Races_, v. 186. - -[799] Brinton, with his view of myths, speaks of the attempt of the -Abbé Brasseur to make Xibalba an ancient kingdom, with Palenqué as its -capital, as utterly unsupported and wildly hypothetical (_Myths_, 251). - -[800] Perhaps by Gucumatz (who is identified by some with -Quetzalcoatl), leading the Tzequiles, who are said to have appeared -from somewhere during one of Votan’s absences, and to have grown into -power among the Chanes, or Votan’s people, till they made Tulan, where -they lived, too powerful for the Votanites. Bancroft (v. 187) holds -this view against Brasseur. - -[801] Perhaps Ococingo, or Copan, as Bancroft conjectures (v. 187). - -[802] As Sahagún calls it, meaning, as Bancroft suggests, Tabasco. - -[803] Short (p. 248) points out that the linguistic researches of -Orozco y Berra (_Geografía de las Lenguas de México_, 1-76) seem to -confirm this. - -[804] See p. 158. - -[805] Kirk says (Prescott’s _Mexico_): “Confusion arises from the name -of Chichimec, originally that of a single tribe, and subsequently of -its many offshoots, being also used to designate successive hordes of -whatever race.” Some have seen in the Waiknas of the Mosquito Coast, -and in the Caribs generally, descendants of these Chichimecs who have -kept to their old social level. The Caribs, on other authority, came -originally from the stock of the Tupis and Guaranis, who occupied -the region south of the Amazon, and in Columbus’s time they were -scattered in Darien and Honduras, along the northern regions of South -America, and in some of the Antilles (Von Martius, _Beiträge sur -Ethnographie and Sprachenkunde Amerika’s zumal Brasilìens_, Leipzig, -1867). Bancroft (ii. 126) gives the etymology of Chichimec and of other -tribal designations. Cf. Buschmann’s _Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen_ -(Berlin, 1853). Bandelier (_Archæol. Tour_, 200; _Peabody Mus. Repts._, -ii. 393) says he fails to discover in the word anything more than a -general term, signifying a savage, a hunter, or a warrior, Chichimecos, -applied to roving tribes. Brasseur says that Mexican tradition applies -the term Chichimecs generically to the first occupants of the New World. - -[806] These names wander and exchange consonants provokingly, and it -may be enough to give alphabetically a list comprised of those in -Prichard (_Nat. Hist. Man_) and Orozco y Berra (_Geografía_), with -some help from Gallatin in the _American Ethno. Soc. Trans._, i., -and other groupers of the ethnological traces: Chinantecs, Chatinos, -Cohuixcas, Chontales, Colhuas, Coras, Cuitatecs, Chichimecs, Cuextecas -(Guaxtecas, Huastecs), Mazetecs, Mazahuas, Michinacas, Miztecs, -Nonohualcas, Olmecs, Otomís, Papabucos, Quinames, Soltecos, Totonacs, -Triquis, Tepanecs, Tarascos, Xicalancas, Zapotecs. It is not unlikely -the same people may be here mentioned under different names. The -diversity of opinions respecting the future of these vapory existences -is seen in Bancroft’s collation (v. 202). Torquemada tells us about all -that we know of the Totonacs, who claim to have been the builders of -Teotihuacan. Bancroft gives references (v. 204) for the Totonacs, (p. -206) for the Otomís, (p. 207) for the Mistecs and Zapotecs, and (p. -208) for the Huastecs. - -[807] Bancroft, ii. 97. Brasseur, _Nat. Civ._, i. ch. 4, and his -_Palenqué_ ch. 3. - -[808] Called Huehue-Tlapallan, as Brasseur would have it. - -[809] Following Motolinía and other early writers. - -[810] _Native Races_, v. 219, 616. - -[811] Bandelier, _Archæol. Tour_, 253. - -[812] Kingsborough, ix. 206, 460; Veytia, i. 155, 163. Of the -Quetzalcoatl myth there are references elsewhere. P. J. J. Valentini -has made a study of the early Mexican ethnology and history in his -“Olmecas and Tultecas,” translated by S. Salisbury, Jr., and printed -in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct. 21, 1882. On Quetzalcoatl in -Cholula, see Torquemada, translated in Bancroft, iii. 258. - -[813] This wide difference covers intervening centuries, each of which -has its advocates. Short carries their coming back to the fourth -century (p. 245), but Clavigero’s date of A.D. 544 is more commonly -followed. Veytia makes it the seventh century. Bancroft (v. 211, 214) -notes the diversity of views. - -[814] Bancroft (v. 322) in a long note collates the different -statements of the routes and sojourns in this migration. Cf. Short, p. -259. - -[815] Cf. Kirk in Prescott, i. 10. It must be confessed that it is -rather in the domain of myth than of history that we must place all -that has been written about the scattering of the Toltec people at -Babel (Bancroft, v. 19), and their finally reaching Huehue-Tlapallan, -wherever that may have been. The view long prevalent about this -American starting-point of the Nahuas, Toltecs, or whatever designation -may be given to the beginners of this myth and history, placed it in -California, but some later writers think it worth while to give it a -geographical existence in the Mississippi Valley, and to associate -it in some vague way with the moundbuilders and their works (Short, -_No. Amer. of Antiq._, 251, 253). There is some confusion between -Huehue-Tlapallan of this story and the Tlapallan noticed in the Spanish -conquest time, which was somewhere in the Usumacinta region, and if we -accept Tollan, Tullan, or Tula as a form of the name, the confusion -is much increased (Short, pp. 217-220). Bancroft (v. 214) says there -is no sufficient data to determine the position of Huehue-Tlapallan, -but he thinks “the evidence, while not conclusive, favors the south -rather than the north” (p. 216). The truth is, about these conflicting -views of a northern or southern origin, pretty much as Kirk puts it -(Prescott, i. 18): “All that can be said with confidence is, that -neither of the opposing theories rests on a secure and sufficient -basis.” The situation of Huehue-Tlapallan and Aztlan is very likely one -and the same question, as looking to what was the starting-point of all -the Nahua migrations, extending over a thousand years. - -[816] Bancroft, v. 217. - -[817] Torquemada, Boturini, Humboldt, Brasseur, Charnay, Short, etc. - -[818] _Nat. Races_ (v. 222). - -[819] In support of the California location, Buschmann, in his -_Ueber die Spuren der Aztekischen Sprache im nördlichen Mexico und -höheren Amerikanischen Norden_ (Berlin, 1854), finds traces of the -Mexican tongue in those of the recent California Indians. Linguistic -resemblances to the Aztec, even so far north as Nootka, have been -traced, but later philologists deny the inferences of relationship -drawn from such similarity (Bancroft, iii. p. 612). The linguistic -confusion in aboriginal California is so great that there is a wide -field for tracing likenesses (_Ibid._ iii. 635). In the _California -State Mining Bureau, Bulletin no. 1_ (Sacramento, 1888), Winslow -Anderson gives a description of some desiccated human remains found -in a sealed cave, which are supposed to be Aztec. There are slight -resemblances to the Aztec in the Shoshone group of languages (Bancroft, -iii. 660), and the same author arranges all that has been said to -connect the Mexican tongue with those of New Mexico and neighboring -regions (iii. 664). Buschmann, who has given particular attention -to tracing the Aztec connections at the north, finds nothing to -warrant anything more than casual admixtures with other stocks (_Die -Lautveränderung Aztekischer Wörter_, Berlin, 1855, and _Die Spuren der -Aztekischen Sprachen_, Berlin, 1859). See Short (p. 487) for a summary. - -[820] Bancroft (v. 305) cites the diverse views; so does Short to some -extent (pp. 246, 258, etc.). Cf. Brinton’s _Address_ on “Where was -Aztlan?” p. 6; Short, 486, 490; Nadaillac, 284; Wilson’s _Prehistoric -Man_, i. 327. - -Brinton (_Myths of the New World_, etc., 89; _Amer. Hero. Myths_, 92) -holds that Aztlan is a name wholly of mythical purport, which it would -be vain to seek on the terrestrial globe. This cradle region of the -Nahuas sometimes appears as the Seven Caves (Chicomoztoc), and Duran -places them “in Teoculuacan, otherwise called Aztlan, a country toward -the north and connected with Florida.” The Seven Caves were explained -by Sahagún as a valley, by Clavigero as a city, by Schoolcraft and -others as simply seven boats in which the first comers came from Asia; -Brasseur makes them and Aztlan the same; others find them to be the -seven cities of Cibola,—so enumerates Brinton (_Myths_, 227), who -thinks that the seven divisions of the Nahuas sprung from the belief in -the Seven Caves, and had in reality no existence. - -Gallatin has followed out the series of migrations in the _Amer. -Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, i. 162. Dawson, _Fossil Men_ (ch. 3), gives his -comprehensive views of the main directions of these early migrations. -Brasseur follows the Nahuas (_Popul Vuh_, introd., sect. ix.). Winchell -(_Pre-Adamites_) thinks the general tendency was from north to south. -Morgan finds the origin of the Mexican tribes in New Mexico and in the -San Juan Valley (_Peabody Mus. Rept._, xii. 553. Cf. his article in -the _North Am. Rev._, Oct., 1869). Humboldt (_Views of Nature_, 207) -touches the Aztec wanderings. - -There are two well-known Aztec migration maps, first published in F. -G. Carreri’s _Giro del Mondo_; in English as “Voyage round the world,” -in Churchill’s _Voyages_, vol. iv., concerning which see Bancroft, -ii. 543; iii. 68, 69; Short, 262, 431, 433; Prescott, iii. 364, 382. -Orozco y Berra (_Hist. Antiq. de Mexico_, iii. 61) says that these -maps follow one another, and are not different records of the same -progress. Humboldt (_Vues_, etc., ii. 176) gives an interpretation of -them in accordance with Sigüenza’s views, which is the one usually -followed, and Bancroft (v. 324) epitomizes it. Ramirez says that the -copies reproduced in Humboldt, Clavigero, and Kingsborough are not so -correct as the engraving given in Garcia y Cubas’s _Atlas geogrâfico, -estadistico e histórico de la Republica Mejicana_ (April, 1858). -Bancroft (ii. 544) gives it as reproduced by Ramirez. It is also in -the Mexican edition of Prescott, and in Schoolcraft’s _Indian Tribes_. -Cf. Delafield’s _Inquiry_ (N. Y., 1839) and Léon de Rosny’s _Les doc. -écrits de l’antiq. Amér._ (Paris, 1882). The original is preserved in -the Museo Nacional of Mexico. A palm-tree on the map, near Aztlan, -has pointed some of the arguments in favor of a southern position for -that place, but Ramirez says it is but a part of a hieroglyphic name, -and has no reference to the climate of Aztlan (Short, p. 266). F. -Von Hellwald printed a paper on “American migrations,” with notes by -Professor Henry, in the _Smithsonian Report_, 1866, pp. 328-345. Short -defines as “altogether the most enlightened treatment of the subject” -the paper of John H. Becker, “Migrations des Nahuas,” in the _Compte -rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_ (Luxembourg, 1877), i. 325. This -paper finds an identification of the Tulan Zuiva of the Quichés, the -Huehue-Tlapallan of the Toltecs, the Amaquemecan of the Chichimecs, -and the Oztotlan (Aztlan) of the Aztecs in The valleys of the Rio -Grande del Norte and Rio Colorado, as was Morgan’s view. Short (p. 249) -summarizes his paper. Bancroft (v. 289) shows the diversity of views -respecting Amaquemecan. - -[821] _Native Races_, v. 167, recapitulates the proofs against the -northern theory. J. R. Bartlett, _Personal Narrative_, ii. 283, -finds no evidence for it. The successive sites of their sojourns as -they passed on their journeys are given as Tlapallan, Tlacutzin, -Tlapallanco, Jalisco, Atenco, Iztachnexuca, Tollatzinco, Tollan or -Tula,—the last, says Bancroft, apparently in Chiapas. If there was not -such confusion respecting the old geography, these names might decide -the question. - -[822] Writers usually place the beginnings of credible history at about -this period. Brasseur and the class of writers who are easily lifted -on their imagination talk about traces of a settled government being -discernible at periods which they place a thousand years before Christ. - -[823] References in Bancroft, v. 247, with Brasseur for the main -dependence, in his use of the _Codex Chimalpòpoca_ and the _Memorial de -Colhuacan_. - -[824] Charnay (Eng. trans., ch. 8 and 9) calls it a rival city of Tula -or Tollan, rebuilt by the Chichimecs on the ruins of a Toltec city. - -[825] If one wants the details of all this, he can read it in Veytia, -Brasseur (_Nat. Civilisées_ and _Palenqué_, ch. viii.), and Bancroft, -the latter giving references (v. 285). - -[826] It is frequently stated that there was a segregated migration to -Central America. Bancroft (v. 168, 285), who collates the authorities, -finds nothing of the kind implied. He thinks the mass remained in -Anáhuac. The old view as expressed by Prescott (i. 14) was that “much -the greater number probably spread over the region of Central America -and the neighboring isles, and the traveller now speculates on the -majestic ruins of Mitla and Palenqué as possibly the work of this -extraordinary people.” Kirk, as Prescott’s editor, refers to the labors -of Orozco y Berra (_Geografía de las Lenguas de México_, 122), followed -by Tylor, (_Anahuac_, 189) as establishing the more recent view that -this southern architecture, “though of a far higher grade, was long -anterior to the Toltec dominion.” - -[827] _Amer. Ethno. Soc. Trans._, i. - -[828] Bancroft (v. 287) says: “It is probable that the name Toltec, a -title of distinction rather than a national name, was never applied at -all to the common people.” - -[829] Brinton’s main statement is in his _Were the Toltecs an historic -nationality? Read before the American Philosophical Society, Sept. 2, -1887_ (Phila., 1887); published also in their _Proceedings_, 1887, -p. 229. Cf. also Brinton’s _Amer. Hero. Myths_ (Phil., 1882), p. 86, -where he throws discredit on the existence of the alleged Toltec king -Quetzalcoatl (whom Sahagún keeps distinct from the mythical demi-god); -and earlier, in his _Myths of the New World_ (p. 29), he had suggested -that the name Toltec might have “a merely mythical signification.” -Charnay, who makes the Toltecs a Nahuan tribe, had defended their -historical status in a paper on “La Civilisation Tolteque,” in the -_Revue d’Ethnographie_ (iv., 1885); and again, two years later, in -the same periodical, he reviewed adversely Brinton’s arguments. (Cf. -_Saturday Review_, lxiii. 843.) Otto Stoll, in his _Guatemala, Reisen -und Schilderungen_ (Leipzig, 1886), is another who rejects the old -theory. - -[830] _Archæol. Tour_, 253. - -[831] _Archæol. Tour_, 7. Sahagún identifies the Toltecs with the -“giants,” and if these were the degraded descendants of the followers -of Votan, Sahagún thus earlier established the same identity. - -[832] _Archæol. Tour_, 191. The fact that the names which we associate -with the Toltecs are Nahua, only means that Nahua writers have -transmitted them, as Bandelier thinks. Cf. also Bandelier’s citation -in the _Peabody Mus. Reports_, vol. ii. 388, where he speaks of -our information regarding the Toltecs as “limited and obscure.” He -thinks it beyond question that they were Nahuas; and the fact that -their division of time corresponds with the system found in Yucatan, -Guatemala, etc., with other evidences of myths and legends, leads him -to believe that the aborigines of more southern regions were, if not -descendants, at least of the same stock with the Toltecs, and that we -are justified in studying them to learn what the Toltecs were. He finds -that Veytia, in his account of the Toltecs, beside depending on Sahagún -and Torquemada, finds a chief source in Ixtlilxochitl, and locates -Huehue-Tlapallan in the north; and Veytia’s statements reappear in -Clavigero. - -The best narratives of the Toltec history are those in Veytia, -_Historia Antigua de Méjico_ (Mexico, 1806); Brasseur’s _Hist. Nations -Civilisées_ (vol. i.), and his introduction to his _Popul Vuh_; -and Bancroft (v. ch. 3 and 4): but we must look to Ixtlilxochitl, -Torquemada, Sahagún, and the others, if we wish to study the sources. -In such a study we shall encounter vexatious problems enough. It is -practically impossible to arrange chronologically what Ixtlilxochitl -says that he got from the picture-writings which he interpreted. -Bancroft (v. 209) does the best he can to give it a forced perspicuity. -Wilson (_Prehisoric Man_, i. 245) not inaptly says: “The history of the -Toltecs and their ruined edifices stands on the border line of romance -and fable, like that of the ruined builders of Carnac and Avebury.” - -[833] Short (page 255) points out that Bancroft unadvisedly looks upon -these Chichimecs as of Nahua stock, according to the common belief. -Short thinks that Pimentel (_Lenguas indigenas de México_, published -in 1862) has conclusively shown that the Chichimecs did not originally -speak the Nahua tongue, but subsequently adopted it. Short (page -256) thinks, after collating the evidence, that it is impossible to -determine whence or how they came to Anáhuac. - -[834] Bancroft, v. 292, gives the different views. Cf. Kirk in -Prescott, i. 16. - -[835] These events are usually one thing or another, according to the -original source which you accept, as Bancroft shows (v. 303). The story -of the text is as good as any, and is in the main borne out by the -other narratives. - -[836] Bancroft, v. 308. Cf., on the arrival of the Mexicans in the -valley, Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Reports_, ii. 398) and his references. - -[837] Prescott, i., introduction ch. 6, tells the story of their golden -age. - -[838] Cf. the map in Lucien Biart’s _Les Aztèques_ (Paris, 1885). -Prescott says the maps in Clavigero, Lopez, and Robertson defy “equally -topography and history.” Cf. note on plans of the city and valley -in Vol. II. pp. 364, 369, 374, to which may be added, as showing -diversified views, those in Stevens’s _Herrera_ (London, 1740), vol. -ii.; Bordone’s _Libro_ (1528); Icazbalceta’s _Coll. de docs._, i. 390; -and the Eng. translation of Cortes’ despatches, 333. - -[839] This is placed A.D. 1325. Cf. references in Bancroft (v. 346). - -[840] On the conquest of the Tecpanecas by the Mexicans, see the -references in Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Reports_, ii. 412). - -[841] For details of the period of the Chichimec ascendency, see -Bancroft (v. ch. 5-7), Brasseur (_Nat. Civil._ ii.), and the -authorities plentifully cited in Bancroft. - -[842] On the nature of the Mexican confederacy see Bandelier (_Peabody -Mus. Reports_, ii. 416). He enumerates the authorities upon the -point that no one of the allied tribes exercised any powers over the -others beyond the exclusive military direction of the Mexicans proper -(_Peabody Mus. Reports_, ii. 559). Orozco y Berra (_Geografía_, etc.) -claims that there was a tendency to assimilate the conquered people -to the Mexican conditions. Bandelier claims that “no attempt, either -direct or implied, was made to assimilate or incorporate them.” He -urges that nowhere on the march to Mexico did Cortés fall in with -Mexican rulers of subjected tribes. It does not seem to be clear in all -cases whether it was before or after the confederation was formed, or -whether it was by the Mexicans or Tezcucans that Tecpaneca, Xochimilca, -Cuitlahuac, Chalco, Acolhuacan, and Quauhnahuac, were conquered. Cf. -Bandelier in _Peabody Mus. Reports_, ii. 691. As to the tributaries, -see _Ibid._ 695. - -[843] Cf. Brasseur’s _Nations Civ._ ii. 457, on Tezcuco in its palmy -days. - -[844] Sometimes written Mochtheuzema, Moktezema. The Aztec Montezuma -must not, as is contended, be confounded with the hero-god of the -New Mexicans. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 77, 171; Brinton’s _Myths_, 190; -Schoolcraft’s _Ind. Tribes_, iv. 73; Tylor’s _Prim. Culture_, ii. 384; -Short, 333. - -[845] This has induced some historians to call these wars “holy wars.” -Bandelier discredits wholly the common view, that wars were undertaken -to secure victims for the sacrificial stone (_Archæol. Tour_, 24). But -in another place (_Peabody Mus. Reports_, ii. 128) he says: “War was -required for the purpose of obtaining human victims, their religion -demanding human sacrifices at least eighteen times every year.” - -[846] As to these carvings, which have not yet wholly disappeared, see -_Peabody Mus. Reports_, ii. 677, 678. There is a series of alleged -portraits of the Mexican kings in Carbajal-Espinosa’s _Hist. de Mexico_ -(Mexico, 1862). See pictures of Montezuma II. in Vol. II. 361, 363, and -that in Ranking, p. 313. - -[847] Bancroft (v. 466) enumerates the great variety of such proofs of -disaster, and gives references (p. 469). Cf. Prescott, i. p. 309. - -[848] Tezozomoc (cap. 106) gives the description of the first bringing -of the news to Montezuma of the arrival of the Spaniards on the coast. - -[849] Brinton’s _Amer. Hero Myths_, 139, etc. See, on the prevalence -of the idea of the return at some time of the hero-god, Brinton’s -_Myths of the New World_, p. 160. “We must remember,” he says, “that -a fiction built on an idea is infinitely more tenacious of life than -a story founded on fact.” Brinton (_Myths_, 188) gathers from Gomara, -Cogolludo, Villagutierre, and others, instances to show how prevalent -in America was the presentiment of the arrival and domination of a -white race,—a belief still prevailing among their descendants of -the middle regions of America who watch for the coming of Montezuma -(_Ibid._ p. 190). Brinton does not seem to recognize the view held by -many that the Montezuma of the Aztecs was quite a different being from -the demi-god of the Pueblas of New Mexico. - -[850] It is not easy to reconcile the conflicting statements of the -native historians respecting the course of events during the Aztec -supremacy, such is the mutual jealousy of the Mexican and Tezcucan -writers. Brasseur has satisfied himself of the authenticity of a -certain sequence and character of events (_Nations Civilisées_), and -Bancroft simply follows him (v. 401). Veytia is occupied more with -the Tezcucans than with the Aztecs. The condensed sketch here given -follows the main lines of the collated records. We find good pictures -of the later history of Mexico and Tlascala, before the Spaniards came, -in Prescott (i. book 2d, ch. vi., and book 3d, ch. ii.). Bancroft -(v. ch. 10) with his narrative and references helps us out with the -somewhat monotonous details of all the districts of Mexico which were -outside the dominance of the Mexican valley, as of Cholula, Tlascala, -Michoacan, and Oajaca, with the Miztecs and Zapotecs, inhabiting this -last province. - -[851] Bancroft (v. 543-553). - -[852] It is so held by Stephens, Waldeck, Mayer, Prichard, -Ternaux-Compans, not to name others. - -[853] Vol. v. 617. - -[854] The Maya calendar and astronomical system, as the basis of the -Maya chronology, is explained in the version which Perez gave into -Spanish of a Maya manuscript (translated into English by Stephens -in his _Yucatan_), and which Valentini has used in his “Katunes of -Maya History,” in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct. 1879. On the -difficulties of the subject see Brasseur’s _Nations Civilisées_ (ii. -ch. 1). Cf. also his _Landa_, section xxxix., and page 366, from the -“Cronologia antigua de Yucatan.” Cf. further, Cyrus Thomas’s _MS. -Troano_, ch. 2, and Powell’s _Third Report Bur. of Ethn._, pp. xxx -and 3; Ancona’s _Yucatan_, ch. xi.; Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, ii. -ch. 24, with references; Short, ch. 9; Brinton’s _Maya Chronicles_, -introduction, p. 50. - -[855] Bancroft (v. 624) epitomizes the Perez manuscript given by -Stephens, the sole source of this Totul Xiu legendary. - -[856] Brasseur’s _Nations Civilisées_ (i., ii.), with the Perez -manuscript, and Landa’s _Relacion_, are the sufficient source of the -Yucatan history. Bancroft’s last chapter of his fifth volume summarizes -it. - -[857] See Vol. II. p. 402. - -[858] See Vol. II. p. 397. - -[859] _Central America_, ii. 452. - -[860] See Vol. II. p. 414. - -[861] See Vol. II. p. 343. - -[862] See Vol. II. p. 412. - -[863] See Vol. II. p. 417. Cf. Prescott’s _Mexico_, i. 50; Bancroft -(_Nat. Races_, ii. ch. 14) epitomizes the information on the laws -and courts of the Nahua; Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Repts._, ii. 446), -referring to Zurita’s Report, which he characterizes as marked for -perspicacity, deep knowledge, and honest judgment, speaks of it as -embodying the experience of nearly twenty years,—eleven of which were -passed in Mexico,—and in which the author gave answers to inquiries put -by the king. “If we could obtain,” says Bandelier, “all the answers -given to these questions from all parts of Spanish America, and all as -elaborate and truthful as those of Zurita, Palacio, and Ondegardo, our -knowledge of the aboriginal history and ethnology of Spanish America -would be much advanced.” Zurita’s Report in a French translation is -in Ternaux-Compans’ _Collection_; the original is in Pacheco’s _Docs. -inéditos_, but in a mutilated text. - -[864] See Vol. II. p. 346. - -[865] It is much we owe to the twelve Franciscan friars who on -May 13, 1524, landed in Mexico to convert and defend the natives. -It is from their writings that we must draw a large part of our -knowledge respecting the Indian character, condition, and history. -These Christian apostles were Martin de Valencia, Francisco de Soto, -Martin de Coruña, Juan Xuares, Antonio de Ciudad Rodrigo, Toribio de -Benavente, Garcia de Cisneros, Luis de Fuensalida, Juan de Ribas, -Francisco Ximenez, Andrés de Cordoba, Juan de Palos. - -From the _Historia_ of Las Casas, particularly from that part of it -called _Apologética historia_, we can also derive some help. (Cf. Vol. -II. p. 340.) - -[866] Brasseur, _Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 147; Leclerc, p. 168. - -[867] Herrera is furthermore the source of much that we read in later -works concerning the native religion and habits of life. See Vol. II. -p. 67. - -[868] Cf. Vol. II. p. 418. - -[869] _Anales del Museo Nacional_, iii. 4, 120; Brinton’s _Am. Hero -Myths_, 78. Bandelier, in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, November, 1879, -used a portion of the MS. as printed by Sir Thomas Phillipps (_Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc._, i. 115) under the title of _Historia de los Yndios -Mexicanos, por Juan de Tovar; Cura et impensis Dni Thomæ Phillipps, -Bart._ (privately printed at Middle Hill, 1860. See _Squier Catalogue_, -no. 1417). The document is translated by Henry Phillipps, Jr., in the -_Proc. Amer. Philosophical Soc._ (Philad.), xxi. 616. - -[870] Vol. II. p. 419. Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Bibl. Mex.-Guat._, p. -59. He used a MS. copy in the Force collection. - -[871] This is true of Acosta and Davila Padilla. The bibliography of -Acosta has been given elsewhere (Vol. II. p. 420). His books v., vi., -and vii. cover the ancient history of the country. He used the MSS. of -Duran (Brasseur, _Bibl. Mex.-Guat._, p. 2), and his correspondence with -Tobar, preserved in the Lenox library, has been edited by Icazbalceta -in his _Don Fray Zumárraga_ (Mexico, 1881). Of the _Provincia de -Santiago_ and the _Varia historia_ of Davila Padilla, the bibliography -has been told in another place. (Cf. Vol. II. pp. 399-400[; Sabin, v. -18780-1; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Bibl. Mex.-Guat._, p. 53; _Del Monte -Library_, no. 126.) Ternaux was not wrong in ascribing great value to -the books.] - -[872] Peter of Ghent. Cf. Vol. II. p. 417. - -[873] _Chronica Compendiosissima ab exordio mundi per Amandum -Zierixcensem, adjectæ sunt epistolæ ex nova maris Oceani Hispania ad -nos transmissæ_ (Antwerp, 1534). The subjoined letters here mentioned -are, beside that referred to, two others written in Mexico (1531), by -Martin of Valencia and Bishop Zumárraga (Sabin, i. no. 994; Quaritch, -362, no. 28583, £7 10). Icazbalceta (_Bib. Mex. del Siglo xvi._, i. p. -33) gives a long account of Gante. There is a French version of the -letter in Ternaux’s _Collection_. - -[874] See Vol. II. p. 397. Cf. Prescott, ii. 95. The first part of the -_Historia_ is on the religious rites of the natives; the second on -their conversion to Christianity; the third on their chronology, etc. - -[875] Cf. Icazbalceta’s _Bibl. Mexicana_, p. 220, with references; -Pilling’s _Proof-sheets_, no. 2600, etc. - -[876] Pilling, no. 2817, etc. - -[877] Properly, Bernardino Ribeira; named from his birthplace, Sahagún, -in Spain. Chavero’s _Sahagún_ (Mexico, 1877). - -[878] A few data can be added to the account of Sahagún given in -Vol. II. p. 415. J. F. Ramirez completes the bibliography of Sahagún -in the _Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia de Madrid_, vi. -85 (1885). Icazbalceta, having told the story of Sahagún’s life in -his edition of Mendieta’s _Hist. Eclesiastica Indiana_ (México, -1870), has given an extended critical and bibliographical account in -his _Bibliografía Mexicana_ (México, 1886), vol. i. 247-308. Other -bibliographical detail can be gleaned from Pilling’s _Proof-sheets_, -p. 677, etc.; Icazbalceta’s _Apuntes_; Beristain’s _Biblioteca_; -the _Bibliotheca Mexicana_ of Ramirez. The list in Adolfo Llanos’s -_Sahagún y su historia de México_ (_Museo Nac. de Méx. Anales_, iii., -pt. 3, p. 71) is based chiefly on Alfredo Chavero’s _Sahagún_ (México, -1877). Brasseur de Bourbourg, in his _Palenqué_ (ch. 5), has explained -the importance of what Brevoort calls Sahagún’s “great encyclopædia -of the Mexican Empire.” Rosny (_Les documents écrits de l’Antiquité -Américaine_, p. 69) speaks of seeing a copy of the _Historia_ in -Madrid, accompanied by remarkable Aztec pictures. Bancroft, referring -to the defective texts of Sahagún in Kingsborough and Bustamante, says: -“Fortunately what is missing in one I have always found in the other.” -He further speaks of the work of Sahagún as “the most complete and -comprehensive, so far as aboriginal history is concerned, furnishing -an immense mass of material, drawn from native sources, very badly -arranged and written.” Eleven books of Sahagún are given to the social -institutions of the natives, and but one to the conquest. Jourdanet’s -edition is mentioned elsewhere (Vol. II.). - -[879] See Vol. II. p. 421. - -[880] Those who used him most, like Clavigero and Brasseur de -Bourbourg, complain of this. Torquemada, says Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. -Repts._ ii. 119), “notwithstanding his unquestionable credulity, is -extremely important on all questions of Mexican antiquities.” - -[881] _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., i. 105. - -[882] Cf. Vol. II. 417; Prescott, i. 13, 163, 193, 196; Bancroft, -_Nat. Races_, v. 147; Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, i. 325. It must be -confessed that with no more authority than the old Mexican paintings, -interpreted through the understanding of old men and their traditions, -Ixtlilxochitl has not the firmest ground to walk on. Aubin thinks that -Ixtlilxochitl’s confusion and contradictions arise from his want of -patience in studying his documents; and some part of it may doubtless -have arisen from his habit, as Brasseur says (_Annales de Philosophie -Chrétienne_, May, 1855, p. 329), of altering his authorities to -magnify the glories of his genealogic line. Max Müller (_Chips from -a German Workshop_, i. 322) says of his works: “Though we must not -expect to find in them what we are accustomed to call history, they -are nevertheless of great historical interest, as supplying the vague -outlines of a distant past, filled with migrations, wars, dynasties -and revolutions, such as were cherished in the memory of the Greeks in -the time of Solon.” In addition to his _Historia Chichimeca_ and his -_Relaciones_, (both of which are given by Kingsborough, while Ternaux -has translated portions,)—the MS. of the _Relaciones_ being in the -Mexican archives,—Ixtlilxochitl left a large mass of his manuscript -studies of the antiquities, often repetitionary in substance. Some are -found in the compilation made in Mexico by Figueroa in 1792, by order -of the Spanish government (Prescott, i. 193). Some were in the Ramirez -collection. Quaritch (_MS. Collections_, Jan., 1888, no. 136) held -one from that collection, dated about 1680, at £16, called _Sumaria -Relacion_, which concerned the ancient Chichimecs. Those which are best -known are a _Historia de la Nueva España_, or _Historia del Reyno de -Tezcuco_, and a _Historia de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe_, if this last -is by him. - -[883] _Annales de Philosophie Chrétienne_, May, 1855, p. 326. - -[884] In his _Quatre Lettres_, p. 24, he calls it the sacred book of -the Toltecs. “C’est le Livre divin lui-même, c’est le Teoamoxtli.” - -[885] Brasseur’s _Lettres à M. le due de Valmy, Lettre seconde_. - -[886] _Catálogo_, pp. 17, 18. - -[887] Brasseur, _Bibl. Mex. Guat._, p. 47; _Pinart-Brasseur Catal._, -no. 237. - -[888] It has been announced that Bandelier is engaged in a new -translation of _The Annals of Quauhtitlan_ for Brinton’s _Aboriginal -Literature series_. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 57, 63, and in vol. v., where he -endeavors to patch together Brasseur’s fragments of it. Short, p. 241. - -[889] Humboldt says that Sigüenza inherited Ixtlilxochitl’s collection; -and that it was preserved in the College of San Pedro till 1759. - -[890] _Giro del mondo_, 1699, vol. vi. Cf. Kingsborough, vol. iv. -Robertson attacked Carreri’s character for honesty, and claimed it -was a received opinion that he had never been out of Italy. Clavigero -defended Carreri. Humboldt thinks Carreri’s local coloring shows he -must have been in Mexico. - -[891] Cf. the bibliog., in Vol. II., p. 425, of his _Storia Antica del -Messico_. - -[892] We owe to him descriptions at this time of the collections of -Mendoza, of that in the Vatican, and of that at Vienna. Robertson made -an enumeration of such manuscripts; but his knowledge was defective, -and he did not know even of those at Oxford. - -[893] Robertson was inclined to disparage Clavigero’s work, asserting -that he could find little in him beyond what he took from Acosta and -Herrera “except the improbable narratives and fanciful conjectures -of Torquemada and Boturini.” Clavigero criticised Robertson, and the -English historian in his later editions replied. Prescott points -out (i. 70) that Clavigero only knew Sahagún through the medium -of Torquemada and later writers. Bancroft (_Nat. Races_, v. 149; -_Mexico_, i. 700) thinks that Clavigero “owes his reputation much more -to his systematic arrangement and clear narration of traditions that -had before been greatly confused, and to the omission of the most -perplexing and contradictory points, than to deep research or new -discoveries.” - -[894] See Vol. II. p. 418. Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Hist. des Nations -Civilisées_, p. xxxii. Clavigero had described it. - -[895] He had collected nearly 500 Mexican paintings in all. Aubin -(_Notices_, etc., p. 21) says that Boturini nearly exhausted the field -in his searches, and with the collection of Sigüenza he secured all -those cited by Ixtlilxochitl and the most of those concealed by the -Indians,—of which mention is made by Torquemada, Sahagún, Valadés, -Zurita, and others; and that the researches of Bustamante, Cubas, -Gondra, and others, up to 1851, had not been able to add much of -importance to what Boturini possessed. - -[896] This portion of his collection has not been traced. The fact is -indeed denied. - -[897] _Idea de una nueva historia general de la America septentrional_ -(Madrid, 1746); Carter-Brown, iii. 817; Brasseur’s _Bibl. Mex.-Guat._, -p. 26; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 159; Pinart, _Catalogue_, no. 134; -Prescott, i. 160. - -[898] Brasseur, _Bibl. Mex.-Guat._, p. 152. - -[899] Prescott, i. 24. Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet._, calls Veytia’s the -best history of the ancient period yet (1866) written. - -[900] A second ed. (Mexico, 1832) was augmented with notes and a life -of the author, by Carlos Maria de Bustamante; Field, _Ind. Bibliog._, -no. 909; Brasseur’s _Bibl. Mex.-Guat._, p. 68. - -[901] Prescott, i. 133. Gama and others collected another class -of hieroglyphics, of less importance, but still interesting as -illustrating legal and administrative processes used in later times, -in the relations of the Spaniards with the natives; and still others -embracing Christian prayers, catechisms, etc., employed by the -missionaries in the religious instruction (Aubin, _Notice_, etc., 21). -Humboldt (vol. xiii., pl. p. 141) gives “a lawsuit in hieroglyphics.” - -There was published (100 copies) at Madrid, in 1878, _Pintura del -Gobernador, Alcaldes y Regidores de México, Codice en geroglíficos -Méxicanos y en lengua Castellana y Azteca, Existente en la Biblioteca -del Excmo Señor Duque de Osuna_,—a legal record of the later Spanish -courts affecting the natives. - -[902] Humboldt describes these collections which he knew at the -beginning of the century, speaking of José Antonio Pichardo’s as the -finest. - -[903] _Notice sur une collection d’antiquités Mexicaines, being an -extract from a Mémoire sur la peinture didactique et l’Écriture -figurative des Anciens Mexicains_ (Paris, 1851; again, 1859-1861). Cf. -papers in _Revue Américaine et Orientale_, 1st ser., iii., iv., and v. -Aubin says that Humboldt found that part of the Boturini collection -which had been given over to the Mexican archivists diminished by seven -eighths. He also shows how Ternaux-Compans (_Crauatés Horribles_, -p. 275-289), Rafael Isidro Gondra (in Veytia, _Hist. Ant. de Mex._, -1836, i. 49), and Bustamante have related the long contentions over -the disposition of these relics, and how the Academy of History at -Madrid had even secured the suppression of a similar academy among -the antiquaries in Mexico, which had been formed to develop the study -of their antiquities. It was as a sort of peace-offering that the -Spanish king now caused Veytia to be empowered to proceed with the -work which Boturini had begun. This allayed the irritation for a -while, but on Veytia’s death (1769) it broke out again, when Gama was -given possession of the collection, which he further increased. It was -at Gama’s death sold at auction, when Humboldt bought the specimens -which are now in Berlin, and Waldeck secured others which he took to -Europe. It was from Waldeck that Aubin acquired the Boturini part of -his collection. The rest of the collection remained in Mexico, and in -the main makes a part at present of the Museo Nacional. But Aubin is a -doubtful witness. - -Aubin says that he now proposed to refashion the Boturini collection -by copies where he could not procure the originals; to add others, -embracing whatever he could still find in the hands of the native -population, and what had been collected by Veytia, Gama, and Pichardo. -In 1851, when he wrote, Aubin had given twenty years to this task, and -with what results the list of his MSS., which he appends to the account -we have quoted, will show. - -These include in the native tongue:— - -_a._ History of Mexico from A.D. 1064 to 1521, in fragments, from -Tezozomoc and from Alonso Franco, annotated by Domingo Chimalpain (a -copy). - -_b._ Annals of Mexico, written apparently in 1528 by one who had taken -part in the defence of Mexico (an original). - -_c._ Several historical narratives on European paper, by Domingo -Chimalpain, coming down to A.D. 1591, which have in great part been -translated by Aubin, who considers them the most important documents -which we possess. - -_d._ A history of Colhuacan and Mexico, lacking the first leaf. This is -described as being in the handwriting of Ixtlilxochitl, and Aubin gives -the dates of its composition as 1563 and 1570. It is what has later -been known as the _Codex Chimalpopoca_. - -_e._ Zapata’s history of Tlaxcalla. - -_f._ A copy by Loaysa of an original, from which Torquemada has copied -several chapters. - -[904] The chief of the Boturini acquisition he enumerates as follows:— - -_a._ Toltec annals on fifty leaves of European paper, cited by Gama in -his _Descripcion histórica_. Cf. Brasseur, _Nations Civilisées_, p. -lxxvi. - -_b._ Chichimec annals, on Indian paper, six leaves, of which ten pages -consist of pictures, the original so-called _Codex Chimalpopoca_, -of which Gama made a copy, also in the Aubin collection, as well as -Ixtlilxochitl’s explanation of it. Aubin says that he has used this -account of Ixtlilxochitl to rectify that historian’s blunders. - -_c._ Codex on Indian paper, having a picture of the Emperor Xolotl. - -_d._ A painting on prepared skin, giving the genealogy of the -Chichimecan chiefs, accompanied by the copies made by Pichardo and -Boturini. Cf. _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France_, 2d ser., i. 283. - -_e._ A synchronical history of Tepechpan and of Mexico, on Indian -paper, accompanied by a copy made by Pichardo and an outline sketch of -that in the Museo Nacional. - -Without specifying others which Aubin enumerates, he gives as other -acquisitions the following in particular:— - -_a._ Pichardo’s copy of a Codex Mexicanus, giving the history of the -Mexicans from their leaving Aztlan to 1590. - -_b._ An original Mexican history from the departure from Aztlan to 1569. - -_c._ Fragments which had belonged to Sigüenza. - -[905] _Notice sur une Collection, etc._, p. 12. - -[906] _Hist. des Nations Civilisées_ (i. pp. xxxi, lxxvi, etc.; cf. -Müller’s _Chips_, i. 317, 320, 323). Brasseur in the same place -describes his own collection; and it may be further followed in his -_Bibl. Mex.-Guat._, and in the _Pinart Catalogue_. Dr. Brinton says -that we owe much for the preservation during late years of Maya MSS. to -Don Juan Pio Perez, and that the best existing collection of them is -that of Canon Crescencio Carrillo y Ancona. José F. Ramirez (see Vol. -II. p. 398) is another recent Mexican collector, and his MSS. have been -in one place and another in the market of late years. Quaritch’s recent -catalogues reveal a number of them, including his own MS. _Catálogo de -Colecciones_ (Jan., 1888, no. 171), and some of his unpublished notes -on Prescott, not included in those “notas y ecclarecimientos” appended -to Navarro’s translation of the _Conquest of Mexico_ (_Catal._, 1885, -no. 28,502). The several publications of Léon de Rosny point us to -scattered specimens. In his _Doc. écrits de l’Antiquité Amér._ he gives -the fac-simile of a colored Aztec map. A MS. in the collection of the -Corps Legislatif, in Paris, and that of the Codex Indiæ Meridionalis -are figured in his _Essai sur le déchiffrement, etc._ (pl. ix, x). In -the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, n. s._, vol. i., etc., we -find plates of the Mappe Tlotzin, and a paper of Madier de Montjau, -“sur quelques manuscrits figuratifs de l’Ancien Méxique.” Cf. also -_Anales del Museo_, viii. - -Cf. for further mention of collections the _Revue Orientale et -Américaine_; Cyrus Thomas in the _Am. Antiquarian_, May, 1884 (vol. -vi.); and the more comprehensive enumeration in the introduction -to Domenech’s _Manuscrit pictographique_. Orozco y Berra, in the -introduction to his _Geografia de las Lenguas y Carta Etnográfica_ -(Mexico, 1864), speaks of the assistance he obtained from the -collections of Ramirez and of Icazbalceta. - -[907] See Vol. II. p. 418. - -[908] See Vol. II. p. 418. Bandelier calls this French version “utterly -unreliable.” - -[909] This is Beristain’s title. Torquemada, Vetancurt, and Sigüenza -cite it as _Memorias históricas_; Brasseur, _Bib. Mexico-Guat._, p. 122. - -[910] Cf. “Les Annales Méxicaines,” by Rémi Siméon in the _Archives de -la Soc. Amér. de France_, n. s., vol. ii. - -[911] It is cited by Chavero as _Codex Zumárraga_. - -[912] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, ii. 577. - -[913] _Aboriginal Amer. Authors_, p. 29. Cf. Bandelier’s _Bibliography -of Yucatan_ in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., vol. i. p. 82. Cf. the -references in Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, and in Bancroft, _Nat. -Races_, v. - -[914] Cf. _Mem. of Berendt_, by Brinton (Worcester, 1884). - -[915] Cf. Brinton on the MSS. in the languages of Cent. America, in -_Amer. Jour. of Science_, xcvii. 222; and his _Books of Chilan Balam, -the prophetic and historical records of the Mayas of Yucatan_ (Philad., -1882), reprinted from the _Penn Monthly_, March, 1882. Cf. also the -_Transactions of the Philad. Numismatic and Antiquarian Soc._ - -[916] This is in the alphabet adopted by the early missionaries. The -volume contains the “Books of Chilan Balam,” written “not later than -1595,” and also the “Chac Xulub Chen,” written by a Maya chief, Nakuk -Pech, in 1562, to recount the story of the Spanish conquest of Yucatan. - -[917] This was in 1843, when Stephens made his English translation from -Pio Perez’s Spanish version, _Antigua Chronologia Yucateca_; and from -Stephens’s text, Brasseur gave it a French rendering in his edition -of Landa. (Cf. also his _Nat. Civilisées_, ii. p. 2.) Perez, who in -Stephens’s opinion (_Yucatan_, ii. 117) was the best Maya scholar in -that country, made notes, which Valentini published in his “Katunes -of Maya History,” in the _Pro. of the Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Oct., 1879 -(Worcester, 1880), but they had earlier been printed in Carrillo’s -_Hist. y Geog. de Yucatan_ (Merida, 1881). Bancroft (_Nat. Races_, v. -624) reprints Stephens’s text with notes from Brasseur. - -The books of Chilan Balam were used both by Cogolludo and Lizana; and -Brasseur printed some of them in the _Mission Scientifique au Méxique_. -They are described in Carrillo’s _Disertacion sobre la historia de -lengua Maya ó Yucateca_ (Merida, 1870). - -[918] Brasseur, _Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 30. See Vol. II. p. 429. The -Spanish title is _Relacion de las Cosas de Yucatan_. - -[919] From the _Proc. of the Amer. Philos. Soc._, xxiv. - -[920] Cf. Bandelier in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., vol. i. p. 88. - -[921] The second edition was called _Los tres Siglos de la Dominacion -Española en Yucatan_ (Campeche and Merida, 2 vols., 1842, 1845). It was -edited unsatisfactorily by Justo Sierra. Cf. Vol. II. p. 429; Brasseur, -_Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 47. - -This, like Juan de Villagutierre Soto-Mayor’s _Historia de la -Conquista de la Provincia de el Itza, reduccion, y progressos de la -de el Lacandon, y otras naciones de Indios Barbaros, de la mediacion -de el Reyno de Gautimala, a las Provincias de Yucatan, en la America -Septentrional_ (Madrid, 1701), (which, says Bandelier, is of importance -for that part of Yucatan which has remained unexplored), has mostly -to do with the Indians under the Spanish rule, but the books are not -devoid of usefulness in the study of the early tribes. - -Of the modern comments on the Yucatan ancient history, those of -Brasseur in his _Nations Civilisées_ are more to be trusted than his -introduction to his edition of Landa, which needs to be taken with -due recognition of his later vagaries; and Brinton has studied their -history at some length in the introduction to his _Maya Chronicles_. -The first volume of Eligio Ancona’s _Hist. de Yucatan_ covers the -early period. See Vol. II. p. 429. Brinton calls it “disappointingly -superficial.” There is much that is popularly retrospective in the -various and not always stable contributions of Dr. Le Plongeon and -his wife. The last of Mrs. Le Plongeon’s papers is one on “The Mayas, -their customs, laws, religion,” in the _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Aug., 1887. -Bancroft’s second volume groups the necessary references to every phase -of Maya history. Cf. Charnay, English translation, ch. 15; and Geronimo -Castillo’s _Diccionario Histórico, biográfico y monumental de Yucatan_ -(Mérida, 1866). Of Crescencio Carrillo and his _Historia Antigua de -Yucatan_ (Mérida, 1881), Brinton says: “I know of no other Yucatecan -who has equal enthusiasm or so just an estimate of the antiquarian -riches of his native land” (_Amer. Hero Myths_, 147). Bastian -summarizes the history of Yucatan and Guatemala in the second volume of -his _Culturländer des alten Amerika_. - -[922] _Yucatan_, ii. 79. - -[923] See C. H. Berendt on the hist. docs. of Guatemala in _Smithsonian -Report_, 1876. There is a partial bibliography of Guatemala in W. -T. Brigham’s _Guatemala the land of the Quetzal_ (N. Y., 1887), and -another by Bandelier in the _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., vol. i. p. -101. The references in Brasseur’s _Hist. Nations Civilisées_, and in -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v., will be a ready means for collating -the early sources. - -[924] Scherzer and Brasseur are somewhat at variance here. - -[925] “There are some coincidences between the Old Testament and the -Quiché MS. which are certainly startling.” Müller’s _Chips_, i. 328. - -[926] _Wanderungen durch die mittel-Amerikanischen Freistaaten_ -(Braunschweig, 1857—an English translation, London, 1857). - -[927] Leclerc, no. 1305. - -[928] H. H. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, ii. 115; iii., ch. 2, and v. 170, -547, gives a convenient condensation of the book, and says that Müller -misconceives in some parts of his summary, and that Baldwin in his -_Ancient America_, p. 191, follows Müller. Helps, _Spanish Conquest_, -iv. App., gives a brief synopsis,—the first one done in English. - -[929] Max Müller dissents from this. _Chips_, i. 326. Müller reminds -us, if we are suspicious of the disjointed manner of what has come -down to us as the _Popul Vuh_, that “consecutive history is altogether -a modern idea, of which few only of the ancient nations had any -conception. If we had the exact words of the _Popul Vuh_, we should -probably find no more history there than we find in the Quiché MS. as -it now stands.” - -[930] Cf. _Aborig. Amer. Authors_, p. 33. - -[931] _The names of the gods in the Kiché Myths of Central America_ -(Philad., 1881), from the _Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc._ He gives his -reasons (p. 4) for the spelling _Kiché_. - -[932] Cf. _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., vol. i. 109; and his paper, -“On the Sources of the Aboriginal Hist. of Spanish America,” in the -_Am. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc._, xxvii. 328 (Aug., 1878). In the _Peabody -Mus. Eleventh Report_, p. 391, he says of it that “it appears to be for -the first chapters an evident fabrication, or at least accommodation -of Indian mythology to Christian notions,—a pious fraud; but the bulk -is an equally evident collection of original traditions of the Indians -of Guatemala, and as such the most valuable work for the aboriginal -history and ethnology of Central America.” - -[933] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, i. 47. _S’il existe des sources de l’histoire -primitive du Méxique dans les monuments égyptiens et de l’histoire -primitive de l’ancien monde dans les monuments Américains?_ (1864), -which is an extract from his _Landa’s Relation_. Cf. Bollaert, in the -_Royal Soc. of Lit. Trans._, 1863. Brasseur (_Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 45; -Pinart, no. 231) also speaks of another Quiché document, of which his -MS. copy is entitled _Titulo de los Señores de Totonicapan, escrito -en lengua Quiché, el año de 1554, y traducido al Castellano el año de -1834, por el Padre Dionisio José Chonay, indígena_, which tells the -story of the Quiché race somewhat differently from the _Popul Vuh_. - -[934] See Vol. II. p. 419. - -[935] It stands in Brasseur’s _Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 13, as _Memorial -de Tecpan-Atitlan_ (_Solola_), _histoire des deux familles royales -du royaume des Cakchiquels d’Iximché ou Guatémala, rédigé en langue -Cakchiquèle par le prince Don Francisco Ernantez Arana-Xahila, des rois -Ahpozotziles_, where Brasseur speaks of it as analogous to the _Popul -Vuh_, but with numerous and remarkable variations. The MS. remained in -the keeping of Xahila till 1562, when Francisco Gebuta Queh received it -and continued it (_Pinart Catalogue_, no. 35). - -[936] See Vol. II. 419; Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 564; Bandelier in -_Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, i. 105. Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Repts._, ii. -391) says that it is now acknowledged that the _Recordacion florida_ of -Fuentes y Guzman is “full of exaggerations and misstatements.” Brasseur -(_Bib. Mex.-Guat._, pp. 65, 87), in speaking of Fuentes’ _Noticia -histórica de los indios de Guatemala_ (of which manuscript he had a -copy), says that he had access to a great number of native documents, -but profited little by them, either because he could not read them, or -his translators deceived him. Brasseur adds that Fuentes’ account of -the Quiché rulers is “un mauvais roman qui n’a pas le sens commun.” -This last is a manuscript used by Domingo Juarros in his _Compendio de -la historia de la ciudad de Guatemala_ (Guatemala, 1808-1818, in two -vols.—become rare), but reprinted in the _Museo Guatemalteco_, 1857. -The English translation, by John Baily, a merchant living in Guatemala, -was published as a _Statistical and Commercial History of Guatemala_ -(Lond., 1823). Cf. Vol. II. p. 419. Francisco Vazquez depended largely -on native writers in his _Crónica de la Provincia de Guatemala_ -(Guatemala, 1714-16). (See Vol. II. p. 419.) - -[937] See note in Bancroft, iii. 451. - -[938] Vol. II. 419. Helps (iii. 300), speaking of Remesal, says: “He -had access to the archives of Guatemala early in the seventeenth -century, and he is one of those excellent writers so dear to the -students of history, who is not prone to declamation, or rhetoric, -or picturesque writing, but indulges us largely by the introduction -everywhere of most important historical documents, copied boldly into -the text.” - -[939] Vol. II. 419. - -[940] Vol. II. 417. - -[941] E. G. Squier printed in 1860 (see Vol. II. p. vii.) Diego Garcia -de Palacio’s _Carta dirigida al Rey de España, año 1576_, under the -English title of _Description of the ancient Provinces of Guazacupan, -Izalco, Cuscatlan, and Chiquimula in Guatemala_, which is also included -in Pacheco’s _Coleccion_, vol. vi. Bandelier refers to Estevan Aviles’ -_Historia de Guatemala desde los tiempos de los Indios_ (Guatemala, -1663). A good reputation belongs to a modern work, Francisco de Paula -Garcia Pelaez’s _Memorias para la Historia del antiguo reyno de -Guatemala_ (Guatemala, 1851-53, in three vols.). - -[942] For details follow the references in Brasseur’s _Nat. Civil._; -Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_; Stephens’s _Nicaragua_, ii. 305, etc. See the -introd. of Brinton’s _Güegüence_ (Philad., 1883), for the Nahuas and -Mangues of Nicaragua. - -[943] Leclerc, no. 1070. Bancroft summarized the history of these -ancient peoples in his vol. ii. ch. 2, and goes into detail in his vol. -v. - -[944] He condenses the early Mexican history in his _Mexico_, i. ch. -7. There are recent condensed narratives, in which avail has been had -of the latest developments, in Baldwin’s _Ancient America_, ch. 4, and -Short’s _North Americans of Antiquity_. - -[945] Mrs. Alice D. Le Plongeon has printed various summarized popular -papers, like the “Conquest of the Mayas,” in the _Mag. Amer. Hist._, -April and June, 1888. - -[946] A list of Squier’s published writings was appended to the -_Catalogue of Squier’s Library_, prepared by Joseph Sabin (N. Y., -1876), as sold at that time. By this it appears that his earliest study -of these subjects was a review of Buxton’s _Migrations of the Ancient -Mexicans_, read before the London Ethnolog. Soc., and printed in 1848 -in the _Edinb. New Philosoph. Mag._, vol. xlvi. His first considerable -contribution was his _Travels in Cent. America, particularly in -Nicaragua, with a description of its aboriginal monuments_ (London -and N. Y., 1852-53). He supplemented this by some popular papers in -_Harper’s Mag._, 1854, 1855. (Cf. _Hist. Mag._, iv. 65; _Putnam’s -Mag._, xii. 549.) A year or two later he communicated papers on “Les -Indiens Guatusos du Nicaragua,” and “Les indiens Xicaques du Honduras,” -to the _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_ (1856, 1858), and “A Visit to -the Guajiquero Indians” to _Harper’s Mag._, 1859. In 1860, Squier -projected the publication of a _Collection_ of documents, but only a -letter (1576) of Palacio was printed (Icazbalceta, _Bibl. Mex._, i. p. -326). He had intended to make the series more correct and with fewer -omissions than Ternaux had allowed himself. His material, then the -result of ten years’ gathering, had been largely secured through the -instrumentality of Buckingham Smith. (See Vol. II. p. vii.) - -[947] “Art of war and mode of warfare of the Ancient Mexicans” -(_Peabody Mus. Rept._, no. x.). - -“Distribution and tenure of lands, and the customs with respect to -inheritance among the ancient Mexicans” (_Ibid._ no. xi.). - -“Special organizations and mode of government of the ancient Mexicans” -(_Ibid._ no. xii.). - -These papers reveal much thorough study of the earlier writers on the -general condition of the ancient people of Mexico, and the student -finds much help in their full references. It was this manifestation -of his learning that led to his appointment by the Archæological -Institute,—the fruit of his labor in their behalf appearing in his -_Report of an Archæological Tour in Mexico, 1881_, which constitutes -the second volume (1884) of the _Papers_ of that body. In his third -section he enlarges upon the condition of Mexico at the time of the -Conquest. His explorations covered the region from Tampico to Mexico -city. - -[948] _Library of Aboriginal American Literature_, (Philadelphia.) - -[949] James H. McCulloh, an officer of the U. S. army, published -_Researches on America_ (Balt., 1816), expanded later into _Researches, -philosophical and antiquarian, concerning the original History of -America_ (Baltimore, 1829). His fifth and sixth parts concern the -“Institutions of the Mexican Empire,” and “The nations inhabiting -Guatemala” (Field, no. 987). - -G. F. Lyon’s _Journal of a residence and tour in the Republic of -Mexico_ (Lond., 1826, 1828). - -Brantz Mayer’s _Mexico as it was and as it is_, and his more -comprehensive _Mexico, Aztec, Spanish and Republican_ (Hartford, 1853), -which includes an essay on the ancient civilization. Mayer had good -opportunities while attached to the United States legation in Mexico, -but of course he wrote earlier than the later developments (Field, no. -1038). - -The distinguished English anthropologist, E. B. Tylor’s _Anahuac; -or, Mexico and the Mexicans, ancient and modern_ (London, 1861), is -a readable rendering of the outlines of the ancient history, and he -describes such of the archæological remains as fell in his way. - -H. C. R. Becher’s _Trip to Mexico_ (London, 1880) has an appendix on -the ancient races. - -F. A. Ober’s _Travels in Mexico_ (1884). - -[950] The important papers are:—Tome I. Brasseur de Bourbourg. -_Esquisses d’histoire, d’archéologie, d’ethnographie et de -linguistique._ Gros. _Renseignements sur les monuments anciens situés -dans les environs de Mexico._—Tome II. Br. de Bourbourg. _Rapport sur -les ruines de Mayapan et d’Uxmal au Yucatan._ Hay. _Renseignements -sur Texcoco._ Dolfus, Montserrat et Pavie. _Mémoires et notes -géologiques._—Tome III. Doutrelaine. _Rapports sur les ruines de Mitla, -sur la pierre de Tlalnepantla, sur un mss. mexicain (avec fac-simile)._ -Guillemin Tarayre. _Rapport sur l’exploration minéralogique des régions -mexicaines._ Siméon. _Note sur la numération des anciens Mexicains._ - -[951] He says the work is very rare. A copy given by him is in Harvard -College library. _Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 26. - -[952] His _Palenqué_, at a later day, was published by the French -government (_Quatre Lettres, avant-propos_). - -[953] Introduction of his _Hist. Nations Civilisées_. - -[954] Tome I. xcii. et 440 pp. _Les temps héroïques et l’histoire de -l’empire des Toltèques._—Tome II. 616 pp. _L’histoire du Yucatan et du -Guatémala, avec celle de l’Anahuac durant le moyen âge aztèque, jusqu’à -la fondation de la royauté à Mexico._—Tome III. 692 pp. _L’histoire -des Etats du Michoacan et d’Oaxaca et de l’empire de l’Anahuac jusqu’à -l’arrivée des Espagnols. Astronomie, religion, sciences et arts -des Aztèques, etc._—Tome IV. vi. et 851 pp. _Conquête du Mexique, -du Michoacan et du Guatémala, etc. Etablissement des Espagnols et -fondation de l’Eglise catholique. Ruine de l’idolâtrie, déclin et -abaissement de la race indigène, jusqu’à la fin du xvi^e siècle._ - -In his introduction (p. lxxiv) Brasseur gives a list of the manuscript -and printed books on which he has mainly depended, the chief of -which are: Burgoa, Cogolludo, Torquemada, Sahagún, Remesal, Gomara -(in Barcia), Lorenzana’s _Cortes_, Bernal Diaz, Vetancurt’s _Teatro -Mexicano_ (1698), Valades’ _Rhetorica Christiana_ (1579), Juarros, -Pelaez, Leon y Gama, etc. - -[955] Kirk’s _Prescott_, i. 10. There are lists of Brasseur’s works -in his own _Bibliothèque Mex.-Guatémalienne_, p. 25; in the _Pinart -Catalogue_, no. 141, etc.; Field, p. 43; Sabin, ii. 7420. Cf. notices -of his labors by Haven in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1870, p. -47; by Brinton in _Lippincott’s Mag._, i. 79. There is a _Sommaire -des voyages scientifiques et des travaux de géographie, d’histoire, -d’archéologie et de Philologie américaines, publiés par l’abbé Brasseur -de Bourbourg_ (St. Cloud, 1862). - -[956] _Abor. Amer. Authors_, 57. - -[957] Cf. Bandelier, _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., i. 93; Field, no. -176; H. H. Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, ii. 116, 780; v. 126, 153, 236, -241,—who says of Brasseur that “he rejects nothing, and transforms -everything into historic fact;” but Bancroft looks to Brasseur for the -main drift of his chapter on pre-Toltec history. Cf. Brinton’s _Myths -of the New World_, p. 41. - -[958] Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 176; Baldwin, _Anc. America_. - -[959] Reference may be made to H. T. Moke’s _Histoire des peuples -Américains_ (Bruxelles, 1847); Michel Chevalier’s “Du Mexique avant et -pendant la Conquête,” in the _Revue des deux Mondes_, 1845, and his _Le -Méxique ancien et moderne_ (Paris, 1863); and some parts of the Marquis -de Nadaillac’s _L’Amérique préhistorique_ (Paris, 1883). A recent -popular summary, without references, of the condition and history of -ancient Mexico, is Lucien Biart’s _Les Aztèques, histoire, mœurs, -coutumes_ (Paris, 1885), of which there is an English translation, _The -Aztecs, their history_, etc., translated by J. L. Garnier (Chicago, -1887). - -[960] Leclerc, no. 1147; Field, no. 620; Squier, no. 427; Sabin, vii. -28,255; Bandelier in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., i. 116. It has -never yet been reprinted. The early date, as well as its rarity, have -contributed to give it, perhaps, undue reputation. It is worth from £3 -to £4. - -[961] Leclerc, no. 1119. See Vol. II. p. 415. - -[962] Leclerc, no. 2079; Brasseur, _Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 113. - -[963] For the _Historia de Mexico_ of Carbajal Espinosa, see Vol. II. -p. 428. Cf. Alfred Chavero’s _México á través de los Siglos_. - -[964] Discrediting Gomara’s statement that De Ayllon found tribes near -Cape Hatteras who had tame deer and made cheese from their milk, Dr. -Brinton says: “Throughout the continent there is not a single authentic -instance of a pastoral tribe, not one of an animal raised for its milk, -nor for the transportation of persons, and very few for their flesh. -It was essentially a hunting race.” (_Myths of the New World_, 21.) -He adds: “The one mollifying element was agriculture, substituting a -sedentary for a wandering life, supplying a fixed dependence for an -uncertain contingency.” - -[965] See Vol. II. p. 98. - -[966] It was two years earlier, in 1517, that Hernandez de Cordova -had first noticed the ruins of the Yucatan coast, though Columbus, in -1502, near Yucatan had met a Maya vessel, which with its navigators had -astonished him. - -[967] “No writer,” says Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Repts._ ii. 674), “has -been more prolific in pictures of pomp, regal wealth and magnificence, -than Bernal Diaz. Most of the later writers have placed undue reliance -on his statements, assuming that the truthfulness of his own individual -feelings was the result of cool observation. Any one who has read -attentively his _Mémoirs_ will become convinced that he is in fact one -of the most unreliable eye-witnesses, so far as general principles are -concerned.... Cortes had personal and political motives to magnify and -embellish the picture. If his statements fall far below those of his -troopers in thrilling and highly-colored details, there is every reason -to believe that they are the more trustworthy.... In the descriptions -by Cortes we find, on the whole, nothing but a barbarous display common -to other Indian celebrations of a similar character.” - -Bandelier’s further comment is (_Ibid._ ii. 397) “A feudal empire at -Tezcuco was an invention of the chroniclers, who had a direct interest, -or thought to have one, in advancing the claims of the Tezcucan tribe -to an original supremacy.” - -Bandelier again (_Ibid._ ii. 385) points out the early statements -of the conquerors, and of their annalists, which have prompted -the inference of a feudal condition of society; but he refers to -Ixtlilxochitl as “the chief originator of the feudal view;” and from -him Torquemada draws his inspiration. Wilson (_Prehist. Man_, i. 242) -holds much the same views. - -[968] _Peabody Mus. Tenth Rept._ vol. ii. 114. - -[969] Bandelier (“Art of War, etc.,” in _Peabody Mus. Rept._ x. -113) again says of De Pauw’s _Recherches philosophiques sur les -Américaines_, that it is “a very injudicious book, which by its -extravagance and audacity created a great deal of harm. It permitted -Clavigero to attack even Robertson, because the latter had also applied -sound criticism to the study of American aboriginal history, and by -artfully placing both as upon the same platform, to counteract much of -the good effects of Robertson’s work.” - -[970] _Peabody Mus. Repts._ ii. 114. - -[971] In regard to the nature of the chief-of-men we find, among much -else of the first importance in the study of the Mexican government, -an exposition in Sahagún (lib. vi. cap. 20), which seems to establish -the elective and non-hereditary character of the office. It was “this -office and its attributes,” says Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Repts._ ii. -670), “which have been the main stays of the notion that a high degree -of civilization prevailed in aboriginal Mexico, in so far as its people -were ruled after the manner of eastern despotisms.” Bandelier (_Ibid._ -ii. 133) says: “It is not impossible that the so-called empire of -Mexico may yet prove to have been but a confederacy of the Nahuatlac -tribe of the valley, with the Mexicans as military leaders.” His -argument on the word translated “king” is not convincing. - -[972] _Peabody Mus. Repts._ ii. 435. - -[973] Introd. to _Conquest of Mexico_. See Vol. II. p. 426. In the -Appendix to his third volume, Prescott, relying mainly on the works of -Dupaix and Waldeck, arrived at conclusions as respects the origin of -the Mexican civilization, and its analogies with the Old World, which -accord with those of Stephens, whose work had not appeared at the time -when Prescott wrote. - -[974] _Houses and House Life_, p. 222. - -[975] Bancroft (ii. 92) says: “What is known of the Aztecs has -furnished material for nine tenths of all that has been written on the -American civilized nations in general.” - -[976] _Anahuac, or Mexico and the Mexicans, Ancient and Modern_ -(London, 1861). Tylor enlarges upon what he considers the evidences -of immense populations; and respecting some of their arts he adds, -from inspection of specimens of their handicraft, that “the Spanish -conquerors were not romancing in the wonderful stories they told of the -skill of the native goldsmiths.” On the other hand, Morgan (_Houses and -House Life_, 223) thinks the figures of population grossly exaggerated. - -[977] Vol. II. p. 427. - -[978] When we consider that Rome, Constantinople, and Jerusalem, in -spite of rapine, siege and fire, still retain numerous traces of -their earliest times, and that not a vestige of the Aztec capital -remains to us except its site, we must assume, in Wilson’s opinion -(_Prehistoric Man_, i. 331), that its edifices and causeways must have -been for the most part more slight and fragile than the descriptions -of the conquerors implied. Morgan instances as a proof of the flimsy -character of their masonry, that Cortes in seventeen days levelled -three fourths of the city of Mexico. But, adds Wilson, “so far as -an indigenous American civilization is concerned, no doubt can be -entertained, and there is little room for questioning, that among races -who had carried civilization so far, there existed the capacity for its -further development, independently of all borrowed aid” (p. 336). The -Baron Nordenskjöld informs me that there is in the library at Upsala -a MS. map of Mexico by Santa Cruz (d. 1572) which contains numerous -ethnographical details, not to be found in printed maps of that day. - -[979] _Native Races_, ii. 159. - -[980] _Ibid._ ii. 133. - -[981] Bancroft has recently epitomized his views afresh in the _Amer. -Antiquarian_, Jan., 1888. - -[982] Bancroft wrote in San Francisco, it will be remembered. - -[983] It was for Bandelier, in his “Social organization and mode of -government of the ancient Mexicans” (_Peabody Mus. Repts._ ii. 557), -to demonstrate the proposition that tribal society based, according to -Morgan, upon kin, and not political society, which rests upon territory -and property, must be looked for among the ancient Mexicans. - -[984] Morgan’s _Houses_, etc., 225. Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. -Rept._, vol. ii. 114) speaks of the views advanced by Morgan in -his “Montezuma’s Dinner,” as “a bold stroke for the establishment -of American ethnology on a new basis.” It must be remembered that -Bandelier was Morgan’s pupil. - -[985] _Ibid._ 222. - -[986] Morgan says of his predecessors, “they learned nothing and knew -nothing” of Indian society. - -[987] _Ibid._ 223. - -[988] In this he of course assumes that the ruins in Spanish America -are of communal edifices. - -[989] Bandelier’s papers are in the second volume of the _Reports of -the Peabody Museum_ at Cambridge. He contends in his “Art of Warfare -among the Ancient Mexicans,” that he has shown the non-existence of -a military despotism, and proved their government to be “a military -democracy, originally based upon communism in living.” A similar -understanding pervades his other essay “On the social organization -and mode of government of the ancient Mexicans.” Morgan and Bandelier -profess great admiration for each other,—Morgan citing his friend as -“our most eminent scholar in Spanish American history” (_Houses_, -etc., 84), and Bandelier expresses his deep feeling of gratitude, etc. -(_Archæolog. Tour_, 32). This affectionate relation has very likely -done something in unifying their intellectual sympathies. The _Ancient -Society, or researches in the lines of human progress from savagery -through barbarism to civilization_ (N. Y. 1877), of Morgan is reflected -very palpably in these papers of Bandelier. The accounts of the war of -the conquest, as detailed in Bancroft’s _Mexico_ (vol. i.), and the -views of their war customs (_Native Races_, ii. ch. 13), contrasted -with Bandelier’s ideas,—who finds in Parkman’s books “the natural -parallelism between the forays of the Iroquois and the so-called -conquests of the Mexican confederacy” (_Archæol. Tour_, 32), and who -reduces the battle of Otumba to an affair like that of Custer and -the Sioux (_Art of Warfare_),—give us in the military aspects of the -ancient life the opposed views of the two schools of interpreters. - -[990] Being vol. iv. of the _Contributions to No. Amer. Ethnol._ in -Powell’s _Survey of the Rocky Mt. Region_. Some of Morgan’s cognate -studies relating to the aboriginal system of consanguinity and laws of -descent are in the _Smithsonian Contributions_, xvii., the _Smithsonian -Misc. Coll._ ii., _Amer. Acad. Arts and Sci. Trans._ vii., and _Am. -Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc._, 1857. - -[991] Morgan in this, his last work, condenses in his first chapter -those which were numbered 1 to 4 in his _Ancient Society_, and in -succeeding sections he discusses the laws of hospitality, communism, -usages of land and food, and the houses of the northern tribes, of -those of New Mexico, San Juan River, the moundbuilders, the Aztecs, -and those in Yucatan and Central America. Among these he finds three -distinct ethnical stages, as shown in the northern Indian, higher in -the sedentary tribes of New Mexico, and highest among those of Mexico -and Central America. S. F. Haven commemorated Morgan’s death in the -_Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr., 1880. - -[992] Cf. Bandelier on “the tenure of lands” in _Peabody Mus. Repts._ -(1878), no. xi., and Bancroft in _Nat. Races_, ii. ch. 6, p. 223. - -[993] Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Repts._ ii. 391) points out that when -Martin Ursúa captured Tayasál on Lake Petin, the last pueblo inhabited -by Maya Indians, he found “all the inhabitants living brutally -together, an entire relationship together in one single house,” and -Bandelier refers further to Morgan’s _Ancient Society_, Part 2, p. 181. - -[994] Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Repts._ ii. 673) accepts the views of -Morgan, calling it “a rude clannish feast,” given by the official -household of the tribe as a part of its daily duties and obligations. - -[995] On the character of the Tecpan (council house, or official house) -of the Mexicans, which the early writers translate “palace,” with -its sense of magnificence, see Bandelier (_Peabody Mus. Repts._ ii. -406, 671, etc.), with his references. Morgan holds that Stephens is -largely responsible for the prevalence of erroneous notions regarding -the Mayas, by reason of using the words “palaces” and “great cities” -for defining what were really the pueblos of these southern Indians. -Bancroft (ii. 84), referring to the ruins, says: They have “the -highest value as confirming the truth of the reports made by Spanish -writers, very many, or perhaps most, of whose statements respecting the -wonderful phenomena of the New World, without this incontrovertible -material proof, would find few believers among the skeptical students -of the present day.” Bancroft had little prescience respecting what the -communal theorists were going to say of these ruins. - -[996] Cf. Bancroft’s _Cent. America_, i. 317. Sir J. William Dawson, in -his _Fossil Men_ (p. 83), contends that Morgan has proved his point, -and he calls the ruins of Spanish America “communistic barracks” (p. -50). Higginson, in the first chapter of his _Larger History_, which is -a very excellent, condensed popular statement of the new views which -Morgan inaugurated, says of him very truly, that he lacked moderation, -and that there is “something almost exasperating in the positiveness -with which he sometimes assumes as proved that which is only probable.” - -[997] Bancroft in his foot-notes (vol. ii.) embodies the best -bibliography of this ancient civilization. Cf. Wilson’s _Prehistoric -Man_, i. ch. 14; C. Hermann Berendt’s “Centres of ancient civilization -and their geographical distribution,” an _Address before the Amer. -Geog. Soc._ (N. Y. 1876); Draper’s _Intellectual Development of -Europe_; Brasseur’s _Ms. Troano_; Humboldt’s _Cosmos_ (English transl. -ii. 674); Michel Chevalier in the _Revue de deux Mondes_, Mar.-July, -1845, embraced later in his _Du Méxique avant et pendant la Conquête_ -(Paris, 1845); Brantz Mayer’s _Mexico as it was; The Galaxy_, March, -1876; _Scribner’s Mag._ v. 724; _Overland Monthly_, xiv. 468; De -Charency’s _Hist. du Civilisation du Méxique_ (_Revue des Questions -historiques_), vi. 283; Dabry de Thiersant’s _Origine des indiens -du Nouveau Monde_ (Paris, 1883); Peschel’s _Races of Men_, 441; -Nadaillac’s _Les premiers hommes et les temps préhistoriques_, ii. ch. -9, etc. - -[998] For the bibliography of his works see Brunet, Sabin, Field, -etc. The octavo edition of his _Vues_ has 19 of the 69 plates which -constitute the _Atlas_ of the large edition. See the chapter on Peru -for further detail. - -[999] John Lloyd Stephens, _Incidents of travel in Central America, -Chiapas, and Yucatan_, Lond. and N. Y. 1841,—various later eds., -that of London, 1854, being “revised from the latest Amer. ed., with -additions by Frederick Catherwood.” Stephens started on this expedition -in 1839, and he was armed with credentials from President Van Buren. -He travelled 3000 miles, and visited eight ruined cities, as shown by -his route given on the map in vol. i. Cf. references in Allibone, ii. -p. 2240; _Poole’s Index_, p. 212; his _Incidents of Travel in Yucatan_ -will be mentioned later. - -Frederick Catherwood’s _Views of Ancient Monuments in Central America, -Chiapas, and Yucatan_ (Lond. 1844) has a brief text (pp. 24) and 25 -lithographed plates. Some of the original drawings used in making -these plates were included in the _Squier Catalogue_, p. 229. (Sabin’s -_Dict._ iii. no. 11520.) Captain Lindesay Brine, in his paper on the -“Ruined Cities of Central America” (_Journal Roy. Geog. Soc._ 1872, -p. 354; _Proc._ xvii. 67), testifies to the accuracy of Stephens and -Catherwood. These new developments furnished the material for numerous -purveyors to the popular mind, some of them of the slightest value, -like Asahel Davis, whose _Antiquities of Central America_, with some -slight changes of title, and with the parade of new editions, were -common enough between 1840 and 1850. - -[1000] Viollet le Duc, in his _Histoire de l’habitation humaine -depuis les temps préhistoriques_ (Paris, 1875), has given a chapter -(no. xxii.) to the “Nahuas and Toltecs.” Views more or less studied, -comprehensive, and restricted are given in R. Cary Long’s _Ancient -Architecture of America, its historic value and parallelism of -development with the architecture of the Old World_ (N. Y. 1849), an -address from the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._ 1849, p. 117; R. P. Greg on -“the Fret or Key Ornament in Mexico and Peru,” in the _Archæologia_ -(London), vol. xlvii. 157; and a popular summary on “the pyramid -in America,” by S. D. Peet, in the _American Antiquarian_, July, -1888, comparing the mounds of Cholula, Uxmal, Palenqué, Teotihuacan, -Copan, Quemada, Cohokia, St. Louis, etc. John T. Short summarizes the -characteristics of the Nahua and Maya styles (_No. Amer. of Antiquity_, -340, 359). There are chapters on their architecture in Bancroft, _Nat. -Races_, ii.; but the references in his vol. iv. are most helpful. - -[1001] Vols. v. vi. vii. on “Ancient Mexican Civilization,” “Pyramid of -Teotihuacan,” “Sacrificial Calendar Stone,” “Central America at time of -Conquest,” “Ruins at Palenque and Copan,” “Ruins of Uxmal,” etc. - -[1002] Duplicates were placed in the Nat. Museum at Washington by the -liberality of Pierre Lorillard. - -[1003] The English translation is condensed in parts: _The ancient -cities of the New World: being travels and explorations in Mexico -and Central America from 1857-1882_. _Translated from the French by -J. Gonino and Helen S. Conant._ (London, 1887.) Some of his notable -results were the discovery of stucco ornaments in the province of -Iturbide, among ruins which he unfortunately named Lorillard City (Eng. -tr. ch. 22). The palace at Tula is also figured in Brocklehurst’s -_Mexico to-day_, ch. 25. The discovery of what Charnay calls glass and -porcelain is looked upon as doubtful by most archæologists, who believe -the specimens to be rather traces of Spanish contact. - -[1004] Bancroft, iv. 453, and references. - -[1005] Bandelier (p. 235) is confident that it was built by an earlier -people than the Nahuas. - -[1006] Cf. Bandelier, p. 247. Short, p. 236. - -[1007] Bancroft (v. 200) gives references on these points, and -particular note may be taken of Veytia, i. 18, 155, 199; and Brasseur, -_Hist. Nations Civ._ iv. 182. Cf. also Nadaillac, p. 351. Bandelier -(_Archæolog. Tour_, 248, 249) favors the gradual growth theory, and -collates early sources (p. 250). Bancroft (iv. 474) holds that we may -feel very sure its erection dates back of the tenth, and perhaps of the -seventh, century. - -[1008] Bandelier’s idea (p. 254) is that as the Indians never repair -a ruin, they abandoned this remaining mound after its disaster, and -transplanted the worship of Quetzalcoatl to the new mound, since -destroyed, while the old shrine was in time given to the new cult of -the Rain-god. - -[1009] As Bancroft thinks; but Bandelier says that it was not of this -mound, but of the temple which stood where the modern convent stands, -that this count was made. _Arch. Tour_, 242. - -[1010] _Storia Ant. del Messico_, ii. 33. - -[1011] _Vues_, i. 96 pl. iii., or pl. vii., viii. in folio ed.; _Essai -polit._, 239. The later observers are: Dupaix (_Antiq. Mex._, and in -Kingsborough, v. 218; with iv. pl. viii.). Bancroft remarks on the -totally different aspects of Castañeda’s two drawings. Nebel, in his -_Viaje pintoresco y Arqueolójico sobre la república Mejicana_, 1829-34 -(Paris, 1839, folio), gave a description and a large colored drawing. -Of the other visitors whose accounts add something to our knowledge, -Bancroft (iv. 471) notes the following: J. R. Poinsett, _Notes on -Mexico_ (London, 1825). W. H. Bullock, _Six Months in Mexico_ (Lond., -1825). H. G. Ward, _Mexico in 1827_ (Lond., 1828). Mark Beaufoy, _Mex. -Illustrations_ (Lond., 1828), with cuts. Charles Jos. Latrobe, _Rambles -in Mexico_ (Lond., 1836). Brantz Mayer, _Mexico as it was_ (N. Y., -1854); _Mexico, Aztec, etc._ (Hartford, 1853); and in Schoolcraft, -_Ind. Tribes_, vi. 582. Waddy Thompson, _Recoll. of Mexico_ (N. Y., -1847). E. B. Tylor, _Anahuac_ (Lond., 1861), p. 274. A. S. Evans, _Our -Sister Republic_ (Hartford, 1870). Summaries later than Bancroft’s will -be found in Short, p. 369, and Nadaillac, p. 350. Bancroft adds (iv. -471-2) a long list of second-hand describers. - -[1012] It is illustrated with a map of the district of Cholula (p. -158), a detailed plan of the pyramid or mound (Humboldt is responsible -for the former term) as it stands amid roads and fields (p. 230), and a -fac-simile of an old map of the pueblo of Cholula (1581). - -Bandelier speaks of the conservative tendencies of the native -population of this region, giving a report that old native idols are -still preserved and worshipped in caves, to which he could not induce -the Indians to conduct him (p. 156); and that when he went to see -the _Mapa de Cuauhtlantzinco_, or some native pictures of the 16th -century, representing the Conquest, and of the highest importance for -its history, he was jealously allowed but one glance at them, and could -not get another (_Archæol. Tour_, p. 123). He adds: “The difficulty -attending the consultation of any documents in the hands of Indians is -universal, and results from their superstitious regard for writings on -paper. The bulk of the people watch with the utmost jealousy over their -old papers.... They have a fear lest the power vested in an original -may be transferred to a copy” (pp. 155-6). - -[1013] Pinart, no. 590. - -[1014] He repeats Alzate’s plate of the restoration of the ruins. - -[1015] Bancroft refers (iv. 483) to various compiled accounts, to which -may be added his own and Short’s (p. 371). Cf. F. Boncourt in the -_Revue d’Ethnographie_ (1887). - -[1016] Prescott, Kirk ed., i. 12. See the map of the plateau of Anahuac -in Ruge, _Gesch. des Zeitalters der Entdeck._, i. 363. - -[1017] Cf. Gros in the _Archives de la Com. Scient. du Méxique_, vol. -i.; H. de Saussure on the _Découverte des ruines d’une ancienne ville -Méxicaine située sur le plateau de l’Anahuac_ (Paris, 1858,—_Bull. Soc -Géog. de Paris_). - -[1018] The same is true of the earliest Spanish buildings. Icazbalceta -(_México en 1554_, p. 74) says that the soil is constantly -accumulating, and the whole city gradually sinks. - -[1019] Bancroft (iv. 505, 516, with references) says that such objects, -when brought to light by excavations, have not always been removed from -their hiding-places; and he argues that beneath the city there may yet -be “thousands of interesting monuments.” Cf. B. Mayer’s _Mexico as it -was_, vol. ii. - -Bandelier (_Archæol. Tour_, Part ii. p. 49) gives us valuable -“Archæological Notes about the City of Mexico,” in which he says -that Alfredo Chavero owns a very large oil painting, said to have -been executed in 1523, giving a view of the aboriginal city and the -principal events of the Conquest. It shows that the ancient city was -about one quarter the size of the modern town. - -We find descriptions of the city before the conquerors transformed -it, in Brasseur’s _Hist. Nations Civ._ iii. 187; iv. line 13; and in -Bancroft (ii. ch. 18) there is a collation of authorities on Nahua -buildings, with specific references on the city of Mexico (ii. p. 567). -Bandelier describes with citations its military aspects at the time of -the Conquest (_Peabody Mus. Reports_, x. 151). - -The movable relics found in Mexico are the following:— - -1. The calendar stone. See annexed cut. - -2. Teoyamique. See cut in the appendix of this volume. - -3. Sacrificial stone. See annexed cut. - -4. Indio triste. See annexed cut. - -5. Head of a serpent, discovered in 1881. Cf. Bandelier’s _Archæol. -Tour_, p. 69. - -6. Human head. Cf. Bancroft, iv. 518. All of the above, except the -calendar stone, are in the Museo Nacional. - -7. Gladiatorial stone, discovered in 1792, but left buried. Cf. B. -Mayer’s _Mexico_, 123; Bancroft, iv. 516; Kingsborough, vii. 94; -Sahagún, lib. ii. - -8. A few other less important objects. Cf. Bandelier, _Archæol. Tour_, -52. - -Antonio de Leon y Gama, who unfortunately had no knowledge of the -writings of Sahagún, has discussed most of these relics in his -_Descripcion histórico y Cronológico de las dos Piedras &_. (2d ed. -Bustamante, 1832.) - -[1020] Bancroft, iv. 520, with authorities, p. 523. Cf. _American -Antiquarian_, May, 1888. - -[1021] Bancroft’s numerous references make a foot-note (iv. 530). He -adds a plan from Almaraz, and says that the description of Linares -(_Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin_, 30, i. 103) is mainly drawn from Almaraz. -It is believed, but not absolutely proven, that the mounds were natural -ones, artificially shaped (Bandelier, 44). The extent of the ruins -is very great, and it is a current belief that the city in its prime -must have been very large. The whole region is exceptionally rich in -fragmentary and small relics, like pottery, obsidian implements, and -terra-cotta heads. Cf. for these last, _Lond. Geog. Soc. Journal_, -vii. 10; Thompson’s _Mexico_, 140; Nebel, _Viaje_; Mayer’s _Mexico as -it was_, 227 (as cited in Bancroft, iv. 542); and later publications -like T. U. Brocklehurst’s _Mexico to-day_ (Lond., 1883), and Zelia -Nuttall’s “Terra Cotta Heads from Teotihuacan,” in the _Amer. Journal -of Archæology_ (June and Sept. 1886), ii. 157, 318. - -Bancroft judges that the ruins date back to the sixth century, and -says that these mounds served for models of the Aztec teocallis. On -the commission already referred to was Antonio García y Cubas, who -conducted some personal explorations, and in describing these in a -separate publication, _Ensayo de un Estudio Comparativo entre las -Pirámides Egípcias y Mexicanas_ (Mexico, 1871), he points out certain -analogies of the American and Egyptian structures, which will be found -in epitome in Bancroft (iv. 543). In discussing the monoliths of the -ruins, Amos W. Butler (_Amer. Antiquarian_, May, 1885), in a paper -on “The Sacrificial Stone of San Juan Teotihuacan,” advanced some -views that are controverted by W. H. Holmes in the _Amer. Journal of -Archæology_ (i. 361), from whose foot-notes a good bibliography of the -subject can be derived. Bandelier (_Archæol. Tour_, 42) thinks that -because no specific mention is made of them in Mexican tradition, it is -safe to infer that these monuments antedate the Mexicans, and were in -ruins at the time of the Conquest. - -[1022] The early writers make little mention of the place except as -one of the halting-places of the Aztec migration. Torquemada has -something to say (quoted in _Soc. Mex. Geog. Bol._, 2º, iii. 278, with -the earliest of the modern accounts by Manuel Gutierrez, in 1805). -Capt. G. F. Lyon (_Journal of a residence and tour in Mexico_, London, -1828) visited the ruins in 1828. Pedro Rivera in 1830 described them -in Márcos de Esparza’s _Informe presentado al Gobierno_ (Zacatecas, -1830,—also in _Museo Méxicano_, i. 185, 1843). The plan in Nebel’s -Viaje (copied in Bancroft, iv. 582) was made for Governor García, by -Berghes, a German engineer, in 1831, who at the time was accompanied by -J. Burkart (_Aufenthalt und Reisen in Mexico_, Stuttgart, 1836), who -gives a plan of fewer details. Bancroft (iv. 579) thinks Nebel’s views -of the ruins the only ones ever published, and he enumerates various -second-hand writers (iv. 579). - -Cf. Fegeux, “Les ruines de la Quemada,” in the _Revue d’Ethnologie_, i. -119. The noticeable features of these ruins are their massiveness and -height of walls, their absence of decoration and carved idols, and the -lack of pottery and the smaller relics. Their history, notwithstanding -much search, is a blank. - -[1023] Cf. Bandelier, p. 320. - -[1024] Bandelier, p. 276. - -[1025] Ramirez, ed. 1867. - -[1026] His brief account is copied by Mendieta and Torquemada, and is -cited in Bandelier, p. 324. - -[1027] _Geog. Descripcion_, ii. cited in Bandelier, 324. Cf. _Soc. Mex. -Geog. Boletin_, vii. 170. - -[1028] Bandelier says (p. 279) that he saw them in the library of the -Institute of Oaxaca, and that, though admirable, they have a certain -tendency to over-restoration,—the besetting sin of all explorers who -make drawings. - -[1029] Cf. Field, no. 1612. - -[1030] _Ruines_, etc., 261, and Viollet le Duc, p. 74; _Anciens -Villes_, ch. 24. - -[1031] There is a _Rapport sur les ruines_, by Doutrelaine, in the -_Archives de la Commission Scientifique du Méxique_ (vol. iii.); -Nadaillac (p. 364) and Short (p. 361) have epitomized results, and -Louis H. Aymé gives some _Notes on Mitla_ in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, April, 1882, p. 82; Bancroft (iv. 391) enumerates various -second-hand descriptions. - -[1032] I do not understand Bandelier’s statement (p. 277) that it is -taken from Bancroft’s plan, which it only resembles in a general way. - -[1033] Bancroft classifies their architectural peculiarities (iv. pp. -267-279). - -[1034] See Vol. II. ch. 3. Bancroft (ii. p. 784) collates the early -accounts of the habitations of the people, and (iv. 254, 260, 261) the -descriptions of the ruins and statelier edifices, as seen by these -explorers. - -[1035] _For. Q. Rev._, xviii. 251. - -[1036] Cf. _Poole’s Index_, p. 1439. - -[1037] Bancroft, iv. 145; Field, no. 1138; Leclerc, no. 1217; Pilling, -p. 2767; _Dem. Review_, xi. 529. Cf. _Poole’s Index_, P. 1439. - -[1038] _Registro Yucateco_, ii. 437; _Diccionario Universal_ (México, -1853), x. 290. - -[1039] Bandelier, _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., i. 92, calls the -paper “not very valuable.” - -[1040] This gentleman, since the death of his father, of the same name, -succeeded, after an interval, the elder antiquary in the president’s -chair of the American Antiquarian Society. - -[1041] Cf. Short, p. 396. Le Plongeon retorts (_Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, n. s., i. 282) by telling his critic that he had never been -in Yucatan. Considering the effect of contact in many of those who -have written of the ruins, it may be a question if the implication is -valuable as a piece of criticism. Mr. Salisbury and Dr. Le Plongeon -reported from time to time in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._ the results -of the latter’s investigations, and the researches to which they gave -rise. Those in April, 1876, and April, 1877, of these _Proceedings_, -were privately printed by Mr. Salisbury, as _The Mayas_, etc. In -April, 1878, Mr. Salisbury reported upon the “Terra-cotta figures from -Isla Mujeres.” In Oct., 1878, there were communications from Dr. Le -Plongeon, and from Alice D. Le Plongeon, his wife. In April, 1879, Dr. -Le Plongeon communicated a letter on the affinities of Central America -and the East. Since this the Le Plongeons have found other channels -of communication. Dr. Le Plongeon expanded his somewhat extravagant -notions of Oriental affinities in his _Sacred mysteries among the -Mayas and the Quiches, 11,500 years ago; their relation to the sacred -mysteries of Egypt, Greece, Chaldea, and India. Freemasonry in times -anterior to the temple of Solomon_ (New York, 1886). - -His preface is largely made up with a rehearsal of his rebuffs and in -complaints of the want of public appreciation of his labors. He is, -however, as confident as ever, and deciphers the bas-reliefs and mural -inscriptions of Chichen-Itza by “the ancient hieratic Maya alphabet” -which he claims to have discovered, and shows this alphabet in parallel -columns with that of Egypt as displayed by Champollion and Bunsen. Mrs. -Le Plongeon published her _Vestiges of the Mayas_ in New York, in 1881, -and gathered some of her periodical writings in her _Here and There -in Yucatan_ (N. Y., 1886). Cf. her letter on the ancient records of -Yucatan in _The Nation_, xxix. 224. - -[1042] Baldwin (p. 125), in a condensed way, and likewise Short (ch. -8) and Bancroft (iv. ch. 5), more at length, have mainly depended on -Stephens. Cf. references in Bancroft, iv. 147, and Bandelier’s list in -the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., i. 82, 95. E. H. Thompson has -contributed papers in _Ibid._ Oct., 1886, p. 248, and April, 1887, p. -379, and on the ruins of Kich-Moo and Chun-Kal-Cin in April, 1888, p. -162. Brasseur, beside his _Hist. Nat. Civ._, ii. 20, has something in -his introduction to his _Relation de Landa_. The description of the -ruins at Zayi, which Stephens gives, shows that some of the rooms were -filled solid with masonry, and he leaves it as an unaccountable fact; -but Morgan (_Houses and House Life_, p. 267) thinks it shows that the -builders constructed a core of masonry, over which they reared the -walls and ceilings, which last, after hardening, were able to support -themselves, when the cores were removed; and that in the ruins at Zayi -we see the cores unremoved. - -[1043] Cf. the _pros_ and _cons_ in Waldeck and Charnay. Waldeck first -named the ornaments as “Elephants’ trunks” (_Voy. Pitt._ p. 74). There -are cuts in Stephens, reproduced in Bancroft. There is also a cut in -Norman. Cf. E. H. Thompson in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1887, -p. 382. - -[1044] Stephens, _Yucatan_, ii. 265, gives an ancient Indian map -(1557), and extracts from the archives of Mani, which lead him to infer -that at that time it was an inhabited Indian town. - -[1045] Bancroft (iv. 151) gives various references to second-hand -descriptions, noted before 1875, to which may be added those in Short, -p. 347; Nadaillac, 334; Amer. Antiquarian, vii. 257, and again, July, -1888. - -Probably the most accurate of the plans of the ruins is that of -Stephens (_Yucatan_, i. 165), which is followed by Bancroft (iv. -153). Brasseur’s report has a plan, and others, all differing, are -given by Waldeck (pl. viii.), Norman (p. 155), and Charnay (_Ruines_, -p. 62). Views and cuts of details are found in Waldeck, Stephens, -Charnay,—whence later summarizers like Bancroft, Baldwin, and Short -have drawn their copies; while special cuts are copied in Armin (_Das -Heutige Mexico_); Larenaudière (_Mexique et Guatemala_, Paris, 1847); -Le Plongeon (_Sacred Mysteries_); Ruge (_Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, -p. 357); Morgan (_Houses_, etc., ch. xi.), and in various others. One -can best trace the varieties and contrasts of the different accounts of -the various edifices in Bancroft’s collations of their statements. His -constant citation, even to scorn them, of the impertinencies of George -Jones’s _Hist. of Anc. America_ (London, 1842),—the later notorious -Count Johannes,—was hardly worth while. - -[1046] Landa described the ruins. _Relation_, p. 340. - -[1047] All other accounts are based on these. Bancroft, who gives the -best summary (iv. 221), enumerates many of the second-hand writers, -to whom Short (p. 396) must be added. Stephens gives a plan (ii. 290) -which Bancroft (iv. 222) follows; and it apparently is worthy of -reasonable confidence, which cannot be said of Norman’s. The ruins -present some features not found in others, and the most interesting of -such may be considered the wall paintings, one representing a boat with -occupants, which Stephens found on the walls of the building called by -him the Gymnasium, because of stone rings projecting from the walls -(see annexed cut), which were supposed by him to have been used in ball -games. Norman calls the same building the Temple; Charnay, the Cirque; -but the native designation is Iglesia. - -[1048] _Yucatan_, i. 94. Cf. Bancroft, _Native Races_, ii. 117; v. 164, -342. - -[1049] Bancroft collates the views of different writers (iv. 285). -He himself holds that these buildings are more ancient than those of -Anáhuac; consequently he rejects the arguments of Stephens, that it -was by the Toltecs, after they migrated south from Anáhuac, that these -constructions were raised (_Native Races_, v. 165, and for references, -p. 169). Charnay (_Bull. de la Soc. de Géog._, Nov., 1881) believes -they were erected between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. - -It is well known now that the concentric rings are a useless guide in -tropical regions to determine the age of trees, though in the past, -the immense size of trees as well as the deposition of soil have been -used to determine the supposed ages of ruins. Waldeck counted a ring a -year in getting two thousand years for the time since the abandonment -of Palenqué; but Charnay (Eng. tr. _Ancient Cities_, p. 260) says that -these rings are often formed monthly. Cf. Nadaillac, p. 323. - -[1050] So called because near a modern village of that name, founded -by the Spaniards about 1564. Bancroft (iv. 296) says the ruins are -ordinarily called by the natives Casas de Piedra. Ordoñez calls them -Nachan, but without giving any authority, and some adopt the Aztec -equivalent Calhuacan, city of the serpents. Because Xibalba is held by -some to be the name of the great city of this region in the shadowy -days of Votan, that name has also been applied to the ruins. Otolum, or -the ruined place, is a common designation thereabouts, but Palenqué is -the appellation in use by most travellers and writers. - -[1051] The fact is, that widely distinct estimates have been held, some -dating them back into the remotest antiquity, and others making them -later than the Conquest. Bancroft (iv. 362) collates these statements. -Cf. Dr. Earl Flint in _Amer. Antiquarian_, iv. 289. Morelet identifies -them with the Toltec remains, supposing them to be the work of that -people after their emigration, and to be of about the same age as -Mitla. Charnay (_Anc. Cities of the New World_, p. 260) claims that -Cortes knew the place as the religious metropolis of the Acaltecs. On -the question of Cortes’ knowledge see _Science_, Feb. 27, 1885, p. 171; -and _Ibid._ (by Brinton) March 27, 1885, p. 248. - -[1052] The original is in the Roy. Acad. of Hist. at Madrid (Brasseur, -_Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 125), and is called _Descripcion del terreno -publacion antigua_. - -[1053] Field, no. 231; Sabin, xvii. p. 292. The report of Rio was -brief, and as we would judge now, superficial. Dupaix treats him -disparagingly. The appended essay by Cabrera, an Italian, is said -to have been largely filched from Ramon’s paper, which had been -confidentially placed in his hands (Short, 207). A Spanish text of -Cabrera is in the Museo Nacional. Cf. Brasseur (_Bib. Mex.-Guat._), p. -30; Pinart, no. 186. It is a question if the plates, which constituted -the most interesting part of the English book, be Rio’s after all; -for though they profess to be engraved after his drawings, they are -suspiciously like those made by Castañeda, twenty years after Rio’s -visit (Bancroft, iv. 290). David B. Warden translated Rio’s report -in the _Recueil de voyages et de Mémoires, par la Soc. de in Géog. -de Paris_. (vol. ii.), and gave some of the plates. (Cf. Warden’s -_Recherches sur les antiquités de l’Amérique Septentrionale_, Paris, -1827, in _Mém. de la Soc. de Géog._) There is a German version, -_Beschreibung einer alten Stadt_ (Berlin, 1832), by J. H. von Minutoli, -which is provided with an introductory essay. - -[1054] Sabin, x. 209, 213. Cf. _Annales de Philos. Chrétienne_, xi. - -[1055] _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de Paris_, ix. (1828) 198. Dupaix, i. -2d div. 76. - -[1056] “Palenque et autres lieux circonvoisins,” in Dupaix, i. 2d div. -67 (in English in _Literary Gazette_, London, 1831, no. 769, and in -_Lond. Geog. Soc. Journal_, iii. 60). Cf. _Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. de -Paris_, 1832. He is overenthusiastic, as Bandelier thinks (_Amer. Ant. -Soc. Proc._, n. s., i. p. 111). - -[1057] The report by Angrand, which induced this purchase, is in the -work as published. - -[1058] He had described them in his _Hist. Nat. Civ._, i. ch. 3. - -[1059] The book usually sells for about 150 francs. - -[1060] Given, also enlarged, in the folio known as Catherwood’s _Views_. - -[1061] The German version was made from this (Jena, 1872). - -[1062] Particularly ch. 13, 14. Charnay is the last of the explorers -of Palenqué. All the other accounts of the ruins found here and there -are based on the descriptions of those who have been named, or at -least nothing is added of material value by other actual visitors like -Norman (_Rambles in Yucatan_, p. 284). Bancroft (iv. 294) enumerates -a number of such second-hand describers. The most important work -since Bancroft’s summary is Manuel Larrainzar’s _Estudios sobre la -historia de America, sus ruinas y antigüedades, y sobre el orígen de -sus habitantes_ (Mexico, 1875-78), in five vols., all of whose plates -are illustrations from the ruins of Palenqué, which are described and -compared with other ancient remains throughout the world. Cf. Brühl, -_Culturvölker d. alt. Amerikas_. Plans of the ruins will be found in -Waldeck (pl. vii., followed mainly by Bancroft, iv. 298, 307), Stephens -(ii. 310), Dupaix (pl. xi.), Kingsborough (iv. pl. 13), and Charnay -(ch. 13 and 14). The views of the ruins given by these authorities -mainly make up the stock of cuts in all the popular narratives. - -The most interesting of the carvings is what is known as the Tablet of -the Cross, which was taken from one of the minor buildings, and is now -in the National Museum at Washington. It has often been engraved, but -such representations never satisfied the student till they could be -tested by the best of Charnay’s photographs. (Engravings in Brasseur -and Waldeck, pl. 21, 22; Rosny’s _Essai sur le déchiffrement_, etc.; -Minutoli’s _Beschreibung einer alten Stadt in Guatimala_ (Berlin, -1832); Stephens’s _Cent. Amer._, ii.; Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iv. 333; -Charnay, _Les anciens Villes_, and Eng. transl. p. 255; Nadaillac, -325; _Powell’ s Rept._, i. 221; cf. p. 234; _Amer. Antiquarian_, vii. -200.) The most important discussion of the tablet is Charles Rau’s -_Palenqué Tablet in the U. S. National Museum_ (Washington, 1879), -being the _Smithsonian Contri. to Knowledge_, no. 331, or vol. xxii. -It contains an account of the explorations that have been made at -Palenqué, and a chapter on the “Aboriginal writing in Mexico, Central -America, and Yucatan, with some account of the attempted translations -of Maya hieroglyphics.” Rau’s conclusion is that it is a Phallic -symbol. Cf. a summary in _Amer. Antiquarian_, vi., Jan., 1884, and -in _Amer. Art Review_, 1880, p. 217. Rau’s paper was translated into -Spanish and French: _Tablero del Palenque en el Museo nacional de los -Estados-Unidos_ [traducido por Joaquin Davis y Miguel Perez], in the -_Anales del Museo nacional_. Tomo 2, pp. 131-203. (México, 1880.) _La -Stèle de Palenqué du Musée national des Etats-Unis, à Washington. -Traduit de l’Anglais avec autorisation de l’auteur._ In the _Annales du -Musée Guimet_, vol. x. (Paris, 1887.) Rau’s views were criticised by -Morgan. - -There are papers by Charency on the interpretation of the hieroglyphs -in _Le Muséon_ (Paris, 1882, 1883). - -The significance of the cross among the Nahuas and Mayas has been -the subject of much controversy, some connecting it with a possible -early association with Christians in ante-Columbian days (Bancroft, -iii. 468). On this later point see Bamps, _Les traditions relatives -à l’homme blanc et au signe de la cruz en Amérique à l’Epoque -précolumbienne_, in the _Compte rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_ -(Copenhagen, 1883), p. 125; and “Supposed vestiges of early Christian -teaching in America,” in the _Catholic Historical Researches_ (vol. i., -Oct., 1885). The symbolism is variously conceived. Bandelier (_Archæol. -Jour._) holds it to be the emblem of fire, indeed an ornamented -fire-drill, which later got mixed up with the Spanish crucifix. Brinton -(_Myths of the New World_, 95) sees in it the four cardinal points, -the rain-bringers, the symbol of life and health, and cites (p. 96) -various of the early writers in proof. Brinton (_Am. Hero Myths_, 155) -claims to have been the first to connect the Palenqué cross with the -four cardinal points. The bird and serpent—the last shown better in -Charnay’s photograph than in Stephens’s cut—is (_Myths_, 119) simply -a rebus of the air-god, the ruler of the winds. Brinton says that -Waldeck, in a paper on the tablet in the _Revue Américaine_ (ii. 69), -came to a similar conclusion. Squier (_Nicaragua_, ii. 337) speaks of -the common error of mistaking the tree of life of the Mexicans for the -Christian symbol. Cf. Powell’s _Second Rept., Bur. of Ethnol._, p. 208; -the _Fourth Rept._, p. 252, where discredit is thrown upon Gabriel -de Mortillet’s _Le Signe de la cross avant le Christianisme_ (Paris, -1866); Joly’s _Man before Metals_, 339; and Charnay’s _Les Anciens -Villes_ (or Eng. transl. p. 85). Cf. for various applications the -references in Bancroft’s index (v. p. 671). - -[1063] Both were alike, and one was broken in two. There are engravings -in Waldeck, pl. 25; Stephens, ii. 344, 349; Squier’s _Nicaragua_, 1856, -ii. 337; Bancroft, iv. 337. - -[1064] These have been the subject of an elaborate folio, thought, -however, to be of questionable value, _Die Steinbildwerke von Copân -und Quiriguâ, aufgenommen von Heinrich Meye; historisch erläutert und -beschrieben von Dr. Julius Schmidt_ (Berlin, 1883), of which there is -an English translation, _The stone sculptures of Copán and Quiriguá_; -translated from the German by A.D. Savage (New York, 1883). It gives -twenty plates, Catherwood’s plates, and the cuts in Stephens, with -reproductions in accessible books (Bancroft, iv. ch. 3; Powell’s -_First Rept. Bur. Ethn._ 224; Ruge’s _Gesch. des Zeitalters; Amer. -Antiquarian_, viii. 204-6), will serve, however, all purposes. - -[1065] Squier says: “There are various reasons for believing that both -Copan and Quirigua antedate Olosingo and Palenqué, precisely as the -latter antedate the ruins of Quiché, Chichen-Itza, and Uxmal, and that -all of them were the work of the same people, or of nations of the same -race, dating from a high antiquity, and in blood and language precisely -the same that was found in occupation of the country by the Spaniards.” - -[1066] Named apparently from a neighboring village. - -[1067] Ref. in Bancroft, iv. 79. - -[1068] This account can be found in Pacheco’s _Col. Doc. inéd._ vi. 37, -in Spanish; in Ternaux’s _Coll._ (1840), imperfect, and in the _Nouv. -Annales des Voyages_, 1843, v. xcvii. p. 18, in French; in Squier’s -_Cent. America_, 242, and in his ed. of Palacio (N. Y. 1860), in -English; and in Alexander von Frantzius’s _San Salvador und Honduras im -Jahre_ 1576, with notes by the translator and by C. H. Berendt. - -[1069] Stephens, _Cent. Am._, i. 131, 144; Warden, 71; _Nouvelles -Annales des Voyages_, xxxv. 329; Bancroft, iv. 82; _Bull. de la Soc. de -Géog. de Paris_, 1836, v. 267; Short, 56, 82,—not to name others. - -[1070] His account is in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Trans._, ii.; _Bull. -Soc. de Géog._ 1835; Dupaix, a summary, i. div. 2, p. 73; Bradford’s -_Amer. Antiq._, in part. Galindo’s drawings are unknown. Stephens calls -his account “unsatisfactory and imperfect.” - -[1071] _Central America_, i. ch. 5-7; _Views of Anc. Mts._ It is -Stephens’s account which has furnished the basis of those given by -Bancroft (iv. ch. 3); Baldwin, p. 111; Short, 356; Nadaillac, 328, and -all others. Bancroft in his bibliog. note (iv. pp. 79-81), which has -been collated with my own notes, mentions others of less importance, -particularly the report of Center and Hardcastle to the Amer. Ethnol. -Soc. in 1860 and 1862, and the photographs made by Ellerley, which -Brasseur (_Hist. Nat. Civ._ i. 96; ii. 493; _Palenqué_, 8, 17) found to -confirm the drawings and descriptions of Catherwood and Stephens. - -Stephens (_Cent. Am._, i. 133) made a plan of the ruins reproduced in -_Annales des Voyages_ (1841, p. 57), which is the basis of that given -by Bancroft (iv. 85). Dr. Julius Schmidt, who was a member of the -Squier expedition in 1852-53, furnished the historical and descriptive -text to a work which in the English translation by A.D. Savage is -known as _Stone Sculptures of Copán and Quiriguá, drawn by Heinrich -Meye_ (N. Y., 1883). What Stephens calls the Copan idols and altars -are considered by Morgan (_Houses and House Life_, 257), following the -analogy of the customs of the northern Indians, to be the grave-posts -and graves of Copan chiefs. Bancroft (iv. ch. 3) covers the other -ruins of Honduras and San Salvador; and Squier has a paper on those of -Tenampua in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, 1853. - -[1072] Stephens’s _Central America_, ii. ch. 7; and _Nouvelles Annales -des Voyages_, vol. lxxxviii. 376, derived from Catherwood. - -[1073] Other travellers who have visited them are John Baily, _Central -America_ (Lond. 1850); A. P. Maudsley, _Explorations in Guatemala_ -(Lond. 1883), with map and plans of ruins, in the _Proc. Roy. Geog. -Soc._ p. 185; W. T. Brigham’s _Guatemala_ (N. Y., 1886). Bancroft -(iv. 109) epitomizes the existing knowledge; but the remains seem to -be less known than any other of the considerable ruins. There are a -few later papers: G. Williams on the Antiquities of Guatemala, in -the _Smithsonian Report_, 1876; Simeon Habel’s “Sculptures of Santa -Lucia Cosumalhuapa in Guatemala” in the _Smithson. Contrib._ xxii. -(Washington, 1878), or “Sculptures de Santa (Lucia) Cosumalwhuapa dans -le Guatémala, avec une rélation de voyages dans l’Amérique Centrale et -sur les cótes occidentales de l’Amérique du Sud, par S. Habel. Traduit -de l’anglais, par J. Pointet,” with eight plates, in the _Annales du -Musée Guimet_, vol. x. pp. 119-259 (Paris, 1887); Philipp Wilhelm -Adolf Bastian’s “Stein Sculpturen aus Guatemala,” in the _Jahrbuch -der k. Museen zu Berlin_, 1882, or “Notice sur les pierres sculptées -du Guatémala récemment acquises par le Musée royal d’ethnographie de -Berlin. Traduit avec autorisation de l’auteur par J. Pointet,” in the -_Annales du Musée Guimet_, vol. x. pp. 261-305 (Paris, 1887); and C. -E. Vreeland and J. F. Bransford, on the _Antiquities at Pantaleon, -Guatemala_ (Washington, 1885), from the _Smithsonian Report_ for 1884. - -[1074] _Nicaragua; its people, scenery, monuments, and the proposed -interoceanic canal_ (N. Y., 1856; revised 1860), a portion (pp. -303-362) referring to the modern Indian occupants. Squier was helped by -his official station as U. S. chargé d’affaires; and the archæological -objects brought away by him are now in the National Museum at -Washington. He published separate papers in the _Amer. Ethnol. Soc. -Trans._ ii.; _Smithsonian Ann. Rept._ v. (1850); _Harper’s Monthly_, x. -and xi. Cf. list in Pilling, nos. 3717, etc. - -[1075] His explorations were in 1865-66. He carried off what he could -to the British Museum. - -[1076] Like Bedford Pim and Berthold Seemann’s _Dottings on the -Roadside in Panama, Nicaragua, and Mosquito_ (Lond., 1869). - -[1077] J. F. Bransford’s “Archæological Researches in Nicaragua,” -in the _Smithsonian Contrib._ (Washington, 1881). Karl Bovallius’s -_Nicaraguan Antiquities_, with plates (Stockholm, 1886), published by -the Swedish Society of Anthropology and Geography, figures various -statues and other relics found by the author in Nicaragua, and he says -that his drawings are in some instances more exact than those given by -Squier before the days of photography. In his introduction he describes -the different Indian stocks of Nicaragua, and disagrees with Squier. He -gives a useful map of Nicaragua and Costa Rica. - -[1078] It is only of late years that they have been kept apart, for the -elder writers like Kingsborough, Stephens, and Brantz Mayer, confounded -them. - -[1079] The Father Alonzo Ponce, who travelled through Yucatan in 1586, -is the only writer, according to Brinton (_Books of Chilan Balam_, p. -5), who tells us distinctly that the early missionaries made use of -aboriginal characters in giving religious instruction to the natives -(_Relacion Breve y Verdadera_). - -[1080] Leon y Gama tells us that color as well as form seems to have -been representative. - -[1081] See references on the accepted difficulties in _Native Races_, -ii. 551. Mrs. Nuttall claims to have observed certain complemental -signs in the Mexican graphic system, “which renders a misinterpretation -of the Nahuatl picture-writings impossible” (_Am. Asso. Adv. Science, -Proc._, xxxv. Aug., 1886); _Peabody Mus. Papers_, i. App. - -[1082] _Prehist. Man_, ii. 57, 64, for his views - -[1083] Bancroft, _Native Races_, ii. ch. 17 (pp. 542, 552) gives -a good description of the Aztec system, with numerous references; -but on this system, and on the hieroglyphic element in general, see -Gomara; Bernal Diaz; Motolinia in Icazbalceta’s _Collection_, i. 186, -209; Ternaux’s _Collection_, x. 250; Kingsborough, vi. 87; viii. -190; ix. 201, 235, 287, 325; Acosta, lib. vi. cap. 7; Sahagún, i. p. -iv.; Torquemada, i. 29, 30, 36, 149, 253; ii. 263, 544; Las Casas’s -_Hist. Apologética_; Purchas’s _Pilgrimes_, iii. 1069; iv. 1135; -Clavigero, ii. 187; Robertson’s _America_; Boturini’s _Idea_, pp. -5, 77, 87, 96, 112, 116; Humboldt’s _Vues_, i. 177, 192; Veytia, i. -6, 250; Gallatin in _Am. Ethn. Soc. Trans._ i. 126, 165; Prescott’s -_Mexico_, i. ch. 4; Brasseur’s _Nat. Civ._, i. pp. xv, xvii; Domenech’s -_Manuscrit pictographique_, introd.; Mendoza, in the _Boletin Soc. -Mex._ Geog., 2^{de} ed. i. 896; Madier de Montjau’s _Chronologie -hiéroglyphico-phonetic des rois Aztèques, de 1322 à 1522_, with an -introduction “sur l’Ecriture Méxicaine;” Lubbock’s _Prehistoric -Times_, 279, and his _Origin of Civilization_, ch. 2; E. B. Tylor’s -_Researches into the Early Hist. of Mankind_, 89; Short’s _No. Amer. -of Antiq._, ch. 8; Müller’s _Chips_, i. 317; The Abbé Jules Pipart -in _Compte-rendu, Congrès des Amér._ 1877, ii. 346; Isaac Taylor’s -_Alphabets_; Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_, 322; Nadaillac, 376, not -to cite others. Bandelier has discussed the Mexican paintings in his -paper “On the sources for aboriginal history of Spanish America” in -_Am. Asso. Adv. Science, Proc._, xxvii. (1878). See also _Peabody Mus. -Reports_, ii. 631; and Orozco y Berra’s “Códice Mendozino” in the -_Anales del Museo Nacional_, vol. i. Mrs. Nuttall’s views are in the -_Peabody Mus., Twentieth Report_, p. 567. Quaritch (_Catal._ 1885, nos. -29040, etc.) advertised some original Mexican pictures; a native MS. -pictorial record of a part of the Tezcuco domain (supposed A.D. 1530), -and perhaps one of the “pinturas” mentioned by Ixtlilxochitl; a colored -Mexican calendar on a single leaf of the same supposed date and origin; -with other MSS. of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. (Cf. also his -_Catal._, Jan., Feb., 1888.) - -The most important studies upon the Aztec system have been those of -Aubin. Cf. his _Mémoire sur la peinture didactique et l’écriture -figurative des Anciens Méxicains_, in the _Archives de la Soc. -Amér. de France_, iii. 225 (_Revue Orient. et Amér._), in which he -contended for the rebus-like character of the writings. He made further -contributions to vols. iv. and v. (1859-1861). Cf. his “Examen des -anciennes peintures figuratives de l’ancien Méxique,” in the new series -of _Archives_, etc., vol. i.; and the introd. to Brasseur’s _Nations -Civilisées_, p. xliv. - -[1084] Bancroft (_Nat. Races_, ii. ch. 24) translates these from Landa, -Peter Martyr, Cogulludo, Villagutierre, Mendieta, Acosta, Benzoni, and -Herrera, and thinks all the modern writers (whom he names, p. 770) have -drawn from these earlier ones, except, perhaps, Medel in _Nouv. Annales -des Voyages_, xcvii. 49. Cf. Wilson, _Prehistoric Man_, ii. 61. It will -be seen later that Holden discredits the belief in any phonetic value -of the Maya system. But compare on the phonetic value of the Mexican -and Maya systems, Brinton in _Amer. Antiquarian_ (Nov. 1886); Lazarus -Geiger’s _Contrib. to the Hist. of the Development of the Human Race_ -(Eng. tr. by David Asher). London, 1880, p. 75; and Zelia Nuttall in -_Am. Ass. Adv. Sci. Proc._, Aug. 1886. - -[1085] Dr. Bernoulli, who died at San Francisco, in California, -in 1878, and whose labors are commemorated in a notice in the -_Verhandlungen der Naturforschenden Gesellschaft_ (vi. 710) at Basle, -found at Tikal, in Guatemala, some fragments of sculptured panels of -wood, bearing hieroglyphics as well as designs, which he succeeded in -purchasing, and they were finally deposited in 1879 in the Ethnological -Museum in Basle, where Rosny saw them, and describes them, with -excellent photographic representations, in his _Doc. Ecrits de l’Antiq. -Amér._ (p. 97). These tablets are the latest additions to be made to -the store already possessed from Palenqué, as given by Stephens in his -_Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan_; those of the Temple of the -Cross at Palenqué, after Waldeck’s drawings in the _Archives de la Soc. -Amér. de France_ (ii., 1864); that from Kabah in Yucatan, given by -Rosny in his _Archives Paléographiques_ (i. p. 178; Atlas, pl. xx.), -and one from Chichen-Itza, figured by Le Plongeon in _L’Illustration_, -Feb. 10, 1882; not to name other engravings. Rosny holds that Rau’s -_Palenqué Tablet_ (Washington, 1879) gives the first really serviceably -accurate reproduction of that inscription. Cf. on Maya inscriptions, -Bancroft, ii. 775; iv. 91, 97, 234; Morelet’s _Travels_; and Le -Plongeon in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., i. 246. This last writer -has been thought to let his enthusiasm—not to say dogmatism—turn his -head, under which imputation he is not content, naturally (_Ibid._ p. -282). - -[1086] “Landa’s alphabet a Spanish fabrication,” appeared in the _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1880. In this, Philipp J. J. Valentini -interprets all that the old writers say of the ancient writings to mean -that they were pictorial and not phonetic; and that Landa’s purpose -was to devise a vehicle which seemed familiar to the natives, through -which he could communicate religious instruction. His views have been -controverted by Léon de Rosny (_Doc. Ecrits de la Antiq. Amér._ p. 91); -and Brinton (_Maya Chronicles_, 61), calls them an entire misconception -of Landa’s purpose. - -[1087] _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, n. s., i. 251. - -[1088] _Troano_ MS., p. viii. - -[1089] _Relation_, Brasseur’s ed., section xli. - -[1090] This is given in the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France_, ii. -pl. iv.; in Brasseur’s ed. of Landa; in Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, ii. -779; in Short, 425; Rosny (_Essai sur le déchiff._ etc., pl. xiii.) -gives a “Tableau des caractères phonétique Mayas d’après Diégo de Landa -et Brasseur de Bourbourg.” - -[1091] _Manuscrit Troano Etudes sur le système graphique et la langue -des Mayas_ (Paris, 1869-70)—the first volume containing a fac-simile -of the Codex in seventy plates, with Brasseur’s explications and -partial interpretation. In the second volume there is a translation -of Gabriél de Saint Bonaventure’s _Grammaire Maya_, a “Chrestomathie” -of Maya extracts, and a Maya lexicon of more than 10,000 words. -Brasseur published at the same time (1869) in the _Mémoires de la -Soc. d’Ethnographie a Lettre à M. Léon de Rosny sur la découverte -de documents relatifs à la haute antiquité américaine, et sur le -déchiffrement et l’interprétation de l’écriture phonétique et -figurative de la langue Maya_ (Paris, 1869). He explained his -application of Landa’s alphabet in the introduction to the _MS. -Troano_, i. p. 36. Brasseur later confessed he had begun at the wrong -end of the MS. (_Bib. Mex.-Guat._, introd.). The pebble-shape form of -the characters induced Brasseur to call them _calculiform_; and Julien -Duchateau adopted the term in his paper “Sur l’écriture calculiforme -des Mayas” in the _Annuaire de la Soc. Amér._ (Paris, 1874), iii. p. 31. - -[1092] _L’écriture hiératique_, and _Archives de la Soc. Am. de -France_, n. s., ii. 35. - -[1093] _Ancient Phonetic Alphabets of Yucatan_ (N. Y., 1870), p. 7. - -[1094] It is the development of a paper given at the Nancy session -of the Congrès des Américanistes (1875). Landa’s alphabet with the -variations make 262 of the 700 signs which Rosny catalogues. He printed -his “Nouvelles Recherches pour l’interpretation des caractères de -l’Amérique Centrale” in the _Archives_, etc., iii. 118. There is a -paper on Rosny’s studies by De la Rada in the Compte-rendu of the -Copenhagen session (p. 355) of the Congrès des Américanistes. Rosny’s -_Documents écrits de l’antiquité Américaine_ (Paris, 1882), from the -_Mémoires de la Société d’Ethnographie_ (1881), covers his researches -in Spain and Portugal for material illustrative of the pre-Columbian -history of America. Cf. also his “Les sources de l’histoire -anté columbienne du nouveau monde,” in the _Mémoires de la Soc. -d’Ethnographie_ (1877). For the titles in full of Rosny’s linguistic -studies, see Pilling’s _Proof-sheets_, p. 663. - -[1095] _Anthropol. Review_, May, 1864; _Memoirs of the Anthropol. -Soc._, i. - -[1096] _Memoirs_, etc., ii. 298. - -[1097] _Memoirs_, etc., 1870, iii. 288; _Trans. Anthrop. Inst. Gt. -Britain_. - -[1098] Introd. to Cyrus Thomas’s _MS. Troano_. - -[1099] _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, _n. s._, i. 250. - -[1100] _Actes de la Soc. philologique_, March, 1870. Cf. _Revue de -Philologie_, i. 380; _Recherches sur le Codex Troano_ (Paris, 1876); -_Actes_, etc., March, 1878; Baldwin’s _Anc. America_, App. - -[1101] Cf. _Sabin’s Amer. Bibliopolist_, ii. 143. - -[1102] _Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Powell’s Survey_, vol. v. -Cf. also his _Phonetic elements in the graphic system of the Mayas -and Mexicans_ in the _Amer. Antiquarian_ (Nov., 1886), and separately -(Chicago, 1886), and his _Ikonomic method of phonetic writing_ (Phila., -1886). Thomas in _The Amer. Antiquarian_ (March, 1886) points out the -course of his own studies in this direction. - -[1103] Cf. Short, p. 425. Dr. Harrison Allen in 1875, in the _Amer. -Philosophical Society’s Transactions_, made an analysis of Landa’s -alphabet and the published codices. Rau, in his _Palenqué Tablet of the -U. S. Nat. Museum_ (ch. 5), examines what had been done up to 1879. In -the same year Dr. Carl Schultz-Sellack wrote on “Die Amerikanischen -Götter der vier Weltgegenden und ihre Tempel in Palenqué,” touching -also the question of interpretation (_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, -vol. xi.); and in 1880 Dr. Förstemann examined the matter in his -introduction to his reproduction of the Dresden Codex. - -[1104] _Studies in Central American picture-writing_ (Washington, -1881), extracted from the _First Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_. -His method is epitomized in _The Century_, Dec., 1881. He finds -Stephens’s drawings the most trustworthy of all, Waldeck’s being -beautiful, but they embody “singular liberties.” His examination was -confined to the 1500 separate hieroglyphs in Stephens’s _Central -America_. Some of Holden’s conclusions are worth noting: “The Maya -manuscripts do not possess to me the same interest as the stones, -and I think it may be certainly said that all of them are younger -than the Palenqué tablets, far younger than the inscriptions at -Copan.” “I distrust the methods of Brasseur and others who start -from the misleading and unlucky alphabet handed down by Landa,” by -forming variants, which are made “to satisfy the necessities of the -interpreter in carrying out some preconceived idea.” He finds a rigid -adherence to the standard form of a character prevailing throughout -the same inscription. At Palenqué the inscriptions read as an English -inscription would read, beginning at the left and proceeding line -by line downward. “The system employed at Palenqué and Copan was -the same in its general character, and almost identical even in -details.” He deciphers three proper names: “all of them have been pure -picture-writing, except in so far as their rebus character may make -them in a sense phonetic.” Referring to Valentini’s _Landa Alphabet a -Spanish Fabrication_, he agrees in that critic’s conclusions. “While -my own,” he adds, “were reached by a study of the stones and in the -course of a general examination, Dr. Valentini has addressed himself -successfully to the solution of a special problem.” Holden thinks -his own solution of the three proper names points of departure for -subsequent decipherers. The Maya method was “pure picture-writing. At -Copan this is found in its earliest state; at Palenqué it was already -highly conventionalized.” - -[1105] See references in Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, ii. 576. - -[1106] Cogulludo’s _Hist. de Yucatan_, 3d ed., i. 604. - -[1107] Prescott, i. 104, and references. - -[1108] Dec. iv., lib. 8. - -[1109] Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Troano MS._, i. 9. Cf. on the Aztec -books Kirk’s Prescott, i. 103; Brinton’s _Myths_, 10; his _Aborig. -Amer. Authors_, 17; and on the Mexican Paper, Valentini in _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc._, 2d s., i. 58. - -[1110] Cf. Icazbalceta’s _Don Fray Juan de Zumárraga, primer Obispo y -Arzobispo de México (1529-48)_. _Estudio biográfico y bibligráfico. -Con un apéndice de documentos inéditos ó raros_ (Mexico, 1881). A part -of this work was also printed separately (fifty copies) under the -title of _De la destruction de antigüedades méxicanas atribuida á los -misioneros en general, y particularmente al Illmo. Sr. D. Fr. Juan de -Zumárraga, primer Obispo y Arzobispo de México_ (Mexico, 1881). In -this he exhausts pretty much all that has been said on the subject -by the bishop himself, by Pedro de Gante, Motolinía, Sahagún, Duran, -Acosta, Davila Padilla, Herrera, Torquemada, Ixtlilxochitl, Robertson, -Clavigero, Humboldt, Bustamante, Ternaux, Prescott, Alaman, etc. -Brasseur (_Nat. Civil._, ii. 4) says of Landa that we must not forget -that he was oftener the agent of the council for the Indies than of the -Church. Helps (iii. 374) is inclined to be charitable towards a man -in a skeptical age, so intensely believing as Zumárraga was. Sahagún -relates that earlier than Zumárraga, the fourth ruler of his race, -Itzcohuatl, had caused a large destruction of native writings, in order -to remove souvenirs of the national humiliation. - -[1111] Humboldt was one of the earliest to describe some of these -manuscripts in connection with his _Atlas_, pl. xiii. - -[1112] Cf. _Catal. of the Phillipps Coll._, no. 404. An original -colored copy of the _Antiquities of Mexico_, given by Kingsborough -to Phillipps, was offered of late years by Quaritch at £70-£100; it -was published at £175. The usual colored copies sell now for about -£40-£60; the uncolored for about £30-£35. It is usually stated that -two copies were printed on vellum (British Museum, Bodleian), and ten -on large paper, which were given to crowned heads, except one, which -was given to Obadiah Rich. Squier, in the _London Athenæum_, Dec. 13, -1856 (Allibone, p. 1033), drew attention to the omission of the last -signature of the _Hist. Chichimeca_ in vol. ix. - -[1113] Rich, _Bibl. Amer. Nova_, ii. 233; _Gentleman’s Mag._, May, -1837, which varies in some particulars. Cf. for other details Sabin’s -_Dictionary_, ix. 485; De Rosny in the _Rev. Orient et Amér._, xii. -387. R. A. Wilson (_New Conquest of Mexico_, p. 68) gives the violent -skeptical view of the material. - -[1114] Sabin, ix., no. 37,800. - -[1115] Léon de Rosny (_Doc. écrits de l’Antiq. Amér._, p. 71) speaks of -those in the Museo Archæológico at Madrid. - -[1116] _Hist. Nueva España._ - -[1117] _Pilgrimes_, vol. iii. (1625). It is also included in Thevenot’s -_Coll. de Voyages_ (1696), vol. ii., in a translation. Clavigero (i. -23) calls this copy faulty. See also Kircher’s _Œdipus Ægypticus_; -Humboldt’s plates, xiii., lviii., lix., with his text, in which he -quotes Du Palin’s _Study of Hieroglyphics_, vol. i. See the account in -Bancroft, ii. 241. - -[1118] Prescott, i. 106. He thinks that a copy mentioned in Spineto’s -_Lectures on the Elements of Hieroglyphics_, and then in the Escurial, -may perhaps be the original. Humboldt calls it a copy. - -[1119] Humboldt placed some tribute-rolls in the Berlin library, and -gave an account of them. See his pl. xxxvi. - -[1120] Cf. references in Bancroft’s _Native Races_, ii. 529. The -“Explicacion” of the MS. is given in Kingsborough’s volume v., and an -“interpretation” in vol. vi. - -[1121] Kingsborough’s “explicacion” and “explanation” are given in -his vols. v. and vi. Rosny has given an “explication avec notes par -Brasseur de Bourbourg” in his _Archives paléographiques_ (Paris, -1870-71), p. 190, with an atlas of plates. Cf. references in Bancroft, -ii. 530; and in another place (iii. 191) this same writer cautions the -reader against the translation in Kingsborough, and says that it has -every error that can vitiate a translation. Humboldt thinks his own -plates, lv. and lvi., of the codex carefully made. - -[1122] Prescott says (i. 108) of this that it bears evident marks of -recent origin, when “the hieroglyphics were read with the eye of faith -rather than of reason.” Cf. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, ii. 527. - -[1123] Portions of it are also reproduced in the _Archives de la Soc. -Amér. de France_; in Rosny’s _Essai sur le déchiffrement de l’Ecriture -Hiératique_; and in Powell’s _Third Rept. Bur. of Ethnology_, p. -56. Cf. also Humboldt’s _Atlas_, pl. xiii.; and H. M. Williams’s -translation of his _Aues_, i. 145. - -[1124] It is known to have been given in 1665 by the Marquis de Caspi -by Count Valerio Zani. There is a copy in the museum of Cardinal Borgia -at Veletri. - -[1125] Known to have been given in 1677 by the Duke of Saxe-Eisenach -to the Emperor Leopold. Some parts are reproduced in Robertson’s -_America_, Lond., 1777, ii. 482. - -[1126] Humboldt, _Vues des Cordillères_, p. 89; pl. 15, 27, 37; -Prescott, i. 106. There is a single leaf of it reproduced in Powell’s -_Third Rept. Bur. of Eth._, p. 33. - -[1127] Cf. his _Denkwürdigkeiten der Dresdener Bibliothek_ (1744), p. 4. - -[1128] Stephens (_Central America_, ii. 342, 453; _Yucatan_, ii. -292, 453) was in the same way at a loss respecting the conditions of -the knowledge of such things in his time. Cf. also Orozco y Berra, -_Geografia de las Lenguas de México_, p. 101. - -[1129] _Die Mayahandschrift der königlichen öffentlichen Bibliothek zu -Dresden; herausgegeben von E. Förstemann_ (Leipzig, 1880). Only thirty -copies were offered for sale at two hundred marks. There is a copy in -Harvard College library. Parts of the manuscript are found figured in -different publications: Humboldt’s _Vues des Cordillères_, ii. 268, -and pl. 16 and 45; Wuttke’s _Gesch. der Schrift. Atlas_, pl. 22, 23 -(Leipzig, 1872); _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France_, n. s., vol. i. -and ii.; Silvestre’s _Paléographie Universelle_; Rosny’s _Les Ecritures -figuratives et hiéroglyphiques des peuples anciens et modernes_ (Paris, -1860, pl. v.), and in his _Essai sur le déchiffrement_, etc.; Ruge, -_Zeitalter der Entdeckungen_, p. 559. Cf. also Le Noir in _Antiquités -Méxicaines_, ii. introd.; Förstemann’s separate monographs, _Der -Maya apparat in Dresden (Centralblatt für Bibliothekswesen_, 1885, -p. 182), and _Erläuterungen zur Mayahandschrift der königlichen -öffentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden_ (Dresden, 1886); Schellhas’ _Die -Maya-Handschrift zu Dresden_ (Berlin, 1886); C. Thomas on the numerical -signs in _Arch. de la Soc. Am. de France_, n. s., iii. 207. - -[1130] Cf. Powell’s _Third Rept. Eth. Bureau_, p. 32 - -[1131] Brinton’s _Maya Chronicles_, 66; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s -_Troano_ (1868). - -[1132] It constitutes vol. ii. and iii. of the series. - -_Mission scientifique au Méxique et dans l’Amérique Centrale. Ouvrages -publiés par ordre de l’Empereur et par les soins du Ministre de -l’Instruction publique_ (Paris, 1868-70), under the distinctive title: -_Linguistique, Manuscrit Troano. Etudes sur le système graphique et la -langue des Mayas, par Brasseur de Bourbourg_ (1869-70). - -Rosny, who compared Brasseur’s edition with the original, was satisfied -with its exactness, except in the numbering of the leaves; and Brasseur -(_Bibl. Mex.-Guat._, 1871) confessed that in his interpretation he had -read the MS. backwards. The work was reissued in Paris in 1872, without -the plates, under the following title: _Dictionnaire, Grammaire et -Chrestomathie de la langue maya, précédés d’une étude sur les système -graphique des indigènes du Yucatan (Méxique)_ (Paris, 1872). - -Brasseur’s _Rapport, addressé à son Excellence M. Duruy_, included in -the work, gives briefly the abbé’s exposition of the MS. Professor -Cyrus Thomas and Dr. D. G. Brinton, having printed some expositions in -the _American Naturalist_ (vol. xv.) united in an essay making vol. v. -of the _Contributions to North American Ethnology_ (Powell’s survey) -under the title: _A Study of the Manuscript Troano by Cyrus Thomas, -with an introduction by D. G. Brinton_ (Washington, 1882), which gives -facsimiles of some of the plates. Thomas calls it a kind of religious -calendar, giving dates of religious festivals through a long period, -intermixed with illustrations of the habits and employments of the -people, their houses, dress, utensils. He calls the characters in a -measure phonetic, and not syllabic. Cf. Rosny in the _Archives de la -Soc. Am. de France_, n. s., ii. 28; his _Essai sur le déchiffrement_, -etc. (1876); Powell’s _Third Rept. Bur. of Eth._, xvi.; Bancroft’s -_Nat. Races_, ii. 774; and Brinton’s _Notes on the Codex Troano and -Maya Chronology_ (Salem, 1881). - -[1133] Cf. _Science_, iii. 458. - -[1134] _Codex Cortesianus. Manuscrit hiératique des anciens Indiens -de l’Amérique centrale conservé au Musée archéologique de Madrid. -Photographié et publié pour la première fois, avec une introduction, et -un vocabulaire de l’écriture hiératique yucatéque par Léon de Rosny_ -(Paris, 1883). At the end is a list of works by De Rosny on American -archæology and paleography. - -[1135] _Archives de la Soc. Am. de France_, n. s., ii. 25. - -[1136] _Bib. Mex.-Guat._, p. 95. - -[1137] Cf. Rosny in _Archives paléographiques_ (Paris, 1869-71), pl. -117, etc.; and his _Essai sur le dé chiffrement_, etc., pl. viii., xvi. - -[1138] [Mr. Markham made a special study of this point in the _Journal -of the Roy. Geog. Soc_. (1871), xli. p. 281, collating its authorities. -Cf. the views of Marcoy in _Travels in South America_, tr. by Rich, -London, 1875.—ED.] - -[1139] Except those portions which Garcilasso de la Vega has embodied -in his _Commentaries_. - -[1140] It is, of course, necessary to consider the weight to be -attached to the statements of different authors; but the most -convenient method of placing the subject before the reader will be to -deal in the present chapter with general conclusions, and to discuss -the comparative merits of the authorities in the Critical Essay on the -sources of information. - -[1141] For special study, see Paz Soldan’s _Geografía del Peru_; -Menendez’ _Manual de Geografía del Peru_; and Wiener’s _L’Empire des -Incas_, ch. i.—ED. - -[1142] “Jusqu’à present on n’a pas retrouvé le maïs, d’une manière -certaine, a l’état sauvage” (De Candolle’s _Géographie botanique -raisonnée_, p. 951). - -[1143] De Candolle, p. 983. - -[1144] There is a wild variety in Mexico, the size of a nut, and -attempts have been made to increase its size under cultivation during -many years, without any result. This seems to show that a great -length of time must have elapsed before the ancient Peruvians could -have brought the cultivation of the potato to such a high state of -perfection as they undoubtedly did. - -[1145] Some years ago a priest named Cabrera, the cura of a village -called Macusani, in the province of Caravaya, succeeded in breeding a -cross between the wild vicuña and the tame alpaca. He had a flock of -these beautiful animals, which yielded long, silken, white wool; but -they required extreme care, and died out when the sustaining hand of -Cabrera was no longer available. There is also a cross between a llama -and an alpaca, called _guariso_, as large as the llama, but with much -more wool. The guanaco and llama have also been known to form a cross; -but there is no instance of a cross between the two wild varieties,—the -guanaco and vicuña. The extremely artificial life of the alpaca, which -renders that curious and valuable animal so absolutely dependent on the -ministrations of its human master, and the complete domestication of -the llama, certainly indicate the lapse of many centuries before such a -change could have been effected. - -[1146] [Cf. remarks of Daniel Wilson in his _Prehistoric Man_, i. -243.—ED.] - -[1147] The name is of later date. One story is that, when an Inca was -encamped there, a messenger reached him with unusual celerity, whose -speed was compared with that of the “_huanaco_.” The Inca said, “_Tia_” -(sit or rest), “_O! huanaco_.” - -[1148] Basadre’s measurement is 32 inches by 21. - -[1149] Quoted by Garcilasso de la Vega, Pte. I. lib. III. cap. 1. - -[1150] Basadre mentions a carved stone brought from the department -of Ancachs, in Peru, which had some resemblances to the stones at -Tiahuanacu. A copy of it is in possession of Señor Raimondi. - -[1151] [Cf. plans and views in Squier’s _Peru_, ch. 24.—ED.] - -[1152] Cap. 94. - -[1153] See page 238. - -[1154] The name of the place where these remains are situated is -Concacha, from the Quichua word “_Cuncachay_,”—the act of holding down -a victim for sacrifice; literally, “to take by the neck.” - -[1155] The names of this god were _Con-Illa-Tici-Uira-cocha_, and he -was the _Pachayachachic_, or Teacher of the World. _Pacha_ is “time,” -or “place;” also “the universe.” “_Yachachic_,” a teacher, from -“_Yachachini_,” “I teach.” _Con_ is said to signify the creating Deity -(_Betanzos, Garcia_). According to Gomara, Con was a creative deity who -came from the north, afterwards expelled by Pachacamac, and a modern -authority (Lopez, p. 235) suggests that _Con_ represented the “cult -of the setting sun,” because _Cunti_ means the west. _Tici_ means a -founder or foundation, and _Illa_ is light, from _Illani_, “I shine:” -“The Origin of Light” (_Montesinos. Anonymous Jesuit._ Lopez suggests -“_Ati_,” an evil omen,—the Moon God); or, according to one authority, -“Light Eternal” (_The anonymous Jesuit_). _Vira_ is a corruption of -_Pirua_, which is said by some authorities to be the name of the -first settler, or the founder of a dynasty; and by others to mean a -“depository,” a “place of abode;” hence a “dweller,” or “abider.” -_Cocha_ means “ocean,” “abyss,” “profundity,” “space.” _Uira-cocha_, -“the Dweller in Space.” So that the whole would signify “God: the -Creator of Light:” “the Dweller in Space: the Teacher of the World.” - -Some authors gave the meaning of _Uira-cocha_ to be “foam of the sea:” -from _Uira_ (_Huira_), “grease,” or “foam,” and _Cocha_, “ocean,” -“sea,” “lake.” Garcilasso de la Vega pointed out the error. In compound -words of a nominative and genitive, the genitive is invariably placed -first in Quichua; so that the meaning would be “a sea of grease,” not -“grease of the sea.” Hence he concludes that _Uira-cocha_ is not a -compound word, but simply a name, the derivation of which he does not -attempt to explain. Blas Valera says that it means “the will and power -of God;” not that this is the signification of the word, but that -such were the godlike attributes of the being who was known by it. -Acosta says that to _Ticsi Uira-cocha_ they assigned the chief power -and command over all things. The anonymous Jesuit tells us that _Illa -Ticsi_ was the original name, and that _Uira-cocha_ was added later. - -Of these names, _Illa Ticci_ appears to have been the most ancient. - -[1156] Cieza de Leon and Salcamayhua. - -[1157] Montesinos calls the ancient people, who were peaceful and -industrious, _Hatu-runa_, or “Great men.” See also Matienza (MS. Brit. -Mus.). - -[1158] _The anonymous Jesuit_, p. 178. A work referred to by Oliva as -having been written by Blas Valera also mentions some of the early -kings by name. (See Saldamando, _Jesuitas del Peru_, p. 22.) - -[1159] _Cachi_ (“salt”) was the Inca’s instruction in rational life, -_Uchu_ (“pepper”) was the delight the people derived from this -teaching, and _Sauca_ (“joy”) means the happiness afterward experienced. - -[1160] G. de la Vega. - -[1161] Molina, p. 7. - -[1162] Pirua? - -[1163] Cieza de Leon; Herrera. - -[1164] Salcamayhua. - -[1165] Blas Valera allows a period of 600 years for the existence of -the Inca dynasty, which throws its origin back to the days of Alfred -the Great. Garcilasso allows 400 years, which would make its rise to be -contemporary with Henry II of England. But twelve generations, allowing -twenty-five years for each, would only occupy 300 years. - -[1166] Erroneously called _Aymaras_ by the Spaniards. The name, which -really belongs to a branch of the Quichua tribe, was first misapplied -to the Colla language by the Jesuits at Juli, and afterwards to the -whole Colla race. - -[1167] Don Modesto Basadre tells us that he sent an Indian messenger, -named Alejo Vilca, from Puno to Tacna, a distance of 84 leagues, who -did it in 62 hours, his only sustenance being a little dried maize and -coca,—over four miles an hour for 152 miles. - -[1168] Fray Ludovico Geronimo de Oré, a native of Guamanga, in Peru, -was the author of _Rituale seu Manuale ac brevem formam administrandi -sacramenta juxta ordinem S. Ecclesiæ Romanœ, cum translationibus in -linguas provinciarum Peruanorum_, published at Naples in 1607. - -[1169] Cf. Note 1, following this chapter. - -[1170] _Chucu_ means a head-dress; _Huaman_, a falcon; _Huacra_, a horn. - -[1171] [Ramusio’s plan of Cuzco is given in Vol. II. p. 554, with -references (p. 556) to other plans and descriptions; to which may be -added an archæological examination by Wiener, in the _Bull. de la -Soc. de Géog. de Paris_, Oct., 1879, and in his _Pérou et Bolivie_, -with an enlarged plan of the town, showing the regions of different -architecture; accounts in Marcoy’s _Voyage à travers l’Amérique du Sud_ -(Paris, 1869; or Eng. transl. i. 174), and in Nadaillac’s _L’Amérique -préhistorique_, and by Squier in his Peru, and in his _Remarques sur la -Géographie du Pérou_, p. 20.—ED.] - -[1172] It is related by Betanzos that one day this Inca appeared before -his people with a very joyful countenance. When they asked him the -cause of his joy, he replied that Uira-cocha Pachayachachic had spoken -to him in a dream that night. Then all the people rose up and saluted -him as Viracocha Inca, which is as much as to say,—“King and God.” From -that time he was so called. Garcilasso gives a different version of the -same tradition, in which he confuses Viracocha with his son. - -[1173] Cieza de Leon, ii. 138-44. - -[1174] Salcamayhua, 91. - -[1175] Blas Valera says 42, Balboa 33, years. - -[1176] [The ruins of Atahualpa’s palace are figured in Wiener’s _Pérou -et Bolivie_, and in Cte. de Gabriac’s _Promenade à travers l’Amérique -du Sud_ (Paris, 1868), p. 196.—ED.] - -[1177] The meanings of the names of these Incas are significant. Manco -and Rocca appear to be proper names without any clear etymology. The -rest refer to mental attributes, or else to some personal peculiarity. -Sinchi means “strong.” Lloque is “left-handed.” Yupanqui is the second -person of the future tense of a verb, and signifies “you will count.” -Garcilasso interprets it as one who will count as wise, virtuous, and -powerful. Ccapac is rich; that is, rich in all virtues and attributes -of a prince. Mayta is an adverb, “where;” and Salcamayhua says that -the constant cry and prayer of this Inca was, “Where art thou, O -God?” because he was constantly seeking his Creator. Yahuar-huaccac -means “weeping blood,” probably in allusion to some malady from which -he suffered. Pachacutec has already been explained. Tupac is a word -signifying royal splendor, and Huayna means “youth.” Huascar is “a -chain,” in allusion to a golden chain said to have been made in his -honor, and held by the dancers at the festival of his birth. The -meaning of Atahualpa has been much disputed. _Hualpa_ certainly means -any large game fowl. _Hualpani_ is to create. _Atau_ is “chance,” or -“the fortune of war.” Garcilasso, who is always opposed to derivations, -maintains that Atahualpa was a proper name without special meaning, and -that Hualpa, as a word for a fowl, is derived from it, because the boys -in the streets, when imitating cock-crowing, used the word Atahualpa. -But Hualpa formed part of the name of many scions of the Inca family -long before the time of Atahualpa. - -[1178] All authorities agree that Manco Ccapac was the first Inca, -although Montesinos places him far back at the head of the Pirhua -dynasty, and all agree respecting the second, Sinchi Rocca. Lloque -Yupanqui, with various spellings, has the unanimous vote of all -authorities except Acosta, who calls him “Iaguarhuarque.” But Acosta’s -list is incomplete. Respecting Mayta Ccapac and Ccapac Yupanqui, all -are agreed except Betanzos, who transposes them by an evident slip -of memory. Touching Inca Rocca all are agreed, though Montesinos has -Sinchi for Inca, and all agree as to Yahuar-huaccac. It is true that -Cieza de Leon and Herrera call him Inca Yupanqui, but this is explained -by Salcamayhua when he gives the full name,—Yahuar-huaccac Inca -Yupanqui. All agree as to Uira-cocha. As to his successor, Betanzos, -Cieza de Leon, Fernandez, Herrera, Salcamayhua, and Balboa mention -the short reign of the deposed Urco. Cieza de Leon and Betanzos give -Yupanqui as the name of Urco’s brother; all other authorities have -Pachacutec. The discrepancy is explained by his names having been -Yupanqui Pachacutec. This also accounts for Garcilasso de la Vega -and Santillan having made Pachacutec and Yupanqui into two Incas, -father and son. Betanzos also interpolates a Yamque Yupanqui. All are -agreed with regard to Tupac Inca Yupanqui, Huayna Ccapac, Huascar, -and Atahualpa. [There is another comparison of the different lists in -Wiener, _L’Empire des Incas_, p. 53.—ED.] - -[1179] [See an early cut of this sun-worship in Vol. II. p. 551.—ED.] - -[1180] At Pachacamac there was a temple to the coast deity, called -locally Pachacamac, and another to the sun; but none to the supreme -Creator, one of whose epithets was Pachacamac. - -[1181] Spanish authors mention a being called _Supay_, which they say -was the devil. _Supay_, as an evil spirit, also occurs in the drama of -Ollantay. It may have been some local _huaca_, but no devil as such, -entered into the religious belief of the Incas. - -[1182] Acosta, Polo de Ondegardo, Garcilasso de la Vega. - -[1183] The mummies were those of Incas Uira-cocha, Tupac Yupanqui, and -Huayna Ccapac; of Mama Runtu (wife of Uira-cocha) and Mama Ocllo (wife -of Tupac Yupanqui). - -[1184] Mentioned by Calancha (471) and Arriaga as an oracle at the -village of Tauca, in Conchucos. Brinton has built up a myth which he -credits to the whole Peruvian people, on the strength of a meaning -applied to the word _Catequilla_, which is erroneous. It is exactly the -same grammatical error that those etymologists fell into who thought -that _Uira-cocha_ signified “foam of the sea.” (_Myths of the New -World_, 154.) - -[1185] A very interesting account of it, with a sketch, is given by -Squier, p. 524. - -[1186] _Huatana_ means a halter, from _huatani_, to seize; hence the -tying up or encircling of the sun. - -[1187] Authorities differ respecting the names of the months, and -probably some months had more than one name. But the most accurate -list, and that which is most in agreement with all the others, is the -one adopted by the first Council of Lima, and given by Calancha. It is -as follows:— - -1. _Yntip Raymi_ (22 June-22 July), Festival of the Winter Solstice, or -_Raymi_. - -2. Chahuarquiz (22 July-22 Aug.), Season of ploughing. - -3. Yapa-quiz (22 Aug.-22 Sept.), Season of sowing. - -4. _Ccoya Raymi_ (22 Sept.-22 Oct.), Festival of the Spring Equinox. -_Situa._ - -5. Uma Raymi (22 Oct.-22 Nov.), Season of brewing. - -6. Ayamarca (22 Nov.-22 Dec.), Commemoration of the dead. - - * * * * * - -7. _Ccapac Raymi_ (22 Dec.-22 Jan.), Festival of the Summer Solstice. -_Huaraca._ - -8. Camay (22 Jan.-22 Feb.), Season of exercises. - -9. Hatun-poccoy (22 Feb.-22 March), Season of ripening. - - * * * * * - -10. _Pacha-poccoy_ (22 March-22 April), Festival of Autumn Equinox. -_Mosoc Nina._ - -11. Ayrihua (22 April-22 May), Beginning of harvest. - -12. Aymuray (22 May-22 June), Harvesting month. in Google’s copy - -[1188] Judges xii. 39; 2 Kings iii. 27. - -[1189] The sacrifices were called _runa_, _yuyac_, and _huahua_. The -Spaniards thought that _runa_ and _yuyac_ signified men, and _huahua_ -children. This was not the case when speaking of sacrificial victims. -_Runa_ was applied to a male sacrifice, _huahua_ to the lambs, and -_yuyac_ signified an adult or full-grown animal. The sacrificial -animals were also called after the names of those who offered them, -which was another cause of erroneous assumptions by Spanish writers. -There was a law strictly prohibiting human sacrifices among the -conquered tribes; and the statement that servants were sacrificed at -the obsequies of their masters is disproved by the fact, mentioned by -the anonymous Jesuit, that in none of the burial-places opened by the -Spaniards in search of treasure were any human bones found, except -those of the buried lord himself. - -[1190] Prescott (I. p. 98, note) accepted the statement that human -sacrifices were offered by the Incas, because six authorities, -Sarmiento, Cieza de Leon, Montesinos, Balboa, Ondegardo, and -Acosta—outnumbered the single authority on the other side, Garcilasso -de la Vega, who, moreover, was believed to be prejudiced owing to his -relationship to the Incas. Sarmiento and Cieza de Leon are one and the -same, so that the number of authorities for human sacrifices is reduced -to five. Cieza de Leon, Montesinos, and Balboa adopted the belief that -human sacrifices were offered up, through a misunderstanding of the -words _yuyac_ and _huahua_. Acosta had little or no acquaintance with -the language, as is proved by the numerous linguistic blunders in his -work. Ondegardo wrote at a time when he scarcely knew the language, and -had no interpreters; for it was in 1554, when he was judge at Cuzco. -At that time all the annalists and old men had fled into the forests, -because of the insurrection of Francisco Hernandez Giron. - -The authorities who deny the practice are numerous and important. These -are Francisco de Chaves, one of the best and most able of the original -conquerors; Juan de Oliva; the Licentiate Alvarez; Fray Marcos Jofre; -the Licentiate Falcon, in his _Apologia pro Indis_; Melchior Hernandez, -in his dictionary, under the words _harpay_ and _huahua_; the anonymous -Jesuit in his most valuable narrative; and Garcilasso de la Vega. These -eight authorities outweigh the five quoted by Prescott, both as regards -number and importance. So that the evidence against human sacrifices is -conclusive. The _Quipus_, as the anonymous Jesuit tells us, also prove -that there was a law prohibiting human sacrifices. - -The assertion that 200 children and 1,000 men were sacrificed at the -coronation of Huayua Ccapac was made; but these “_huahuas_” were not -children of men, but young lambs, which are called children; and the -“_yuyac_” and “_runa_” were not men, but adult llamas. [Mr. Markham has -elsewhere collated the authorities on this point (_Royal Commentaries_, -i. 139). Cf. Bollaert’s _Antiq. Researches_, p. 124; and Alphonse -Castaing on “Les Fêtes, Offrandes et Sacrifices dans l’Antiquité -Peruvienne,” in the _Archives de la Société Américaine de France_, n. -s. iii. 239.—ED.] - -[1191] The sacrificial llamas bore the names of the youths who -presented them. Hence the Spanish writers, with little or no knowledge -of the language, assumed that the youths themselves were the victims. -(See _ante_, p. 237.) - -[1192] _Ñusta_, princess; _calli_, valorous; _sapa_, alone, unrivalled. - -[1193] Of the first class were the _Tarpuntay_, or sacrificing priests, -and the _Nacac_, who cut up the victims and provided the offerings, -whether _harpay_ or bloody sacrifices, _haspay_ or bloodless sacrifices -of flesh, or _cocuy_, oblations of corn, fruit, or coca. Molina -mentions a custom called _Ccapac-cocha_ or _Cacha-huaca_, being the -distribution of sacrifices. An enormous tribute came to Cuzco annually -for sacrificial purposes, and was thence distributed by the Inca, for -the worship of every huaca in the empire. The different sacrifices -were sent from Cuzco in all directions for delivery to the priests of -the numerous _huacas_. The ministering priests were called _Huacap -Uillac_ when they had charge of a special idol, _Huacap Rimachi_ or -_Huatuc_ when they received utterances from a deity while in a state of -ecstatic frenzy called _utirayay_, and _Ychurichuc_ when they received -confessions and ministered in private families. The soothsayers were a -very numerous class. The _Hamurpa_ examined the entrails of sacrifices, -and divined by the flight of birds. The _Llayca_, _Achacuc_, _Huatuc_, -and _Uira-piricuc_ were soothsayers of various grades. The _Socyac_ -divined by maize heaps, the _Pacchacuc_ by the feet of a large hairy -spider, the _Llaychunca_ by odds and evens. The recluses were not only -_Aclla-cuna_, or virgins congregated in temples under the charge of -matrons called _Mama-cuna_. There were also hermits who meditated in -solitary places, and appear to have been under a rule, with an abbot -called _Tucricac_, and younger men serving a novitiate called _Huamac_. -These _Huancaquilli_, or hermits, took vows of chastity (_titu_), -obedience (_Huñicui_), poverty (_uscacuy_), and penance (_villullery_). - -[1194] [The general works on the Inca civilization necessarily touch -these points of their religious customs, and Mr. Markham’s volume on -the _Rites and Laws of the Incas_ is a prime source of information. -Hawk’s translation of Rivero and Von Tschudi (p. 151) gives references; -but special mention may be made of Müller’s _Geschichte der -Amerikanischen Urreligionen_; Castaing’s _Les Système religieux dans -l’Antiquité peruvienne_, in the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France_, -n. s., iii. 86, 145; Tylor’s _Primitive Culture_; Brinton’s _Myths of -the New World_; and Albert Réville’s _Lectures on the origin and growth -of religion as illustrated by the native religions of Mexico and Peru. -Delivered at Oxford and London, in April and May, 1884. Translated by -Philip H. Wicksteed_ (London, 1884. Hibbart lectures).—ED.] - -[1195] The Quichua language was spoken over a vast area of the Andean -region of South America. The dialects only differ slightly, and -even the language of the Collas, called by the Spaniards Aymara, is -identical as regards the grammatical structure, while a clear majority -of the words are the same. The general language of Peru belongs to that -American group of languages which has been called agglutinative by -William von Humboldt. These languages form new words by a process of -junction which is much more developed in them than in any of the forms -of speech in the Old World. They also have exclusive and inclusive -plurals, and transitional forms of the verb combined with pronominal -suffixes which are peculiar to them. In these respects the Quichua -is purely an American language, and in spite of the resemblances in -the sounds of some words, which have been diligently collected by -Lopez (_Les Races Aryennes du Pérou_, par Vicente F. Lopez, Paris, -1871) and Ellis (_Peruvia Scythica_, by Robert Ellis, B. D., London, -1875), no connection, either as regards grammar or vocabulary, has -been satisfactorily established between the speech of the Incas and -any language of the Old World. Quichua is a noble language, with -a most extensive vocabulary, rich in forms of the plural number, -which argue a very clear conception of the idea of plurality; rich -in verbal conjugations; rich in the power of forming compound nouns; -rich in varied expression to denote abstract ideas; rich in words for -relationships which are wanting in the Old World idioms; and rich, -above all, in synonyms: so that it was an efficient vehicle wherewith -to clothe the thoughts and ideas of a people advanced in civilization. - -[1196] Garcilasso, _Com. Real._, i. lib. i. cap. 24, and lib. vii. cap. -1. - -[1197] Among several kinds of flutes were the _chayña_, made of cane, -the _pincullu_, a small wooden flute, and the _pirutu_, of bone. They -also had a stringed instrument called _tinya_, for accompanying their -songs, a drum, and trumpets of several kinds, one made from a sea-shell. - -[1198] Blas Valera wrote upon the subject of Inca drugs, and I have -given a list of those usually found in the bags of the itinerant -Calahuaya doctors, in a foot-note at page 186 in vol. i. of my -translation of the first part of the _Royal Commentaries_ of Garcilasso -de la Vega. An interesting account of the Calahuaya doctors is given by -Don Modesto Basadre in his _Riquezas Peruanas_, p. 17 (Lima, 1884). - -[1199] In the church of Santa Anna. - -[1200] [See pictures of Atahualpa in Vol. II. pp. 515, 516. For a -colored plate of “Lyoux d’or péruviens,” emblems of royalty, see -_Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France_, n. s., i. pl. v.—ED.] - -[1201] The truth of this use of gold by the Incas does not depend on -the glowing descriptions of Garcilasso de la Vega. A golden breastplate -and _topu_, a golden leaf with a long stalk, four specimens of golden -fruit, and a girdle of gold were found near Cuzco in 1852, and sent to -the late General Echenique, then President of Peru. The present writer -had an opportunity of inspecting and making careful copies of them. His -drawings of the breastplate and _topu_ were lithographed for Bollaert’s -_Antiquarian Researches in Peru_, p. 146. The breastplate was 5-3/10 -inches in diameter, and had four narrow slits for suspending it round -the neck. The golden leaf was 12-7/10 inches long, including the stem; -breadth of the base of the leaf, 3-1/10 inches. The models of fruit -were 3 inches in diameter, and the girdle 18¼ inches long. - -[1202] “The stones are of various sizes in different structures, -ranging in length from one to eight feet, and in thickness from six -inches to two feet. The larger stones are generally at the bottom, -each course diminishing in thickness towards the top of the wall, -thus giving a very pleasing effect of graduation. The joints are of a -precision unknown in our architecture, and not rivalled in the remains -of ancient art in Europe. The statement of the old writers, that the -accuracy with which the stones of some structures were fitted together -was such that it was impossible to introduce the thinnest knife-blade -or finest needle between them, may be taken as strictly true. The world -has nothing to show in the way of stone cutting and fitting to surpass -the skill and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures of Cuzco.” - -[1203] Place of serpents. - -[1204] An unmarried prince of the blood royal; a nobleman. Father, in -the Colla dialect. - -[1205] A married prince of the blood royal. - -[1206] A married princess; a lady of noble family. - -[1207] An unmarried princess. - -[1208] At the conquest there were 594, but a great number had been -killed in the previous civil war. - -[1209] Chiefs. - -[1210] Principal chiefs. - -[1211] Balboa, Montesinos, Santillana. - -[1212] The male members of a _Chunca_ were divided into ten classes, -with reference to age and consequent ability to work:— - -1. _Mosoc-aparic_, “Newly begun.” A baby. - -2. _Saya-huarma_, “Standing boy.” A child that could stand. - -3. _Macta-puric_, “Walking child.” Child aged 2 to 8. - -4. _Ttanta raquisic_, “Bread receiver.” Boy of 8. - -5. _Puclacc huarma_, “Playing boy.” Boys from 8 to 16. - -6. _Cuca pallac_, “Coca picker.” Age from 16 to 20. Light work. - -7. _Yma huayna_, “As a youth.” Age 20 to 25. - -8. _Puric ——_, “Able-bodied.” Head of a family; paying tribute. - -9. _Chaupi-ruccu_, “Elderly.” Light service. Age 50 to 60. - -10. _Puñuc ruccu_, “Dotage.” No work. Sixty and upwards. - -A _Chunca_ consisted of ten _Purics_, with the other classes in -proportion. The _Puric_ was married to one wife, and, while assisted -by the young lads and the elderly men, he supported the children and -the old people who could not work. The Peruvian laborer had many -superstitions, but he was not devoid of higher religious feelings. -This is shown by his practice when travelling. On reaching the summit -of a pass he never forgot to throw a stone, or sometimes his beloved -pellet of coca, on a heap by the roadside, as a thank-offering to -God, exclaiming, _Apachicta muchani!_ “I worship or give thanks at -this heap.” Festivals lightened his days of toil by their periodical -recurrence, and certain family ceremonials were also recognized as -occasions for holidays. There was a gathering at the cradling of a -child, called _quirau_. When the child attained the age of one year, -the _rutuchicu_ took place. Then he received the name he was to retain -until he attained the age of puberty. The child was closely shorn, and -the name was given by the eldest relation. With a girl the ceremony was -called _quicuchica_, and there was a fast of two days imposed before -the naming-day, when she assumed the dress called _aucalluasu_. - -[1213] The _tupu_ was a measure of land sufficient to support one -man and his wife. It was the unit of land measurement, and a _puric_ -received _tupus_ according to the number of those dependent on him. In -parts of Peru, especially on the road from Tarma to Xauxa, these small -square fields, or _tupus_, may still be seen in great numbers, divided -by low stone walls. - -[1214] The shares for the _Inca_ and _Huaca_ varied according to the -requirements of the state. If needful, the _Inca_ share was increased -at the expense of the _Huaca_, but never at the expense of the people’s -share. - -[1215] From _Taripani_, I examine. - -[1216] It should probably be _Apunaca_: _Apu_ is a chief, and _naca_ -the plural suffix in the Colla dialect. - -[1217] _Hatun_, great, and _uilca_, sacred. This official held a -position equivalent to a Christian bishop. - -[1218] [On the use of guano see Markham’s _Cieza de Leon_, p. 266, -note.—ED.] - -[1219] [Max Steffen, in his _Die Landwirtschaft bei den -Altamerikanischen Kulturvölkern_ (Leipzig, 1883), gives a list of -sources.—ED.] - -[1220] [The llamas were used in ploughing. Cf. Humboldt’s _Views of -Nature_, p. 125.—ED.] - -[1221] A bronze instrument found at Sorata had the following -composition, according to an analysis by David Forbes:— - - Copper 88.05 Copper 94 - Tin 11.42 Tin 6 - Iron .36 ——— - Silver .17 100 - —————— - 100.00 - -Humboldt gave the composition of a bronze instrument found at -Vilcabamba as follows:— - -[1222] _Fifteenth Report of the Trustees of the Peabody Museum of -Ethnology_, vol. iii. 2, p. 140 (Cambridge, 1882). - -[1223] [Cf. the plates in the _Necropolis of Ancon_, and De la Rada’s -_Les Vases Péruviens du Musée Archéologique de Madrid_, in the -_Compte Rendu_ (p. 236) of the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des -Américanistes.—ED.] - -[1224] It is believed that some of the heads on the vases were intended -as likenesses. One especially, in a collection at Cuzco, is intended, -according to native tradition, for a portrait of Rumi-ñaui, a character -in the drama of Ollantay. - -[1225] _Prehistoric Man_, i. p. 110. A great number of specimens of -Peruvian pottery are given in the works of Castelnau, Wiener, Squier, -and in the atlas of the _Antigüedades Peruanas_. [Cf. also Marcoy’s -_Voyage; Mémoires de la Soc. des Antiquaires du Nord_ (two plates); J. -E. Price in the _Anthropological Journal_, iii. 100, and many of the -books of Peruvian travel.—ED.] - -[1226] [The narratives of the Spanish conquest necessarily throw much -light, sometimes more than incidentally, upon the earlier history of -the region. These sources are characterized in the critical essay -appended to chapter viii. of Vol. II., and embrace bibliographical -accounts of Herrera, Gomara, Oviedo, Andagoya, Xeres, Fernandez, Oliva, -not to name others of less moment.—ED.] - -[1227] See Note II. following this essay. - -[1228] Vol. II. p. 573. - -[1229] Cf. Vol. II. p. 546. - -[1230] _Suma y narracion de los Incas, que los Indios llamaron -Capaccuna que fueron señores de la ciudad del Cuzco y de todo lo á ella -subjeto. Publícala M. Jiménez de la Espada_ (Madrid, 1880). - -[1231] We learn from Leon Pinelo that one of the famous band of -adventurers who crossed the line drawn by Pizarro on the sands of Gallo -was an author (Antonio, ii. 645). But the _Relacion de la tierra que -descubrió Don Francisco Pizarro_, by Diego de Truxillo, remained in -manuscript and is lost to us. Francisco de Chaves, one of the most -respected of the companions of Pizarro, who strove to save the life -of Atahualpa, and was an intimate friend of the Inca’s brother, was -also an author. Chaves is honorably distinguished for his moderation -and humanity. He lost his own life in defending the staircase against -the assassins of Pizarro. He left behind a copious narrative, and his -intimate relations with the Indians make it likely that it contained -much valuable information respecting Inca civilization. It was -inherited by the author’s friend and relation, Luis Valera, but it was -never printed, and the manuscript is now lost. The works of Palomino, -a companion of Belalcazar, who wrote on the kingdom of Quito, are also -lost, with the exception of a fragment preserved in the _Breve Informe_ -of Las Casas. Other soldiers of the conquest, Tomas Vasquez, Francisco -de Villacastin, Garcia de Melo, and Alonso de Mesa, are mentioned as -men who had studied and were learned in all matters relating to Inca -antiquities; but none of their writings have been preserved. - -[1232] But not dedicated to the Conde de Nieva, as Prescott states, for -that viceroy died in 1564. - -[1233] B, 135. - -[1234] Report by Polo de Ondegardo, translated by Clements R. Markham -(Hakluyt Society, 1873). - -[1235] [See Vol. II. p. 571.—ED.] - -[1236] [See Vol. II. p. 567-8, for bibliography.—ED.] - -[1237] [See Vol. II. p. 542.—ED.] - -[1238] Additional MSS. 5469, British Museum, folio, p. 274. See Vol. -II. p. 571. - -[1239] See _ante_, p. 6. - -[1240] National Library at Madrid, B, 135. - -[1241] _The fables and rites of the Incas, by Christoval de Molina_, -translated and edited by Clements R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, 1873). - -[1242] [See. Vol. II. p. 576.—ED.] - -[1243] For the bibliography of Acosta, see Vol. II. p. 420, 421. - -[1244] Notices of the life and works of Acosta have been given in -biographical dictionaries, and in histories of the Jesuits. An -excellent biography will be found in a work entitled _Los Antiquos -Jesuitas del Peru_, by Don Enrique Torres Saldamando, which was -published at Lima in 1885. See also an introductory notice in Markham’s -edition (1880). - -[1245] Thus his lists of the Incas, of the names of months and of -festivals, are very defective; and his list of names of stars, though -copied from Balboa without acknowledgment, is incomplete. - -[1246] Acosta was the chief source whence the civilized world of -the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, beyond the limits of -Spain, derived a knowledge of Peruvian civilization. Purchas, in his -_Pilgrimage_ (ed. of 1623, lib. v. p. 869; vi. p. 931), quotes largely -from the learned Jesuit, and an abstract of his work is given in -Harris’s _Voyages_ (lib. i. cap. xiii. pp. 751-799). He is much relied -upon as an authority by Robertson, and is quoted 19 times in Prescott’s -_Conquest of Peru_, thus taking the fourth place as an authority with -regard to that work, since Garcilasso is quoted 89 times, Cieza de Leon -45, Ondegardo 41, Acosta 19. - -[1247] Of whose parentage a pleasing story is told. He was a native of -Truxillo, of French parents, his father being a metal-founder. When he -was a small boy his father said to him, “Study, little Charles, study! -and this bell that I am founding shall be rung for you when you are -the bishop.” (“Estudiar, Carlete, estudiar! que con esta campana te -han de repicar cuando seas obispo.”) Dr. Corni rose to be a prelate of -great virtue and erudition, and an eloquent preacher. At last he became -Bishop of Truxillo in 1620, and when he heard the chimes which were -rung on his approach to the city, he said, “That bell which excels all -the others was founded by my father.” (“Aquella campana que sobresale -entre las demas le fundio mi padre.”) - -[1248] _Papeles Varios de Indias._ MS. Brit. Mus. - -[1249] This last work is devoted to the Spanish conquest. - -[1250] In the series entitled _Coleccion de libros Españoles raros ó -curiosos_, tom xvi. (Madrid, 1882.) [The original manuscript is in -the library of the Real Academia de Historia at Madrid. Brasseur de -Bourbourg had a copy (_Pinart Catalogue_, No. 638; _Bibl. Mex. Guat._, -p. 103), which appeared also in the Del Monte sale (N. Y., June, -1888,—_Catalogue_, iii. no. 554). Cf. the present _History_, II. pp. -570, 577.—ED.] - -[1251] _Relacion de las costumbres antiquas de los naturales del -Peru. Anónima._ The original is among the manuscript in the National -Library at Madrid. It was published as part of a volume entitled _Tres -Relaciones de Antigüedades Peruanas_. _Publícalas el Ministerio de -Fomento_ (Madrid, 1879). - -[1252] _Narrative of the errors, false gods, and other superstitions -and diabolical rites in which the Indians of the province of Huarochiri -lived in ancient times, collected by Dr. Francisco de Avila, 1608: -translated and edited by Clements R. Markham_ (Hakluyt Society, 1872). -[There was a copy of the Spanish MS. in the E. G. Squier sale, 1876, -no. 726.—ED.] - -[1253] _Tratado de las idolatrias de los Indios del Peru._ This work is -mentioned by Leon Pinelo as “una obra grande y de mucha erudicion,” but -it was never printed. - -[1254] _Contra idolatriam_, MS. - -[1255] _Extirpacion de la idolatria del Peru, por el Padre Pablo Joseph -de Arriaga_ (Lima, 1621, pp. 137). - -[1256] [See Vol. II. p. 570. The _Historiæ Pervanæ ordinis Eremitarum -S. P. Augustini libri octodecim (1651-52)_ is mainly a translation of -Calancha. Cf. Sabin, nos. 8760, 9870.—ED.] - -[1257] _Historia de Copacabana y de su milagrosa imagen, escrita por -el R. P. Fray Alonso Ramos Gavilan_ (1620). The work of Ramos was -reprinted from an incomplete copy at La Paz in 1860, and edited by Fr. -Rafael Sans. - -[1258] _Origen de los Indios del Nuevo Mundo_ (1607), and in Barcia -(1729). - -[1259] _Monarquia de los Incas del Peru._ Antonio says of this work, -“Tertium quod promiserat adhuc latet nempe.” - -[1260] _Historia general del Peru, origen y descendencia de los Incas, -pueblos y ciudades, por P. Fr. Martin de Múrua_ (1618). [Cf. Markham’s -_Cieza’s Travels_, Second Part, p. 12.—ED.] - -[1261] He was a cousin of the poet of the same name, and of the dukes -of Feria. - -[1262] See Vol. II. pp. 290, 575. - -[1263] The _Commentarios Reales_ (Part I.) of Garcilassos de la Vega -contain 21 quotations from Blas Valera, 30 from Cieza de Leon (first -part), 27 from Acosta, 11 from Gomara, 9 from Zarate, 3 from the -_Republica de las Indias Occidentales_ of Fray Geronimo Roman, 2 from -Fernandez, 4 from the Inca’s schoolfellow Alcobasa, and 1 from Juan -Botero Benes. - -[1264] In a learned pamphlet on the word _Uirakocha_,—“_Lexicologia -Keshua por Leonardo Villar_” (pp. 16, double columns. Lima, 1887). - -[1265] [The common expression of distrust is such as is shown by -Hutchinson in his _Two Years in Peru_, who finds little to commend amid -a constant glorification of the Incas to the prejudice of the older -peoples; and by Marcoy in his _Travels in South America_, who speaks of -his “simple and audacious gasconades” (Eng. trans. i. p. 186).—ED.] - -[1266] Cf. the bibliography of the book in Vol. II. pp. 569, 570, -575.—ED. - -[1267] By Clements R. Markham, in 1872. - -[1268] [Cf. bibliog. of Herrera in Vol. II. pp. 67, 68.—ED.] - -[1269] _Informaciones acerca del Señorio y Gobierno de los Ingas -hechas, por mandado de Don Francisco de Toledo Virey del Peru_ -(1570-72). Edited by Don Márcos Jiménez de la Espada, in the _Coleccion -de libros Españoles raros ó curiosos_, Tomo xvi. (Madrid, 1882). - -[1270] We first hear of Sarmiento in a memorial dated at Cuzco on -March 4, 1572, in which he says that he was the author of a history -of the Incas, now lost. We further gather that, owing to having found -out from the records of the Incas that Tupac Inca Yupanqui discovered -two islands in the South Sea, called _Ahuachumpi_ and _Ninachumpi_, -Sarmiento sailed on an expedition to discover them at some time -previous to 1564. Balboa also mentions the tradition of the discovery -of these islands by Tupac Yupanqui. Sarmiento seems to have discovered -islands which he believed to be those of the Inca, and in 1567 he -volunteered to command the expedition dispatched by Lope de Castro, -then governor of Peru, to discover the Terra Australis. But Castro gave -the command to his own relation, Mandana. We learn, however, from the -memorial of Sarmiento, that he accompanied the expedition, and that the -first land was discovered through shaping a course in accordance with -his advice. Sarmiento submitted a full report of this first voyage of -Mandana, which is now lost, to the Viceroy Toledo. In 1579, Sarmiento -was sent to explore the Straits of Magellan. In 1586, on his way to -Spain, he was captured by an English ship belonging to Raleigh, and -was entertained hospitably by Sir Walter at Durham House until his -ransom was collected. From the Spanish captive his host obtained much -information respecting Peru and its Incas. He could have no higher -authority. One of the journals of the survey of Magellan Straits by -Sarmiento was published at Madrid in 1768: _Viage al estrecho de -Magellanes: por el Capitan Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, en los años 1579 -y 1580_. See Vol. II. p. 616. - -[1271] [Cf. Vol. II. p. 571.] - -[1272] _Historia del Reino de Quito, en la America Meridional, escrita -por el Presbitero Don Juan de Velasco nativo de Mismo Reino, año de -1789._ A Spanish edition, _Quito, Imprenta del Gobierno_, 1844, 3 -Tomos, was printed from the manuscript, _Histoire du Royaume de Quito, -por Don Juan de Velasco_ (_inédite_,) vol. ix. _Voyages, &c., par H. -Ternaux Compans_ (Paris, 1840). This version, however, covers only -a part of the work, of which the second volume only relates to the -ancient history. [Cf. Vol. II. p. 576.—ED.] - -[1273] [Cf. Vol. II. p. 578.—ED.] - -[1274] [Cf. Vol. II. p. 577; Sabin’s _Dictionary_, xv. p. 439. The -opinions of Prescott can be got at through _Poole’s Index_, p. 993. -H. H. Bancroft, _Chronicles_, 25, gives a characteristic estimate -of Prescott’s archæological labors. Prescott’s catalogue of his own -library, with his annotations, is in the Boston Public Library, no. -6334.27.—ED.] - -[1275] Prescott quotes these four authorities 249 times, and all -other early writers known to him (Herrera, Zarate, Betanzos, Balboa, -Montesinos, Pedro Pizarro, Fernandez, Gomara, Levinus Apollonius, -Velasco, and the MS. “Declaracion de la Audiencia”) 82 times. - -[1276] Calancha and a MS. letter of Valverde. He also refers several -times to the _Antigüedades Peruanas_ of Tschudi and Rivero. - -[1277] _Spanish Conquest in America_, vol. iii. book xiii. chap. 3, pp. -468 to 513. [Cf. Vol. II. p. 578.]—ED. - -[1278] It was translated into English as _Peruvian Antiquities_, by -Dr. Francis L. Hawkes, of New York, in 1853. [The English translation -retained the woodcuts, but omitted the atlas. Cf. Field, _Ind. -Bibliog._, no. 1306; Sabin, xvii. p. 319. There is a French edition, -_Antiquités Péruviennes_ (Paris, 1859). Dr. Tschudi later published -_Reisen durch Süd Amerika_, in five vols. (Leipzig, 1866-69), which was -translated into English as _Travels in Peru_, 1838-1842, and published -in New York and London.—ED.] - -[1279] _Los Anales del Cuzco, por Dr. Mesa_ (Cuzco, 2 vols.). - -[1280] _Historia Antigua del Peru, por Sebastian Lorente_ (Lima, 1860). - -[1281] _Historia de la civilizacion Peruana, Revista de Lima_ (Lima, -1880). - -[1282] _Recuerdos de la Monarquia Peruana, ó Bosquejo de la historia de -los Incas, por Dr. Justo Sahuaraura Inca, Canonigo en la Catedral de -Cuzco_ (Paris, 1850). - -[1283] _Le Pérou avant la conquête espagnole, d’après les principaux -historiens originaux et quelques documents inédits sur les antiquités -de ce pays_ (Paris, 1858). - -[1284] _Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen, von J. G. Müller_ -(Basel, 1867). - -[1285] _Anthropologie der Naturvölker, von Dr. Theodor Waitz_ (4 vols.) -Leipzig, 1864. - -[1286] _Myths of the New World, a treatise on the symbolism and -mythology of the Red Race of America, by Daniel G. Brinton, M.D._ -(New York, 1868). _Aboriginal American authors and their productions, -especially those in the native languages, by Daniel G. Brinton, M.D._ -(Philadelphia, 1883). [Brinton’s writings, however, in the main -illustrate the antiquities north of Panama.] - -[1287] _Antiquarian, ethnological and other researches in New Granada, -Equador, Peru, and Chile; with observations on the Pre-Incarial, -Incarial, and other monuments of Peruvian nations, by William -Bollaert, F.R.G.S._ (London, 1860). [Bollaert’s minor and periodical -contributions, mainly embodied in his final work, are numerous: -_Contributions to an introduction to the Anthropology of the New -World_. _Ancient Peruvian graphic Records_ (tr. in _Archives de la -Soc. Amér. de France_, n. s., i.). _Observations on the history of the -Incas_ (in the _Transactions Ethnological Soc._, 1854).—ED.] - -[1288] _Vues des Cordillères, ou Monumens des Peuples indigènes -de l’Amérique_ (Paris, 1810; in 8vo, 1816), called in the English -translation, _Researches concerning the institutions and monuments of -the ancient inhabitants of America, with descriptions and views of -some of the most striking scenes in the Cordilleras_. _Transl. into -English by Helen Maria Williams_ (London, 1814). _Voyage aux Régions -équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent fait en 1799-1804, avec deux Atlas_, -3 vols. 4to (Paris, 1814-25; and 8vo, 13 vols., 1816-31), called in the -English translation, _Personal narrative of travels to the equinoctial -regions of America, 1799-1804, by A. von Humboldt_ [_and A. Bonpland_]: -_translated and edited by Thomasina Ross_ (Lond., 1852); and in -earlier versions by H. M. Williams (London, 1818-1829). [Humboldt’s -later summarized expressions are found in his _Ansichten der Natur_ -(Stuttgart, 1849; English tr., _Aspects of Nature_, by Mrs. Sabine, -London and Philad., 1849; and _Views of Nature_, by E. C. Otté, London, -1850). Current views of Humboldt’s American studies can be tracked -through _Poole’s Index_, p. 613.—ED.] - -[1289] Antonio Ulloa’s _Mémoires philosophiques, historiques, -physiques, concernant le découverte de l’Amérique_ (Paris, 1787). -_Voyage historique de l’Amérique Méridionale, fait par ordre du Roy -d’Espagne; ouvrage qui contient une histoire des Yncas du Pérou, et -des observations astronomiques et physiques, faites pour déterminer -la figure et la grandeur de la terre_ (Amsterdam, 1732). Or in the -English translation, _Voyage to South America by Don Jorge Juan and Don -Antonio de Ulloa_, 2 vols. 8vo (London, 1758, 1772; fifth ed. 1807). -[Another of the savans in this scientific expedition was Charles M. -La Condamine, and we have his observations in his _Journal du Voyage -fait à l’Equateur_ (1751), and in a paper on the Peruvian monuments -in the Mémoires of the Berlin Academy (1746). Other early observers -deserving brief mention are Pedro de Madriga, whose account is appended -to Admiral Jacques d’Heremite’s _Journael van de Nassausche Vloot_ -(Amsterdam, 1652), and Amedée François Frezier’s _Voyage to the South -Sea_ (London, 1717).—ED.] - -[1290] _L’Homme Américain considéré sous ses Rapports Physiologiques -et Moraux_ (Paris, 1839). [He gives a large ethnological map of South -America. His book is separately printed from _Voyages dans l’Amérique -Meridionale_ (9 vols.)—ED.] - -[1291] _Expédition dans les parties centrales de l’Amérique de Sud, -exécutée par ordre du Gouvernement Français pendant les annees 1843 à -1847. Troisième partie, Antiquités des Incas_ (4to, Paris, 1854). - -[1292] _Pérou et Bolivie, Récit de voyage suivi d’études archéologiques -et ethnographiques et de notes sur l’écriture et les langues des -populations Indiennes. Ouvrage contenant plus de 1100 gravures, 27 -cartes et 18 plans, par Charles Wiener_ (Paris, 1880). [Wiener earlier -published two monographs: _Notice sur le communisme des Incas_ (Paris, -1874); _Essai sur les institutions politiques, religieuses, économiques -et sociales de l’Empire des Incas_ (Paris, 1874).—ED.] - -[1293] _Uira-cocha, por Leonardo Villar_ (Lima, 1887). - -[1294] _Cuzco and Lima_ (London, 1856). - -[1295] _Travels in Peru and India while superintending the collection -of chinchona plants and seeds in South America, and their introduction -into India_ (London, 1862). [Cf. Field’s _Indian Bibliog._ for notes on -Mr. Markham’s book. He epitomizes the accounts of Peruvian antiquities -in his _Peru_ (London, 1880), of the “Foreign Countries Series.” Cf. -Vol. II. p. 578.]—ED. - -[1296] _Peru, Incidents of travel and exploration in the land of the -Incas_ (N. Y. 1877; London, 1877). [Squier was sent to Peru on a -diplomatic mission by the United States government in 1863, and this -service rendered, he gave two years to exploring the antiquities of the -country. His _Peru_ embodies various separate studies, which he had -previously contributed to the _Journal of the American Geographical -Society_ (vol. iii. 1870-71); the _American Naturalist_ (vol. iv. -1870); _Harper’s Monthly_ (vols. vii., xxxvi., xxxvii.). He contributed -“Quelques remarques sur la géographie et les monuments du Pérou” to -the _Bulletin de la Société de géographie de Paris_, Jan., 1868. A -list of Squier’s publications is appended to the Sale _Catalogue_ of -his Library (N. Y., 1876), which contains a list of his MSS., most of -which, it is believed, passed into the collection of H. H. Bancroft. -Mr. Squier’s closing years were obscured by infirmity; he died in -1888.—ED.] - -[1297] [Among the recent travellers, mention may be made of a few -of various interests: Edmund Temple’s _Travels in Peru_ (Lond., -1830); Thomas Sutcliffe’s _Sixteen Years in Chili and Peru_ (Lond., -1841); S. S. Hill’s _Travels in Peru and Mexico_ (Lond., 1860); Thos. -J. Hutchinson’s _Two Years in Peru_ (with papers on prehistoric -anthropology in the _Anthropological Journal_, iv. 438, and “Some -Fallacies about the Incas,” in the _Proc. Lit. and Phil. Soc. of -Liverpool_, 1873-74, p. 121); Marcoy’s _Voyage_, first in the _Tour du -Monde_, 1863-64, and then separately in French, and again in English; -E. Pertuiset’s _Le Trésor des Incas_ (Paris, 1877); and Comte d’Ursel’s -_Sud-Amérique_, 2d ed. (Paris, 1879). F. Hassaurek, in his _Four Years -among Spanish Americans_ (N. Y., 1867), epitomizes in his ch. xvi. the -history of Quito.—ED.] - -[1298] _Intellectual Observer_, May, 1863 (London). - -[1299] _Riquezas Peruanas_ (Lima, 1884). - -[1300] _The temple of the Andes, by Richards Inwards_ (London, -1884). [Mr. Markham has also had occasion to speak of these ruins in -annotating his edition of Cieza de Leon, p. 374. There is a privately -printed book by L. Angrand, _Antiquités Américaines: lettres sur les -antiquités de Tiaguanaco, et l’origine présumable de la plus ancienne -civilisation du Haut-Pérou_ (Paris, 1866).—ED.] - -[1301] This superb work was issued at Berlin and London with German -and English texts. The English title reads, _Peruvian Antiquities: the -Necropolis of Ancon in Peru. A contribution to our knowledge of the -culture and industries of the empire of the Incas. Being the results of -excavations made on the spot._ Translated by A. H. Keane. With the aid -of the general administration of the royal museums of Berlin (Berlin, -1880-87); in three folio volumes, with 119 colored and plain plates. -The divisions are: 1. The Necropolis and its graves. 2. Garments -and textiles. 3. Ornaments, utensils, earthenware; evolution of -ornamentation, with treatises by L. Wittmack on the plants found in the -graves; R. Virchow on the human remains, and A. Nehring on the animals. -[A few of the plates are reproduced in black and white in Ruge’s -_Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_. The authors represent -that the graveyard of Ancon, an obscure place lying near the coast, -north of Lima, was probably the burial-place of a poor people; but its -obscurity has saved it to us while important places have been ransacked -and destroyed. The reader will be struck with the richness of the woven -materials, which are so strikingly figured in the plates. On this point -Stübel published in Dresden in 1888, as a part of the _Festschrift_ -of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the “Verein für Erdkunde,” a paper -_Ueber altperuanische Gewebemuster und ihnen analoge Ornamente der -altklassischen Kunst_ (Dresden, 1888). Some of the plates in the larger -work impress one with the great variety of ornamenting skill. The -collection formed by John H. Blake from an ancient cemetery on the bay -of Chacota, now in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Mass., is described -in the _Reports_ of that institution, xi. 195, 277. Reference may -also be made to B. M. Wright’s _Description of the collection of gold -ornaments from the “huacas,” or graves of some aboriginal races of the -northwestern provinces of South America, belonging to Lady Brassey_ -(London, 1885).—ED.] - -[1302] Antonio Raimondi. _El Peru. Tomo I. Parte Preliminar, 4to, pp. -444_ (Lima, 1874). _Tomo II. Historia de la Geografia del Peru, 4to, -pp. 475_ (Lima, 1876). _Tomo III. Historia de la Geografia del Peru, -4to, pp. 614_ (Lima, 1880). - -[1303] _Voyages, Relations et Mémoires Originaux pour servir à -l’Histoire de la Découverte de l’Amérique_, 20 vols. in 10, 8vo (Paris, -1837-41). See Vol. II., introd. p. vi. - -[1304] [Among less important or more general later writers on this -ancient civilization may be mentioned: Charles Labarthe’s _La -Civilisation péruvienne avant l’arrivée des Espagnols (Archives de la -Soc. Amér. de France_, n. s., i.), and his paper from the _Annuaire -Ethnographique_, on the “Documents inédits sur l’empire des Incas” -(Paris, 1861); Rudolf Falb’s _Das Land der Inca in seiner Bedeutung -für die Urgeschichte der Sprache und Schrift_ (Leipzig, 1883); Lieut. -G. M. Gilliss, in Schoolcraft’s _Ind. Tribes_, v. 657; Dr. Macedo’s -comparison of the Inca and Aztec civilizations in the _Proc. of the -Numism. and Antiq. Soc._ (Philad. 1883); Vicomte Th. de Bussière’s -_Le Pérou_ (Paris, 1863); beside chapters in such comprehensive works -as those of Nadaillac, Ruge, Baldwin, Wilson (_Prehistoric Man_), and -the papers of Castaing and others in the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de -France_, and an occasional paper in the _Journals_ of the American and -other geographical and ethnological societies. Current English comment -is reached through _Poole’s Index_, pp. 627, 992.—ED.] - -[1305] [Humboldt (_Views of Nature_, 235) points out that the name -Chimborazo is probably a relic of this earlier tongue.—ED.] - -[1306] [Wiener, _Pérou et Bolivie_, p. 98, gives a plan of the -neighborhood of Truxillo, showing the position “du Gran Chimu,” and an -enlarged plan of the ruins.—ED.] - -[1307] Squier, 210. - -[1308] [There are two or three Peruvian periodicals of some importance -for their archæological papers. The _Mercurio Peruano de Historia, -Literatura y Noticias publicas que da a luz la Sociedad Academica de -Amantes de Lima_ (Lima, 1791-1795), appeared in twelve volumes. It is -often defective, and the Spanish government finally interdicted it, as -it was considered revolutionary in principle. It was edited at one time -by the Père Cisneros. There is a set in Harvard College library. - -The _Revista Peruana_ (Lima) has been the channel of some important -archæological contributions. Others appeared in the _Museo Erudito, o -los Tiempos y las Costumbres_ (Cuzco, 1837, etc.)—ED.] - -[1309] Squier. - -[1310] I do not now believe that the idolatrous practices and legends, -preserved by Arriaga and Avila, had any connection with the _Chimu_ -race. - -[1311] _Grammatica o Arte de la lengua general de los Indios de los -Reynos del Peru, nuevamente compuesta por el Maestro Fray Domingo de -S. Thomas de la orden de S. Domingo, Morador en los dichos reynos. -Impresso en Valladolid por Francisco Fernandez de Cordova, 1560. -Lexicon ó Vocabulario de la lengua general del Peru, llamada Quichua_ -(Valladolid, 1560). The grammar and vocabulary are usually bound up -together. [The two were priced respectively by Leclerc, in 1878, at -2,500 and 600 francs.—ED.] - -The grammar and vocabulary of San Tomas were reprinted at Lima in -1586 by Antonio Ricardo. In the list given by Rivero and Von Tschudi -(_Antigüedades Peruanas_, p. 99), the printer Ricardo is entered as the -author of this Lima edition of San Tomas. - -[1312] _Grammatica y Vocabulario en la lengua general del Peru llamada -Quichua por Diego de Torres Rubio S. S._ (Seville, 1603). This original -edition is of great rarity. Quaritch, in 1885, asked £20 for a -defective copy.—ED. - -A second edition was printed at Lima in 1619; and a third in 1700. To -this third edition a vocabulary was added of the Chinchaysuyu dialect, -by Juan de Figueredo. A fourth edition was published at Lima in 1754, -also containing the Chinchaysuyu vocabulary, which is spoken in the -north of Peru. [For this 1754 edition see Leclerc, no. 2409. It is -worth about $50.—ED.] - -[1313] _Vocabulario de la Lengua general de todo el Peru llamada lengua -Quichua ó del Inca._ En la ciudad de los Reyes, 1586. Second edition -printed by Francisco del Canto, 1607 (2 vols. 4to). [Leclerc (no. -2401), in 1879, priced this ed. at 2,000 francs; Quaritch, a defective -copy, £21.—ED.] - -[1314] _Gramatica y Arte nueva de la lengua general de todo el Peru -llamada lengua Quichua o Lengua del Inca por Diego Gonzales Holguin de -la Compañia de Jesus, natural de Caceres Impresso en la Ciudad de los -Reyes del Peru, por Francisco del Canto, 1607._ [Leclerc, 1879, no. -2402, 500 francs.—ED.] A second edition was published at Lima in 1842. - -[1315] _Arte y gramatica muy copiosa de la lengua Aymará con muchos y -variados modos de hablar_ (Roma, 1603). - -[1316] _Arte de la lengua Aymará con una selva de frases en la misma -lengua y su declaracion en romance. Impresso en la casa de in Compañia -de Jesus de Juli en la provincia de Chucuyto. Por Francisco del Canto, -1612._ pp. 348. - -[1317] _Vocabulario de la lengua Aymara, Juli 1612_, Spanish and -Aymara, pp. 420, Aymara and Spanish, pp. 378. [Priced by Quaritch in -1885 at £60; by Leclerc in 1879 at 2,000 francs.—ED.] - -[1318] _Arte de la lengua general del’ ynga llamada Quechhua_ (Lima, -1691). Leclerc, 1879. 250 francs. - -[1319] _Arte de la lengua Yunga de los valles del Obispado de Truxillo, -con un confesionario, y todos las ovaciones cristianas y otras casas. -Autor el beneficiado Don Fernando de la Carrera Cura y Vicario de San -Martin de Reque en el corregimiento de Chiclayo_ (Lima, 1644). - -This work is extremely rare. Only three copies are known to exist, one -in the library at Madrid, one in the British Museum, which belonged to -M. Ternaux Compans, and one in possession of Dr. Villar, in Peru. A -copy was made for William von Humboldt from the British Museum copy, -which is now in the library at Berlin. - -The _Arte de la lengua Yunga_ was reprinted in numbers of the _Revista -de Lima_ in 1880, under the editorial supervision of Dr. Gonzalez de la -Rosa. - -[1320] _Sermones de los misterios de nuestra Santa Fé catolica, en -lengua Castellana, y la general del Inca. Impugnanse los errores -particulares que los Indios han tenido, por el Doctor Don Fernando de -Avendaño, 1648._ Rivero and Von Tschudi give some extracts from these -sermons in the _Antigüedades Peruanas_, p. 108. - -[1321] _Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum juxta ordinem Sanctæ Romanæ -Ecclesiæ, per R. P. F. Ludovicum Hieronymum Orerum_ (Neapoli, 1607). - -[1322] Carter-Brown, ii. 7. - -[1323] _Primera parte de la miscelanea austral de Don Diego D’Avalos -y Figueroa ex varias coloquias, interlocutores Delia y Cilena, con la -defensa de Danias. Impreso en Lima por Antonio Ricardo, año 1602._ - -[1324] _Die Kechua Sprache, I._; _Sprachlehre, II._; _Wörterbuch, von -J. J. Von Tschudi_ (Wien, 1853). - -[1325] _Gramatica y Diccionario de la lengua general de Peru, llamada -comunmuente Quichua, por el R. P. Fr. Honorio Mossi, Misionero -Apostolico del colejio de propaganda fide de la ciudad de Potosi_ -(Sucre, 1859). [An earlier _Gramática y Ensayo_ was published at Sucre -in 1857. Leclerc says it has become very rare.—ED.] - -[1326] _Gramatica Quichua o del idioma del Imperio de los Incas, por -José Dionisio Anchorena_ (Lima, 1874). - -[1327] _Elementos de Gramatica Quichua ó idioma de los Yncas por el Dr. -José Fernandez Nodal._ The book was printed in England in 1874. - -[1328] _El Evangelio de Jesu Christo segun San Lucas en Aymara y -Español, traducido de la vulgata Latin al Aymará por Don Vicente -Pazos-kanki, Doctor de la Universidad del Cuzco e Individuo de la -Sociedad Historica de Nueva York_ (Londres, 1829). - -[1329] _Apunchis Santa Yoancama Ehuangeliun, Quichua cayri Ynca siminpi -quillkcasca. El Santo Evangelio de Nuestro Señor Jesu-Christo segun San -Juan, traducido del original a la lengua Quichua o del Ynca; por el -Rev. J. H. Gybbon Spilsbury, Buenos Aires, 1880._ - -[1330] _Les Races Aryennes du Pérou, leur langue, leur religion, -leur histoire, par Vicente Fidel Lopez_ (Paris et Montevideo, 1871). -[Lopez’s book was subjected to an examination by Lucien Adam, in a -paper, “Le Quichua, est il une langue aryenne?” in the Luxembourg -_Compte-Rendu du Congrés des Américanistes_, ii. 75. Cf. _Macmillan’s -Mag._, xxvii. 424, by A. Lang.—ED.] - -[1331] _Peruvia Scythica. The Quichua language of Peru: its derivation -from Central Asia, with the American languages in general, and with the -Turanian and Iberian languages of the Old World, including the Basque, -the Llycian, and the Pre-Aryan language of Etruria; by Robert Ellis, B. -D._ (Trübner & Co., London, 1875). - -[1332] _Ollanta: ein Altperuanisches Drama aus der Kechuasprache, -übersetzt und commentirt von J. J. von Tschudi_ (Wien, 1875). - -[1333] _Ollanta, an ancient Inca Drama_, by Clements R. Markham -(London, 1871). - -[1334] _Ollanta o sea la severidad de un padre y la clemencia de un rey -drama traducido del Quichua al Castellano por José S. Barranca_ (Lima, -1868). - -[1335] _Ollanta por Constantino Carrasco_ (Lima, 1876). - -[1336] _Los vinculos de Ollanta y Cusi Kcoyllor, Drama en Quichua. José -Fernandez Nodal._ Dr. Nodal commenced, but never completed, an English -translation. - -[1337] _Collection Linguistique Americaine. Tome iv. Ollanaï, drama -en vers Quechuas du temps des Incas traduit et commenté, par Gavino -Pacheco Zegarra_ (Paris, 1878), pp. clxxiv and 265. - -[1338] _Ollantay. Estudio sobre el drama Quichua, por Bartolomé Mitre, -publicada en la Nueva Revista de Buenos Ayres_ (1881). - -[1339] _Poesia Dramatica de los Incas. Ollantay, por Clemente R. -Markham traducido del Ingles por Adolfo F. Olivares, y seguido de una -carta critica del Dr. Don Vicente Fidel Lopez_ (Buenos Ayres, 1883). - -[1340] See Vol. IV. p. 141. - -[1341] A most graphic and picturesque account of the ceremonies -attending the process of adoption is given in the _Narrative of the -Captivity of Col. James Smith_. He was taken prisoner, in May, 1755, -by two Delaware Indians, and carried to Fort Duquesne. He describes -the methods of the men and the women in an Indian town by which he was -adopted as one of the Caughnewagos. He shared the life and rovings of -the tribe till 1760, when he got back to his home; accompanied Bouquet -as a guide; was colonel of a regiment in our Revolutionary War, and -afterwards a member of the Kentucky legislature. Here certainly was a -varied career. - -[1342] Governor Colden says that when he first went among the Mohawks -he was adopted by them. The name given to him was “Cayenderogue,” which -was borne by an old sachem, a notable warrior. He writes: “I thought -no more of it at that time than as an artifice to draw a belly-full -of strong liquor from me for himself and his companions. But when, -about ten or twelve years after, my business led me among them,” he -was recognized by the name, and it served him in good stead. (_Hist. -of Five Nats._, 3d ed., i. p. 11.) The savages always took the liberty -of assigning names of their own, either general or individual, to the -Europeans with whom they had intercourse. The governor of Canada, -for the time being, was called “Onontio”; of New York, “Corlear”; of -Virginia, “Assarigoa”; of Pennsylvania, “Onas,” etc. At a council of -the Six Nations with the governors of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and -Maryland, held at Lancaster in June, 1744, it came under notice that -the governor of Maryland had as yet no appellation assigned him by -the natives. Much formality was used in providing one for him. It was -tried by lot as to which of the tribes should have the honor of naming -him. The lot fell to the Cayugas, one of whose chiefs, after solemn -deliberation, assigned the name “To-carryhogan.” (Colden, ii. p. 89.) - -[1343] From Archives of Massachusetts, vol. lxviii. p. 193:— - -“For the Indian Sagamores, and people that are in warre against us. - -“Inteligence is Come to us that you haue some English (especially -weomen and children) in Captivity among you. Wee haue therefore sent -this messenger, offering to redeeme them either for payment in goods -or wompom; or by exchange of prisoners. Wee desire your answer by this -our messinger, what price you demand for euery man woman and child, -or if you will exchainge for Indians: if you haue any among you that -can write your Answer to this our messuage, we desire it in writting, -and to that end haue sent paper, pen and Incke by the messenger. If -you lett our messenger haue free accesse to you and freedome of a safe -returne: Wee are willing to doe the like by any messenger of yours. -Prouided he come vnarmed and Carry a white flagg Vpon a Staffe vissible -to be seene: which we calle a flagg of truce: and is used by Civil -nations in time of warre when any messingers are sent in a way of -treaty: which wee haue done by our messenger. - -“Boston 31th of March 1676 past by the Council E. R. S. & was signed - -“In testimony whereof I haue set to my hand & Seal. - -F. L. Gov.” - -(From _N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register_, Jan’y, 1885, pp. 79, 80.) - -[1344] _Dinwiddie Papers_, ii. p. 426. - -[1345] Quoted in Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. p. 297. - -[1346] Margry, v. 135-250. - -[1347] By the treaty at Lancaster, the Indians covenanted to cede to -the English, for goods of the money value of £400, the lands between -the Alleghanies and the Ohio. See our Vol. V. 566.—ED. - -[1348] These treaties are fully presented, with all the harangues, by -Colden, vol. ii. - -[1349] The most capable and intelligent interpreter employed by -the English for a long period, and who served at the councils for -negotiating the most important treaties of this time, was Conrad -Weiser. He came with his family from Germany in 1710, and settled at -Schoharie, N. Y. His ability and integrity won him the confidence alike -of the Indians and the English. In the _Collections of the Historical -Society of Pennsylvania_, vol. i. pp. 1-34, are autobiographical, -personal, and narrative papers and journals by this remarkable man, -equally characterized by the boldest spirit of adventure and by an -ardent piety. He gives in full his journal of his mission from the -governments of Pennsylvania and Virginia to negotiate with the Six -Nations in 1737. [See Vol. V. 566.—ED.] - -[1350] Mahon’s _England_, ch. 35, and Smollett’s _England_, Book iii. -ch. 9. - -[1351] Governor Dinwiddie, in urging the assembly of Virginia, in 1756, -to active war measures, warned them of the alternative of “giving up -your Liberty for Slavery, the purest Religion for the grossest Idolatry -and Superstition, the legal and mild Government of a Protestant King -for the Arbitrary Exactions and heavy Oppressions of a Popish Tyrant.” -(_Dinwiddie Papers_, ii. p. 515.) - -[1352] In Mr. Parkman’s _Montcalm and Wolfe_, i. p. 65 and on, is a -lively account of the busy zeal of Father Piquet in making and putting -to service savage converts of the sort described in the text. [See Vol. -V. 571.—ED.] - -[1353] The excellent James Logan, who came over as secretary to William -Penn, and who always claimed to be a consistent member of the Society -of Friends, took an exception to a position on one point,—that of -maintaining the right, and even obligation, of defensive warfare. A -letter of very cogent argument to this effect was addressed by him -to the Society of Friends in 1741, remonstrating with them for their -opposition in the legislature to means for defending the colony. -_Collections of Historl. Soc. of Penns._, i. p. 36. [See Vol V. p. -243.—ED.] - -[1354] It was but a repetition of the passions and jealousies of the -colonists of Massachusetts, as maddened by the devastation inflicted -upon them in King Philip’s war, when they themselves broke up the -settlements, then under hopeful promise, of “Praying Indians,” at -Natick and other villages, the fruits of the devoted labors of the -Apostle Eliot. The occasion of this dispersion and severe watch over -the Indian converts was a jealousy that they had been warmed in the -bosom of a weak pity merely for a deadly use of their fangs. - -[1355] [See Vol. V. 240.—ED.] - -[1356] _Spotswood Papers_, published by the Virginia Historical -Society. [The events of this period are followed in our Vol. V.—ED.] - -[1357] The official papers are given in full by Colden, who adds a very -able memorial of his own, in favor of the act, addressed to Governor -Burnet, in 1724. It was estimated that the Indian trade of New York -increased fivefold in twelve years. - -[1358] [See Vol. V. 530, 575.—ED.] - -[1359] Appendix V to the _Ohio Valley Historical Series_, edition of -_Bouquet’s Expedition_ (Cincinnati, 1868). - -[1360] It is estimated that not less than two hundred of these -scattered traders, who had confidently ventured into the wilderness on -the assurance of the treaty, were massacred, after being plundered of -goods of more than a hundred thousand pounds in value. - -[1361] [The events of the Pontiac war can be followed in Vol. V.—ED.] - -[1362] The bibliography of the subject is nowhere exhaustively done. -The _Proof-sheets_ of Pilling as a tentative effort, and his later -divisionary sections, devoted to the Eskimo, Siouan, and other -stocks, though primarily framed for their linguistic bearing, are -the chief help; and these guides can be supplemented by Field’s -Indian _Bibliography_, the references for anonymous books in Sabin’s -_Dictionary_ (ix. p. 86), and sections in many catalogues of public and -private libraries, like the Brinley (iii. 5, 352 etc.), devoted wholly -or in part to Americana, and the foot-notes and authorities given in -Parkman, H. H. Bancroft, and many others. - -[1363] Parkman’s merits as a historian are elsewhere recognized in -the present history. See Vols. II., IV., and V. He first gave his -summary of Indian character in the introductory chapter of his first -historical book, his _Pontiac_. He later completed it in papers in the -_North Amer. Rev._, July, 1865, and July, 1866, and finally in the -introduction to his _Jesuits_. - -[1364] This class of material, including the _Lettres Edifiantes_, -has been examined in our Vol. IV. 292, 296, 316, etc. Cf. Shea’s -_Charlevoix_, i. 88; _Glorias del segundo siglo de la compañia de -Jesus, 1646-1730_ (Madrid, 1734). - -Parkman calls Brébœuf the best observer among the Jesuits. On their -missions see _Revue Canadienne_, Jan., 1888; _Dublin Review_, xii. -(1869) 70; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, iii. 250. Margry (vol. i.) has a -“Mémoire” on the Recollects, 1614-1884. Cf. _Revue Canadienne_, by S. -Lesage, Feb., 1867, p. 303. On the earlier Canadian missions see N. -E. Dionne in _Nouvelles Soirées Canadiennes_, i. 399; _U. S. Catholic -Monthly_, vii. 235, 518, 561; and the Abbé Verreau on the beginnings of -the Church in Canada, in _Roy. Soc. Canada, Proc._, ii. 63. - -[1365] See Vol. IV. 130, 290, 296, 298. - -[1366] _Jesuits_, p. liv. - -[1367] Shea’s ed. Charlevoix, p. 91. See _post_, Vol. IV. 298. - -[1368] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 242. - -[1369] _U.S. Statutes at Large_, xvii. 513. - -[1370] Parkman in his _La Salle_ lets us into the feelings of that -explorer. La Salle’s account of the Indians is translated in the _Mag. -Amer. Hist._, Ap., 1878. - -[1371] Cf. _Travels of several learned missionaries of the Society of -Jesus, translated from the French_ (London, 1714). - -[1372] See Vol. V. 245, 582. - -[1373] See Vol. V. p. 169. - -[1374] Other missionary records are noticed in Vol. V. Brinton enlarges -upon the traces of Indian degradation following upon all missionary -efforts among them. _Amer. Hero Myths_, 206, 231. - -[1375] The careers of Johnson and Croghan are traced in Vol. V. - -[1376] Vol. V. _passim_. - -[1377] Such were the _Travels_ of Alexander Henry, the _Sufferings_ of -Peter Williamson, and the long list of so-called “Captivities” (see -Vol. V. 186, 490). Probably Mr. Samuel G. Drake was for many years -the most assiduous promoter of this class of books. This compiler’s -sympathetic sentiment clearly affected his rhetoric and sometimes the -accuracy of his statements. Cf. titles of his books in Pilling, Sabin, -and Field. Cf. Drake’s _Aboriginal Races of North America, revised by -H. L. Williams_ (N. Y., 1880). - -[1378] _Voyages: an account of his travels and experiences among the -North American Indians, from 1652 to 1684. Transcribed from original -manuscripts in the Bodleian Library and the British Museum. With -historical illustrations and an introduction by G. D. Scull_ (Boston, -1885), a publication of the Prince Society. - -[1379] _Voyages_, 2d ed., London, 1724. - -[1380] See Vol. IV. p. 299. - -[1381] In 1766-68. - -[1382] _Reise in das Innere Nord Amerikas_ (Coblenz, 1841); also in an -English translation (London). - -[1383] _Border Reminiscences_ (N. Y., 1872). - -[1384] _Army Sacrifices._ - -[1385] _Notes of the settlement and Indian wars of the western parts of -Virginia and Pennsylvania_, 1763-1783. See Vol. V. p. 581. - -[1386] The question has often been discussed as to the origin of the -title of “Indian summer,” as applied to a beautiful portion of our -autumnal season. Dr. Doddridge gives us an explanation of its original -significance, or, at least, of an association with it, which would make -a feeling of dread rather than of romance its most striking suggestion. -He says that to a backwoodsman the term in its original import would -cause a chill of horror. The explanation is as follows: The white -settlers on the frontiers found no peace from Indian alarms and onsets -save in the winter. From spring to the early part of the autumn, the -settlers, cooped up in the forts, or ever at watch in their fields, had -no security or comfort. The approach of winter was hailed as a jubilee -in cabin and farm, with bustle and hilarity. But after the first set-in -of winter aspects came a longer or shorter interval of warm, smoky, -hazy weather, which would tempt the Indians—as if a brief return of -summer—to renew their incursions on the frontiers. The season, then, -was an “Indian summer” only for blood and mischief. So the spell of -warm open weather, of melting snows, in the latter part of February—a -premature spring—was a period of dread for the frontiersmen. It was -called the “pawwawing days,” as the Indians were then holding their -incantations and councils for rehearsing for their spring war-parties. - -[1387] Cf. further on Hildreth and his books our Vol. VII. p. 536. - -[1388] There are notices of other books of this kind in Vols. V. and -VII. of the present History. Particularly, may be mentioned Joseph -Pritt’s _Mirror of Olden Time_ (Chambersburg, Va., 1848; 2d ed., -Abingdon, Va., 1849), in which the most interesting portions are the -personal narratives of such captives to the Indians as Col. James -Smith, John M’Cullough, and others, the full credibility of which is -vouched for by those who knew them as neighbors and associates. This -class of narratives by men who for years, willingly or unwillingly, -affiliated with their wild captors make very intelligible to us the -fact that the whites are much more readily Indianized than are Indians -led to conform to the ways of civilization. Cf. Archibald Loudon’s -_Selection of some of the most interesting narratives, of outrages, -committed by the Indians, in their wars with the white people. Also, -an account of their manners, customs, traditions, etc._ (Carlisle, -1808-11; Harrisburg, 1888). - -[1389] Vol. VII. p. 448. As types of successive ranges of -anthropological studies see Happel’s _Thesaurus Exoticorum_ (Hamburg, -1688); Stuart and Kuyper’s _De Mensch zoo als hij voorkomt_ (Amsterdam, -1802), vol. vi., and the better known _Researches_ of Prichard (vol. -v.). - -[1390] See Vol. V. 68. - -[1391] See Vol. VII. 264. - -[1392] The original paintings for the plates are now in the Peabody -Museum (_Report_, xvi. 189). M’Kenney also published his _Memoirs, -official and personal, with sketches of travel among the northern and -southern Indians_ (N. Y., 1846), in two volumes. He had been in 1816 -the agent of the United States in dealing with the Indians, and in 1824 -had been put at the head of the Indian bureau. - -[1393] The English editions are generally called _Illustrations of the -Manners_, etc. - -[1394] The best bibliographical record of Catlin’s publications is in -Pilling’s _Bibliog. Siouan languages_ (1887), p. 15. Cf. Field, p. 63; -Sabin, iii. p. 436. - -[1395] The volume contains three interesting portraits of Catlin and -reimpressions of his drawings as originally published. - -[1396] For diversity of opinions respecting it see Allibone’s -_Dictionary_. The modern scientific historian and ethnologist think -in conjunction in giving it a low rank compared with what such a -book should be. The fullest account of the bibliography of this -and of Schoolcraft’s other books is in Pilling’s _Proof-sheets_. -Whatever credit may accrue to Schoolcraft is kept out of sight in the -title-page of a condensation of the book, which has some interspersed -additions from other sources, all of which are obscurely included, -so that the authorship of them is uncertain. The book is called _The -Indian Tribes of the United States, edited by F. S. Drake_ (Philad., -1884), in 2 vols. There is another conglomerate and useful book, -edited by W. W. Beach, _The Indian Miscellany; papers on the history, -antiquities [etc.] of the American aborigines_ (Albany, 1877), which -is a collection of magazine, review, and newspaper articles by various -writers, usually of good character. - -[1397] Particularly in Vol. IV. - -[1398] Cf. Vol. VI. 610, 611, 650. - -[1399] A part of it is reproduced by J. Watts de Peyster in his -_Miscellanies by an Officer_, part ii. (N. Y., 1888). - -[1400] Vol. VII. p. 448. - -[1401] There is a map of the distribution of Indians in the eastern -part of the United States in Cassino’s _Standard Nat. Hist._, vi. 147. - -[1402] See _ante_, p. 106. - -[1403] Paul Kane’s _Wanderings of an artist among the Indians_ is -translated by Ed. Delessert in _Les Indiens de la baie d’Hudson_ -(Paris, 1861). - -[1404] The truth seems to be that some were last seen in that year. It -is uncertain whether they died out, or the final remnant crossed into -Labrador. - -[1405] See Vol. IV. p. 292. - -[1406] Cf. _Account of the customs and manners of the Micmakis and -Maricheets savage nations. From an original French manuscript letter, -never published. Annexed, pieces relative to the savages, Nova Scotia_ -[etc.] (London, 1758); J. G. Shea in _Hist. Mag._, v. 290; _No. Am. -Rev._, vol. cxii., Jan., 1871. For missions among them see Vol. IV. p. -268. - -[1407] See Vol. IV. p. 299. The Hurons as the leading stock in Canada -are, of course, to be studied in the _Jesuit Relations_ and in all -the other accounts of the Catholic missions in Canada, as well as in -the early historical narratives, alluded to in the text, and in such -special books as the Sieur Gendron’s _Pays des Hurons_ (see Vol. IV. -305), and in the accounts of leading missionaries like Jean de Brébœuf. -Cf. Félix Martin’s _Hurons et Iroquois_ (Paris, 1877); J. M. Lemoine -in _Maple Leaves_, 2d ser. (1873); Cayaron’s _Chaumont_, 1639-1693, -and his_ Autobiographie et pièces inédites_ (Poitiers, 1869); B. Sulte -on the Iroquois and Algonquins in the _Revue Canadienne_ (x. 606); D. -Wilson on the Huron-Iroquois of Canada in _Roy. Soc. Canada, Proc._ -(1884, vol. ii.), and references, _post_, Vol. IV. p. 307. W. H. -Withrow has a paper on the last of the Hurons in the _Canadian Monthly_ -(ii. 409). - -[1408] All of these books are further characterized in Vols. IV. and V. -Cf. also J. Campbell in the _Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans._, 1881, -and Wm. Clint in _Ibid._ 1877; and Daniel Wilson in _Am. Assoc. Adv. -Sci. Proc._ (1882), vol. xxxi., and in his _Prehist. Man_, ii. Also -Vetromile’s _Abnakis_ (N. Y., 1866). - -[1409] Vol. III. - -[1410] “Hist. Coll. of the Indians of N. E.” in _Mass. Hist. Soc. -Coll._, i. - -[1411] Noyes’ _New England’s Duty_, Boston, 1698. - -[1412] Cf. Neal’s _New England_, i. ch. 6; _Conn. Evang. Mag._, ii., -iii., iv.; _Amer. Q. Reg._, iv.; _Sabbath at Home_, Apr.-July, 1868. - -[1413] Cf. his letters in _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Nov., 1879; _N. E. -Hist. Gen. Reg._, July, 1882; Birch’s _Life of Robert Boyle_; and the -lives of Eliot. For the Eliot tracts see our Vol. III. p. 355. Marvin’s -reprint of Eliot’s _Brief Narration_ (1670) has a list of writers on -the subject. Cf. Martin Moore on Eliot and his Converts in the _Amer. -Quart. Reg._, Feb., 1843, reprinted in Beach’s _Indian Miscellany_, p. -405; Ellis’s _Red Man and White Man in No. America_; Jacob’s _Praying -Indians_; and Bigelow’s _Natick_. - -[1414] Sabin, x. p. 191. - -[1415] _Archæologia Amer._, ii. - -[1416] Cf. John Gillies’ _Hist. Coll. relating to remarkable periods of -the success of the Gospel_ (Glasgow, 1754). - -[1417] _Success of the gospel among the Indians of Martha’s Vineyard_ -(1694). _Conquests and Triumphs of Grace_ (1696), which is reprinted -in part in Mather’s _Magnalia_. _Indian Converts of Martha’s Vineyard_ -(1727), and Experience, its author, appended to one of his discourses a -“State of the Indians, 1694-1720.” - -[1418] _Origin and early progress of Indian missions in New England, -with a list of books in the Indian language printed at Cambridge and -Boston, 1653-1721_ (Worcester, 1874, or _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -Oct., 1873); a paper on the Indian tongue and its literature in the -_Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 465. - -[1419] Wheelock has given us _A brief narrative of the Indian Charity -School_ (London, 1766; 2d ed., 1767), and a series of tracts portray -its later progress. Cf. McClure and Parish’s _Memoir of Wheelock_. -Samson Occum and Brant were his pupils. Also see Miss Fletcher’s -_Report_, p. 94, and S. C. Bartlett in _The Granite Monthly_ (1888), p. -277. - -[1420] See Vol. III. p. 364. There is a bibliography of the Indians -in Maine in the _Hist. Mag._, March, 1870, p. 164. Cf. Hanson’s -_Gardiner_, etc.; the histories of Norridgewock by Hanson and Allen; -Sabine in the _Christian Examiner_, 1857; and _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, -vols. iii., ix. On the Maine missions, see _post_, Vol. IV. 300; and R. -H. Sherwood in the _Catholic World_, xxii. 656. - -[1421] See Vol. III. p. 367. - -[1422] Cf. _Report on the Mass. Archives_ (1885). - -[1423] Vol. III. p. 362. - -[1424] Dr. Ellis has a paper on the Indians of eastern Massachusetts -in the _Mem. Hist. Boston_, i. 241. For the middle regions there -are Epaphras Hoyt’s _Antiquarian Researches_ (Greenfield, 1824), -and Temple’s _North Brookfield_, not to name other books. For -the Stockbridge tribe and the Housatonics, see Samuel Hopkins’ -_Hist. Memoirs relating to the Housatunnuk Indians_ (1753); Jones’ -_Stockbridge_; Charles Allen’s _Report on the Stockbridge Indians_ -(Boston, 1870; _Ho. Doc. Mass. Leg._, no. 13, of 1870); S. Orcutt’s -_Indians of the Housatonic and Naugatuck Valleys_ (Hartford, 1882); -_Mag. Amer. Hist._, Dec., 1878; and Miss Fletcher’s _Report_, pp. 38, -90. For the Wampanoags on the borders of Rhode Island, see _Smithsonian -Report_, 1883; and William J. Miller’s _Notes concerning the Wampanoag -tribe of Indians, with some account of a rock picture on the shore of -Mount Hope Bay, in Bristol, R. I._ (Providence, 1880). - -[1425] Potter’s _Early Hist. of Narragansett_; _R. I. Hist. Coll._, -viii.; Henry Bull’s Memoir in _R. I. Hist. Mag._, April, 1886; Usher -Parsons on the Nyantics in _Hist. Mag._, Feb., 1863. - -[1426] Theo. Dwight’s _Connecticut_, ch. 5-7; Trumbull’s Connecticut, -ch. 5, 6; Ellis’ _Life of Capt. Mason_; W. L. Stone’s _Uncas and -Miantonomoh_; S. Orcutt’s _Stratford and Bridgeport_ (1886); Luzerne -Ray in _New Englander_, July, 1843 (reprinted in Beach’s _Ind. -Miscellany_). - -On the Pequods, see Wm. Apes’ _Son of the Forest_, and other small -books by this member of the tribe, published from 1829 to 1837; Lossing -in _Scribner’s Monthly_, ii., Oct., 1871 (included in Beach). Cf. our -Vol. III. p. 368. - -[1427] Further modern portraitures can be found in Dwight’s _Travels_; -Barry’s _Massachusetts_; Felt’s _Eccles. Hist. N. E._ (p. 279); Samuel -Eliot on the “Early relations with the Indians” in the volume of the -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Lectures_; Zachariah Allen on _The conditions of -life, habits, and customs of the native Indians of America, and their -treatment by the first settlers. An address before the Rhode Island -Historical Society, Dec. 4, 1879_ (Providence, 1880). Cf. on the -Indians and the Puritans, _Amer. Chh. Review_, iii. 208, 359. - -[1428] Cf. Brodhead’s _New York_; the _Doc. Hist. N. Y._; and Wm. Eliot -Griffis’ _Arent van Curler and his policy of peace with the Iroquois_ -(1884). - -[1429] Cf. Vol. IV. 306. The best source for the story of Jogues is -Felix Martin’s _Life of Father Isaac Jogues, missionary priest of the -Society of Jesus, slain by the Mohawk Iroquois, in the present state of -New York, Oct. 18, 1646. With [his] account of the captivity and death -of René Goupil, slain Sept. 29, 1642. Translated from the French by J. -G. Shea_ (New York, 1885). It is accompanied by a map of the county -by Gen. John S. Clark, indicating the sites of the Indian villages -and missions, which is an improvement upon Clark’s earlier map, given -_post_, Vol. IV. 293. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, xii. 15; Hale’s _Book of -Rites_, introd. W. H. Withrow has a paper on Jogues in the _Proc. Roy. -Soc. Canada_, iii. (2) 45. - -[1430] Vol. IV. 279, 309. - -[1431] Cf. D. Humphrey’s _Hist. Acc. of the Soc. for propagating the -Gospel_ (1730); _Doc. Hist. N. Y._, iv.; A. G. Hopkins in the _Oneida -Hist. Soc. Trans._, 1885-86, p. 5; W. M. Beauchamp in _Am. Chh. Rev._, -xlvi. 87; S. K. Lothrop’s _Kirkland_; and Miss Fletcher’s _Report_ -(1888), p. 85. - -[1432] Sylvester’s _Northern New York_; Clark’s _Onondaga_; Jones’s -_Oneida County_; Simms’ _Schoharie County_; Benton’s _Herkimer -County_; C. E. Stickney’s _Minisink Region_; G. H. Harris’ _Aboriginal -occupation of the lower Genesee County_ (Rochester, 1884,—taken from W. -F. Peck’s _Semi-Centennial Hist. of Rochester_); Ketchum’s _Buffalo_; -John Wentworth Sanborn’s _Legends, Customs, and Social Life of the -Seneca Indians_ (Gowanda, N. Y., 1878). On the origin of the name -Seneca, see O. H. Marshall’s _Hist. Writings_, p. 231. - -[1433] See Vol. IV. 299. Shea says the only copies known of the 1727 -edition are those noted in the catalogues of H. C. Murphy, Menzies, -Brinley, and T. H. Morrell. Stevens noted a copy in 1885, at £42. The -_Murphy Catalogue_ gives the various editions. Cf. Sabin and Pilling. -There is an account of Colden in the _Hist. Mag._, Jan., 1865. Palfrey -(_New England_, iv. 40) warns the student that Colden must be used with -caution, and that he needs to be corrected by Charlevoix. - -[1434] See Vol. V. 618. - -[1435] Cf. Vol. IV. 297. Schoolcraft later included in his _Indian -Tribes_ a reprint of David Cusick’s _Ancient Hist. of the Six Nations_ -(1825), the work of a Tuscarora chief. Brinton (_Myths_, 108) calls it -of little value. Elias Johnson, another Tuscarora, printed a little -_Hist. of the Six Nations_ at Lockport in 1881. - -[1436] See Vol. V., VI., VII. - -[1437] This was the earliest of Morgan’s important writings on the -Iroquois, but the full outcome of all his views on the Indian character -and life can only be studied by following him through his later -_Ancient Society_, his _Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity_, and -his _Houses and House-life of the American Aborigines_. Cf. Pilling’s -_Proof-sheets_ for a conspectus of his works. Morgan’s early studies on -the Iroquois sensibly affected his judgment in his later treatment of -all other North American tribes. - -[1438] Hale has also contributed to the _Mag. Amer. Hist._, 1885, xiii. -131, a paper on “Chief George H. M. Johnson, his life and work among -the Six Nations;” and to the _Amer. Antiquarian_, 1885, vii. 7, one on -“The Iroquois sacrifice of the white dog.” - -A few other references on the Iroquois follow: Drake’s _Book of the -Indians_, book v.; D. Sherman in _Mag. West. Hist._, i. 467; W. W. -Beauchamp in _Amer. Antiquarian_ (Nov., 1886), viii. 358; D. Gray on -the last Indian council in the Genesee Country, in _Scribner’s Mag._, -xxv. 338; _Penna. Mag._, i. 163, 319; ii. 407. For the Schaghticoke -tribe, see _Hist. Mag._, June, 1870; and for those of the Susquehanna -Valley, Miner’s _Wyoming_ and Stone’s _Wyoming_. E. M. Ruttenber’s -_Indian Tribes of the Hudson River_ (Albany, 1872) is an important -book. Miss Fletcher’s _Report_ includes a paper on the N. Y. Indians, -by F. B. Hough. - -[1439] _N. Jersey Hist. Soc. Proc._, vol. iv. - -[1440] There is a sketch of this singular character in Brinton’s -_Lenape_, ch. 7. - -[1441] Also _Amer. Whig Review_, Feb., 1849; and in Beach’s _Indian -Miscellany_. - -[1442] We may also note: D. B. Brunner’s _Indians of Berks county, -Pa.; being a summary of all the tangible records of the aborigines of -Berks County_ (Reading, Pa., 1881), and W. J. Buck’s “Lappawinzo and -Tishcohan chiefs of the Lenni Lenape” in the _Penna. Mag. of Hist._, -July, 1883, p. 215. The early writers to elucidate the condition of -the Delawares soon after the white contact are Vanderdonck, Campanius, -Gabriel Thomas, and later there is something of value in Peter Kalm’s -_Travels_. The early authorities on Pennsylvania need also to be -consulted, as well as the _Penna. Archives_, and the _Collections_ -of the Penna. Hist. Soc., and its _Bulletin_, whose first number has -Ettwein’s _Traditions and language of the Indians_. Of considerable -historical value is Charles Thomson’s _Enquiry_ (see Vol. V. 575), and -the relations of the Quakers to the tribes are surveyed in an _Account -of the Conduct of the Society of Friends towards the Indian Tribes_ -(Lond., 1844); but other references will be found _post_, Vol. V. 582, -including others on the Moravian missions, the literature of which is -of much importance in this study. Cf. Chas. Beatty’s _Journal of a two -months’ tour_ (London, 1768), the works of Heckewelder and Loskiel, and -Schweinitz’s _Zeisberger_. Cf. Miss Fletcher’s _Report_, p. 78. - -[1443] Vol. III., under Virginia and Maryland. Cf. _Hist. Mag._, March, -1857. - -[1444] For instance, the _Relatio itineris in Marylandiam_. - -[1445] See Vol. III. - -[1446] The latest summary is in Miss Fletcher’s _Report_, ch. 2 and 3. - -[1447] F. Kidder in _Hist. Mag._ (1857), i. 161. Doyle’s _English -in America, Virginia, etc._ (London, 1882) gives a brief chapter to -the natives. Cf. travels of Bartram and Smyth, and Miss Fletcher’s -_Report_, ch. 19. - -[1448] Vol. II. - -[1449] Vol. V. p. 65. - -[1450] Vol. V. p. 69, 344, 393. - -[1451] Vol. V. p. 401. - -[1452] This also makes part of the Urlsperger tract, _Ausführliche -Nachricht von den Saltzburgischen Emigranten_ (Halle, 1835). See Vol. -V. p. 395. - -[1453] Vol. V. p. 399. Cf. _Mag. Amer. Hist._, v. 346. - -[1454] The long contested case of the Cherokees _v._ Georgia brought -out much material. Cf. Vol. VII. p. 322, and _Poole’s Index_, p. 225. -There is a somewhat curious presentation of the Cherokee mind in the -address of Dewi Brown in the _Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, xii. 30. - -[1455] The histories of the Creek war give some material. See Vol. VII. -and Harrison’s _Life of John Howard Payne_, ch. 4. Cf. _Poole’s Index_, -p. 314. - -[1456] Cf. _Poole’s Index_. - -[1457] See Vol. VII. - -[1458] Cf. Claiborne’s _Mississippi_, i.; Brinton in _Hist. Mag._, 2d -ser., vol. i. p. 16; and E. L. Berthoud’s _Natchez Indians_ (Golden, -1886), a pamphlet. - -[1459] Vol. V. p. 68. Cf. also an abridged memoir of the missions in -Louisiana by Father Francis Watrin, Jesuit, 1764-65, in _Mag. West. -Hist._, Feb., 1885, p. 265; the _Travels into Arkansa territory_, 1819, -by Thomas Nuttall (Philad., 1821), for other accounts of the aboriginal -inhabitants of the banks of the Mississippi; the _History of Kansas_ -(Chicago, 1883), p. 58; and the _Proceedings_ of the Kansas Hist. -Society. - -[1460] Cf. Vol. IV. p. 298; and C. W. Butterfield in the _Mag. West. -Hist._, Feb., 1887; and on the Indian occupation of Ohio, _Ibid._, -Nov., 1884. David Jones’ _Two Visits, 1772-73_, concerns the Ohio -Indians. Our Vol. V. covers this region during the French wars. J. -R. Dodge’s _Red Man of the Ohio Valley, 1650-1795_ (Springfield, O., -1860), is a popular book. - -[1461] _Hist. Mag._, x. (Jan., 1866). - -[1462] _Mag. West. Hist._, ii. 38. - -[1463] _Hist. Writings_, 1887. - -[1464] _Fergus Hist. Series, No. 27_ (1884). Cf. Hough’s map of the -tribal districts of Indiana in his _Rept. on the Geology and Nat. Hist. -of Indiana_ (1882). - -[1465] See Vol. IV. 298. - -[1466] Cf. _Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1861; and Peter D. Clarke’s _Origin and -Traditional Hist. of the Wyandotts_ (Toronto, 1870). Clarke is a native -Indian writer. - -[1467] Cf. I. A. Lapham on the _Indians of Wisconsin_ (Milwaukee, -1879); and E. Jacker on the missions in _Am. Cath. Quart._, i. 404; -also Miss Fletcher’s _Report_, ch. 21. - -[1468] Vol. VII. - -[1469] Cf. her _Report_ (1888), ch. 10, and her _Indian ceremonies_ -(Salem, Mass., 1884), taken from the xvi. _Report of the Peabody Museum -of Amer. Archæology and Ethnology_, 1883, pp. 260-333, and containing: -The white buffalo festival of the Uncpapas.—The elk mystery or -festival. Ogallala Sioux.—The religious ceremony of the four winds or -quarters, as observed by the Santee Sioux.—The shadow or ghost lodge: -a ceremony of the Ogallala Sioux.—The “Wawan,” or pipe dance of the -Omahas. - -The _Minnesota Hist. Soc. Collections_ have much on the Dacotahs. - -[1470] _Ab-sa-ra-ka, home of the Crows, being the experience of an -officer’s wife on the plains, with outlines of the natural features of -the land, tables of distances, maps_ [etc.] (Philad., 1868). - -[1471] These may be supplemented by Letheman’s account of the Navajos -in the _Smithsonian Rept._, 1855, p. 280; and books of adventures, like -Ruxton’s _Life in the Far West_; Pumpelly’s _Across America and Asia_; -H. C. Dorr in _Overland Monthly_, Apr., 1871 (also in Beach’s _Indian -Miscellany_); James Hobbs’ _Wild life in the far West_ (Hartford, -1875),—not to name others, and a large mass of periodical literature to -be reached for the English portion through _Poole’s Index_. Cf. Miss -Fletcher’s _Report_ (1888). - -[1472] _A Journal, kept at Nootka Sound, by John R. Jewitt, one -of the surviving crew of the ship Boston, of Boston, John Salter, -commander, who was massacred on 22d of March, 1803. Interspersed with -some account of the natives, their manners and customs_ (Boston, -1807). Another account has been published with the title, “A narrative -of the adventures and sufferings of J. R. Jewitt,” compiled from -Jewitt’s “Oral relations,” by Richard Alsop; and another alteration -and abridgment by S. G. Goodrich has been published with the title, -“The captive of Nootka.” Cf. Sabin, Pilling, Field, etc. Cf. also -_Hist. Mag._, Mar., 1863. The French half-breeds of the Northwest are -described by V. Havard in the _Smithsonian Rept._, 1879. - -[1473] Dall’s _Alaska and its Resources_ (Boston, 1870), with its list -of books, is of use in this particular field. Cf. also Miss Fletcher’s -_Report_ (1888), ch. 19 and 20. - -[1474] His map is reproduced in Petermann’s _Geog. Mittheilungen_, xxv. -pl. 13. - -[1475] The periodical literature can be reached through _Poole’s -Index_; particularly to be mentioned, however, are the _Atlantic -Monthly_, Apr., 1875; by J. R. Browne in _Harper’s Mag._, Aug., 1861, -repeated in Beach’s _Ind. Miscellany_. For the missionary aspects see -such books as Geronimo Boscana’s _Chinigchinich; a historical account -of the origin, customs, and traditions of the Indians at the missionary -establishment of St. Juan Capistrano, Alta California; called the -Acagchemem nation. Translated from the original Spanish manuscript, by -one who was many years a resident of Alta California_ [Alfred Robinson] -(N. Y., 1846), which is included in Robinson’s _Life in California_ -(N. Y., 1846); and C. C. Painter’s _Visit to the mission Indians of -southern California, and other western tribes_ (Philadelphia, 1886). - -[1476] See, for instance: Maj. Powell on tribal society in the _Third -Rept. Bur. of Ethnology_. On Totemism, see the _Fourth Rept._, p. 165, -and J. G. Frazier in his _Totemism_ (Edinburgh, 1887). Lucien Carr on -the social and political condition of women among the Huron-Iroquois -tribes, in _Peabody Mus. Rept._, xvi. 207. J. M. Browne on Indian -medicine in the _Atlantic_, July, 1866, reprinted in Beach’s _Indian -Miscellany_. J. M. Lemoine on their mortuary rites in _Proc. Roy. -Soc. Canada_, ii. 85, and H. C. Yarrow on their mortuary customs in -the _First Rept. Bur. Ethnol._, p. 87, and on their mummifications -in _Ibid._ p. 130. Andrew MacFarland Davis on Indian games in the -_Bulletin, Essex Institute_, vols. xvii., xviii., and separately. On -their intellectual and literary capacity, John Reade in the _Proc. Roy. -Soc. of Canada_ (ii. sect. 2d, p. 17); Edward Jacker in _Amer. Catholic -Quarterly_ (ii. 304; iii. 255); Brinton’s _Lenape and their legends_; -W. G. Simms’ _Views and Reviews_. - -[1477] _The North Americans of Antiquity_, by John T. Short, p. 130. - -[1478] _Ibid._ p. 127. - -[1479] _The Antiquity of Man in America_, by Alfred R. Wallace in -_Nineteenth Century_ (November, 1887), vol. xxii. p. 673. - -[1480] _Palæolithic Man in America_, in _Popular Science Monthly_ -(November, 1888), p. 23. - -[1481] Sometimes the gravels in which such implements were originally -deposited have disappeared through denudation or other natural -causes, leaving the implements on the surface. But the outside of -such specimens always shows traces of decomposition, indicating their -high antiquity. Other examples of implements of like shape, found on -the surface in places where there has been no glacial drift, may be -palæolithic, but their form is no sufficient proof of this, since they -may equally well have been the work of the Indians, who are known to -have fashioned similar objects. - -[1482] _The Great Ice Age and its relation to the antiquity of Man_, by -James Geikie, p. 416. - -[1483] _An Inventory of our Glacial Drift_, by T. C. Chamberlin in -the _Proceedings of American Association for Advancement of Science_, -vol. xxxv. p. 196. A general map of this great moraine and others -representing portions of it on a large scale will be found in his -“Preliminary Paper on the terminal moraine of the second glacial -period,” in the _Third Annual Report of the U. S. Geological Survey_, -by J. W. Powell (Washington, 1883). - -[1484] Chamberlin, _Proc. Amer. Assoc._, _ubi sup._, p. 199. - -[1485] _The place of Niagara Falls in geological history_, by G. K. -Gilbert, of the U. S. Govt. Surv., in the _Proc. Amer. Assoc._, _Ibid._ -p. 223; _Geology of Minnesota_ [final report], by N. H. Winchell and -Warren Upham, vol. i. p. 337 (St. Paul, 1888). - -[1486] _The American Naturalist_, vol. vii. p. 204. - -[1487] _Ibid._ vol. x. p. 329. - -[1488] _Tenth Annual Report of the Trustees of the Peabody Museum of -American Archæology and Ethnology_, vol. ii. p. 30. - -[1489] Second report on the palæolithic implements from the glacial -drift, in the valley of the Delaware River, near Trenton, New Jersey, -_Ibid._ p. 225. - -[1490] A complete account of Dr. Abbott’s investigations will be found -in his _Primitive Industry_, chap. 32 (Palæolithic Implements); _Tenth -ann. rep. of Peabody Museum_, vol. ii. p. 30; _Eleventh Do._, _Ibid._ -p. 225; _Proceedings of Boston Society of Natural History_, vol. -xxi. p. 124; vol. xxiii. p. 424; _Proc. of Amer. Assoc. for Adv. of -Science_, vol. xxxvii. - -[1491] _Proceedings of Boston Society of Natural History_, vol. xxi. p. -148. - -[1492] _Twelfth annual report of Peabody Museum_, vol. ii. p. 489. - -[1493] _Proceedings of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist._, _Ibid._ p. 132. - -[1494] _Popular Science Monthly_, January, 1889, p. 411. - -[1495] _On the discovery of stone implements in the glacial drift of -North America_, in the _Quart. Journ. of Science_ (London, January, -1878), vol. xv. p. 68. - -[1496] _The Trenton gravel and its relation to the antiquity of man, in -the Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia_, -1880, p. 296. - -[1497] _Primitive Industry_, p. 533 _et seq._ - -[1498] The bibliography of Professor Wright’s publications upon this -subject will be found in _Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist._, vol. xxiii. -p. 427. - -[1499] _Science_, vol. i. p. 271. - -[1500] _Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist._, vol. xxiii. p. 435. - -[1501] _Proc. Amer. Assoc. for Adv. of Science_, vol. xxxvii. - -[1502] Early Man in the Delaware Valley, in the _Proc. Boston Soc. of -Nat. Hist._, vol. xxiv. - -[1503] The Age of the Philadelphia Red Gravel, _Proc. Boston Soc. of -Nat. Hist._, vol. xxiv. - -[1504] _Antiquities of the Southern Indians_, p. 293. The preface of -this volume is dated “New York, April 10, 1873.” In an article in the -_North American Review_ for January, 1874 (vol. cxviii. p. 70), on “The -Antiquity of the North American Indians,” he traces that race back to -palæolithic times. - -[1505] _Flint implements from the stratified drift of the vicinity of -Richmond, Va._, in the _American Journal of Science_ (3d series), vol. -xi. p. 195; quoted in Dana’s _Manual of Geology_, p. 578. - -[1506] _Sixth annual report of the Geological and Natural History -Survey of Minnesota_, 1877, p. 54. - -[1507] Her paper on “Ancient quartz-workers and their quarries in -Minnesota,” read before the Minnesota Historical Society, February, -1880, was reprinted in _The American Antiquarian_, vol. iii. p. 18. - -[1508] _Vestiges of Glacial Man in Central Minnesota_, in the _Proc. -Amer. Assoc. for Adv. of Science_, vol. xxxii. p. 385. A more extended -account of her researches will be found under the same title in the -_American Naturalist_ for June and July, 1884 (vol. xviii. pp. 594 and -697). On p. 705 the writer has given at some length his opinion in -regard to the artificial character of these quartz objects. - -[1509] _Proc. of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist._, vol. xxiii. p. 436. - -[1510] In 1877, by Professor S. S. Haldeman on an island in the -Susquehanna River, in Lancaster Co., Penn. (_Eleventh Rep. Peabody -Mus._, vol. ii. p. 255). In 1878, by A. F. Berlin in the Schuylkill -Valley, at Reading, Penn. (_American Antiquarian_, vol. i. p. 10). -In 1879, by Dr. W. J. Hoffman in the valley of the Potomac, near -Washington (_American Naturalist_, vol. xiii. p. 108). Subsequently -by others in the same vicinity, reported by S. V. Proudfit in _The -American Anthropologist_, vol. i. p. 337. By David Dodge at Wakefield, -Mass., and by Mr. Frazer at Marshfield, Mass. (_Proc. of Boston Soc. -of Nat. Hist._, vol. xxi. pp. 123 and 450). By the writer, in several -localities in New England (_Ibid._ p. 382). - -[1511] _Sixth annual report of the U. S. Geological Survey of the -Territories_, by F. V. Hayden (1873), p. 652. - -[1512] _Ibid._ (1874), p. 247. - -[1513] _Ibid._ p. 254. - -[1514] _Eleventh Report of Peabody Museum_, p. 257. - -[1515] _Geological History of Lake Lahontan, a quaternary lake of -northwestern Nevada_, by I. C. Russell, being _Monog._ No. xi. _U. S. -Geol. Surv._ under J. W. Powell, p. 247 (Washington, 1885). - -[1516] _Ibid._ p. 269. - -[1517] _Pop. Science Monthly_, November, 1888, p. 27. - -[1518] Article in the _Iconographic Encyclopædia_, on Prehistoric -Archæology, by Daniel G. Brinton, vol. ii. p. 63 (Philadelphia, 1886). - -[1519] _Smithsonian Report_, 1862, p. 297, where it is figured; and -repeated in his _Prehistoric Man_, vol. i. p. 45. - -[1520] See p. 385 of this volume. - -[1521] _Memoirs of Mus. of Comp. Zoölogy at Harv. College_, vol. vi. -pp. 258-288 (Cambridge, 1880). - -[1522] _The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America_, by H. -H. Bancroft, vol. iv. pp. 699-707. - -[1523] _Transactions_ of the Chicago Academy of Sciences, vol. i. p. -232, pl. xxii, fig. 3. - -[1524] _The aboriginal relics called “sinkers” or “plummets”_ in _Amer. -Journal of Archæology_, vol. i. p. 105. - -[1525] _The Epoch of the Mammoth and the Apparition of Man upon the -Earth_, by James C. Southall, p. 399 (Philadelphia, 1878). - -[1526] Schoolcraft’s _Indian Tribes of the United States_, vol. i. p. -101 (Philadelphia, 1851). - -[1527] S. B. J. Skertchly in the _Journal Anthrop. Inst._, vol. xvii. -p. 335 (Jan. 10, 1888). - -[1528] _The American Naturalist_, vol. xxi. p. 459 (1887). - -[1529] _Early Man in America_, in the _North American Review_, Oct., -1883, p. 340. - -[1530] _The Auriferous Gravels_, etc., p. 273. - -[1531] _Ibid._ p. 242. - -[1532] _Sixth annual report of the U. S. Geol. Surv. of the -Territories_, p. 29. - -[1533] _Ibid._ p. 44. - -[1534] _The Auriferous Gravels_, etc., p. 281. - -[1535] _The Antiquity of Man in North America_, p. 679. - -[1536] _Proc. of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist._, vol. xxiii, p. 269. - -[1537] _Reports of Peabody Museum_, vol. iii. pp. 177, 408; iv. p. 35. - -[1538] _Early Man in Britain_, by W. Boyd Dawkins, p. 167. - -[1539] Dr. H. Ten Kate in _Science_, vol. xii. p. 228 (November 9, -1888). - -[1540] _Notes on the Crania of the N. E. Indians_, by Lucien Carr, p. 9 -(_Anniversary Memoirs of Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist._), 1880. - -[1541] _The Standard Natural History_, ed. by J. S. Kingsley, vol. vi. -p. 143. - -[1542] _The Mammoth and the Flood_, by Henry H. Howorth, p. 316 -(London, 1887). - -[1543] _Fossil Men and their modern Representatives_, by J. W. Dawson, -p. 106 _et seq._ (London, 1880). - -[1544] _Le Maconnais Préhistorique, ... ouvrage posthume par H. De -Ferry ... avec notes et cet. par A. Arcelin_, Mâcon, 1870. - -[1545] _The Auriferous Gravels_, etc., p. 287. - -[1546] _Primitive Industry; or Illustrations of the Handiwork in Stone, -Bone, and Clay of the Native Races of the Northern Atlantic Seaboard of -America_, by Charles C. Abbott (Salem and Boston, 1881), p. 3. - -[1547] _Proc. Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist._, vol. xxiii. p. 422. - -[1548] _Proc. of Am. Assoc. for Adv. of Science_, vol. xxxvii. - -[1549] _Primitive Industry_, p. 253. - -[1550] _Ibid._ p. 262. - -[1551] _Primitive Industry_, p. 276 _et seq._ - -[1552] _Ibid._ p. 515, _note_. - -[1553] _Proc. of Am. Assoc. for Adv. of Science_, vol. xxxvii. - -[1554] Peter Kalm, _Travels into North America, translated by J. R. -Forster_ (London, 1770-71), v. ii. p. 17. - -[1555] _Primitive Industry_, p. 462. - -[1556] _Proc. of Amer. Assoc. for Adv. of Science_, vol. xxxvii. - -[1557] _Rep. of Peabody Museum_, vol. iv. p. 43. - -[1558] Vol. ix. p. 363. - -[1559] See Vol. II. pp. 144 and 187. - -[1560] _Companions of Columbus_, p. 28. - -[1561] _Flint Chips, a Guide to Prehistoric Archæology_, by Edw. T. -Stevens, p. 123. - -[1562] _Antiquities of the Southern Indians_, by C. C. Jones, p. 320. - -[1563] _Rep. of Peabody Museum_, vol. iv. p. 45. - -[1564] “Early Man in the Delaware Valley,” in the _Proc. Boston Soc. of -Nat. Hist._, vol. xxiv. - -[1565] _Early Man in Britain_, p. 173. - -[1566] Waitz, _Introd. to Anthropology_, Eng. trans., p. 255, points -out the dangers of over-confidence in this research. Cf. also J. H. -McCulloh’s _Researches_ (1829). - -The best indications of the sources as respects the origin of the -Americans can be found in Haven’s _Archæology of the United States_ -(_Smithsonian Contributions_, vii., 1856); Bancroft’s foot-notes to his -_Nat. Races_, v. ch. 1; Short, ch. 3, on the diversity of opinions; -Poole’s _Index_, p. 637, and _Supplement_, p. 274. Cf. Drake’s _Book of -the Indians_, ch. 2. - -Without anticipating the characterization and mention of the essential -books later to be indicated, some miscellaneous references may be added -without much attempt at classifying them. - -Among English writers: Hyde Clarke’s _Researches on prehistoric and -protohistoric comparative philology, mythology, and archæology in -connection with the origin of culture in America_ (London, 1875). -Robert Knox’s _Races of Men_ (London, 1862); J. Kennedy in his -_Probable origin of the American Indians_ (London, 1854), and in his -_Essays, ethnological and linguistic_ (London, 1861); J. C. Beltrami’s -_Pilgrimage in Europe and America_ (London, 1828); C. H. Smith in -_Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal_, xxxviii. 1. - -Some French authorities: Nadaillac, _Les premiers hommes_, ii. 93, and -his _L’Amérique préhistorique_, ch. 10, and to the English translation -W. H. Dall adds a chapter on this subject; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s -introduction to his _Popul Vuh_ (section 4); Dabry de Thiersant’s _De -l’origine des indiens du nouveau monde et de leur civilisation_ (Paris, -1883); M. A. Baguet’s “Les races primitives des deux Amériques” in -_Bull. de la Soc. de Géog. d’Anvers_, viii. 440; Domenech in _Revue -Contemporaine_, 1st ser., xxxiii. 283; xxxiv. 5, 284; 2d ser., iv.; -Baron de Bretton’s _Origines des peuples de l’Amérique_, in the Nancy -_Compte-rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_, i. 439. - -Among German writers perhaps the most weighty are Theodor Waitz in his -_Anthropologie der Naturvölker_ (1862-66), and Carl Vogt’s _Vorlesungen -über den Menschen_, translated as _Lectures on Man_ (1864). - -American writers: Drake’s _Book of the Indians_, ch. 1, 2; Doddridge’s -_Notes on the Settlement and Indian Wars of Virginia and Penna._, ch. -3; Geo. Catlin’s _Life amongst the Indians_ (1861), and his _Last -Rambles_ (1867), with extracts in _Smithsonian Ann. Rept._, 1885, iii. -749; Isaac McCoy’s _Hist. of Baptist Indian Missions_ (Washington, -1840); Short’s _No. Amer. of Antiq._, ch. 4, 11; B. H. Coate’s _Annual -Discourse before the Penna. Hist. Soc._ (Philad., 1834), reviewing the -various theories; also in their _Memoirs_, iii. part 2; John Y. Smith -in _Wisconsin Hist. Soc. Ann. Rep._, iv. 117; Dennie’s _Portfolio_, -xiii. 231, 519; xiv. 7; A. R. Grote in _Amer. Naturalist_, xi. 221 -(April, 1877); C. C. Abbott in _Ibid._ x. 65. - -Some Canadian writers: J. Campbell in _Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. -Transactions_ (1880-81); Napoléon Legendre’s “Races indigénes de -l’Amérique devant l’histoire” in _Proc. Royal Soc. of Canada_, ii. 25. - -[1567] The book is a rare one. Field, No. 586. Sabin, vii. p. 157. -Quaritch in 1885 had not known of a copy being for sale in twenty -years. He then had two (Nos. 28,355-56). There is one in Harvard -College Library. Garcia drew somewhat from a manuscript of Juan de -Vetanzos, a companion of Pizarro, and he gives the native accounts of -their origin. There was a second edition, with Barcia’s Annotations, -Madrid, 1729 (Carter-Brown, iii. 432). - -[1568] _New English Canaan_ (Amsterdam, 1637—C. F. Adams’ ed., 1883, -pp. 125, 129). - -[1569] There is an English translation in the _Bibliotheca Curiosa_. -[Edited by Edmund Goldsmidt.] (Edinburgh, 1883-85.) No. 12. _On the -origin of the native races of America. To which is added, A treatise -on foreign languages and unknown islands, by Peter Albinus. Translated -from the Latin._ The translation is unfortunate in its blunders. Cf. H. -W. Haynes in _The Nation_, Mar. 15, 1888. Grotius was b. 1583; d. 1645. - -[1570] Carter-Brown, ii. 522, 523, 543. - -[1571] This book is scarcer than the first (Brinley, iii. 5414-15). -There is a letter addressed to De Laet, touching Grotius, in Claudius -Morisotus’s _Epistolarum Centuriæ duæ_, 1656. - -[1572] Brinley, iii. 5407-8. In Samuel Sewall’s _Letter Book_, i. 289, -is an amusing reference to the “vanities of Hornius.” - -[1573] Jo. Bapt. Poisson, _Animadversiones ad ea quæ Hugo Grotius -et Joh. Lahetius de origine gentium Peruvianarum et Mexicanarum -scripserunt_ (Paris, 1644); Rob. Comtæus Nortmanus, _De origine gentium -Americanarum_ (Amsterdam, 1664), an academic dissertation adopting the -Phœnician view; A. Mil, _De origine animalium et migratione populorum_ -(Geneva, 1667); Erasmus Franciscus, _Lust- und Staatsgarten_ (Nürnberg, -1668), with a third part on the aboriginal inhabitants (Müller, 1877, -no. 1150); Gottfried [Godofredus] Wagner, _De Originibus Americanis_ -(Leipzig, 1669); J. D. Victor, _Disputatio historia de America_ (Jena, -1670); E. P. Ljung, _Dissertatio de origine gentium novi orbis prima_ -(Stregnäs [Sweden] 1676). An essay of 1695 reprinted in the _Memoirs, -Anthrop. Soc. of London_, i. 365; Nic Witsen, _Noord-en-Oost Tartarye_ -(2d ed., Amsterdam, 1705), holding to the migration from northeastern -Asia. - -[1574] Cf. Alex. Catcott’s _Treatise on the Deluge_ (2d ed., enlarged, -London, 1768), and A. de Ulloa’s _Noticias Americanas_ (Madrid, 1772, -1792), for speculations. - -[1575] Cf. Sabin, xiv. 59,239, etc., for editions. The original three -vols. appeared in Berlin in 1768, 1769, and 1770, respectively. The -best edition, with De Pauw’s subsequent defence and Pernetty’s attack, -was issued at London in three vols. in 1770:— - -_Recherches philosophiques sur les Américains, ou Mémoires interessants -pour servir à l’histoire de l’espèce humaine_. - -_Contents_: Du climat de l’Amérique.—De la complexion altérée de -ses habitants.—De la découverte du Nouveau-Monde.—De la variété de -l’espèce humaine en Amérique.—De la couleur des Américains.—Des -anthropophages.—Des Eskimaux; des Patagons.—Des Blafards et des Négres -blancs.—De l’Orang-Outang.—Des hermaphrodites de la Floride.—De la -circoncision et de l’infibulation.—Du génie abruti des Américains.—De -quelques usages bizarres, communs aux deux continents.—De l’usage -des flèches empoisonnées chez les peuples des deux continents.—De -la religion des Américains.—Sur le grand Lama.—Sur les vicissitudes -de notre globe.—Sur le Paraguai.—Défenses des recherches sur les -Américains.—D. Pernetty. Dissertation sur l’Amérique et les Américains -contre les recherches philosophiques de M. de Pauw. - -There was an edition in French at Berlin in 1770, in 2 vols., and, -with Pernetty annexed, in 1774, in 3 vols. The _Defenses_ was printed -also at Berlin in 1770. These were all included in De Pauw’s _Œuvres -Philosophiques_, published at Paris “_an iii_.” An English translation -by J. Thomson was printed at London, 1795. Daniel Webb published some -selections in English at Bath, 1789, 1795, and at Rochdale, 1806. -Pernetty’s _Examen_ was printed at Berlin in 1769. There is another -little tractate of this time attributed to Pernetty, _De l’Amérique et -des Américains_ (Berlin, 1771), in whose humor De Pauw fares no better; -but Rich has a note on the questionable attributing of it to Pernetty, -and its real author was probably C. de Bonneville (cf. Hœfer). - -[1576] _Delle Lettere Americane_ (_opere_, xi.-xiv., Milano, 1784-94); -better known in J. B. L. Villebrune’s French translation, _Lettres -Américaines_ (2 vols.; Paris and Boston, 1787); Sabin, no. 10,912. -There is also a German version. - -[1577] _The United States elevated to Glory and Honor._ New Haven, -1783. It is included in J. W. Thornton’s _Pulpit of the Amer. -Revolution_ (Boston, 1860). - -[1578] This Canaanite view, though hardly held with the scope given -by Dr. Stiles, had been asserted earlier by Gomara, De Lery, and -Lescarbot. Cf. _For. Quart. Rev._, Oct., 1856. - -[1579] G. H. Loskiel, _Mission of the United Brethren among the -Indians, trans. from the German by La Trobe_ (London, 1794). Johann -Gottlieb Fritsch, _Disputatio historico-geographica in qua quæritur -utrum veteres Americam noverint nec ne_ (Curæ Regnilianæ, 1796). - -[1580] _Observations on some Parts of Nat. Hist._, Lond., 1787. - -[1581] Pilling, _Bibliog. Siouan languages_ (1887, p. 4). - -[1582] _Hist. North Carolina_, 1811-12. - -[1583] Haven, _Archæol. U. States_, 35. Cf. Mitchell’s papers in the -_Archæeologia Americana_, i. - -[1584] There is a fair sample of the conjectural habit of the time -in the paper of Moses Fiske, in the first volume of the Society’s -_Transactions_, 300. - -[1585] _Mexico_, Kirk’s ed., iii. 375. - -[1586] _Archæol._ _U. S._, 48. - -[1587] _Hist. of Tennessee_, Nashville, 1823. - -[1588] Introd. to Marshall’s _Kentucky_, 1824; _The Anc. Mts. of N. & -S. America_, 2d ed., 1838, etc. - -[1589] _Amer. Antiq. and Discoveries in the West_, 1833, which -Rafinesque thought largely taken from him. Cf. Haven on these writers, -pp. 38-41; Sabin, xv. 65, 484. - -[1590] Pilling, _Bibliog. Siouan languages_, pp. 47, 48. - -[1591] Peschel, _Races of Men_ (London, 1876), p. 32. - -[1592] Eng. transl. in _Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London_, i. -372. - -[1593] There is a summary of the progressive conflict on the question -of the unity and plurality of races in the introduction to Topinard’s -_Anthropology_. Cf. Peschel’s _Races of Man_ (Eng. transl., N. Y., -1876), p. 6. - -[1594] The idea in general was not wholly new. Capt. Bernard Romans, -in his _Concise Nat. Hist. of East and West Florida_ (N. Y., 1776), -had expressed the opinion “that God created an original man and -woman in this part of the globe of different species from any in the -other parts” (p. 38). Clavigero, in 1780, believed that the distinct -linguistic traits of the Americans pointed to something like an -independent origin. Cf. W. D. Whitney on the “Bearing of Languages on -the Unity of Man,” in _North Amer. Review_, cv. 214. - -[1595] Cf. Jeffries Wyman in _No. Am. Rev._, li. - -[1596] Cardinal Wiseman’s _Lectures_, 5th ed., London, p. 158. - -[1597] Described in _Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc._, ii. The collection -went to the Acad. of Natural Sciences in Philad., and is examined by -Dr. J. Austin Meigs in its _Proc._, 1860. Cf. Meigs’s _Catalogue of -human crania in the Acad. Nat. Sci._ (Philad., 1857). - -[1598] Morton’s latest results are given in a paper, “The physical -type of the American Indian,” left unfinished, but completed by John -S. Phillips, and printed in Schoolcraft’s _Indian Tribes_, ii. He -also printed _An Inquiry into the distinctive characteristics of -the Aboriginal Race of America_ (Boston, 1842; Philad., 1844); and -_Some Observations in the Ethnography and Archæology of the American -Aborigines_ (N. Haven, 1846,—from the _Amer. Jour. of Science_, 2d -ser., ii.). Cf. _Trans. Amer. Ethnol. Soc._ ii. 219. Cf. Allibone’s -_Dictionary_, ii. 1376. It is certainly evident that skull capacity is -no sure measure of intelligence, and the Indian custom of misshaping -the head offers some serious obstacles in the study. Cf. Nadaillac, -_L’Amér. préhist._, 512; L. A. Gosse, _Les déformations artificielles -du crane_ (Paris, 1855); Daniel Wilson’s “Indications of Ancient -Customs suggested by certain cranial forms,” in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._ (1863); Dabry de Thiersant’s _Origine des indiens du Nouveau -Monde_, p. 12; W. F. Whitney, on “Anomalies, injuries and diseases of -the bones of the native races of No. America,” in _Peabody Mus. Rept._, -xviii. 434. On the difficulties of the study see Lucien Carr in _Ibid._ -xi. 361; Flower in the _Journal Anthropological Institute_, May, 1885; -Dawson, _Fossil Men_, chap. 7. Further see: Anders Retzius, on “The -Present State of Ethnology in relation to the form of the human skull,” -in _Smithson. Rept._, 1859; Waitz’s _Introd. to Anthropology_, Eng. -transl., pp. 233, 261; Carl Vogt’s _Lectures on Man_ (lect. 2); A. -Quatrefages and E. T. Hamy, _Crania Ethica_ (Paris, 1873-77); Nott and -Gliddon, _Types of Mankind_; Nadaillac’s _L’Amérique préhist._, ch. 9, -and _Les premiers hommes_, i. ch. 3. - -[1599] An anonymous book, _The Genesis of Earth and Man_ (Edinburgh, -1856), places the negro as the primal stock, and traces out the higher -races by variation. - -[1600] Dr. Nott had given some indication of his views in “An -Examination of the physical history of the Jews in its bearing on the -question of the Unity of the Races” (_Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc._, -iii. 1850). - -[1601] Cf. References in Allibone, i. 678; _Poole’s Index_, p. 796. - -[1602] The editor’s collaborateurs were Alfred Maury, Francis Palszky, -J. Aitken Meigs, J. Leidy, and Louis Agassiz. Nott had in the interval -since his previous book furnished an appendix on the unity or plurality -of Races to the English transl. of Gobineau’s _Moral Diversity of -Races_ (Philad., 1856). - -[1603] Haven gives a summary of the arguments of each (p. 90, etc.). -For various views on this side see Southall’s _Recent Origin of Man_, -ch. ii. 36, 37, and his _Epoch of the Mammoth_, ch. 2, where he allows -that the proofs from traditions and customs are not conclusive; George -Palmer’s _Migration from Shinar; or, the Earliest Links between the -Old and New Continents_ (London, 1879); Edward Fontaine’s _How the -World was Peopled_ (N. Y., 1876); Dr. Samuel Forrey in _Amer. Biblical -Repository_, July, 1843; McClintock and Strong’s _Cyclopædia_, under -“Adam”; Henry Cowles’ _Pentateuch_ (N. Y., 1874),—not to name many -others. See _Poole’s Index_, 1073. - -[1604] Wilson’s first criticism was in the _Canadian Journal_ (1857); -then in the _Edinburgh Philosophical Journal_ (Jan., 1858); in the -_Smithsonian Rept._ (1862), p. 240, on the “American Cranial Type;” -and in his _Prehist. Man_ (ii. ch. 20). Latham’s _Nat. Hist. of the -Varieties of Man_. Charles Pickering’s _Races of Men_ (1848). The -orthodox monogenism of A. de Quatrefages is expressed in his _De -l’unité de l’espèce humaine_ (Paris, 1864, 1869); in his _Hist. -générale des Races humaines_ (Paris, 1887); in his _Human Species_ (N. -Y., 1879), and in papers in _Revue des Cours Scientifiques_, 1864-5, -1867-8; in his _Nat. Hist. of Man_ (Eng. transl., N. Y., 1875); in -_Catholic World_, vii. 67; and in _Popular Science Monthly_, i. 61. - -Cf. further, Retzius in _Archives des Sciences Naturelles_ (Genève, -1845-52); Col. Chas. Hamilton Smith’s _Nat. Hist. Human Species_ -(1848); Dawson in _Leisure Hour_, xxiii. 813, and in his _Fossil Men_, -p. 334, who holds the biblical account to be “the most complete and -scientific;” Figuier’s _World before the Deluge_ (N. Y., 1872), p. 469. -Geo. Bancroft sees no signs to reverse the old judgment respecting a -single human race. - -[1605] He found all three varieties of skulls in America: the -long-headed (dolichocephalic), the short-headed (brachycephalic), and -the medium (mesocephalic). He found the long heads to predominate, -except in Peru. Meigs had earlier studied the subject in his -_Observations on the Form of the Occiput_ (Philad., 1860). Cf. Busk in -_Jour. Anthrop. Inst._, April, 1873; Wyman, in _Peab. Mus. Rept._, 1871. - -[1606] H. H. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, v. 129, 131, gives references -on the autochthonous theory. It is held by Nadaillac, _Les premiers -hommes_, ii. 117; Fred. von Hellwald in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1866; -Bollaert’s “Contribution to an Introduction to the Anthropology of the -New World” in _Memoirs, Anthrop. Society of London_, ii. 92; F. Müller, -_Allgemeine Ethnographie_; and Simonin, _L’homme Américain_ (Paris, -1870). F. W. Putnam (_Report_ in _Wheeler’s Survey_, vii. p. 18) says: -“The primitive race of America was as likely autochthonous and of -Pliocene age as of Asiatic origin.” The autochthonous view is probably -losing ground. Dall, in ch. 10, appended to the English translation of -Nadaillac’s _Prehistoric America_, sums up the prevailing arguments -against it. Cf. also Dabry de Thiersant’s _Origine des Indiens du -Nouveau Monde_, ch. 1. - -[1607] Cf. also Prescott’s _Essays_, 224. - -[1608] This view has necessarily been abandoned in his later editions. -Cf. orig. ed., iii. 307; and final revision, ii. 130. - -[1609] Haven at the end of his second chapter tries to place -Schoolcraft, and he does better than one would expect, at that day. For -Schoolcraft’s special notes on Antiquities see his vol. i. p. 44; ii. -83; iii. 73; iv. 113; v. 85, 657. For bibliography see Pilling, Sabin, -Field, etc. - -[1610] Again he says: “Man may be assumed to be prehistoric wherever -his chroniclings of himself are undesigned, and his history is -wholly recoverable by induction. The term has, strictly speaking, -no chronological significance; but in its relative application -corresponds to other archæological, in contradistinction to geological -periods.” Of America he says: “A continent where man may be studied -under circumstances which seem to furnish the best guarantee of his -independent development.” Dawkins (_Cave hunting_, 136) says: “For that -series of events which extends from the borders of history back to the -remote age, where the geologist, descending the stream of time, meets -the archæologist, I have adopted the term _prehistoric_.” - -The divisions of prehistoric time now most commonly employed are: -For the oldest, the Palæolithic age, as Lubbock first termed it, -which, with a shadowy termination, has an unknown beginning, covering -an interval geologically of vast extent. It is the primitive stone -age, the epoch of flint-chippers; and but a single positive vestige -of any community of living is known to archæologists: the village -of Solutré, in Eastern France, being held by some to be associated -with man in this earlier stage of his development. This stone period -is sometimes divided in Europe into an earlier and later period, -representing respectively the men of the river drift and of the caves. -In the first period, called sometimes that of the race of Canstadt, -and by Mortillet the Chellean period, we have, as is claimed, a savage -hunter race, represented by the Neanderthal skull; and because in two -jaw-bones discovered the genial tubercle is undeveloped, a school of -archæologists contend that the race was speechless (Horatio Hale’s -“Origin of Language,” in _Am. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc._, xxxv., Cambridge, -1886; and separate, p. 31). This theory, however, seems to rest on a -misconception. Cf. Topinard on the jaw-bone from the Naulette cave in -the _Revue d’Anthropologie_, 3d ser. i., p. 422 (1886). It is held -that the ethnical relations of this race are unknown, and it is not -palpably connected with the race of the later period, the race of the -caves, which archæologists, like Carl Vogt, Lartet, and Christy, call -the cave-bear epoch, as its evidences are found in the cave deposits of -Europe. - -[Illustration: FROM DAWSON’S FOSSIL MEN. - -A front view of a Hochelagan skull, surrounded by the outline, on a -larger scale, of the Cro-magnon skull.] - -This cave race is represented by the Cro-magnon skull, and, as Dawkins -holds, is perpetuated to-day by the Eskimo, and was very likely -also represented in the Guanches of the Canary Islands. Quatrefages -calls it the race of Cro-magnon; and the vanishing of it into the -Neolithic people is obscure. It is claimed by some, but the evidence is -questionable, that the development of the muscles of speech make this -race the first to speak, and that thus man, as a speaking being, is -probably not ten thousand years old. - -The interval before the shaped and polished stone implements were used -may have been long in some places, and the gradation may have been -confused in others; and it is indeed sometimes said that the one and -the other condition exist in savage regions at the present day, as -many archæologists hold that they have always existed, side by side, -though this proposition is also denied. Indeed, it is a question if the -terms of the archæologist, signifying ages or epochs, have any time -value, being rather characteristics of stages of development than of -passing time. Those who find the ruder implements to stand for a people -living with the cave-bear find, as they contend, a shorter-headed race -producing these finer stone implements, and call it the Reindeer epoch. -One of Lubbock’s terms, the Neolithic age, has gained larger acceptance -as a designation for this period since 1865, when he introduced it. -With these polished stones we first find signs of domestic animals -and of the practice of agriculture. Any considerable collection of -these stone implements and ornaments will present to the observer -great varieties, but with steady types, of such implements as axes, -celts, hammers, knives, drills, scrapers, mortars and pestles, pitted -stones, plummets, sinkers, spear-points, arrow-heads, daggers, pipes, -gorgets,—not to name others. - -On the American stone age, see Nadaillac, _Les premiers hommes_, p. 37; -L. P. Gratacap in _Amer. Antiquarian_, iv.; and W. J. McGee, in _Pop. -Sci. Monthly_, Nov., 1888, for condensed views; but the student will -prefer the more enlarged views of Rau, Abbott and others. - -[1611] Cambridge, Eng., 1862; revised, 1865; and largely rewritten, -London, 1876. Cf. his “Pre-Aryan American Man,” in the _Roy. Soc. -Canada Trans._, i., 2d sect., 35, and his “Unwritten History” in -_Smithsonian Rept._ (1862). - -[1612] London, 1865, 1870; N. Y., 1878. - -[1613] Tylor speaks of Klemm’s _Allgemeine Culturgeschichte der -Menschheit_ and his _Allgemeine Culturwissenschaft_ as containing -“invaluable collections of facts bearing on the history of -civilization.” - -[1614] _Royal Inst. of Gt. Brit. Proc._, reprinted in _Smithsonian -Rept._, 1867. - -[1615] _Internat. Cong. Prehist. Archæol. Trans._, 1868. - -[1616] London, 1871; 2d ed., 1874, somewhat amplified; Boston, 1874; N. -Y., 1877. - -[1617] See preface to _Primitive Culture_, 1st ed. - -[1618] Vols. iii. and iv. of this treatise (Leipzig, 1862-64) are -given to “Die Amerikaner,” and are provided with a list of books on -the subject, and ethnological maps of North and South America. Brinton -(_Myths_, p. 40) thinks it the best work yet written on the American -Indians, though he thinks that Waitz errs on the religious aspects. -Waitz has fully discussed the question of climate as affecting the -development of people, and this is included with full references in -that part of his great work which in the English translation is called -an _Introduction to Anthropology_. Wallace and other observers contend -that the direct efficacy of physical conditions is overrated, and that -climate is but one of the many factors. F. H. Cushing discusses the -question of habitation as affected by surroundings in the _Fourth Ann. -Rept. Bur. of Ethnol._, p. 473. - -[1619] Cf. Quatrefages’ _Les Progrès de l’Anthropologie_ (Paris, 1868), -and Paul Topinard’s _Anthropology_ (English translation, London, 1878). -Quatrefages (_Human Race_, New York, 1879) explains the anthropological -method (p. 27). - -[1620] Given in _Popular Science Monthly_, Dec., 1884, p. 152; and in -the same periodical p. 264, is an account and portrait of Tylor. - -[1621] London, N. Y., 1865; 2d ed. somewhat enlarged, Lond., 1869; and -later. Part of this work had appeared earlier in the _National Hist. -Review_, 1861-64, including a paper (ch. 8) on No. Amer. Archæology in -Jan., 1863, which was reprinted in the _Smithsonian Report_ for 1862, -and was translated in the _Revue Archéologique_, 1865. - -This book of Lubbock’s and Tylor’s correlative work probably represent -the best dealing with the subject in English; and some such book as -Jas. A. Farrer’s _Primitive Manners and Customs_ (N. Y., 1879) will -lead up to them with readers less studious. The English reader may -find some comparative treatments in the English version of Waitz’s -_Introd. to Anthropology_ (p. 284), etc.; much that is suggestive and -in some way supplemental to Tylor and Lubbock in Wilson’s _Prehistoric -Man_; some vigorous and perhaps sweeping characterizations in Lesley’s -_Origin and Destiny of Man_ (ch. 6); and other aspects in Winchell’s -_Preadamites_ (ch. 26), Foster’s _Prehistoric Races of the U. S._ (ch. -9), F. A. Allen in _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_, 1877, -vol. i. 79. Humboldt points out the non-pastoral character of the -American tribes (_Views of Nature_, ii. 42). Helps’ _Realmah_ deals -with the prehistoric condition of man. - -[1622] London, N. Y., 1870; 2d ed.; 3d ed., 1875; 4th ed., 1882,—each -with additions and revisions. - -[1623] Cf. his _Studies in Anc. Hist._ He elucidates the early practice -of capturing a wife, and controverts Morgan’s _Ancient Society_. Cf. W. -F. Allen in _Penn. Monthly_, June, 1880. - -[1624] Cf. also his “Early Condition of Man,” in _British Ass. Proc._, -1867; and Lyell’s _Principles of Geology_, 11th ed., ii. 485; Dawkins -in _No. Amer. Rev._, Oct., 1883, p. 348. - -[1625] Darwin took Lubbock’s side, _Descent of Man_, i. 174. Bradford, -in his _American Antiquities_, held the barbarous American to be -a degraded remnant of a society originally more cultivated; and a -similar view was held by S. F. Jarvis in his _Discourse_ before the -New York Hist. Soc. (Proc., iii., N. Y., 1821). Cf. Büchner’s _Man_, -Eng. transl., 67, 276. Rawlinson (_Antiquity of man historically -considered_) considers savagery a “corruption and degradation,—the -result of adverse circumstances during a long period.” - -[1626] N. Y., 1869; originally in _Good Words_, Mar.-June, 1868. - -[1627] Dawson’s _Fossil Men and their modern representatives_ (London, -1880, 1883) is “an attempt to illustrate the characters and conditions -of prehistoric men in Europe by those of the American races.” A -conservative reliance on the biblical record, as long understood, -characterizes Dawson’s usual speculations. Cf. his _Nature and the -Bible_, his _Story of the Earth_, his _Origin of the World_, and -his _Address_ as president of the geological section of the Amer. -Association in 1876. He confronts his opponents’ views of the long -periods necessary to effect geographical changes by telling them that -in historic times “the Hyrcanian ocean has dried up and Atlantis has -gone down.” - -[1628] Dawson (_Fossil Men_, 218) says: “I think that American -archæologists and geologists must refuse to accept the distinction of -a palæolithic from a neolithic period until further evidence can be -obtained.” - -[1629] These are very nearly the views of Winchell in his -_Preadamites_, p. 420. - -[1630] Cf. his papers in _Methodist Quarterly_, xxxvi. 581; xxxvii. 29. - -[1631] This is also considered important evidence by Dawson, as well -as Winchell’s estimate, in his _5th Report, Minnesota Geol. Survey_ -(1876), of the 8,000 or 9,000 years necessary for the falls of St. -Anthony to have worked back from Fort Snelling. Edw. Fontaine’s _How -the World was peopled_ (N. Y., 1872) is another expression of this -recent-origin belief. - -[1632] This cataclysmic element of force, as opposed to the gradual -uniformity theory of Lyell, finds expounders in Huxley and Prestwich, -and is the burden of H. H. Howorth’s _Mammoth and the Flood_ (London, -1887) in its palæontological and archæological aspects, its geological -aspects having been touched by him so far only in some papers in the -_Geological Mag._ This great overthrow of the gigantic animals, during -which the man intermediate between the palæolithic and neolithic age -lived, was not universal, so that the less unwieldy species largely -saved themselves; and it was in effect the scriptural flood, of which -traditions were widely preserved among the North American tribes -(_Mammoth and the Flood_, 307, 444). - -[1633] Southall answered his detractors in the _Methodist Quarterly_, -xxxvii. 225. Geo. Rawlinson (_Antiq. of Man historically considered, -Present Day Tract, No. 9_, or _Journal of Christian Philosophy_, -April, 1883) speaks of the antiquity of prehistoric man as involving -considerations “to a large extent speculative” as to limits, “that are -to be measured not so much by centuries as by millenia.” He condenses -the arguments for a recent origin of man. - -[1634] There is a cursory survey in John Scoffern’s _Stray leaves of -science and folk lore_ (London, 1870). - -[1635] Cf. his papers in _Leisure Hour_, xxiii. 740, 766; xxvi. 54. - -[1636] Current periodical views can be traced in Poole’s _Index_ (vols. -i. and ii.) under “Man,” “Races,” “Prehistoric,” etc. - -The views of the cosmogonists, running back to the beginning of the -sixteenth century, are followed down to the birth of modern geology in -Pattison’s _The Earth and the Word_ (Lond., 1858), and condensed in -M’Clintock & Strong’s _Cyclopædia_ (iii. 795). - -[1637] _Verse 1._ In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. - -_Verse 2._ And the earth was without form and void, etc. - -[1638] Cf. also J. D. Whitney’s _Climatic Changes_. The present -proportion of land to water is reckoned as four is to eleven. The -ocean’s average depth is variously estimated at from eleven to thirteen -times that of the average elevation of land above water, or as 11,000 -or 13,000 feet is to 1,000 feet. The bulk of water on the globe is -computed at thirty-six times the cubic measurement of the land above -water (_Ibid._ 194, 209). - -[1639] For an extended discussion of the Atlantis question, see _ante_, -ch. 1. - -[1640] It is enough to indicate the necessary correlation of this -subject with the transformation theory of J. B. A. Lamarck as -enunciated in his _Philosophie Zoologique_ (Paris, 1809; again, 1873), -which Cuvier opposed; and with the new phase of it in what is called -Darwinism, a theory of the survival of the fittest, leading ultimately -to man. Lyell (_Principles of Geology_, 11th ed., ii, 495) presents -the diverse sides of the question, which is one hardly germane to our -present purpose. - -[1641] London, 1863, 3 eds., each enlarged; Philad., 1863. In his final -edition Lyell acknowledges his obligations to Lubbock’s _Prehistoric -Man_ and John Evans’s _Anc. Stone Implements_. His final edition is -called: _The geological evidences of the antiquity of man, with an -outline of glacial and post-tertiary geology and remarks on the origin -of species with special reference to man’s first appearance on the -earth_. 4th ed., revised (London, 1873). - -[1642] _Recent Origin of Man_, p. 10. - -[1643] Another way of looking at it gives reasons for this omission: -“The first chapter of Genesis is not a geological treatise. It is -absolutely valueless in geological discussion, and has no value -whatever save as representing what the Jews borrowed from the -Babylonians, and as preserving for us an early cosmology” (Howorth’s -_Mammoth and the Flood_, Lond., 1887, p. ix). Between Lyell and Gabriel -de Mortillet (_La préhistorique Antiquité de l’Homme_, Paris, 1881) on -the one hand and Southall on the other, there are the more cautious -geologists, like Prestwich, who claim that we must wait before we can -think of measuring by years the interval from the earliest men. (Cf. -“Theoretical considerations on the drift containing implements,” in -_Roy. Soc. Philos. Trans._, 1862) - -[1644] Cf. _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr., 1873, p. 33. - -[1645] Winchell’s book is an enlargement of an article contributed by -him to M’Clintock and Strong’s _Cyclopædia of Biblical literature_, -etc. (vol viii., 1879),—the editors of which, by their foot-notes, -showed themselves uneasy under some of his inferences and conclusions, -which do not agree with their conservative views. - -[1646] Lois Agassiz advanced (1863) this view of the first emergence -of land in America, in the _Atlantic Monthly_, xi. 373; also in _Geol. -Sketches_, p. 1,—marking the Laurentian hills along the Canadian -borders of the United States as the primal continent. Cf. Nott and -Gliddon’s _Types of Mankind_, ch. 9. Mortillet holds that so late as -the early quaternary period Europe was connected with America by a -region now represented by the Faröes, Iceland, and Greenland. Some -general references on the antiquity of man in America follow:—Wilson, -_Prehistoric Man_. Short’s _No. Amer. of Antiq._, ch. 2. Nadaillac, -_Les Premiers Hommes_, ii. ch. 8. Foster, _Prehistoric Races of the -U. S._, and _Chicago Acad. of Sciences, Proc._, i. (1869). Joly, _Man -before Metals_, ch. 7. Emil Schmidt, _Die ältesten Spuren des Menschen -in Nord Amerika_ (Hamburg, 1887). A. R. Wallace in _Nineteenth Century_ -(Nov., 1887, or _Living Age_, clxxv. 472). _Pop. Science Monthly_, -Mar., 1877. An epitome in _Science_, Apr. 3, 1885, of a paper by Dr. -Kollmann in the _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_. F. Larkin, _Ancient Man -in America_ (N. Y., 1880). The biblical record restrains Southall in -all his estimates of the antiquity of man in America, as shown in his -_Recent Origin of Man_, ch. 36, and _Epoch of the Mammoth_, ch. 25. - -[1647] Hugh Falconer (_Palæontological Memoirs_, ii. 579) says: “The -earliest date to which man has as yet been traced back in Europe is -probably but as yesterday in comparison with the epoch at which he made -his appearance in more favored regions.” - -[1648] Cf. also Putnam’s _Report_ in Wheeler’s Survey, 1879, p. 11. - -[1649] Cf. H. H. Bancroft, iv. 703: Short, 125, etc. - -[1650] Dr. Brinton concludes that since the region is one of a rapid -deposition of strata, the tracks may not be older than quaternary. The -track here figured was 9½ inches long; some were 10 inches. The maximum -stride was 18 inches. Cf. Dr. Earl Flint in _Amer. Antiquarian_ (vi. -112), Mar., 1884, and (vii. 156) May,1885; _Peabody Mus. Repts._, 1884, -p. 356; 1885, p. 414; _Amer. Ant. Soc. Proc._, 1884, p. 92. - -[1651] _Story of the Earth and Man._ - -[1652] _The Great Ice-Age, and its Relations to the Antiquity of Man_ -(1874). - -[1653] _Mammoth and the Flood._ - -[1654] “We cannot fix a date, in the historical sense, for events -which happened outside history, and cannot measure the antiquity of -man in terms of years.” Dawkins in _No. Am. Rev._, Oct., 1883, p. -338. Tylor (_Early Hist. of Mankind_, 197) says “Geological evidence, -though capable of showing the lapse of vast periods of time, has -scarcely admitted of these periods being brought into definite -chronological terms.” Prestwich (_On the geol. position and age of -flint-implement-bearing beds_, London, 1864,—from the _Roy. Soc. Phil. -Trans._) says: “However we extend our present chronology with respect -to the first appearance of men, it is at present unsafe and premature -to count by hundreds of thousands of years.” Southall (_Recent Origin -of Man_, ch. 33) epitomizes the extreme views of the advocates of -glaciation in the present temperate zone. - -[1655] Cf. Louis Agassiz, _Geological Sketches_ (1865), p. 210; 2d -series (1886), p. 77. - -[1656] J. Adhémer, _Revolutions de la Mer_, who advocates this theory, -connects with it the movement of the apsides, and thinks that it is -the consequent great accumulation of ice at the north pole which by -its weight displaces the centre of gravity; and as the action is -transferred from one pole to the other, the periodic oscillation of -that centre of gravity is thus caused. The theory no doubt borrows -something of its force with some minds from the great law of mutability -in nature. That it is a grand field for such theorizers as Lorenzo -Burge, his _Preglacial Man and the Aryan Race_ shows; but authorities -like Lyell and Sir John Herschel find no sufficient reason in it -for the great ice-sheet which they contend for. Cf. H. Le Hon’s -_Influence des lois cosmiques sur la climatologie et la géologie_ -(Bruxelles, 1868). W. B. Galloway’s _Science and Geology in relation -to the Universal Deluge_ (Lond., 1888) points out what he thinks the -necessary effects of such changes of axis. J. D. Whitney (_Climatic -changes of later geological times, Mem. Mus. Comp. Zoöl._, vii. 392, -394) disbelieves all these views, and contends that the most eminent -astronomers and climatologists are opposed to them. - -[1657] Of the manifold reasons which have been assigned for these -great climatic changes (Lubbock, _Prehistoric Times_, 391, and Croll, -_Discussions_, enumerates the principal reasons) there is at least -some considerable credence given to the one of which James Croll has -been the most prominent advocate, and which points to that reduction -of the eccentricity of the earth’s orbit which in 22,000 years will -be diminished from the present scale to one sixth of it, or to about -half a million miles. This change in the eccentricity induces physical -changes, which allow a greater or less volume of tropical water to flow -north. In this way the once mild climate of Greenland is accounted -for (Wallace’s _Island Life_). Croll first advanced his views in the -Philosophical Mag., Aug., 1864; but he did not completely formulate his -theory till in his _Climate and time in their geological relations, a -theory of secular changes of the earth’s climate_ (N. Y., 1875). It -gained the acquiescence of Lyell and others; but a principal objector -appeared in the astronomer Simon Newcomb (_Amer. Jl. of Sci. and Arts_, -April, 1876; Jan., 1884; _Philosoph. Mag._, Feb., 1884). Croll answered -in _Remarks_ (London, 1884), but more fully in a further development of -his views in his _Discussions on Climate and Cosmology_ (N. Y., 1886). -Whitney’s _Climatic Changes_ argues on entirely different grounds. - -[1658] _Principles of Geology_, ch. 10-13, where he gives a secondary -place to the arguments of Croll. - -[1659] Emile Cartailhac’s _L’Age de pierre dans les souvenirs et -superstitions populaires_ (Paris, 1877). - -[1660] Joly, _L’Homme avant les métaux_, or in the English transl., -_Man before Metals_, ch. 2. Nadaillac (_Les Premiers Hommes_, i. 127) -reproduces Mahudel’s cuts. - -[1661] Foster, _Prehistoric Races_, 50, notes some obscure facts which -might indicate that man lived back of the glacial times, in the Miocene -tertiary period. These are the discoveries associated with the names of -Desnoyers and the Abbé Bourgeois, and familiar enough to geologists. -They have found little credence. Cf. Lubbock’s _Prehistoric Times_, -410, and his _Scientific Lectures_, 140; Büchner’s _Man_, p. 31; -Nadaillac’s _Les Premiers Hommes_, ii, 425; and _L’Homme tertiaire_ -(Paris, 1885); Peschel’s _Races of Men_, p. 34; Edward Clodd in _Modern -Review_, July, 1880; Dawkins’ _Address_, Salford, 1877, p. 9; Joly, -_Man before Metals_, 177. Quatrefages (_Human Species_, N. Y., 1879, -p. 150) assents to their authenticity. Many of these look to the later -tertiary (Pliocene) as the beginning of the human epoch; but Dawkins -(_No. Am. Rev._, cxxxvii, 338; cf. his _Early Man in Britain_, p. 90), -as well as Huxley, say that all real knowledge of man goes not back of -the quaternary. Cf. further, Quatrefages, _Introd. à l’étude des races -humaines_ (Paris, 1887), p. 91; and his _Nat. Hist. Man_ (N. Y., 1874), -p. 44. - -Winchell (McClintock and Strong’s _Cyclopædia_, viii. 491-2, and in -his _Preadamites_) concisely classes the evidences of tertiary man as -“Preglacial remains erroneously supposed human,” and “Human remains -erroneously supposed pre-glacial;” but he confines these conclusions -to Europe only, allowing that the American non-Caucasian man might, -perhaps, be carried back (p. 492) into the tertiary age. - -Cf. on the tertiary (Pliocene) man, E. S. Morse in _Amer. Naturalist_, -xviii. 1001,—an address at the Philad. meeting, Am. Asso. Adv. Science -and his earlier paper in the _No. Amer. Rev._; C. C. Abbott in _Kansas -City Rev._, iii. 413 (also see iv. 84, 326); _Cornhill Mag._, li. 254 -(also in _Pop. Sci. Monthly_, xxvii. 103, and _Eclectic Mag._, civ. -601). Dr. Morton believed that the Eocene man, of the oldest tertiary -group, would yet be discovered. Agassiz, in 1865 (_Geol. Sketches_, -200), thought the younger naturalists would live to see sufficient -proofs of the tertiary man adduced. S. R. Pattison (_Age of Man -geologically considered in Present Day Tract, no. 13_, or _Journal of -Christ. Philos._ July, 1883) does not believe in the tertiary man, -instancing, among other conclusions, that no trace of cereals is found -in the tertiary strata, and that these strata show other conditions -unfavorable to human life. His conclusions are that man has existed -only about 8,000 years, and that it is impossible for geological -science at present to confute or disprove it. In his view man appeared -in the first stage of the quaternary period, was displaced by floods in -the second, and for the third lived and worked on the present surface. - -[1662] Lyell’s _Antiquity of Man_, 4th ed., ch. 18. Daniel Wilson, -on “The supposed evidence of the existence of interglacial man,” -in the _Canadian Journal_, Oct., 1877. Nadaillac’s _L’Amérique -préhistorique_, ch. 1; _Les Premiers Hommes_, ii. ch. 10; and his _De -la période glaciaire et de l’existence de l’homme durant cette période -en Amérique_ (Paris, 1884), extracted from _Matériaux_, etc. G. F. -Wright on “Man and the glacial period in America,” in _Mag. West. -Hist._ (Feb., 1885), i. 293 (with maps), and his “Preglacial man in -Ohio,” in the _Ohio Archæol. and Hist. Quart._ (Dec., 1887), i. 251. -Miss Babbitt’s “Vestiges of glacial man in Minnesota,” in the _Amer. -Naturalist_, June, July, 1884, and _Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc._ xxxii. -385. - -[1663] Howorth, _Mammoth and the Flood_, 323, considers them -flood-gravels instead, in supporting his thesis. - -[1664] _Pop. Science Monthly_, xxii. 315. _Smithsonian Rept._, 1874-75. -Reports of progress, etc., in the _Peabody Museum Reports_, nos. x. -and xi. (1878, 1879). Prof. N. S. Shaler accompanies the first of -these with some comments, in which he says: “If these remains are -really those of man, they prove the existence of interglacial man on -this part of our shore.” He is understood latterly to have become -convinced of their natural character. J. D. Whitney and Lucien Carr -agree as to their artificial character (_Ibid._ xii. 489). Cf. Abbott -on Flint Chips (refuse work) in the _Peab. Mus. Rept._, xii. 506; H. -W. Haynes in _Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc._, Jan., 1881; F. W. Putnam -in _Peab. Mus. Rept._, no. xiv. p. 23; Henry Carvell Lewis on _The -Trenton gravel and its relation to the antiquity of man_ (Philad., -1880); also in the _Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences -of Philadelphia_ (1877-1879, pp. 60-73; and 1880, p. 306). Abbott -has also registered the discovery of a molar tooth (_Peabody Mus. -Rept._, xvi. 177), and the under jaw of a man (_Ibid._ xviii. 408, and -_Matériaux_, etc., xviii. 334.) On recent discoveries of human skulls -in the Trenton gravels, see _Peab. Mus. Rept._ xxii. 35. The subject -of the Trenton-gravels man, and of his existence in the like gravels -in Ohio and Minnesota, was discussed at a meeting of the Boston Soc. -of Nat. Hist., of which there is a report in their _Proceedings_, vol. -xxiii. These papers have been published separately: _Palæolithic man in -eastern and central North America_ (Cambridge, 1888). CONTENTS:—Putnam, -F. W. Comparison of palæolithic implements.—Abbott, C. C. The antiquity -of man in the valley of the Delaware.—Wright, G. F. The age of the -Ohio gravel-beds.—Upham, Warren. The recession of the ice-sheet in -Minnesota in its relation to the gravel deposits overlying the quartz -implements found by Miss Babbitt at Little Falls, Minn.—Discussion and -concluding remarks, by H. W. Haynes, E. S. Morse, F. W. Putnam. Cf. -also _Amer. Antiquarian_, Jan., 1888, p. 46; Th. Belt’s _Discovery of -stone implements in the glacial drift of No. America_ (Lond., 1878, and -_Q. Jour. Sci._ xv. 63; Dawkins in _No. Am. Rev._, Oct., 1883, p. 347.) - -[1665] Cf. also _Peabody Mus. Repts._, xix. 492; _Science_, vii. 41; -_Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc._, xxi. 124; _Matériaux_, etc. xviii. 334; -_Philad. Acad. Nat. Sciences, Proc._ (1880, p. 306). Abbott refers -to the contributions of Henry C. Lewis of the second Geol. Survey of -Penna. (_Proc. Philad. Acad. Nat. Sciences_, and “The antiquity and -origin of the Trenton gravels,” in Abbott’s book), and of George H. -Cook in the _Annual Reports_ of the New Jersey state geologist. Abbott -has recently summarized his views on the “Evidences of the Antiquity -of Man in Eastern North America,” in the _Am. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc._, -xxxvii., and separately (Salem, 1888). - -[1666] Figuier, _Homme Primitif_, introd. - -[1667] The references are very numerous; but it is enough to refer to -the general geological treatises: Vogt’s _Lectures on Man_, nos. 9, -10; Nadaillac’s _Les Prem. Hommes_, ii. 7; Dawkins in _Intellectual -Observer_, xii. 403; and Ed. Lartet, _Nouvelles recherches sur la -coexistence de l’homme et des grands mammifères fossiles, réputés -caractéristiques de la dernière période geologique_, in the _Annales -des Sciences Naturelles_, 4^e série, xv. 256. Buffon first formulated -the belief in extinct animals from some mastodon bones and teeth sent -to him from the Big Bone Lick in Kentucky, about 1740, and Cuvier first -applied the name mastodon, though from the animal’s resemblance to the -Siberian mammoth it has sometimes been called by the latter name. There -are in reality the fossil remains of both mastodon and mammoth found in -America. On the bones from the Big Bone Lick see Thomson’s _Bibliog. -Ohio_, no. 44. - -[1668] Wilson’s _Prehist. Man_, i. ch. 2; _Proc. Amer. Acad. Nat. -Sciences_, July, 1859; _Amer. Journal of Sci. and Arts_, xxxvi. 199; -cix. 335; _Pop. Sci. Rev._, xiv. 278; A. H. Worthen’s _Geol. Survey, -Illinois_ (1866), i. 38; Haven in _Smithsonian Contrib._, viii. 142; -H. H. Howorth’s _Mammoth and the Flood_ (Lond., 1887), p. 319; J. -P. MacLean’s _Mastodon, Mammoth and Man_ (Cincinnati, 1886). Cf. -references under “Mammoth” and “Mastodon,” in _Poole’s Index_. Koch -represented that he found the remains of a mastodon in Missouri, with -the proofs about the relics that the animal had been slain by stone -javelins and arrows (_St. Louis Acad. of Sci. Trans._, i. 62, 1857). -The details have hardly been accepted on Koch’s word, since some -doubtful traits of his character have been made known (Short, _No. -Amer. of Antiq._, 116; Nadaillac, _L’Amérique préhistorique_, 37). -There have been claims also advanced for a stone resembling a hatchet, -found with such animals in the modified drift of Jersey Co., Illinois. -E. L. Berthoud (_Acad. Nat. Sci., Philad. Proc._ 1872) has reported -on human relics found with extinct animals in Wyoming and Colorado. -Dr. Holmes (_Ibid._ July, 1859) had described pottery found with the -bones of the megatherium. Lyell seems to have hesitated to associate -man with the extinct animals in America, when the remains found at -Natchez were shown to him in an early visit to America (_Antiquity -of Man_, 237). Howorth, _Mammoth and the Flood_, 317, enumerates the -later discoveries, some being found under recent conditions (_Ibid._ -278), and so recent that the trunk itself has been observed (p. 299). -In the earliest instance of the bones being reported, Dr. Mather, -communicating the fact to the _Philosophical Trans. Roy. Soc._ (1714), -xxix. 63, says they were found in the Hudson River, and he supposed -them the remains of a giant man, while the colored earth about the -bones represented his rotted body. Cf. _Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll._, xii. -263. - -[1669] See on this a later page. - -[1670] Lyell’s _Antiq. of Man_, 4th ed., 236; Nadaillac’s _Les premiers -hommes_, ii. 13; Southall’s _Recent origin of man_, ch. 30. Vogt -(_Lectures on Man_) accepts the evidence. - -[1671] Cf. Lyell’s _Antiq. of Man_, ch. 5; Huxley’s _Man’s place in -nature_; Le Hon’s _L’Homme fossile en Europe_; Leslie’s _Origin and -destiny of man_, p. 54, who passes in review these early tentative -explorations. - -[1672] Cf. Lyell’s description in his _Antiquity of Man_, ch. 8; -Quatrefages, _Nat. Hist. Man_ (N. Y., 1875), p. 41; Langel, _L’homme -antédiluvien_; Büchner’s _Man_, Eng. transl., ch. 1; Carl Vogt, -_Vorlesungen über den Menschen_. - -[1673] Rigollot, of Amiens, who had doubted, finally came to believe in -De Perthes’s views. - -[1674] Büchner’s _Man_, p. 26; Hugh Falconer’s _Palæontological -Memoirs_, London, 1868 (ii. 601). Falconer’s essay on “Primæval Man and -his Contemporaries,” included in this work, was written in 1863, in -vindication of the views which Falconer shared with Boucher de Perthes -and Prestwich, and it is an interesting study of the development of the -interest in the caves. - -[1675] Lyell, _Antiq. of Man_, ch. 8; Lubbock, _Prehistoric Times_, ch. -11; Nadaillac, _Les Premiers Hommes_, ii. 122; Leslie, _Origin, etc. of -Man_, 56. Southall gives the antagonistic views in his _Recent Origin -of Man_, ch. 16, and _Epoch of the Mammoth_, 126. - -[1676] This is in dispute, however. That the older cave implements and -those of the drift may be of equivalent age seems to be agreed upon by -some. - -[1677] Cf. also Geikie’s _Great Ice Age_; Lubbock’s _Prehistoric -Times_, ch. 10; Evans’s _Anc. Stone Implements of Gt. Britain_; -Wilson’s _Prehistoric Annals of Scotland_; Nilsson’s _Stone Age in -Scandinavia_; Figuier’s _World before the Deluge_ (N. Y., 1872), p. -473; Joly, _Man before Metals_, ch. 3; Cazalis de Fondouce’s _Les temps -préhistoriques dans le sud-est de la France_; Roujow’s _Etude sur les -races humaines de la France_; Peschel’s _Races of Men_, introd. - -The scarcity of human remains in the drift and in the caves is -accounted for by Lyell (_Student’s Elements_, N. Y., p. 153) by man’s -wariness against floods as compared with that of beasts; and by Lubbock -(_Prehist. Times_, 349) through the vastly greater numbers of the -animals in a hunters’ age. - -[1678] The present day is not without a cave people. See _London -Anthropolog. Rev._, April, 1869, and Büchner’s _Man_, Eng. transl., p. -270. - -[1679] Haven, p. 86. - -[1680] Cf. Florentino Amegluno’s _La Antigüedad del Hombre en la -Plata_ (Paris, 1880), and Howorth’s _Mammoth and the Flood_, 355, who -cites Klee’s _Le Déluge_, p. 326, and enumerates other evidences of -pleistocene man in South America, in connection with extinct animals. - -[1681] The instances are not rare of mummies being found in caves of -the Mississippi Valley; but there is no evidence adduced of any great -age attaching to them. Cf. N. S. Shaler on the antiquity of the caverns -and cavern life of the Ohio Valley, in _Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Mem._, -ii. 355 (1875); and on desiccated remains, see the _Archæologia Amer._, -i. 359; Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, App. ii. On the American caves -see Nadaillac’s _L’Amérique préhistorique_, ch. 2. - -[1682] Abbott’s _Primitive Industry_, ch. 30. - -[1683] Lyell, _Antiq. of Man_, 4th ed. ch. 2; Lubbock, _Prehist. -Times_, ch. 7; Nadaillac, _Les premiers hommes_, i. ch. 5; Joly, _Man -before Metals_, ch. 4; Figuier, _World before Deluge_ (N. Y., 1872), -p. 477. Worsaae, the leading Danish authority, calls them palæolithic -relics; Lubbock places them as early neolithic. Southall, of course, -thinks they indicate the rudeness of the people, not their antiquity. -(_Recent Origin_, etc., ch. 12; _Epoch of the Mammoth_, ch. 5.) - -[1684] _Am. Naturalist_, ii. 397. - -[1685] Cf. Lyell’s _Second Visit_. - -[1686] All the general treatises on American archæology now cover -the subject: Wilson, _Prehist. Man_, i. 132; Nadaillac, _L’Amérique -préhistorique_, ch. 2; Short, _No. Amer. Antiq._, 106; _Smithsonian -Reports_, 1864 (Rau), 1866, 1870 (J. Fowler); _Bull. Essex Inst._, iv. -(Putnam); _Peabody Mus. Reports_, i., v., vii.; _Amer. Assoc. Adv. Sci. -Proc._ 1867, 1875; _Phil. Acad. Nat. Sci. Proc._ 1866; _Pop. Science -Monthly_, x. (Lewis); Lyell’s _Second Visit_, i. 252; Stevens, _Flint -Chips_, 194. For local observations: J. M. Jones in _Smithsonian Ann. -Report_, 1863, on those of Nova Scotia. S. F. Baird in _Nat. Museum -Proc._ (1881, 1882), on those of New Brunswick and New England. For -those in Maine see _Peabody Mus. Reports_, xvi., xviii.; _Central -Ohio Sci. Assoc. Proc._, i. 70; that at Damariscotta, in particular, -is described in the _Peabody Mus. Reports_, xx. 531, 546; and in the -_Maine Hist. Soc. Col._, v. (by P. A. Chadbourne) and vi. 349. Wyman’s -studies are in the _Amer. Naturalist_, Jan., 1868, and _Peabody Mus. -Rept._, ii. Putnam (_Essex Inst. Bull_., xv. 86) says that those at -Pine Grove, near Salem, Mass., were examined in 1840. The map which -is annexed of those on Cape Cod, taken from the _Smithsonian Report_ -(1883, p. 905), shows the frequency of them in a confined area, as -observed; but the same region doubtless includes many not observed. - -For those on the New Jersey coast see Cook’s _Geology of New Jersey_ -(Newark, 1868), and Rau in the _Smithsonian Reports_, 1863, 1864, 1865. -The Lockwood collection from the heap at Keyport is in the Peabody -Museum (cf. _Rept._, xxii. 43). Francis Jordan describes the _Remains -of an Aboriginal Encampment at Rehoboth, Delaware_ (Philad., 1880). -Elmer R. Reynolds reported on “Precolumbian shell heaps at Newburg, -Maryland, and the aboriginal shell heaps of the Potomac and Wicomico -rivers” at the _Congrès des Américanistes_ (Copenhagen, 1883, p. 292). -Joseph Leidy describes those at Cape Henlopen in the _Phil. Acad. Nat. -Sci._, 1866. Those on the Georgia coast, St. Simon’s Island, etc., are -pointed out in C. C. Jones’s _Antiquities of the Southern Indians; -Smithsonian Repts._, 1871 (by D. Brown); in Lyell’s _Antiq. of Man_, -and in his _Second Visit to the U. S._ (N. Y., 1849), i. 252. - -The shell heaps of Florida have had unusual attention. Wyman has -indicated the absence of objects in them, showing Spanish contact. Dr. -Brinton’s first studies of them were in his _Notes on the Floridian -Peninsula_ (Philad., 1859), ch. 6, and again in the _Smithsonian -Report_ (1866), p. 356. Prof. Wyman’s first reports (St. John River) -were in _The American Naturalist_, Jan., Oct., Nov., 1868. He also -described them in the _Peabody Mus. Report_, i., v., vii., and in his -_Fresh Water Shell Heaps of the St. John River, Florida_ (Salem, 1875), -being no. 4 of the _Memoirs of the Peabody Acad. of Science_. There are -other investigations recorded in the _Smithsonian Reports_, 1877, by S. -P. Mayberry, on St. John River; 1879, by S. T. Walker, on Tampa Bay; -also by A. W. Vogeler in _Amer. Naturalist_, Jan., 1879; by W. H. Dall -in the _American Journal of Archæology_, i. 184; and by A. E. Douglass -in the _Amer. Antiquarian_, vii. 74, 140. On those of Alabama, see -_Peabody Mus. Rept._, xvi. 186, and _Smithsonian Rept._, 1877. - -On those of the great interior valleys, see the _Second Geological -Report of Indiana_, and Humphrey and Abbott’s _Physics and Hydraulics -of the Mississippi Valley_. - -For the California coast, there is testimony in Bancroft’s _Native -Races_, iv. 709-712; _Smithsonian Rept._, 1874 (by P. Schumacher); -_American Antiquarian_, vii. 159; and _Journal of the Anthropological -Institute_, v. 489. Schumacher covers the northwest coast in the -_Smithsonian Rept._, 1873. Those in Oregon are reported to be destitute -of the bones of extinct animals, in the _Bull. U. S. Geol. Survey_, -iii. Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iv. 739, refers to those on Vancouver’s -Island. W. H. Dall describes those on the Aleutian Islands in the -_Contributions to No. Amer. Ethnology_, i. 41. - -[1687] This branch of archæological science began, I believe, with -the discovery by Sir Wm. R. Wilde of some lacustrine habitations in a -small lake in county Meath. R. Monro’s _Ancient Scotch lake Dwellings_ -(Edinburgh, 1882) has gathered what is known of the remains in Great -Britain. There are similar remains in various parts of the continent -of Europe; but those revealed by the dry season of 1853-54 in the -Swiss lakes have attracted the most notice. Dr. Keller described them -in _Reports_ made to the Archæological Society of Zurich. A. Morlot -printed an abstract of Keller’s Report in the _Smithsonian Report_, -1863. In 1866, J. E. Lee arranged Keller’s material systematically, and -translated it in _The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland and other parts -of Europe, by Ferdinand Keller_ (London, 1866), which was reissued, -enlarged and brought down to date, in a second edition in 1878. The -earliest elaborated account was Prof. Troyon’s _Habitations lacustres_ -(1860), of which there was a translation in the _Smithsonian Reports_, -1860, 1861. Troyon and Keller have reached different conclusions: the -one believing that the traces of development in the remains indicate -new peoples coming in, while Keller holds these to be signs of the -progress of the same people. A paper by Edouard Desor, _Palafittes or -Lacustrian Constructions_, appeared in English in the _Smithsonian -Report_, 1865. There is a large collection of typical relics from these -lake dwellings in the Peabody Museum (_Report_, v.). - -These evidences now make part of all archæological treatises: Lyell’s -_Antiq. of Man_; Lubbock, _Prehist. Times_, ch. 6; Nadaillac, _Les -premiers hommes_, i. 241; Stevens, _Flint Chips_, 119; Joly, _Man -before Metals_, ch. 5; Figuier, _World before the Deluge_ (N. Y., -1872), p. 478; Southall, _Recent Origin_, etc., ch. 11, and _Epoch -of the Mammoth_, ch. 4; _Archæologia_, xxxviii.; Haven in _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Proc_., Oct., 1867; Rau in _Harper’s Monthly_, Aug., 1875; -_Poole’s Index_, p. 718, and _Supplement_, p. 246. The man of the -Danish peat-beds and of the Swiss lake dwellings is generally held to -belong to the present geological conditions, but earlier than written -records. - -[1688] _Senate Doc._; also separately, Philad., 1852. Cf. Bancroft, -_Native Races_, iv. 652; Domenech’s _Deserts_, etc., i. 201; _Annual -Scient. Discovery_, 1850; Short, _No. Am. of Antiq._, 293. A photograph -of the Casa Blanca is given in _Putnam’s Report, Wheeler’s Survey_, p. -370. Cf. Haven in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, 1855, p. 26. - -[1689] _Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey of the territories_, 2d -series, no. 1 (Washington, 1875), and its _Annual Rept._ (Washington, -1876), condensed in Bancroft, iv. 650, 718, and by E. A. Barber in -_Congrès des Américanistes_, 1877, i. 22. Cf. Short, 295, etc. - -[1690] _Bulletin_, etc., ii. (1876). Hayden’s _Survey_ (1876). -Cf. Short, p. 305; _Kansas City Rev._, Dec., 1879 (on their age); -James Stevenson in _Fourth Rept. Bureau of Ethnology_, pp. xxxiv, -284; Nadaillac’s _Les Premiers Hommes_ (ii. 61), and _L’Amérique -préhistorique_, ch. 5; _Scribner’s Mag._, Dec., 1878 (xvii. 266); _Good -Words_, xx. 486; _Science_, xi. 257. Those of the Cañon de Chelly are -described by James Stevenson in the _Journal Amer. Geo. Soc._ (1886), -p. 329. It is generally recognized that the cliff dwellers and the -Pueblo people were the same race, and that the modern Zuñi and Moquis -represent them. Bandelier in _Archæol. Inst. of Am., 5th Rept._ J. -Stevenson (_Second Rept. Bur. of Ethnol._, 431) describes some cavate -dwellings of this region cut out of the rock by hand. There is no -evidence that these remains call for any association with them of the -great antiquity of man. - -[1691] Cf., for instance, Short, 331. - -[1692] Morgan (_Systems of Consanguinity_, 257) finds correspondence -to the roving Indian in physical and cranial character, in linguistic -traits, and in the similarity of arts and social habits. Their -connection with the moundbuilder and cliff-dwelling race is traced in -H. F. C. Ten Kate’s _Reizen en Onderzolkingen in Nord America_ (Leyden, -1885). Cushing thinks (_Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol._, 481) they got their -habit of building in stories from having, as cliff-dwellers, earlier -built on the narrow shelves of the rocks. Morgan (_Peab. Mus. Rept._, -xii. 550) thinks their architectural art deteriorated, since the ruined -pueblos are finer constructions than those inhabited now. Cf. on the -origin of Pueblo architecture V. Mindeleff in _Science_, ix. 593, and -S. D. Peet in _Amer. Antiquarian_, iv. 208, and _Wisconsin Acad. of -Science_, v. 290. - -[1693] See chapter vii. of Vol. II. - -[1694] Cf. lesser accounts of these earlier notices in E. G. Squier’s -paper in the _Amer. Rev._, Nov., 1848; and G. M. Wheeler in the -_Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._ (1874), vol. vi. - -[1695] The book is rare. There is a copy in Harvard College library. -Cf. Sabin, ii. 4636-38; Ternaux, 518; Carter-Brown, ii.; Leclerc, no. -813 (200 francs). There is a French version, Brussels, 1631; and a -Latin, Saltzburg, 1634. - -[1696] Not to be confounded with the Casas Grandes, farther south in -the Mexican province of Chihuahua, which is of a similar character. Cf. -Bancroft, iv. 604 (with references); Short, ch. 7; Bartlett’s _Personal -Narrative_, ii. 348. It was first described in Escudero’s _Noticias de -Chihuahua_ (1819); and again in 1842, in _Album Mexicano_, i. 372. - -[1697] From that day to the present there have been very many -descriptions: _Documentos para la historia de Mexico_, 4th ser., i. -282; iv. 804; Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iv. 621; Short, 279; Schoolcraft, -_Ind. Tribes_, iii. 300; Bartlett, _Personal Nar._, ii. 278, 281; -Emory, _Reconnaissance_, 81, 567; Humboldt, _Essai politique_; Baldwin, -_Anc. America_, 82; Mayer, _Mexico_, ii. 396, and _Observations_, -15; Domenech, _Deserts_, i. 381; Ross Browne, _Apache Country_, 114; -Jametel in _Rev. de Géog._, Mar., 1881; Nadaillac, _Prehist. Amér._, -222. Bancroft groups many of the descriptions, and best collates them. - -[1698] Gregg, in his _Commerce des Prairies_ (N. Y., 1844), examined -the Pueblo Bonito in 1840. - -[1699] Washington, 1848,—30th Cong., Ex. Doc. 41. This includes Lieut. -J. W. Abert’s _Report and Map of the Examination of New Mexico_. He -visited two pueblos. This and other material afforded the base for -the studies of Squier and Gallatin, the former printing “The ancient -monuments of the aboriginal semi-civilized nations of New Mexico and -California” (_Amer. Rev._, 1848), and the latter a paper in the _Amer. -Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, ii., repeated in French in the _Nouv. Ann. des -Voyages_, 1851, iii. 237. - -[1700] This is perhaps the most important of all the ruins. Bancroft, -iv. 671. Bandelier’s studies are the most recent. _Congrès des Amér., -Compte Rendu_, 1877, ii. 230, and his _Introd. to studies among the -sedentary Indians of New Mexico and Report of the ruins of Pecos_ -(Boston, 1881,—Archæol. Inst. of America). - -[1701] Also in _Rept. of Sec. of War, 1st Sess. 31st Cong._ Cf. -Bancroft, iv. 652, 655, 661; Baldwin’s _Anc. America_, 86; Domenech’s -_Deserts_, i. 149, 379; Short, 292. The Chaco cañon was visited -by W. H. Jackson in 1877, and his report is in the _Report of -Hayden’s Survey_, 1878, p. 411. Morgan gives a summary, with maps -(see Nadaillac, 229), in his _Houses and House Life_, etc., ch. 7, -8,—holding (p. 167) them to be the seven cities of Cibola seen by -Coronado. Cf. on this mooted question our Vol. II. 501-503; and -Simpson’s paper in the _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._ vol. v. - -[1702] _32d Cong., 2d sess., Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 59._ - -[1703] On the Zuñi region see Bancroft, iv. 645, 667, 673 (with ref.); -Short, 288; Möllhausen, _Reisen in die Felsengebirge Nord Amerikas_ -(ii. 196, 402), and his _Tagebuch_, 283; Cozzen’s _Marvellous Country_; -_Tour du Monde_, i.; _Harper’s Monthly_, Aug., 1875; J. E. Stevenson’s -_Zuñi and the Zunians_ (Washington, 1881). Of F. H. Cushing’s recent -labors among the Zuñi, see Powell’s _Second_, _Third_, and _Fifth -Reports, Bur. of Ethnology_. - -[1704] The _Report_ of Lieut. W. H. Emory, directly in charge of -the survey (_Ho. Ex. Doc. 135, 34th Cong., 1st sess._), was printed -separately in 3 vols. in 1859. - -[1705] _Report upon U. S. Geol. Surveys, west of the one hundredth -meridian in charge of First Lieut. Geo. M. Wheeler, vol. vii., -Archæology_ (Washington, 1879). Ernest Ingersoll, a member of the -survey, published some papers on the “Village Indians of New Mexico” in -the _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, vi. and vii. - -[1706] Cf. L. H. Morgan on this ruin in the _Peab. Mus. Rept._, xii. -536, and in a paper in the _Trans. Amer. Ass. Adv. Sci._ (St. Louis, -1877). - -[1707] His notes form a good bibliography. He intends as a supplement -an account of the different explorations prior to the seventeenth -century. - -[1708] Bancroft (_Native Races_, i. 529, 599; iv. 662, etc.) gives the -best clues to authorities prior to 1875. Short (ch. 7) condenses more, -and Baldwin (p. 78) still more. Nadaillac, _L’Amérique préhistorique_ -(ch. 5) also summarizes. Morgan studies the social condition of this -ancient people (_Systems of Consanguinity_, Part ii. ch. 6; _Houses and -House Life_, ch. 6; _Peabody Mus. Repts._, xii.). Cf. James Stevenson’s -“Ancient Habitations of the Southwest” in _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, -xviii. (1886), and his illustrated _Catalogue of Collections_ in -Powell’s _Second Rept. Bureau of Ethnol._; E. A. Barber on “Les anciens -pueblos” in _Cong. des Américanistes,_ 1877, i. 23, in which he traces -a gradation from the moundbuilders through the old pueblo peoples to -the Toltecs; C. Schoebel’s account of an expedition in the _Archives de -la Soc. Amér. de France_, nouv. ser. i., and the references in _Poole’s -Index_, i. 1063; ii. 359. - -Dividing the remaining references into localities, we note for New -Mexico the following: J. H. Carleton in the _Smithsonian Rept._ (1854); -W. B. Lyon (_Ibid._ 1871); J. A. McParlin (_Ibid._ 1877); Turner in -_Am. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, ii.; and A. W. Bell in _Journal of the -Ethnol. Soc._ (London), Oct., 1869. Carleton describes the ruins also -in the _Western Journal_, xiv. 185. Clarence Pullen describes the -people in _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, xix. 22. For Colorado: E. L. -Berthoud in _Smithsonian Repts._, 1867, 1871. G. L. Cannon in _Ibid._ -1877; H. Gannett in _Pop. Sci. Monthly_, xvi. 666 (Mar., 1880); _Amer. -Naturalist_, x. 31; _Lippincott’s Mag._, xxvi. 54. For Arizona: F. -E. Grossmann, J. C. Y. Lee, and R. T. Burr in _Smithsonian Repts._, -respectively for 1871, 1872, 1879, with other references in Poole under -“Moqui.” - -[1709] This scope of treatment is manifest in the large number of -papers contained in the _Smithsonian Reports_. See W. J. Rhees’ _Catal. -of Publ. of Sm. Inst._ (Washington, 1882), pp. 252-3. - -[1710] _Beschreibung der Reise_ (Göttingen, 1764; Eng. transl., Lond., -1772). - -[1711] _Journal of two visits_, etc., Burlington, 1774 (Thomson’s -_Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 657). - -[1712] His account is copied in the _Mass. Mag._, Oct., 1791. - -[1713] Cf. _Amer. Mag._, Dec., 1787; Jan., Feb, 1788. - -[1714] Repeated in Gilbert Imlay’s _Topog. Descrip. West. Territory_. - -[1715] _Journal of a Tour._ - -[1716] _Voyage dans Louisiane_ (Paris, 1807). - -[1717] _Sketches of Louisiana_ (1812). - -[1718] _Views of Louisiana_ (Pittsburg, 1814). - -[1719] _Account of the History, Manners and Customs of the Indian -Nations who once inhabited Pennsylvania and the neighboring States_, -in the _Transactions Amer. Philos. Soc._ (1819), and later repeated in -other editions and versions (P. G. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. -533, etc., and Pilling’s _Eskimo Bibliog._, 43). Louis Cass’s criticism -on Heckewelder is in _No. Am. Rev._ Jan., 1826. Cf. Haven, _Archæol. U. -S._, 43. - -[1720] _Description of the Antiquities discovered in the State of -Ohio and other Western States, with engravings from actual surveys_ -(Worcester, Mass., 1820). This was reprinted in the _Writings of Caleb -Atwater_ (Columbus, 1833). This volume also included his _Observations -made on a tour to Prairie du Chien in 1829_ (Columbus, 1831), where -Atwater was sent by the Federal government to purchase mineral lands of -the Indians (P. G. Thomson’s _Bibl. of Ohio_, no. 52; Pilling, _Bibl. -of Siouan Lang._, p. 2). The part originally published in the _Archæol. -Amer._ was translated by Malte Brun in _Nouv. Annales de Voyages_, -xxviii., who added a paper on “L’origine et l’époque des monumens de -l’Ohio.” Cf. Haven’s _Archæol. U. S._, 33, and the memoir of Atwater in -_Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct., 1867. - -[1721] Including those of Newark, Perry County, Marietta, Circleville, -Paint Creek, Little Miami, Piketon, etc. - -[1722] Haven, 117. This publication was anticipated by a condensed -statement in Squier’s _Observation on the Aboriginal Monuments of the -Mississippi Valley_, in the second volume of the _Trans. Amer. Ethnol. -Soc._ (N. Y., 1847), and in his _Observations on the Uses of the Mounds -of the West, with an attempt at their Classification_ (New Haven, -1847). Cf. also _Harper’s Mag._, xx. 737; xxi. 20, 165; _Amer. Jour. -Science_, lxi. 305. - -[1723] These went in 1863 to the Blackmore collection in Salisbury, -Eng., and are described in Stevens’ _Flint Chips_. - -[1724] Cf. _Trans. Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci._, 1873, and a paper “On the -weapons and military character of the race of the mounds” in the -_Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Mem._, i. 473 (1869). - -[1725] _Proceedings_, Oct. 23, 1852, where are plans of those at -Crawfordsville, and of others in the dividing ridge between the -Mississippi and the Kickapoo rivers. Cf. _Ibid._ Oct., 1876. - -[1726] P. G. Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, no. 925. - -[1727] As, for instance, Conant’s _Footprints of Vanished Races_ -(1879). Cf. T. H. Lewis in the _Amer. Journal of Archæology_, Jan., -1886 (ii. 65). - -[1728] _Archæology of the U. S._ (1856). - -[1729] M’Culloh in 1829 had come to a similar conclusion, and Gallatin -and Schoolcraft have somewhat followed him. - -[1730] _Hist. Mag._, Feb., 1866. Cf. Charlevoix. - -[1731] This was Dr. J. C. Warren’s view in 1837, in a paper before the -_Brit. Asso. Adv. Science_. Cf. also Blumenbach, Morton, Nott, and -Gliddon. - -[1732] Bancroft (_Nat. Races_, v. 539) thinks they were connected -in some obscure way with these southern nations, and in 1875 could -write (p. 787) that “most and the best authorities deem it impossible -that the moundbuilders were ever the remote ancestors of the Indian -tribes.” Dawson (_Fossil Men_, 55) deems the modern Pueblo Indians -to be their representatives. Brasseur supposes the Toltecs came from -them. (Cf. also Short, 492; and S. B. Evans, in _Kansas City Rev._, -March, 1882.) John Wells Foster, who had for some years written on the -subject, gathered his results in a composite volume, _Prehistoric Races -of the United States_ (Chicago, 1873, 1878, 1881, etc.), in which he -held to the theory of their migrating south and developing into the -civilization of Central America. Cf. his paper in the _Trans. Chicago -Acad. Nat. Sci._, vol. i., and his abstract of it in his _Mississippi -Valley_ (1869, p. 415). J. P. MacLean’s _Moundbuilders_ (Cincinnati, -1879) takes similar ground. Morgan (_Peab. Mus. Rept._, xii. 552) -holds that they cannot be classed with any known Indian “stock,” and -that the “nearest region from which they could have been derived is -New Mexico.” Wills de Haas takes exception to this view in the _Trans. -Anthropological Soc. of Washington_ (1881). Cf. R. S. Robertson in -_Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_ (1877), xi. 39. - -[1733] Major Powell says, that years ago he reached the conclusion -that the modern Indians must have raised at least some of the mounds -in the Mississippi Valley (_Bur. of Ethnol. Rept._, iv. p. xxx). -Cf. also Powell’s paper in _Science_, x. 267. In the second of -these reports (p. 117) Henry W. Henshaw sets forth the views, which -the Bureau maintained; and he defended these views in the _Amer. -Antiquarian_, viii. 102. The leading member, however, of the Bureau -staff, who is working in this field, is Cyrus Thomas. In the _Nat. -Mus. Report_ (1887) he defined the aim and character of the _Work in -Mound Exploration of the Bureau of Ethnology_, also issued separately. -In this it was stated that over 2,000 mounds had been opened, and -38,000 relics gathered from them; but nothing to afford any clue to the -language which the moundbuilders spoke. The conclusions reached were:— - -_First_, the mounds are as diversified as the Indian tribes are. - -_Second_, they yield no signs of a superior race. - -_Third_, their builders and the Indians are the same. - -_Fourth_, the accounts of the early European visitors of the Indians -found here correspond to the disclosures of the mounds. - -_Fifth_, certain kinds of mounds in certain localities are the work of -tribes now known; and there are no signs about the mounds to connect -them with the Pueblo Indians or those farther south. - -Thomas, in the _Fifth Report_ (1888) described the “Burial Mounds of -the northern sections of the U. S.” He says that the character of the -mounds and their contents indicate the possibility of dividing the -territory they occupy roughly into eight districts, each with some -prominent characteristic, and he roughly distinguishes these sections -as of Wisconsin; the Upper Mississippi; Ohio; New York; Appalachian; -the Middle Mississippi; the Lower Mississippi and the Gulf. He holds -that the moundbuilding people existed from about the fifth or sixth -century down to historic times. - -Taking for his texts the mounds of the Appalachian districts, he -has presented anew his grounds for believing this region at least -to have had the red Indian race for the constructors of its mounds, -and that the Cherokees were that race. Carr had already (1876), from -investigating a truncated oval mound in Virginia, and comparing it with -Bartram’s (_Travels_, 365) description of a Cherokee council-house -(_Peabody Mus. Rept._, x. 75), reached the conclusion that that -particular mound was built by the Cherokees. Thomas further undertakes -to prove that the Cherokees once occupied the Appalachian region, and -that implements of the white men are found in some of the mounds, -bringing them down to a period since the contact with Europeans. The -habits of the builders of these mounds are, as he affirms, known to -correspond to what we know from historic evidence were the habits of -the Cherokees. - -Thomas has also communicated the views of the Bureau in other ways, as -in the _Amer. Antiquarian_, vi. 90; vii. 65; _Mag. Amer. Hist._, May, -1884, p. 396; 1887, p. 193; July and Sept., 1888. In these papers, -among other points, he maintains that the defensive enclosures of -northern Ohio are due to the Iroquois-Huron tribes, and he accepts the -view of Peet and Latham, that the animal mounds are more ancient than -the simpler forms. Other investigators have adopted, in some degree, -this view. Horatio Hale thinks the Cherokees of Iroquois origin, and -that they may have mingled with the moundbuilders. C. C. Baldwin holds -the Allegheni, Cherokees, and the moundbuilders to be the same. - -Prominent among those who have adopted this red-Indian theory are Judge -M. F. Force and Lucien Carr. In 1874 Force published at Cincinnati -a paper, which he read before the literary club of that city; and -in 1877 he prepared a paper on the race of the moundbuilders, which -appears in French in the _Compte Rendu, Congrès des Américanistes_ -(1877, i. p. 121), and in English, _To what Race did the Moundbuilders -belong_ (Cincinnati, 1875). He maintains that the race, which shows no -differences from the modern Indians, flourished till about 1,000 years -ago, and that some of them still survived in the Gulf States in the -sixteenth century, and that their development was about on the plane of -the Pueblos, higher than the Algonquins and lower than the Aztecs. - -Carr’s _Mounds of the Mississippi Valley historically considered_ -makes part of the second volume of Shaler’s _Kentucky Survey_, and was -also issued separately (1883). It is the most elaborate collation of -the accounts of the early travellers, and of others coming in contact -with the Indians at an early day, which has yet been made, and his -foot-notes are an ample bibliography of this aspect of the subject. He -holds that these early records prove that nothing has been found in the -mounds which was not described in the early narratives as pertaining -to the Indians of the early contact. He aims also particularly to show -that these early Indians were agriculturists and sun-worshippers. -Brinton, reviewing the paper in the _American Antiquarian_ (1883, p. -68), holds that Carr goes too far, and practises the arts of a special -pleader. Brinton’s own opinions seem somewhat to have changed. In the -_Hist. Mag._, Feb., 1866, p. 35, he considers the moundbuilders as not -advanced beyond the red Indians; and in the _American Antiquarian_ -(1881), iv. 9, in inquiring into their probable nationality, he thinks -they were an ancient people who were driven south and became the -moundbuilding Chahta. - -Other supporters of the red Indian view are Edmund Andrews, in the -_Wisconsin Acad. of Science_, iv. 126; P. R. Hoy, in _Ibid._ vi.; -O. T. Mason, in _Science_, iii. 658; Nadaillac, in _L’Amérique -préhistorique_; E. Schmidt, in _Kosmos_ (Leipzig), viii. 81, 163; G. P. -Thurston, in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, 1888, xix. 374. - -[1734] This is denied in Fred. Larkin’s _Anc. Man in America_ (N. Y.). - -[1735] J. D. Baldwin’s _Anc. America_ (N. Y., 1871). D. Wilson’s -_Prehistoric Man_, i. ch. 10, etc., who holds that “the moundbuilders -were greatly more in advance of the Indian hunter than behind the -civilized Mexican;” and he claims that the proof deduced from the -Indian type of a head discovered in a moundbuilder’s pipe (i. 366) is -due to a perverted drawing in Squier and Davis. Short, _No. Amer. of -Antiq._, believed they were of the race later in Anahuac. Gay, _Pop. -Hist. U. S._, i. ch. 2, believes in the theory of a vanished race. In -1775 Adair thought the works indicated a higher military energy than -the modern Indian showed. - -[1736] _Antiq. of Man_, 4th ed. 42. - -[1737] Putnam’s papers and the records of his investigations can be -found in his _Peabody Mus. Reports_, xvii., xviii., xix., xx., etc. -_Proc. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist._, xv.; _Amer. Naturalist_, June, 1875; -_Kansas City Rev._, 1879, etc. - -[1738] _No. Am. Rev._, cxxiii., for “houses of the moundbuilders,” and -also in his _Houses and Home Life_, ch. 9. Cf. on the other hand C. -Thomas in _Mag. Amer. Hist._, Feb., 1884, p. 110. - -[1739] Rhee’s _Catalogue_, p. 252-3. - -[1740] S. D. Peet, who edits this journal, has advanced in one of -his papers (vii. 82) that some of these earthworks are Indian game -drives and screens. (He also contributed a classification of them to -the _Congrès des Américanistes_, 1877, i. 103.) The paper by J. E. -Stevenson (ii. 89), and that by Horatio Hale on “Indian Migrations” -(Jan.-April, 1883), are worth noting. The _Compte Rendu, Congrès des -Américanistes_, 1875 (i. 387), has Joly’s “Les Moundbuilders, leurs -Œuvres et leurs Caractères Ethniques,” and that for 1877 has a paper by -John H. Becker and Stronck. That by R. S. Robertson in _Ibid._ (i. p. -39) is also reprinted in the _Mag. Amer. Hist._ (iv. 174), March, 1880; -while in March, 1883, will be found some of T. H. Lewis’s personal -experiences in exploring mounds. Some other periodical papers are: W. -de Haas, in _Trans. Am. Asso. Adv. Science_, 1868; D. A. Robertson, in -_Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, v. 256; A. W. Vogeles and S. L. Fay, in -_Amer. Naturalist_, xiii. 9, 637; E. B. Finley in _Mag. Western Hist._, -Feb., 1887, p. 439; _Science_, Sept. 14, 1883; Squier, in _American -Journal Science_, liii. 237, and in _Harper’s Monthly_, xx. 737, xxi. -20, 165; C. Morris, in _Nat. Quart. Rev._, Dec. 1871, 1872, April, -1873; Ad. F. Fontpertius on “Le peuple des mounds et ses monuments” in -the _Rev. de Géog._ (April and August, 1881); E. Price, in the _Annals -of Iowa_, vi. 121; Isaac Smucker, in _Scientific Monthly_ (Toledo, -Ohio), i. 100. - -Some other references, hardly of essential character, are: H. H. -Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iv. ch. 13; v. 538; Gales’s _Upper Mississippi, -or Historical Sketches of the Moundbuilders_ (Chicago, 1867); -Southall’s _Recent Origin of Man_, ch. 36; Wm. McAdams’s _Records of -ancient races in the Mississippi valley; being an account of some of -the pictographs, sculptured hieroglyphs, symbolic devices, emblems and -traditions of the prehistoric races of America, with some suggestions -as to their origin_ (St. Louis, 1887); Brühl’s _Culturvölker des alten -Amerika_; J. D. Sherwood, in Stevens’s _Flint Chips_, 341; E. Pickett’s -_Testimony of the Rocks_ (N. Y.). - -[1741] _Hist. Mag._, Feb., 1866. - -[1742] Cf. _Congrès des Amér._, 1877, i. 316; C. Thomas in _Amer. -Antiq._, vii. 66; Warden’s _Recherches_, ch. 4; Baldwin’s _Anc. -America_, ch. 2. - -[1743] Cf. Short, p. 158. - -[1744] Force, _To what Race_, etc., p. 63. - -[1745] Cf. Henry Gillman’s “Ancient Men of the Great Lakes” in _Amer. -Assoc. Adv. Sci._ (Detroit, 1875), pp. 297, 317; _Boston Nat. Hist. -Soc. Proc._, iv. 331; _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867, p. 412; C. C. Jones’s -_Antiq. Southern Indians_; _Peabody Mus. Repts._, iv., vi., xi.; Jos. -Jones’s _Aborig. Remains of Tennessee_; Jeffries Wyman in _Am. Journal -of Arts_, etc., cvii. p. i.; W. J. McGee in _Ibid._ cxvi. 458; and -Dr. S. F. Landrey on “A moundbuilder’s brain” in _Pop. Science News_ -(Boston, Oct., 1886, p. 138). - -[1746] Cf. Holmes’s “Objects from the Mounds” in Powell’s _Bur. of -Ethnol. Repts._, iii.; C. C. Baldwin’s “Relics of the Moundbuilders” in -_West. Reserve Hist. Soc. Tract_, no. 23 (1874); Foster on their stone -and copper implements in _Chicago Acad. Science_, i. (1869); objects -from the Ohio mounds in Stevens’s _Flint Chips_, 418; images from them -in _Science_, April 11, 1884, p. 437. In the mounds of the Little Miami -Valley, native gold and meteoric iron have been found for the first -time (_Peab. Mus. Rept._, xvi. 170). - -[1747] See, on such impositions in general, MacLean’s _Moundbuilders_, -ch. 9; C. C. Abbott in _Pop. Sci. Monthly_, July, 1885, p. 308; -Wilson’s _Prehist. Man_, ii. ch. 19; Putnam in _Peab. Mus. Repts._, -xvi. 184; _Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol._ 247. - -The best known of the disputed relics are the following: The largest -mound in the Ohio Valley is that of the Grave Creek, twelve miles -below Wheeling, which was earliest described by its owner, A. B. -Tomlinson, in 1838. It is seventy feet high and one thousand feet in -circumference. (Cf. Squier and Davis, Foster, MacLean, _Olden Time_, i. -232; and account by P. P. Cherry—Wadsworth, 1877.) About 1838 a shaft -was sunk by Tomlinson into it, and a rotunda constructed in its centre -out of an original cavity, as a showroom for relics; and here, as taken -from the mound, appeared two years later what is known as the Grave -Creek stone, bearing an inscription of inscrutable characters. The -supposed relic soon attracted attention. H. R. Schoolcraft pronounced -its twenty-two characters such “as were used by the Pelasgi,” in his -_Observations respecting the Grave creek mound, in Western Virginia; -the antique inscription discovered in its excavation; and the connected -evidence of the occupancy of the Mississippi valley during the mound -period, and prior to the discovery of America by Columbus_, which -appeared in the _Amer. Ethnological Soc. Trans._, i. 367 (N. Y., -1845). Cf. his _Indian Tribes_, iv. 118, where he thinks it may be an -“intrusive antiquity.” The French savant Jomard published a _Note sur -une pierre gravée_ (Paris, 1845, 1859), in which he thought it Libyan. -Lévy-Bing calls it Hebrew in _Congrès des Amér._ (Nancy, i. 215). Other -notices are by Moïse Schwab in _Revue Archéologique_, Feb., 1857; José -Perez in _Arch. de la Soc. Amér. de France_ (1865), ii. 173; and in -America in the _Amer. Pioneer_, ii. 197; Haven’s _Archæol. U. S._, -133, and _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April 29, 1863, pp. 13, 32; _Amer. -Antiquarian_, i. 139; Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, v. 75. - -Squier promptly questioned its authenticity (_Amer. Ethnol. Soc. -Trans._, ii.; _Aborig. Mts._, 168). Wilson laughed at it (_Prehistoric -Man_, ii. 100). Col. Whittlesey has done more than any one to show -its fraudulent character, and to show how the cuts of it which have -been made vary (_Western Reserve, Hist. Soc. Tracts_), nos. 9 (1872), -33 (1876), 42 (1878), and 44 (1879.) Cf. on this side Short, p. 419; -and _Fourth Rept. Bur. Ethnol._, 250. Its authenticity is, however, -maintained by MacLean (_Moundbuilders_, Cinn., 1879), who summarizes -the arguments _pro_ and _con_. - -What is known as the Cincinnati tablet was found on the site of that -city in 1841 (_Amer. Pioneer_, ii. 195). Squier accepted it as genuine, -and thought it might be a printing-stone for decorating hides (_Amer. -Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, ii.; _Aborig. Mts._ (1847), p. 70). Whittlesey -at first doubted it (_West. Res. Hist. Tracts_, no. 9), but was later -convinced of its genuineness by Robert Clarke’s _Prehistoric Remains -found on the site of Cincinnati_ (privately printed, Cinn., 1876). - -The so-called Berlin tablet was found in Ohio in 1876. S. D. Peet -believes it genuine (_Amer. Antiq._, i. 73; vii. 222). - -On the Rockford tablet, see Short, 44. - -The Davenport tablets, found by the Rev. J. Gass in a mound near -Davenport, in Jan., 1877, are described in the _Davenport Acad. -Proc._, ii. 96, 132, 221, 349; iii. 155. Cf. further in _Amer. Asso. -Adv. Science Proc._ (April, 1877), by R. J. Farquharson; _Congrès des -Amér._ (1877, ii. 158, with cut). The _American Antiquarian_ records -the controversy over its genuineness. In vol. iv. 145, John Campbell -proposed a reading of the inscription. The suspicions are set forth in -vii. 373. Peet, in viii. 46, inclines to consider it a fraud; and, p. -92, there is a defence. Short (pp. 38-39) doubts. In the _Second Amer. -Rept. Bur. of Ethnol._, H. W. Henshaw, on “Animal Carvings,” attacked -its character. (Cf. _Fourth Rept._, p. 251.) A reply by C. E. Putnam -in vol. iv. of the _Davenport Acad. Proc._, and issued separately, -is called _Vindication of the Authenticity of the Elephant pipes and -inscribed tablets in the Mus. of the Davenport Acad._ (Davenport, Iowa, -1885). Cf. Cyrus Thomas in _Science_, vi. 564; also Feb. 5, 1886, p. -119. The question of the elephant pipes is included in the discussion, -some denying their genuineness. Cf. also _Amer. Antiq._, ii. 67; Short, -531; Dr. Max Uhle in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1887. - -[1748] It has been found convenient to follow an advancing line of -geographical succession, but the affiliations of the peoples of the -mounds seem to indicate that those dwelling on both slopes and in the -valleys of the Appalachian ranges should be grouped together, as Thomas -combines them in his section on the mounds of the Appalachian District. -(_Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol._) - -[1749] _Proc._, Oct. 23, 1849, p. 13; Belknap’s _New Hampshire_, iii. -89; Haven’s _Archæol. U. S._, 42. - -[1750] D. A. Robertson, _Journal Amer. Geog. Soc._, vol. v., contends -that the North American mounds were built by a colony of Finns long -before the Christian era. - -[1751] It was also issued, with some additional matter, at Buffalo -(1851) as _Antiquities of New York State, with supplement on -Antiquities of the West_ (1851). Squier has also at this time a paper -on these mounds in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1849, p. 41. Cf. -_Am. Journal of Science_, lxi. 305, and _Harper’s Monthly_, xx. and -xxi. His conclusions, distinct from those pertaining to the Ohio -mounds, were that the N. Y. earthworks were raised by the red Indians. - -[1752] Cf. W. M. Taylor on a Pennsylvania mound in _Smithsonian Rept._, -1877. - -[1753] A few minor references may be given. The _Smithsonian Reports_ -have papers by D. Trowbridge (1863); and by F. H. Cushing on those of -Orleans County (1874). W. L. Stone held them to have been built by -Egyptians, who afterward went south (_Mag. Amer. Hist._, Sept., 1878, -ii. 533). Cf. _Ibid._ v. 35, and S. L. Frey in the _Amer. Naturalist_, -Oct., 1879. A small book, _Ancient Man in America_ (N. Y., 1880), by -Frederic Larkin, takes issue with Squier, and believes the builders -were not the modern Indians. He says he found in one of the N. Y. -mounds, in 1854, a copper relic, with a mastodon, evidently in harness, -scratched upon it! H. G. Mercer’s _Lenape Stone_ describes a “gorget -stone” dug up in Buck’s County, Penn., in 1872, which shows a carving -representing a fight between Indians and the hairy mammoth, which we -are also asked to accept as genuine. What is recognized as an ancient -burial mound of the Senecas is described at some length in G. S. -Conover’s _Reasons why the State should acquire the famous burial mound -of the Seneca Indians_ (1888). - -[1754] Contributions to a bibliography and lists of the Ohio mounds -are found as follows: Mrs. Cyrus Thomas’s “Bibliog. of Earthworks in -Ohio” in the _Ohio Archæol. and Hist. Quarterly_, June, 1887, et seq.; -a lesser list is in Thomson’s _Bibliog. of Ohio_, p. 385. Lists of -the works are given in the _Ohio Centennial Rept._ and in MacLean’s -_Moundbuilders_, pp. 230-233. J. Smucker, in the _Amer. Antiquarian_, -vi. 43, describes the interest in archæology in the State, and -instances the results in the numerous county histories, in the Western -Reserve Hist. Soc. publications, in those of the Nat. Hist. Soc. of -Cincinnati, of the Archæological Soc. at Madisonville, of the Central -Ohio Scientific Association (begun 1878), and of the District Hist. -Society (beginning its reports in 1877. Cf. P. G. Thomson, _Bibl. of -Ohio_, no. 328). The course of the West. Reserve Hist. Soc. is sketched -in the _Mag. West. Hist._, Feb., 1888 (vol. vii.). - -[1755] _Life of Cutler_, ii. 14, 252. - -[1756] _Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc._, iv. - -[1757] Their survey is used in Stevens’s _Flint Chips_ by Sherwood. - -[1758] Cf. no. 11, 23, 41. - -[1759] Some minor references: Whittlesey in _Fireland’s Pioneer_ -(June, 1865), and in his _Fugitive Essays_ (Hudson, O., 1852). C. H. -Mitchener’s _Ohio Annals_ (Dayton, 1876). _Hist. Mag._, xii. 240. C. W. -Butterfield in _Mag. West. Hist._, Oct., 1886 (iv. 777). I. Dille in -_Smithsonian Rept._, 1866, p. 359; and Hill and others in _Ibid._ 1877. -C. Thomas in _Science_, xi. 314. Thomas J. Brown on artificial terraces -in _Amer. Antiquarian_, May, 1888. Howe’s _Hist. Collections of Ohio_, -as well as the numerous county histories, afford some material. - -[1760] The annexed map of the vicinity of Chillicothe will show their -abundance in a confined area. E. B. Andrews on those in the S. E. in -_Peabody Mus. Rept._, x. MacLean’s _Moundbuilders_ (Cincinnati, 1879) -is of no original value except for Butler County. Squier and Davis give -a plan of the fortified hill in this county. Walker’s _Athens County_. -Isaac J. Finley and Rufus Putnam’s _Pioneer Record of Ross County_ -(Cincinnati, 1871). A plan of the High Bank works in this county is -given in the _Amer. Antiquarian_, v. 56. The Highland County works, -called Fort Hill, are described in the _Ohio Arch. & Hist. Q._, 1887, -p. 260. G. S. B. Hampstead’s _Antiq. of Portsmouth_ (1875) embodies -results of a long series of surveys. Cf. _Journal Anthropological -Institute_, vii. 132. - -[1761] D. Drake’s _Picture of Cincinnati_ (1815); Harrison in _Ohio -Hist. & Philos. Soc._, i.; Squier and Davis; Ford’s _Cincinnati_, i. -ch. 2. - -[1762] The best known of the ancient fortifications of this region -is that called Fort Ancient, about 42 miles from Cincinnati. It was -surveyed by Prof. Locke in 1843. Cf. L. M. Hosea in _Quart. Journal of -Science_ (Cinn., Oct., 1874); Putnam in the _Amer. Architect_, xiii. -19; _Amer. Antiquarian_, April, 1878; Force’s _Moundbuilders_; Warden’s -_Recherches_; Squier and Davis, with plan reduced in MacLean, p. 21; -Short, 51; and on its present condition, _Peab. Mus. Rept._, xvi. 168. -There is an excellent map of the mounds in the Little Miami Valley, in -Dr. C. L. Metz’s _Prehistoric Monuments of the Little Miami Valley_, -in the _Journal of the Cincinnati Soc. of Nat. Hist._, vol. i., Oct., -1878. The explorations of Putnam and Metz are recorded in the _Peab. -Mus. Repts._, xvii., xviii. (Marriott mound), and xx. Cf. Putnam’s -lecture in _Mag. West. History_, Jan., 1888. There are explorations at -Madisonville noticed in the _Journal of the Cinn. Soc. Nat. Hist._, -Apr., 1880. Others in this region are recorded in L. B. Welch and J. M. -Richardson’s _Prehistoric relics found near Wilmington_ (Sparks mound), -and by F. W. Langdon in the appendix of Short. - -[1763] M. C. Read’s _Archæol. of Ohio_ (Cleveland, 1888), with cut. -Col. Whittlesey made the survey in Squier and Davis, and it is copied -by Foster. O. C. Marsh in _Hist. Mag._, xii. 240; and in _Amer. Journal -of Science_, xcii. (July, 1866). Isaac Smucker, a local antiquary, in -_Newark American_, Dec. 19, 1872; in _Amer. Hist. Record_, ii. 481; and -in _Amer. Antiq._, iii. 261 (July, 1881). Cf. Nadaillac, 99, and view -in Lossing’s _War of 1812_, p. 565. - -Other antiquities of the central region are described in no. 11 -_Western Res. Hist. Soc. Tracts_ (Hardin Co.); in _Ohio Arch. Hist. -Quart._, March, 1888 (Franklin Co.); _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, -1863 (Fairfield Co., etc.). - -[1764] R. W. McFarland in _Ohio Arch. Hist. Quart._, i. 265 (Oxford). - -[1765] Cox in _Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci._, 1874 (fort in Clarke Co.). - -[1766] _West. Res. Hist. Soc. Tracts_, no. 41 (1877); and for the -Cuyahoga Valley in no. 5 (1871), both by Whittlesey. The works on the -Huron River, east of Sandusky, were described, with a plan, by Abraham -G. Steiner in _Columbian Mag._, Sept., 1789, reprinted in _Fireland’s -Pioneer_, xi. 71. G. W. Hill in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1874; E. O. -Dunning on the Lick Creek mound in _Peab. Mus. Rept._, v. p. 11; S. -D. Peet on a double-walled enclosure in Ashtabula Co. in _Smithsonian -Rept._, 1876. Cf. Cornelius Baldwin on ancient burial cists in -northeastern Ohio in _West. Res. Hist. Tracts_, no. 56, and Yarrow on -mound-burials in _First Rept. Bur. Ethnol._ - -[1767] Cf. Putnam in _Bull. Essex Inst._, iii. (Nov., 1871), and -_Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. Proc._ (Feb., 1872); Foster, p. 134, with plan. -The _Smithsonian Repts._ cover notices by W. Pidgeon (1867), by A. -Patton in Knox and Lawrence counties (1873), and by R. S. Robertson -(1874). - -[1768] _Peabody Mus. Reports_, xii. 473 (1879). For Illinois mounds see -Thomas in _Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol._; Davidson and Struve’s _Illinois_; -E. Baldwin’s _La Salle Co._ (Chicago, 1877); W. McAdams’s _Antiq. of -Cahokia_ (Edwardsville, 1883); H. R. Howland in the _Buffalo Soc. Nat. -Hist. Bull._, iii.; and in _Smithsonian Repts._, by Chas. Rau (1868); -largely on agricultural traces; by Dr. A. Patton (1873); by T. M. -Perrine on Union Co. (1873); by T. McWhorter and others (1874); by W. -H. Pratt on Whiteside Co. (1874); by J. Shaw on Rock River (1877); and -by J. Cochrane on Mason Co. (1877). - -[1769] His papers are in the _Smithsonian Repts._, 1873, 1875; _Peabody -Mus. Reports_, vi. (1873), on the St. Clair River mounds; _Am. Journal -of Arts, etc._, Jan., 1874; _Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci. Proc._, 1875; on -bone relics in _Congrès des Amér._, 1877, i. 65; and on the Lake Huron -mounds, in _American Naturalist_, Jan., 1883. Cf. other accounts in -_Michigan Pioneer Collections_, ii. 40; iii. 41, 202; S. D. Peet in -_Amer. Antiq._, Jan., 1888; and on the old fort near Detroit, _Ibid._ -p. 37; and Bela Hubbard’s _Memorials of a half century_. - -[1770] The copy in Harvard College library has some annotations by -George Gale. Lapham’s survey of Aztlan is reproduced in Foster, p. 102. -Lapham’s book is summarized by Wm. Barry in the _Wisconsin Hist. Soc. -Coll._, iii. 187. These _Collections_ contain other papers on mounds -in Crawford Co. by Alfred Brunson (iii. 178); on man-shape mounds (iv. -365); J. D. Butler on “Prehistoric Wisconsin” (vii.); on Aztalan (ix. -103). - -The _Transactions_ of the Wisconsin Acad. of Science are also -of assistance: vol. iii., a report of a committee on the mounds -near Madison, with cuts; vol. iv., a paper by J. M. DeHart on the -“Antiquities and platycnemism [flat tibia bones] of the Moundbuilders.” - -[1771] S. D. Peet has discussed this aspect in the _Amer. Antiquarian_ -(1880), iii. p. 1; vi. 176; vii. 164, 215, 321; viii. 1; ix. 67. He -also examines the evidence of the village life of their builders (ix. -10). Cf. his _Emblematic Mounds_; and his paper in the _Wisconsin Hist. -Coll._, ix. 40. - -[1772] None of the bones of extinct animals have been found in -the mounds; nor has the buffalo, long a ranger of the Mississippi -Valley, been identified in the shapes of the mounds. (Cf. Peet on the -identification of animal mounds in _Amer. Antiq._, vi. 176.) Peet holds -they followed the mastodon period (_Ibid._ ix. 67). The elephant mound, -so called, has been often shown in cuts. (Cf. _Smithsonian Rept._, -1877, accompanying a paper by J. Warner, and Powell’s _Second Rept. -Bur. of Eth._, 153.) Henshaw here discredits the idea of its being -intended for an elephant. The evidence of elephant pipes is thought -uncertain. Cf. article on mound pipes by Barber in _Amer. Naturalist_, -April, 1882. - -[1773] _Second Rept. Bur. of Ethnol._, p. 159, where Henshaw thinks -it may just as well be anything else. Cf. Isaac Smucker in _Amer. -Antiquarian_, vii. 350. - -[1774] Cf. _Amer. Antiq._, vi. 254. - -[1775] _Peab. Mus. Rept._, xvii., and _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Oct., -1883. He points out that the Ohio effigy mounds have a foundation of -stones with clay superposed; the Georgia mounds are mainly of stone; -while the Wisconsin mounds seem to be constructed only of earth. - -Further references on the Wisconsin mounds: _Smithsonian Repts._, by E. -E. Breed (1872); by C. K. Dean (1872); by Moses Strong (1876, 1877); by -J. M. DeHart (1877); and again (1879). - -Also: Haven’s _Archæol. U. S._, p. 106; W. H. Canfield’s _Sauk County_; -DeHart in _Amer. Antiquarian_, April, 1879; their military character in -_Ibid._, Jan., 1881; also as emblems in _Ibid._ 1883 (vi. 7); Nadaillac -and other general works. There is a map of those near Beloit—some are -in the college campus—in the _American Antiquarian_, iii. 95. - -[1776] They have been described in the _Smithsonian Reports_ by T. R. -Peale (1861); and in _Amer. Antiquarian_, July, 1888, by S. D. Peet. -Other mounds and relics are described in the _Smithsonian Repts._ -(1863) by J. W. Foster; (1870) by A. Barrandt; (1877) by W. H. R. -Lykins; and (1879) by G. C. Broadhead; in _Peab. Mus. Repts._, viii., -by Professor Swallow; in _Missouri Hist. Soc. Publ._, no. 6, by F. -F. Hilder; in _Cinn. Quart. Jour. of Sci._, Jan., 1875, by Dr. S. H. -Headlee; in the _Kansas City Rev._, i. 25, 531; in the _St. Louis Acad. -of Science_ (1880) by W. P. Potter; Mr. A. J. Conant has been the most -prolific writer in _Ibid._, April 5, 1876; in W. F. Switzler’s _History -of Missouri_ (St. Louis, 1879), and in C. R. Burns’s _Commonwealth of -Missouri_ (1877). Cf. also Poole’s _Index_, p. 858. - -[1777] T. H. Lewis in _Science_, v. 131; vi. 453. On other Iowa mounds, -see _Smithsonian Rept._, by J. B. Cutts (1872); by M. W. Moulton -(1877), and again (1879); _Annals of Iowa_, vi. 121; and W. J. McGee in -_Amer. Journal Science_, cxvi. 272. - -[1778] _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863; and for mounds, 1879. Cf. L. C. Estes -on the antiquities on the banks of Missouri and Lake Pepin in _Ibid._, -1866. - -[1779] _Kansas Rev._, ii. 617; Joseph Savage and B. F. Mudge in _Kansas -Acad. Science_, vii. - -[1780] _Smithsonian Rept._, by A. J. Comfort (1871) and by A. Barrandt -(1872); W. McAdams in _Amer. Antiquarian_, viii. 153. - -[1781] _Amer. Naturalist_, x. 410, by E. Palmer; Bancroft, _Nat. -Races_, iv. 715. - -[1782] App. to Gleeson’s _Hist. of the Catholic Church in California_ -(1872), ii., and Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, iv. 695. - -[1783] P. W. Norris in _Smithsonian Report_, 1879. - -[1784] Cf. George Gibbs in _Journal Amer. Geogr. Soc._, iv.; A. W. -Chase in _Amer. Jour. Sci._, cvi. 26; _Amer. Architect_, xxi. 295; and -Bancroft, _Nat. Races_, iv. 735. - -[1785] Cf. S. H. Locket in _Smithsonian Rept._ (1872), and T. P. -Hotchkiss in the same, and a paper in 1876; _Amer. Journal Science_, -xlix. 38, by C. G. Forshey, and lxv. 186, by A. Bigelow. - -[1786] T. H. Lewis, with plan, in _Amer. Journal Archæol._, iii. 375; -previously noted by Atwater and by Squier and Davis. - -[1787] Cf. Filson’s _Kentucke_. - -[1788] _Amer. Philos. Soc. Trans._, iv., no. 26. - -[1789] Thomas E. Pickett contributed this part (1871) to Collins’s -_Hist. Kentucky_ (1878), i. 380; ii. 68, 69, 227, 302, 303, 457, 633, -765. Pickett’s contribution was published separately as _The testimony -of the Mounds_ (Marysville, Ky., 1875). Prof. Shaler, as head of the -Geological Survey of Kentucky, included in its Reports Lucien Carr’s -treatise on the mounds, already mentioned; and touches the subject -briefly in his _Kentucky_, p. 45. Cf. also Maj. Jona. Heart in Imlay’s -_Western Territory_; S. S. Lyon in _Smithsonian Repts._, 1858, 1870, -and R. Peter, in 1871, 1872; F. W. Putnam in _Boston Soc. Nat. Hist. -Proc._, xvii. 313 (1875); and _Nature_, xiii. 109. - -[1790] The aboriginal remains of Tennessee have successively been -treated in John Haywood’s _History of Tennessee_ (Nashville, 1823); -by Gerard Troost in _Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._ (1845), i. 335; by -Joseph Jones in _Smithsonian Contributions_, xx. (1876), who connected -those who erected the works, through the Natchez Indians, with the -Nahuas. Edward O. Dunning had described some of the Tennessee relics -in the _Peabody Mus. Repts._, iii., iv., and v.; but Putnam in no. xi. -(1878) gave the results of his opening of the stone graves, with his -explorations of the sites of the villages of the people, and described -their implements, nothing of which, as he said, showed contact with -Europeans. Cyrus Thomas deems these remains the works of the Indian -race (_Amer. Antiq._, vii. 129; viii. 162). The _Smithsonian Repts._ -have had various papers on the Tennessee antiquities: I. Dille (1862); -A. F. Danilsen (1863); M. C. Read (1867); E. A. Dayton, E. O. Dunning, -E. M. Grant, and J. P. Stelle (1870); Rev. Joshua Hall, A. E. Law, and -D. F. Wright (1874); and others (in 1877). - -L. J. Du Pré, in _Harper’s Monthly_ (Feb., 1875), p. 347, reports upon -a ten-acre adobe threshing-floor, preserved two feet and a half beneath -black loam, near Memphis. - -[1791] Col. Jones’s papers are: _Indian Remains in South Georgia, an -address_ (Savannah, 1859); _Ancient tumuli on the Savannah River; -Monumental Remains of Georgia_, part i. (Savannah, 1861); _Amer. Antiq. -Soc. Proc._, April, 1869; _Antiquities of Southern Indians_ (1873); -on effigy mounds in _Smithsonian Rept._ (1877); and on bird-shaped -mounds in _Journal Anthropological Soc._, viii. 92. Cf. also the early -chapters of his _Hist. of Georgia_. - -Other writers: H. C. Williams and Geo. Stephenson in _Smithson. Rept._ -(1870); and Wm. McKinley and M. F. Stephenson (1872). Cf. _Amer. -Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, iii., on Creeks and Cherokees; and on the great -mound in the Etowah Valley, _Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci._ (1871). Thomas -(_Fifth Rept. Bur. Ethnol._) supposes the Etowah mound to be the one -with a roadway described by Garcilasso de la Vega as being on De Soto’s -route. Thomas describes other mounds of this group, giving cuts of the -incised copper plates found in them, which he holds to be of European -make. This forces him to the conclusion that the larger mound was -built before De Soto’s incursion and the others later; and as they -differ from those in Carolina, he determines they were not built by the -Cherokees. - -[1792] Cf. S. A. Agnew in _Smithsonian Reports_ (1867), and J. W. -C. Smith (1874, cf. 1879); Jas. R. Page in _St. Louis Acad. Science -Trans._, iii., and _Cinn. Q. Journal of Sci._, Oct., 1875; Haven, p. -51; and Edw. Fontaine’s _How the World was peopled_, 153. - -[1793] E. Cornelius in _Amer. Journ. Sci._, i. 223; Pickett’s -_Alabama_, ch. 3. - -[1794] Schoolcraft, _Indian Tribes_, iii., and in _N. Y. Hist. Soc. -Proc._, 1846, p. 124. Brinton’s _Floridian Peninsula_, ch. 6. _Amer. -Antiquarian_, iv. 100; ix. 219. _Smithsonian Reports_ (1874), by A. -Mitchell, and 1879. - -[1795] J. M. Spainhour on antiquities in North Carolina, in _Smithson. -Rept._, 1871; T. R. Peale on some near Washington, D. C. (_Ibid._, -1872); Schoolcraft, on some in Va., in _Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, -i.; with Squier and Davis, and _Peabody Mus. Rept._, x., by Lucien -Carr. There is a plan of a fort in Virginia in the _Amer. Pioneer_, -Sept., 1842, and a paper on the graves in S. W. Virginia in _Mag. Amer. -Hist._, Feb., 1885, p. 184. - -[1796] W. E. Guest on those near Prescott, in _Smithsonian Rept._, -1856. T. C. Wallbridge describes some at the bay of Quinté in _Canadian -Journal_ (1860), v. 409, and Daniel Wilson for Canada West in _Ibid._, -Nov., 1856. T. H. Lewis on the remains in the valley of the Red River -of the North, in _Amer. Antiquarian_, viii. 369; and for those in -Manitoba papers by A. McCharles in the _Amer. Journal of Archæology_, -iii. 72 (June, 1887), and by George Bryce in _Manitoba Hist. and Sci. -Soc. Trans., No. 18_ (1884-85). Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, iv. 738, etc., -for British Columbia. - -[1797] Cf. for garden beds _Amer. Antiquarian_, i. and vii.; Foster, -155; Bela Hubbard’s _Memorials of a half century_ (Detroit). Shaler -(_Kentucky_, 46) surmises that it was the buffalo coming into the -Ohio Valley, and affording food without labor, that debased the -moundbuilders to hunters. - -[1798] Cf. Col. Whittlesey on rock inscriptions in the United States in -_West. Res. Hist. Soc. Tract No. 42_. Col. Garrick Mallory’s special -studies of pictographs are contained in the _Bull. U. S. Geological -Survey of the territories_ (1877), and in the _Fourth Rept. Bur. -Ethnol._ Wm. McAdams includes those of the Mississippi Valley in his -_Records of ancient races in the Mississippi Valley_ (St. Louis, 1887). -Cf. _Hist. Mag._, x. 307. Those in Ohio are enumerated in the _Final -Rept. of the State Board of Centennial Managers_ (1877), by M. C. -Read and Col. Whittlesey. Cf. also the _West. Res. Hist. Soc. Tracts -Nos. 12, 42, 53_; the _Amer. Asso. Adv. Sci. Proc._ (1875); and _The -Antiquary_, ii. 15. Those in the Upper Minnesota Valley are reported on -by T. H. Lewis in the _Amer. Naturalist_, May, 1886, and July, 1887. J. -R. Bartlett in his _Personal Narrative_ noted some of those along the -Mexican boundary, and Froebel (_Seven Years’ Travel_, Lond., 1859, p. -519) controverts some of Bartlett’s views. Cf. Nadaillac, _Les premiers -hommes_, ii.; J. G. Bruff on those in the Sierra Nevada in _Smithson. -Rept._, 1872. A. H. Keane reports upon some in North Carolina in the -_Journal Anthropological Inst._ (London), xii. 281. C. C. Jones in his -_Southern Indians_ (1873) covers the subject. Some in Brazil are noted -in _Ibid._, Apr., 1873. - -[1799] The first session of the International Congress of Prehistoric -[Anthropology and] Archæology was held at Neuchâtel, and its -proceedings were printed in the _Materiaux pour l’histoire de l’homme_. -The second session was at Paris; the third at Norwich, England; the -fourth at Copenhagen; and there have been others of later years. Cf. -A. de Quatrefages’ _Rapport sur le progrès de l’anthropologie_ (Paris, -1868). Quatrefages himself is one of the most distinguished of the -French school, and deserves as much as any to rank as the founder of -the present French school of anthropologists. Cf. his _Hommes fossiles -et hommes sauvages_ (1884). The English reader can most easily get -possessed of his view, conservative in some respects, in Eliza A. -Youman’s English version of his most popular book, _Nat. Hist. of Man_ -(N. Y., 1875). - -[1800] Founded in Paris in 1864 by Gabriel de Mortillet, and edited -after vol. v. by Eugène Trutat and Emile Cartailhac. - -[1801] Cf. C. Rau’s _Articles on anthropol. subjects contributed to -the Annual Repts. of the Smithson. Inst., 1863-1877_ (Smiths. Inst., -no. 440; Washington, 1882). The _Smithson. Rept._, 1880 (Washington, -1881), also contains a bibliography of anthropology by O. T. Mason. -A considerable list of books is prefixed to Dr. Gustav Brühl’s -_Culturvölker des alten Amerika_, which is a collection of tracts -published at different times (1875-1887) at N. Y., Cincinnati, and St. -Louis. - -[1802] He had surveyed the condition of the science in 1867 in his -introduction to Nilsson’s _Stone Age,—Primitive inhabitants of -Scandinavia_. Cf. also _Smithsonian Report_, 1862. - -[1803] Figuier’s books are nearly all accessible in English. His _Human -Race_ and his _World before the Deluge_ cover some parts of the subject. - -[1804] A few minor references: Dawson’s _Story of Earth and Man_, ch. -14, 15. Foster’s _Prehistoric Races of the U. S._, ch. 1, 2. Clodd’s -_Childhood of the World_. Gay’s _Pop. Hist. U. S._, ch. 1. Principal -Forbes in the _Edinburgh Review_, July, 1863; Oct., 1870. _London -Quarterly Rev._, Apr., 1870. _Contemp. Rev._, xi. _Bibliotheca Sacra_, -Apr., 1873. _Brit. Q. Rev._, Ap., Oct., 1863. _Lond. Rev._, Jan., 1860. -_Lippincott’s Mag._, vol. i. _Nat. Q. Rev._, Mar., 1876. _Lakeside -Monthly_, vol. x., etc. - -[1805] Translated by N. D’Anvers and edited by W. H. Dall, with some -radical changes of text (N. Y., 1884). Cf. Lucien Carr in _Science_, -1885, Feb. 27, p. 176. Dall discusses the evidences of the remains of -the later prehistoric man in the United States in the _Smithsonian -Contributions_, vol. xxii. - -[1806] A few other references of lesser essays: D. G. Brinton’s -_Review of the data for the study of the prehistoric chronology of -America_ (Salem, 1887,—from the _Proc. Amer. Ass. Adv. Sci._, xxxvi.); -his _Recent European Contributions to the study of Amer. Archæology_ -(Philad. 1883); and his _Prehistoric Archæology_ (Philad., 1886). Seth -Sweetzer on prehistoric man in the _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr., 1869, -and Haven’s _Prehistoric Amer. Civilization_ in _Ibid._, April, 1871. -J. L. Onderdonck in _Nat. Quart. Rev._ (April, 1878), xxxvi. 227. -Ernest Marceau’s “Les anciens peuples de l’Amérique” in the _Revue -Canadienne_, n. s., iv. 709. E. S. Morse in _No. Amer. Rev._, cxxxii. -602, or _Kansas Rev._, v. 90. H. Gillman’s _Ancient men of the Great -Lakes_ (Detroit, 1877). - -The principal work on the South American man is Alcède d’Orbigny’s -_L’Homme Américaine_ (Paris, 1837). There are some local treatises, -like Lucien de Rosny’s _Les Antilles: étude d’ethnographie et -d’archéologie Americaines_ (Paris, 1886,—_Am. Soc. d’Ethnographie_, n. -s., ii.), and papers by Nadaillac and others in the _Materiaux_, etc. - -[1807] By Theo. Lyman and Hr. de Schlagintweit. - -[1808] The long article on the Races of America in Cassino’s _Standard -Nat. Hist._ (Boston, 1885), vol. vi., is based on Friedrich von -Hellwald’s _Naturgeschichte des Menschen_, but it is widely varied -in places under the supervision of Putnam and Carr. Cf. also J. C. -Prichard’s _Researches into the physical history of mankind_ (Lond., -1841), 4th ed., vol. v., “Oceanic and American nations.” - -[1809] Bandelier, in his several essays in the 2d volume of the -_Peabody Museum Reports_, speaks of his neglecting such compilations as -Bancroft’s in order to deal solely with the original sources, and the -student will find the references in his foot-notes of those essays very -full indications of what he must follow in the study of such sources. - -[1810] Harrisse, _Bib. Am. Vet._; Rich, _Bibl. Nova_; Leclerc, nos. -350, 351; Pilling, p. xxviii. - -[1811] Pilling, p. xii. - -[1812] See Vol. II. p. 429. - -[1813] _Bib. Mex. Guat_., p. 24; Pinart, no. 161. Cf. Icazbalceta on -“Las bibliotecas de Eguiara y de Beristain” in _Memorias de la Académia -Méxicana_, i. 353. - -[1814] Vol. II. p. 430. - -[1815] Also in Eng. transl., ii. 256. - -[1816] Cf. Brinton’s _Aborig. Amer. Authors_, Philad., 1883. - -[1817] See Vol. II p. 430. - -[1818] Pilling, p. xxxi. - -[1819] A school book, Marcius Willson’s _Amer. History_ (N. Y., 1847), -went much farther than any book of its class, or even of the usual -popular histories, in the matter of American antiquities, giving a good -many plans and cuts of ruins. - -[1820] For bibliog. detail regarding the _Nat. Races_, see Pilling’s -_Proof Sheets_, p. 9. Reviews of the work are noted in _Poole’s Index_, -p. 956. - -[1821] Cf., for instance, Dall’s strictures on the tribes of the N. W. -in _Contrib. to Amer. Ethnol._, i. p. 8. - -[1822] Sabin, ii. 7233; Field, no. 169. - -[1823] Bare mention may be made of a few other books of a general -scope: Jean Benoit Scherer’s _Recherches historiques et géographiques -sur le nouveau monde_ (Paris, 1777); D. B. Warden’s _Recherches sur -les Antiquités de l’Am. Sept._ (Paris, 1827) in _Recueil de Voyages, -publié par la Soc. Géog._ (Paris, 1825, ii. 372; cf. Dupaix, ii.); -Ira Hill’s _Antiquities of Amer. Explained_ (Hagerstown, 1831); Louis -Faliès’ _Etudes historiques et philosophiques sur les civilisations -européenne, romaine, grecque, des populations primitives de l’Amérique -septentrionale, les Chiapas, Palenqué des Nuhuas ancêtres des -Toltèques, civilisation Yucatèque, Zapotèques, Mixtèques, royaume du -Michoacan, populations du Nord-Ouest, du Nord et de l’Est, bassin -du Mississipi, civilisation Toltèque, Aztèque, Amérique du centre, -Péruvienne, domination des Incas, royaume de Quito, Océanie_ (Paris, -1872-74); Frederick Larkin’s _Ancient man in America. Including works -in western New York, and portions of other states, together with -structures in Central America_ (New York, 1880),—a book, however, -hardly to be commended by archæologists; and Charles Francis Keary’s -_Dawn of History, an introduction to prehistoric study_ (N. Y., 1887). - -[1824] It is not necessary to enumerate many titles, but reference -may be made to the summary of prehistoric conditions in Zerffi’s -_Historical development of art_. It may be worth while to glance at -A. Daux’s _Etudes préhistoriques. L’industrie humaine: ses origines, -ses premiers essais et ses légendes depuis les premiers temps jusqu’au -déluge_ (Paris, 1877); Dawson’s _Fossil men_, ch. 5; Joly’s _Man before -Metals_; Nadaillac’s _Les Premiers Hommes_, ii. ch. 11; Dabry de -Thiersant’s _Origine des indiens du Nouveau Monde_ (Paris, 1883); and -Brühl’s _Culturvölker alt-Amerika’s_, ch. 14, 16. - -[1825] Cf., particularly for California, Putnam’s _Report_ in Wheeler’s -Survey. - -[1826] There is some question if the early Americans ever carried on -the heavier parts of the quarrying arts, as for building-stones. Cf. -Morgan’s _Houses and House Life_, 274. They did quarry soap-stone -(Elmer R. Reynolds, Schumacher and Putnam, in _Peabody Mus. Repts._, -xii.) and mica (_Smithsonian Report_, 1879, by W. Gesner; C. D. Smith -in _Ibid._ 1876; Dr. Brinton in _Proc. Numism. and Antiq. Soc. of -Philad._, 1878, p. 18). That they quarried pipe-stone is also well -known, and the famous red pipe-stone quarry, lying between the Missouri -and Minnesota rivers, was under the protection of the Great Spirit, -so that tribes at war with one another are said to have buried their -hatchets as they approached it. Wilson, in the last chapter of the -first volume of his _Prehistoric man_, examines this pipe-carving and -tells the story of this famous quarry. He refers to the tobacco mortars -of the Peruvians in which they ground the dry leaf; and to the pipes -of the mounds in which it was smoked. Cf. J. F. Nadaillac’s _Les pipes -et le tabac_ (Paris, 1885), taken from the _Materiaux pour l’histoire -primitive de l’homme_ (ii. for 1885); and Lucien de Rosny on “Le tabac -et ses accessoires parmi les indigènes de l’Amérique,” in _Mémoires sur -l’Archéologie Américaine_, 1865, of the Soc. d’Ethnographie. - -[1827] It should be remembered that the recognition of the Flint-folk -as occupying a distinct stage of development is a modern notion. -For a century and a half after European museums began to gather -stone implements they were reputed relics of Celtic art. Treatment -of American art necessarily makes part of the works of Squier and -Davis; Schoolcraft; Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_, ch. 6; Lubbock’s -_Prehistoric Times;_ Joly’s _Man before Metals_. Cf. references in -_Poole’s Index_ under “Stone Age” and “Stone Implements.” - -[1828] Cf. S. D. Peet in _Amer. Antiquarian_, vii. 15. - -[1829] Rau is an authority on stone implements. See further his paper -on stone implements in the _Smithsonian Rept._, 1872; one on drilling -stone without metal in _Ibid._ 1868; and one on cup-shaped and other -lapidarian sculpture in the _Contributions to No. Amer. Ethnology_, -vol. v. (Powell’s _Rocky Mountain Survey_, 1882). These carved, -cup-like cavities in rocks are also discussed in Wilson’s _Prehistoric -Man_, vol. i. ch. 3, where it is held that they were formed by the -grinding process in shaping the rounded end of tools. H. W. Henshaw in -the _Amer. Jour. of Archæology_ (i. 105) discusses another enigma in -the stone relics, called sinkers or plummets. Foster (_Prehist. Races_, -230) believes they were used as weights to keep the thread taut in -weaving. - -[1830] Cf. also Stevens’s _Flint Chips_, 292, and Charnay, Eng. -transl., p. 70. - -[1831] Cf. G. Crook “on the Indian method of making arrow-heads” in -the _Smithsonian Rept._, 1871, and C. C. Jones, Jr., on “the primitive -manufacture of spear and arrowpoints along the Savannah River” in -_Ibid._ 1879. A paper by Sellers in a later report is of importance. -Cf. Stevens’ _Flint Chips_, pp. 75-85, and Schumacher in _Smithsonian -Report_, 1873. True flint was not often, if ever, used in America, but -rather chert or hornstone, and quartz, though implements are found of -jasper, chalcedony, obsidian, quartzite, and argillite. Cf. Rau on -the stock in trade of an aboriginal lapidary in _Smithsonian Rept._ -(1877); and Rosny’s “Recherches sur les masques, le jade et l’industrie -lapidaire chez les indigènes de l’Amérique” in _Arch. de la Soc. Amér. -de France_, n. s., vol. i. Jade or jadite implements and ornaments have -been found in Central America and Mexico, and others resembling them -in northwestern America; but it is not yet clear that the unworked -material, such as is used in the middle America specimens, is found in -America _in situ_. Upon the solution of this last problem will depend -the value of these implements when found in America as bearing upon -questions of Asiatic intercourse. Cf. Dr. A. B. Meyer in the _Amer. -Anthropologist_ (vol. i., July, 1888, p. 231), and F. W. Putnam in the -_Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc._, Jan., 1886, and in the _Proc. Amer. Antiq. -Society_. - -[1832] Wilson (_Prehistoric Man_, i. 200) points out that philology -confirms it, the word for copper meaning “yellow stone.” On the -question of their melting metal see letter of Prof. F. W. Putnam in -_Kansas City Rev. of Science_, Dec. 1881; Wilson (i. 361); Foster’s -_Prehistoric Races_, 293. - -[1833] Wilson (i. 209, 227) thinks the arboreal and other evidences -carry the time when these mines were worked back, at latest, to a -period corresponding to Europe’s mediæval era. The earliest modern -references to copper in this region are in Sagard in 1632 (Haven, p. -127) and in the _Jesuit Relation_ of Allouez in 1666-67. Alexander -Henry (_Travels and Adventures in Canada_) in 1765 is the earliest -English explorer to mention it. Wilson holds to the belief that the -present race of red Indians had no knowledge of these mining practices, -but that they knew simply chance masses or exposed lodes. Wilson (i. -362) also gives reasons for supposing that the Lake Superior mines may -have been a common meeting ground for all races of the continent. - -[1834] Wilson, i. 205. MacLean’s _Moundbuilders_, ch. 6, gives a -section of the shaft as when discovered. - -[1835] Of the Lake Superior mines, the earliest intelligent account -we have is in C. T. Jackson’s _Geological Report to the U. S. Gov’t_, -1849; but a more extended and connected account appeared the next -year in the _Report on the Geology of Lake Superior_ (Washington, -1850), by J. W. Foster and J. D. Whitney, which is substantially -reproduced in Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_ (1873), ch. 7. Meanwhile, -Col. Charles Whittlesey had published in vol. xiii. of the _Smithsonian -Contributions_ his _Ancient Mining on the shores of Lake Superior_ -(Washington, 1863, with a map), which is on the whole the best account, -to be supplemented by his paper in the _Memoirs_ of the Boston Society -of Natural History. Jacob Houghton supplied a description of the -“ancient copper mines of Lake Superior” to Swineford’s _History and -Review of the mineral resources of Lake Superior_ (Marquette, 1876). -Cf. also _Annals of Science_ (Cleveland), i. for 1852; Dawson’s _Fossil -Men_, 61; Baldwin’s _Ancient America_, 42; Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, -i. 204; Dr. Harvey Read in the _Dist. Hist. Soc. Report_, ii. (1878); -Joseph Henry in the _Smithsonian Reports_ (1861; also in 1862); and -Short, p. 89, with references. - -On the mines at Isle Royale, see Henry Gillman’s “Ancient works at Isle -Royale” in _Appleton’s Journal_, Aug. 9, 1873; _Smithsonian Repts._, -1873, 1874, by A. C. Davis; the _Proceedings_ of the Amer. Asso. for -the Advancement of Science, 1875; and Professor Winchell in _Popular -Science Monthly_, Sept., 1881. - -See further, on the copper implements of these ancient workers: -Abbott’s _Primitive Industry_, ch. 28; Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_, -251; P. R. Hoy’s _How and by whom were the copper implements made?_ -(Racine, 1886, in _Wisconsin Acad. of Science_, iv. 132); J. D. -Butler’s address on “Prehistoric Wisconsin” in the _Wisconsin Hist. -Coll._, vol. vii. (see also vol. viii.), with his “Copper Age in -Wisconsin” in the _Proc. of the Amer. Antiquarian Society_, April, -1877, and his paper on copper tools in the _Wisconsin Acad. of -Science_, iii. 99; H. W. Haynes on “Copper implements of America” -in _Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc._, Oct., 1884, p. 335; Putnam on the -copper objects of North and South America preserved in the Peabody -Museum (_Reports_, xv. 83); Read and Whittlesey in the _Final Report, -Ohio Board Cent. Managers_, 1877, ch. 3; and _Poole’s Index_, p. -300. Reynolds has recently in the _Journal of the Anthropol. Soc._ -(Washington) claimed copper mining for the modern Indians. - -[1836] Clavigero (Philad., Eng. transl., i. 20); Prescott, i. 138; -Folsom’s ed. of Cortes’ letters, 412; Lockhart’s transl. of Bernal Diaz -(Lond., 1844, i. 36). - -[1837] Cf. on copper implements from Mexico: P. J. J. Valentini’s -_Mexican copper tools: the use of copper by the Mexicans before the -Conquest; and The Katunes of Maya history, a chapter in the early -history of Central America. From the German, by S. Salisbury, jr._ -(Worcester, 1880), from the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, Apr. 30, 1879; -F. W. Putnam in _Ibid._, n. s., ii. 235 (Oct. 21, 1882); Charnay, Eng. -transl., p. 70; H. L. Reynolds, Jr., on the “Metal art of ancient -Mexico” in _Popular Science Monthly_, Aug., 1887 (vol. xxxi., p. 519). - -[1838] Cf. St. John Vincent Day’s _Prehistoric use of iron and steel: -with observations_ (London, 1877). This book grew out of papers printed -in the _Proc. Philosoph. Soc. of Glasgow_ (1871-75). - -[1839] Cf. Dr. Washington Matthews on the “Navajo silversmiths” in the -_2d Rept. Bureau of Ethnol._ (Washington, 1883), p. 167. - -[1840] The chief European collections are in the British Museum, the -Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, the Louvre, and at Copenhagen, -Vienna, Brussels, not to name others; and among private ones, the -Christy and Evans collections in England and the Uhde in Heidelberg. - -[1841] _Transactions_, n. s., iii. 510. - -[1842] Cf. Lucien de Rosny’s “Introduction à une histoire de la -céramique chez les indiens du nouveau monde” in the _Archives de la -Soc. Amér. de France_, n. s., vol. i., and Stevens’ _Flint Chips_, -241. Further references: Wilson’s _Prehist. Man_, ii. ch. 17; Catlin’s -_N. A. Indians_, ch. 16; F. V. Hayden’s _Contrib. to the Ethnog. of -the Missouri Valley_, 355; A. Demmin’s _Hist. de la Céramique_ (Paris, -1868-1875); Nadaillac’s _Les Premiers Hommes_, and his _L’Amérique -préhistorique_, ch. 4. - -[1843] For the Atlantic coast, papers by Abbott (_American Naturalist_, -Ap. 72, etc.), later more comprehensively treated in his _Primitive -Industry_, ch. 11; and for the middle Atlantic region, a paper by -Francis Jordan, Jr., in the _Amer. Philosoph. Soc. Proc._ (1888, vol. -xxv.). For Florida, _Schoolcraft in the New York Hist. Soc. Proc._, -1846, p. 124. For the moundbuilders, Foster’s _Prehistoric Races_, -p. 237, and in _Amer. Naturalist_, vii. 94 (Feb., 1873); Nadaillac, -ch. 4; and Putnam in _Amer. Nat_., ix. 321, 393, and _Peabody Mus. -Repts._, viii. For the Mississippi Valley in general, Edw. Evers in -_The Contributions to the archæology of Missouri_; W. H. Holmes in the -_Fourth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology_, an improvement of a paper -in the _Proc. of the Davenport Acad. of Sciences_, vol. iv. Joseph -Jones in the _Smithsonian Contrib._, xxii., and Putnam in the _Peabody -Mus. Repts_., have described the pottery of Tennessee. The _Pacific R. -R. Repts/_ yield us something; and Putnam (_Reports_) was the first -to describe the Missouri pottery. J. H. Devereux treats the pottery -of Arkansas in the _Smithsonian Rept._, 1872. On the Pueblo pottery, -see papers of W. H. Holmes and F. H. Cushing in the _Fourth Rept. Bur. -of Ethn_. (pp. 257, 743); and James Stevenson’s illustrated catalogue -in the _Third Rept._, p. 511. F. W. Putnam (_Amer. Art Review_, Feb., -1881), supplementing his work in vol. vii. of Wheeler’s Survey, -thinks that the present Pueblo Indians make an inferior ware to their -ancestors’ productions. The pottery of the cliff-dwellers is described -in Hayden’s _Annual Rept._ (1876). Paul Schumacher explains the method -of manufacturing pottery and basket-work among the Indians of Southern -California in the _Peabody Museum Rept._, xii. 521. O. T. Mason’s -papers in recent _Smithsonian Reports_ and in the _Amer. Naturalist_ -are among the best investigations in this direction. - -[1844] For some special phases, see S. Blondel’s _Recherches sur les -bijoux des peuples primitifs ... Méxicains et Péruviens_ (Paris, 1876); -F. W. Putnam’s _Conventionalism in Ancient American Art_ (Salem, 1887, -from the _Bull. Essex Inst._, xviii., for 1886); Mexican masks in -Stevens’ _Flint chips_, 328; S. D. Peet on “Human faces in aboriginal -art,” in the _American Antiquarian_ (May, 1886, or viii. 133); the -description of terra-cotta figures in Herman Strebel’s _Alt-Mexico_. A -terra-cotta vase in the Museo Nacional is figured in Brasseur’s _Popol -Vuh_ (1861). - -It is not known that stringed instruments were ever used, -notwithstanding the suggestion of the twanging of the bow-string; -but museums often contain specimens of musical pipes used by the -aborigines. The opening chapter of J. F. Rowbotham’s _Hist. of Music_ -(London, 1885) gives what evidence we have, with references, as to -kinds of music common to the American aborigines, and their fictile -wind instruments. Cf. A. J. Hipkins’ _Musical instruments, historic, -rare, and unique. The selection, introduction, and descriptive notes -by A. J. Hipkins; illustrated by William Gibb_ (Edinburgh, 1888); H. -T. Cresson on Aztec music in the _Proc. Acad. Nat. Sciences_ (Philad., -1883); and Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_ (ii. 37), with the references in -Bancroft’s index (v. p. 717). - -In Nott and Gliddon’s _Indigenous Races of the Earth_ (Philad., 1857) -there is a section by Francis Pulszky on “Iconographic researches on -human races and their art.” - -[1845] Mrs. Zelia Nuttall’s essay on some Mexican feather-work -preserved in the Imperial Museum at Vienna appeared in the _Archæol. -and Ethnolog. Papers of the Peabody Museum_, vol. i. no. 1 (Cambridge, -1888), and here she discusses the question if this is a standard or -head-dress, and holds it to have been a head-dress. The contrary view -is taken by F. von Hochstetter in his _Ueber Mexicanische Reliquien -aus der Zeit Montezuma’s_ (Vienna, 1884), who supposes it to have -been among the presents sent by Cortes in 1519 to Charles V., in the -possession of whose nephew it is known to have been in 1596. - -[1846] Cf. Horatio Hale on _The Origin of Primitive Money_ (N. Y., -1886,—from the _Popular Science Monthly_, xxviii. 296); W. B. Weedon’s -_Indian Money as a factor in New England Civilization_ (Baltimore, -1884),—Johns Hopkins (University Studies); Ashbel Woodward’s _Wampum_ -(Albany, 1878); Ernst Ingersoll in the _Amer. Naturalist_ (May, 1883); -and the cuts of wampum belts in the _Second Rept. Bur. Ethnology_ (pp. -242, 244, 246, 248, 252, 254). - -[1847] Cf. D. G. Brinton’s _The lineal measures of the Semi-civilized -nations of Mexico and Central America. Read before the American -Philosophical Society, Jan. 2, 1885_ (Philadelphia, 1885). - -[1848] _Wilson’s Prehistoric Man_, i. ch. 6. - -[1849] Wilson, i. 168. See _post_, Vol. II. 508, for an old cut of a -raft under sail. - -[1850] _Peabody Mus. Rept._, ii. 602-8. - -[1851] _Chips_, ii. 248. Cf. Dabry de Thiersant’s _Origine des indiens_ -(Paris, 1883), p. 187. - -[1852] It has been a question whether the palæolithic man talked, -and it has been asserted and denied, from the character of certain -inferior maxillary bones found in caves, that he had the power of -articulate speech. Dr. Brinton has recently, from an examination of -the lowest stocks of linguistic utterances now known, endeavored to -set forth “a somewhat correct conception of what was the character of -the rudimentary utterances of the race.” Cf. Brinton, _Language of the -Palæolithic Man_, Philadelphia, 1888; Mortillet, _La préhistorique -Antiquité de l’Homme_ (Paris, 1883); H. Steinthal, _Der Ursprung der -Sprache_ (Berlin, 1888). Horatio Hale, on “The origin of languages -and the antiquity of speaking man,” in the _Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci. -Proc_., xxxv. 279, cites the views of some physiologists to show -that the pre-glacial man could not talk, because there are only -rudimentary signs of the presence of important vocal muscles to be -discovered in the most ancient jaw-bones which have been found. Rau -inferred that the totally diverse character, as he thought, of the -American tongues indicated strongly that the earliest man could -not articulate (_Contrib. to N. A. Ethnology_, v. 92). For other -somewhat wild speculations, see Col. E. Carette’s _Etude sur les temps -antéhistoriques, La Langage_ (Paris, 1878). - -[1853] Morgan thought he had found a test in his _Systems of -consanguinity and affinity of the Human Family_ (Washington, 1871). - -[1854] _Journal Anthropological Inst._, v. 216. - -[1855] _Science of Language_, i. 326. - -[1856] For recognition of it in American philology, see Bancroft, iii. -670, and Short, 471. - -[1857] Cf. Waitz, _Introd. to Anthropology_ (Eng. transl.), p. 238; -Wedgwood, _Origin of Language_; Lubbock, _Origin of Civilization_, ch. -8; Tylor’s _Anthropology_, ch. 6; Topinard’s _Anthropologie_; J. P. -Lesley’s _Man’s Origin and Destiny_ (who considers the test so far a -failure); William D. Whitney’s “Testimony of language respecting the -unity of the human race,” in the _North American Review_, July, 1867. - -[1858] The “Lenguas y naciones Americanas” forms part of the first -volume of Lorenzo Hervas’s _Catálogo de las Lenguas de las Naciones -Conocidas, y numeracion, division, y clases de estas segun la -diversidad de sas idiomas y dialectos_ (Madrid, 1800-1805, in 6 vols.), -which served in some measure Johann Severin Vater, and J. C. Adelung in -their _Mithridates, oder Allgemeine Sprachenkunde_ (Berlin, 1806-17, in -4 vols.) and his _Analekten der Sprachenkunde_ (Leipzig, 1821). - -There has more been done so far to map out the ethnological fields of -middle America than to determine those of the more northern parts. -Cf. the map in Orozco y Berra’s _Geografía de las lenguas de Mexico_ -(1864), and that in V. A. Malte-Brun’s paper in the _Compte Rendu, -Cong. des Américanistes_, 1877, ii. 10. The maps in Bancroft’s _Native -Races_, ii. and v., will serve ordinary readers. For the broader -northern field, see the papers by L. H. Morgan and George Gibbs in the -_Smithsonian Reports_, 1861, 1862. The Bureau of Ethnology have in -preparation such a map, and they mark on it, it is understood, about -seventy distinct stocks. - -Cf. Horatio Hale on “Indian migrations as evidenced by language,” in -the _Amer. Antiquarian_, v. 18, 108 (Jan., April, 1883), and issued -separately, Chicago, 1883. Lucien Adam criticised the views of Hall in -the Copenhagen _Compte Rendu, Cong. des Amér._, 1883, p. 123. - -[1859] _Nat. Races_, iii. 558. - -[1860] Cf. _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1879. - -[1861] _Fossil Men_, 310. - -[1862] A prominent feature is the process of uniting words lengthwise, -so to speak, which gives a single utterance the import of a -sentence. This characteristic of the American languages has been -called polysynthetic, incorporative, holophrastic, aggregative, and -agglutinative. H. H. Bancroft instances the word for letter-postage -in Aztec as being “Amatlacuilolitquitcatlaxtlahuilli,” which really -signifies by its component parts, “payment received for carrying a -paper on which something is written.” Cf. Brinton’s _On polysynthesism -and incorporation as characteristic of American languages_ (Philad., -1885). - -[1863] Hayden says: “The dialects of the western continent, radically -united among themselves and radically distinguished from all others, -stand in hoary brotherhood by the side of the most ancient vocal -systems of the human race.” - -[1864] Morgan, in his _Systems of Consanguinity_, contends for this -linguistic unity, though (in 1866) he admits that “the dialects and -stock languages have not been explored with sufficient thoroughness.” - -[1865] Gallatin says of them: “They bear the impress of primitive -languages, ... and attest the antiquity of the population,—an -antiquity the earliest we are permitted to assume.” This was of course -written before the geological evidences of the antiquity of man were -understood, and the remoteness referred to was a period near the great -dispersion of Babel. - -[1866] The appendix of this work has a good general summary of the -Ethnography and Philology of America, by A. H. Keane. - -[1867] The interlinking method of communication between tribes of -different languages is what is called sign or gesture language, and -the study of it shows that in much the same forms it is spread over -the continent. It has been specially studied by Col. Garrick Mallery. -Cf. his papers in the _Amer. Antiquarian_, ii. 218; _Proc. Amer. -Asso. Adv. Science_, Saratoga meeting, 1880; and at length in the -_First Annual Rept. Bur. of Ethnology_ (1881). He notes his sources of -information on pp. 395, 401. He had earlier printed under the Bureau’s -sanction his _Introduction to the Study of Sign Language_ (Washington, -1880). The subject is again considered in the _Third Rept._ of the -Bureau, p. xxvi. Cf. also W. P. Clark’s _Indian Sign-language, with -Explanatory Notes_ (Philad., 1885). Morgan (_Systems of Consanguinity_, -227) expresses the opinion that it has the germinal principle “from -which came, first, the pictographs of the northern Indians and of the -Aztecs; and, secondly, as its ultimate development, the ideographic and -possibly the hieroglyphic language of the Palenqué and Copan monuments.” - -In addition to languages and dialects, we have a whole body of jargons, -a conventional mixture of tongues, adduced by continued intercourse of -peoples speaking different languages. They grew up very early, where -the French came in contact with the aborigines, and Father Le Jeune -mentions one in 1633 (_Hist. Mag._, v. 345). The Chinook jargon, for -instance, was, if not invented, at least developed by the Hudson Bay -Company’s servants, out of French, English, and several Indian tongues -(whose share predominates), to facilitate their trade with the natives, -and does not contain, at an outside limit, more than 400 or 500 words. -There is some reason to believe that the Indian portion of this jargon -is older, however, than the English contact (Bancroft, iii. 632-3; -Gibbs’s _Chinook Dictionary_; Horatio Hale in Wilkes’ _U. S. Explor. -Exped._). - -[1868] See the section on “Americana,” with a foot-note on linguistic -collections. Haven summed up what had been done in this field in 1855 -in his _Archæology of the U. S._ p. 53. - -[1869] There is a less extensive survey, but wider in territory, in -Short’s _North Americans of Antiquity_, ch. 10. - -[1870] Vol. III. p. 355. - -[1871] See Pilling’s _Proof-sheets_. - -[1872] Duponceau’s report in Heckewelder, _Hist. Acc. of the Indian -Nations_, 1819, is in the _Mass. Hist. Coll._, 1822. Pickering says -that Duponceau was the earliest to discover and make known the common -characteristics of the American tongues. - -[1873] These are enumerated in the appendix of _The Calendar of the -Sparks MSS._, issued by the library of Harvard University. They -are also cited with some in other depositories by Pilling in his -_Proof-sheets_. - -[1874] Also in J. B. Scherer’s _Recherches historiques et géographiques -sur le Nouveau Monde_ (Paris, 1777). - -[1875] We know little of what Jefferson might have accomplished, for -his manuscripts were burned in 1801 (Schoolcraft’s _Ind. Tribes_, ii. -356). As early as 1804 the U. S. War Department issued a list of words, -for which its agents should get in different tribes the equivalent -words. Gallatin used these results. Different lists of test words have -been often used since. George Gibbs had a list. The Bureau of Ethnology -has a list. - -[1876] Cf. synopsis in Haven’s _Archæol. U. S._, p. 65. - -[1877] For Hale’s later views see his _Origin of language and antiquity -of speaking man_ (Cambridge, 1886), from the _Proc. Amer. Ass. Adv. -Science_, xxxv.; and his _Development of language_ (Toronto, 1888), -from the _Proc. Canadian Inst._, 3d ser., vi. - -[1878] Among other workers in the northern philology may be named -Schoolcraft in his _Indian Tribes_ (ii. and iii. 340), who makes no -advance upon Gallatin; W. W. Turner in the _Smithsonian Report_, vi.; -R. S. Riggs adds a Dacota bibliography to his _Grammar and Dictionary -of the Dacota language_ (Washington, Smiths. Inst., 1852); George Gibbs -in the _Smithsonian Repts._ for 1865 and 1870, and as collaborator in -other studies, of which record is made in J. A. Stevens’ memoir of -Gibbs, first printed in the _N. Y. Hist. Soc. Coll._, and then in the -_Smithsonian Report_ for 1873; F. W. Hayden’s _Contributions to the -ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of the Missouri Valley_ -(Philad., 1862), being vol. xiii. of the _Trans. Amer. Philosophical -Soc._ - -A contemporary of Gallatin, but a man sorely harassed, as others -see him, with eccentricities and unstableness of head, was C. -F. Rafinesque, who had nevertheless a certain tendency to acute -observation, which prevents his books from becoming wholly worthless. -His first publication was an introduction to Marshall’s _History -of Kentucky_, which he printed separately as _Ancient History, or -Annals of Kentucky, with a survey of the ancient monuments of North -America, and a tabular view of the principal languages and primitive -nations of the whole earth_ (Frankfort, Ky., 1824). In this he makes a -comparison of four principal words from fourteen Indian tongues with -thirty-four primitive languages of the old world. In 1836 he printed -at Philadelphia _The American Nations, or outlines of their general -history, ancient and modern, including the whole history of the earth -and mankind in the western hemisphere; the philosophy of American -history; the annals, traditions, civilization, languages, etc., of all -American nations, tribes, empires and states_ (in two volumes). - -[1879] It embraces: - -FIRST SERIES: No. 1. J. G. Shea, _French Onondaga Dictionary_. - -2. G. Mengarini, _Selish or Flat-head Grammar_. - -3. B. Smith, _Grammatical Sketch of the Heve language_. - -4. F. Arroyo de la Cuesta, _Grammar of the Mutsun language_. - -5. B. Smith, _Grammar of the Pima or Névome language_. - -6. M. C. Pandosy, _Grammar and Dictionary of the Yakama language_. - -7. B. Sitjar, _Vocabulary of the language of the San Antonio Mission_. - -8. F. Arroyo de la Cuesta, _Vocabulary or phrase-book of the Mutsun -language_. - -9. Abbé Maillard, _Grammar of the Micmaque language_. - -10. J. Bruyas, _Radices Verborum Iroqæorum_. - -11. G. Gibbs, _Alphabetical Vocabularies of the Clallam and Lummi_. - -12. G. Gibbs, _Dictionary of the Chinook jargon_. - -13. G. Gibbs, _Alphabetical Vocabulary of the Chinook language_. - -SECOND SERIES: 1. W. Matthews, _Grammar and Dictionary of the language -of the Hidatsa_. - -2. W. Matthews, _Hidatsa-English Dictionary_. - -The first series was printed in New York, 1860-63; the second, 1873-74. -There is full bibliographical detail in Pilling’s _Proof-sheets_. - -[1880] The following are already published: - -1. _The Chronicles of the Mayas_, ed. by Brinton. - -2. _The Iroquois Book of Rites_, ed. by Horatio Hale. - -3. _The Comedy-ballet of Gueguence_, ed. by Brinton. - -4. _The National Legend of the Creeks_, ed. by Albert S. Gatschet. - -5. _The Lenâpé and their Legends._ - -6. _The Annals of the Cakchiquels_, ed. by Brinton. - -[1881] This series contains: - -1. Juan de Albornoz, _Arte de la lengua Chiapaneca y Doctrina Cristiana -por Luis Barrientos_ (Paris, 1875). - -2. P. E. Pettitot, _Dictionnaire de la langue Dènè-Dindjie_ (Paris, -1876). - -3. P. E. Pettitot, _Vocabulaire Français-Esquimau_ (Paris, 1876). - -4. P. Franco, _Noticias de los Indios del Departamento de Veragua_, -etc. (San Francisco, 1882). - -Pilling (_Proof-sheets_, 589, 1042-1044) gives an account of Pinart’s -published and MS. linguistic collections, as well as (p. 587) of -Francisco Pimentel’s _Las Lenguas indígenas de México_ (Mexico, -1862-65). - -[1882] It embraces: - -1. E. Uricoechea, _Lengua Chibcha_ (Paris, 1871). - -2. Eujenio Castillo i Orozco, _Vocabulario Paéz-Castellano_, etc. -(Paris, 1877). - -3. Raymond Breton, _Grammaire Caraïbe, ed. par L. Adam et Ch. Leclerc_ -(Paris, 1878). - -4. _Ollantai, drame, trad. par Pacheco Zegarra_ (Paris, 1878). - -5. R. Celedon, _La Lengua goajra, con una introd. por E. Uricoechea_ -(Paris, 1878). - -6. L. Adam et V. Henry, _La Lengua Chiquita_ (Paris, 1880). - -7. Antonio Magio, _La Lengua de los Indios Baures_ (Paris, 1880). - -8. J. Crevaux, P. Sagot, et L. Adam, _Langues de la région des Guyanes_ -(Paris, 1882). - -9. J. D. Haumonté, Parisot, et L. Adam, _La Langue Taensa_ (Paris, -1882). This has been pronounced a deception. - -10. Francisco Pareja, _La Lengua Timuquana_, 1614 (Paris, 1886). - -[1883] Cf. Pilling’s _Proof-sheets_, pp. 217-218. - -[1884] Brinton (_Amer. Hero Myths_, 60), referring to Father Cuoq’s -_Lexique de la langue Iroquoise_, speaks of that author as “probably -the best living authority on the Iroquois.” Pilling, _Proof-sheets_, -185, etc., gives the best account of his writings. Cf. Mrs. E. A. Smith -on the Iroquois in _Journal Anthropolog. Inst._, xiv. 244. - -[1885] The languages covered are: Dakota, Chibcha, Nahuatl, Kechua, -Quiché, Maya, Montagnais, Chippeway, Algonquin, Cri, Iroquois, -Hidatsa, Chacta, Caraïbe, Kiriri, Guarani. Adam has been one of the -leading spirits in the Congrès des Américanistes. There was published -in 1882, as a part of the _Bibliothèque linguistique Américaine, a -Grammaire et Vocabulaire de la langue taensa, avec textes traduits et -commentés par F. D. Haumonté, Parisot, L. Adam_. It was printed from -a manuscript said to have been discovered in 1872, in the library of -Mons. Haumonté. Dr. Brinton, finding, as he claimed, that Adam had been -imposed upon, printed in the _American Antiquarian_, March, 1885, “The -Tænsa Grammar and Dictionary, a Deception Exposed,” the points of which -were epitomized by Professor H. W. Haynes in the _American Antiquarian -Society Proceedings_ (April, 1885), and Adam answered in _Le Tænsa, -a-t-il été forgé de toutes pièces_ (Paris, 1885). - -The languages of the southern and southwestern United States have been -particularly studied by Albert S. Gatschet, among whose publications -may be named _Zwölf Sprachen aus dem Südwesten Nord Amerikas_ (Weimar, -1877); _The Timucua language_ of Florida (Philad., 1878, 1880); -_The Chumeto language_ of California (Philad., 1882); _Der Yuma -Sprachstamm_ of Arizona and the neighboring regions (Berlin, 1877, -1883); _Wortverzeichniss eines Viti-Dialectes_ (Berlin, 1882); _The -Shetimasha Indians of St. Mary’s Parish, Louisiana_ (Washington, 1883); -but his most important contribution is the linguistic, historic, -and ethnographic introduction to his _Migration Legend of the Creek -Indians_ (Philad., 1884), in which he has surveyed the whole compass of -the southern Indians. The extent of Mr. Gatschet’s studies will appear -from Pilling’s _Proof-sheets_, pp. 285-292, 955. - -[1886] _Contents_.—1. Sur quelques familles de langues du Méxique. -2. Sur différents idiomes de la Nouvelle-Espagne. 3. Sur la -famille de langues Tapijulapane-Mixe. 4. Sur la famille de langue -Pirinda-Othomi. 5. Sur les lois phonétiques dans les idiomes de la -famille Mame-Huastèque. 6. Sur le pronom personnel dans les idiomes -de la famille Maya-Quiché. 7. Sur l’étude de la prophétie en langue -Maya d’Ahkuil-Chel. 8. Sur le système de numération chez les peuples -de la famille Maya-Quiché. 9. Sur le déchiffrement des écritures -calculiformes du Mayas. 10. Sur les signes de numération en Maya. - -Pilling (_Proof-sheets_, pp. 145-148, 904-906) enumerates many of the -separate publications. - -[1887] Brinton has printed _The philosophical grammar of the American -languages as set forth by Wilhelm von Humboldt, with a translation of -an unpublished memoir by him on the American verb_ (Philad., 1885). -The great work of A. von Humboldt and Bonpland, _Voyage aux régions -équinoxiales du nouveau continent_ (Paris, 1816-31), gives some -linguistic matter in the third volume. - -[1888] These are enumerated in the list in Bancroft, i.; in Field, -nos. 208-218; and in Leclerc, _Index_; with more detail in Pilling’s -_Proof-sheets_, pp. 102-110, 894-896. Cf. also Sabin, iii. nos. 9,521 -etc. - -[1889] Brinton, who possesses his papers, published a Memoir of him in -the _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, 1884. His publications and MS. collections -are given in Pilling’s _Proof-sheets_, PP. 72, 73, 879-881. - -[1890] He cites (iii. 725-26) many opinions; and quotes Sahagún as -saying that the Apalaches were Nahuas and spoke the Mexican tongue -(_Ibid_. iii. 727). Is this any evidence of the Floridian immigration? - -[1891] A considerable body of literature in this language has come -down to us. Bancroft (iii. 728) enumerates a number of the principal -religious manuals, etc. Icazbalceta in the first volume of his -_Bibliografia Mexicana_ (Mexico, 1886), in cataloguing the books issued -in Mexico before 1600, includes all that were printed in the native -tongue. Brinton gives some account of such native authors in his -_Aboriginal American authors and their productions, especially those in -the native languages. A chapter in the history of literature_ (Philad., -1883). Cf. his paper in the _Congrès des Amér._, Copenhagen, 1883, p. -54. Bancroft (iii. 730) gives some citations as to its literary value. -Brinton has illustrated this quality in some of his lesser monographs, -as in his _Ancient Nahuatl Poetry_ (Philad., 1887); and in his _Study -of the Nahuatl language_ (1886), in which he gives specimens and -enumerates the dictionaries and texts. He says there are more than a -hundred authors in it (_Amer. Antiquarian_, viii. 22). Icazbalceta has -collected many Nahua MSS., and his brother-in-law, Francisco Pimentel, -has used them in his _Cuadro descriptivo y comparativo de las Lenguas -indigenas de México_ (1862), of which there is a German translation -by Isidor Epstein (N. Y., 1877). This is based on a second augmented -edition (Mexico, 1874-75), in which the tongues of northern Mexico -are better represented, and a general classification of the languages -is added. Pimentel (i. 154) asserts that it is a mistake to suppose -that the Chichimecs spoke Nahua. Cf., however, Bancroft (iii. 724) and -Short, 255, 480. Pimentel’s opinions are weighty, and follow in this -respect those of Orozco y Berra, Sahagún, Ixtlilxochitl; but later, -Veytia had maintained the reverse. - -Lucien Adam includes the Nahua in his _Etudes sur six langues -Américaines_ (Paris, 1878). Aubin wrote “Sur la langue Méxicaine et la -philologie Américaine” in the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France_, n. -s., vol. i. Brasseur contributed various articles on Mexican philology -to the _Revue Orientale et Américaine_. Dr. C. Hermann Berendt formed -an _Analytical Alphabet for the Mexican and Central America languages_ -(N. Y., 1869). Buschmann has a study in the _Mémoirs de l’Académie de -Berlin_, and separately, _Ueber die Astekischen Ortsnamen_ (Berlin, -1853). Henri de Charencey in his _Mélanges de Philologie_ (Paris, -1883) has a paper “Sur quelques familles de langues du Méxique.” V. -A. Malte-Brun gave in the _Compte Rendu, Cong. des Américanistes_, -1877 (vol. ii. p. 10), a paper “La distribution ethnographique des -nations et des langues au Méxique.” Reference has been made elsewhere -to the important publication of Manuel Orozco y Berra, _Geografia -de las lenguas y carta etnográfica de México, precedidos de un -ensayo de classificacion de las mismas lenguas y de apuntes para las -inmigraciones de las tribus_ (Mexico, 1864). The work is said to be -the fruit of twelve years’ constant study, and to have been based in -some part on MSS. belonging to Icazbalceta, dating back to the latter -part of the sixteenth century (enumerated in _Peab. Mus. Repts._, ii. -559). There is some adverse criticism. Peschel (_Races of Men_, 438) -thinks the linguistic map of Mexico in Orozco y Berra’s work the only -good feature in the book, since the author spreads old errors anew -in consequence of his unacquaintance with Buschmann’s researches. A -series of linguistic monographic essays on the Aztec names of places -is embraced in Dr. Antonio Peñafiel’s _Nombres Geografico de Mexico. -Catalogo alfabetico de los nombres de lugar pertenecientes al idioma -“Nahuatl” estudio jeroglifico de la matricula de los tributos del -codice Mendocino_ (Mexico, 1885). In the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. -de France_, n. s., 179, iii. there is an essay by Siméon, “La langue -Méxicaine et son histoire.” - -The affiliation of the Aztec with the Pueblo stocks is traced -by Bancroft, iii. 665, who follows out the diversities of those -stocks (pp. 671, 681). Cf. for various views Morgan’s _Systems -of Consanguinity_, 260; Buschmann’s _Die Völker und Sprachen Neu -Mexico’s_, and _First Rept. Bur. of Ethnology_, p. xxxi. - -[1892] Some authorities give fourteen dialects of the Maya. Cf. the -table in Bancroft, iii. 562, etc., and the statements in Garcia y -Cubas, translated by Geo. F. Henderson as _The Republic of Mexico_. -It is still spoken in the greatest purity about the Balize, as is -commonly said; but Le Plongeon goes somewhat inland and says he found -it “in all its pristine purity” in the neighborhood of Lake Peten. Le -Plongeon, with that extravagance which has in the end deprived him of -the sympathy and encouragement due to his noteworthy labors, says, “One -third of this Maya tongue is pure Greek,” following Brasseur in one of -his vagaries, who thought he found in 15,000 Maya vocables at least -7,000 that bore a striking resemblance to the language of Homer. - -[1893] The bibliographies will add to this enumeration. The _Pinart -Catalogue_ (pp. 98-100) gives a partial list. Only some of the more -important monographs upon features of the Maya language can be -mentioned: Father Pedro Beltran de Santa Rosa’s _Arte del idioma Maya_ -(Mexico, 1746) was so rare that Brasseur did not secure it, but Leclerc -catalogues it (no. 2,280), as well as the reprint (Merida, 1859) edited -by José D. Espinosa. There is a study of the Maya tongues included -in a paper printed first by Carl Hermann Berendt in the _Journal of -the Amer. Geog. Soc._ (viii. 132, for 1876), which was later issued -separately as _Remarks on the centres of ancient civilization in -Central America and their geographical distribution_ (N. Y., 1876). -It is accompanied by a map. (Cf. also his “Explorations in Central -America” in the _Smithsonian Rept._, 1867.) Brasseur included in his -_Manuscrit Troano_ (Paris, 1869-70), and later published separately, a -_Dictionnaire, Grammaire et Chrestomathie de la langue Maya_ (Paris, -1872); the dictionary containing 10,000 words, the grammar being -a translation from Father Gabriel de Saint Bonaventure, while the -chrestomathy was a gathering of specimens ancient and modern, of the -language. Brasseur, in his mutable way, found in the first season -of his studies the Greek, Latin, English, German, Scandinavian, not -to name others, to have correspondences with the Maya, and ended in -deriving them from that tongue as the primitive language. (Cf. Short, -476.) Dr. Brinton has a paper on _The Ancient Phonetic Alphabet of -Yucatan_ (N. Y., 1870), and he read at the Buffalo meeting (1886) of -the Amer. Assoc. for the Advancement of Science a paper on the phonetic -element of the graphic system of the Mayas, etc., which is printed in -the _American Antiquarian_, viii. 347. In the introduction of his _Maya -Chronicles_ (Philad., 1882) he examines the language and literature of -the Mayas. He refers to a “Disertacion sobre la historia de la lengua -Maya o Yucateca” by Crescencio Carrello y Ancona in the _Revista de -Merida_, 1870. Charencey has printed various special papers, like a -_Fragment de Chrestomathie de la langue Maya antique_ (Paris, 1875) -from the _Revue de Philologie et d’Ethnographie_, and a paper read -before the Copenhagen meeting of the Congrès des Américanistes (_Compte -Rendu_, p. 379), “De la formation des mots en lengua Maya.” Landa’s -_Relation_ as published by Brasseur (Paris, 1864) is of course a -leading source. - -Of the Quiché branch of the Maya we know most from Brasseur’s _Popul -Vuh_ and from his _Gramatica de la lengua Quiché_ (Paris, 1862), in -the appendix of which he printed the _Rabinal Achi_, a drama in the -Quiché tongue. Father Ildefonso José Flores, a native of the country, -was professor of the Cakchiquel language in the university of Guatemala -in the last century, and published a _Arte de la lengua metropolitana -del Reyno Cakchiquel_ (Guatemala, 1753), which was unknown to later -scholars, till Brasseur discovered a copy in 1856 (Leclerc, no. -2,270). The literature of the Cakchiquel dialect is examined in -the introduction to Brinton’s _Grammar of the Cakchiquel language_ -(Philad., 1884), edited for the American Philosophical Society. Cf. -Brinton’s little _treatise On the language and ethnologic position of -the Xinca Indians of Guatemala_ (Philadelphia, 1884); his _So-called -Alaguilac language of Guatemala_ in the _Proc. Am. Philosoph. Soc._, -1887, p. 366; and Otto Stoll’s _Zur Ethnographie der Republik -Guatemala_ (Zurich, 1884). - -We owe to Brinton, also, a few discussions of the Nicaragua tongues, -both in their Maya and Aztec relations. He has discussed the local -dialect of this region in the introduction of _The Güegüence; a comedy -ballet in the Nahuatl-Spanish dialect of Nicaragua_ (Philadelphia, -1883), and in his _Notes on the Mangue, an extinct dialect formerly -spoken in Nicaragua_ (Philadelphia, 1886). - -[1894] Notwithstanding this commonness of origin, if such be the case, -there is a striking truth in what Max Müller says: “The thoughts of -primitive humanity were not only different from our thoughts, but -different also from what we think their thoughts ought to have been.” - -[1895] See Vol. IV. p. 295. - -[1896] Such are Sagard’s _Histoire du Canada_ (1636); Nicolas Perrot’s -_Mémoire sur les Mœurs, Coutumes et Religion des Sauvages_, involving -his experience from 1665 to 1699; Lafitau’s _Mœurs des Sauvages_ -(1724), and the like. - -[1897] Bancroft (iii. 136) says: “It does not appear, notwithstanding -Mr. Squier’s assertion to the contrary, that the serpent was actually -worshipped either in Yucatan or Mexico.” Cf. Brinton’s _Myths_, ch. 4; -Chas. S. Wake’s _Serpent Worship_ (London, 1888); and J. G. Bourke’s -_Snake-dance of the Moquis of Arizona; being a narrative of a journey -from Santa Fé, New Mexico, to the villages of the Moqui Indians of -Arizona, with a description of the manners and customs of this peculiar -people, to which is added a brief dissertation upon serpent-worship in -general, with an account of the tablet dance of the Pueblo of Santo -Domingo, New Mexico, etc._ (London, 1884). - -[1898] Brinton (_Myths_, etc., 141) declares sun-worship, which some -investigators have made the base of all primitive religions, to be but -a “short and easy method with mythology,” and that “no one key can -open all the arcana of symbolism.” He refers to D’Orbigny (_L’Homme -Américain_), Müller (_Amer. Urreligionen_), and Squier (_Serpent -Symbol_) as supporting the opposing view. We may find like supporters -of the sun as a central idea in Schoolcraft, Tylor, Brasseur. Cf. -Bancroft’s _Native Races_ (iii. 114) in opposition to Brinton. - -[1899] This monotheism is denied by Brinton (_Myths of the New -World_, 52). “Of monotheism, either as displayed in the one personal -definite God of the Semitic races, or in the dim pantheistic sense -of the Brahmins, there was not a single instance on the American -continent,”—the Iroquois “Neu” and “Hawaneu,” which, as Brinton says, -have deceived Morgan and others, being but the French “Dieu” and “Le -bon Dieu” rendered in Indian pronunciation (_Myths of the New World_, -p. 53). The aborigines instituted, however, in two instances, the -worship of an immaterial god, one among the Quichuas of Peru and -another at Tezcuco (_Ibid._ p. 55). - -Bandelier (_Archæol. Tour_, 185), examining the _Hist. de los Méxicanos -por sus Pinturas_ (_Anales del Museo_, ii. 86), Motolinía, Gómara, -Sahagún, Tobar, and Durán, finds no trace of monotheism till we come -to Acosta. Torquemada speaks of supreme _gods_; and Bandelier thinks -that Ixtlilxochitl, in conveying the idea of a single god, evidently -distorts and disfigures Torquemada. - -Bancroft (iii. 198) accords honesty to Ixtlilxochitl’s account of the -religion of the Tezcucan ruler Nezahualcoyotl, as reaching the heights -of Mexican monotheistic conception, because he thinks his descendants, -if he had fabled, would never have ended his description with so pagan -a statement as that which makes the Tezcucan recognize the sun as his -father and the earth as his mother. - -Max Müller tells us that we should distinguish between monotheism and -henotheism, which is the temporary preeminence of one god over the host -of gods, and which was as near monotheism as the American aborigines -came. - -[1900] He also masses the evidence which shows, as he thinks, that -“on Catholic missions has followed the debasement, and on Protestant -missions the destruction, of the Indian race.” _Amer. Hero-Myths_, pp. -206, 238. - -[1901] Unfortunately, Brinton enforces this view and others with a -degree of confidence that does not help him to convince the cautious -reader, as when he speaks of the opinions of those who disagree with -him as “having served long enough as the last refuge of ignorance” -(_Amer. Hero-Myths_, 145). - -[1902] The whole question of comparative mythology involves in its -broad aspects the subject of American myths. The literature of this -general kind is large, but reference may be made to Girard de Rialle’s -_La Mythologie Comparée_ (Paris, 1878); for the idea of God, Dawson’s -_Fossil Men_, ch. 9 and 10; Lubbock’s _Origin of Civilization_, ch. 4, -5, 6; J. P. Lesley’s _Man’s origin and destiny_, ch. 10; and for the -geographical distribution of myths, Tylor’s _Early Hist. of Mankind_, -ch. 12; Max Müller’s _Chips_, vol. ii.; and in a general way, Brinton’s -_Religious sentiment, its source and aim_ (N. Y., 1876). Reference may -also be made to Joly’s _Man before Metals_, ch. 7; Dabry de Thiersant’s -_Origine des indiens_ (Paris, 1883); and G. Brühl’s _Culturvölker -Alt-Amerikas_ (Cincinnati, 1876-78), ch. 10 and 19. Brinton (_Myths_, -210) tracks the Deluge myth among the Indians, and Bancroft gives many -instances of it (_Native Races_, v., index). Brinton thinks a paper by -Charencey, “Le Déluge d’après les traditions indiennes de l’Amérique -du Nord,” in the _Revue Américaine_, a help for its extracts, but -complains of its uncritical spirit. - -We find sufficient data of the aboriginal belief in the future life -both in Bancroft’s final chapter (vol. iii. part i.) and in Brinton’s -_Myths_, ch. 9. Brinton delivered an address on the “Journey of the -soul,” which is printed in the _Proceedings_ (Jan., 1883) of the -Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of Philadelphia. - -[1903] In studying the mythology of these tribes we must depend mainly -on confined monographs. Mrs. E. A. Smith treats the myths of the -Iroquois in the _Second Annual Rept. Bureau of Ethnology_. Charles -Godfrey Leland has covered _The Algonquin legends of New England; -or, myths and folk-lore of the Micmac, Passamaquoddy, and Penobscot -tribes_ (Boston, 1884). Brinton has a book on _The Lenâpé and their -legends_ (Philad., 1885); and one may refer to the _Life and Journals -of David Brainard_. S. D. Peet has a paper on “The religious beliefs -and traditions of the aborigines of North America” in the _Journal -of the Victoria Institute_ (London, 1888, vol. xxi. 229); one on -“Animal worship and Sun worship in the east and west compared” in the -_American Antiquarian_, Mar., 1888; and a paper on the religion of the -moundbuilders in _Ibid._ vi. 393. The _Dahcotah, or life and legends -of the Sioux around Fort Snelling_ (N. Y., 1849) of Mrs. Mary Eastman -has been a serviceable book. S. R. Riggs covers the mythology of the -Dakotas in the _Amer. Antiquarian_ (v. 147), and in this periodical -will be found various studies concerning other tribes. - -[1904] Bandelier, _Archæol. Tour_, 185, calls it the earliest statement -of the Nahua mythology. - -[1905] There is more or less of original importance on the Aztec myths -in Alfredo Chavero’s “La Piedra del Sol,” likewise in the _Anales_ -(vol. i.). Cf. also the “Ritos Antiguos, sacrificios e idolatrias de -los indios de la Nueva España,” as printed in the _Coleccion de doc. -ined. para la hist. de España_ (liii. 300). - -Bancroft (vol. iii. ch. 6-10), who is the best source for reference, -gives also the best compassed survey of the entire field; but among -writers in English he may be supplemented by Prescott (i. ch. 3, -introd.); Helps in his _Spanish Conquest_ (vol. ii.); Tylor’s -_Primitive Culture_; Albert Réville’s _Lectures on the origin and -growth of religion as illustrated by the native religions of Mexico and -Peru_, translated by P. H. Wicksteed (London, 1884, being the Hibbert -lectures for 1884); on the analogies of the Mexican belief, a condensed -statement in Short’s _No. America of Antiq._, 459; a popular paper in -_The Galaxy_, May, 1876. Bandelier intended a fourth paper to be added -to the three printed in the _Peabody Mus. Repts._ (vol. ii.), namely, -one on “The Creeds and Beliefs of the Ancient Mexicans,” which has -never, I think, been printed. - -Among the French, we may refer to Ternaux-Compans’ _Essai sur la -théogonie Méxicaine_ (Paris, 1840) and the works of Brasseur. Klemm’s -_Cultur-Geschichte_ and Müller’s _Urreligionen_ will mainly cover the -German views. Of the Mexican writers, it may be worth while to name -J. M. Melgar’s _Examen comparativa entre los signos simbolicos de las -Teogonias y Cosmogonias antiguas y los que existen en los manuscritos -Méxicanos_ (Vera Cruz, 1872). - -The readiest description of their priesthood and festivals will be -found in Bancroft (ii. 201, 303, with references). Tenochtitlan is said -to have had 2,000 sacred buildings, and Torquemada says there were -80,000 throughout Mexico; while Clavigero says that a million priests -attended upon them. Bancroft (iii. ch. 10) describes this service. -There is a chance in all this of much exaggeration. - -The history of human sacrifice as a part of this service is the subject -of disagreement among the earlier as well as with the later writers. -Bancroft (iii. 413, 442) gives some leading references. Cf. Prescott -(i. 77) and Nadaillac (p. 296). Las Casas in his general defence of the -natives places the number of sacrifices very low. Zumárraga says there -were 20,000 a year. The Aztecs, if not originating the practice, as is -disputed by some, certainly made much use of it. - -[1906] _Anales del Museo Nacional_, ii. 247; Bancroft, iii. 240, 248. - -[1907] Bandelier thinks Durán the earliest to connect St. Thomas with -Quetzalcoatl. Cf. Bancroft, iii. 456. - -[1908] Müller agrees with Ixtlilxochitl that Quetzalcoatl and Huemac -were one and the same, and that Ternaux erred in supposing them -respectively Olmec and Toltec deities. Cf. Brasseur’s _Palenqué_, 40, -66. Cf. D. Daly on “Quetzalcoatl, the Mexican Messiah” in _Gentleman’s -Mag._, n. a., xli. 236. - -[1909] For the later views in general see Clavigero, Tylor, Brasseur -(_Nations Civil._, i. 253), Prescott (i. 62), Bancroft (iii. 248, 263; -v. 24, 200, 255, 257), and Short (267, 274). - -[1910] The god Paynal was a sort of deputy war-god. See H. H. -Bancroft’s _Native Races_. - -[1911] Cf. references in _Peabody Mus. Rept._, ii. 571; Short, p. 206. - -[1912] Cf. _Relacion de las ceremonias y Ritos de Michoacan_, a -manuscript in the library of Congress, of which there is a copy in -Madrid, which is printed in the _Coleccion de doc. ined. para la hist. -de España_, liii. - -[1913] For further modern treatment see Schultz-Sellack’s “Die -Amerikanischen Götter der vier Weltgegenden und ihre Tempel in -Palenque” in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, xi.(1879); Brasseur’s -Landa, p. lx; Ancona’s _Yucatan_ (i. ch. 10); Powell’s _First Report -Bureau of Ethnology_; for sacrifices, Nadaillac (p. 266); and for -festivals and priestly service, Bancroft (ii. 689). For Yucatan -folk-lore, see Brinton in _Folk-lore Journal_ (vol. i. for 1883). - -[1914] _First series_: vol. iv., W. Sargent on articles from an old -grave at Cincinnati, exhumed in 1794; vol. v., G. Turner on the same; -vol. vi., W. Dunbar on the Indian sign language; J. Madison on remains -of fortifications in the west; B. S. Barton on affinities of Indian -words. _New series_: vol. i., H. H. Brackenridge on Indian populations -and tumuli; C. W. Short on an Indian fort near Lexington, Ky.; vol. -iii., D. Zeisberger on a Delaware grammar; vol. iv., J. Heckewelder on -Delaware names, etc. - -[1915] It celebrated its centennial in 1880, when an impromptu address -was delivered by R. C. Winthrop, which is printed by this society, -and is also contained, with a statement of the occasion of it, in his -_Speeches and Addresses_, 1878-1886. For a record of the interest -in archæological studies about 1790, see _Reports_ of the American -Philosophical Society, xxii. no. 119. - -[1916] _First series_: vol. i., S. H. Parsons on discoveries in -the western country; vol. iii., E. A. Kendall and J. Davis on an -examination of the much controverted inscription of the so-called -Dighton Rock; E. Stiles on an Indian idol. _New series_: vol. i., -Rasle’s Abenaki dictionary; vol. v., W. Sargent’s plan of the Marietta -mounds, etc. - -[1917] This society published the original edition of S. G. Morton’s -_Inquiry into the distinctive characteristics of the aboriginal race -of America_ (2d ed., Philadelphia, 1844), which glances at their moral -and intellectual character, their habits of interment, their maritime -enterprise, and their physical condition. - -[1918] Field’s _Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1564. - -[1919] Vol. ii., S. S. Haldeman on linguistic ethnology; vol. iii., J. -C. Nott and L. Agassiz on the unity of the human race; vol. v., Col. -Whittlesey on ancient human remains in Ohio; vol. vi., J. L. Leconte on -the California Indians; vol. xi., Whittlesey on ancient mining at Lake -Superior; Morgan on Iroquois laws of descent; D. Wilson on a uniform -type of the American crania; vol. xiii., Morgan on the bestowing -of Indian names; vol. xvii., Whittlesey on the antiquity of man in -America; W. De Haas on the archæology of the Mississippi Valley; W. H. -Dall on the Alaska tribes; vol. xix., Dall on the Eskimo tongue, etc. - -[1920] _Abstracts of the Transactions prepared by J. W. Powell_ -(Washington, 1879, etc.). - -[1921] The student will find some general help, at least, from -the publications of such as these: the Peabody Academy of Science -(Salem, Mass.), _Memoirs_, 1869, etc.; Essex Institute (Salem, -Mass.), _Bulletin_, 1869, and _Proceedings_, 1848, etc.; Connecticut -Academy of Arts and Sciences, _Memoirs_, 1810-16; _Transactions_, -1866, etc.; the Lyceum of Natural History, became in 1876 the New -York Academy of Sciences, _Annals_, 1823, etc.; _Proceedings_, -1870, etc.; Transactions; the Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of -Philadelphia, _Proceedings_; Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, -_Proceedings and Collections_ (Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 1884, etc.); the -Cincinnati Society of Natural History, _Journal_ and _Proceedings_, -1876; Indianapolis Academy of Sciences, _Transactions_, 1870, etc.; -Wisconsin Academy of Sciences, Arts and Letters, _Bulletin_, 1870, -and _Transactions_, 1870; Davenport (Iowa) Academy of Science, -_Proceedings_, 1867; St. Louis Academy of Science, _Transactions_, -1856; Kansas Academy of Science, _Transactions_, 1872; California -Academy of Sciences, _Proceedings_, 1854, etc., and _Memoirs_, -1868, etc.; Geographical Society of the Pacific, its official organ -_Kosmos_,—not to name others. - -In British America we may refer to the Natural History Society of -Montreal, publishing _The Canadian Naturalist_, 1857, etc.; the -Canadian Institute, _Proceedings_; the Royal Society of Canada, -_Proceedings_; the Nova Scotia Institute of Natural Science, -_Proceedings and Transactions_, 1867,—not to mention others; and among -periodicals the _Canadian Monthly_, the _Canadian Antiquarian_, and the -_Canadian Journal_. - -[1922] The tendency of general periodicals to questions of this -kind is manifest by the references in _Poole’s Index_, under such -heads as American Antiquities, Anthropology, Archæology, Caves -and Cave-dwellers, Ethnology, Lake Dwellings, Man, Mounds and -Moundbuilders, Prehistoric Races, etc. - -[1923] The history of its incipiency and progress can be gathered from -the _Reports_ of the Museum, with summaries in those numbered i., xi. -and xix. - -[1924] Cf. Waldo Higginson’s _Memorials of the Class of 1833, Harvard -College_, p. 60, and the contemporary tributes from eminent associates -noted in _Poole’s Index_, p. 1434. - -[1925] The documentary history, by W. J. Rhees, of the Smithsonian -Institution, forms vol. xvii. of its _Miscellaneous Collections_. Cf. -J. Henry on its organization in the _Proceedings_ of the Amer. Asso. -for the Adv. of Science, vol. i. A _Catalogue of the publications of -the S. I. with an alphabetical index of articles_, by William J. Rhees -(Washington, 1882), constitutes no. 478 of its series. - -The early management of the Smithsonian decided that the “knowledge” -of its founder meant science, and from the start gave not a little -attention to archæology as a science. When the Bureau of Ethnology -became a part of the Institution, and its _Reports_ included papers -necessarily historical as well as archæological, the way was prepared -for a broader meaning to the term “knowledge,” and as a significant -recognition of the allied field of research the present government of -the Smithsonian gave hearty concurrence to the act of Congress which in -Dec., 1888, made also the American Historical Association, which had -existed without incorporation since 1884, a section of the Smithsonian -Institution. - -[1926] Its mound explorations have been conducted by Cyrus Thomas; -those among the Pueblos of the southwest by James Stevenson (d. -1888); while Major Powell himself has controlled personally the body -of searchers in the linguistic fields (_American Antiquarian_, viii. -32). It would seem that its profession “to organize anthropological -research” is not to its full extent true, since the physiological side -of the subject seems to be left in Washington to the Army Medical -Museum. - -[1927] Cf. Charles Rau’s _Archæological Collections of the United -States National Museum_ (1876) in _Smithsonian Contributions_, xx., -with many illustrative woodcuts; and a paper by Ernest Ingersoll in -_The Century_, January, 1885. Cf. also F. W. Putnam’s contribution on -American Archæological Collections in the _American Naturalist_, vii. -29. - -[1928] B. P. Poore’s _Descriptive Catal. Govt. Pub._, p. 593; Field’s -_Ind. Bibliog._, no. 1379; Allibone’s _Dictionary_, iii. p. 1952, -for references and opposing criticisms. Some of the condemnation of -the book is too sweeping, for amid its ignorance, confusion, and -indiscrimination there is much to be picked out which is of importance. -Cf. Parkman’s _Jesuits_, p. lxxx; Wilson’s _Prehistoric Man_, ii. -ch. 19; Brinton’s _Myths_, p. 40. Cf. on Schoolcraft’s death (with a -portrait) _Historical Mag._, April, 1865; _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -April, 1865. - -F. S. Drake’s _Indian Tribes of the United States_ (Philad., 1884) -is, with some additional matter, a rearrangement of Schoolcraft, the -omission to acknowledge which on the title-page being an unworthy -bibliographical deceit. Schoolcraft’s rivalry of Geo. Catlin and his -ignoring of Catlin’s work is commented on at some length by Donaldson -in the _Smithsonian Inst. Report_, 1885, part ii. pp. 373-383. - -[1929] For full details of this and other publications mentioned in -this paper, see S. H. Scudder’s _Catalogue of Scientific Serials, -1633-1876_, published by the library of Harvard University in 1879. - -[1930] Sabin, xvii., no. 70354. The Congrès Archéologique de France -began its Séances générales in 1834, but the interest of its _Comptes -rendus_ for Americanists is for comparative illustration. The two -volumes of _Mémoires de la Société Ethnologique_ (Paris, 1841-45) -contain nothing bearing directly on American archæology. Much the same -may be said of the _Annales Archéologiques fondées par Didron aîné_, in -1844, and continued to 1870; of the _Bulletin Archéologique_ (1844-46) -of the Athénæum Français, and of its continuation, the _Bulletin -Archéologique Français_ (1846-56); and of the _Annales_ of the Institut -Archéologique (1844, etc.). - -[1931] _Am. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, April, 1876. - -[1932] A _Revue Ethnographique_ was begun in 1869. A Societé -Ethnologique, publishing _Bulletin_ (1846-47) and _Mémoires_ (1841-45), -is a distinct organization. - -[1933] S. H. Scudder, in his _Catalogue of Scientific Serials_, -no. 1528, endeavors to put into something like orderly arrangement -the exceedingly devious devices of duplication of this and allied -publications. - -[1934] A _Revue d’Anthropologie_ was begun at Paris, under the -direction of Broca, in 1872. A Société d’Anthropologie began two -series, _Bulletins_ and _Mémoires_, in 1860. Mortillet conducted -_L’Homme_ from 1883 to 1887, when he and his associates in this work -suspended its publication to devote themselves to a _Dictionnaire des -Sciences Anthropologiques_ and to a _Bibliothèque Anthropologique_. - -[1935] Rosny died April 23, 1871. - -[1936] Its publications began in 1665. Cf. synopsis in Scudder’s -_Catalogue_, pp. 26-27. Cf. C. A. Alexander on the origin and history -of the Royal Society, in _Smithsonian Rept._, 1863. - -[1937] Some of the local societies deal to some extent in American -subjects; _e. g._, the _Journal of the Manchester Geographical -Society_, begun in 1885. - -[1938] Not to be confounded with _The Ethnological Journal_, vol. -i., 1848-49, and vol. ii., 1854, incomplete; and _The Ethnological -Journal_, 1 vol., 1865-66. - -[1939] Cf. J. R. Bartlett on an Antwerp meeting, in _Amer. Antiq. Soc. -Proc._, 1868. - -[1940] Such periodicals as _Nature_ and _Popular Science Review_ show -how anthropological science is attracting attention. - -[1941] See Scudder’s _Catalogue_. - -[1942] The third volume of Bastian’s _Culturländer des Alten America_ -(Berlin, 1886) comprises “Nachträge und Ergänzungen aus den Sammlungen -des Ethnologischen Museums.” - -[1943] _Congrès des Américanistes, Compte Rendus_, Nancy, ii. 271. - -[1944] Cf. Oscar Montelius, _Bibliographie de l’archéologie -préhistorique de la Suède pendant le 19e siècle, suivie d’un exposé -succinct des sociétés archéologiques suédoises_ (Stockholm, 1875). - -[1945] It is described by Tylor in his _Anahuac_, ch. 9; by -Brocklehurst in his _Mexico to-day_, ch. 21; by Bandelier in the -_American Antiquarian_ (1878), ii. 15; in Mayer’s _Mexico_; and in -the summary of information (fifteen years old, however) in Bancroft’s -_Mexico_, iv. 553, etc., with references, p. 565, which includes -references to the Uhde collection at Heidelberg, the Christy collection -in London (Tylor), that of the American Philosophical Society in -Philadelphia (_Trans._, iii. 570), not to name the Mexican sections -of the large museums of America and Europe. Henry Phillips, Jr. -(_Proc. Amer. Philosophical Soc._, xxi. p. 111) gives a list of public -collections of American Archæology. There are some private collections -mentioned in the _Archives de la Soc. Amér. de France, Nouv. Ser._, -vol. i. A. de Longperier’s _Notice des Monuments dans la Salle des -Antiquités Américaines_ (Paris, 1880) covers a part of the great -Paris exhibition of that year. Something is found in E. T. Stevens’s -_Flint Chips, a guide to prehistoric archæology as illustrated in the -Blackmore Museum_ [at Salisbury, England], London, 1870. - -[1946] There is an account of Mendoza in the _Amer. Antiq. Soc. Proc._, -April, 1888, p. 172. - -[1947] _Coleccion de las Antigüedades Mexicanas que ecsisten en -el Museo Nacional, litografiadas por Frederico Waldeck_ (Mexico, -1827—fol.); Sabin, iv. 15796. See miscellaneous references on Mexican -relics in Bancroft’s _Nat. Races_, iv. 565. - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -—Obvious errors were corrected. - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NARRATIVE AND CRITICAL HISTORY OF -AMERICA, VOL. 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