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-Project Gutenberg's The German Terror in Belgium, by Arnold J. Toynbee
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most
-other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of
-the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have
-to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook.
-
-Title: The German Terror in Belgium
- An Historical Record
-
-Author: Arnold J. Toynbee
-
-Release Date: December 18, 2015 [EBook #50716]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE GERMAN TERROR IN BELGIUM ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Brian Coe, Craig Kirkwood, and the Online
-Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
-file was produced from images generously made available
-by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-Transcriber’s Notes:
-
-Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
-
-Additional Transcriber’s Notes are at the end.
-
- * * * * *
-
-[Illustration: THE INVADED COUNTRY]
-
- * * * * *
-
-
-
-
-THE GERMAN TERROR IN BELGIUM
-
-
- _An Historical Record_
-
- BY
- ARNOLD J. TOYNBEE
- LATE FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE,
- OXFORD
-
- NEW YORK
- GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
- MCMXVII
-
- * * * * *
-
- COPYRIGHT, 1917,
- BY GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY
-
- PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE
-
-
-The subject of this book is the treatment of the civil population in
-the countries overrun by the German Armies during the first three
-months of the European War. The form of it is a connected narrative,
-based on the published documents[1] and reproducing them by direct
-quotation or (for the sake of brevity) by reference.
-
-With the documents now published on both sides it is at last
-possible to present a clear narrative of what actually happened. The
-co-ordination of this mass of evidence, which has gradually accumulated
-since the first days of invasion, is the principal purpose for which
-the book has been written. The evidence consists of first-hand
-statements--some delivered on oath before a court, others taken down
-from the witnesses without oath by competent legal examiners, others
-written and published on the witnesses’ own initiative as books or
-pamphlets. Most of them originally appeared in print in a controversial
-setting, as proofs or disproofs of disputed fact, or as justifications
-or condemnations of fact that was admitted. In the present work,
-however, this argumentative aspect of them has been avoided as far
-as possible. For it has either been treated exhaustively in official
-publications--the case of Louvain, for instance, in the German White
-Book and the Belgian Reply to it--or will not be capable of such
-treatment till after the conclusion of the War. The ultimate inquiry
-and verdict, if it is to have finality, must proceed either from a
-mixed commission of representatives of all the States concerned,
-or from a neutral commission like that appointed by the Carnegie
-Foundation to inquire into the atrocities committed during the Balkan
-War. But the German Government has repeatedly refused proposals,
-made both unofficially and officially, that it should allow such
-an investigation to be conducted in the territory at present under
-German military occupation,[2] and the final critical assessment will
-therefore necessarily be postponed till the German Armies have retired
-again within their own frontiers.
-
-Meanwhile, an ordered and documented narrative of the attested facts
-seems the best preparation for that judicial appraisement for which
-the time is not yet ripe. The facts have been drawn from statements
-made by witnesses on opposite sides with different intentions and
-beliefs, but as far as possible they have been disengaged from this
-subjective setting and have been set out, without comment, to speak
-for themselves. It has been impossible, however, to confine the
-exposition to pure narration at every point, for in the original
-evidence the facts observed and the inferred explanation of them
-are seldom distinguished, and when the same observed fact is made a
-ground for diametrically opposite inferences by different witnesses,
-the difficulty becomes acute. A German soldier, say, in Louvain on
-the night of August 25th, 1914, hears the sound of machine-gun firing
-apparently coming from a certain spot in the town, and infers that at
-this spot Belgian civilians are using a machine gun against German
-troops; a Belgian inhabitant hears the same sound, and infers that
-German troops are firing on civilians. In such cases the narrative
-must be interpreted by a judgment as to which of the inferences is
-the truth, and this judgment involves discussion. What is remarkable,
-however, is the rarity of these contradictions. Usually the different
-testimonies fit together into a presentation of fact which is not open
-to argument.
-
-The narrative has been arranged so as to follow separately the tracks
-of the different German Armies or groups of Armies which traversed
-different sectors of French and Belgian territory. Within each sector
-the chronological order has been followed, which is generally identical
-with the geographical order in which the places affected lie along the
-route of march. The present volume describes the invasion of Belgium up
-to the sack of Louvain.
-
- ARNOLD J. TOYNBEE.
-
- _March, 1917._
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] A schedule of the more important documents will be found in the
-“List of Abbreviations” pp. xi-xiii.
-
-[2] Belgian Reply pp. vii. and 97-8.
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS
-
-
- FRONTISPIECE _The Invaded Country (Map)_
-
- PAGE
-
- PREFACE v
-
- TABLE OF CONTENTS ix
-
- LIST OF MAPS ix
-
- LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS x
-
- LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xi
-
- CHAPTER I.: THE TRACK OF THE ARMIES 15
-
- CHAPTER II.: FROM THE FRONTIER TO LIÉGE 23
-
- (i) ON THE VISÉ ROAD 23
-
- (ii) ON THE BARCHON ROAD 27
-
- (iii) ON THE FLÉRON ROAD 31
-
- (iv) ON THE VERVIERS ROAD 37
-
- (v) ON THE MALMÉDY ROAD 38
-
- (vi) BETWEEN THE VESDRE AND THE OURTHE 42
-
- (vii) ACROSS THE MEUSE 44
-
- (viii) THE CITY OF LIÉGE 46
-
- CHAPTER III.: FROM LIÉGE TO MALINES 52
-
- (i) THROUGH LIMBURG TO AERSCHOT 52
-
- (ii) AERSCHOT 57
-
- (iii) THE AERSCHOT DISTRICT 74
-
- (iv) THE RETREAT FROM MALINES 77
-
- (v) LOUVAIN 89
-
-
-
-
-MAPS
-
-
- THE INVADED COUNTRY _Frontispiece_
-
- THE TRACK OF THE ARMIES: FROM THE
- FRONTIER TO MALINES[3] _End of Volume_
-
- LOUVAIN, FROM THE GERMAN WHITE BOOK _End of Volume_
-
-FOOTNOTE:
-
-[3] _This map shows practically all the roads and places referred to in
-the text._
-
-
-
-
-ILLUSTRATIONS
-
-
- PAGE
-
- 1. MOULAND _To face page_ 16
-
- 2. BATTICE 17
-
- 3. LIÉGE FORTS: A DESTROYED CUPOLA 32
-
- 4. ANS: AN INTERIOR 33
-
- 5. ANS: THE CHURCH 48
-
- 6. LIÉGE: A FARM HOUSE 49
-
- 7. LIÉGE UNDER GERMAN OCCUPATION 52
-
- 8. LIÉGE UNDER THE GERMANS: RUINS AND PLACARDS 53
-
- 9. LIÉGE IN RUINS 60
-
- 10. “WE LIVE LIKE GOD IN BELGIUM” 61
-
- 11. HAELEN 64
-
- 12. AERSCHOT 65
-
- 13. BRUSSELS: A BOOKING-OFFICE 80
-
- 14. MALINES AFTER BOMBARDMENT 81
-
- 15. MALINES: RUINS 84
-
- 16. MALINES: RUINS 85
-
- 17. MALINES: CARDINAL MERCIER’S STATE-ROOM AS A RED
- CROSS HOSPITAL 92
-
- 18. MALINES: THE CARDINAL’S THRONE-ROOM 93
-
- 19. CAPELLE-AU-BOIS 96
-
- 20. CAPELLE-AU-BOIS 97
-
- 21. CAPELLE-AU-BOIS: THE CHURCH 112
-
- 22. LOUVAIN: NEAR THE CHURCH OF ST. PIERRE 113
-
- 23. LOUVAIN: THE CHURCH OF ST. PIERRE 116
-
- 24. LOUVAIN: THE CHURCH OF ST. PIERRE ACROSS THE RUINS 117
-
- 25. LOUVAIN: THE CHURCH OF ST. PIERRE--INTERIOR 124
-
- 26. LOUVAIN: STATION SQUARE 125
-
-
-
-
-ABBREVIATIONS
-
-
- ALPHABET, LETTERS OF THE:--
-
- CAPITALS Appendices to the German White Book entitled: “_The
- Violation of International Law in the Conduct of the Belgian
- People’s-War_” (dated Berlin, 10th May, 1915); Arabic numerals
- after the capital letter refer to the depositions contained in
- each Appendix.
-
- LOWER CASE Sections of the “_Appendix to the Report of the
- Committee on Alleged German Outrages, Appointed by His Britannic
- Majesty’s Government and Presided Over by the Right Hon. Viscount
- Bryce, O.M._” (Cd. 7895); Arabic numerals after the lower case
- letter refer to the depositions contained in each Section.
-
- ANN(EX) Annexes (numbered 1 to 9) to the _Reports of the Belgian
- Commission (vide infra)_.
-
- BELG. _Reports (numbered i to xxii) of the Official Commission of the
- Belgian Government on the Violation of the Rights of Nations and
- of the Laws and Customs of War._ (English translation, published,
- on behalf of the Belgian Legation, by H.M. Stationery Office, two
- volumes.)
-
- BLAND “_Germany’s Violations of the Laws of War, 1914-5_”; compiled
- under the Auspices of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and
- translated into English with an Introduction by J. O. P. Bland.
- (London: Heinemann. 1915.)
-
- BRYCE _Appendix to the Report of the Committee on Alleged German
- Outrages appointed by His Britannic Majesty’s Government._
-
- CHAMBRY “_The Truth about Louvain_,” by Réné Chambry. (Hodder and
- Stoughton. 1915.)
-
- DAVIGNON “_Belgium and Germany_,” Texts and Documents, preceded by a
- Foreword by Henri Davignon. (Thomas Nelson and Sons.)
-
- “EYE-WITNESS” “_An Eye-Witness at Louvain_” (London: Eyre and
- Spottiswoode. 1914.)
-
- “GERMANS” “_The Germans at Louvain_,” by a volunteer worker in the
- _Hôpital St.-Thomas_. (Hodder and Stoughton. 1916.)
-
- GRONDIJS “_The Germans in Belgium: Experiences of a Neutral_,” by L.
- H. Grondijs, Ph.D., formerly Professor of Physics at the Technical
- Institute of Dordrecht. (London: Heinemann. 1915.)
-
- HÖCKER “_An der Spitze Meiner Kompagnie, Three Months of
- Campaigning_,” by Paul Oskar Höcker. (Ullstein and Co., Berlin and
- Vienna. 1914.)
-
- “HORRORS” “_The Horrors of Louvain_,” by an Eye-witness, with an
- Introduction by Lord Halifax. (Published by the London _Sunday
- Times_.)
-
- MASSART “_Belgians under the German Eagle_,” by Jean Massart,
- Vice-Director of the Class of Sciences in the Royal Academy of
- Belgium. (English translation by Bernard Miall. London: Fisher
- Unwin. 1916.)
-
- MERCIER _Pastoral Letter_, dated Xmas, 1914, of His Eminence Cardinal
- Mercier, Archbishop of Malines.
-
- MORGAN “_German Atrocities: An Official Investigation_,” by J. H.
- Morgan, M.A., Professor of Constitutional Law in the University of
- London. (London: Fisher Unwin. 1916.)
-
- NUMERALS, ROMAN LOWER CASE _Reports (numbered i to xxii) of the
- Belgian Commission (vide supra)._
-
- R(EPLY) “_Reply to the German White Book of May 10, 1915._”
- (Published, for the Belgian Ministry of Justice and Ministry of
- Foreign Affairs, by Berger-Levrault, Paris, 1916.)
-
- Arabic numerals after the R refer to the depositions contained
- in the particular section of the _Reply_ that is being cited
- at the moment: _e.g._, R15 denotes the fifteenth deposition
- in the section on Louvain in the _Reply_ when cited in the
- section on Louvain in the present work; but it denotes the
- fifteenth deposition in the section on Aerschot when cited in the
- corresponding section here.
-
- The _Reply_ is also referred to by pages, and in these cases the
- Arabic numeral denotes the page and is preceded by “p.”
-
- S(OMVILLE) “_The Road to Liége_,” by Gustave Somville. (English
- translation by Bernard Miall. Hodder and Stoughton. 1916.)
-
- STRUYKEN “_The German White Book on the War in Belgium: A
- Commentary_,” by Professor A. A. H. Struyken. (English Translation
- of Articles in the Journal _Van Onzen Tijd_, of Amsterdam, July
- 31st, August 7th, 14th, 21st, 1915. Thomas Nelson and Sons.)
-
-N.B.--Statistics, where no reference is given, are taken from the first
-and second Annexes to the Reports of the Belgian Commission. They are
-based on official investigations.
-
- * * * * *
-
-THE GERMAN TERROR IN BELGIUM
-
-
-
-
-I. THE TRACK OF THE ARMIES.
-
-
-When Germany declared war upon Russia, Belgium, and France in the
-first days of August, 1914, German armies immediately invaded Russian,
-Belgian, and French territory, and as soon as the frontiers were
-crossed, these armies began to wage war, not merely against the troops
-and fortifications of the invaded states, but against the lives and
-property of the civil population.
-
-Outrages of this kind were committed during the whole advance and
-retreat of the Germans through Belgium and France, and only abated when
-open manœuvring gave place to trench warfare along all the line from
-Switzerland to the sea. Similar outrages accompanied the simultaneous
-advance into the western salient of Russian Poland, and the autumn
-incursion of the Austro-Hungarians into Serbia, which was turned back
-at Valievo. There was a remarkable uniformity in the crimes committed
-in these widely separated theatres of war, and an equally remarkable
-limit to the dates within which they fell. They all occurred during
-the first three months of the war, while, since that period, though
-outrages have continued, they have not been of the same character or on
-the same scale. This has not been due to the immobility of the fronts,
-for although it is certainly true that the Germans have been unable to
-overrun fresh territories on the west, they have carried out greater
-invasions than ever in Russia and the Balkans, which have not been
-marked by outrages of the same specific kind. This seems to show that
-the systematic warfare against the civil population in the campaigns
-of 1914 was the result of policy, deliberately tried and afterwards
-deliberately given up. The hypothesis would account for the peculiar
-features in the German Army’s conduct, but before we can understand
-these features we must survey the sum of what the Germans did. The
-catalogue of crimes against civilians extends through every phase and
-theatre of the military operations in the first three months of the
-war, and an outline of these is a necessary introduction to it.
-
-In August, 1914, the Central Empires threw their main strength against
-Belgium and France, and penetrated far further on this front than on
-the east and south-east. The line on which they advanced extended from
-the northern end of the Vosges to the Dutch frontier on the Meuse, and
-here again their strength was unevenly distributed. The chief striking
-force was concentrated in the extreme north, and advanced in an
-immense arc across the Meuse, the Scheldt, the Somme, and the Oise to
-the outskirts of Paris. As this right wing pressed forward, one army
-after another took up the movement toward the left or south-eastern
-flank, but each made less progress than its right-hand neighbour. While
-the first three armies from the right all crossed the Marne before
-they were compelled to retreat, the fourth (the Crown Prince’s) never
-reached it, and the army of Lorraine was stopped a few miles within
-French territory, before ever it crossed the Meuse. We shall set down
-very briefly the broad movements of these armies and the dates on which
-they took place.
-
-[Illustration: 1. MOULAND]
-
-[Illustration: 2. BATTICE]
-
-Germany sent her ultimatum to Belgium on the evening of Aug. 2nd. It
-announced that Germany would violate Belgian neutrality within twelve
-hours, unless Belgium betrayed it herself, and it was rejected by
-Belgium the following morning. That day Germany declared war on France,
-and the next day, Aug. 4th, the advance guard of the German right wing
-crossed the Belgian frontier and attacked the _forts of Liége_. On Aug.
-7th the town of _Liége_ was entered, and the crossings of the Meuse,
-from Liége to the Dutch frontier, were in German hands.
-
-Beyond Liége the invading forces spread out like a fan. On the extreme
-right a force advanced north-west to outflank the Belgian army covering
-Brussels and to mask the fortress of Antwerp, and this right wing,
-again, was the first to move. Its van was defeated by the Belgians at
-_Haelen_ on Aug. 12th, but the main column entered _Hasselt_ on the
-same day, and took _Aerschot_ and _Louvain_ on Aug. 19th. During the
-next few days it pushed on to _Malines_, was driven out again by a
-Belgian sortie from Antwerp on Aug. 25th, but retook Malines before the
-end of the month, and contained the Antwerp garrison along the line of
-the Dyle and the Démer.
-
-This was all that the German right flank column was intended to do,
-for it was only a subsidiary part of the two armies concentrated at
-Liége. As soon as Antwerp was covered, the mass of these armies was
-launched westward from Liége into the gap between the fortresses of
-Antwerp and Namur--von Kluck’s army on the right and von Bülow’s on
-the left. By Aug. 21st von Bülow was west of Namur, and attacking the
-French on the _Sambre_. On Aug. 20th an army corps of von Kluck’s had
-paraded through _Brussels_, and on the 23rd his main body, wheeling
-south-west, attacked the British at _Mons_. On the 24th von Kluck’s
-extreme right reached the Scheldt at _Tournai_ and, under this threat
-to their left flank, the British and French abandoned their positions
-on the Mons-Charleroi line and retreated to the south. Von Kluck and
-von Bülow hastened in pursuit. They passed _Cambrai_ on Aug. 26th and
-_St. Quentin_ on the 29th; on the 31st von Kluck was crossing the
-Oise at _Compiègne_, and on the 6th Sept. he reached his furthest
-point at _Courchamp_, south-east of Paris and nearly thirty miles
-beyond the _Marne_. His repulse, like his advance, was brought about
-by an outflanking manœuvre, only this time the Anglo-French had the
-initiative, and it was von Kluck who was outflanked. His retirement
-compelled von Bülow to fall back on his left, after a bloody defeat in
-the marshes of _St. Gond_, and the retreat was taken up, successively,
-by the other armies which had come into line on the left of von Bülow.
-
-These armies had all crossed the Meuse south of the fortress of Namur,
-and, to retain connexion with them, von Bülow had had to detach a force
-on his left to seize the line of the Meuse from Liége to Namur and to
-capture Namur itself. The best German heavy artillery was assigned to
-this force for the purpose, and _Namur_ fell, after an unexpectedly
-short bombardment, on Aug. 23rd, while von Bülow’s main army at
-Charleroi was still engaged in its struggle with the French.
-
-The fall of Namur opened the way for German armies to cross the Meuse
-along the whole line from Namur to Verdun. The first crossing was made
-at _Dinant_ on Aug. 23rd, the very day on which Namur fell, by a Saxon
-army, which marched thither by cross routes through Luxembourg; the
-second by the Duke of Würtemberg’s army between _Mezières_ and _Sedan_;
-and the third by the Crown Prince of Prussia’s army immediately
-north of _Verdun_. West of the Meuse the Saxons and Würtembergers
-amalgamated, and got into touch with von Bülow on their right.
-Advancing parallel with him, they reached _Charleville_ on Aug. 25th,
-crossed the Aisne at _Rethel_ on the 30th and the Marne at _Châlons_ on
-the 4th, and were stopped on the 7th at _Vitry en Perthois_. The Crown
-Prince, on their left, did not penetrate so far. Instead of the plains
-of Champagne he had to traverse the hill country of the _Argonne_. He
-turned back at _Sermaize_, which he had reached on Sept. 6th, and never
-saw the Marne.
-
-On the left of the Crown Prince a Bavarian army crossed the frontier
-between Metz and the Vosges. Its task was to join hands with the
-Crown Prince round the southern flank of Verdun, as the Duke of
-Würtemberg had joined hands with von Bülow round the flank of Namur.
-But Verdun never fell, and the Bavarian advance was the weakest of any.
-_Lunéville_ fell on Aug. 22nd, and _Baccarat_ was entered on the 24th;
-but _Nancy_ was never reached, and on Sept. 12th the general German
-retreat extended to this south-easternmost sector, and the Bavarians
-fell back.
-
-Thus the German invading armies were everywhere checked and driven back
-between the 6th and the 12th September, 1914. The operations which came
-to this issue bear the general name of the _Battle of the Marne_. The
-_Marne_ was followed immediately by the _Aisne_, and the issue of the
-Aisne was a change from open to trench warfare along a line extending
-from the Vosges to the Oise. This change was complete before September
-closed, and the line formed then has remained practically unaltered to
-the present time. But there was another month of open fighting between
-the Oise and the sea.
-
-When the Germans’ strategy was defeated at the Marne, they transferred
-their efforts to the north-west, and took the initiative there. On
-Sept. 9th the Belgian Army had made a second sortie from Antwerp, to
-coincide with the counter-offensive of Joffre, and this time they
-had even reoccupied _Aerschot_. The Germans retaliated by taking
-the offensive on the Scheldt. The retaining army before Antwerp was
-strongly reinforced. Its left flank was secured, in the latter half
-of September, by the occupation of _Termonde_ and _Alost_. The attack
-on _Antwerp_ itself began on Sept. 27th. On the 2nd the outer ring
-of forts was forced, and on the 9th the Germans entered the city.
-The towns of Flanders fell in rapid succession--_Ghent_ on the 12th,
-_Bruges_ on the 14th, _Ostend_ on the 15th--and the Germans hoped to
-break through to the Channel ports on the front between Ostend and the
-Oise. Meanwhile, each side had been feverishly extending its lines from
-the Oise towards the north and pushing forward cavalry to turn the
-exposed flank of the opponent. These two simultaneous movements--the
-extension of the trench lines from the Oise to the sea, and the German
-thrust across Flanders to the Channel--intersected one another at
-_Ypres_, and the _Battle of Ypres and the Yser_, in the latter part of
-October, was the crisis of this north-western struggle. On Oct. 31st
-the German effort to break through reached, and passed, its climax, and
-trench warfare established itself as decisively from the Oise to the
-sea as it had done a month earlier between the Vosges and the Oise.
-
-Thus, three months after the German armies crossed the frontier, the
-German invasion of Belgium and France gave place to a permanent German
-occupation of French and Belgian territories behind a practically
-stationary front, and with this change of character in the fighting a
-change came over the outrages upon the civil population which remained
-in Germany’s power. The crimes of the invasion and the crimes of the
-occupation are of a different order from one another, and must be dealt
-with apart.
-
-
-
-
-II. FROM THE FRONTIER TO LIÉGE.
-
-
-(i) _On the Visé Road._
-
-The Germans invaded Belgium on Aug. 4th, 1914. Their immediate
-objective was the fortress of Liége and the passage of the Meuse,
-but first they had to cross a zone of Belgian territory from twenty
-to twenty-five miles wide. They came over the frontier along four
-principal roads, which led through this territory to the fortress and
-the river, and this is what they did in the towns and villages they
-passed.
-
-The first road led from Aix-la-Chapelle, in Germany, to the bridge
-over the Meuse at Visé, skirting the Dutch frontier, and _Warsage_[4]
-was the first Belgian village on this road to which the Germans came.
-Their advance-guards distributed a proclamation by General von Emmich:
-“_I give formal pledges to the Belgian population that they will not
-have to suffer from the horrors of war.... If you wish to avoid the
-horrors of war, you must act wisely and with a true appreciation of
-your duty to your country._” This was on the morning of Aug. 4th, and
-the Mayor of Warsage, M. Fléchet, had already posted a notice on the
-town-hall warning the inhabitants to keep calm. All that day and
-the next the Germans passed through; on the afternoon of the 6th the
-village was clear of them, when suddenly they swarmed back, shooting in
-at the windows and setting houses on fire. Several people were killed;
-one old man was burnt alive. Then the Mayor was ordered to assemble
-the population in the square. A German officer had been shot on the
-road. No inquiry was held; no post-mortem examination made (the German
-soldiers were nervous and marched with finger on trigger); the village
-was condemned. The houses were systematically plundered, and then
-systematically burnt. A dozen inhabitants, including the Burgomaster,
-were carried off as hostages to the German camp at Mouland. Three were
-shot at once; the rest were kept all night in the open; one of them was
-tied to a cart-wheel and beaten with rifle-butts; in the morning six
-were hanged, the rest set free. Eighteen people in all were killed at
-Warsage and 25 houses destroyed.
-
-At _Fouron-St. Martin_[5] five people were killed and 20 houses burnt.
-Nineteen houses were burnt at _Fouron-le-Compte_.[5] At _Berneau_,[6]
-a few miles further down the road, 67 houses (out of 116) were burnt
-on Aug. 5th, and 7 people killed. “The people of Berneau,” writes a
-German in his diary on Aug. 5th, “have fired on those who went to get
-water. The village has been partly destroyed.” On the day of this entry
-the Germans had commandeered wine at Berneau, and were drunk when they
-took reprisals for shots their victims were never proved to have fired.
-Among these victims was the Burgomaster, M. Bruyère, a man of 83. He
-was taken, like the Burgomaster of Warsage, to the camp at Mouland, and
-was never seen again after the night of the 6th. At _Mouland_[7] itself
-4 people were killed and 73 houses destroyed (out of 132).
-
-The road from Aix-la-Chapelle reaches the Meuse at _Visé_.[8] It was
-a town of 900 houses and 4,000 souls, and, as a German describes it,
-“It vanished from the map.”[9] The inhabitants were killed, scattered
-or deported, the houses levelled to the ground, and this was done
-systematically, stage by stage.
-
-The Germans who marched through Warsage reached Visé on the afternoon
-of Aug. 4th. The Belgians had blown up the bridges at Visé and
-Argenteau, and were waiting for the Germans on the opposite bank. As
-they entered Visé, the Germans came for the first time under fire,
-and they wreaked their vengeance on the town. “The first house they
-came to as they entered Visé they burned” (a 16), and they began to
-fire at random in the streets. At least eight civilians were shot in
-this way before night, and when night fell the population was driven
-out of the houses and compelled to bivouac in the square. More houses
-were burnt on the 6th; on the 10th they burned the church; on the 11th
-they seized the Dean, the Burgomaster, and the Mother Superior of the
-Convent as hostages; on the 15th a regiment of East Prussians arrived
-and was billeted in the town, and that night Visé was destroyed. “I saw
-commissioned officers directing and supervising the burning,” says an
-inhabitant (a 16). “It was done systematically with the use of benzine,
-spread on the floors and then lighted. In my own and another house I
-saw officers come in before the burning with revolvers in their hands,
-and have china, valuable antique furniture, and other such things
-removed. This being done, the houses were, by their orders, set on
-fire....”
-
-The East Prussians were drunk, there was firing in the streets, and,
-once more, people were killed. Next morning the population was rounded
-up in the station square and sorted out--men this side, women that. The
-women might go to Holland, the men, in two gangs of about 300 each,
-were deported to Germany as franc-tireurs. “During the night of Aug.
-15-16,” as another German diarist[10] describes the scene, “Pioneer
-Grimbow gave the alarm in the town of Visé. Everyone was shot or taken
-prisoner, and the houses were burnt. The prisoners were made to march
-and keep up with the troops.” About 30 people in all were killed
-at Visé, and 575 out of 876 houses destroyed. On the final day of
-destruction the Germans had been in peaceable occupation of the place
-for ten days, and the Belgian troops had retired about forty miles out
-of range.
-
-That is what the Germans did on the road from Aix-la-Chapelle; but,
-before reaching Warsage, the road sends out a branch through Aubel
-to the left, which passes under the guns of _Fort Barchon_ and leads
-straight to Liége. The Germans took this road also, and Barchon was the
-first of the Liége forts to fall. The civil population was not spared.
-
-
-(ii) _On the Barchon Road._
-
-At _St. André_[11] 4 civilians were killed and 14 houses burnt.
-_Julémont_,[12] the next village, was completely plundered and burnt.
-Only 2 houses remained standing, and 12 people were killed. Advancing
-along this road, the Germans arrived at _Blégny_[13] on Aug. 5th.
-Several inhabitants of Blégny were murdered that afternoon, among
-them M. Smets, a professor of gunsmithry (the villagers worked for
-the small-arms manufacturers of Liége). M. Smets was killed in his
-house, where his wife was in child-bed. The corpse was thrown into
-the street, the mother and new-born baby were dragged out after it.
-That night the population of Blégny was herded together in the village
-institute; their houses were set on fire. Next morning--the 6th--the
-women were released and the men driven forward by the German infantry
-towards Barchon fort. The Curé of Blégny, the Abbé Labeye, was among
-the number, and there were 296 of them in all. In front of Barchon
-they were placed in rows of four, but the fort would not fire upon
-this living screen, and they were marched away across country towards
-Battice, where five were shot before the eyes of the rest, and the curé
-kicked, spat upon, and pricked with bayonets. They were again driven
-forward as a screen against a Belgian patrol, and were kept in the open
-all night. Next morning 4 more were shot--two who had been wounded by
-the Belgian fire, and one who had heart disease and was too feeble to
-go on. The fourth was an old man of 78. The Germans tortured these
-victims by placing lighted cigarettes in their nostrils and ears. After
-this second execution on the 7th, the remainder were set free....
-
-On the 10th Aug. the curé writes in his diary:
-
- “There are now 38 houses burnt, and 23 damaged.
-
- “Thursday the 13th: a few houses pillaged, two young men taken away.
-
- “Friday, the 14th: a few houses pillaged.
-
- “Friday night: the village of Barchon is burnt and the curé taken
- prisoner....”
-
-The curé’s last notes for a sermon have survived: “My brothers, perhaps
-we shall again see happy days....” But on the 16th, before the sermon
-was delivered, the curé was shot. He was shot against the church
-wall, with M. Ruwet, the Burgomaster, and two brothers, one of them
-a revolver manufacturer who had handed over his stock to the German
-authorities (from whom he received two passes) and had been working
-for the Red Cross. After the execution the church was burnt down. The
-nuns of Blégny were shot at by Germans in a motor-car when they came
-out that day to bury the bodies. From the 5th to the 16th Aug., about
-30 people were killed in the commune of Blégny-Trembleur, and 45 houses
-burnt in all.
-
-The village of _Barchon_,[14] as the curé of Blégny records, was
-destroyed on the 14th--in cold blood, five days after the surrender
-of the fort. There was a battue by two German regiments through the
-village. The houses were plundered and burnt (110 burnt in all out
-of 146); the inhabitants were rounded up. Twenty-two were shot in
-one batch, including two little girls of two and an old woman of
-ninety-four. Thirty-two perished altogether, and a dozen hostages were
-carried off, some of whom were tied to field guns and compelled to keep
-up with the horses. On the 16th the Germans evicted the inhabitants of
-_Chefneux_,[15] and shot 4 men. On the 17th they burned all the 22
-houses in the hamlet. At _Saives_[16] they burned 12 houses, and shot a
-man and a girl.
-
-We have the diary of a German soldier who marched down this branch
-road from Aubel when all the villages had been destroyed except
-_Wandre_,[17] which stood where the road debouched upon the Meuse.
-
-“15th Aug.--11.50 a.m. Crossed the Belgian frontier and kept steadily
-along the high road until we got into Belgium. We were hardly into it
-before we met a horrible sight. Houses were burnt down, the inhabitants
-driven out and some of them shot. Of the hundreds of houses not a
-single one had been spared--every one was plundered and burnt down.
-Hardly were we through this big village when the next was already set
-on fire, and so it went on....
-
-“16th Aug. The big village of Barchon set on fire. The same day, about
-11.50 a.m., we came to the town of Wandre. Here the houses were spared
-but all searched. At last we had got out of the town when once more
-everything was sent to ruins. In one house a whole arsenal had been
-discovered. The inhabitants were one and all dragged out and shot, but
-this shooting was absolutely heart-rending, for they all knelt and
-prayed. But this got them no mercy. A few shots rang out, and they
-fell backwards into the green grass and went to their eternal sleep.
-
-“And still the brigands would not leave off shooting us from
-behind--that, and never from in front--but now we could stand it no
-longer, and raging and roaring we went on and on, and everything that
-got in our way was smashed or burnt or shot. At last we had to go
-into bivouac. Half tired out and done up we laid ourselves down, and
-we didn’t wait long before quenching some of our thirst. But we only
-drank wine; the water has been half poisoned and half left alone by the
-beasts. Well, we have much too much here to eat and drink. When a pig
-shows itself anywhere or a hen or a duck or pigeons, they are all shot
-down and slaughtered, so that at any rate we have something to eat. It
-is a real adventure....”
-
-This was the temper of the Germans who destroyed Wandre. They burned 33
-houses altogether and shot 32 people--16 of them in one batch.
-
-
-(iii) _On the Fléron Road._
-
-There is another road from Aix-la-Chapelle to Liége, which passes
-through Battice and is commanded by _Fort Fléron_ (Fort Fléron offered
-the most determined resistance of all the forts of Liége, and cost
-the Germans the greatest loss). The Germans marched through _Battice_
-on August 4th, and came under fire of the fort that afternoon. In the
-evening they arrested three men in the streets of Battice, and shot
-them without charge or investigation.
-
-The check to their arms was avenged on the civil population. “On the
-arrival of the German troops in the village of _Micheroux_,” states a
-Belgian witness (a 12), “during the time when Fort Fléron was holding
-out, they came to a block of four cottages, and having turned out the
-inhabitants, set the cottages on fire and burned them. From one of the
-cottages a woman (mentioned by name) came out with a baby in her arms,
-and a German soldier snatched it from her and dashed it to the ground,
-killing it then and there.”[18]
-
-“The position was dangerous,” writes a German in his diary[19] on
-August 5th, from a picket in front of Fort Fléron. “As suspicious
-civilians were hovering round, houses 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 were cleared, the
-owners arrested (and shot the next day).... I shoot a civilian with my
-rifle, at 400 metres, slap through the head....”
-
-[Illustration: 3. LIÉGE FORTS: A DESTROYED CUPOLA]
-
-[Illustration: 4. ANS: AN INTERIOR]
-
-That day the curé of Battice[20]: (who had been kept under arrest in
-the open since the evening of the 4th) was driven, with the Mayor and
-one of the communal councillors, under the Belgian fire. On the 6th the
-German troops again retired on Battice in confusion, and the village
-was destroyed that afternoon. Shots were fired indiscriminately and
-the houses set on fire. The first victim was a young man sitting in a
-café with his _fiancée_--he fell dead by her side. Three people were
-taken to the field to which the men of Blégny had been brought, and
-were shot with the five victims there. On the 7th they shot a workman
-who had been given a safe-conduct by a German officer to buy bread in a
-neighbouring village, and was on his way home with his wife. On the 8th
-they set the fire going again, to burn what still remained. They burned
-146 houses and killed 36 people in Battice from first to last.
-
-The town of _Herve_[21] lies a mile or so beyond Battice on the Fléron
-road, and was also traversed by the Germans on August 4th. The first
-to pass were officers in a motor car, and as they crossed the bridge
-they shot down two young men standing by the roadside--one was badly
-wounded, the other killed outright. In the evening they sent for the
-Mayor, accused the inhabitants of having fired on German troops, and
-threatened to shoot the inhabitants and burn the town to the ground.
-The Mayor and the curé spent the night going from house to house and
-warning the people to avoid all grounds of offence--before they had
-finished there were more shots fired indiscriminately (by the Germans),
-and more (civilian) wounded and dead. The Mayor and curé were then
-retained as hostages for the civilians’ good behaviour. On the 6th the
-first house was burnt; on the 7th five men were shot in cold blood;
-on the 8th a fresh column of troops arrived from Aix-la-Chapelle, and
-these were the destroyers of Herve. “They fired indiscriminately in
-all quarters of the town,” says an eye-witness (a 2), “and in the Rue
-de la Station they shot Madame Hendrickx, hitting her at close range,
-although she had a crucifix in her hand--begging for mercy.” All
-through the 8th the shooting and burning went on, and on the 9th the
-fires were kindled again. “The Germans gave themselves up to pillage
-and loaded motor cars with everything of value they could find.” They
-burned and pillaged consecutively for ten days, and on the 19th and
-20th fresh regiments arrived and carried on the work. Two hundred
-and seventy-nine houses were destroyed at Herve altogether, and 44
-people killed. “On the road to Herve everything is burnt,” writes a
-German soldier (Reply p. 127) who passed when all was over. “At Herve,
-the same. Everything is burnt except a convent--everywhere corpses
-carbonised into an indistinguishable mass. (There are about a hundred,
-all civilians, and children among the number.) I only saw three people
-alive in the village--an old man, a sister of charity, and a girl.”
-The Belgian witness quoted above (a 2) records that “the German staff
-officers staying in his hotel told his wife that the reason why they
-had so treated Herve was because the inhabitants of the town would not
-petition for a passage for the Germans at Fléron.”
-
-In the villages between Herve and Fort Fléron the slaughter and
-devastation were, if possible, more complete. At _la Bouxhe-Melen_[22]
-there were two massacres--one on Aug. 5th and another on the 8th. In
-the second the people were shot down in a field _en masse_, and 129
-were murdered altogether, as well as about 40 people herded in from the
-farms and hamlets of the neighbourhood. Sixty houses in la Bouxhe-Melen
-were destroyed. In the commune of _Soumagne_,[23] on a branch road to
-the south, the Germans killed 165 civilians and burned 104 houses down.
-When they entered Soumagne on Aug. 5th, they killed indiscriminately
-in the streets. “They broke the windows and broke the door,” writes a
-witness (a 5) who had taken refuge in a cellar. “My mother went out of
-the cellar door.... Then I heard a shot and my mother fell back into
-the cellar. She was killed.” This indiscriminate killing was followed
-up the same afternoon by the massacre of 69 civilians in a field called
-the Fonds Leroy. “The soldiers fired a volley and killed many, and
-then fired twice more. Then they went through the ranks and bayonetted
-everyone still living. I saw many bayonetted in this way” (a 4). One
-boy was shot and bayonetted in four places, and lay several days among
-the dead, keeping himself alive on weeds and grass. This boy survived.
-In another field 18 were massacred in one batch, in another 19. “I saw
-about 20 dead bodies lying here and there along the road,” writes one
-of the witnesses (a 4). “One of them was that of a little girl aged 13.
-The rest were men, and most of them had had their heads bashed in.”--“I
-saw 56 corpses of civilians in a meadow,” deposes another. “Some had
-been killed by bayonet thrusts and others by rifle shots. In the heaps
-of corpses above mentioned was that of the son of the Burgomaster. His
-throat had been cut from ear to ear and his tongue had been pulled out
-and cut off.”
-
-In the hamlet of _Fécher_ the whole population--about 1,000 women,
-children and men--was penned into the church on Aug. 5th, and next
-morning the men (412 of them) were herded off as a living screen for
-the German troops advancing between the forts (the first man to come
-out of the church being wantonly shot down as an example to the rest).
-The 411 were driven by bye-roads to the Chartreuse Monastery, above
-the Meuse, overlooking the bridge into the city of Liége, and on the
-7th they were planted as hostages on the bridge while the Germans
-marched across. They were held there without food or shelter or relief
-for a hundred hours. At _Micheroux_[24] 9 people were killed and 17
-houses destroyed. These villages were all outside the eastern line of
-forts, but the places inside the line, between the forts and Liége,
-were devastated to an equal degree. At Fléron[25] 15 civilians were
-killed and 152 houses destroyed.[26] At _Retinnes_[27] 41 civilians
-were killed and 118 houses destroyed.[26] At _Queue du Bois_[28]
-11 civilians were killed and 35 houses destroyed. At _Evegnée_ 2
-civilians were killed and 5 houses destroyed. At _Cerexhe_[29] 4 women
-and children were burnt alive in a house, and 2 houses destroyed.
-At _Bellaire_[30] 4 people were killed and 15 houses destroyed. At
-_Jupille_[31] 8 people were killed and 1 house destroyed. These
-villages were saved none of the horrors of war by the surrender of the
-forts.
-
-
-(iv) _On the Verviers Road._
-
-The Germans converged on the forts by more southerly roads as well.
-At _Dolhain_,[32] on the road from Eupen to Verviers, 28 houses were
-burnt on Aug. 8th and several civilians killed. At _Metten_,[33] near
-Verviers, a German soldier confesses that he and his comrades “were
-ordered to search a house from which shots had been fired, but found
-nothing in the house but two women and a child.... I did not see the
-women fire. The women were told that nothing would be done to them,
-because they were crying so bitterly. We brought the women out and took
-them to the major, and then we were ordered to shoot the women.... When
-the mother was dead, the major gave the order to shoot the child, so
-that the child should not be left alone in the world. The child’s eyes
-were bandaged. I took part in this because we were ordered to do it by
-Major Kastendick and Captain Dultingen....”
-
-But Verviers and the Verviers road remained comparatively unscathed.
-Far worse was done by the Germans who descended on the Vesdre from
-Malmédy, south-eastward, over the hills.
-
-
-(v) _On the Malmédy Road._
-
-_Francorchamps_,[34] the first Belgian village on the Malmédy road, was
-sacked on Aug. 8th, four days after the first German troops had passed
-through it unopposed, and again on Aug. 14th by later detachments. At
-_Hockay_,[35] near Francorchamps, the curé was shot. In Hockay and
-Francorchamps 13 people were killed altogether, and 25 houses burnt.
-“M. Darchambeau, who was wounded (in the cellar of a burning house),
-asked a young officer for mercy. This young officer of barely 22, in
-front of the women and children, aimed his revolver at M. Darchambeau’s
-head and killed him.”
-
-The fate of _Pepinster_[36] is recorded in a German diary: “Aug.
-12th, Pepinster, Burgomaster, priest, and schoolmaster shot; houses
-reduced to ashes. March on.” As a matter of fact, the three hostages
-were not shot, but reprieved. The Burgomaster of _Cornesse_[37] was
-shot in their stead (a 33, 34)--“an old man and quite deaf. (He was
-only hit in the leg, and a German officer came up and shot him through
-the heart with his revolver.)” Five houses in Cornesse were burnt.
-At _Soiron_,[38] on Aug. 4th, the Germans bivouacking there fired on
-one another, and eight German soldiers were wounded or killed. “But
-the officers,” deposes a German private[39] who was present at the
-scene, “in their anxiety to prevent the fact of this blunder from
-being reported, hastened to pretend that it was really the civilians
-who had fired, and gave orders for a general massacre. This order was
-carried out, and there was terrible butchery. I must mention that we
-only killed the males, but we burned all the houses.” At _Olnes_[40]
-the curé and the communal secretary were shot on Aug. 5th, and the
-schoolmaster the same evening, in front of his burning house, with
-his daughter and his two sons. Only two members of the schoolmaster’s
-family were spared. In the hamlet of _St. Hadelin_,[41] which came
-within the radius of Fort Fléron’s guns, there was a wholesale massacre
-on the same date. Early in the day the Germans “requisitioned” 300
-bottles of wine; later they drove a crowd of people from St. Hadelin,
-_Riessonsart_, and _Ayeneux_, to a place called the Faveu, and shot
-down 33. The remainder were forced to haul German artillery towards the
-forts, but these were partly released next day, and partly massacred
-at the Heids d’Olne. Twenty inhabitants of Ayeneux were massacred in a
-batch elsewhere. Sixty-two civilians were murdered altogether in the
-commune of Olne, and 78 houses destroyed--40 in St. Hadelin and 38 in
-Olne itself.
-
-At _Forêt_[42] the Germans burned a farm and killed two of the farmer’s
-sons on Aug. 5th as they entered the place. They drove the farmer and
-his two surviving sons in front of them as a screen. The schoolmaster
-and two others were shot outside the village. “At Forêt,” states the
-German soldier quoted above,[43] “we found prisoners--a priest and
-five civilians, including a boy of 17. Pillage began ... but we were
-shelled ... and moved off to the next village. The house doors were at
-once broken in with the butt-ends of muskets. We pillaged everything.
-We made piles of the curtains and everything inflammable, and set
-them alight. All the houses were burnt. It was in the middle of this
-that the civilian prisoners of whom I have spoken were shot, with the
-exception of the curé.” (The curé, too, was shot that night.)[44] “A
-little further on, under the pretext that civilians had fired from a
-house (though for my own part I cannot say whether they were soldiers
-or civilians who fired), orders were given to burn the house. A woman
-asleep there was dragged from her bed, thrown into the flames, and
-burnt alive....”
-
-Thirteen people in all were killed at Forêt, and 6 houses destroyed.
-At _Magnée_[45] 18 houses were destroyed and 21 people killed. The
-German troops in Magnée were caught by the fire from the Fléron and
-Chaudfontaine forts, and they revenged themselves, as elsewhere, on
-the civilians, shooting people in batches and burning houses and
-farms. This was on Aug. 6th, and at _Romsée_,[46] on the same day,
-34 houses were burnt and 31 civilians murdered--some of them being
-driven as a screen in front of the German troops under the fire of Fort
-Chaudfontaine.
-
-
-(vi) _Between the Vesdre and the Ourthe._
-
-The same outrages were committed between the Vesdre and the Ourthe. At
-_Louveigné_,[47] on Aug. 7th, the Germans, retreating from their attack
-on the southern forts, looted the drink-shops, fired in the streets,
-and accused the civilians of having shot. A dozen men (two of them over
-70 years old) were imprisoned as hostages in a forge, and were shot
-down, when released, like game in the open. That evening Louveigné was
-systematically set on fire with the same incendiary apparatus that was
-used at Visé, and the curé was dragged round on the foot-board of a
-military motor-car to watch the work. There were more murders next day.
-The total number of civilians murdered at Louveigné was 29, and there
-were 77 houses burnt. The devastation impressed the German soldiers who
-passed through Louveigné on the following days. “Louveigné has been
-completely burnt out. All the inhabitants are dead,” writes a German
-diarist on Aug. 9th. “March to Louveigné,” another records on Aug.
-16th. “Several citizens and the curé shot according to martial law,
-some not yet buried--still lying where they were executed, for everyone
-to see. Stench of corpses everywhere. Curé said to have incited the
-inhabitants to ambush and kill the Germans.”--“Bivouac! Rain! Burnt
-villages! Louveigné!” another exclaims on Aug. 17th. “We marched and
-bivouacked in the rain, in an orchard with a high hedge round it, full
-of fruit-trees. There was an abandoned house in front of it. The door,
-which was locked, was broken in with an axe. The traces of war--burnt
-houses, weeping women and children, executions of franc-tireurs--showed
-us the ruthlessness of the times. We could not have done otherwise....
-But how many have to suffer with others, how many innocent people are
-shot by martial law, because there is no detailed enquiry first....”
-
-At _Lincé_,[48] in the commune of Sprimont, a German officer was
-wounded when the troops returned in confusion from before the southern
-forts of Liége. The Germans forbade an autopsy to discover by what
-bullet the wound had been caused, and condemned two civilians with a
-proven alibi to be shot. All the next morning the destruction went
-on. Houses were burnt, the curé was mishandled, a farmer and his son
-were shot down at their farm gate, a girl of twelve received four
-bullets in her body. The execution of the hostages took place in the
-afternoon. Sixteen men were shot, of whom 7 were more than 60 years
-old. At _Chanxhe_,[49] on Aug. 6th, hostages from _Poulseur_ were
-bound in ranks to the parapet of the bridge over the Ourthe, and kept
-there several days while the Germans filed across. “We were tortured
-by hunger and thirst,” writes one of them. “We shivered at night. And
-then, of necessity, there was the filth.... At the end of the bridge
-the women were pleading with the Germans in vain, and the children were
-crying.” On the 5th two civilian captives were shot on the bridge, and
-their bodies thrown into the river, and two more (one aged 70) were
-shot on the 7th. In the commune of Poulseur, from which these hostages
-came, 7 civilians were killed and 25 houses destroyed. In the commune
-of Sprimont 67 houses were destroyed and 48 civilians killed. At
-_Esneux_ 26 houses were destroyed and 7 civilians killed.
-
-
-(vii) _Across the Meuse._
-
-Meanwhile, the Germans had crossed the Meuse at Visé, and were
-descending on Liége from the north. At _Hallembaye_, in the commune
-of _Haccourt_,[50] 18 people were killed. There were women, children
-and old men among them, and also the curé,[51] who was bayonetted on
-his church threshold as he was removing the sacrament. In the commune
-of Haccourt 80 houses were destroyed, and 112 hostages were carried
-away into Germany. _Hermalle-sous-Argenteau_[52] was plundered on Aug.
-15th, and 9 houses destroyed. There was a mock execution of hostages
-in the presence of women and children, and 368 men of the place were
-imprisoned in the church for 17 days. At _Vivegnis_[53] 6 civilians
-were shot on Aug. 13th, and 45 houses destroyed the day after. The
-Germans fired on the inhabitants through the windows and doors, and two
-men were thus killed in a single household. At _Heure-le-Romain_[54]
-the population was confined in the church on Aug. 16th (it was Sunday)
-and compelled to stand there, hands raised, under the muzzle of a
-machine-gun. Seven civilians were shot at Heure-le-Romain that day,
-including the Burgomaster’s brother and the curé,[55] who were roped
-together and shot against the church wall. All through the 16th and
-17th the sack continued; on the 18th fresh troops arrived and completed
-the work by systematic arson and the slaughter of 19 people more.
-Twenty-seven civilians were killed at Heure-le-Romain altogether and
-84 houses destroyed. At _Hermée_,[56] on Aug. 6th, the Germans, caught
-by the fire of _Fort Pontisse_, revenged themselves by shooting 11
-civilians, including old men of 76 and 82 years. On the 14th, the day
-after the surrender of the fort, the inhabitants of Hermée were driven
-from their homes and the village systematically burnt, 146 houses
-out of 308 being destroyed. In the village itself, as apart from
-the outlying hamlets of the commune, only two or three houses were
-left standing. At _Fexhe-Slins_, near Hermée, 3 people were killed.
-Twenty-three were killed, and 13 houses destroyed, in the hamlet of
-_Rhées_ in the commune of _Herstal_.[57]
-
-Thus the Germans plundered private property, burned down houses, and
-shot civilians of both sexes and all ages, on every road by which they
-marched upon Liége--from the north-east, the south-east, and the north.
-One thousand and thirty-two civilians[58] were shot by the Germans in
-the whole _Province of Liége_, and 3,173 houses were destroyed in two
-arrondissements (those of Liége and Verviers) alone out of the four of
-which the Province is made up.
-
-
-(viii) _The City of Liége._
-
-Twenty-nine of these civilians were killed and 55[59] of the houses
-destroyed in the _city of Liége_ itself--on August 20th, a fortnight
-after it had fallen into the German Army’s possession. The Germans
-entered Liége on August 7th. Their entry was not opposed by Belgian
-troops, and arms in private hands had already been called in by
-the Belgian police.[60] The Germans found themselves in peaceful
-occupation of a great industrial city, caught in the full tide of
-its normal life. There was nothing to suggest outrage, still less to
-excuse it, in their surroundings there; their conduct on August 20th
-was deliberate and cold-blooded. The Higher Command was faced with the
-problem of holding a conquered country, and wanted an example. The
-troops in garrison were demoralised by the sudden change to idleness
-from fatigue and danger, and were ready for excitement and pillage.
-
-“Aug. 16th, Liége,” writes a German soldier in his diary.[61] “The
-villages we passed through had been destroyed.
-
-“Aug. 19th. Quartered in University. Gone on the loose and boozed
-through the streets of Liége. Lie on straw; enough booze; too little to
-eat, or we must steal.
-
-“Aug. 20th. In the night the inhabitants of Liége became mutinous.
-Forty persons were shot and 15 houses demolished. Ten soldiers were
-shot. The sights here make you cry.”
-
-There are proofs of German premeditation--warnings from German soldiers
-to civilians on whom they were billeted,[62] and an ammunition waggon
-which drew up at 8.0 a.m. in the Rue des Pitteurs, and twelve hours
-later disgorged the benzine with which the houses in that street were
-drenched before being burnt.[63]
-
-“The city was perfectly quiet,” declares a Belgian witness,[64]
-“until about 8.0 p.m. At about 9.15 p.m. I was in bed reading when I
-heard the sound of rifle-fire.... The noise of the firing came nearer
-and nearer.” The first shot was fired from a window of “Emulation
-Building,” looking out on the Place de l’Université, in the heart of
-the town.[65] The Place was immediately crowded with armed German
-soldiers, firing in the air, breaking into houses, and dragging out
-any civilians they could find. First nine men (5 of them Spanish
-subjects) were shot in a batch, then 7 more.[66] “About 10.0 p.m. they
-were shooting everywhere. About 10.30 p.m. several machine guns were
-firing and artillery as well.” (The artillery was firing on private
-houses from the opposite side of the Meuse.[67]) “About 11.0 p.m. I saw
-between 45 and 50 houses burning. There were two seats of the fire--the
-first at the Place de l’Université (8 houses--I was close by at the
-time), the second across the Meuse on the Quai des Pecheurs, where
-there were about 35 houses burning. I heard a whole series of orders
-given in German, and also bugle calls, followed by the cries of the
-victims, and I saw women with children running about in the street,
-pursued by soldiers....” (a 28).
-
-[Illustration: 5. ANS: THE CHURCH]
-
-[Illustration: 6. LIÉGE: A FARM HOUSE]
-
-The arson was elaborate. In the Rue des Pitteurs the waggon loaded with
-benzine moved from door to door.[68] “About 20 men were going up to
-each of the houses. One of them had a sort of syringe, with which he
-squirted into the house, and another would throw a bucket of water in.
-A handful of stuff was first put into the bucket, and when this was
-thrown into the house there was an immediate explosion” (a 31). At the
-Place de l’Université, when the Belgian fire-brigade arrived, they were
-forbidden to extinguish the fire, and made to stand, hands up, against
-a wall (a 28, 29). Later they were assigned another task. “About
-midnight,” states a witness (a 30), “a whole heap of civilian corpses
-were brought to the Hôtel de Ville on a fire-brigade cart. There were
-17 of them. Bits were blown out of their heads....”
-
-As the houses caught fire the inmates tried to escape. The few who
-reached the street were shot down (a 24, 26). Most were driven back
-into the flames. “At about 30 of the houses,” a witness states (a 31),
-“I actually saw faces at the windows before the Germans entered, and
-then saw the same faces at the cellar windows after the Germans had
-driven the people into the cellars.” In this way a number of men and
-women were burnt alive.[69] In some cases the Germans would not wait
-for the fire to do their work for them, but bayonetted the people
-themselves. In one house, near the Episcopal Palace,[70] two boys were
-bayonetted before their mother’s eyes, and then the man--their father
-and her husband. Another man in the house was wounded almost to death,
-and the Germans were with difficulty prevented from “finishing him
-off,” next morning, on the way to the hospital. An orphan girl, who
-lodged in the same house, was violated.
-
-Next morning, August 21st, the district round the University Buildings
-on either side of the Meuse was cleared of its inhabitants--such
-inhabitants as survived and such streets as still stood. The people
-were evicted at a few hours’ notice, and not allowed to return for
-a month.[71] The same day a proclamation was posted by the German
-authorities: “Civilians have fired on the German soldiers. Repression
-is the result.”[72] The indictment was not convincing, for “Emulation
-Building,” from which the first shot was fired on the night of the
-20th, had been cleared of its Belgian occupants some days before
-and filled entirely with German soldiers. Later the German Governor
-of Liége shifted his ground, and laid the blame on Russian students
-“who had been a burden on the population of the city.”[73] A clearer
-light is thrown on the outbreak of August 20th by what occurred on the
-night of August 21st-22nd. “Aug. 22nd, 3 a.m., Liége,” writes a German
-in his diary. “Two infantry regiments shot at each other. Nine dead
-and 50 wounded--fault not yet ascertained.” But in the other diary,
-quoted before, the incident is thus recorded under the same date:
-“August 21st. In the night the soldiers were again fired on. We then
-destroyed several houses more.” The soldiers fire, the civilians suffer
-reprisals, but the Germans’ object is gained. The conquered population
-is terrorised, the invaders feel secure. “On August 23rd everything
-quiet,” the latter diarist continues. “The inhabitants have so far
-given in.
-
-“August 24th. Our occupation is bathing, and eating and drinking for
-the rest of the day. We live like God in Belgium.”
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[4] Belgian Report xvi (statements by the Mayor and another
-inhabitant); Somville pp. 134-143.
-
-[5] Belg. xvii.
-
-[6] Somville pp. 143-6.
-
-[7] Somville pp. 146-7.
-
-[8] Belg. xvii; Somville pp. 177-184; Bland pp. 164-5; a 16.
-
-[9] Höcker p. 46.
-
-[10] Bland p. 165.
-
-[11] Somville p. 148.
-
-[12] Somville pp. 147-8.
-
-[13] Somville pp. 157-168; a 7, 20.
-
-[14] Somville pp. 152-7; xvii.
-
-[15] Somville p. 156.
-
-[16] S. p. 148; xvii.
-
-[17] Bryce pp. 161-2; S. pp. 168-177.
-
-[18] Same incident recorded in xvii, p. 50.
-
-[19] Bryce pp. 168-9.
-
-[20] S. pp. 46-55; xvii; Reply pp. 110-116 (Report of L’Abbé Voisin,
-Curé of Battice, to the Belgian Government).
-
-[21] S. pp. 55-72; xvii; Reply pp. 123-7; a 2.
-
-[22] S. pp. 73-9; xvii.
-
-[23] S. pp. 113-126; xvii; a 4, 5, 9.
-
-[24] S. pp. 110-2; xvii; a 12.
-
-[25] S. pp. 126-130.
-
-[26] Partly by bombardment during the attack on the fort.
-
-[27] S. pp. 105-110; Reply pp. 133-4.
-
-[28] S. pp. 151-2.
-
-[29] S. p. 148.
-
-[30] S. p. 152.
-
-[31] S. p. 149.
-
-[32] xvii. p. 57.
-
-[33] Bland pp. 105-9.
-
-[34] S. pp. 16-18; xvii. p. 56.
-
-[35] S. p. 18; Mercier.
-
-[36] Bland p. 185.
-
-[37] xvii; a 33, 34.
-
-[38] xvii; Reply p. 126.
-
-[39] Reply p. 126.
-
-[40] xvii; Mercier; S. pp. 79-82.
-
-[41] S. pp. 82-92.
-
-[42] xvii; S. pp. 92-4.
-
-[43] Reply p. 126.
-
-[44] Mercier.
-
-[45] S. pp. 94-100.
-
-[46] S. pp. 100-5.
-
-[47] S. pp. 40-5: Belg. Ann. 5, pp. 167-8; Morgan p. 100; Bryce p. 172.
-
-[48] S. pp. 30-8.
-
-[49] S. pp. 20-30.
-
-[50] S. pp. 191-3; xvii.
-
-[51] Mercier.
-
-[52] S. pp. 190-1, a 15.
-
-[53] S. pp. 187-8.
-
-[54] S. pp. 200-5; xvii; a 17.
-
-[55] Mercier.
-
-[56] S. pp. 194-200; xvii; a 35.
-
-[57] S. pp. 185-7; a 6, 10, 11, 13.
-
-[58] Known by name. See Reply, p. 142.
-
-[59] There were also thirty-seven houses destroyed in the suburb of
-Grivegnée.
-
-[60] a 24.
-
-[61] Bryce pp. 172-3.
-
-[62] a 28.
-
-[63] a 24.
-
-[64] a 28.
-
-[65] S. p. 209.
-
-[66] Names given by S. pp. 211-2; cp. a 27.
-
-[67] S. p. 212.
-
-[68] a 24, 27, 31.
-
-[69] a 31; S. p. 213.
-
-[70] S. pp. 219-224.
-
-[71] S. pp. 217-8, 225.
-
-[72] S. p. 218.
-
-[73] S. p. 234; a 24.
-
-
-
-
-III. FROM LIÉGE TO MALINES.
-
-
-(i) _Through Limburg to Aerschot._
-
-The first German force to push forward from Liége was the column
-commissioned to mask the Belgian fortress of Antwerp on the extreme
-right flank of the German advance. From the bridges of the Meuse this
-column marched north-west across the _Province of Limburg_. Belgian
-patrols met the advance-guard already at _Lanaeken_ on August 6th,
-driving civilians in front of it as a screen.[74] The invaders were
-obsessed with the terror of franc-tireurs. At _Hasselt_,[75] on August
-17th, they made the Burgomaster post a proclamation advising his
-fellow-citizens “to abstain from any kind of provocative demonstration
-and from all acts of hostility, which might bring terrible reprisals
-upon our town.
-
-“Above all you must abstain from acts of violence against the German
-troops, and especially from firing on them.
-
-“In case the inhabitants fire upon the soldiers of the German Army, a
-third of the male population will be shot.”
-
-[Illustration: 7. LIÉGE UNDER GERMAN OCCUPATION]
-
-[Illustration: 8. LIÉGE UNDER THE GERMANS: RUINS AND PLACARDS]
-
-At _Tongres_,[76] on August 18th, the Germans carried threats into
-action. The population was driven out bodily from the town, and the
-town systematically plundered. At least 17 civilians were killed
-(including a boy of 12), and a number of houses were burnt. “On August
-18th,” writes a German in his diary, “we reach Tongres. Here, too, it
-is a complete picture of destruction--something unique of its kind
-for our profession.”[77]--“Tongres,” writes another on the 19th, “A
-quantity of houses plundered by our cavalry.” A captured letter from
-the hand of a German army-doctor reveals the pretext on which this was
-done. “The Belgians have only themselves to thank that their country
-has been devastated in this way. I have seen all the great towns
-attacked and the villages besieged and set on fire. At Tongres we
-were attacked by the population in the evening _when it was dark_. An
-immense number of shots were exchanged, for we were exposed to fire on
-four sides. _Happily we had only one man hit_--he died the following
-day. We killed two women, and the men were shot the day after.” There
-is no disproof here of the Belgian affirmation that the shots were
-fired by the Germans themselves.
-
-This outbreak at Tongres on August 18th was not an isolated occurrence.
-On the same day the Germans shot down the Burgomaster’s wife and a
-lawyer at _Cannes_,[78] and two men and a boy at _Lixht_,[79] a few
-miles north-west of the Visé bridge. But Limburg suffered little
-compared to Brabant, into which the Germans next advanced.
-
-Haelen, where their advance-guard was severely handled by the Belgian
-Army on August 12th, lies close to the boundary between the two
-provinces, and they took vengeance on the civil population of _Brabant_
-for this military reverse.
-
-“The Germans came to _Schaffen_,”[80] the curé reports, “at 9.0 o’clock
-on August 18th. They set fire to 170 houses. A thousand inhabitants
-are homeless. The communal building and my own residence are among
-the houses burnt. Twenty-two people at least were killed without
-motive. Two men (mentioned by name) were buried alive head downwards,
-in the presence of their wives. The Germans seized me in my garden,
-and mishandled me in every kind of way.... The blacksmith, who was a
-prisoner with me, had his arm broken and was then killed.... It went on
-all day long. Towards evening they made me look at the church, saying
-it was the last time I should see it. About 6.45 they let me go. I was
-bleeding and unconscious. An officer made me get up and bade me be
-off. At several metres distance they fired on me. I fell down and was
-left for dead. It was my salvation....
-
-“All the houses were drenched, before burning, with naphtha and petrol,
-which the Germans carry with them....”
-
-On the German side, there is the ordinary excuse. “Fifty civilians,”
-writes a diarist, “had hidden in the church tower and had fired on our
-men with a machine-gun.[81] All the civilians were shot.”
-
-The curé mentions that the Germans found the church door locked, broke
-it in, and then found no one there.
-
-At _Molenstede_, another village in the _Canton of Diest_, 32 houses
-were burnt and 11 civilians killed. In the whole Canton 226 houses were
-burnt, and 47 people killed in all.
-
-The Germans were also advancing by a more southerly road from Tongres
-through St. Trond. At _St. Trond_,[82] the first Uhlans killed 2
-civilians in the street and wounded others. At _Budirgen_ they killed
-2 civilians and burned 58 houses, at _Neerlinter_ one and 73. In the
-_Canton of Léau_ they killed 19 civilians altogether, and 174 houses
-were destroyed.
-
-At _Haekendover_, in the Canton of Tirlemont, they killed one
-civilian, burned 32 houses and pillaged 150 (out of 220 in all). At
-_Tirlemont_ itself, they killed three civilians and burned 60 houses.
-At _Hougaerde_,[83] when they entered the village, they drove the
-curé of Autgaerde before them as a screen, and he was killed by the
-first bullet from the Belgian troops, who were defending the road from
-behind a barricade. Four civilians were killed at Hougaerde, 100 houses
-pillaged, and 50 destroyed. In the whole _Canton of Tirlemont_ the
-Germans killed 18 civilians, and burned 212 houses down.
-
-At _Bunsbeek_ they killed 4 people and burned 20 houses, at _Roosbeek_
-3 and 42. “After Roosbeek,” a German diarist notes,[84] “we began to
-have an idea of the war; houses burnt, walls pierced by bullets, the
-face of the tower carried away by shells, and so on. A few isolated
-crosses marked the graves of the victims.” At _Kieseghem_[85] the
-Germans used civilians as a screen again, and killed two more when they
-entered the village. At _Attenrode_ they killed 6 civilians and burned
-17 houses, at _Lubbeck_ 15 and 46. In the _Canton of Glabbeek_ 35
-civilians were killed from first to last, and 140 houses destroyed.
-
-
-(ii) _Aerschot._
-
-The Germans marched into _Aerschot_[86] on the morning of Aug. 19th,
-driving before them two girls and four women with babies in their
-arms as a screen.[87] One of the women was wounded by the fire of the
-Belgian troops, who had posted machine guns to dispute the Germans’
-entry, but now withheld their fire and retired from the town. The
-Germans encountered no further resistance, but they began to kill
-civilians and break into houses immediately they came in. They
-bayonetted two women on their doorstep (c 27). They shot a deaf boy (c
-1) who did not understand the order to raise his hands. They shot 5 men
-they had requisitioned as guides (R. No. 3). They fired at the church
-(c 18). They fired at people looking out of the windows of their houses
-(R. No. 5). The Burgomaster’s son, a boy of fifteen, was standing at a
-window with his mother and was wounded by a bullet in the leg (R. No.
-11). They killed people in their houses. Six men, for instance, were
-bayonetted in one house (R. No. 15). They dragged a railway employé
-from his home and shot him in a field (R. No. 2). “I went back home,”
-states a woman who had been seized by the Germans and had escaped (c
-18), “and found my husband lying dead outside it. He had been shot
-through the head from behind. His pockets had been rifled.”
-
-Other civilians (the civil population was already accused of having
-fired) were collected as hostages,[88] and driven, with their hands
-raised above their heads, to an open space on the banks of the River
-Démer. “There were about 200 prisoners, some of them invalids taken
-from their beds” (c 1). There was a professor from the College among
-them (R. No. 9), and an old man of 75 (c 15). After these hostages had
-been searched, and had been kept standing by the river, with their arms
-up, for two hours, the Burgomaster was brought to them under guard,[89]
-and compelled to read out a proclamation, ordering all arms to be given
-up, and warning that if a shot were fired by a civilian, the man who
-fired it, and four others with him, would be put to death. It was a
-gratuitous proceeding, for, several days before the Germans arrived,
-the Burgomaster (like most of his colleagues throughout Belgium) had
-sent the town crier round, calling on the population to deposit all
-arms at the Hôtel-de-Ville, and he had posted placards on the walls to
-the same effect (c 4, 7). A priest drew a German officer’s attention to
-these placards (c 20), and the Burgomaster himself had already given a
-translation of their contents to the German commandant (R. No. 11).
-That officer[90] disingenuously represents this act of good faith
-as a suspicious circumstance. “To my special surprise,” he states,
-“thirty-six more rifles, professedly intended for public processions
-and for the Garde Civique, were produced” (from the Hôtel-de-Ville).
-“The constituents of ammunition for these rifles were also found packed
-in a case.” But the only weapon still found in private hands on the
-morning of Aug. 19th was a shot gun used for pigeon shooting (c 1), and
-when the owner had fetched it from his home the hostages were released.
-Yet at this point 4 more civilians were shot down, two of them father
-and son--the son feeble-minded (c 15).
-
-The Germans quartered in Aerschot were already getting out of hand.
-“I saw the dead body of another man in the street,” continues the
-witness (c 15) quoted above. “When I got to my house, I found that all
-the furniture had been broken, and that the place had been thoroughly
-ransacked, and everything of value stolen. When I came out into the
-street again I saw the dead body of a man at the door of the next house
-to mine. He was my neighbour, and wore a Red Cross brassard on his
-arm....”
-
-The Germans gave themselves up to drink and plunder. “They set about
-breaking in the cellar doors, and soon most of them were drunk” (R.
-No. 15).--“An officer came to me,” states another witness (c 7),
-“and demanded a packet of coffee. He did not pay for it. He gave no
-receipt.”--“They broke my shop window,” deposes another. “The shop
-front was pillaged in a moment. Then they gutted the shop itself. They
-fought each other for the bottles of cognac and rum. In the middle of
-this an officer entered. He did not seem at all surprised, and demanded
-three bottles of cognac and three of wine for himself. The soldiers,
-N.C.O.’s and officers, went down to the cellar and emptied it....” Not
-even the Red Cross was spared. The monastery of St. Damien, which had
-been turned into an ambulance, was broken into by German soldiers,
-who accused the monks of firing and tore the bandages off the wounded
-Belgian soldiers to make sure that the wounds were real (R. No. 16).
-“Whenever we referred to our membership of the Red Cross,” declares
-one of the monks, “our words were received with scornful smiles and
-comments, indicating clearly that they made no account of that.”
-
-[Illustration: 9. LIÉGE IN RUINS]
-
-[Illustration: 10. “WE LIVE LIKE GOD IN BELGIUM”]
-
-About 5.0 p.m. Colonel Stenger, the commander of the 8th German
-Infantry Brigade, arrived in Aerschot with his staff. They were
-quartered in the Burgomaster’s house, in rooms overlooking the square.
-Captain Karge, the commander of the divisional military police, was
-billeted on the Burgomaster’s brother, also in the square but on
-the opposite side. About 8.0 p.m. (German time) Colonel Stenger was
-standing on the Burgomaster’s balcony; the Burgomaster, who had just
-been allowed to return home, was at his front door, offering the German
-sentries cigars, and his wife was close by him; the square was full of
-troops, and a supply column was just filing through, when suddenly a
-single loud shot was fired, followed immediately by a heavy fusillade.
-“I very distinctly saw two columns of smoke,” writes the Burgomaster’s
-wife (R. No. 11), “followed by a multitude of discharges.”--“I could
-perceive a light cloud of smoke and dust,” states Captain Karge,[91]
-who was at his window across the square, “coming from the eaves of
-a red corner house.” In a moment the soldiers massed in the square
-were in an uproar. “My yard,” continues the Burgomaster’s wife, “was
-immediately invaded by horses and by soldiers firing in the air like
-madmen.”--“The drivers and transport men,” observes Captain Karge, “had
-left their horses and waggons and taken cover from the shots in the
-entrances of the houses. Some of the waggons had interlocked, because
-the horses, becoming restless, had taken their own course without
-the drivers to guide them.” Another German officer[92] thought the
-firing came from the north-west outskirts of the town, and was told by
-fugitive German soldiers that there were Belgian troops advancing to
-the attack. A machine-gun company went out to meet them, and marched
-three kilometres before it discovered that there was no enemy, and
-turned back. “About 350 yards from the square,” states the commander of
-this unit,[93] “I met cavalry dashing backwards and transport waggons
-trying to turn round.... I saw shots coming from the houses, whereupon
-I ordered the machine guns to be unlimbered and the house fronts on the
-left to be fired upon.”
-
-Who fired the first shot? Who fired the answering volley? There is
-abundant evidence, both Belgian and German, of German soldiers firing
-in the square and the neighbouring streets; no single instance is
-proved, or even alleged, in the German White Book, of a Belgian caught
-in the act of firing. “The situation developed,” deposes Captain
-Folz,[94] “into our men pressing their backs against the houses, and
-firing on any marksman in the opposite house, as soon as he showed
-himself.” But were they Belgians at the windows, or Germans taking
-cover from the undoubted fire of their comrades, and replying from
-these vantage points upon an imaginary foe? “Near the Hôtel-de-Ville,”
-continues Captain Folz, “there stood an officer who had the signal
-‘Cease Fire’ blown continuously.[95] Clearly this officer desired in
-the first place to stop the shooting of our men, in order to set a
-systematic action on foot.”
-
-The German soldiers’ minds had been filled with lying rumours. “I
-heard,” declares Captain Karge, “that the King of the Belgians had
-decreed that every male Belgian was under obligation to do the German
-Army as much harm as possible....
-
-“An officer told me he had read on a church door that the Belgians were
-forbidden to hold captured German officers on parole, but had to shoot
-them....
-
-“A seminary teacher assured me” (it was under the threat of death)
-“definitely, as I now think that I can distinctly remember, that the
-Garde Civique had been ordered to injure the German Army in every
-possible way....”
-
-Thus, when he heard the shots, Captain Karge leapt to his conclusions.
-“The regularity of the volleys gave me the impression that the
-affair was well organised and possibly under military command.” It
-never occurred to him that they might be German volleys commanded by
-German officers as apprehensive as himself. “Everywhere, apparently,”
-he proceeds, “the firing came, _not from the windows_, but from
-roof-openings or prepared loopholes in the attics of the houses.” But
-if not from the windows, why not from the square, which was crowded
-with German soldiers, when a moment afterwards (admittedly) these very
-soldiers were firing furiously? “This” (assumed direction from which
-the firing came) “is the explanation of the smallness of the damage
-done by the shots to men and animals,” and, in fact, the only victim
-the Germans claim is Colonel Stenger, the Brigadier. After the worst
-firing was over and the troops were getting under control, Colonel
-Stenger was found by his aide-de-camp (A 2), who had come up to his
-room to make a report, lying wounded on the floor and on the point of
-death. Captain Folz (A 5) records that “the Regimental Surgeon of the
-Infantry Regiment No. 140, who made a post-mortem examination of the
-body in his presence on the following day, found in the aperture of
-the breast wound a deformed leaden bullet, which had been shattered by
-contact with a hard object.” It remains to prove that the bullet was
-not German. The German White Book does not include any report from the
-examining surgeon himself.
-
-Meanwhile, the town and people of Aerschot were given over to
-destruction. “I now took some soldiers,” proceeds Captain Karge, “and
-went with them towards the house from which the shooting”--in Captain
-Karge’s belief--“had first come.... I ordered the doors and windows
-of the ground floor, which were securely locked, to be broken in.
-Thereupon I pushed into the house with the others, and using a fairly
-large quantity of turpentine, which was found in a can of about 20
-litres capacity, and which I had poured out partly on the first storey
-and then down the stairs and on the ground floor, succeeded in setting
-the house on fire in a very short time. Further, I had ordered the
-men not taking part in this to guard the entrances of the house and
-arrest all male persons escaping from it. When I left the burning house
-several civilians, including a young priest, had been arrested from the
-_adjoining_ houses. I had these brought to the square, where in the
-meantime my company of military police had collected.
-
-“I then ... took command of all prisoners, among whom I set free the
-women, boys and girls. I was ordered by a staff officer to shoot the
-prisoners. Then I ordered my police ... to escort the prisoners and
-take them out of the town. Here, at the exit, a house was burning,
-and by the light of it I had the culprits--88 in number, after I had
-separated out three cripples--shot....”
-
-[Illustration: 11. HAELEN]
-
-[Illustration: 12. AERSCHOT]
-
-These 88 victims were only a preliminary batch. The whole population of
-Aerschot was being hunted out of the houses by the German troops and
-driven together into the square. They were driven along with brutal
-violence. “One of the Germans thrust at me with his bayonet,” states
-one woman (c 9), “which passed through my skirt and behind my knees.
-I was too frightened to notice much.”--“When we got into the street,”
-states another (c 10), “other German soldiers fired at us. I was
-carrying a child in my arms, and a bullet passed through my left hand
-and my child’s left arm. The child was also hit on the fundament.... In
-the hospital, on Aug. 22nd, I saw three women die of wounds.”--“In the
-ambulance at the Institut Damien,” reports the monk quoted above, “we
-nursed four women, several civilians and some children. A one-year-old
-child had received a bayonet wound in its thigh while its mother was
-carrying it in her arms. Several civilians had burns on their bodies
-and bullet wounds as well. They told us how the soldiers set fire to
-the houses and fired on the suffocating inhabitants when they tried to
-escape.”
-
-As elsewhere, the incendiarism was systematic. “They used a special
-apparatus, something like a big rifle, for throwing naphtha or some
-similar inflammable substance” (c 19).--“I was taken to the officer in
-command,” states a professor (c 14). “I found him personally assisting
-in setting fire to a house. He and his men were lighting matches and
-setting them to the curtains.”--“We saw a whole street burning, in
-which I possessed two houses,” deposes a native of Aerschot, who was
-being driven towards the square. “We heard children and beasts crying
-in the flames” (c 2). A civilian went out into the street to see if
-his mother was in a burning house. He was shot down by Germans at
-a distance of 18 yards (c 5). Another householder (R. No. 5) threw
-his child out of the first-floor window of his burning house, jumped
-out himself, and broke both his legs. His wife was burnt alive. “The
-Germans with their rifles prevented anyone going to help this man, and
-he had to drag himself along with his legs broken as best he could” (c
-19).--“The whole upper part of my house caught fire,” declares another
-(R. No. 13), “when there were a dozen people in it. The Germans had
-blocked the street door to prevent them coming out. They tried in vain
-to reach the neighbouring roofs.... The Germans were firing on everyone
-in the streets....”
-
-By this time the Germans were mostly drunk (c9) and lost to all reason
-or shame. Two men and a boy stepped out of the door of a public-house
-in which they had taken refuge with others. “As soon as we got outside
-we saw the flash of rifles and heard the report.... We came in as
-quickly as we could and shut the door. The German soldiers entered. The
-first man who entered said, ‘You have been shooting,’ and the others
-kept repeating the same words. They pointed their revolvers at us, and
-threatened to shoot us if we moved” (c 4).
-
-In another building about 22 captured Belgian soldiers (some of them
-wounded) and six civilian hostages were under guard. They were dragged
-out to the banks of the Démer and shot down by two companies of German
-troops. “I was hit,” explains one of the two survivors (a soldier
-already wounded before being taken prisoner), “but an officer saw that
-I was still breathing, and when a soldier wanted to shoot me again, he
-ordered him to throw me into the Démer. I clung to a branch and set my
-feet against the stones on the river-bottom. I stayed there till the
-following morning, with only my head above water....” (R. No. 8).
-
-The Burgomaster’s house was the first to be cleared. Colonel Stenger’s
-aide-de-camp dragged the Burgomaster out of the cellar where he and his
-family had taken refuge, and carried him off under guard. Half-an-hour
-later the aide-de-camp returned for the Burgomaster’s wife and his
-fifteen-year-old son. “My poor child,” writes the Burgomaster’s wife,
-“could scarcely walk because of his wound. The aide-de-camp kicked him
-along. I shut my eyes to see no more....” (R. No. 11).
-
-“When we reached the square,” the same witness continues, “we found
-there all our neighbours. A girl near me was fainting with grief. Her
-father and two brothers had been shot, and they had torn her from her
-dying mother’s bedside. (They found her, nine hours later, dead). All
-the houses on the right side of the square were ablaze. One could
-detect the perfect order and method with which they were proceeding.
-There was none of the feverishness of men left to pillage by
-themselves. I am positive they were acting with orderliness and under
-orders.... From time to time, soldiers emerged from our house, with
-their arms full of bottles of wine. They were opening our windows, and
-all the interiors were stripped bare....”--“The square was one blaze of
-fire,” states a blacksmith (c 1), “and the civilians were obliged to
-stand there close to the flames from the burning houses.”--“They put
-the women and children on one side,” adds a woman (c 7). “I was among
-them, and my 5 children--one boy of fifteen and 4 girls. I saw that
-many of the men had their hands tied. They took the men away along the
-road to Louvain....”
-
-The men were being led out of the town, as Captain Karge’s prisoners
-had been led out a few hours before, to be shot. The Burgomaster, his
-brother, and his son were in this second convoy. “Under the glare of
-the conflagration,” writes the Burgomaster’s wife, “my eyes fell upon
-my husband, my son and my brother-in-law, who were being led, with
-other men, to execution. For fear of breaking down his courage, I
-could not even cry out to my husband: ‘I am here.’” There were 50 or
-60 prisoners altogether, and another batch of 30 followed behind.[96]
-“They made us walk in the same position, hands up, for 20 minutes,”
-one survivor states (c 4). “When we got tired we put our hands on our
-heads.”--“One of the prisoners,” states a second member of the convoy
-(c 8), “was struck on the back with a rifle-butt by a German soldier.
-The young man said: ‘O my father.’ His father said: ‘Keep quiet, my
-boy.’ Another soldier thrust his bayonet into the thigh of another
-prisoner, and afterwards compelled him to walk on with the rest.”--“Our
-hands,” states a third (R. No. 7), “were bound behind our backs with
-copper wire--so tightly that our wrists were cut and bled. We were
-compelled to lie down, still bound, on our backs, with our heads
-touching the ground. About six in the morning, they decided to begin
-the executions.”
-
-An officer read out a document to the prisoners.--One out of three was
-to be shot. “It was read out like an article of the law. He read in
-German, but we understood it.... They took all the young men....” (c 4).
-
-The Burgomaster’s chief political opponent was among the prisoners. He
-offered his life for the Burgomaster’s--“The Burgomaster’s life was
-essential to the welfare of the town.” The Burgomaster pleaded for his
-fellow citizens, and then for his son. The officer answered that he
-must have them all--the Burgomaster, his son and his brother. “The boy
-got up and stood between his father and uncle.... The shots rang out,
-and the three bodies fell heavily one upon another....” (R. No. 7).
-
-“The rest were drawn up in ranks of three. They numbered them--one,
-two, three. Each number three had to step out of his rank and fall in
-behind the corpses; they were going to be shot, the Germans said. My
-brother and I were next to each other--I number two, he three. I asked
-the officer if I might take my brother’s place: ‘My mother is a widow.
-My brother has finished his education, and is more useful than I!’ The
-officer was again implacable. ‘Step out, number three.’ We embraced,
-and my brother joined the rest. There were about 30 of them lined up.
-Then the German soldiers moved slowly along the line, killing three at
-every discharge--each time at the officer’s word of command” (R. No. 7).
-
-The last man in the line was spared as a medical student and member
-of the Red Cross (R. No. 5). The survivors were set free. On their
-way back they passed another batch going to their death (R. No. 7).
-They passed the corpse of a woman on the road, and another in the
-cattle-market (c 17). Other inhabitants of Aerschot were forced to bury
-all the corpses on the Louvain road in the course of the same day. They
-brought back to the women of Aerschot the sure knowledge that their
-husbands, sons and brothers were dead.[97]
-
-The rest of what happened at Aerschot is quickly told. When the Germans
-had marched the second convoy of men out of the town and dismissed
-the women from the square, they evacuated the town themselves[98] and
-bombarded it from outside with artillery;[99] but in the daylight of
-Aug. 20th they came back again, and burned and pillaged continuously
-for three days--taking not only food and clothing but valuables
-of every kind, and loading them methodically on waggons and motor
-cars.[100] On the evening of the 20th, the Institut Damien, hospital
-though it was, was compelled to provide quarters for 1,100 men. “We
-spent all night giving food and drink to this mob, of whom many were
-drunk. We collected 800 empty bottles next morning.”[101]
-
-On Aug. 26th and 27th the remnant of the population--about 600 men,
-women, and children, who had not perished or fled--were herded into the
-church.[102] They were given little food, and no means of sanitation.
-On the evening of the 27th a squad of German soldiers amused themselves
-by firing through the church door over the heads of the hostages,
-against the opposite wall. On the 28th the monks of St. Damien were
-brought there also. (Their hospital was closed, and the patients turned
-out of their beds.) The rest of the hostages were marched that day to
-Louvain. There were little children among them, and women with child,
-and men too old to walk. At Louvain, in the Place de la Station, they
-were fired upon, and a number were wounded and killed. The survivors
-were released on the 29th, but when they returned to Aerschot they
-were arrested and imprisoned again--the men in the church, the women
-in a chateau. The women and children were released the day following
-(that day the active troops at Aerschot were replaced by a landsturm
-garrison, who began to pillage the town once more).[103] The men were
-kept prisoners till Sept. 6th, when those not of military age were
-released and the remainder (about 70) deported by train to Germany. All
-the monks were deported, whatever their age.[104]
-
-“On Aug. 31st,” writes a German landsturmer in his diary,[105] “we
-entered Aerschot to guard the station. On Sept. 2nd I had a little time
-off duty, which I spent in visiting the town. No one, without seeing
-it, could form any idea of the condition it is in.... In all my life I
-shall never drink more wine than I drank here.”
-
-Three hundred and eighty-six houses were burnt at Aerschot, 1,000
-plundered, 150 inhabitants killed, and after this destruction the
-Germans admitted the innocence of their victims. “It was a beastly
-mess,” a German non-commissioned officer confessed to one of the monks
-in the church of Aerschot on Aug. 29th.[106] “It was our soldiers who
-fired, but they have been punished.”
-
-
-(iii) _The Aerschot District._
-
-The smaller places round Aerschot suffered in their degree. At
-_Nieuw-Rhode_ 200 houses (out of 321) were plundered, one civilian
-killed, and 27 deported to Germany. At _Gelrode_,[107] on August 19th,
-the Germans seized 21 civilians as hostages, imprisoned them in the
-church, and then shot one in every three against a wall--the rest
-were marched to Louvain and imprisoned in the church there. None of
-them were discovered with arms, for the Burgomaster of Gelrode had
-collected all arms in private hands before the Germans arrived. The
-priest of Gelrode[108] was dragged away to Aerschot on August 27th by
-German soldiers. “When they got to the churchyard the priest was struck
-several times by each soldier on the head. Then they pushed him against
-the wall of the church” (c24).--“His hands were raised above his head.
-Five or six soldiers stood immediately in front of him.... When he let
-his hands drop a little, soldiers brought down their rifle butts on his
-feet” (c25). Finally they led him away to be shot, and his corpse was
-thrown into the Démer.
-
-Eighteen civilians altogether were shot in the commune of Gelrode,
-and 99 deported to Germany. Twenty-three houses were burnt, and 131
-plundered, out of 201 in the village.
-
-At _Tremeloo_[109] 214 houses were burnt and 3 civilians killed (one
-of them an old man of 72). A number of women were raped at Tremeloo.
-
-At _Rotselaer_[110] 67 houses were burnt, 38 civilians killed, and
-120 deported to Germany. A girl who was raped by five Germans went
-out of her mind (c52). The priest of Rotselaer was deported with his
-parishioners. The men of the village had been confined in the church
-on the night of August 22nd, again on the night of the 23rd, and then
-consecutively till the morning of the 27th. The priest of Herent (who
-was more than 70 years old)[111] and other men from Herent, Wackerzeel,
-and Thildonck, were imprisoned with them, till there were a thousand
-people in the church altogether. The women brought them what food could
-be found, but for five days they could neither wash nor sleep. On the
-27th they were marched to Louvain with a batch of prisoners taken from
-Louvain itself, and were sent on the terrible journey in cattle-trucks
-to Aix-la-Chapelle.
-
-At _Wespelaer_[112] the destruction was complete. Out of 297 houses 47
-were burnt and 250 gutted. Twenty-one inhabitants were killed. “The
-Germans shot the owner of the first house burnt on his doorstep, and
-his twenty-years-old daughter inside.... I only saw one man shot with
-my own eyes--a man who had an old carbine in his house. It had not been
-used; he was not carrying it.... In another house a married couple, 80
-years old, were burnt alive” (c60).
-
-At _Campenhout_[113] the Germans burned 85 houses and killed 14
-civilians. In a rich man’s house, where officers were quartered, they
-rifled the wine cellar and shot the mistress of the house in cold blood
-as she entered the room where they were drinking. “The other officers
-continued to drink and sing, and did not pay great attention to the
-killing of my mistress,” states a servant who was present. As they
-continued their advance, the Germans collected about 400 men, women and
-children (some of the women with babies in their arms) from Campenhout,
-Elewyt and Malines, and drove them forward as a screen, with the priest
-of Campenhout at their head, against the Belgian forces holding the
-outer ring of the Antwerp lines.[114]
-
-The devastation of this district is described by a witness who walked
-through it, from Brussels to Aerschot, after the Germans had passed (c
-25). “We traversed the village of Werchter, where there had been no
-battle, but it had been in the occupation of the Germans, and on all
-sides of this village we saw burnt-down houses and traces of plunder
-and havoc. In Wespelaer and Rotselaer and Wesemael we saw the same.
-We did not pass through the village of Gelrode, but close to it, and
-we saw that houses had been burnt down there. In Aerschot the Malines
-Street, Hamer Street, Théophile Becker Street and other streets were
-completely burnt. Half the Grand Place had been burnt down....”
-
-
-(iv) _The Retreat from Malines._
-
-Yet the devastation done by the Germans in their advance was light
-compared with the outrages they committed when the Belgian sortie of
-August 25th drove them back from Malines towards the Aerschot-Louvain
-line.
-
-In _Malines_ itself[115] they destroyed 1,500 houses from first to
-last, and revenged themselves atrociously on the civil population. A
-Belgian soldier saw them bayonet an old woman in the back, and cut off
-a young woman’s breasts (d 1). Another saw them bayonet a woman and
-her son (d 2). They shot a police inspector in the stomach as he came
-out of his door, and blew off the head of an old woman at a window (d
-3). A child of two came out into the street as eight drunken soldiers
-were marching by. “A man in the second file stepped aside and drove his
-bayonet with both hands into the child’s stomach. He lifted the child
-into the air on his bayonet and carried it away, he and his comrades
-still singing. The child screamed when the soldier struck it with
-his bayonet, but not afterwards.” This incident is reported by two
-witnesses (d 4-5). Another woman was found dead with twelve bayonet
-wounds between her shoulders and her waist (d 7). Another--between 16
-and 20 years old--who had been killed by a bayonet, “was kneeling, and
-her hands were clasped, and the bayonet had pierced both hands. I also
-saw a boy of about 16,” continues the witness, “who had been killed by
-a bayonet thrust through his mouth.” In the same house there was an old
-woman lying dead (d 9).
-
-The next place from which the Germans were driven was _Hofstade_,[116]
-and here, too, they revenged themselves before they went. They left
-the corpses of women lying in the streets. There was an old woman
-mutilated with the bayonet.[117] There was a young pregnant woman who
-had been ripped open.[118] In the lodge of a chateau the porter’s body
-was found lying on a heap of straw.[119] He had been bayonetted in the
-stomach--evidently while in bed, for the empty bed was soaked with
-blood. The blacksmith of Hofstade--also bayonetted in the stomach--was
-lying on his doorstep.[120] Adjoining the blacksmith’s house there was
-a café, and here a middle-aged woman lay dead, and a boy of about 16.
-The boy was found kneeling in an attitude of supplication. Both his
-hands had been cut off. “One was on the ground, the other hanging by a
-bit of skin” (d 25). His face was smeared with blood. He was seen in
-this condition by twenty-five separate witnesses, whose testimony is
-recorded in the Bryce Report.[121] Several saw him before he was quite
-dead.
-
-In one house at Hofstade[122] the Belgian troops found the dead bodies
-of two women and a man. One of the women, who was middle-aged, had been
-bayonetted in the stomach; the other, who was about 20 years old, had
-been bayonetted in the head, and her legs had been almost severed from
-her body. The man had been bayonetted through the head. In another room
-the body of a ten-year-old boy was suspended from a hanging lamp. He
-had been killed first by a bayonet wound in the stomach.
-
-“I went with an artilleryman,” states another Belgian soldier,[123] “to
-find his parents who lived in Hofstade. All the houses were burning
-except the one where this man’s parents lived. On forcing the door, we
-saw lying on the floor of the room on which it opened the dead bodies
-of a man, a woman, a girl, and a boy, who, the artilleryman told us,
-were his father and mother and brother and sister. Each of them had
-both feet cut off just above the ankle, and both hands just above the
-wrist. The poor boy rushed straight off, took one of the horses from
-his gun, and rode in the direction of the German lines. We never saw
-him again....”
-
-Retreating from Hofstade, the Germans drove about 200 of the
-inhabitants with them as a screen, to cover their flank against the
-Belgian attack.[124] At _Muysen_ they killed 6 civilians and burned 450
-houses. “There were broken wine bottles lying about everywhere” (d 88).
-
-At _Sempst_,[125] as they evacuated the village, they dragged the
-inhabitants out of their houses. One old man who expostulated was
-shot by an officer with a revolver,[126] and his son was shot when he
-attempted to escape. They fired down into the cellars and up through
-the ceilings to drive the people out (d 68). The hostages were taken to
-the bridge. “One young man was carrying in his arms his little brother,
-10 or 11 years old, who had been run over before the war and could not
-walk. The soldiers told the man to hold up his arms. He said he could
-not, as he must hold his brother, who could not walk. Then a German
-soldier hit him on the head with a revolver, and he let the child
-fall....”
-
-[Illustration: 13. BRUSSELS: A BOOKING-OFFICE]
-
-[Illustration: 14. MALINES AFTER BOMBARDMENT]
-
-In one house they bound a bed-ridden man to his bed, and shot another
-man in the presence of 13 children who were in the house (d 29). In
-another house they burned a woman and two children (d 71); they burned
-the owner of a bicycle shop in his shop;[127] these four bodies were
-found, carbonised, by the Belgian troops. The Belgians also found a
-woman dead in the street, with four bayonet wounds in her body (d 36),
-and saw an Uhlan overtake a woman driving in a cart, thrust his lance
-through her body, and then shoot her in the chest with his carbine (d
-80). In a farmhouse the farmer was found with his head cut off. His two
-sons, killed by bullet wounds, were lying beside him. His wife, whose
-left breast had been cut off, was still alive, and told how, when her
-eight-year-old son had gone up a ladder into the loft, the Germans had
-pulled away the ladder and set the building on fire.[128] Twenty-seven
-houses were burnt at Sempst, 200 sacked, 18 inhabitants killed, and 34
-deported to Germany.
-
-At _Weerde_ 34 houses were burnt. As the Germans retreated they
-bayonetted two little girls standing in the road and tossed them into
-the flames of a burning house--their mother was standing by (d 85).
-At _Eppeghem_[129] 176 houses were burnt, 8 civilians killed, and
-125 deported. The killing was done with the bayonet. A woman with
-child, whose stomach had been slashed open, died in the hospital at
-Malines. When the Germans returned to Eppeghem again, they used the
-remaining civilians as a screen. On August 28th they did the same at
-_Elewyt_,[130] not even exempting old men or women with child. We
-have the testimony of a Belgian priest who was driven in the screen,
-and of a Belgian soldier in the trenches against which the screen was
-driven. A hundred and thirty-three houses were burnt at Elewyt, and
-10 civilians killed. The Belgian troops found the body of a man tied
-naked to a ring in a wall. His head was riddled with bullets, there was
-a bayonet wound in his chest, and he had been mutilated obscenely. A
-woman, also mutilated obscenely after violation, was lying dead on the
-ground. In another house a man and a woman were found, with bayonet
-wounds all over their bodies, on the floor. At _Perck_ 180 houses (out
-of 243) were sacked and 5 civilians killed. At _Bueken_ 50 houses were
-burnt, 30 sacked (out of 84), and 8 civilians killed. The victims were
-killed in a meadow in the sight of the women and children.[131] Among
-them was the parish priest.[132] “He was a man 75 or 80 years old.
-He could not walk fast enough. He was driven along with blows from
-rifle-butts and knocked down. He cried out: ‘I can go no further,’ and
-a soldier thrust a bayonet into his neck at the back--the blood flowed
-out in quantities. The old man begged to be shot, but the officer said:
-‘That is too good for you.’ He was taken off behind a house and we
-heard shots. He did not return....” (d 97, cp. 98). At _Vilvorde_[133]
-33 houses were burnt and 6 civilians killed. In the whole _Canton of
-Vilvorde_, in which all these places, except Malines, lay, 611 houses
-were burnt, 1,665 plundered, 90 civilians killed, and 177 deported to
-Germany.
-
-The devastation spread through the whole zone of the German retreat.
-At _Capelle-au-Bois_[134] the Belgian troops found two girls hanging
-naked from a tree with their breasts cut off, and two women bayonetted
-in a house, caught as they were making preparations to flee. A woman
-told them how German soldiers had held her down by force, while other
-soldiers had violated her daughter successively in an adjoining room.
-Four civilians were killed at Capelle-au-Bois and 235 houses burnt.
-At _Londerzeel_[135] 18 houses were burnt and one civilian killed. He
-was a man who had tried to prevent the Germans from violating his
-two daughters. When the Germans re-entered Londerzeel they used the
-civilian population as a screen. At _Ramsdonck_, near Londerzeel, a
-woman and two children were shot by the Germans as they were flying for
-protection towards the Belgian lines.[136] At _Wolverthem_ 10 houses
-were burnt and 5 people killed. At _Meysse_ 3 houses were burnt and 350
-sacked, 2 civilians killed and 29 deported. At _Beyghem_ 32 houses were
-burnt. At _Pont-Brûlé_,[137] on Aug. 25th, the priest was imprisoned
-with 28 other civilian hostages in a room. The German soldiers
-compelled him to hold up his hands for hours, and struck him when he
-lowered them from fatigue. They compelled his fellow-prisoners to spit
-on him. They tore up his breviary and threw the fragments in his face.
-When he fainted they threw pails of water on him to revive him. As he
-was reviving he was shot. Fifty-eight houses were burnt in the commune
-of Pont-Brûlé-Grimbergen, 5 civilians shot, and 65 deported. These
-places lay in the _Canton of Wolverthem_, west of the river Senne,
-between Termonde, Malines, and Brussels. In the whole canton 426 houses
-were burnt, 1,292 plundered, 29 civilians killed, and 182 deported to
-Germany.
-
-[Illustration: 15. MALINES: RUINS]
-
-[Illustration: 16. MALINES: RUINS]
-
-In the district between Malines and Aerschot it was the same, and
-places which had suffered already on Aug. 19th were devastated again
-on Aug. 25th and the following days. At _Hever_[138] in the Canton of
-Haecht, a baby was found hanged by the neck to the handle of a door.
-Thirty-five houses were burnt. At _Boortmeerbeek_[139] 103 houses were
-burnt and 300 sacked (out of 437); 5 civilians were killed--one of
-them a little girl who was bayonetted in the road. At _Haecht_[140]
-5 men were seized as hostages and then shot in cold blood. One of
-them survived, though he was bayonetted twice after the shooting to
-“finish him off.” Seven others were stripped naked and threatened with
-bayonets, but instead of being killed they were used as a screen. The
-Belgian troops found the body of a woman on the road, stripped to
-the waist and with the breasts cut off. There was another woman with
-her head cut off and her body mutilated. There was a child with its
-stomach slashed open with a bayonet, and another--two or three years
-old--nailed to a door by its hands and feet. At Haecht 40 houses were
-burnt.
-
-At _Thildonck_ 31 houses were burnt and 10 civilians killed. Seven of
-those killed in the commune of Thildonck belonged to the family of the
-two Valckenaers brothers, whose farms (situated close to one another)
-were occupied by the Belgian troops early on the morning of August
-26th. As the Germans counter-attacked, the Belgian soldiers opened
-fire on them from the farm buildings and then retired. A platoon of
-Germans, with an officer at their head, entered Isodore Valckenaers’
-farm (where the whole family was gathered) about 8.0 a.m. Isodore and
-two of his nephews--barely more than boys--were shot at once. His
-daughter, who clung to him and begged for his life, was torn away. The
-two young men were killed instantaneously. The elder, though horribly
-wounded by the bullet, survived, and was rescued next day. The rest of
-the family--a group of eleven women and children, for François-Edouard
-Valckenaers, the other brother, was away--were shot down half-an-hour
-later. They were herded together in the garden and fired on from all
-sides. Madame Isodore Valckenaers was holding her youngest baby in her
-arms. The bullet broke the child’s arm and mangled its face, and then
-tore the mother’s lip and destroyed one of her eyes. (The baby died,
-but the mother survived.) Madame F.-E. Valckenaers also survived--her
-dress was spattered with the brains of her fourteen-year-old son,
-whom she was holding by the hand. Five died altogether out of this
-group of eleven--some instantaneously, some after hours of agony. The
-eldest of them was only eighteen, the youngest was two-and-a-half.
-Thus seven of the Valckenaers’ family were killed in all out of the
-fourteen present, and three were severely wounded. Only four were left
-unscathed.[141]
-
-At _Werchter_[142] 267 houses were burnt and 162 sacked (out of 496),
-15 civilians were killed, and 32 deported. The priests of _Wygmael_
-and _Wesemael_ were dragged away as hostages, and driven, with a crowd
-of civilians from Herent, as a screen in front of the German troops
-on Aug. 29th. At Wesemael 46 houses were burnt, 13 civilians killed
-and 324 deported. At _Holsbeek_ one civilian was killed and 35 houses
-burnt. In the whole _Canton of Haecht_ 899 houses were burnt, 1,772
-plundered, 116 civilians killed, and 647 deported.
-
-As the Germans fell back south-eastward, the devastation spread
-into the Canton of Louvain. “When the Germans first arrived at
-_Herent_,”[143] states a witness (d 97), “they did nothing, but when
-they were repulsed from Malines they began to ill-treat the civilians.”
-They shot a man at his door, and threw another man’s body into a
-burning house. At _Aanbosch_, a hamlet of Herent, they dragged 4 men
-and 9 women out of their houses and bayonetted them. In the commune
-of Herent they killed 22 civilians (the priest was among the later
-victims)[144] and deported 104 altogether, burned 312 houses and sacked
-200. At _Velthem_ they killed 14 civilians and burned 44 houses. At
-_Winxele_ they burned 57 houses and killed 5 civilians--the soldier
-who had shot and bayonetted one of them thrust his bayonet into the
-faces of the hostages: “Smell, smell! It is the blood of a Belgian
-pig” (d 97-8). At _Corbeek-Loo_ 20 civilians were killed, 62 deported,
-and 129 houses burnt. At _Wilsele_ 36 houses were burnt and 7 people
-killed. One of them was an epileptic who had a seizure while he was
-being carried away as a hostage. Since he could go no further, he was
-shot through the head (d 129). At _Kessel-Loo_ 59 people were killed
-and 461 houses burnt; at _Linden_ 6 and 103; at _Heverlé_ 6 and 95. In
-the whole _Canton of Louvain_ 2,441 houses were burnt, 2,722 plundered,
-251 civilians killed, and 831 deported. About 40 per cent. of this
-destruction was done in the City of Louvain itself, on the night of
-August 25th and on the following nights and days. The destruction of
-Louvain was the greatest organised outrage which the Germans committed
-in the course of their invasion of Belgium and France, and as such it
-stands by itself. But it was also the inevitable climax of the outrages
-to which they had abandoned themselves in their retreat upon Louvain
-from Malines. The Germans burned and massacred invariably, wherever
-they passed, but there was a bloodthirstiness and obscenity in their
-conduct on this retreat which is hardly paralleled in their other
-exploits, and which put them in the temper for the supreme crime which
-followed.
-
-
-(v) _Louvain._
-
-The Germans entered _Louvain_ on August 19th. The Belgian troops did
-not attempt to hold the town, and the civil authorities had prepared
-for the Germans’ arrival. They had called in all arms in private
-possession and deposited them in the Hôtel-de-Ville. This had been
-done a fortnight before the German occupation,[145] and was repeated,
-for security, on the morning of the 19th itself.[146] The municipal
-commissary of police remarked the exaggerated conscientiousness with
-which the order was obeyed. “Antiquarian pieces, flint-locks and
-even razors were handed in.”[147] The people of Louvain were indeed
-terrified. They had heard what had happened in the villages round
-Liége, at Tongres and at St. Trond, and on the evening (August 18th)
-before the Germans arrived the refugees from Tirlemont had come pouring
-through the town.[148] The Burgomaster, like his colleagues in other
-Belgian towns, had posted placards on August 18th, enjoining confidence
-and calm.
-
-The German entry on the 19th took place without disturbance. Large
-requisitions were at once made on the town by the German Command.
-The troops were billeted on the inhabitants. In one house an officer
-demanded quarters for 50 men. “Revolver in hand, he inspected every
-bedroom minutely. ‘If anything goes wrong, you are all _kaput_.’
-That was how he finished the business.”[149] It was vacation time,
-and the lodgings of the University students were empty. Many houses
-were shut up altogether, and these were broken into and pillaged by
-the German soldiers.[150] They pillaged enormous quantities of wine,
-without interference on the part of their officers. “The soldiers did
-not scruple to drain in the street the contents of stolen bottles,
-and drunken soldiers were common objects.”[151] There was also a
-great deal of wanton destruction--“furniture destroyed, mirrors and
-picture-frames smashed, carpets spoilt and so on.”[152] The house of
-Professor van Gehuchten, a scientist of international eminence, was
-treated with especial malice. This is testified by a number of people,
-including the Professor’s son. “They destroyed, tore up and threw
-into the street my father’s manuscripts and books (which were very
-numerous), and completely wrecked his library and its contents. They
-also destroyed the manuscript of an important work of my late father’s
-which was in the hands of the printer.”[153]--“This misdemeanour made
-a scandal,” states another witness. “It was brought to the knowledge
-of the German general, who seemed much put out, but took no measures
-of protection.”[154] The pillage was even systematic. A servant, left
-by an absent professor in charge of his house, found on August 20th
-that the Germans “had five motor-vans outside the premises. I saw
-them removing from my master’s house wine, blankets, books, etc., and
-placing them in the vans. They stripped the whole place of everything
-of value, including the furniture.... I saw them smashing glass and
-crockery and the windows.”[155] On August 20th there were already
-acts of violence in the outskirts of the town. At Corbeek-Loo a girl
-of sixteen was violated by six soldiers and bayonetted in five places
-for offering resistance. Her parents were kept off with rifles.[156]
-By noon on August 20th the town itself “was like a stable. Streets,
-pavements, public squares and trampled flower beds had disappeared
-under a layer of manure.”[157]
-
-On August 20th the German military authorities covered the walls
-with proclamations: “Atrocities have been committed by (Belgian)
-franc-tireurs.”[158]--“If anything happens to the German troops,
-_le total sera responsable_”[159] (an attempt to render in French
-the Prussian doctrine of collective responsibility). Doors must be
-left open at night. Windows fronting the street must be lighted up.
-Inhabitants must be within doors between 8.0 p.m. and 7.0 a.m. Most of
-these placards were ready-made in German, French and Russian. There
-were no placards in Flemish till after the events of August 25th. Yet
-Flemish was the only language spoken and understood by at least half
-the population of Louvain.
-
-[Illustration: 17. MALINES: CARDINAL MERCIER’S STATE-ROOM AS A RED
-CROSS HOSPITAL]
-
-[Illustration: 18. MALINES: THE CARDINAL’S THRONE-ROOM]
-
-Hostages were also taken by the German authorities.[160] The
-Burgomaster, a City Councillor and a Senator were confined under guard
-in the Hôtel-de-Ville on the first day of occupation. From August 21st
-onwards they were replaced successively by other notables, including
-the Rector and Vice-Rector of the University. On August 21st there was
-another German proclamation, in which the inhabitants were called upon
-(for the third time) to deliver up their arms.[161] Requisitions and
-acts of pillage by individual officers and soldiers continued, and on
-the evening of August 24th the Burgomaster was dragged to the Railway
-Station and threatened with a revolver by a German officer, who had
-arrived with 250 men by train and demanded a hot meal and mattresses
-for them at once. Major von Manteuffel, the Etappen-Kommandant in the
-city, was called in and the Burgomaster was released, but without
-reparation.[162] On that day, too, the German wounded were removed
-from Louvain[163]--an ominous precaution--and in the course of the
-following day there were spoken warnings.[164] On the morning of this
-day, Tuesday, August 25th, Madame Roomans, a notary’s wife, is said to
-have been warned by the German officers billeted on her to leave the
-town. In the afternoon, about 5.0 o’clock, another lady reported how
-an officer, billeted on her and taking his leave, had added: “I hope
-you will be spared, for now it is going to begin.” At supper time, when
-the first shots were fired and the alarm was sounded, officers billeted
-on various households are said to have exclaimed “Poor people!”--or to
-have wept.
-
-On the morning of August 25th there were few German troops in Louvain.
-The greater part of those that had entered the town since the 19th
-had passed on to the front in the direction of Malines, and were
-now engaged in resisting the Belgian sortie from Antwerp, which was
-made this day. As the Belgian offensive made progress, the sound of
-the cannon became louder and louder in Louvain,[165] and the German
-garrison grew increasingly uneasy. Despatch riders from the front kept
-arriving at the Kommandantur;[166] at 4.0 o’clock a general alarm was
-sounded;[167] the troops in the town assembled and marched out towards
-the north-western suburbs;[168] military waggons drove in from the
-north-west in disorder, “their drivers grasping revolvers and looking
-very much excited.”[169] At the same time, reinforcements[170] began
-to detrain at the _Station_, which stands at the eastern extremity of
-the town, and is connected with the central _Grand’ Place_ and with
-the University buildings by the broad, straight line of the _Rue de la
-Station_, flanked with the private houses of the wealthier inhabitants.
-These fresh troops were billeted hastily by their officers in the
-quarters nearest the _Station_.[171] The cavalry were concentrated
-in the _Place du Peuple_, a large square lying a short distance to
-the left of the _Rue de la Station_, about half-way towards the
-_Grand’ Place_.[172] The square was already crowded with the transport
-that had been sent back during the day from the front.[173] As the
-reinforcements kept on detraining, and the quarters near the _Station_
-filled up, the later arrivals went on to the _Grand’ Place_ and the
-_Hôtel-de-Ville_,[174] which was the seat of the Kommandantur.
-
-During all this time the agitation increased. About 7.0 o’clock a
-company of Landsturm which had marched out in the afternoon to the
-north-western outskirts of the town, were ordered back by their
-battalion commander to the _Place de la Station_--the extensive square
-in front of the _station buildings_, out of which the _Rue de la
-Station_ leads into the middle of the city.[175] The military police
-pickets[176] in the centre of the city were on the alert. Between
-7.0 and 7.30 the alarm was sounded again,[177] and the troops who
-had arrived that afternoon assembled from their billets and stood to
-arms.[178] The tension among them was extreme. They had been travelling
-hard all day; they had entered the town at dusk; it was now dark, and
-they did not know their way about the streets, nor from what quarter
-to expect the enemy forces, which were supposed to be on the point of
-making their appearance. It was in these circumstances that, a few
-minutes past eight o’clock, the shooting in Louvain broke out.
-
-All parties agree that it broke out in answer to signals. A Belgian
-witness,[179] living near the _Tirlemont Gate_, saw a German
-military motor-car dash up from the _Boulevard de Tirlemont_, make
-luminous signals at the Gate, and then dash off again. A fusillade
-immediately followed. The German troops bivouacked in the _Place de
-la Station_ saw two rockets, the first green and the second red, rise
-in quick succession from the centre of the town.[180] They found
-themselves under fire immediately afterwards. A similar rocket was seen
-later in the night to rise above the conflagration.[181] It is natural
-to suppose that the rockets, as well as the lights on the car, were
-German military signals of the kind commonly used in European armies
-for signalling in the dark. There had been two false alarms already
-that afternoon and evening; there is nothing incredible in a third. The
-German troops in the _Place de la Station_ assumed that the signals
-were of Belgian origin (and therefore of civilian origin, as the
-Belgian troops did not after all reach the town), because these signals
-were followed by firing directed against themselves. They could not
-believe that the shots were fired in error by their own comrades, yet
-there is convincing evidence that this was the case.
-
-It is certain that German troops fired on each other in at least two
-places--in the _Rue de la Station_ and in the _Rue de Bruxelles_, which
-leads into the _Grand’ Place_ from the opposite direction.
-
-“We were at supper,” states a Belgian witness,[182] whose house was in
-the _Rue de la Station_, “when about 8.15, shots were suddenly fired in
-the street by German cavalry coming from the _Station_. The troops who
-were bivouacked in the square replied, and an automobile on its way to
-the _Station_ had to stop abruptly opposite my house and reverse, while
-its occupants fired. Within a few seconds the din of revolver and rifle
-shots had become terrific. The fusillade was sustained, and spread
-(north-eastward) towards the _Boulevard de Diest_. It became so furious
-that there was even gun-fire. The encounter between the German troops
-continued as far as the _Grand’ Place_, where on at least two occasions
-there was machine-gun fire. The fight lasted for from fifteen to twenty
-minutes with desperation; it persisted an hour longer after that, but
-with less violence.”
-
-[Illustration: 19. CAPELLE-AU-BOIS]
-
-[Illustration: 20. CAPELLE-AU-BOIS]
-
-“At the stroke of eight,” states another witness,[183] “shots were
-heard by us, coming from the direction of the _Place du Peuple_, where
-the German cavalry was concentrated. Part of the baggage-train, which
-was stationed in the _Rue Léopold_, turned right about and went off
-at a gallop towards the _Station_. I was at my front door and heard
-the bullets whistling as they came from the _Place du Peuple_. At this
-moment a sustained fusillade broke out, and there was a succession of
-cavalry-charges in the direction of the _Station_.”
-
-The stampede in the _Place du Peuple_ is described by a German
-officer[184] who was present. “I heard the clock strike in a tower....
-Complete darkness already prevailed. At the same moment I saw a green
-rocket go up above the houses south-west of the square.... Firing was
-directed on the German troops in the square.... Whilst riding round
-the square, I was shot from my horse on the north-eastern side. I
-distinctly heard the rattling of machine-guns, and the bullets flew in
-great numbers round about me.... After I had fallen from my horse, I
-was run over by an artillery transport waggon, the horses of which had
-been frightened by the firing and stampeded....”
-
-The shots by which this officer was wounded evidently came from German
-troops in the _Rue Léopold_, where they were attacking the house of
-Professor Verhelst. The Landsturm Company bivouacked in the _Station
-Square_ was already replying vigorously to what it imagined to be the
-Belgian fire, coming from the _Rue Léopold_ and the _Rue de la Station_.
-
-“I stood with my Company,” states the Company Commander,[185] “at
-about ten minutes to eight in the _Station Square_. I had stood
-about five minutes, when suddenly, quite unexpectedly, shots were
-fired at my Company from the surrounding houses, from the windows,
-and from the attics. Simultaneously I heard lively firing from the
-_Rue de la Station_, as well as from all the neighbouring streets.”
-(Precisely the district in which the newly-arrived troops had taken
-up their quarters.) “Shots were also fired from the windows of my
-hotel--straight from my room” (which had doubtless been occupied by
-some newly-arrived soldier during the afternoon, while the witness was
-on duty at the Malines Gate)....
-
-“We now knelt down and fired at the opposite houses.... I sought cover
-with my Company in the entrances of some houses. During the assault
-five men of my Company were wounded. The fact that so few were wounded
-is due to the fact that the inhabitants were shooting too high....
-
-“About an hour later I was summoned to His Excellency General von
-Boehn, who was standing near by. His Excellency asked for an exact
-report, and, after I had made it, he said to me: ‘Can you take an oath
-concerning what you have just reported to me--in particular, that the
-first shots were fired by the inhabitants from the houses?’ I then
-answered: ‘Yes, I can swear to that fact.’”
-
-But what evidence had the Lieutenant for the “fact” to which he swore?
-There was no doubt about the shots, but he gives no proof of the
-identity of those who fired them, and another witness,[186] who lived
-in a house looking on to the _Station Square_, is equally positive that
-the assailants, too, were German soldiers.
-
-“Just before eight,” he states, “we heard one shot from a rifle,
-followed immediately after by two others, and then a general fusillade
-began. I went at once to my garden; the bullets were passing quite
-close to me; I went back to the house and on to the balcony, and there
-I saw the Germans, not fighting Belgians, but fighting each other at a
-distance of 200 or 300 yards. At 8.0 o’clock it begins to be dark, but
-I am perfectly certain it was Germans fighting Germans. The firing on
-both sides passed right in front of my house, and from the other side
-of the railway. I was low down on the balcony, quite flat, and watched
-it all. They fought hard for about an hour. The officers whistled
-and shouted out orders; there was terrible confusion until each side
-found out they were fighting each other, and then the firing ceased.
-About half an hour after, on the other side of the railway, I heard
-a machine-gun--I was told afterwards that the Germans were killing
-civilians with it. It went on certainly for at least five or six
-minutes, stopping now and then for a few seconds....”
-
-This fighting near the _Station_ seems to have been the first and
-fiercest of all, but the panic spread like wildfire through the city.
-It was spread by the horses that stampeded in the _Place du Peuple_
-and elsewhere, and galloped riderless in all directions--across the
-_Station Square_,[187] through the suburb of _Corbeek-Loo_,[188] down
-the _Rue de la Station_,[189] and up the _Rue de Tirlemont_,[190] the
-_Rue de Bruxelles_,[191] and the _Rue de Malines_.[192] The troops
-infected by the panic either ran amok or took to flight.
-
-“About 8.0 o’clock,” states a witness,[193] “the _Rue de la Station_
-was the scene of a stampede of horses and baggage waggons, some of
-which were overturned. A smart burst of rifle-fire occurred at this
-moment. This came from the German police-guard in the _Rue de la
-Station_, who, seeing troops arrive in disorder, thought that it was
-the enemy. Another proof of their mistake is that later during the same
-night a group of German soldiers, under the command of an officer, got
-into a shop belonging to the F.’s and in charge of their nephew B., and
-told him, pointing their revolvers at him, to hide them in the cellar.
-A few hours afterwards, hearing troops passing, they compelled him to
-go and see if it was the French or the Germans, and when they learnt
-that it was the Germans, they called out: ‘Then we are safe,’ and
-rejoined their compatriots.”
-
-These new troops hurrying into the town in the midst of the uproar
-were infected by the panic in their turn and flung themselves into
-the fighting. “On August 25th,” states one of them in his diary,[194]
-“we hold ourselves on the alert at _Grimde_ (a sugar refinery); here,
-too, everything is burnt and destroyed. From _Grimde_ we continue our
-march upon Louvain; here it is a picture of horror all round; corpses
-of our men and horses; motor-cars blazing; the water poisoned; we have
-scarcely reached the outskirts of the town when the fusillade begins
-again more merrily than ever; naturally we wheel about and sweep the
-street; then the town is peppered by us thoroughly.”
-
-In the _Rue Léopold_, leading from the _Rue de la Station_ into the
-_Place du Peuple_, “at 8.0 o’clock exactly a violent fusillade broke
-out.” The newly-arrived troops, who had been under arms since the alarm
-at 7.0 o’clock, “took to flight as fast as their legs could carry them.
-From our cellar,” states one of the householders on whom they had been
-billeted,[195] “we saw them running until they must have been out of
-breath.”
-
-There was a single shot, followed by a fusillade and machine-gun fire,
-in the _Rue des Joyeuses Entrées_.[196] Waggons and motor-cars were
-flying out of the town down the _Rue de Parc_, and soldiers on foot
-down the _Rue de Tirlemont_.[197] In the _Rue des Flamands_, which
-runs at right-angles between these two latter roads, “at ten minutes
-past eight, a shot was fired quite close to the _Institut Supérieur
-de Philosophie_” (now converted into the _Hôpital St. Thomas_).
-“We had scarcely taken note of it,” states one of the workers in
-the hospital,[198] “when other reports followed. In less than a
-minute rifle-shots and machine-gun fire mingled in a terrific din.
-Accompanying the crack of the firearms, we heard the dull thud of
-galloping hoofs in the _Rue de Tirlemont_.”
-
-Mgr. Deploige, President of the Institute and Director of the Hospital,
-reports[199] that “a lively fusillade broke out suddenly at 8.0 o’clock
-(Belgian time), at different points simultaneously--at the _Brussels
-Gate_, at the _Tirlemont Gate_, in the _Rue de la Station_, _Rue
-Léopold_, _Rue Marie-Thérèse_, _Rue des Joyeuses Entrées_, _Rue de
-Tirlemont_, etc.[200] It was the German troops firing with rifles and
-machine-guns. Some houses were literally riddled with bullets, and a
-number of civilians were killed in their homes.”
-
-Higher up the _Rue de Tirlemont_, in the direction of the _Grand’
-Place_, there was a Belgian Infantry Barracks, which had been
-turned into a hospital for slightly incapacitated German soldiers.
-The patients were in a state of nervous excitement already. “Every
-man,” states one of them,[201] “had his rifle by his side, also
-ball-cartridge.”--“About 9.0 o’clock,” states another,[202] “we heard
-shots.... We had to fall in in the yard. A sergeant-major distributed
-cartridges among us, whereupon I marched out with about 20 men. In the
-_Rue de Tirlemont_ a lively fire was directed against us from guns of
-small bore.... We pushed our way into a restaurant from which shots
-had come, and found in the proprietor’s possession about 100 Browning
-cartridges. He was arrested and shot.”--“We now,” continues the former,
-“stormed all the houses out of which shots were being fired.... Those
-who were found with weapons were immediately shot or bayonetted.... I
-myself, together with a comrade, bayonetted one inhabitant who went for
-me with his knife....”
-
-But who would not defend himself with a knife when attacked by an
-armed man breaking into his house? The witness admits that only five
-civilians were armed out of the twenty-five dragged out. Were these
-“armed” with knives? Or if revolver bullets were found in their houses,
-was it proved that they had not delivered up their revolvers at the
-time when they had been ordered to do so by the municipal authorities
-and the German Command? The witness does not claim to have found the
-revolvers themselves as well as the ammunition, though even if he
-had that was no proof that his victims had been firing with them, or
-even that they were theirs. The German Army uses “Brownings” too,
-and at this stage of the panic many German soldiers had broken into
-private houses and were firing from the windows as points of vantage.
-Two German soldiers broke into the house of Professor Verhelst (_Rue
-Léopold_, _16_), and fired into the street out of the second storey
-window. Other Germans passing shouted: “They have been shooting here,”
-and returned the fire.[203] Mgr. Ladeuze, Rector of Louvain University,
-was looking from the window of his house adjoining the garden of
-the _Chemical Institute, Rue de Namur_, and saw two German soldiers
-hidden among the trees and firing over the wall into the street.[204]
-Moreover, there is definite evidence of Germans firing on one another
-by mistake in other quarters beside the neighbourhood of the _Station_.
-
-“I myself know,” declares a Belgian witness,[205] “that the Germans
-fired on one another on August 25th. On that day, at about 8.0 p.m.,
-I was in the _Rue de Bruxelles_ at Louvain. I was hidden in a house.
-There was one party of German soldiers at one end of the street firing
-on another party at the other end. I could see that this happened
-myself. On the next day I spoke to a German soldier called Hermann
-Otto--he was a private in a Bavarian regiment. He told me that he
-himself was in the _Rue de Bruxelles_ the evening before, and that the
-two parties firing on one another were Bavarians and Poles, he being
-among the Bavarians....”
-
-The Poles openly blamed the Bavarians for the error. A wounded Polish
-Catholic, who was brought in during the night to the Dominican
-Monastery in the _Rue Juste-Lipse_, told the monks that “he had been
-wounded by a German bullet in an exchange of shots between two groups
-of German soldiers.”[206] On the Thursday following, a wounded Polish
-soldier was lying in the hospital of the Sisters of Mary at Wesemael,
-and, seeing German troops patrolling the road between Wesemael and
-Louvain, exclaimed to one of the nuns: “These drunken pigs fired on
-us.”[207]
-
-The casualties inflicted by the Germans on each other do not, however,
-appear to have been heavy. One German witness[208] saw “two dead
-transport horses and several dead soldiers” lying in the _Place du
-Peuple_. Another[209] saw a soldier lying near the _Juste-Lipse
-Monument_ who had been killed by a shot through the mouth. But most
-express astonishment at the lightness of the losses caused by so heavy
-a fire. “It is really a miracle,” said a German military doctor to
-a Belgian Professor in the course of the night,[210] “that not one
-soldier has been wounded by this violent fusillade.”--“A murderous
-fire,” states the surgeon of the Second Neuss Landsturm Battalion,[211]
-“was directed against us from _Rue de la Station_, _No. 120_. The fact
-that we or some of us were not killed I can merely explain by the fact
-that we were going along the same side of the street from which the
-shots were fired, and that it was night.”--“A tremendous fire,” states
-Major von Manteuffel, the Etappen-Kommandant,[212] “was opened from
-the houses surrounding the _Grand’ Place_, which was now filled with
-artillery (one battery), and with transport columns, motor-lorries and
-tanks of benzine.... I believe there were three men wounded, chiefly
-in the legs.” General von Boehn, commanding the Ninth Reserve Army
-Corps, estimates[213] that the total loss, in killed, wounded, and
-missing, of his General Command Staff, which was stationed in the
-_Place du Peuple_, “amounts to 5 officers, 2 officials, 23 men, and 95
-horses.”--“I note that the inhabitants fired far too high,” states a
-N.C.O. of the Landsturm Company drawn up in the _Station Square_.[214]
-“That was our good luck, because otherwise, considering the fearful
-fire which was directed against us from all the houses in the _Station
-Square_, most German officers and soldiers would have been killed or
-seriously wounded.”
-
-Thus the German troops in Louvain seem not merely to have fired on one
-another, but to have exaggerated hysterically the amount of danger each
-incurred from the other’s mistake. And the legend grew with time. The
-deposition last quoted was taken down on September 17th, 1914, less
-than a month after the event. But when examined again, on November
-19th, the same witness deposed that “Many of us were wounded, and some
-of us even received mortal wounds.... I fully maintain my evidence of
-September 17th,” he naïvely adds in conclusion.
-
-On the night of August 25th these German soldiers were distraught
-beyond all restraints of reason and justice. They blindly assumed that
-it was the civilians, and not their comrades, who had fired, and when
-they discovered their error they accused the civilians, deliberately,
-to save their own reputation.
-
-The Director and the Chief Surgeon of the _Hôpital St.-Thomas_ went
-out into the street after the first fusillade was over. Three soldiers
-with fixed bayonets rushed at them shouting: “You fired! Die!”--and
-it was only with difficulty that they persuaded them to spare their
-lives. When the firing began again a sergeant broke into the hospital
-shouting: “Who fired here?”--and placed the hospital staff under
-guard.[215] This was the effect of panic, but there were cases in which
-the firing was imputed to civilians, and punishment meted out for
-it, by means of criminal trickery. It was realised that the material
-evidence would be damning to the German Army. The empty cartridge cases
-were all German which were picked up in the streets,[216] and it is
-stated that every bullet extracted from the bodies of wounded German
-soldiers was found to be of German origin.[217] The Germans, convicted
-by these proofs, shrank from no fraud which might enable them to
-transfer the guilt on to the heads of Belgian victims.
-
-“The Germans took the horses out of a Belgian Red Cross car,” states a
-Belgian witness[218] living in the _Station Square_, “frightened them
-so that they ran down the street, and then shot three of them. Two fell
-quite close to my house. They then took a Belgian artillery helmet and
-put it on the ground, so as to prepare a _mise-en-scène_ to pretend
-that the Belgians had been fighting in the street.”
-
-At a late hour of the night a detachment of German soldiers was
-passing one of the professors’ houses, when a shot rang out, followed
-by a volley from the soldiers through the windows of the house. The
-soldiers then broke in and accused the inmates of having fired the
-first shot. They were mad with fury, and the professor and his family
-barely escaped with their lives. A sergeant pointed to his boot, with
-the implication that the shot had struck him there; but a witness
-in another house actually saw this sergeant fire the original shot
-himself, and make the same gesture after it to incite his comrades.[219]
-
-A staff-surgeon billeted on a curé in the suburb of _Blauwput_
-pretended he had been wounded by civilians when he had really fallen
-from a wall. On the morning of the 26th the officer in local command
-arrested fifty-seven men at _Blauwput_, this curé included, in order
-to decimate them in reprisal for wounds which the surgeon and two
-other soldiers had received. The curé was exempted by the lot, when
-the surgeon came up with a handful of revolver-cartridges which he
-professed to have discovered in the curé’s house. The officer answered:
-“Go away. I have searched this house myself,” and the surgeon slunk
-off. The curé was not added to the victims, but every tenth man was
-shot all the same.[220]
-
-That “the civilians had fired” was already an official dogma
-with the German military authorities in Louvain. Mgr. Coenraets,
-Vice-Rector of the University, was serving that day as a hostage at
-the _Hôtel-de-Ville_. A Dominican monk, Father Parijs, was there at
-the moment the firing broke out, in quest of a pass for remaining
-out-of-doors at night on ambulance service. He was now retained as
-well, and Alderman Schmit was fetched from his house. Von Boehn, the
-General Commanding the Ninth Reserve Corps, harangued these hostages
-on his arrival from the Malines front, and von Manteuffel, the
-Etappen-Kommandant, then conducted them, with a guard of soldiers,
-round the town. Baron Orban de Xivry was dragged out of his house
-to join them on the way. The procession halted at intervals in the
-streets, and the four hostages were compelled to proclaim to their
-fellow-citizens, in Flemish and in French, that, unless the firing
-ceased, the hostages themselves would be shot, the town would have to
-pay an indemnity of 20,000,000 francs, the houses from which shots were
-fired would be burnt, and artillery-fire would be directed upon Louvain
-as a whole.[221]
-
-But “reprisals” against the civil population had already begun. The
-firing from German soldiers in the houses upon German soldiers in
-the street was answered by a general assault of the latter upon all
-houses within their reach. “They broke the house-doors,” states a
-Belgian woman,[222] “with the butt-ends of their rifles.... They shot
-through the gratings of the cellars.”--“In the _Hôtel-de-Ville_,”
-states von Manteuffel,[223] “I saw the Company stationed there on the
-ground floor, standing at the windows and answering the fire of the
-inhabitants. In front of the _Hôtel-de-Ville_, on the entrance steps,
-I also saw soldiers firing in reply to the inhabitants’ fire in the
-direction of their houses.”--“Personally I was under the distinct
-impression,” states a staff officer,[224] “that we were fired at from
-the Hôtel Maria Theresa with machine-guns.” (This is quite probable,
-and merely proves that those who fired were German soldiers.) “The fire
-from machine-guns lasted from four to five minutes, and was immediately
-answered by our troops, who finally stormed the house and set it on
-fire.”--“The order was passed up from the rear that we should fire
-into the houses,” states an infantryman who had just detrained and was
-marching with his unit into the town.[225] “Thereupon we shot into
-the house-fronts on either side of us. To what extent the fire was
-answered I cannot say, the noise and confusion were too great.”--“We
-now dispersed towards both sides,” states a lance-corporal in the
-same battalion,[226] “and fired into the upper windows.... How long
-the firing lasted I cannot say.... We now began shooting into the
-ground-floor windows too, as well as tearing down a certain number of
-the shutters. I made my way into the house from which the shot had
-come, with a few others who had forced open the door. We could find no
-one in the house. In the room from which the shot had come there was,
-however, a petroleum lamp, lying overturned on the table and still
-smouldering....”
-
-[Illustration: 21. CAPELLE-AU-BOIS: THE CHURCH]
-
-[Illustration: 22. LOUVAIN: NEAR THE CHURCH OF ST. PIERRE]
-
-These assaults on houses passed over inevitably into wholesale
-incendiarism. “The German troops,” as the Editors of the German White
-Book remark in their summarising report on the events at Louvain,
-“had to resort to energetic counter-measures. In accordance with the
-threats, the inhabitants who had taken part in the attack were shot,
-and the houses from which shots had been fired were set on fire. The
-spreading of the fire to other houses also and the destruction of some
-streets could not be avoided. In this way the Cathedral” (_i. e._, the
-Collegiate Church of St. Pierre) “also caught fire....”
-
-There is a map in the German White Book which shows the quarters burnt
-down. The incendiarism started in the _Station Square_, and spread
-along the _Boulevard de Tirlemont_ as far as the _Tirlemont Gate_.
-It was renewed across the railway and devastated the suburbs to the
-east. Then it was extended up the _Rue de la Station_ into the heart of
-the town, and here the _Church of St. Pierre_ was destroyed, and the
-_University Halles_ with the priceless _University Library_--not by
-mischance, as the German Report alleges, but by the deliberate work of
-German troops, employing the same incendiary apparatus as had been used
-already at Visé, Liége and elsewhere.[227]
-
-The burning was directed by a German officer from the _Vieux Marché_, a
-large open space near the centre of the town, and by another group of
-officers stationed in the _Place du Peuple_.[228] The burning here is
-described by a German officer[229] (whose evidence on other points has
-been quoted above). “The Company,” he states, “continued to fire into
-the houses. The fire of the inhabitants (_sic_) gradually died down.
-Thereupon the German soldiers broke in the doors of the houses and set
-the houses on fire, flinging burning petroleum lamps into the houses or
-striking off the gas-taps, setting light to the gas which rushed out
-and throwing table-cloths and curtains into the flames. Here and there
-benzine was also employed as a means of ignition. The order to set fire
-to the houses was given out by Colonel von Stubenrauch, whose voice I
-distinguished....”
-
-In the _Rue de la Station_ the Germans set the houses on fire with
-incendiary bombs. This was seen by a Belgian witness,[230] and is
-confirmed by the German officer just cited, who, in the _Place du
-Peuple_, “heard repeatedly the detonation of what appeared to be heavy
-guns” round about him. “I supposed,” he proceeds, “that artillery was
-firing; but since there was none present, there is only one explanation
-for this--that the inhabitants (_sic_) also threw hand-grenades.”
-
-In the _Rue de Manège_[231] another Belgian witness saw a soldier
-pouring inflammable liquid over a house from a bucket, and this though
-a German military surgeon, present on the spot, admitted that in
-that house there had been nobody firing. Soldiers are also stated to
-have been seen[232] with a complete incendiary equipment (syringe,
-hatchet, etc.), and with “Gott mit Uns” and “Company of Incendiaries”
-blazoned on their belts. The Germans deny that the _Church of St.
-Pierre_ was deliberately burnt, and allege that the fire spread to
-it from private houses;[233] but a Dutch witness[234] saw it burning
-while the adjoining houses were still intact. There is less evidence
-for the deliberate burning of the _University Halles_, containing
-the _Library_, but it is significant that the building was completely
-consumed in one night (a result hardly possible without artificial
-means), and at 11.0 p.m., in the middle of the burning, an officer
-answered a Belgian monk, who protested, that it was “By Order.”[235]
-The manuscripts and early printed books in the _Library_ were one of
-the treasures of Europe. The whole collection of 250,000 volumes was
-the intellectual capital of the University, without which it could
-not carry on its work. Every volume and manuscript was destroyed. The
-Germans pride themselves on saving the _Hôtel-de-Ville_, but they
-saved it because it was the seat of the German Kommandantur, and this
-only suggests that, had they desired, they could have prevented the
-destruction of the other buildings as well.
-
-As the houses took fire the inhabitants met their fate. Some were
-asphyxiated in the cellars where they had taken refuge from the
-shooting, or were burnt alive as they attempted to escape from their
-homes.[236] Others were shot down by the German troops as they ran out
-into the street,[237] or while they were fighting the flames.[238] “The
-franc-tireurs,” as they are called by the German officer in the _Place
-du Peuple_,[239] “were without exception evil-looking figures, such
-as I have never seen elsewhere in all my life. They were shot down by
-the German posts stationed below....”
-
-[Illustration: 23. LOUVAIN: THE CHURCH OF ST. PIERRE]
-
-[Illustration: 24. LOUVAIN: THE CHURCH OF ST. PIERRE ACROSS THE RUINS]
-
-Others, again, tried to save themselves by climbing garden walls.[240]
-“I, my mother and my servants,” states one of these,[241] “took refuge
-at A.’s, whose cellars are vaulted and therefore afforded us a better
-protection than mine. A little later we withdrew to A.’s stables, where
-about 30 people, who had got there by climbing the garden walls, were
-to be found. Some of these poor wretches had had to climb 20 walls.
-A ring came at the bell. We opened the door. Several civilians flung
-themselves under the porch. The Germans were firing upon them from the
-street.”
-
-“When we were crossing a particularly high wall,” states another
-victim,[242] “my wife was on the top of the wall and I was helping
-her to get down, when a party of 15 Germans came up with rifles and
-revolvers. They told us to come down. My wife did not follow as quickly
-as they wished. One of them made a lunge at her with his bayonet. I
-seized the blade of the bayonet and stopped the lunge. The German
-soldier then tried to stab me in the face with his bayonet....
-
-“They kept hitting us with the butt-ends of their rifles--the women and
-children as well as the men. They struck us on the elbows because they
-said our arms were not raised high enough....
-
-“We were driven in this way through a burning house to the _Place de
-la Station_. There were a number of prisoners already there. In front
-of the station entrance there were the corpses of three civilians
-killed by rifle fire. The women and the children were separated. The
-women were put on one side and the men on the other. One of the German
-soldiers pushed my wife with the butt-end of his rifle, so that she was
-compelled to walk on the three corpses. Her shoes were full of blood....
-
-“Other prisoners were being continually brought in. I saw one
-prisoner with a bayonet-wound behind his ear. A boy of fifteen had a
-bayonet-wound in his throat in front.... The priests were treated more
-brutally than the rest. I saw one belaboured with the butt-ends of
-rifles. Some German soldiers came up to me sniggering, and said that
-all the women were going to be raped.... They explained themselves by
-gestures.... The streets were full of empty wine bottles....
-
-“An officer told me that he was merely executing orders, and that he
-himself would be shot if he did not execute them....”
-
-The battue of civilians through the streets was the final horror of
-that night. The massacre began with the murder of M. David-Fischbach.
-He was a man of property, a benefactor of the University and the town.
-Since the outbreak of war he had given 10,000 francs to the Red Cross.
-Since the German occupation he had entertained German officers in his
-house, which stood in the _Rue de la Station_ opposite the _Statue of
-Juste-Lipse_, and about 9.0 o’clock that evening he had gone to bed.
-
-“Close to the _Monument Square_,” states Dr. Berghausen, the German
-military surgeon who was responsible for M. David-Fischbach’s
-death,[243] “I saw a German soldier lying dead on the ground.... His
-comrades told me that the shot had been fired from the corner house
-belonging to David-Fischbach. Thereupon I myself, with my servant,
-broke in the door of the house and met first the owner of the house,
-old David-Fischbach. I challenged him concerning the soldier who had
-been murdered.... Old David-Fischbach declared he knew nothing about
-it. Thereupon his son, young Fischbach, came downstairs from the
-first floor, and from the porter’s lodge appeared an old servant. I
-immediately took father, son, and servant with me into the street. At
-that moment a tumult arose in the street, because a fearful fusillade
-had opened from a few houses on the same side of the street against the
-soldiers standing by the Monument and against myself. In the darkness I
-then lost sight of David-Fischbach, with his son and servant....”
-
-The soldiers set the old man with his back against the statue. Standing
-with his arms raised, he had to watch his house set on fire. Then
-he was bayonetted and finally shot to death. His son was shot, too.
-His house was burnt to the ground, and a servant asphyxiated in the
-cellar.[244]
-
-“Later,” adds Dr. Berghausen, “I met Major von Manteuffel with the
-hostages, and all four or five of us saw the dead soldier lying in
-front of the monument and, a few steps further on, old David-Fischbach.
-I assumed that the comrades of the soldier who had been killed ... had
-at once inflicted punishment on the owner of the house....”
-
-The corpse was also seen by a professor’s wife who made her way to
-the _Hôpital St.-Thomas_--the old man’s white beard was stained with
-blood.[245]
-
-The massacre spread. Six workmen returning from their work were
-shot down from behind.[246] A woman was shot as she was beating for
-admittance on a door.[247] A man had his hands tied behind his back,
-and was shot as he ran down the street.[248] Another witness saw 20
-men shot.[249] One saw 19 corpses,[250] and corpses were also seen
-with their hands tied behind their backs, like the victim mentioned
-above.[251] There was the body of a woman cut in two, with a child
-still alive beside her.[252] Other children had been murdered, and
-were lying dead.[253] There was the body of another murdered woman,
-and a girl of fourteen who had been wounded and was being carried to
-hospital. A German soldier beckoned a Dutch witness into a shop,[254]
-and showed him the shop-keeper’s body in the back-room, in a
-night-shirt, with a bullet-wound through the head.
-
-These were the “evil-looking franc-tireurs” whom the German soldiers
-shot down at sight. Inhabitants of Louvain dragged as prisoners through
-the streets[255] recognised the corpses of people they knew. Here a
-bootmaker lay,[256] here a hairdresser,[256] here a professor. The
-corpse of Professor Lenertz was lying in front of his house in the
-_Boulevard de Tirlemont_. It was recognised by Dr. Noyons, one of his
-colleagues (though a Dutchman by nationality), who was serving in the
-_Hôpital St.-Thomas_, and so escaped himself.[257] “On the 27th,”
-states a Belgian lady,[258] “M. Lenertz’ body was still lying on the
-Boulevard. When his wife and children were evicted by the Germans and
-came out of their house, members of the family had to stand in front of
-the body to hide it from Madame Lenertz’ sight.”
-
-The dead were lying in every quarter of the town. In the _Boulevard
-de Tirlemont_ there were six or seven more.[259] There was one at the
-end of the _Rue du Manège_.[260] But the greatest number were in the
-_Station Square_, where they were seen by all the civilian prisoners
-herded thither this night and the following day.[261] Their murder
-is described by a German sergeant-major[262] who was fighting in the
-neighbourhood of the _Station_. “Various civilians,” he remarks, “were
-led off by my men, and after judgment had been given against them
-by the Commandant, they were shot in the _Square_ in front of the
-_Station_. In accordance with orders, I myself helped to set fire to
-various houses, after having in every case previously convinced myself
-that no one was left in them. Towards midnight the work was done, and
-the Company returned to the station buildings, before which were lying
-shot about 15 inhabitants of the town.”
-
-The slaughter itself increased the thirst for blood. A Dutch
-witness[263] met a German column marching in from _Aerschot_. “The
-soldiers were beside themselves with rage at the sight of the corpses,
-and cried: ‘Schweinhunde! Schweinhunde!’ They regarded me with
-threatening eyes. I passed on my way....”
-
-The soldiers in their frenzy respected no one. The Hostel for Spanish
-students in the _Rue de la Station_ was burnt down, though it was
-protected by the Spanish flag. Father Catala, the Superior of the
-Hostel and formerly Vice-Consul of Spain, barely escaped with his life.
-There was no mercy either for the old or the sick. A retired barrister,
-bedridden with paralysis, had his house burnt over his head, and was
-brought to the _Hôpital St.-Thomas_ to die. Another old man, more than
-eighty years old and in his last illness, was cast out by the soldiers
-into the street, and died in the _Hôpital St.-Thomas_ next day.[264] An
-aged concierge was cast alive into the blazing ruins of the house it
-was his duty to guard.[265] So it went on till dawn, when the havoc was
-completed by salvoes of artillery. “At four o’clock in the morning,”
-states an officer of the Ninth German Reserve Corps Staff,[266] “the
-Army Corps moved out to battle. We did not enter the main streets,
-but advanced along an avenue.... As the road carrying our lines of
-communication was continuously fired on, the order was given to clear
-the town by force. Two guns were sent with 150 shells. The two guns,
-firing from the _Railway Station_, swept the streets with shells. Thus
-at least the quarter surrounding the _Railway Station_ was secured,
-and this made it possible to conduct the supply-columns through the
-town....”
-
-It was now the morning of August 26th. At dawn Mgr. Coenraets and
-Father Parijs, the hostages of the preceding night, were placed under
-escort and marched round the City once more. If the firing continued
-the hostages were to be shot. They had to proclaim this themselves to
-the inhabitants from point to point of the town, and they were kept at
-this task till far on in the day.[267] The inhabitants, meanwhile, were
-paying the penalty for the shots which not they but the Germans had
-already fired.
-
-In one street after another the people were dragged from their houses,
-and those not slaughtered out of hand were driven by the soldiers to
-the _Station Square_. “I only had slippers on,” states one victim,[268]
-“and no hat or waistcoat. On the way to the _Station Square_, soldiers
-kicked me and hit me with the butt-ends of their rifles, and shouted:
-‘Oh, you swine! Another who shot at us! You swine!’ My hands were tied
-behind my back with a cord, and when I cried: ‘Oh, God, you are hurting
-me,’ a soldier spat on me.”--“We had to go in front of the soldiers,”
-adds this witness’s wife,[269] “holding our hands above our heads.
-All the ladies who lived in the Boulevard--invalids or not--were taken
-prisoners. One of them, an old lady of 85, who could scarcely walk, was
-dragged from her cellar with her maid.”
-
-[Illustration: 25. LOUVAIN: THE CHURCH OF ST. PIERRE--INTERIOR]
-
-[Illustration: 26. LOUVAIN: STATION SQUARE]
-
-When they reached the _Station Square_ the men were herded to one side,
-the women and children to the other. It was done by an officer with a
-loaded revolver.[270] “We were separated from our families,” states one
-of the men;[271] “we were knocked about and blows were rained on us
-from rifle butts; the women and children and the men were isolated from
-one another....”
-
-The men’s pockets were rifled. Purses, keys, penknives and so on
-were taken from them.[272] One gentleman’s servant had 7,805 francs
-taken from his bag, and was given a receipt for 7,000 francs in
-exchange.[273] This was the preliminary to a “trial,” conducted by
-Captain Albrecht,[274] a staff officer of the Ninth Reserve Corps.
-“The soldiers,” states a German tradesman who acted as Captain
-Albrecht’s interpreter,[275] “brought forward the civilians whom they
-had seized.... In all about 600 persons may have been brought in, the
-lives of at least 500 of whom were spared, because no clear proof of
-their guilt seemed to be established at the trial. These persons were
-set on one side.... Captain Albrecht followed the course--I imagine,
-by the command of his superiors--of ordering that those among the men
-brought forward upon whom either a weapon or an identification mark
-was discovered, or in whose case it was established by at least two
-witnesses that they had fired upon the German troops, should be shot.
-It is an utter impossibility, according to my firm conviction, that any
-innocent man should have lost his life....”
-
-But was there really “clear proof of guilt” in any of these cases? Not
-one of these “identification marks” (assumed to establish that the
-bearer was a member of the Belgian Army) has been brought forward as
-material evidence by the German Government. And was the other material
-evidence so clear? One man, for instance,[276] had a German bullet in
-his pocket which he had picked up in the street. “He was shot down,
-and two of his comrades had to make a pit and bury him in the place
-where he was shot.”[277] One priest was shot “because he had purposely
-enticed the soldiers, according to their testimony, under the fire of
-the franc-tireurs.”[278] Two other priests were shot “for distributing
-ammunition to civilians,”[279] but this was only a story heard from
-General Headquarters at second-hand. The witness who tells it was sent
-with a squad “to set on fire two hotels in the _Station Square_ and
-drive out their inmates. The chief culprits found, apparently, a way
-of escape in good time over the roofs, since only the proprietor of
-one of the hotels presented himself at 5.0 o’clock in the morning, and
-very shortly afterwards received the reward he deserved.” But what was
-the proof that he deserved it? Not any material evidence on his person,
-or the testimony of two witnesses who had seen him fire, but simply
-the fact that he was the only Belgian found in a certain building the
-inmates of which had been condemned, _a priori_, as franc-tireurs. The
-logic of this proceeding is defended by the tradesman interpreter, who
-submits[280] that “apart from all evidence, the persons brought to
-trial must have acted somehow in a suspicious manner--otherwise they
-would never have been brought to trial at all.”
-
-“It is untrue,” nevertheless he states expressly, “that an arbitrary
-selection among the persons brought forward was made when the order for
-execution was issued.” But one of the Belgian women[281] held prisoner
-in the _Station Square_ describes how “the men were placed in rows of
-five, and the fifth in each row was taken and shot,” as she affirms,
-“in my presence. If the fifth man happened to be old, his place was
-taken by the sixth man if he happened to be younger. This was also
-witnessed by my grandmother, my uncle and his wife, my cousin and our
-servant....”
-
-“The whole day long,” states another Belgian woman,[282] “I saw
-civilians being shot--twenty to twenty-five of them, including
-some monks or priests--in the _Station Square_ and the _Boulevard
-de Tirlemont_, opposite the warehouse. The victims were bound four
-together and placed on the pavement in front of the Maison Hamaide. The
-soldiers who shot them were on the other side of the Boulevard, on the
-warehouse roof. For that matter, the soldiers were firing everywhere in
-all directions.”
-
-The executions were also witnessed by the German troops. “On the
-morning of August 26th,” states a soldier,[283] “I saw many civilians,
-more than a hundred, among them five priests, shot at the _Station
-Square_ in Louvain because they had fired on German troops or because
-weapons were found on their persons.”
-
-This went on all day, and all day the women were compelled to watch it,
-while the surviving men were marched away in batches, and the houses
-on either side of the railway continued to burn. When night came the
-women were confined in the _Station_. “My aunt,” continues the witness
-quoted above,[284] “was taken to the _Station_ with her baby and kept
-there till the morning. It rained all the night, and she wrapped the
-baby in her skirt. The baby cried for food, and a German soldier
-gave the child a little water, and took my aunt and the child to an
-empty railway-carriage. Some other women got into the carriage with
-her, but during the whole night the Germans fired at the carriage for
-amusement....”
-
-The firing by German soldiers had never ceased since the first outbreak
-at 8.0 o’clock the evening before. An eye-witness records two bursts of
-it on the 26th--one at 5.0 p.m., and a more serious one at 8.45.[285]
-This firing was due in part to panic, but was in part of a more
-deliberate character. “The whole day,” states a Belgian witness,[286]
-“the soldiers went and came through the streets, saying: ‘Man hat
-geschossen,’ but it seems that the shots came from the soldiers
-themselves. I myself saw a soldier going through the streets shooting
-peacefully in the air.” There was also killing in cold blood. A café
-proprietor and his daughter were shot by two German soldiers waiting to
-be served. The other daughter crept under a table and escaped.[287]
-
-The women held prisoner at the _Station_ were only released at 8.0
-o’clock on the morning of the 27th,[288] but they had suffered less
-during these hours than the men. “Of the men,” as a German witness puts
-it,[289] “some were shot according to Martial Law. In the case of a
-large number of others it was, however, impossible to determine whether
-they had taken part in the shooting. These persons were placed for the
-moment in the _Station_; some of them were conveyed elsewhere.”
-
-The first batch[290] of those “not found guilty” was “conveyed” by the
-_Boulevard de Diest_ round the outskirts of the town, and out along
-the _Malines Road_, about 11.0 o’clock in the morning. It consisted of
-from 70 to 80 men, one of whom at least was 75 years old, while five
-were neutrals--a Paraguayan priest, Father Gamarra,[291] the Superior
-of the Spanish Hostel, Father Catala, and three of Father Catala’s
-students. There were doctors, lawyers, and retired officers among the
-Belgian victims. One prisoner was driven on ahead to warn the country
-people that all the hostages would be executed if a single shot were
-fired;[292] the rest were searched, had their hands bound behind
-their backs, and were marched in column under guard. On the way to
-_Herent_ they were used as a screen.[293] The village of _Herent_ was
-burning, and they had to run through the street to avoid being scorched
-by the flames.[294] “Carbonised corpses were lying in front of the
-houses.”--“At _Herent_” states the South American priest,[295] “I saw
-lying in the nook of a wall the corpse of a girl twelve or thirteen
-years old, who had been burnt alive.” On the road from _Herent_ to
-_Bueken_ “everything was devastated.” Beyond _Bueken_ and _Campenhout_
-they were made to halt in a field, and were told that they were going
-to be executed. Squads of soldiers advanced on them from the front
-and rear, and they were kept many minutes in suspense. Then they were
-marched on again towards _Campenhout_, surrounded by a company which,
-they were given to understand, was the “execution company.” Crowds of
-German troops, bivouacked by the roadside, shouted at them and spat on
-them as they passed. They reached _Campenhout_ at dusk, and were locked
-up for the night in the church with the inhabitants of the village. At
-4.30 a.m. they were warned to confess, as their execution was imminent.
-At 5.0 a.m. they were released from the church, and told they were
-free. But at _Bueken_ they were arrested again with a large number of
-country people, and were marched back towards _Campenhout_. One of
-these countrywomen bore a baby on the road.[296] From the outskirts of
-_Campenhout_ they were suddenly ordered to make their own way as best
-they could to the Belgian lines. They arrived at _Malines_ about 11.30
-in the morning (of August 27th), about 200 strong. Within four hours of
-their arrival the German bombardment[297] of _Malines_ began, and they
-had to march on again to _Antwerp_.
-
-A second batch[298] was driven out along the _Brussels Road_ on August
-26th between 1.0 and 2.0 o’clock in the afternoon. As they marched
-through Louvain by the _Rue de Bruxelles_, the guard fired into the
-windows of the houses and shot down one of the prisoners, who was
-panic-stricken and tried to escape.[299] At _Herent_ they were yoked to
-heavy carts and made to drag them along by-roads for three hours,[299]
-and another civilian was shot on the way.[299] At 10.0 p.m. they were
-made to lie down in an open field with their feet tied together, and
-lay thus in pouring rain till 6.0 o’clock next morning. Then they
-were marched through _Bueken_, _Thildonck_, _Wespelaer_--still in
-pouring rain--with their hands bound by a single long cord. They
-reached _Campenhout_ at noon, and were set to digging trenches. At
-7.0 p.m. they were allowed to sit down and rest, but only just behind
-the batteries bombarding the Antwerp forts,[300] which might have
-opened retaliation fire on them at any moment. That night they passed
-in Campenhout church, and at 9.0 o’clock next morning (August 28th)
-they were marched back again to Louvain, about 1,000 in all--women and
-children as well as men. “The houses along the road were burning. The
-principal streets of Louvain itself were burnt out.”[300] That night
-at Louvain they were crowded into the _Cavalry Riding School_ in the
-_Rue du Manège_. Six or seven thousand people were imprisoned there
-in all.[301] The press was terrible, and the heat from the burning
-buildings round was so great that the glass of the roof cracked during
-the night.[301] Two women went out of their minds and two babies
-died.[302] Next morning a German officer read them a proclamation
-to the effect that their liberty was given them because Germany had
-already won the war,[303] and they were marched out again through the
-streets. They passed corpses left unburied since the night of August
-25th.[303] “The German soldiers giggled at the sight.”[304] Once more
-they were driven round the countryside. At _Herent_ the women and
-children, and the men over forty, were set free. At _Campenhout_ the
-curé was added to the company, after being dragged round his parish at
-the tail of a cart.[305] At _Boortmeerbeek_ the men between twenty and
-forty were also released at last, and told to go forward to the Belgian
-lines, under threat of being shot if they turned back. They arrived in
-front of _Fort Waelhem_ in the dark, at 11.0 p.m. on the 29th, and were
-fired on by the Belgian outposts; but they managed to make themselves
-known and came through to safety.
-
-The third batch “conveyed elsewhere” from Louvain on August 26th
-consisted of the Garde Civique.[306] All members of this body were
-summoned by proclamation to present themselves at the _Hôtel-de-Ville_
-at 2.0 p.m.[307] The 95 men who reported themselves were informed that
-they were prisoners, taken to the _Station_, and entrained in two
-goods-vans. There were 250 other deportees on the train, including the
-Gardes Civiques of _Beyghem_ and _Grimberghen_, and about a hundred
-women and children. They did not reach the internment camp at _Münster_
-till the night of the 28th, and on the journey they were almost
-starved. At _Cologne Station_ a German Red Cross worker refused one of
-the women, who asked her in German for a little milk to feed her sick
-baby fourteen months old.[308] In the camp at _Münster_ all the men
-were crowded promiscuously into a single wooden shed. The floor was
-strewn with straw (already old), which was never changed. The blankets
-(also old, and too thin to keep out the cold) were never disinfected
-or washed. There was no lighting or heating. The food was insufficient
-and disgusting. The sanitary arrangements were indecent. And the
-deportees had to live under these conditions for months, in the clothes
-they stood in, though many had come in slippers and shirt-sleeves--the
-proclamation having taken them completely by surprise. In neighbouring
-huts there were the 400 Russian students from _Liége_, 600 or 700
-people from _Visé_, the Gardes Civiques of _Hasselt_ and _Tongres_,
-people from _Haccourt_ and from several communes in the _Province of
-Limburg_--about 1,700 prisoners in all. On October 4th an article in
-the _Berliner Tageblatt_, signed by a German general, admitted that
-“only two of the prisoners at _Münster_ were under suspicion of having
-fired”; but none of the prisoners from Louvain were released till
-October 30th, and then only cripples and men over seventy years of age.
-The rest were retained, including a man with a wooden leg....
-
-The fourth batch of prisoners on August 26th started about 3.0 o’clock
-in the afternoon, also by way of the _Boulevard de Diest_ and the
-_Malines Road_.[309] This group seems to have been treated even more
-brutally than the rest. One man was so violently mishandled that he
-fainted, and was carried in a waggon the first part of the way. He came
-to himself in time to see his own house burning and his wife waving him
-farewell. He was then thrown out of the waggon and made to go on foot.
-His bonds cut so deeply into his flesh that his arms lost all sensation
-for three days. The party was marched aimlessly about between _Herent_,
-_Louvain_, _Bueken_, and _Herent_ again till 11.0 at night, when they
-had to camp in the open in the rain. They were refused water to drink.
-At 3.0 a.m. on August 27th they were driven on again, and marched till
-3.0 p.m., when they arrived at _Rotselaer_. At _Rotselaer_ they were
-shut up in the church--a company of 3,000 men and women, including all
-the inhabitants of the village. This respite only lasted an hour, and
-at 4.0 o’clock they started once more along the Louvain Road. They were
-destined for a still worse torment, which will shortly be described.
-
-These preliminary expulsions on the 26th were followed up by more
-comprehensive measures on the morning of the 27th. Between 8.0 and 9.0
-a.m. German soldiers went round the streets proclaiming from door to
-door: “Louvain is to be bombarded at noon; everyone is to leave the
-town immediately.”[310] The people had no time to set their affairs in
-order or to prepare for the journey. They started out just as they
-were, fearing that the bombardment would overtake them before they
-could escape from the town. The exodus was complete. About 40,000
-people altogether were in flight,[311] and the majority of them
-streamed towards the _Station Square_, where they had been ordered
-to assemble, and then out by the _Boulevard de Tirlemont_, along the
-_Tirlemont Road_.
-
-The Dominicans from the Monastery in the _Rue Juste-Lipse_ were
-expelled with the rest. “At the moment when they were leaving the
-Monastery an old man was brought in seriously wounded in the stomach;
-it was evident that he had but a few hours to live. A German officer
-proposed to ‘finish him off,’ but was deterred by the Prior. One of the
-monks attempted to pick up a paralysed person who had fallen in the
-street; the soldiers prevented him, striking him with the butt-ends of
-their muskets. The weeping, terrified population was hurrying towards
-the _Railway Station_....”[312] At the _Station_ the Dominicans were
-stopped and sent to Germany by train; the rest of the crowd was driven
-on. There were from 8,000 to 10,000 people in this first column.[313]
-“Nothing but heads was to be seen--a sea of heads.... The wind was
-blowing violently, and a remorseless rain scourged us.... The crowd
-was pressing upon us, suffocating us, and sometimes literally lifting
-us along like a wave, our feet not touching the ground. We progressed
-with difficulty, and had to stop every ten metres. Sometimes a German
-asked us if we had any arms....”[314] When they arrived at _Tirlemont_
-they were kept outside the town till nightfall.[315] The inhabitants
-did their best for them, but _Tirlemont_, too, had been ravaged by
-the invasion. The number of the refugees was overwhelming, and there
-was a dearth of supplies. “My mother and I,” states a Professor of
-Louvain University,[316] “had to walk about 20 miles on the 27th and
-the following day before we could find a peasant cart. We had to carry
-the few belongings we were able to take away, and to walk in the heavy
-rain. We could find nothing to eat, but other people were yet more
-unfortunate than we. I saw ladies walking in the same plight, without
-hats and almost in their night-dresses. Sick persons, too, dragged
-themselves along or were carried in wheel-barrows. Thousands of people
-were obliged to sleep in _Tirlemont_ on the church pavements. We found
-a little room to sleep in....”
-
-Ecclesiastics were singled out for special maltreatment. This
-professor, and twelve other priests or monks with him, was stopped
-by German troops encamped at _Lovenjoul_. They were informed that
-they were going to be shot for “having incited the population.”--“A
-soldier,” states the professor, “called me ‘Black Devil’ and pushed me
-roughly into a dirty little stable.”--“I was thrust into a pig-stye,”
-states one of his fellow-victims,[317] “from which a pig had just been
-removed before my eyes.... There I was compelled to undress completely.
-German soldiers searched my clothes and took all I had. Thereupon the
-other ecclesiastics were brought to the stye; two of them were stripped
-like me; all were searched and robbed of all they had. The soldiers
-kept everything of value--watches, money and so on--and only returned
-us trifles. Our breviaries were thrown into the manure. Some of the
-ecclesiastics were robbed of large sums--one had 6,000 francs on him,
-another more than 4,000. All were brutally handled and received blows.”
-They were saved from death by the professor’s mother, who appealed to a
-German officer with more sense of justice than his colleagues, and they
-were thankful to rejoin the other refugees.
-
-A second stream of refugees was pouring out of Louvain by the
-_Tervueren Road_,[318] towards the south-west. “On the road,” states a
-professor,[319] “we had to raise our arms each time we met soldiers.
-An officer in a motor-car levelled his revolver at us. He threatened
-fiercely a young man walking by himself who only raised one arm--he was
-carrying a portmanteau in the other hand, which he had to put down in
-a hurry. At _Tervueren_ we were searched several times over, and then
-took the electric tram for Brussels....”
-
-But here the ecclesiastics were singled out once more. One was searched
-so roughly that his cassock was torn from top to bottom.[320] Another
-was charged with carrying “cartridges,” which turned out to be a
-packet of chocolates.[321] One soldier tried to slip a cartridge
-into a Jesuit’s pocket, but the trick was fortunately seen by
-another monk standing by.[322] Insults were hurled at them--“Swine”;
-“Beastly Papists”; “You incite the people to fire on us”; “You will
-be castrated, you swine!” Then they were driven into a field, and
-surrounded by a guard with loaded rifles. About 140 ecclesiastics
-were collected altogether,[323] including Mgr. Ladeuze, the Rector
-of Louvain University; Canon Cauchie, the Professor of History; Mgr.
-Becker, the Principal of the American Seminary; and Mgr. Willemsen,
-formerly President of the American College. After they had waited an
-hour, 26 of them were taken and lined up against a fence. Expecting
-to be shot, they gave one another absolution, but after waiting
-seven or eight minutes they were marched out of the field and lined
-up once more with their backs to a wood. As they marched, a soldier
-muttered that “one of them was going to be shot.” The two Americans
-showed their passports to an officer, but were violently rebuffed. Then
-Father Dupierreux, a Jesuit student 23 years old, was led before them
-under guard, and one of their number was called forward to translate
-aloud into German a paper that had been found on Father Dupierreux’s
-person. The paper (it was a manuscript memorandum of half-a-dozen
-lines) compared the conduct of the Germans at Louvain to the conduct
-of Genseric and of the Saracens, and the burning of the Library to the
-burning of the Library at Alexandria. The officer cut the recitation
-short. Father Dupierreux received absolution, and was then ordered to
-advance towards the wood. Four soldiers were lined up in front of him,
-and the 26 prisoners were ordered to face about, in order to witness
-the execution. Among their number was Father Robert Dupierreux, the
-twin brother of the condemned.[324] “Father Dupierreux,” states Father
-Schill,[325] the Jesuit who had been forced to translate the document,
-“had listened to the reading with complete calm.... He kept his eyes
-fixed on the crucifix.... The command rang out: ‘Aim! Fire!’ We only
-heard one report. The Father fell on his back; a last shudder ran
-through his limbs. Then the spectators were ordered to turn about
-again, while the officer bent over the body and discharged his pistol
-into the ear. The bullet came out through the eye.”
-
-The others were then placed in carts, and harangued:[326] “When we pass
-through a village, if a single shot is fired from any house, the whole
-village will be burnt. You will be shot and the inhabitants likewise.”
-They were paraded in these carts through the streets of _Brussels_ and
-liberated, at 7.0 o’clock in the evening, at eight kilometres’ distance
-beyond the city.
-
-Meanwhile, the proclamation of the morning had had its effect. Louvain
-was cleared of its inhabitants, but the bombardment did not follow.
-Between 11.0 and 12.0 o’clock a few cannon shots were heard in the
-distance, but that was all.[327] “At _Rotselaer_,” states an inhabitant
-of Louvain who was in the party conveyed there on the 27th,[328] “I
-understood from the prisoners in the church that all the people of
-_Rotselaer_ were made to leave their houses on the pretext that they
-were in danger of bombardment, and the Germans stated that they were
-being placed in the church for security. While all these people were in
-the church the Germans robbed the houses and then burned the village.”
-At Louvain the German strategy was the same. The bombardment was only
-a pretext for the wholesale expulsion of the inhabitants, which was
-followed by systematic pillage and incendiarism as soon as the ground
-was clear. The conflagration of two nights before, which had never
-burnt itself out, was extended deliberately and revived where it was
-dying out; the plundering, which had been desultory since the Germans
-first occupied the town, was now conducted under the supervision of
-officers from house to house.[329]
-
-On the morning of August 27th, even before the exodus began, a Dutch
-witness[330] waiting at the _Hôtel-de-Ville_ saw “soldiers streaming in
-from all sides, laden with huge packages of stolen property--clothes,
-boxes of cigars, bottles of wine, etc. Many of these men were
-drunk.”--“I saw the German soldiers taking the wine away from my
-house and from neighbours’ houses,” states a Belgian witness.[331]
-“They got into the cellar with a ladder, and brought out the wine
-and placed it on their waggons.”--“The streets were full of empty
-wine bottles,” states another.[332] “My factory has been completely
-plundered,” states a cigar-manufacturer.[333] “Seven million cigars
-have disappeared.” The factory itself was set on fire on the 26th,
-and was only saved by the Germans for fear the flames might spread to
-the prison. They saved it by an extinguishing apparatus which was as
-instantaneous in its effect as the apparatus they used for setting
-houses alight. “The soldiers, led by a non-commissioned officer, went
-from house to house and broke in the shop fronts and house doors with
-their rifle butts. A cart or waggon waited for them in the street to
-carry away the loot.”[334] Carts were also employed in the suburb of
-_Blauwput_, on the other side of the railway. “I saw German soldiers
-break into the houses,” states a witness from _Blauwput_.[335] “One
-party consisting of six soldiers had a little cart with them. I saw
-these break into a store where there were many bottles of champagne and
-a stock of cigars, etc. They drank a good deal of wine, smoked cigars,
-and carried off a supply in the cart. I saw many Germans engaged in
-looting.” This employment of carts became an anxiety to the Higher
-Command. A type-written order, addressed to the Officers of the 53rd
-Landwehr Infantry, lays down that “For the future it is forbidden to
-use army carts for the transport of things which have nothing whatever
-to do with the service of the Army. At some period these carts, which
-travel empty with our Army, will be required for the transport of war
-material. They are now actually loaded with all sorts of things, none
-of which have anything to do with military supplies or equipment.”[336]
-
-This systematic pillage went on day after day. “The _Station Square_,”
-states a refugee from Louvain[337] who traversed the city again on
-August 29th, “was transformed into a vast goods-depôt, where bottles
-of wine were the most prominent feature. Officers and men were
-eating and drinking in the middle of the ruins, without appearing to
-be in the least incommoded by the appalling stench of the corpses
-which still lay in the _Boulevard_. Along the _Boulevard de Diest_ I
-saw Landsturm soldiers taking from the houses anything that suited
-their fancy, and then setting the house alight, and this under their
-officers’ eyes.” On September 2nd there was a fresh outbreak of plunder
-and arson in the _Rue Léopold_ and the _Rue Marie-Thérèse_.[338] As
-late as September 5th--ten days after the original catastrophe--the
-Germans were pillaging houses in the _Rue de la Station_ and loading
-the loot on carts.[339] Householders who returned when all was over
-found the destruction complete. “I found my parents’ house sacked,”
-states one.[340] “A great deal of the furniture was smashed, the
-contents of cupboards and drawers were scattered about the rooms....
-In my sister’s house the looking-glasses on the ground floor were
-broken. On the bedding of the glass the imprint of the rifle-butts
-was clearly visible.”--“Inside our house,” states another,[341]
-“everything is upside down.... The floors are strewn with flowers and
-with silver plate not belonging to our house, the writing room is
-filled with buckets and basins, in which they had cooled the bottles
-of champagne.... There was straw everywhere--in short, the place was
-like a barn. To crown everything, my father was not allowed to sleep in
-his own house.... When the Germans at last quitted our residence, it
-was necessary to cleanse and disinfect everything. The lowest stable
-was cleaner than our bedrooms, where scraps from the gourmandising and
-pieces of meat lay rotting in every corner amid half-smoked cigars,
-candle ends, broken plates, and hay brought from I don’t know where.”
-
-But these two houses were, at any rate, not burnt down, and more
-frequently, when they had finished with a house, the Germans set it
-on fire. They had begun on the night of August 25th; on August 26th
-they were proceeding systematically,[342] and the work continued on
-the 27th and the following days. All varieties of incendiary apparatus
-were employed--a white powder,[343] an inflammable stick,[344] a
-projectile fired from a rifle.[345] They introduced these into the
-house to be burnt by staving in a panel of the front door[346] or
-breaking a window,[347] and the conflagration was immediate when once
-the apparatus was inside. This scientific incendiarism was the regular
-sequel to the organised pillage. The firing by German soldiers also
-went on. “On August 27th,” states one German witness,[348] “I was
-fired at from a garden from behind the hedge, without being hit. It
-was in the afternoon; I could not see the person who had shot.” The
-identification can be inferred from the experience of the Rector of
-Louvain University, Mgr. Ladeuze, on the night of August 25th, when
-he detected two German soldiers firing over the garden wall of the
-_Chemical Institute_ into the _Rue de Namur_.[349] Another German
-witness, a military surgeon in the Neuss Landsturm,[350] who arrived
-at Louvain in the afternoon of August 27th, testifies that “in the
-course of the afternoon I heard the noise of firing in the _Rue de la
-Station_.... I had the impression that we were being shot at from a
-house there, in spite of my conspicuous armlet with the Red Cross.
-We approached the house. A German soldier of another battalion leapt
-out from the first floor, and in so doing broke the upper part of his
-thigh. He told me that he had just been pursued and shot at by six
-civilians in the house.” The surgeon, a young man of twenty-five, a
-new-comer to Louvain, and unused to the notion of German soldiers
-firing on one another, repeats this story without seeing that it fails
-to explain the shots fired _from_ the house and directed against
-himself, and he takes the presence of the “six civilians” on faith.
-Was the soldier who escaped punishment by this lie firing into the
-street from panic? This may have been so, for the German troops were
-in a state of nervous degeneration, but there is another possible
-explanation. Two days later, on August 29th, when Mr. Gibson, Secretary
-of the American Legation at Brussels, visited Louvain to enquire
-into the catastrophe, his motor-car was fired at in the _Rue de la
-Station_ from a house, and five or six armed men in civilian costume
-were dragged out of it by his escort and marched off for execution.
-But they were not executed, for they were German soldiers disguised to
-give Mr. Gibson an ocular demonstration that “the civilians had fired.”
-The German Higher Command had already adopted this as their official
-thesis, and they were determined to impose it on the world.[351]
-
-After the exodus on the morning of the 27th, Louvain lay empty of
-inhabitants all day, while the burning and plundering went on. But at
-dusk a procession of civilians, driven by soldiers, streamed in from
-the north. They were the fourth batch of prisoners who had been marched
-out of Louvain on the previous day. They had spent the night in the
-open, and had been locked up that afternoon in _Rotselaer_ church. But
-after only an hour’s respite they had been driven forth again, and the
-whole population of _Rotselaer_ with them, along the road leading back
-to the city.
-
-“On the way,” states one of the victims,[352] “we rested a moment. The
-curé of _Rotselaer_, a man 86 years of age, spoke to the officer in
-command: ‘Herr Offizier, what you are doing now is a cowardly act. My
-people did no harm, and, if you want a victim, kill me....’ The German
-soldiers then seized the curé by the neck and took him away. Some
-Germans picked up mud from the ground and threw it in his face....”
-
-“We entered Louvain,” states the curé himself,[353] “by the _Canal_
-and the _Rue du Canal_. No ruins. We reached the _Grand’ Place_--what
-a spectacle! The _Church of Saint-Pierre_! Rest in front of the
-_Hôtel-de-Ville_. Fatigue compelled me to stretch myself on the
-pavement, while the houses blazed all the time.
-
-“Other prisoners from Louvain and the neighbourhood kept arriving. Soon
-I saw fresh prisoners arrive from _Rotselaer_--women, children and old
-men, among others a blind old man of eighty years, and the wife of the
-doctor at _Rotselaer_, dragged from her sick-bed. (She died during the
-journey to Germany.)...”
-
-“In the _Grand’ Place_,” states the former witness,[354] “the heat from
-the burning houses was so great that the prisoners huddled together to
-get away from it....”
-
-“After we had remained standing there about an hour,” states a
-third,[355] “we had to proceed towards the _Station_ along the _Rue de
-la Station_. In this same road we saw the German soldiers plundering
-the houses. They took pleasure in letting us see them doing it. In the
-city and at _Kessel-Loo_ the conflagration redoubled in intensity.”
-
-“The houses were all burning in the _Rue de la Station_,” states the
-first,[356] “and there were even flames in the street which we had to
-jump across. We were closely guarded by German soldiers, who threatened
-to kill us if we looked from side to side.”
-
-Yet these victims in their misery were accused of shooting by their
-tormentors. “On August 27th,” states an officer concerned,[357] “the
-Third Battalion of the Landwehr Infantry Regiment No. 53 had to take
-with it on its march from _Rotselaer_ to Louvain a convoy of about
-1,000 civilian prisoners.... Among the prisoners were a number of
-Belgian priests, one of whom,[358] especially caught my attention
-because at every halt he went from one to another of the prisoners and
-addressed words to them in an excited manner, so that I had to keep him
-under special observation. In Louvain we made over the prisoners at the
-_Station_.... On the following morning it was reported to me ... that
-the above-mentioned priest had shot at one of the men of the guard, but
-had failed to hit him, and in consequence had himself been shot in the
-_Station Square_.”
-
-Such were the rumours that passed current in the German Army; but there
-is no reference in this officer’s deposition to what really happened
-at the _Station_ on the night of the 27th-28th. The prisoners arrived
-there about 7.0 p.m., and were immediately put on board a train.
-Their numbers had risen by now to between 2,000 and 3,000,[359] and
-the overcrowding was appalling. The curé of _Rotselaer_ was placed
-in a truck which had carried troops and was furnished with benches;
-but even this truck was made to hold 50 people,[360] while the
-majority were forced into cattle trucks--from 70 to 100 men, women,
-and children in each,[361] which had never been cleaned, and were
-knee-deep in dung.[362] They stood in these trucks all night, while
-the train remained standing in the _Station_. On August 28th, about
-6.0 in the morning, they started for _Cologne_, but the stoppages and
-shuntings were interminable, and _Cologne_ was not reached till the
-afternoon of August 31st. During these four days--from the evening of
-August 27th to the afternoon of August 31st--the prisoners were given
-nothing to eat,[363] and were not allowed to get out of the train to
-relieve themselves when it stopped.[364] “We had nothing to eat,”
-states one of them,[365] “not even the child one month old.”--“My
-wife was suckling her child,” states another,[366] “but her milk
-came to an end. My wife was crying nearly all the time. The baby was
-dreadfully ill, and nearly died.”--“We had been without food for two
-days and nights, and had nothing to drink till we got to _Cologne_,
-except that one of my fellow-prisoners had a bottle of water, from
-which we just wetted our lips.”[367]--“I asked for some water for my
-child at _Aix-la-Chapelle_, and it was refused. It was the soldiers
-that I asked, and they spat at me when they refused the water. The
-soldiers also took all the money that I had upon me.”[368]--“We had not
-been allowed to leave the train to obey the calls of nature, till at
-_Cologne_ we went on our knees and begged the soldiers to allow us to
-get down.”[369]
-
-The brutality of the soldiers did not stop short of murder. “At
-_Henne_,” where the train stopped at 3.30 a.m. on August 29th, “a man
-got out to satisfy nature. He belonged to the village of _Wygmael_.
-He was going towards the side of the line when three German soldiers
-approached him. One of them caught hold of him and threw him on the
-ground, and he was bayonetted by one or other of them in his left side.
-The man cried out; then the German soldier withdrew his bayonet and
-showed his comrades how far it had gone in. He then wiped the blood
-off his bayonet by drawing it through his hand.... After the soldier
-had wiped his bayonet, he and his comrades turned the man over on his
-face.... A few minutes after he had wiped his bayonet, he put his hand
-in his pocket and took out some bread, which he ate....”[370]
-
-Between Louvain and the frontier two men in a passenger-carriage “tried
-to escape and broke the windows. The German sentinels bayonetted these
-two men and killed them.”[371]
-
-Two people on the train went mad,[372] and two committed suicide.[373]
-When the train started again after its halt at _Liége_, a man from
-_Thildonck_ was run over, and it was supposed that he had thrown
-himself under the wheels to put himself out of his misery.[374] When
-the train was emptied at _Cologne_, three of the prisoners were taken
-out dead.[375]
-
-The trucks were chalked with the inscription: “Civilians who shot at
-the soldiers at Louvain,”[376] and at every place in Germany where
-the train stopped the prisoners were persecuted by the crowd.[377]
-“At _Aix-la-Chapelle_,” states the curé of _Rotselaer_, “an officer
-came up to spit on me.”[378] At _Aix_, too, those destined for the
-internment camp at _Münster_ had to change trains and were marched
-through the streets. “As we went,” states one of them,[379] “the German
-women and children spat at us.”--“We arrived at _Aix-la-Chapelle_,”
-states another witness.[380] “There the German people shouted at us. At
-_Dürren_, between _Aix-la-Chapelle_ and _Cologne_, 4,000 German people
-crowded round. I turned round to the old woman with eight children, and
-said: ‘Do these people think we are prisoners? Show them one of your
-little children, at the window.’ This child was a month old, and naked.
-When the child was shown at the window a hush came over the crowd.”
-
-“When we reached _Cologne_ a crowd came round the trucks, jeering at
-us, and as we marched out they prodded us with their umbrellas and
-pelted us and shouted: ‘Shoot them dead! Shoot them dead!’--and drew
-their fingers across their throats.”[381]
-
-“At _Cologne_,” states the curé of _Rotselaer_,[382] “we had to
-leave the train and parade--men, women and children--through the
-streets under the surveillance of the police.”--“On the way,” adds
-another,[383] “the children in the streets threw stones at us.”
-
-They were herded for the night into an exhibition-ground called the
-“Luna Park,” and here their first food was served out to them--for
-every ten persons one loaf of mouldy bread.[384] A certain number found
-shelter in a “joy-wheel”; the rest spent the night in the open, in the
-rain. The guards amused themselves by making individuals kneel down in
-turn and threatening them with execution.[385] Next morning they were
-marched back to the station, once more under the insults of the crowd,
-and started to retrace their journey, but not all of them were allowed
-to return. A batch of 300 men were kept at _Cologne_ for a week, during
-which time 60 of their number were shot before the eyes of the rest,
-while the survivors were paraded through the town again and subjected
-more than once to a sham execution.[386] Others[387] were sent direct
-from _Aix-la-Chapelle_ to the internment camp at _Münster_, where the
-Garde Civique of Louvain had been sent before. In this camp the men
-were separated completely from the women and children--one of them was
-the man[388] whose baby had nearly died on the way, and for six weeks
-he was kept in ignorance of what was happening to the baby and to his
-wife. For the first six weeks they were given no water to wash in, and
-no soap during the whole period of their imprisonment. They were not
-allowed to smoke or read or sing. This particular prisoner was allowed
-by special grace to return to Louvain with his family on December 6th,
-but the others still remained.
-
-Meanwhile, the main body of the prisoners was being transported back
-to Belgium. This return journey was almost as painful as the journey
-out; they were almost as badly crowded and starved;[389] but the
-delays were less, and they reached _Brussels_ on September 2nd. While
-they were halted at _Brussels_, Burgomaster Max managed to serve out
-to each of them a ration of white bread.[390] They were carried on to
-_Schaerbeek_, detrained, and marched in column to _Vilvorde_. “I was in
-the last file,” states one of them.[391] “We were made to run quickly,
-and the soldiers struck us on the back with their rifles and on the
-arms with their bayonets.”--“On the way to _Vilvorde_ one man sprang
-into the water, a canal--he was mad by then. The German soldiers threw
-empty bottles at this man in the water; they were bottles they got from
-the houses as they passed, and were drinking from on the way.”[392]
-At _Vilvorde_ they were informed that they were free.[393] They
-dragged themselves forward towards the Belgian lines, but at _Sempst_
-another party of Germans took them prisoner again.[393] “The Germans
-thrust their bayonets quite close to our chests,” states one of the
-prisoners;[394] “then four of them prepared to shoot us, but they did
-not shoot. One of the prisoners went mad; I was made to hold him, and
-he hurt me very much.” Finally the officer commanding the picket let
-them go once more. They asked if they might return to Louvain. “If you
-go back that way we will kill you,” the officer said; “you have to go
-that way,” and he pointed towards _Malines_.[395] It was now midnight,
-and pouring with rain. The prisoners stumbled on again, and made their
-way, in scattered parties, to the Belgian outposts.[396]
-
-This horrible railway journey to _Cologne_ was the last stroke in the
-campaign of terrorisation carried out against Louvain after the night
-of August 25th by the deliberate policy of the German Army Command. A
-refugee who had returned to the city on August 28th, and had been kept
-prisoner during the night, was released with her fellow prisoners on
-the 29th. “We will not hurt you any more,” said the officer in command;
-“stay in Louvain. All is finished.”[397]
-
-On August 30th the staff of the _Hôpital St.-Thomas_, who had defied
-the proclamation of the 27th and remained continuously at their posts,
-took the task of reconstruction in hand.[398] A committee of notables
-was formed, and overtures were made to Major von Manteuffel, the German
-Etappen-Kommandant in the town. On September 1st a proclamation, signed
-by the provisional municipal government, was posted up, with von
-Manteuffel’s sanction, in the streets.[399] It communicated a promise
-from the German Military Authorities that pillage and arson should
-thenceforth cease, and it invited the inhabitants to come back to
-Louvain and take up again their normal life. The most pressing task was
-to clear the ruins, and to find and bury the dead. In Louvain alone,
-not including the suburban communes, 1,120 houses had been destroyed
-and 100 civilians had been killed during this week of terror.
-
-“We arrived at Louvain,” writes a German soldier in his diary on August
-29th.[400] “The whole place was swarming with troops. Landsturmers of
-the Halle Battalion came along, dragging things with them--chiefly
-bottles of wine--and many of them were drunk. A tour round the town
-with ten bicyclists in search of billets revealed a picture of
-devastation as bad as any imaginable. Burning and falling houses
-bordered the streets; only a house here and there remained standing.
-Our tour led us over broken glass, burning wood-work and rubble. Tram
-and telephone wires trailed in the streets. Such barracks as were still
-standing were full up. Back to the _Station_, where nobody knew what
-to do next. Detached parties were to enter the streets, but actually
-the Battalion marched in close order into the town, to break into the
-first houses and loot--no, of course, only to ‘requisition’--for wine
-and other things. Like a wild pack they broke loose, each on their own;
-officers set a good example by going on ahead. A night in a barracks
-with many drunk was the end of this day, which aroused in me a contempt
-I cannot describe.”
-
- * * * * *
-
-[Illustration: THE TRACK OF THE ARMIES: FROM THE FRONTIER TO MALINES.]
-
- * * * * *
-
-[Illustration: LOUVAIN
-
-SKETCH TAKEN FROM MAP ATTACHED TO THE GERMAN WHITE BOOK.
-
-The cross hatching denotes the quarters burnt down, and is reproduced
-exactly from the German original.]
-
- * * * * *
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[74] xv p. 20.
-
-[75] Bryce pp. 183-4.
-
-[76] xvii p. 66; xxi p. 129; Morgan p. 101; Bland p. 121; Davignon p.
-107.
-
-[77] The man was a glass-maker.
-
-[78] xvii p. 66.
-
-[79] xvii p. 63.
-
-[80] Reply pp. 140-1; k4; Bédier pp. 10-1; i pp. 3-4.
-
-[81] There had been Belgian _soldiers_ with a machine-gun in the
-village.
-
-[82] k18.
-
-[83] Reply p. 128.
-
-[84] Davignon p. 97.
-
-[85] xv p. 20.
-
-[86] c1-38; Belg. xxi pp. 111-4; Anns. 1, 7; Reply pp. 147-178; German
-White Book, A; Struyken; Davignon p. 97.
-
-[87] Reply No. 1; g2.
-
-[88] c1, 6, 9, 15; R. No. 9.
-
-[89] c1, 15; R. Nos. 4, 9, 11.
-
-[90] German White Book, A 2.
-
-[91] White Book A 3, Appendix.
-
-[92] White Book A 5.
-
-[93] A 4.
-
-[94] White Book A 5.
-
-[95] cp. A 3, Appendix.
-
-[96] c 4, 8.
-
-[97] R. No. 3; c 12.
-
-[98] White Book A 2 and 3 (Appendix).
-
-[99] c 1, 4, 5; R. No. 11.
-
-[100] R. Nos. 9, 10, 15.
-
-[101] R. No. 16.
-
-[102] c 7, 13, 20, 23-5; R. Nos. 12, 13, 15, 16.
-
-[103] R. No. 9.
-
-[104] cp. the treatment of the monks at Louvain, p. 137 below.
-
-[105] Davignon, p. 97.
-
-[106] R. p. 171.
-
-[107] c39-45.
-
-[108] c3, 23-5, 40; R. No. 10 (Aerschot).
-
-[109] c54-6.
-
-[110] c48-9, 52; R. pp. 351-3.
-
-[111] For his death see footnote on p. 151 below.
-
-[112] c60-63.
-
-[113] c 46-47.
-
-[114] g 16-18.
-
-[115] d 1-9.
-
-[116] d 10-65; vii p. 54.
-
-[117] d 18, 20, 21, 34, 52, 62.
-
-[118] d 11, 18, 20, 21, 37, 39, 41, 44.
-
-[119] d 36, 38, 40.
-
-[120] d 32-4, 38-9.
-
-[121] d 12, 13, 16, 17, 20, 21, 25, 27, 29-31, 33, 35, 38, 43, 46, 52,
-54-7, 62-5.
-
-[122] d 10, 13, 15, 26, 47.
-
-[123] d 36, cp. 37.
-
-[124] vii p. 54.
-
-[125] d 66-83.
-
-[126] d 67-9, 72, 75.
-
-[127] d 66, 69-72, 77-9.
-
-[128] d 74, cp. 81.
-
-[129] d 87-9; g 20.
-
-[130] xv p. 22; g 18; d 90-1, 26.
-
-[131] x pp. 78-9.
-
-[132] Mercier.
-
-[133] d 92-3.
-
-[134] d 112-4; cp. Massart, pp. 338-9.
-
-[135] g 22.
-
-[136] k 21.
-
-[137] Reply p. 431; Mercier.
-
-[138] d 125.
-
-[139] 94.
-
-[140] d 100-8.
-
-[141] R. pp. 378-380.
-
-[142] d 110-1.
-
-[143] d 95-9.
-
-[144] Mercier.
-
-[145] “Germans,” p. 26.
-
-[146] e23.
-
-[147] R29; cp. “Germans,” p. 9; Chambry, p. 14; e5; R24.
-
-[148] “Germans,” p. 15; R24.
-
-[149] Chambry, p. 16.
-
-[150] e2; R7, 10.
-
-[151] R24; Chambry, p. 17.
-
-[152] “Horrors,” p. 31.
-
-[153] e25.
-
-[154] R24; cp. R11; e2; “Germans,” p. 25.
-
-[155] e23.
-
-[156] e2; R18.
-
-[157] “Germans,” p. 25.
-
-[158] “Germans,” p. 26; R24.
-
-[159] “Horrors,” p. 31.
-
-[160] R7, 24.
-
-[161] R10.
-
-[162] R1, 24; “Germans,” pp. 28-9.
-
-[163] R29.
-
-[164] R2, 24, 29.
-
-[165] “Germans,” p. 31; Grondijs, p. 34; e 1; R1, 8, 11, 17.
-
-[166] “Germans,” pp. 31-2.
-
-[167] e 1.
-
-[168] e 1; “Germans,” p. 32; D7, 8.
-
-[169] “Germans,” p. 32.
-
-[170] “Germans,” p. 32; Davignon, p. 97; R17.
-
-[171] Chambry, p. 21; e3; R17.
-
-[172] R7; D46.
-
-[173] D46.
-
-[174] D46.
-
-[175] D7, 8.
-
-[176] e1; R8.
-
-[177] R7, 17.
-
-[178] Chambry, pp. 22-3.
-
-[179] R6.
-
-[180] D7, 10, 12, 13, 14-18, 22; cp. D46.
-
-[181] R6.
-
-[182] R4.
-
-[183] R7.
-
-[184] D46.
-
-[185] D8.
-
-[186] e8.
-
-[187] D8, 22.
-
-[188] R20.
-
-[189] R3.
-
-[190] “Germans,” p. 33.
-
-[191] R3.
-
-[192] R13.
-
-[193] e 1; cp. R8.
-
-[194] Morgan, p. 102.
-
-[195] Chambry, p. 23.
-
-[196] R2.
-
-[197] “Horrors,” p. 38.
-
-[198] “Germans,” p. 33.
-
-[199] R27.
-
-[200] Also in the _Rue Vital Decoster_, north of the _Rue de la
-Station_ (R13).
-
-[201] D29; cp. R2.
-
-[202] D20; cp. D25, 27.
-
-[203] “Germans,” pp. 41, 107; e24; R29.
-
-[204] “Germans,” p. 107; Grondijs p. 58.
-
-[205] e5; cp. e13; R10.
-
-[206] xxi p. 115.
-
-[207] R5.
-
-[208] D20.
-
-[209] D9.
-
-[210] R13.
-
-[211] D9.
-
-[212] D3.
-
-[213] D1.
-
-[214] D10.
-
-[215] “Germans” pp. 33-5.
-
-[216] R25.
-
-[217] R29 (Statement by the Abbé van den Bergh, accredited by His
-Eminence Cardinal Piffl, Prince-Bishop of Vienna, to conduct inquiries
-on behalf of the Wiener Priester-Verein); cp. R25.
-
-[218] e8.
-
-[219] R3; cp. e24.
-
-[220] R29; cp. e26.
-
-[221] D1 (von Boehn), 2, 3 (von Manteuffel), 9, 49 (2).
-
-[222] e13; cp. R17, 24.
-
-[223] D3.
-
-[224] D2; cp. D11.
-
-[225] D36 (1).
-
-[226] D36 (2).
-
-[227] _Area of incendiarism_: “Eye-witness” p. 1; “Horrors” pp. 39, 43;
-“Germans” pp. 35-8, 92; Chambry pp. 25, 92; _Apparatus_: e2, 13; R8,
-13; cp. also D31, 37 (2)
-
-[228] R24.
-
-[229] D46.
-
-[230] R8; e23; cp. “Germans” p. 46.
-
-[231] R13; cp. e14, 28.
-
-[232] e13; cp. e24.
-
-[233] D4.
-
-[234] R14 (Grondijs); cp. R19, 29.
-
-[235] R29; cp. “Eye-witness” p. 3; “Germans” p. 37; R25.
-
-[236] e2, 23; R10, 11, 18, 24.
-
-[237] e1; R8.
-
-[238] R10.
-
-[239] D46.
-
-[240] R8, 26; e14.
-
-[241] e1.
-
-[242] e8; cp. “Horrors” p. 39; e17; R8, 15, 17.
-
-[243] D9; cp. R24; e14 (M. David-Fischbach’s servant).
-
-[244] Chambry pp. 26-7.
-
-[245] “Germans” p. 42.
-
-[246] e16.
-
-[247] e1.
-
-[248] e15.
-
-[249] e17.
-
-[250] e15.
-
-[251] e19.
-
-[252] e17.
-
-[253] e13.
-
-[254] Grondijs p. 39.
-
-[255] “Germans” pp. 46-7.
-
-[256] R19.
-
-[257] “Germans” p. 43.
-
-[258] R2.
-
-[259] R11, 17.
-
-[260] R13.
-
-[261] e1, 9, 13; R7, 8, 26.
-
-[262] D37 (2).
-
-[263] Grondijs p. 41.
-
-[264] “Germans” pp. 43-5; e2.
-
-[265] R24.
-
-[266] D2.
-
-[267] “Horrors” p. 40; “Germans” p. 47; xxi p. 115; R6, 10.
-
-[268] e3.
-
-[269] e4; cp. R7.
-
-[270] e1 = R8; cp. R1, 7.
-
-[271] R17.
-
-[272] e3.
-
-[273] e1 = R8.
-
-[274] Killed, October, 1914.
-
-[275] D38.
-
-[276] e4; cp. R20.
-
-[277] e4.
-
-[278] D38.
-
-[279] D48.
-
-[280] D38.
-
-[281] e13.
-
-[282] R9.
-
-[283] D19; cp. D37 (3), 41, 43.
-
-[284] e13; cp. Chambry pp. 38-9.
-
-[285] “Eye-witness” p. 4; cp. “Horrors” p. 39; Chambry pp. 33, 71-2;
-D37 (2).
-
-[286] e2.
-
-[287] Grondijs pp. 50-1.
-
-[288] e4; R9.
-
-[289] D44.
-
-[290] R1, 7, 8 (= e1), 20, 26.
-
-[291] R26 (his deposition); cp. Grondijs, pp. 70-1.
-
-[292] R1, 8 (= e1).
-
-[293] R1, 7, 26.
-
-[294] R1, 8.
-
-[295] R26.
-
-[296] R7.
-
-[297] R8.
-
-[298] xxi p. 117; e18, 21; R22; “Germans” pp. 59-61.
-
-[299] e21.
-
-[300] e21.
-
-[301] e18.
-
-[302] R22; cp. e18, 21; “Germans” p. 60.
-
-[303] R22; e18.
-
-[304] xxi p. 117.
-
-[305] cp. p. 76 above.
-
-[306] R23.
-
-[307] Chambry p. 33; Grondijs p. 47.
-
-[308] A German soldier was so much shocked at this that he fetched the
-milk himself.
-
-[309] e3 = R15; R17.
-
-[310] “Germans” pp. 52-4, 71; Chambry pp. 40-1, 73; “Horrors” pp. 40-1;
-Grondijs p. 52; “Eye-witness” p. 5; e2; R11; D31.
-
-[311] “Germans” p. 54.
-
-[312] xxi p. 116.
-
-[313] R11.
-
-[314] Chambry pp. 53-4.
-
-[315] R11.
-
-[316] e2.
-
-[317] R12.
-
-[318] “Eye-witness” pp. 5-9; “Germans” p. 58; Grondijs pp. 61-71
-(= R14); Chambry p. 73; R4, 13, 21 (= xxi pp. 117-9; “Eye-witness” pp.
-8-9).
-
-[319] R13.
-
-[320] R22.
-
-[321] “Eye-witness” p. 5.
-
-[322] R21.
-
-[323] “Eye-witness” p. 6.
-
-[324] R21; “Eye-witness” p. 7.
-
-[325] R21.
-
-[326] R21.
-
-[327] “Germans” p. 72; “Horrors” p. 42; cp. Chambry p. 56.
-
-[328] e3.
-
-[329] R24.
-
-[330] “Grondijs” p. 51.
-
-[331] e4.
-
-[332] e8.
-
-[333] R10.
-
-[334] R24.
-
-[335] e26.
-
-[336] Chambry p. 86; v. p. 29.
-
-[337] R11.
-
-[338] “Germans” pp. 73, 89.
-
-[339] R10.
-
-[340] R13.
-
-[341] Chambry pp. 74-7.
-
-[342] R19.
-
-[343] e16.
-
-[344] R19.
-
-[345] R24.
-
-[346] Chambry p. 52.
-
-[347] R19.
-
-[348] D19.
-
-[349] “Germans” p. 107; Grondijs p. 58; cp. p. 105 above.
-
-[350] D21.
-
-[351] R27 (Deposition of Mgr. Deploige, President of the _Institut
-Supérieur de Philosophie_ and Director of the _Hôpital St.-Thomas_);
-R29 (Report by Abbé Van den Bergh, accredited by His Eminence Cardinal
-Piffl, Prince-Bishop of Vienna, to make enquiries on behalf of the
-Vienna Priester-Verein).
-
-[352] e3.
-
-[353] R16.
-
-[354] e3.
-
-[355] R17.
-
-[356] e3.
-
-[357] D34.
-
-[358] This was the Priest of _Herent_, the Abbé van Bladel, whose body
-was exhumed at _Louvain_ on Jan. 14th, 1915, in the _Station Square_
-(R30).
-
-[359] e5, 7, 17; R16.
-
-[360] R16; cp. e10.
-
-[361] e3, 7, 17; “Germans” p. 68 (Narrative of a Bulgarian student).
-
-[362] e3, 7, 10, 17; “Germans” p. 68.
-
-[363] e3, 5, 10; R17.
-
-[364] e3, 7, 17.
-
-[365] e3.
-
-[366] e5.
-
-[367] e10.
-
-[368] e5.
-
-[369] e17.
-
-[370] e10; confirmed by e11.
-
-[371] e5.
-
-[372] e3; cp. e7; R17.
-
-[373] e3.
-
-[374] e10, 11.
-
-[375] e16.
-
-[376] e16.
-
-[377] e10.
-
-[378] R16.
-
-[379] e5.
-
-[380] e3 = R15.
-
-[381] e7; cp. e10.
-
-[382] R16; cp. e10; R17; “Germans” p. 68.
-
-[383] e17.
-
-[384] e17; R16.
-
-[385] R15.
-
-[386] e16.
-
-[387] e5.
-
-[388] e5.
-
-[389] e3.
-
-[390] e7, 10, 17; R16, 17.
-
-[391] e17; cp. e3; R15, 16, 17.
-
-[392] e7; R16, 17.
-
-[393] e3, 17; R15.
-
-[394] e17.
-
-[395] e3; R15.
-
-[396] R16.
-
-[397] e13.
-
-[398] “Germans” p. 84 _seqq._; R27.
-
-[399] “Germans” p. 86; R27.
-
-[400] Ann. 8 (Extract from the Diary of Gaston Klein); cp. Bryce p. 80,
-No. 32.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Transcriber’s Notes:
-
-Footnotes have been moved to the end of each chapter and relabeled
-consecutively through the document.
-
-Illustrations have been moved to paragraph breaks near where they are
-mentioned.
-
-Punctuation has been made consistent.
-
-Variations in spelling and hyphenation were retained as they appear in
-the original publication, except that obvious typos have been corrected.
-
-Abbreviations for references have inconsistent spacing, such as c1
-versus c 1, and these have been left as they appear in the original
-publication.
-
-Changes have been made as follows:
-
-Footnote 86: Struycken changed to Struyken (A; Struyken; Davignon)
-
-Footnote 139: Reference letter is missing and is probably d (d 94).
-
-
-
-
-
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