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diff --git a/old/50706-0.txt b/old/50706-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 7ca1cef..0000000 --- a/old/50706-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,3434 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians, by -Clark Wissler - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians - -Author: Clark Wissler - -Release Date: December 17, 2015 [EBook #50706] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIAL LIFE--BLACKFOOT INDIANS *** - - - - -Produced by Larry Harrison, Cindy Beyer, Ross Cooling and -the online Distributed Proofreaders Canada team at -http://www.pgdpcanada.net with images provided by The -Internet Archives-US - - - - - - ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS - - OF THE - - American Museum of Natural - History. - - Vol. VII, Part I. - - - THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. - - BY - - CLARK WISSLER. - - NEW YORK: - Published by Order of the Trustees. - 1911. - - - - - ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS - - OF THE - - AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY - - VOL. VII, PART I. - - THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE BLACKFOOT INDIANS. - - BY CLARK WISSLER. - - - - - CONTENTS. - - - INTRODUCTION - TRIBAL DIVISIONS - COURTSHIP - MARRIAGE AND ITS OBLIGATIONS - PLURALITY OF WIVES - POTENTIAL WIVES - THE MOTHER-IN-LAW TABOO - DIVORCE - RELATIONSHIP - NAMES - BANDS - THE CAMP CIRCLE - TRIBAL ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL - PROPERTY RIGHTS - DIVISION OF LABOR - BIRTH CUSTOMS - MENSTRUAL CUSTOMS - CARE AND TRAINING OF CHILDREN - DEATH AND MOURNING - TALES OF ADVENTURE - HERALDRY AND PICTURE WRITING - RECKONING TIME - OATHS - ETIQUETTE - AMUSEMENTS AND GAMES - GAMBLING - The Hand-Game - The Wheel Gambling Game - The Four-stick Game - BIBLIOGRAPHY - - - - - ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - TEXT FIGURES. - - 1. Section of a decorated Tipi - 2. Selected Figures from a decorated Tipi - 3. Symbols used in War Records - 4. Methods of recording the Capture of Horses - 5. Highly conventionalized Symbols - 6. A sand Map showing the Course of a War Party - 7. Map recording a Battle - 8. Wooden Tops - 9. A Stone Top - 10. Top Whip with Lashes of Bark - 11. Gaming Bows and Arrows - 12. A Wooden Dart - 13. The Wheel Game - 14. A Shinny Stick - 15. The Four-stick Game - - - - - INTRODUCTION. - - -In this third paper on the ethnology of the Blackfoot Indians full -recognition should again be given Mr. D. C. Duvall, with whose -assistance the data were collected by the writer on a Museum expedition -in 1906. Later, Mr. Duvall read the descriptive parts of the manuscript -to well-informed Indians, recording their corrections and comments, the -substance of which was incorporated in the final revision. Most of the -data come from the Piegan division in Montana. For supplementary -accounts of social customs the works of Henry, Maximilian, Grinnell, -Maclean, and McClintock are especially worthy of consideration. - -Since this paper is an integral part of an ethnographic survey in the -Missouri-Saskatchewan area some general statements seem permissible for -there is even yet a deep interest in the order of social grouping in -different parts of the world and its assumed relation with exogamy, to -the current discussion of which our presentation of the Blackfoot band -system may perhaps contribute. We believe the facts indicate these bands -to be social groups, or units, frequently formed and even now taking -shape by division, segregation and union, in the main a physical -grouping of individuals in adjustment to sociological and economic -conditions. The readiness with which a Blackfoot changes his band and -the unstable character of the band name and above all the band’s obvious -function as a social and political unit, make it appear that its -somewhat uncertain exogamous character is a mere coincidence. A -satisfactory comparative view of social organization in this area must -await the accumulation of more detailed information than is now -available. A brief résumé may, however, serve to define some of the -problems. Dr. Lowie’s investigation of the Assiniboine reveals band -characteristics similar to those of the Blackfoot in so far as his -informants gave evidence of no precise conscious relation between band -affiliation and restrictions to marriage.[1] The Gros Ventre, according -to Kroeber, are composed of bands in which descent is paternal and -marriage forbidden within the bands of one’s father and mother, which -has the appearance of a mere blood restriction.[2] The Arapaho bands, on -the other hand, were merely divisions in which membership was inherited -but did not affect marriage in any way.[3] The Crow, however, have not -only exogamous bands but phratries. The Teton-Dakota so far as our own -information goes, are like the Assiniboine. For the Western Cree we lack -definite information but such as we have indicates a simple family group -and blood restrictions to marriage. The following statement by Henry may -be noted: “A Cree often finds difficulty in tracing out his grandfather, -as they do not possess totems—that ready expedient among the Saulteurs. -They have a certain way of distinguishing their families and tribes, but -it is not nearly so accurate as that of the Saulteurs, and the second or -third generation back seems often lost in oblivion.”[4] On the west, the -Nez Perce seem innocent of anything like clans or gentes.[5] The -Northern Shoshone seem not to have the formal bands of the Blackfoot and -other tribes but to have recognized simple family groups.[6] The -clan-like organizations of the Ojibway, Winnebago and some other Siouan -groups and also the Caddoan groups on the eastern and southern borders -of our area serve to sharpen the differentiation. - -The names of Blackfoot bands are not animal terms but characterizations -in no wise different from tribal names. Those of the Assiniboine, Gros -Ventre, Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Teton-Dakota are, so far as reported, -essentially of the same class. It seems then that the name system for -these bands is the same among these neighboring tribes of the area and -that it is an integral part of the whole system of nomenclature for -groups of individuals. This may be of no particular significance, yet it -is difficult to see in it the ear marks of a broken-down clan -organization; it looks for all the world like an economic or physical -grouping of a growing population. - -We have seen in the Blackfoot system the suggestion that the band circle -or camp circle organization is in function a political and ceremonial -adjunct and that the exogamous aspects of these bands were accidental. -So far as we know this holds to a degree for other tribes using the band -circle.[7] - -It seems probable that many discussions of social phenomena could be -expedited if clear distinctions were established between what is -conventional and what is the result of specific functions and -adaptations. Unfortunately, our ignorance of the processes involved and -their seeming illusiveness of apprehension make such a result well-nigh -hopeless. By the large, conventional things, or customs, appear to be -products of ideation or thinking. Now a band circle is clearly a scheme, -a conception, that may well have originated within the mental activities -of a single individual, a true psychic accident. Indeed this is -precisely what conventions seem to be—customs, procedures or orders -that happen to become fixed. A band, on the other hand, is not so easily -disposed of. The name itself implies something instinctive or physical, -as a flock, a grove, etc. Something like this is seen in the ethnic -grouping of the Dakota since we have the main group composed of two -large divisions in one of which is the Teton, this again sub-divided -among which we find the Ogalalla, and this in turn divided into camps, -etc. Though detected by conventionalities of language this dividing and -diffusing is largely physical, or at least an organic adjustment to -environment. Then among the Ojibway we have a population widely -scattered in physical groups but over and above all, seemingly -independent, a clan system; the latter is certainly conventional, but -the former, not. Now the Blackfoot band seems in genesis very much of a -combined instinctive and physical grouping, in so far as it is largely a -sexual group and adapted to economic conditions. In its relation to the -band system of government and its exogamous tendency it is clearly -conventional. What may be termed the conventional band system consists -in a scheme for the tribal group designated as a band circle. This -scheme once in force would perpetuate the band names and distinctions in -the face of re-groupings for physical and economic reasons. Something -like this has been reported for the Cheyenne who have practically the -same band scheme but live in camps or physical groups not coincident -with the band grouping, hence, their band was predominatingly -conventional. The following statement of the Arapaho, if we read -correctly, is in line with this: “When the bands were separate, the -people in each camped promiscuously and without order. When the whole -tribe was together, it camped in a circle that had an opening to the -east. The members of each band then camped in one place in a circle.”[8] -All this in turn seems to support the interpretation that the band -circle system is merely a conventionalized scheme of tribal government. -We have noted that among the Blackfoot the tribal governments are so -associated with the band circles that they exist only potentially until -the camps are formed; at other times each band is a law unto itself. So -far as our data go something like this holds in part at least, for the -neighboring tribes. As a hypothesis, then, for further consideration we -may state that the band circles and the bands are the objective forms of -a type of tribal government almost peculiar to this area, an -organization of units not to be confused with the more social clans and -gentes of other tribes to which they bear a superficial resemblance. In -closing, we may remark that exogamy is often but a rule for marriage -respecting some conventional groupings. The Blackfoot appear to have -paused at the very threshold of such a ruling for their bands. - - December, 1910. - ------ - -[1] Lowie, (a), 34. - -[2] Kroeber, (a), 147. - -[3] Kroeber, (b), 8. - -[4] Henry, 511. - -[5] Spinden, 241. - -[6] Lowie, (b), 206. - -[7] See Mooney, 402; Swanton, 663; and Goldenweiser, 53. - -[8] Kroeber, (b), 8. - - - - - TRIBAL DIVISIONS. - - -As previously stated, there are three political divisions of the -Blackfoot Indians. These were definite when the tribes first came to our -knowledge and their origins have long had a place in mythology. The -genesis of these divisions must forever remain obscure, though there are -a few suggestions as to what may have been the order of differentiation. -While the term Blackfoot has been used by explorers from the very first, -it seems also to have some general significance among the Indians -themselves. Thus, a Piegan will tell you that he is a Piegan, but if -asked who are the Piegan, will usually reply that they are Blackfoot -Indians. Naturally, this may be due to foreign influence, the idea of -subordination to the Blackfoot division having grown out of knowledge -that such a classification was accepted by the dominant race.[9] In the -sign language, there appears no distinct designation for the group as a -whole. According to our information the signs are:— - -Blackfoot. Pass the thumb and extended fingers down the side of the leg -and supplement by pointing to black. - -Blood. Crook the closed fingers and draw across the mouth, the teeth -showing. The idea is that of picking clotted blood from the mouth. - -Piegan. The closed fist, fingers down, rubbed on the cheek. The idea is -“poorly dressed robes,” the sign signifying the rubbing of a skin.[10] -One informant claims the name to have been given by the Crow because the -first Piegan they killed wore a scabby robe. - -To the many published stories accounting for the origin of the term -Kainaw[11] (Blood) we add the following from the Piegan which is -entirely consistent with the sign. A party of Piegan were found in the -mountains frozen. They lay in a heap. Afterwards, the Blood taunted them -by singing, “All in a pile.” Some time after this, some Blood were found -in the same condition but with dried blood and froth smeared on their -faces. Then the Piegan retorted by singing and making the sign. In daily -speech, the significance of kai seems to be some dried effluvium from -the body, hence, the name. - -Henry gives a great deal of information as to the Blackfoot but is not -quite consistent in his classification, for though he recognized the -three historical divisions in his enumeration, he substituted two -“bands” for the Blackfoot;[12] the Cold band and Painted Feather’s band, -implying that these were distinct and strong divisions into which the -Blackfoot were divided. This may have been a temporary segregation under -two dominant leaders. Henry estimated the strength of the Piegan as -equal to all the other divisions combined, an estimate consistent with -all our information and with tradition. - -There are some linguistic differences between the three tribes but these -are chiefly in the choice of words and in current idioms. The Northern -Blackfoot seem to differ more from the Piegan than the latter from the -Blood. - ------ - -[9] “All these Indians [Piegan, Blood, Blackfoot] are comprehended, by -the Whites, under the general name of Blackfeet, which they themselves -do not, however, extend so far, but know each of the three tribes only -by its own proper name.” Maximilian, Vol. 23, 96. - -[10] Clark, 73, 74. - -[11] See also Maclean, 44. - -[12] Henry and Thompson, 530. - - - - - COURTSHIP. - - -It seems proper to begin the discussion of our subject with those -conventions directly associated with sexual activities. Among the -Blackfoot, as everywhere, the male is usually the aggressor. He lies in -wait outside the tipi at night or along the paths to the water and -wood-gathering places to force his attentions. This phase of sexual life -is often expressed in myths and tales, intercepting the girl with her -bundles of wood being the favorite.[13] Another manner of approach is by -creeping under the tipi cover into the sleeping place of the girls. When -countenanced by the girl’s family, attentions may be received by day in -full view of all, the couple sitting together muffled in the same -blanket, a familiar Dakota practice. Naturally, the girl may offer the -first invitation. The most conventional way is for her to make moccasins -secretly for the youth of her choice, this being regarded as the first -proper step. Curiously enough, when married the young bride is expected -to make a pair of moccasins for each of her husband’s male relatives. -Then they will say, “Well, my female relative (nĭmps) is all right, she -makes moccasins for us.” As the wife usually goes to live with her -husband’s people, this is something of a formal demonstration of her -worth to his family. - -To all appearances, at least, virginity is held in very great esteem and -extreme precaution is taken to guard the girls of the family. They are -closely watched by their mothers and married off as soon as possible -after puberty. For a girl to become pregnant is regarded as an extreme -family disgrace. She will be scolded privately; but none of the family -will speak of the matter in public if it can be avoided, they bearing -their shame silently. No special demands are made of the co-partner in -her shame, the girl alone being the one held responsible. Marriage may -result, but the initiative is usually left to the man, since he is not -regarded as having erred or fallen into disfavor. The formal virginity -tests and puberty ceremonies practised among the Siouan tribes seem to -have no place in Blackfoot society. The male lover enjoys unusual -liberties. His efforts at debauchery are not only tolerated but -encouraged by his family and should he lead a married woman astray is -heralded as a person of promise. Thus, while great pains are taken to -safeguard young girls, boys are, if anything, encouraged to break -through the barriers. - -While the flageolet is a favorite adjunct of courtship among many tribes -of the area, its use in this connection seems to have been ignored by -the Blackfoot. They did, however, resort to charms and formula known -collectively as Cree medicine, a subject to be discussed in another -paper. From what information we have, the pursuit of the female was much -less in evidence than among the Dakota and other Siouan tribes.[14] We -found no traces of conventional modes of registering conquests as among -the young men of the Dakota and Village Indians.[15] - ------ - -[13] Vol. 2, 58, 109. - -[14] Wissler, (b). - -[15] Maximilian, Vol. 23, 282-283. - - - - - MARRIAGE AND ITS OBLIGATIONS. - - -Before proceeding, it should be noted that the courtship discussed in -the preceding has no necessary relation to marriage, and may continue -secretly after one or both are married. Proposals frequently come from -the parents of either the girl or the man and often without the -knowledge of one or both of the contracting parties. Mr. Grinnell has -described in some detail what may be regarded as the most ostentatious -form of proposal,[16] making it unnecessary to discuss the matter here. -In general, it appears that the negotiations are carried on between the -fathers of the couple or between the father and his prospective -son-in-law. If successful, the next step is the exchange of presents. -Grinnell denies that there is an idea of wife purchase in these -transactions,[17] but when discussing divorce on the following page says -the husband could “demand the price paid for her.” According to our -information, the idea of purchase is still alive, though the woman -herself may, as Grinnell claims, be regarded as more than a chattel. -Even to-day, the bridegroom is expected to give a few horses and other -property to the bride’s parents, and though presents are often sent with -the bride, the bridegroom must return at least two-fold.[18] In former -times, it is said, well-to-do families prepared the bride with an outfit -of horses, clothing, etc., and paraded over toward the band of the -bridegroom to be met in turn by a similar procession and outfit. The -chief object here was a parade of wealth, that all the people might see -the social excellence of the two families; for, as just stated, the -bridegroom must in the end pay a price over and above the mere exchange -of presents. - -A Piegan to whom the text was read commented as follows:—They do pay -for their women. When a man punishes his woman, he generally remarks -that he paid enough for her, and, hence, can do with her as he will. On -the other hand, if a man who gives few presents or pays nothing, becomes -exacting, the woman’s relatives will remark that as he paid little or -nothing he should desist; they may even take her away and find another -husband for her. - -There is a belief that the father-in-law was for a time entitled to part -of the spoils of the chase and war, especially the latter. During the -period between the proposal and the marriage, the hunt was delivered to -the tipi of the prospective father-in-law and when cooked a portion was -carried to the young man’s tipi by the girl. - -The formal marriage ceremony was simple, the couple taking their proper -places in the tipi and assuming at once their domestic responsibilities. -The husband was expected to hunt and accumulate horses; the wife to -prepare the food, make the clothing, etc. He had no great obligations to -her in his associations with other women; but she, on the other hand, -must strictly respect her compact. As the hour of marriage approached, -the girl’s relatives gave her a forceful talk on her obligations and the -shame of adultery. Her attention was called to the important part a -virtuous married woman may take in the sun dance as well as her fitness -to call upon the sun for aid in times of trial. She was threatened with -death, if she yielded to temptation. Formerly, it is said, a wife was -often executed for committing adultery. Should the husband fail to do -this, her relatives would often carry it out to save the name of the -family. Such executions are described as having been barbarous beyond -belief. Later, the woman’s nose was cut off; several women now living -bear these marks of shame.[19] - -If the husband was a head man, he used his own judgment as to the -woman’s guilt and it is believed that the penalty was often due more to -his unreasonable jealousy than to real knowledge of his wife’s guilt. -Yet, in any event, the disgrace and shame for the relatives of both -husband and wife was so great that extreme penalties for mere suspicion -were considered justifiable, if the interested parties were of some -importance in social life. Another form of punishment was for the -husband to call on the members of his society to deal with the woman, -whom they debauched in the most shocking manner and turned out of doors -to become a prostitute. Not many years ago, a young man called in all -his friends, and delivered his faithless wife to them for such -treatment. - -The lending of wives was looked upon as a disgrace, or at least as -irregular. A distinction should be made, however, between the favorite -wife and other wives. These others were often captured women from other -tribes, violated by a war party before becoming members of a household. -Such were often loaned by their masters without exciting public dissent. -It may have been such women that came to the notice of Henry and excited -his extreme contempt.[20] - ------ - -[16] Grinnell, 211-216; see also McClintock, 185. - -[17] Grinnell, 217. - -[18] “There is no particular marriage ceremony among the Blackfeet; the -man pays for the wife, and takes her to him; the purchase-price is -announced to the father of the girl by a friend or some other man. If he -accepts it, the girl is given up, and the marriage is concluded. If the -wife behaves ill, or if her husband is tired of her, he sends her home -without any ceremony, which does not give occasion to any dispute. She -takes her property and retires: the children remain the property of the -husband.” Maximilian, Vol. 23, 110. - -[19] See Maximilian, Vol. 23, 110. - -[20] Henry and Thompson, 526; also Maximilian, Vol. 23, 109. - - - - - PLURALITY OF WIVES. - - -There were no restrictions as to the number of women taken to wife, but -no woman could have more than one husband. Economic conditions, however, -were unfavorable to a household of many wives, so that many men kept but -a single wife and very few indeed ventured to support as many as five. -On the other hand, a man of importance was expected to have two or more -wives, suggesting wealth and resourcefulness. Plural wives speak of -themselves as niskas (married to the same man) or, if of considerable -difference in age, as elder and younger sisters. In the normal order of -events, the first wife is the real, or head wife (she who sits beside -him). A man may depose the head wife and confer the right upon another; -but such was regarded as unusual, except where the provocation was -great. When he went upon a journey, the head wife alone usually -accompanied him. In the transfer of medicines, she took the woman’s part -and afterwards cared for the bundle. It seems that in this function, at -least, she was secure from the whims of her husband. Again, there is the -belief that the marriage obligations demanded more of her; the other -wives, especially if young, were generally assumed to have lovers among -the young men even though such was formally forbidden. - -It is said, that sometimes the intimate friends of a young man about to -marry would ask for the loan of his wife after marrying, but that in -such cases the wife rarely yielded to his requests as she was always -upheld in an appeal to his or her relatives. In the absence of other -data, it is not safe to consider this a survival of former practices. -However, it should be considered a possible phase of the distant-wife -relations. - - - - - POTENTIAL WIVES. - - -The sisters of a wife are spoken of as “distant-wives” and may be, in a -way, potential wives, though it is not clear that there was any -obligation involved when plural marriages were permitted. If a man -proved to be a good husband, it is said, he might be given the -“distant-wives” in turn, but there was no compulsion. The marriage of -sisters was justified on practical grounds, they being more likely to -live together in harmony. If there was a twin brother, the distant-wife -relationship applied to him also; if not an actual twin but an -inseparable companion (nitâks ok kowŏmmaul) the same term would apply, -though in these cases to a less degree. - -There is, however, a curious social custom still in force by which a man -and his distant-wives are expected, on meeting, to engage in bold and -obscene jests concerning sexual matters. This is often carried to a -degree beyond belief. Thus, there is not only the same freedom here as -between man and wife, but the conventional necessity for license. As -practically all other relatives by marriage are forbidden the least -reference to such subjects, the force of the exception is greatly -magnified. For example, a man will not even relate the obscene tales of -the Old Man and other tales containing such reference in the presence of -his brothers-in-law nor before their immediate relatives. If we add to -this an equal prohibition against the presence of his sisters and female -cousins, we have marked out the limits of this taboo. Thus, it appears -that with respect to this taboo, the distant-wives are placed in an -exaggerated sense in the category of real wives. Other familiarities of -a man with his distant-wives are strictly improper. - - - - - THE MOTHER-IN-LAW TABOO. - - -The preceding may be a phase of the well-known mother-in-law taboo. -Among the Blackfoot, still, a man should not speak to his mother-in-law, -or even look at her. The taboo is equally binding upon her. If one is -discovered about to enter the tipi where the other is present, someone -gives warning in time to avoid the breach. Should the son-in-law enter, -he must make her a present to mitigate her shame; should the -mother-in-law offend, she must also make a small return. However, as -usual with such taboos, there are ways of adjusting this restriction -when necessary. If the son-in-law is ill, she may, in case of need, care -for him and speak to him; upon his recovery the taboo is considered as -permanently removed. Each may call on the other when in great danger, -after which they need not be ashamed to meet. Sometimes when a man went -out to war or was missing, his mother-in-law would register a vow that -if he returned alive, she would shake hands with him and give him a -horse and feel no more shame at meeting. The son-in-law may remove the -taboo by presenting a few captured guns or horses. Some informants claim -that four such presentations were necessary, after which his -mother-in-law would take him by the hand and thus remove the taboo. She -may receive support from her son-in-law but, even with the taboo -removed, must not live in the same tipi with him, a small one being set -up outside. It is observable that the presents for removing the taboo -bear some analogy to those made the father-in-law during the first -months of married life and may be genetically related to that -practice.[21] - -The counterpart of this taboo does not prevail, since a man need not -avoid his daughter-in-law, his association with her being governed by -the conventions applying to his own daughters. Yet, it is not looked -upon as quite right for a man to spend too much time at the home of his -son. On the other hand, for a man to live with his father-in-law, or -spend a great deal of his time there, excites ridicule. - ------ - -[21] Among the Mandan, we are told, “the mother-in-law never speaks to -her son-in-law; but if he comes home, and brings her the scalp of a -slain enemy, and his gun, she is at liberty, from that moment, to -converse with him.”—Maximilian, Vol. 23, 283. Among the Assiniboine the -father-in-law taboo may be so removed.—Lowie, (a), 41. For the Cree we -may add:—“Amongst our visitors was the son-in-law of the chief; and, -according to Indian custom, he took his seat with his back towards his -father and mother-in-law, never addressing them but through the medium -of a third party, and they preserving the same etiquette towards him. -This rule is not broken through until the son-in-law proves himself -worthy of personally speaking to him, by having killed an enemy with -white hairs; they then become entitled to wear a dress trimmed with -human hair, taken from the scalps of their foes.” Kane, 393. - - - - - DIVORCE. - - -The chief grounds for divorce from the man’s point of view, are laziness -and adultery. For these or any other causes he may turn his wife out of -doors. The woman then returns to her relatives where she is cared for -and protected until another marriage can be arranged. The husband -usually demands a return for the property he gave for her at marriage; -he is sure to do this if she marries again. From the woman’s point of -view, adultery does not justify divorce, but neglect and cruelty may -result in abandonment. She flees to her relatives where she is safe from -attack. The husband’s family then opens negotiations with her relatives -and an attempt at adjustment is made. The woman’s family usually agrees -to another trial, but may finally decide to find her another husband. -Then her husband demands a settlement and is entitled to equivalent -return for what he gave at marriage. Thus, formal divorce is really a -restitution of the husband’s marriage gifts, or a refund of the purchase -price. - -In general, divorce seems not to have been common as it was looked upon -as disgraceful under all circumstances and grievously expensive. The -behavior of the husband was softened by his knowing that in case of -continued discord his wife’s relatives were certain to interfere except -she were charged with adultery and even in that event would retaliate if -the accusation was manifestly unjust. - -When the husband dies, the wife usually returns to her relatives who -again arrange for her marriage. - - - - - RELATIONSHIP. - - -The most important relationships in life are given in the accompanying -table where the equivalents in our nomenclature are given for the Piegan -terms: first, if the person considered is male, second, if female. In -general, it appears that the terms as applied by males to males are more -restricted and definite than those of males to females and females to -persons of both sexes, though in function the terms are so used as to be -equally intelligible. Thus, while a girl uses the term, father, in -addressing men married to her mother’s sisters, she does not confuse -this relation with the real one. On the other hand, it appears that the -system as given in the table is ordered on the theory that sisters -become the wives of the same man. This is also consistent with the -distant-wife relationship previously discussed. Further, the system -seems adapted to a gentile band organization in that the relationships -of the women are more inclusive on the father’s side; this, however, is -not entirely consistent. - - _Relationships._ - -=Terms= =Significance as Applied to= =Significance as Applied to= - =Males.= =Females.= - -nĭ′nna my father my father and husbands of my - mother’s sisters. - -niksŏ′stak my mother and her sisters; my mother and her sisters; - wives of my elder wives of my father’s - brothers, brothers of my brothers. - father and of my mother. - -nĭ′ssa^{x} my elder brothers and all my elder brothers and all - those of my mother; the those of my father and - elder (to me) sons of my mother; the elder sons of - father’s and mother’s mother’s brothers and - brothers. sisters. - -nĭ′nst my elder sisters and elder - daughters of father’s and - mother’s brothers. - -nĭ′nsta my elder sisters and elder - daughters of father’s - brothers and sisters. - -nĭ′skŏn my younger brothers and - younger brothers of my - father; all my younger - first cousins by brothers - of my parents. - -nĭssĭ′ssa my younger brothers and - sisters; all of my younger - first cousins. - -nicĭnnaua^{x}s my father’s father, my - mother’s father; also can - be used for father-in-law. - -nitau′ka^{x}s the mothers of my father and - mother and my father’s - sister; also my - mother-in-law. - -naa′^{x}sa all my paternal and maternal - grandparents. Also my - father’s sisters and their - husbands. - -naa′^{x}s my father-in-law, - mother-in-law; also may be - used for grandparents. - -nĭmps wives of my sons, younger wives of my cousins, of my - brothers, and younger brothers and of the - cousins. brothers of my mother. - -nĭstŏmmo′-wak husbands of father’s and - mother’s sisters; also my - sister’s husband. - -nĭtaw′to-jombp husbands of my sisters. - -There is a peculiar artificial relationship among boys that deserves -attention. Many of them have a male companion from whom they are almost -inseparable. The pairs are usually of the same age and grow up together -as it were; they play together, they go to war together, they aid each -other in courtship and in after life call on each other for help and -advice. These bonds often last until death.[22] The terms of -relationship for brothers are sometimes used by them and it is not -unusual for them to assume the equality of twins. Thus, a twin will -speak of his brother’s wife as his distant-wife, a term often used in -the same way by men holding the relation alluded to above. - -Persons of any age or nationality may be adopted into a family. Formerly -a man losing a son might adopt a young man from his own or other bands, -or even a captive, to fill the vacant place; an old woman might, on her -own initiative, do the same thing. Very often the bosom companion of the -deceased would be recognized as a son by adoption, but without -obliterating his true family ties. In late years, a number of white men -have been adopted as a mark of respect and in all cases of this kind, -the Blackfoot expect the nominal support of a son to his parents. The -ceremony of adoption is not as elaborate and fixed as among the Dakota -and some other Siouan tribes, though a form of this ceremonial relation -is used in the transfer of medicines. - ------ - -[22] Mooney finds something similar among the Cheyenne and makes a vague -statement as to its wide distribution. Mooney, 416. However, it is -difficult to eliminate the instinctive from the conventional in a -comparative statement of this custom. - - - - - NAMES. - - -Each individual has a name. The name is single in that there is neither -family nor band name; though some persons, especially men, possess -several names, these are co-ordinate and never used jointly. The right -to name the child rests with the father; though he rarely confers it in -person unless a man of great importance. He usually calls in a man of -distinction who receives presents in return for his services. A woman -may be called, but less often than a man, be the child male or female. -There is no fixed time for this, but it is not considered right to defer -it many weeks after birth. The namer asks to have a sweat house made -which he enters, often in company with the father and other men he -chances to invite. After the usual sweat house ceremonies, the namer -suggests two or three names for consideration by the family. A selection -is then made, the father, in any event, having the right of final -approval. Prayers are usually offered by the namer. The conferring of -the name is regarded as of very great importance since the manner of its -doing is believed to influence the fate of the child during the entire -span of life. The virtue of the naming is greatly enhanced, if the -officiating person is one of great renown. - -The name chosen may have various origins. As a rule, it will be the name -of some person long dead, if possible one of great distinction. Thus, -the writer was in a way adopted by a Blood head man, who gave him choice -of two names, one that of a distinguished warrior, the other of a great -medicine man. If a person living is known to bear the preferred name, it -may be slightly modified by the change or addition of attributes. Thus, -Little Dog may become White Dog, or simply Dog, to distinguish the -bearer from another of the same name. In all such cases, there is the -feeling that the name itself carries with it some power to promote the -well being of him upon whom it is conferred. Again, a father may name -the child from deeds of his own, as Two-guns, Takes-the-shield, etc. As -a rule, unless he has weighty deeds to his credit, the father will not -himself venture to confer a name. As always, there is the feeling that -unless the name is of great worth, the fates will be adverse to the -named. Sometimes, one may have a dream or hear a voice that gives him -power to confer a name; it goes without saying that such is considered -highly efficacious. - -Mothers usually give the baby a special name according to some -characteristic habit or expression. This name is rarely used by others. - -Women seldom change their names but men always do. When the youth goes -on his first war party his companions give him a new name. This name -often carries with it an element of ridicule and should the youth show -reluctance at its proposal it will be changed to -Not-want-to-be-called-etc. After the party has returned the family will -say to the youth, “Well, I suppose you have a new name: I suppose it is -the name of some old grandmother, etc.” Then the youth is forced to give -his new name which is certain to excite great merriment and teasing. -Later, when the youth performs some worthy deed, he will be given a new -and more dignified name. This will be his name as a man, though subject -to change at any time. Names are sometimes formally changed at the sun -dance by the chief-weather-dancer who announces, “Now, if you wish this -man to aid you, if you call upon him for help, etc., you must address -him as ——. His other name is now left behind at this place.” At other -times the change of names is less formal and may be at the sole -initiative of the person concerned. In practice, it seems that a man -never really abandons a name though always spoken of by the last -conferred or current name since he will say that he has two, three, or -any number, as the case may be, enumerating all those given him during -his life. While to ask a man his name is very rude, he himself seems -free to speak of it on his own initiative. The custom seems to rest upon -ideas of politeness, since not to have heard a man’s name even before -meeting him is said to reflect upon his good standing among the people. - - - - - BANDS. - - -Each of the three tribes is composed of bands, kaiyok′ kowŏmmostĭijaw, -implying not only bonds of friendship but bonds of blood.[23] These -bands have been discussed by Grinnell who considers them true gentes[24] -though he states that in recent times, at least, the adherence to -exogamy was not absolute. For our part, we have met with many -contradictory statements and observations among the Indians now living, -so that we can do no more than offer what seems to be the most -consistent view of the data available. - -In the first place, while the band is a definite group in the minds of -the Indians and every individual knows to what band he belongs, they -manifest uncertainty as to how membership is determined and as to its -bearing upon marriage restrictions. There is, however, no evidence of a -belief in a band ancestor, human or animal; and, hence, no band totem. -The name of the band has no relation to a founder but is supposed to -designate, in a way, some peculiarity common to the groups as a whole. -Thus, the names are in theory and kind the same as tribe names—Blood, -Piegan, etc.—originating normally after the manner of object names in -general and apparently not in conformity to some system or belief -concerning descent or relationship. - -At marriage, the wife goes to her husband and is considered as belonging -to his band. The general feeling seems to be that the children belong to -the band of their father. Should the father die, the mother and children -will go to their relatives best able and willing to care for them, but -the children will always be called after their father’s band. Should the -mother’s relatives in her own band be few and not as able to care for -the children as the father’s people, they remain in the father’s band. -These relatives may live in the same band, but in any event, the mother -takes the dependent children with her. Should she marry in another band, -as is frequent, her children may reside with her in their step-father’s -band. There is no rule governing cases of this sort and it is said that -the children usually go to the band in which they have the strongest -ties. Yet, they are seldom really lost to the sight of the father’s band -and are often reminded by them that they properly belong to their band. -Thus, it seems that the bands are in part, at least, gentes. Yet a man -may change his band even in middle life.[25] - -For a man to join the band of his wife at marriage is not unusual. The -reasons for such changes are usually selfish, in that greater material -and social advantages are offered, but we have no suggestion of such -transfers being made with the idea of recruiting a depleted band. A man -who changes his band may become a head man or even a chief without -hindrance, as in the case of a well-known Piegan chief now living. Thus, -it appears that there is no absolute rule of descent in band membership -and that what bonds exist are rather those of real blood relationship -than of an artificial system. Further, it appears that continuous -residence or association with a band is practically equivalent to -membership therein. The individual seems free to select his band. - -To marry within the band is not good form, but not criminal. Thus, when -a proposal for marriage has been made, the relatives of the girl get -together and have a talk, their first and chief concern being the -question of blood relationship. Naturally, the band affiliations of the -contracting parties cannot be taken as a criterion since both may have -very near relatives in several bands and cousins of the first degree are -ineligible. Should the contracting parties belong to the same band but -be otherwise eligible, the marriage would be confirmed, though with some -reluctance, because there is always a suspicion that some close blood -relationship may have been overlooked. Thus, while this attitude is not -quite consistent, it implies that the fundamental bar to marriage is -relation by blood, or true descent, and that common membership in a band -is socially undesirable rather than prohibitive. If we may now add our -own interpretation, we should say that the close companionship of the -members of the band leads to the feeling that all children are in a -sense the children of all the adults and that all the children are -brothers and sisters and to a natural repugnance to intermarriage. -Further, since most of the men in a band are in theory, of common -paternal descent, even the informal adoption of a stranger would tend to -confer upon him the same inheritance which as time dulled the memory -would become more and more of a reality. In any event, the attitude of -the Blackfoot themselves seems to imply that the band system came into -existence after the present marriage customs and adapted itself to them -rather than they to it. - -A woman is called nĭmps by all members of her husband’s band, not his -actual relatives. She may speak of all male members of the band older -than herself as grandfather while the younger males may in turn speak of -her as mother. Sometimes men of the same age as her husband, speak of -her as “distant-wife.” While this may be consistent with a theory of -gentile band organization in opposition to other data secured by us, our -opinion is that it is at least equally probable that these terms were -originally applied as marks of respect and circumstantial association, -and consequently of little value as indicating the genesis of the band -relations. - -We must not permit the question of exogamy to conceal the important -political and social functions of the band system. As one informant -says, “the members always hang together at all times.” In another place, -we have noted how the responsibility for the acts of individuals is -charged to the band as a whole and how all are bound to contribute to -the payment of penalties and even risk life and limb in defense of a -member guilty of murder. In such, we shall doubtless find the true -function of the Blackfoot band. The confusion as to exogamy seems to -arise from the fact that blood ties tend to hold the children to the -band of the father. - -The tendency is for each band to live apart. When a band becomes very -weak in numbers or able-bodied men, it takes up its residence beside -another band or scatters out among relatives in various bands, but this -is from necessity rather than choice. At present, the Blackfoot reserves -are dotted here and there by small clusters of cabins, the permanent or -at least the winter homes of the respective bands. By tradition, this -was always the custom, though tipis were used instead of cabins. When -two or more bands choose to occupy immediate parts of the same valley, -their camps are segregated and, if possible, separated by a brook, a -point of highland, or other natural barrier. The scattering of bands -during the winter was an economic necessity, a practice accentuated -among the Thick-wood Cree and other similar tribes. Something was lost -in defensive powers but this was doubtless fully offset by greater -immunity from starvation. In summer, the bands tended to collect and -move about, both for trade and for the hunt. From what information we -could secure, this seemed to be a natural congregation under the -leadership of some popular man, usually a head man in his band. While -the tendency was for the bands as a whole to join such leaders, it often -happened that part of a band cast its lot with one group and part with -another; however, such unions were usually temporary, the whole band -being ultimately re-united when the tribe finally came together, either -to trade at a post or to perform a ceremony. - -Grinnell gives a list of the bands which he implies are to be taken as -existing about 1860 and this agrees quite well with the information we -secured. From the foregoing, it is natural to expect changes at any -time. Since the names seem particularistic in their significance, we -give only Mr. Duvall’s translations. For the Blood and North Blackfoot, -our list is less complete.[26] - - Piegan Bands. - - 1. Solid-Topknots 12. Short-necks - 2. They-don’t-laugh 13. Many-medicines - 3. Worm-people 14. Small-robes - 4. Blood-people 15. Red-round-robes - 5. Black-patched-moccasins 16. Buffalo-dung - 6. Black-doors 17. Small-brittle-fat - 7. Fat-roasters 18. Undried-meat-in-parfleche - 8. Skunks 19. Lone-fighters - 9. Sharp-whiskers 20. No-parfleche - 10. Lone-eaters 21. Seldom-lonesome - 11. White-breasts 22. Early-finished-eating - - Blood Bands. - - 1. Fish-eaters 5. Many-children - 2. Black-elks 6. Many-lodge-poles - 3. Lone-fighters 7. Short-bows - 4. Hair-shirts - - North Blackfoot Bands. - - 1. Many-medicines 4. Biters - 2. Black-elks 5. Skunks - 3. Liars 6. Bad-guns - -These lists are doubtless far from being complete. Even among the -Indians themselves confusion seems to exist as to some names since a -band may be known by two or more names. Under these conditions we deemed -the preceding data sufficient to our purpose. Mr. Grinnell explains the -existence of bands of the same name among the various divisions as due -to members of the bands leaving their own tribe to live with another. As -we have no data on this point it must pass, though we see no reason why -some of the band names may not be older than the tribal divisions. On -the other hand, some of the translated names for Gros Ventre bands as -stated by Kroeber are identical in meaning with some of those found -among the several tribal divisions of the Blackfoot. Again, we are not -ready to accept unconditionally the opinion of Grinnell that the -disparity between band ties and blood ties is due to the gradual -disintegration of tribal life, having previously stated our reasons for -assuming the system of blood relationship the older form and pointed out -that the band is rather political than otherwise. - ------ - -[23] As to the origin of the term band, used so generally by the older -writers and traders of this area, we have a suggestion from Keating: -“The term _band_, as applied to a herd of buffalo, has almost become -technical, being the only one in use in the west. It is derived from the -French term _bande_.” Keating, 379. We may venture that the use of this -term for a head man and his following among the Indians of this same -area was suggested by the analogy between the two kinds of groups, these -old naïve observers not being blinded by sociological preconceptions. - -[24] Grinnell, 223-224. - -[25] On this point, the following statement of a Piegan informant may be -worthy of note: A man may go into another band and live there if he -choose, nothing much being said about it. Sometimes a man may not like -the chief of his own band and so go to another. There is neither -announcement nor formal adoption, he simply goes there to live. For a -time, it may be thrown out to him that he belongs elsewhere but after a -while he is always spoken of as a member. When a band begins, it may be -a group of two or three brothers, fathers, and grandfather, or a small -family band (which means the same thing); later, friends or admirers of -the head man in this family may join them until the band becomes very -large. Bands may split in dissention, one part joining another or -forming a new one. A new group is soon given a name by other people -according to some habit or peculiarity. They do not name themselves. - -[26] For another list of Blood bands, see Maclean, (c), 255. For a -Piegan list, see Uhlenbeck, (a). - - - - - THE CAMP CIRCLE. - - -As among many tribes, there was a definite order of camping when the -circle of tipis was formed. While Mooney may be correct in his claim -that the circle of the Cheyenne is their fundamental social -organization, it cannot be said that the circle of the Blackfoot holds a -very close objective relation to their organization. In the first place, -each division (Blackfoot, Blood and Piegan) had its own circle and there -are no traditions that they were ever combined. When a circle is formed, -all visitors from other divisions must, like those from strange tribes, -camp outside and apart. Further, there is a firm belief among the Piegan -that the circle was never formed except for the sun dance and certain -related ceremonies connected with the beaver medicine. It seems likely -that if the circle were fundamental and not of recent origin, there -would be traces of a parent circle and vestiges of rules governing its -formation. Further, as among the Cheyenne, there is no great unanimity -of opinion as to the order of the various bands in the circle but at the -sun dance the leading men decide arbitrarily any doubt that may exist as -to the place of a particular band. The further discussion of this point -may be deferred until we take up the sun dance and its problems. - -The opening in the circle is to the east and the order of bands is -enumerated from the south side of the opening, as in the characteristic -ceremonial order of movement. The present order for the Piegan is as -given in the list. - - - - - TRIBAL ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL. - - -In a way, the band may be considered the social and political unit. -There is, in a general sense, a band chief, but we have failed to find -good grounds for assuming that he has any formal right to a title or an -office. He is one of an indefinite number of men designated as head men. -These head men may be considered as the social aristocracy, holding -their place in society in the same indefinite and uncertain manner as -the social leaders of our own communities. Thus, we hear that no -Blackfoot can aspire to be looked upon as a head man unless he is able -to entertain well, often invite others to his board, and make a practice -of relieving the wants of his less fortunate band members. Such -practices are sure to strain the aspirant’s resources and many sink -under it; but he who can meet all such demands soon acquires a place in -the social life of the band that is often proof against the ill fortunes -of later years. This phase of their social life is very much alive, -having survived not only the changes in economic conditions brought -about by the reservation system but the direct opposition of its -officers. This story is oft repeated: a young man takes to stock -raising, accumulates cattle and horses, gradually taking into nominal -employ all his less able relatives who thus come to depend upon him. -Presently, he wakes up to the situation and entertains an ambition to -become the leading head man of his band, or even of all bands. Then -begins a campaign. He makes feasts, gives presents, buys medicines, and -supports ceremonies; thus making his home the center of social and -ceremonial activities, the leadership of which he assumes. His rivals -are stirred to activity also and the contest goes on apace. From -observation, we believe that bankruptcy is the usual result; but, unless -this comes at the very beginning of the effort, the aspirant acquires -enough prestige to give him some claim to being a head man for the rest -of his days even though he becomes a hanger-on at the door of a younger -aspirant. - -Thus, the head men are those who are or have been social leaders. -Naturally, individual worth counts in such contests and he who is born -to lead will both in matters great and small. In former times, these -rivalries often led to assassination and other dark deeds. - -Before the reservation system came in, deeds of the warpath were also -essential to the production of a head man, for in them was the place to -demonstrate the power to lead. Great deeds in social and ceremonial life -would alone elevate one to the status of a head man, though as a rule -the warpath was the line of least resistance. - -These head men of uncertain tenure come to regard one or two of their -number as leaders, or chiefs. Such chiefs rarely venture to act without -the advice of some head men, as to stand alone would be next to fatal. -In tribal assemblies, the head men of the bands usually look to one of -these as spokesman, and speak of him as their chief. - -While the tenure and identity of a head man is thus somewhat vague, his -functions are rather definite. He is the guardian and defender of the -social order in its broadest sense. Of this, he is fully conscious; as, -for example, no man of importance will accept an invitation to visit for -a time in a distant band or tribe without calling a consultation. Should -some head men of his band indicate disapproval, the invitations will be -declined. The theory is that the welfare of his band is endangered by -his absence. Above all, the head men are expected to preserve the peace. -Should a dispute arise in which members of their band are concerned, one -or more of them are expected to step in as arbitrators or even as police -officials if the occasion demand. When it is suspicioned that a man -contemplates a crime or the taking of personal vengeance some head men -go to his tipi and talk with him, endeavoring to calm him, giving much -kind advice as to the proper course for the good of all concerned. If he -has been wronged, they often plead for mercy toward his enemy. Again, -the head men may be appealed to for redress against a fellow member of -the band. In the adjustment of such cases the head men proceed by tact, -persuasion, and extreme deliberation. They restrain the young men, as -much as possible, after the same method. In all such functions, they are -expected to succeed without resort to violence. - -For mild persistent misconduct, a method of formal ridicule is sometimes -practised. When the offender has failed to take hints and suggestions, -the head men may take formal notice and decide to resort to discipline. -Some evening when all are in their tipis, a head man will call out to a -neighbor asking if he has observed the conduct of Mr. A. This starts a -general conversation between the many tipis, in which all the grotesque -and hideous features of Mr. A’s acts are held up to general ridicule -amid shrieks of laughter, the grilling continuing until far into the -night. The mortification of the victim is extreme and usually drives him -into temporary exile or, as formerly, upon the warpath to do desperate -deeds. - -When there is trouble between members of different bands, the head men -of each endeavor to bring about a settlement. Thus, if one of the -contending party is killed, the band of the deceased sends notice to the -murderer’s band that a payment must be made. In the meantime, the -murderer may have called upon a head man of his own band to explain the -deed. The head men then discuss the matter and advise that horses and -other property be sent over to the injured band at once. A crier goes -about with the order and members of the band contribute.[27] This offer -may be refused by the injured band and a demand made for the culprit’s -life. No matter how revolting the offence, the band is reluctant to give -up the accused without a fight. If no presents are sent in a reasonable -time, the injured band assembles in force and marches out. A head man -meets them for a conference, but a fight is likely. After a conflict of -this kind, the band killing the greatest number moves to a distant part -of the country and when the camp circle is formed keeps in sight but far -out to one side. This separation may continue for a year or more. In all -such disputes between bands, the head men of other bands may step in to -preserve the peace; but, according to report, they seldom accomplish -anything. - -Taking the Piegan, Blood, and Blackfoot as tribes, we may say that there -was a head chief for each. His office was more definite than that of a -band chief, though he was not formally elected. All the head men of the -various tribes came by degrees to unanimity as to who would succeed the -living chief, though the matter was rarely discussed in formal council. -The main function of the tribal chief was to call councils, he having -some discretion as to who should be invited. Some writers claim the -Blackfoot appointed two chiefs, one for peace and one for war; but we -could find no evidence for this, except that some band chiefs came to -have special reputations for ability as war leaders and were likely to -be called upon in time of need. They were not, however, regarded as head -chiefs. While the office of head chief was not hereditary, there was a -natural desire among the chief’s band to retain the office; thus it is -said that among the Piegan most of them have been members of the -Fat-roasters. - -Everything of importance was settled in council. While each band was -represented there was no fixed membership; yet the head chief usually -invited those in excess of one member for each band. There seems to have -been no formal legislation and no provisions for voting. In former -times, the council was rarely convened except in summer. At the end of -the fall hunt, the bands separated for the winter to assemble again in -the spring at some appointed place. Even in summer they would often camp -in two or three bodies, each one under the leadership of some -able-bodied band chief, coming together for the sun dance at which time -only the whole tribal government was in existence. - -The organized men’s societies among the Blackfoot were, when in large -camps, subject to the orders of the head chief or executive of the -council and on such occasions seem to have exercised the functions of -the head men of the respective bands. This subject will be taken up -under another head, but it is a matter of some interest to note how, -when such camps were formed, the head men of the bands were merged into -a council for the whole and the men’s societies became their executive -and police agents under the direction of the head chief. Thus, when -there was danger, certain societies were detailed to guard duty, -especially at night. As the chief aim of an organized summer camp was to -hunt buffalo and the success of a general hunt depended upon successful -co-operation, the discipline was devised to that end. The head chief -gave out orders for making and breaking camp, and rules and punishments -were announced. Thus, a man found running buffalo or riding about -outside without orders might have his clothes torn off, be deprived of -his arms, his horse’s ears and tail cropped. Should he resist, he might -be quirted and his hair cropped. His tipi and personal property might be -destroyed. However, these were extreme punishments, it being regarded as -best to get along by persuading the would-be wrong-doer to desist. The -punishment inflicted by the members of societies were not personally -resented, as they were acting entirely within their rights. As to -whether the men’s societies were police by virtue of their own -membership, or whether they were individually called out to form an -independent body is not certain, but will be discussed elsewhere. - -A long time ago Nathaniel J. Wyeth[28] set down some interesting -theories concerning the economic reasons for the unorganized state of -the Shoshone in contrast to the buffalo-hunting horsemen of the Plains. -He doubtless sensed a truth in so far as the camp organization of the -Plains is considered as a type of government having for its chief -function the supervision and conservation of their immediate resources. -Perhaps of all cultural phases in this area, the one most often detailed -in the older literature is the organization and control of the camp when -pursuing buffalo. So far as we have read, the accounts for the different -tribes are strikingly identical and agree with the data from the -Blackfoot. In most every case, the horse, the tipi, the camp circle, and -the soldier-band police were present, even though the participants, when -at home lived in houses and cultivated corn. That the camp circle, or -band circle, is a special type of tribal political organization in this -area seems obvious. It would be suggestive to know just how some of the -tribes having clan organizations adjusted themselves to this scheme when -using the circle.[29] - ------ - -[27] One informant commented on this paragraph as follows: When the -payment is made it is through the head men of the bands concerned. The -head man of the band to which the wronged party belongs is given the -offerings and he passes on them. When he judges them ample, he takes -them to the wronged party and tells him to drop the case now since he -has received full damages. - -[28] Schoolcraft, 205-228. - -[29] We have heard that the Winnebago used a provisional band scheme for -the circle, entirely independent of their regular social organization -and in conscious imitation of the Dakota. If this proves correct, it -will throw some light on the whole problem of bands and camp circles. - - - - - PROPERTY RIGHTS. - - -When a man dies his property is raided by the relatives. The older sons -usually take the bulk but must make some concessions to all concerned. -If the children are young, the father’s relatives take the property. In -any event, nothing goes to the widow. She may, however, retain her own -personal property to the extent of that brought with her at marriage. -She may claim, though not always with success, the offspring of her own -horses. These are horses given her by her relatives and friends. Though -not clearly thought out, the feeling seems to be that as the widow -returns to her band she is entitled to take only such property as she -brought with her at marriage. - -At the death of a wife, her personal property is regarded as due her -relatives, and may go to her daughters, if grown, otherwise back to her -band. Theoretically, at least, the woman owned the tipi, the travois, -the horse she rode, her domestic implements and clothing. Even to-day, -when the white conception of property tends to dominate, a man seldom -speaks when his wife bargains away her own hand-work, bedding, and house -furnishings. - -Formerly, disputes concerning property were taken to the head men for -adjustment: now the settlements of estates go to the authorized Indian -court. Property was bequeathed by a verbal will. A man would state -before witnesses and his relatives what horses and property were to go -to the wife, to the children, etc. At present, written wills are -sometimes executed to protect the family. Under the old régime, the -relatives sometimes disregarded the wishes of the deceased and left -nothing for the widow and children; but, if a woman of good character -with many relatives, she was seldom imposed upon. - -In the division of meat from a co-operative hunt, the best cuts went to -the chief, the medicine men, and the owners of medicine pipes. This is -somewhat at variance with the usual democratic way of doing things and -bears a striking resemblance to a similar custom among the Western Cree. -In an individual hunt anyone approaching a man engaged in butchering was -given meat, sometimes even the last piece. However, he was certain of -being invited later to eat. - - - - - DIVISION OF LABOR. - - -The women dress the skins, make their own clothes and most of those used -by men. They make most of their own utensils: the tipi, the travois, the -riding-gear, prepare and cook the food, gather the vegetables and -berries, and carry the wood and water. As the greater part of the -baggage, when travelling, is their property, they bear the burden of its -transportation. It is a disgrace both to himself and his women, for a -man to carry wood or water, to put up a tipi, to use a travois, to cook -food when at home and above all to own food or provisions.[30] While the -men usually did the butchering, the meat on arriving at the tipi became -the property of the women. A young man may cook food but in seclusion. -There is a pretty tale of a young fellow surprised by his sweetheart -while cooking meat. He threw the hot meat into the bed and lay upon it. -The girl embraced him and fondled him while the meat burned deeply into -his body; but he did not wince. - -In the tipi, a man seldom rises to get a drink of water but calls on the -women to hand it to him. The men often make their own ornaments and -sometimes their leggings and coats. The painted designs upon men’s robes -and upon tipis are made by men; those upon parfleche and bags are by -women. - ------ - -[30] An informant states that this applies especially to married men: -that in some cases a young single man is called upon to get water after -dark, or at any time when it is very cold, a woman may call upon a young -man to get wood. - - - - - BIRTH CUSTOMS. - - -As the period of pregnancy nears its end the women discard their -bracelets and most of their metal ornaments. They dress in old clothes -and affect carelessness of person. Should a person look fixedly at one, -she will say, “Don’t. My child will look like you; you are ugly,” etc. -As the hour approaches, they retire to an isolated tipi where they are -attended by other women, men not being admitted. A medicine woman may be -called, who usually administers decoctions for internal use, supposed to -facilitate delivery. For bearing down, the patient holds to a pole of -the tipi, an attendant grasping her around the waist. When delivered she -is laced up with a piece of skin or rawhide as a support. She is then -required to walk or creep about in the tipi for a while instead of -resting quietly, in the belief that recovery will be hastened thereby. -The after-birth is thrown away and not placed in a tree as among the -Dakota. - -Men should not approach the birthplace for a period as their medicine -and war powers would be weakened thereby. The father may enter but at -some risk. It is bad luck for men to step upon the clothing of the newly -born or touch those of the mother; lameness and other disorders of the -feet and limbs will surely follow. - -Birth marks are regarded as evidences of re-birth. Boys so marked are -believed to be returned warriors bearing honorable scars. Twins are -neither regarded with suspicion nor especially favored. What data we -have seem to be against infanticide even in the case of great -deformities. Tales emphasizing the enormity of the crime are told of -mothers to whom suspicion attributed the death of such unfortunates. The -still-born, it is believed, will be born again. - - - - - MENSTRUAL CUSTOMS. - - -There is no special taboo upon a menstruating woman requiring her to -live apart but she is not supposed to come near the sick. The belief is -that in such a case something would strike the patient “like a bullet -and make him worse.” Further, at this time, women are supposed to keep -away from places where medicines are at work. These restrictions also -apply to immediate associations with men and to women lax in virtue. - - - - - CARE AND TRAINING OF CHILDREN. - - -Large families seem not to have been unusual though I have never seen -many children with one woman. Some old men now living claim to be -fathers of more than twenty children each, though not by a single -mother.[31] The young children, at least, receive considerable attention -and some discipline. They are sometimes punished by a dash of cold water -or a forced plunge. In former times, some old men were charged with -responsibility for each boy’s morning bath in the stream regardless of -temperature; hence, children were admonished that these men would get -them. Striking a child is not regarded as proper. The favorite boggie is -the coyote, or the wolf. Women will say, “Now, there is a coyote around: -he will get you.” Sometimes they say, “Come on wolf and bite this baby.” -Such words often compose lullabies, a favorite one being, “Come, old -woman, with your meat pounder smash this baby’s head.” After the use of -intoxicants became general, children were threatened with a drunken man. - -From the first, children are taught to respect all the taboos of the -medicine bundles owned by the family and those of their relations and -guests. Girls are taught to be kind and helpful, to be always willing to -lend a hand, to be virtuous and later, to respect their marriage vows. -Special stress is laid upon virtue as a “fast” girl is a disgrace to all -her relatives. All children are expected to retire early and rise early. -They must respect the words and acts of the aged and not talk back to -elderly people. They are taught to take “joking” gracefully and without -show of temper. All “tongue-lashing” is to be taken quietly, without -retort. Should a child be struck by his equal, to retaliate in kind is -proper. All requests for service or errands made by elders, are to be -rendered at once and in silence. The ideal is the child that starts to -perform the service before it is asked; or, if asked, before the last -word of the speaker is uttered. Talkativeness is almost a crime in the -presence of elders. The ideal is he who sits quietly while the adults -talk. If he is teased, he may smile but not speak. Above all, when grown -up, he should be self-controlled as well as firm and brave. - -Boys were taught to care for the horses and to herd them by day: girls -to carry wood and water and to assist with other children and household -duties. Before marriage, girls must be proficient in the dressing of -skins, the making of garments, and the preparation of food. About the -time of puberty, boys are expected to go to war. Singly or in pairs they -may get permission to accompany a war party, provided they have shown -efficiency in hunting. At such times, they receive new names, as -previously stated. While the boy is expected to go to war, his family -not only uses persuasion to keep him at home, but often forbids his -going. In any event, he gets permission or goes secretly. It is said, -that in this way the virtue of both parents and sons is shown. - -We failed to find definite evidences of puberty ceremonies aside from -the boy’s change of name. Certain other small ceremonies may be noted. -Often when a child takes its first step or speaks its first word, the -parents are adroitly reminded that it is their duty to do something. -Then they give out presents or make a feast to which all the relatives -contribute. Ear-piercing is also somewhat of a ceremony and may be -accompanied by a display of wealth, except when performed at the sun -dance. An old woman is called for this service and, in imitation of a -warrior counting coup, calls out just before piercing an ear, “I have -made a tipi, worked a robe, etc., with these hands.” - ------ - -[31] “These Indians often have many children, who generally run and play -about quite naked, and swim in the river like ducks. The boys go naked -till they are thirteen or fourteen years old, but the girls have a -leather dress at an early age.” Maximilian, Vol. 23, 110. - - - - - DEATH AND MOURNING. - - -When one is taken ill the family sends for a medicine man, promising him -a horse. If the family is of some importance they may call in a number -of such men, to each of whom a horse is promised. They sit around the -tipi and work their magic powers in turn while their women assist with -the songs. Food and other comforts must be provided for them and their -enthusiasm stimulated by gifts of additional horses. A long acute -illness will deprive the family of its accumulated property. Often a man -will tell you that he is very poor now since he or some of his relatives -have been ill for a time. Medicine men usually permit the family to keep -the gift horses until needed and often transfer, or sell, their claims -to a third party. Should the patient die, they leave at once, often -taking with them all the loose property of the family. - -If a person dies in a house it is abandoned, or afterwards torn down and -erected elsewhere, as the Blackfoot believe the ghost of the deceased -haunts the spot. Should a young child die, the house will be abandoned -for a time only. In former times, the tipi was abandoned or used as a -burial-tipi. - -When all hope for the patient is abandoned, he is painted and dressed in -his best costume and, at present, often taken out of the house to a tipi -so that it may not be necessary to tear down the building. After death -the body is wrapped in a blanket, formerly in a robe, and buried within -a few hours.[32] - -In recent years, the Indians have been forced to use coffins and to -practise interment. These are placed upon high hills and barely covered -with earth and stones. No effort is made to mark the spot and fear keeps -all the mourners far from the place. Indeed, it is difficult to persuade -any one to go near a known burial site. Some distinguished chiefs rest -in houses built on lonely hills. In former times, tree burial was common -but now rare, only one example having come under our observation. A -person of some importance was placed in a tipi on some high place. The -edges of the tipi cover were often weighted down with stones, circles of -which are often met with on elevated positions. Persons usually make -requests of their families that certain personal belongings are to be -buried with them. Sometimes the request is for a horse; in this event, -one will be killed at the burial place. It was quite usual for the tail -and mane of a man’s favorite horse to be cut at his death. - -At death, or its announcement, there is great wailing among the women, -who gash their legs and often their arms. Their hair is cut short, a -practice often followed by the men. Such hair should be thrown away and -not handled or used for any practical purpose. Women may wear a single -bead over one ankle for a time. In former times, a man would take to the -warpath and go along indifferently, neither seeking enemies nor avoiding -them if encountered. At present, they go on a long visit to some distant -relative. If a man owning an important medicine bundle loses a dear -relative he may be moved to cast it into the fire or otherwise desecrate -it because of its failure to prevent death; hence, a person once owning -such a bundle takes it away at once. After a time, medicine men approach -the mourner with suggestions that it is well to take up the care of his -bundle now. When he consents, a sweat house is made and after the -ceremony, the mourner is painted and newly dressed. The medicine bundle -is then brought into his tipi and he resumes his former functions. While -the preceding is the normal order of events, men have been known to -destroy medicine bundles in the face of great opposition. - -During the mourning period—an indefinite time—the man may dress in the -meanest possible clothes, neglect his hair and person, and live in a -small dilapidated tipi. However, there seems to be less formality in -this than among the Dakota, and the spectacular abandonment of the -mourning state often observed among the Teton is wanting. - -In this connection, may be mentioned a practice not unlike “running -a-mok,” though apparently without mania. A man realizing that he is the -victim of an incurable disease may with more or less deliberation arm -himself and attempt the life of all persons he may meet. He will -announce that as he must die, he expects to take as many with him as -possible. The records of the reservations will show a number of killings -brought about in this way. Thus, a man took his wife out to a small -hill, shot her and took his stand against his pursuers, whom he held at -bay to his last cartridge with which he, though badly wounded, took his -own life. An attempt of this kind came under the observation of the -writer while camping with a Blood band. A young man suffering from -consumption, slightly intoxicated and threatened with arrest for -disorderly conduct, announced to his family one night that he expected -to kill all of them and as many of the camp as possible. Fortunately, -while he attacked his wife with a knife, his rifle was spirited away and -the camp aroused; yet, as he kept out of reach, it was necessary to hold -him off with guns until dawn, when he fled in terror of capture alive. -Many officials attribute such outbreaks entirely to intoxication, but -the evidence we have gathered indicates that there is a conventional -side to the practice and a strong probability that it is a variant, and -in some respects a survival, of taking to the warpath. Officials and -many Indians, respect the convention to such an extent that every effort -is made to prevent persons fatally afflicted becoming aware of the fact -until near the hour of death. The writer found a similar practice among -the Teton, though it seemed that one life is regarded as sufficient, the -doomed man usually taking his own life after a short interval. - ------ - -[32] See Maximilian, Vol. 23, 121. - - - - - TALES OF ADVENTURE. - - -Many Blackfoot men now but a half-century old took part in raids and -fights, or went on the warpath, so that now, as of old, deeds of war are -important social assets. In former times, only men of great deeds were -called upon to perform certain public and ceremonial functions, a custom -still in force but naturally less binding. While there are other social -ideals, such as owning important medicines, becoming a head man and -possessing wealth, that of being a successful warrior can scarcely be -over-estimated. The tale of adventure as told by the chief actor is the -delight of the fireside and entrances old and young alike when delivered -by a skilful narrator. Other tales, those of tradition and hearsay, are -seldom offered as it is the custom for one to narrate his own -experiences, a rather high ideal of truthfulness being entertained. Of -course, there are historical traditions, but they are usually given in -brief without much life. Adventures with animals and of the hunt have a -place, but are of far less social significance. The following is offered -as a type of war narrative and also because it gives a very clear -picture of just how an expedition for plunder was conducted. It was -narrated by Strangle Wolf, a very old man, and recorded by Mr. Duvall. - - It was in the fall of the year. I was living with Lazy Boy, for - he was an uncle of mine. Lazy Boy was one of the chiefs of the - Blackfoot Indians. In the evening, Lazy Boy said to me, - “Strangle Wolf, we will go out for some Assiniboine horses.” - This meant, of course, to steal them. “I have plenty of extra - pairs of moccasins. We shall need them, for we are going to - travel on foot.” - - Somehow, Lazy Boy’s father-in-law, Heavy Shield, heard of this, - came over that night, and said to him, “Lazy Boy, you must not - go this time. You can come over in the morning and take my best - horses; I don’t want you to go. I have had bad dreams.” - - Then the old man returned to his lodge. Lazy Boy only laughed - and said to his wife: “Go tell your father that I won’t listen - to him this time. I must go and get some horses to give him, for - the Indians never give him any even when they have many. Another - thing is that I have my party ready and will start in the - morning.” - - In the morning, we all started. There were thirty of us in the - party. Lazy Boy was the leader. He was noted as a fast walker, - and asked me to take the lead with him. Lazy Boy fell to telling - me about things he said I ought to learn. He said, “Whenever you - are out with a war party, as we are now, and all are on foot, - you should keep close to the leader, for if you hang back at the - tail end you will always be in a trot to keep up with the - others; but if you are in the lead you can keep the gait and not - become tired so soon.” Another thing he said to me was, “When we - get to the Assiniboine camps, you must try to get the horses - tied close to the lodges for they are the best horses. The - Assiniboine always keep up their best horses at night while they - drive the others out to the hills.” - - We went down the Missouri River. The game was plentiful. Buffalo - and elk we saw on our way, so we did not go hungry. Everyone had - a little pack of meat on his back and his extra pairs of - moccasins. When the sun went down we camped for the night. We - made three lodges with sticks and bark. After we had cooked and - eaten some meat, the chief said we must sing the wolf songs. - These songs are supposed to give us good luck, on a trip, i. e., - if we truthfully tell what our sweethearts said when we left - them. Each man is supposed to sing a song in which are a few - words his sweetheart said to him. - - After we got through singing, all went to sleep. In the morning, - we all started out again. When the sun was high, we saw - something a long way off resembling a person. The Chief said, - “It must be an Assiniboine. We must go after him and kill him.” - So we all ran toward him, and as we approached he seemed to be - making signs to us. When we got up to it, we found out that it - was a black stump with its black branches sticking out like - arms. As we all went on, I heard some of the men say that it was - a bad sign. - - We travelled many days and nights, until we came to a lot of - timber along the river. It was snowing and very cold. The Chief - always kept two men ahead to look over the tops of the high - hills, so that we would not run into some of the Assiniboine - that might be waiting for us. At this place we all stopped and - the chief called out to two men, “You go across the river to see - if you can find out just where the Assiniboine camps are. We - must be close to them now. We will wait for you here.” The two - men took off their clothes, tied their leggings and shirts - around their heads so as to be able to put them on dry when they - got across. The river was wide and deep and the two men swam - across. We all waited. When the sun was getting down close to - the mountains, Chief Lazy Boy said to one of the men, “Why can - we not cross and wait for them there? It is too cold for the two - men to swim back again.” - - So we all got a few poles, tied them together and put a rawhide - on top of them. Then we put our clothes and guns on top of that. - Then four men tied ropes to the raft and taking the ends of the - ropes in their mouths swam across. When we all got across the - chief said, “Although we are very cold we must not make a fire, - for we are close to the camps. They would see the smoke.” - - The sun had just gone down when the two scouts came back, saying - to the chief, “We saw two men leading their horses down to the - river. Their horses were loaded with meat, so the camps cannot - be far off.” We waited here a long time until it stopped - snowing. The moon was shining brightly. A little later on we - heard dogs barking. It was nearly morning when the Chief said, - “Come, let us go, it is nearly daylight.” All went on until the - Chief stopped, when we all stopped beside him. He took a stick - and, beating time with it on the barrel of his gun, sang his war - song, looking up at the moon. Once he used the following words: - “Elk woman, try your best.” When the Chief had finished, the - others in turn sang their war songs. Then we all started again. - After we got close to the camps the Chief told me to go back and - tell two of the men to come with him, but for me to stay back - with the others. He said, “We shall go through the camp to find - out where the best horses are. Then we shall come back to inform - you, and then we can all go together.” I told the two men and - they went off with him, while the rest of us stayed in the - brush. About daybreak, we heard a sound as if someone were - riding along. Some of the men said it was a loose horse. One of - the men went out to look for signs of our party. At the time the - chief left us, four men from our party followed him. Thus there - were seven. It is believed to be unlucky when there are only - seven in a war party. Any way, it proved to be at this time. It - was just daylight when we heard three shots, and at the same - time the men who went out came back to us saying, “You said that - was a loose horse we heard, here is what its rider lost.” He - carried a gun-sack, ramrod, and a saddle blanket. We all got up - and ran up the river as fast as we could. We had not gone far - when we heard more shooting, war whoops, and galloping horses. - We kept on until we got to a place where there was thick timber. - We stayed there all day. We heard no more noise for we were now - too far away. When night came we all crossed the river and - travelled part of the night until we came to one of our old - camping places. Our brush lodges were still there. We had - planned to meet there after we got our horses. We saw a light in - one of them and when we went in we saw one of the men who was - with our Chief. He got up, shook hands with us all, and then - began to tell about it. He said, “When we all got near the - camps, we met an Assiniboine who ran back into the camp. Then we - started back to where we had left you. We had not gone far - before we heard three shots. We did not go fast, but when we got - to where we had left you we saw that you were gone. Then the - chief said that you must have crossed the river. So we began to - cross too. We were just about in the middle, when the - Assiniboine came upon us, and began to fire. When we got across - a number of the enemy were there for their horses could swim - faster than we and of course they headed us off. Then we had a - fight. There were only three guns for us to fight with for while - we were crossing four of the men lost their guns in the water. - Two of our men were killed at the beginning of the fight. Our - Chief kept encouraging us saying that we must fight and die - bravely for some day our people would hear of our sad end. All - this time dirt was flying around us where the bullets struck. - The smoke of the guns was like a fog a little above our heads. - The Chief was shooting and talking to the Assiniboine, telling - them that many of them would fall before the last of us. We kept - them away as much as we could, but sometimes they would try to - run us down with their horses. After we wounded several of them, - they kept at a distance. When the sun was getting close to the - mountains, our Chief was killed. Our ammunition was nearly all - gone. There was a loose horse near by. I jumped on him and rode - away. Then the Assiniboine took after me. When I got to some - thick brush, I jumped off the horse and ran into the brush. They - took the horse and went back. Then I came on afoot. That is how - I come to be here with you now.” - - We all lay down to rest for the night and about daybreak started - home. Just then the other three men came along. They got away - from the Assiniboine after dark. We travelled on for many nights - and days until we reached home. - - When we got home we stopped on a hill near the camp, but did not - sing the song of victory. We gave the sad sign that three - warriors had been killed. One of our men stood out alone, took - three robes and, while the people in the camp were watching, - threw them away one by one. Then the Indians all knew that three - of our party had been lost and came running out to meet us. - -Of a somewhat different character were the adventures of Many White -Horses as narrated a short time before his death: - - The Piegan were in camp at Ft. Benton. Rations gave out, so they - broke camp about sundown and pitched again after dark near some - brush. I planned to go on a raid against the Flathead for - horses. Next morning, a large party joined me and we went on to - High Wood where we met and camped with a white man and his - Indian wife. I traded my black and red blankets for his white - ones. We followed the south bank of the Missouri, the berries - were ripe, game was plenty and fat and the journey was pleasant. - We followed up the Bear Tooth, or South Fork, where the railroad - runs now. When one day’s march from the Flathead country, a - storm came up, and beat the tall grass down flat. In jest, I - said to Calf Necklace, “Let us go on alone. I believe that when - we get out the wind will go down.” Soon we came to an open - country and to a cliff. Looking over we saw a river and a - Flathead camp. We returned to tell our party but lost them. We - could not trail them as the grass was down. Then we gave the - call for having seen an enemy. The party answered and soon - joined us. Then we made a medicine smoke and gave prayers for - success. - - I have a war-bonnet with four songs. When transferred to me, my - face was painted and the songs taught. When near the enemy I go - through this in the same way. I painted my powder horn and - bullet pouch. I carried two awls, mending materials and extra - moccasins. - - There was no moonlight that night. We walked down to the - Flathead camp and found some of them still awake. Nearly all - were drunk and had not tied up their horses. One horse, however, - was tied to a tipi pole, a striped pinto. My party scattered - every one for himself. Some had guns, some bows. The horses were - wild so they were run up a hill into brush. The men now worked - by twos and threes driving five to ten horses each. After we got - into the brush some were caught. I mounted at last. I decided to - follow the ridge of the mountain. The way was rough and many of - our horses got away. I went in the lead to pick the way. It - snowed and made going slow. At last we lost the way and stopped - to rest and repair moccasins. Soon the weather cleared and we - found the top of the ridge but the snow was very deep. It took - us all the next day to reach the gap at Sun River Pass. The next - night we started down to the plains. Two of my men got very - tired and sleepy so we stopped to rest them. All lay down, but - overslept and awoke at dawn. When I awoke I called out and all - jumped up scared. I was angry with myself. Our horses were gone. - - Now, it seems that when the Flathead discovered their loss, a - party set out on our trail. While we slept they passed near and - camped far in advance in a little valley. Our escape was - certainly due to my songs and medicines. - - We found most of the horses and started on. As I learned - afterwards, the Flathead saw us going over a ridge. We watered - our horses at Sun River and went on. I went on ahead to look - over a ridge. As I came back the party signalled something - wrong. They had found the tracks of the Flathead party. As we - went on we saw two antelope and stopped for one to pursue them. - Then Calf called out, “Flatheads are after us.” - - They dashed out of a valley and killed one of us before we could - mount and soon after, another. Our party began a dash for home. - It was funny to see one fellow’s leggings slip down to his - ankles and get tangled under his horse. My horse was strong so I - rode behind whipping the others. As the Flathead were good shots - we scattered some. I could hear our pursuers talk but not - understand them. After a while, I saw that their horses were - very tired: so I directed our course over the tops of the hills. - As their horses soon gave out, they dismounted to rest. When out - of sight we turned back toward Sun River and hid in the brush. - It seemed a very long day. One of our party was wounded and some - had lost their clothes. When night came we started again. Some - rode double so there would be blankets to cover all. The next - day we spent on the Teton; the next near Dupuyer, where we found - the old camp fires of our people. Finally we got home. - - - - - HERALDRY AND PICTURE WRITING. - - -The term deed as used by us has the same social significance as coup, a -full discussion of which has been given by Grinnell.[33] Without going -into details, it seems that among the Blackfoot, the capture of a weapon -was the coup, or deed, rather than the formal striking of the enemy, -though such was also taken into account. Our impression is, from what we -have heard in the field, that there was no such formal development of -the coup practice as among many other tribes. An old man relating his -deeds seldom mentions scalps but dwells upon the number of guns, horses, -etc. captured; whereas, according to our observation, a Dakota boasts of -his wounds, enemies slain and coups. However, heraldry was a prominent -feature in Blackfoot life. By this term, we mean those conventions by -which deeds are recorded and accredited, with their social privileges -and responsibilities. Anyone with such recognized deeds is likely to be -called upon to name a child, to perform special services in social -functions as well as specific parts of ritualistic ceremonies. In all -cases of this kind the warrior comes forward and in a loud voice states -what deed or deeds he has performed and immediately renders the required -service. For this, he may receive presents unless the occasion is one of -special honor. In theory, at least, the formal announcement is a kind of -challenge for contradiction by any of the assembly in so far that it -implies the eligibility of him who makes it. Women do not ordinarily -perform such deeds but often recount the embroidering of robes, their -resistance of temptation, etc., when about to perform some ceremonial -function, a truly analogous practice. - -As elsewhere, the graphic recording of deeds was chiefly by picture -writing, upon robes, back-walls and the outsides of tipis. A few might -be indicated upon leggings, but in general, garments were not considered -the place for such records. The outside and inside of the tipi were the -conventional places. Good examples of this are still to be seen. An -unusual tipi was collected by the writer in 1903, bearing several -hundred figures, representing sixty-six distinct deeds most of which -were performed by seven Piegan then living. The tipi was in reality one -of the “painted lodges” to be discussed under another head, but may be -considered here merely as a good example of picture writing and -heraldry. - -[Illustration: Fig. 1 (50-4485). Section of a decorated Tipi.[34]] - -In the sketches, Fig. 1 is a small vertical section of the tipi cover. -Its entire circumference to about half the height is one continuous -array of sketches. From this series a number of typical groups were -reassembled in Fig. 2. Beginning at the top in Fig. 1, we have Bear -Chief (a) on foot surprised by Assiniboine Indians but he escaped; (b) -Double Runner cut loose four horses; (c) Double Runner captures a Gros -Ventre boy; (d) Double Runner and a companion encounter and kill two -Gros Ventre, he taking a lance from one; (e) even while a boy Double -Runner picked up a war-bonnet dropped by a fleeing Gros Ventre which in -the system counts as a deed; (f) as a man he has two adventures with -Crow Indians, taking a gun from one; (g) he, as leader, met five -Flathead in a pit and killed them; (h) a Cree took shelter in some -cherry brush in a hole, but Big Nose went in for him; (i) not completely -shown, but representing a Cree Indian killed while running off Piegan -horses; (j) Double Runner, carrying a medicine pipe, took a bow from a -Gros Ventre and then killed him; (k) Double Runner took a shield and a -horse from a Crow tipi, a dog barked and he was hotly pursued; (m) he -killed two Gros Ventre and took two guns; (n) he captured a Gros Ventre -woman and a boy; (o) he took four mules. From this sample, it will be -noted that a great deal is left for the memory, though a little practice -will enable one to determine the character of the exploit suggesting -each drawing. Fig. 2 needs less comment as the technical aspect of the -work speaks for itself. The large man with a pipe is symbolic of the -vision in which this type of tipi had its inception and, hence, belongs -in a different category. The drawing was done by a number of -individuals; in some cases, by the hero of the exploits, but often by a -young man under his immediate direction. This is obvious in the varying -degree in execution and conventionality, the range of which is -adequately shown in the sketches. When considered as a system of -recording deeds, it appears that much is left to the whim of the artist, -but that certain general modes of suggesting common types of adventure -are recognized and allowed to control the composition to such an extent -that even a stranger may interpret the sketches with confidence. Of -course, the function of such writing is to objectify the formal -re-counting of deeds, only such performances as are so recognized and -carry with them social and ceremonial values being considered worthy of -a place in the series. - -From the many examples collected, we selected the following more or less -conventionalized symbols: - -[Illustration: Fig. 2 (50-4485). Selected Figures from a decorated -Tipi.] - -Wounds received or given are indicated by a black spot with a dash of -red for bleeding. Enemies killed, when not fully pictured, are -represented by a row of skeleton figures as in Fig. 3a, a form always -used in heraldic horse decorations. In the pictured form, death is often -indicated by three wounds—in the head, heart and thigh, Fig. 3b. A -scalp taken is symbolized by human hair and white weasel skin, except in -painting when the symbol is as in Fig. 3c. - -[Illustration: Fig. 3. Symbols used in War Records.] - -The capture of the enemies’ property, or a deed, is indicated by -pictures of the objects recognized as worth considering. While -naturally, there is difference of opinion, the following may be taken as -the approximate list of captures conferring ceremonial rights:—horses, -guns, shields, lances, bows and quivers, shot-pouches and powder horns, -daggers, war-bonnets, and all medicine objects. The following order or -rank, was given by an informant recognized by the Piegan as an authority -in heraldry:—gun, lance, bow, the enemy’s life, cutting a horse loose -from a tipi, leading a war party, acting as a scout, shields, -war-bonnets, a medicine pipe, and driving off loose horses. The most -significant point is that while the life of an enemy is fourth, the -capture of his gun is first. When a man was seen to fall with a gun, it -was not unusual for one or more young men to rush boldly out to snatch -the prize. To ride up, jerk a gun from an enemy’s hand and get away -without injury to either party was the greatest deed possible. While in -picturing such deeds realistic forms are used, as the symbol for a -shield (Fig. 3d), they are often greatly conventionalized. Blankets, if -counted, are shown as rectangles with one or two cross lines for the -stripes on most trade blankets. Horses taken in open fight, when not -pictured, are represented by track symbols, Fig. 5d and under the sketch -of a mule in Fig. 1. The rectangular variant as found among many other -tribes is not used as an equivalent. - -[Illustration: Fig 4. Methods of recording the capture of Horses.] - -Stealing a horse tied up in the enemies’ camp is a deed of special -importance and naturally has a definite symbolism. This case is of some -interest here because we find among our collection practically all the -steps between the full pictured form and the bare symbol. Thus, we find -drawings showing the adventurer cutting loose horses picketed near the -tipis, Fig. 4; again, the cutting represented by a knife and a hand, the -pickets alone representing the horses so taken, and finally, a series of -crossed lines. The last is the simplest form but may be said to be an -alternate with the preceding one, some persons representing the picket -stake one way, some the other. The Hidatsa[35] are reported to use the -crossed lines for a coup and the Teton use it as a rescue symbol (a coup -saved from the enemy); hence, its substitution in Blackfoot records for -the more realistic form of picket stake may have been due to suggestion. - -A war party intrenched is indicated by a circle (Fig. 5c); sheltered in -a wind brake, by an open circle (Fig. 2). A camp may be represented by a -series of tripods, signs for tipis (Fig. 1). - -Two functions of the warpath are honored by distinct symbols; that of -leader and scout. The symbol for leader is shown in Fig. 5a and is given -once for each party led. In like manner, the sign in Fig. 5b indicates -having been detailed as a scout. The origin of these cannot be -definitely traced, but the second is said to be a diagrammatic -representation of the course taken by a scout with reference to the main -body. Thus, the curve represents the war party waiting and the zigzag -line the course always taken by the scout to conceal their true -position. This seems probable, but no rational theory for the origin of -the leader’s sign was encountered. - -The coup stick, striped like a barber’s pole, used by the Cheyenne, -seems not to have been known among the Blackfoot except its analogous -form in a boy’s game. The Dakota stick made by binding together two long -rods with spiral decorations and four pendants of feathers with scalp -locks was seen in the hands of an old man; he, however, frankly avowed -having made it in imitation of those seen by him when visiting the -Assiniboine. - -[Illustration: Fig. 5. Highly conventionalized symbols.] - -In a general way, it appears that the Blackfoot show some individuality -in the conventions of picture writing. Some data we collected from the -Gros Ventre show many of the same forms, however, and in the absence of -good data from the Crow and other neighboring tribes, it may be that -this individuality is more apparent than real. On the other hand, the -Blackfoot make little use of such writing for the presentation of -religious experiences as is the case among many Central Algonkin tribes -and to a much less degree among the Dakota. While the Dakota have -developed some heraldic symbols as conventional as those just described -by us, they have, in addition, a very complex and highly developed -feather symbolism, a feature almost lacking among the Blackfoot. Yet, -the latter showed a tendency to use the white weasel skins for the same -purpose. More than this can scarcely be said until additional data are -at hand. - -[Illustration: Fig. 6. A sand Map showing the Course of a War Party.] - -In this connection, it may be well to note that by a system of signs, a -war party left definite information for the guidance of stragglers or -other parties of their tribe on similar errands. On leaving a camp site, -a willow bent V-like was stuck in the ground, the apex in the direction -taken; if the distance to the next camping place was small, the angle -was quite acute, etc. Another sign, used chiefly on the trail, was the -mark of a travois, or two converging lines, the apex toward the -direction taken. Indeed, the twig is spoken of as a travois sign. -Explicit directions were often left for a second party by a kind of map -marked in the sand or in bare earth. A sketch by the writer from such a -map made at his request is shown in Fig. 6. Two branches of a river are -represented easily recognized by one having a knowledge of the country. -The travois marks indicate the direction of movement. Pebbles painted -black or pieces of charcoal mark the proposed camping places, the number -in each case indicating the length of stop. Thus, the sketch would imply -that the next camp would be one day’s journey from the nearest river; -whence, after a stay of two nights, they camped one night on the nearest -fork and two nights on the second. To indicate that they were joined by -a second party, the travois signs are used to denote two paths -converging on a camp site. A sketch giving more details is shown in Fig. -7. By the travois signs leading to _a_ we know that two parties of -Blackfoot combined and camped two nights, thence moved to a second camp, -_b_. While here, they met and fought enemies, indicated by two sticks -painted red. Between the two sticks are two bones (shoulder blades) upon -which the result of the engagement is pictured. Then the party moved on -to _d_ where this sketch was left. - -[Illustration: Fig. 7. Map recording a Battle.] - -In cases where the stops were by day and travel by night, yellow pebbles -were used instead of black. Mountains were indicated by small heaps of -pebbles. Marks were often made on stones and other objects along the -trail. In case a peaceful meeting occurred, instead of the red painted -sticks, black ones were chewed on one end and tobacco tied on the other. -The practical value of all these marks is obvious. When a war party was -over due, search was made by following the trail whence from the signs -its career could be determined, even to the identity of the wounded or -killed, etc. - -We did not gather much information as to signalling codes, though the -system seems to have been highly developed. When a war party returned -the members paused for a time upon a hill in sight of the camp until -attention to them was noted.[36] Then, if a victory was won at small -cost they sang songs for a while and came to camp slowly. If the leader -or an important man was killed, a robe was held up on a stick and then -dropped. If ordinary men were killed, one of the party stepped aside and -threw down a robe, once for each. For a wounded leader, a robe was held -aloft but not dropped. They then entered the camp silently while the -women began wailing and performed the usual acts of mourning. - ------ - -[33] Grinnell, 248. Also American Anthropologist, Vol. 12, 296. - -[34] For a complete series for one individual with illustration, see -Maclean, (a), 119. - -[35] Hoffman, 73; Maximilian, Vol. 23, 287. - -[36] See Maximilian, Vol. 23, 118. - - - - - RECKONING TIME. - - -As far as our information goes, the time of day was noted by the sun and -the night by the position of Ursa major, the Seven Stars. The year was -designated by the winter, each winter constituting a new year. Two -divisions or seasons were recognized; spring and autumn were regarded as -originating with the whites. Each season was considered as composed of -moons; the period during which the moon was invisible taken as the -beginning of another moon. We found little consistency in the -nomenclature of moons, our information implying that they were -considered more by numerals than by names. The tendency was to count the -moons from about October, the beginning of winter or the new year. -Variation seems to have been due to the fact that calendar counts were -kept by a few individuals, usually medicine men, who modified the system -according to their own theories. One man who kept a calendar gave the -following list:— - - Winter Moons. Summer Moons. - 1. Beginning winter moon Beginning summer’s moon - 2. Wind moon Frog moon - 3. Cold moon Thunder moon - 4. Two-big-Sunday moon Big-Sunday moon - 5. Changeable moon Berry moon - 6. Uncertain moon Chokecherry moon - 7. Geese moon - -The references to Sunday are to the Christmas and July holidays of our -own calendar. The year is generally regarded as comprising fourteen -moons equally divided among the two seasons. As calendars were usually -in the keeping of men owning beaver bundles and the number seven was -employed in enumerating parts of their rituals, this division of the -year into moons may be a matter of convention rather than observation. -They claim to have reckoned twenty-six days to a moon. Some, however, -assert that thirty days were counted; but in this case the year could -not have comprised fourteen moons. - -From one man we secured a set of 179 sticks used for keeping track of -time. Red sticks were used for years. Another used a bag with two parts; -one faced with red, the other with blue. Fourteen pebbles were used to -mark the moons; each time the moon became invisible he moved a pebble to -the other side. Calendars, or winter counts, were kept by memory rather -than by sticks, or paintings. We get the impression, however, that there -was less interest in such records than among the Dakota and Kiowa. The -following is Elk-horn’s winter count, beginning about 1845:— - -1. Camped down at Mouth River; Gambles killed; sun dance at Crow Garden -(a place). - -2. Camped near Fort Benton; moved to Yellowstone country; some Crow -escaped by letting themselves down from a rock with a rope; Yellow -River, the place of the sun dance; camped at a place where Bad-tail -killed a Sioux. - -3. Crossed Missouri River to camp; traded at Ft. Benton and spent most -of the winter on the Marias; a fight with the Snake; the ice broke up in -the winter (unusual); sun dance near this place; some Piegan killed by -enemies. - -4. On the Marias; man named Goose killed; in autumn hunted south of Ft. -Benton; traded at Ft. Benton. - -5. Wintered on the Teton; spring, moved down the Missouri; killed a man -named High-ridge; made two sun dances; went to Bear Paw Mountains; went -toward Crow country; John Monroe came up to tell Piegan that soldiers -were near to issue ammunition and some Piegan did not go because they -were skeptical; six Flathead came there for ammunition, some Nez Perce, -two North Blackfoot, a few Blood, four North Piegan and some Gros -Ventre, but no Sarcee. - -6. Camped on Two Medicine River. - -7. Missouri River; deep snow winter; sun dance at Yellow River. - -8. Slippery winter; some Piegan killed by the Snake. - -9. Camped on Cut Bank; went toward Missouri; Some-bull killed by fall -from a horse (chief of the tribe); traded at Sun River. - -10. Sweet Grass Hills; spent spring on the Marias; in summer went -south; Big-snakes (chief) killed; ammunition issued. - -11. South of the Missouri; Blood fought among themselves; first time -steamboats came to Ft. Teton. - -12. Camped at Bad Waters; Sioux after Piegan; this camp north of the -Missouri; killed 7 Cree; a fight with the Crow and lost two chiefs, -Good-raven and Mad-plume. - -13. On the Marias; first fight with Gros Ventre; summer camp on the -northeast side of Sweet Grass Hills (Canada). - -14. A few cases of smallpox; fight with the Kootenai in which many were -killed; during the summer Mountain-chief was attacked by Sioux; a Piegan -was killed by a number of Gros Ventre. - -15. Captured a double barrel shot gun; sun dance at High Ridge. - -16. Flies-low was killed. - -17. Many Piegan visited the Southern Gros Ventre (?); ammunition -issued; summer camp above Sweet Grass Hills; a fight with the Flathead; -also with the Gros Ventre; returned to Two Medicine River. - -18. Eagle-chief killed; in summer killed Eagle-horse. - -19. Fought with the Crow, Gros Ventre, and Flathead. - -20. Straggling-wolf killed near camp; Piegan killed Crow in revenge. - -21. Assiniboine (name of a chief) killed. - -22. Big-prairies’ father killed by his own people. - -23. Body-sticking-out killed by his own people. - -24. Three-eagles killed by his own people. - -25. Many-horses (the chief) died. - -26. Many buffalo and many trading posts on the Marias. - -27. Man tried to kill his wife, she (Sarcee woman) stabbed him, he -killed her; in summer, Home-chief died. - -28. Chief Old-woman-child dies; an open winter. - -29. Killed seven Assiniboine. - -30. Crossed the Missouri; Sitting-bull killed many Piegan. - -31. Camped south of the Missouri. - -32. Camped on Two Medicine River; White-dry, chief of Assiniboine, -killed by Piegan; after this the Piegan were confined to the -reservation. - -33. Wolf-eagle shot in the arm by Cree. - -34. Many Indians died of sore throat; Chief Birch-bark died. - -35. Crow-big-foot visited Piegan; Crow came to steal horses. - -36. Eagle-child died. - -37. Many cattle died. - -38. Stallions issued. - -39. Mares issued. - -40. Two Indians arrested and died in prison; in summer cattle were -issued. - -41. Wolf-coming-over-hill dies. - -42. Chief Walking-through-the-beach dies. - -43. Crow-big-foot dies. - -44. Yellow-medicine dies. - -45. Three-bulls dies. - -46. Big-nose dies. - -47. Four-bear dies. - -48. Gets-paint dies. - -50. Black-living-over-tail dies. - -51. Old-kicking-woman dies. - -52. Lance-chief dies. - -53. Fat-buffalo-horse dies. - -54. Bites killed in a runaway. - -55. Running-rabbit dies. - -56. White-calf dies. - -This calendar is given as a type and not for the value of its contents, -though it doubtless has its merits from that point of view. The narrator -was somewhat uncertain as to the order of many counts and made frequent -use of a set of improvised counting sticks. We asked him why in later -years the winter counts were designated chiefly by the deaths of the -most prominent men, to which he replied that since his people were -confined to the limits of the reservation nothing else happened worth -remembering, and further, that the count ended with the death of -White-calf because there were now no men living of sufficient worth to -be honored with such mention. From the human point of view we agreed -with him in that the book should be closed, for the old ways have all -but gone. If we were interested in the historical aspect of this account -the dates could doubtless be checked by certain specific references as -Nos. 11, 22, 43, and 56. - -For completeness, we add the winter count of Big-brave, covering a span -of sixty-one years, but not giving full representation to the later -years. Since reservation days, there is a general tendency among the -older men to fix their counts in units of residence at a given spot; i. -e., “for five winters, I lived on Two Medicine, then for eight winters -on Cut Bank, etc.”: - -1. The fall of the year, Gambler went on the warpath and was killed; -Piegan spent the winter on the Marias River. - -2. In the fall of the year, Big-lake, chief of The-don’t-laugh band -died; Piegan wintered on the Marias River which was high and flooded -their camps. In the summer, they had a sun dance at Sweet Grass Hills; -Bobtail-horse was shot and killed; a woman was also killed. - -3. Leaves-big-lodge-camp-marks clubbed a Flathead but did not kill him; -in the summer, Piegan killed some Sioux on the Marias. - -4. Black-tattoo became crazy; in the spring a man named Goose was -killed by Sioux; in the summer, Goose’s father went to war and killed -some Crow; some of the Crow escaped by letting themselves down a high -cliff with a rope. - -5. Still-smoking was killed; the Piegan stole a sorrel race horse from -the Flathead. In the summer some Piegan were on the warpath south of the -Missouri River. They came to some white settlers and there saw a Sioux -Indian whom Last-bull killed with a club. The Sioux had been visiting -with the white men. - -6. In the fall, the first treaty was made by the Government at the -mouth of Yellow River; there were seven different tribes there. That -winter, Mountain-chief spent on Belly River. One of his daughter’s -clothes caught fire and she was burnt to death. During the summer -Mountain-chief became ill with the hiccoughs which lasted some time. - -7. This winter was called the slippery winter because there was so much -ice. In the summer Mountain-chief and his people went to Canada and -killed thirty Sioux. - -8. The Piegan camped on Marias, and one by the name of Blood killed a -Flathead Indian. Lame-bull, a chief, was killed by falling from his -horse in the summer. - -9. Mountain-chief spent the winter on Milk River and found an extra -large buffalo dung which was about three feet across when measured. -Chief Big-snake was killed in the summer. - -10. Lazy-boy was killed. In the summer, the Blood camped at Yellow -Mountains and fought among themselves; Calf-shirt killed some of his own -people. - -11. A man named Peace-maker was killed. Eagle-child was killed in the -summer; a Blood was shot through the face with an arrow by a Sioux but -did not die. - -12. Piegan fought with the Gros Ventre and one, Many-butterfly, was -killed. The Piegan killed five Sioux who had a horn spoon. - -13. Chief Coward was killed by Crow Indians. In the summer, the Piegan -attacked the camps of the Gros Ventre and killed many of them; also, -some Piegan were killed while out hunting. - -14. The Assiniboine attacked Mountain-chiefs camps on Big River in -Canada, at night, but did not kill anyone. The Piegan fought with the -Gros Ventre in the summer and a Piegan, whose name was Half-breed, was -killed. - -15. Piegan had what was called red smallpox; in the summer they -attacked the Assiniboine’s seventy lodges and running them out captured -the lodges. - -16. At Fort Benton, the Government gave the Piegan clothes, etc.; the -white man who issued the things to them went by the name of -Blackhorse-owner. At this place they also made peace with the Gros -Ventre. In the summer Little-dog was killed and the Piegan fought with a -great number of enemies, with the Crow, Assiniboine, and Gros Ventre who -helped one another in fighting the Piegan; but the Piegan overpowered or -whipped them all. - -17. Bear-chief was killed south of the Missouri and the following -summer the Piegan killed Weasel-horse, a chief of the Blood. - -18. Mountain-chief camped south of the Missouri and the Piegan killed -two Flathead near the Piegan camps; in the summer the Piegan killed -thirty Assiniboine who were picking gum off the pine trees. - -19. Strangle-wolf was killed by the Gros Ventre while out hunting; -Chief Crow was killed by Gros Ventre while he was out hunting. He had -six women with him. - -20. The Piegan had smallpox and the soldiers attacked seventy camps, -killing many old men, women, and children. Running-raven was wounded by -a Gros Ventre. - -21. The Piegan fought with the Cree on Belly River in Canada and killed -one hundred of them. In the summer they had a big battle with the -Assiniboine and Big-brave and his horse were wounded. - -22. A Piegan, Red-old-man, was killed by the Gros Ventre near Bear Paw -Mountain while he was trying to steal some horses from them; -Black-eagle, a Piegan, killed an Assiniboine and his wife, in the -summer. - -23. Bull-chief and High-wolf died; while they were on the warpath in -the summer, White-man’s horse and his war party were nearly all killed. - -24. Calf-chief killed two Flathead Indians near the Piegan camps while -they were about to steal some horses. Black-eagle was killed by the -Northern Blackfoot in the summer. - -25. The Agent issued hogs’ heads to the Piegan as rations; in the -summer Big-nose took four Assiniboine prisoners. - -26. There were plenty of buffalo and many Assiniboine came to visit the -Piegan. In the summer the agent, known as Wood, issued clothing, etc., -and the Piegan made peace with the Crow at Sweet Grass Hill. - -27. A Piegan killed his wife who was a Sarcee woman; in the summer, -Chief Calf-chief died. - -28. Open winter, there was no snow all winter; Big-buffalo-rock died -during the summer. - -29. Weasel-moccasin was killed by the Assiniboine; had a sun dance; -cattle tongues were first used for sun dance; Agency was moved down -where it now is. - -30. Piegan moved and camped south of Missouri; in the summer the -soldiers brought the Piegan back to the Reservation. - -31. The Piegan wintered south of the Missouri; Black-cheek was killed -by the Flathead. In the summer, the Piegan moved back to the reservation -and an Indian was accidentally shot by the Agency doctor during the sun -dance. - -38. White-dog, an Assiniboine, was killed by the Piegan; Big-brave and -many others lived on Birch Creek seven winters and summers. - -39. In the summer Big-brave moved to Blacktail Creek and wintered -there. - -40. Mares were issued to the people and Little-dog received two -buckskin mares. - -42. Big-brave moved to White Tail Creek and lived there two winters and -summers. - -61. Big-brave moved to Blacktail and has been living there ever since, -nineteen winters and summers he has lived there. - -Though we failed to find among the Blackfoot such elaborate chronicles -as among the Dakota and Kiowa, what did come to hand were obviously of -the same type and suggest common origins. Further, we get the impression -that in details our material is more like the counts of the Kiowa than -the Dakota. - - - - - OATHS. - - -The sun is called upon in the most solemn oaths. Thus, when women get -into a dispute one may take the other by the chin and say “Now, we will -talk to the sun. If what I say is not true, may I never live to put my -foot into another snow,” etc. A man may appeal to the earth but more -likely it is the sun, as, “The sun hears me,” etc. Men usually make -oaths over pipes. Thus, when a man tells an improbable story he may be -asked if he will smoke upon its truth. This refers to the mode of making -formal oaths. Often when laboring with a man to prevent him from taking -the life of another, the head-men and relatives induce him to take an -oath that he will not do the deed. A medicine man fills a pipe, paints -the stem red and addresses the sun as to the purpose of the ceremony -about to be performed; the one to take the oath then smokes the pipe -which is considered most binding. The same method is often used in -pledging a man to mend his evil ways. - -There is another method—something like an ordeal. The point of a knife -is held in the ashes at the fire and extended with the charge, “If you -say what is true, touch the point of this knife with your finger.” The -belief is that one will certainly be killed by a knife or other sharp -instrument, if swearing falsely. - - - - - ETIQUETTE. - - -To discuss this subject in detail would be a matter of considerable -interest and doubtless of definite comparative value; but it is our -intention to note only such points as came readily to notice. Naturally, -many points mentioned under previous heads may be considered as bearing -upon this topic. On approaching the tipi of a stranger, it is proper for -a man to pause some distance away and call out to know if the head of -the family is at home. If he is out and there is no adult male to act -instead, the visitor is upon such information not expected to enter but -may, of course, carry on a conversation with the women on the outside. -When one is acquainted, or where the man is known to be within, he -enters without ceremony and takes a place to his right of the door. -Should the entire side be unoccupied he moves up to a place opposite the -host; should it be occupied he takes the first vacant place. However, a -man’s status and age may make it incumbent upon those seated to make a -place appropriate to his rank.[37] The fire is the dividing point of the -house: hence, to pass between a guest and the fire is very impolite. -Should a man of some importance be smoking, one must not pass between -him and the fire, he may, however, take the pipe in his hands and pass -between it and the smoker. As soon as a male guest enters, the host -begins to cut tobacco and fill a pipe, which when lighted is passed to -the guest, back to the host etc., until it has burned out. Women as -guests usually take places to the left by the wife. - -There are a great many observances that partake of taboo rather than -etiquette. These will be discussed elsewhere, but it is proper to -respect all the restrictions of your host’s medicine. The well-informed -are expected to know what bundles the host owns and, of course, the -observances thereto. Thus, the bear must not be named in a tipi when -there are certain bundles, guests seeing these bundles hung up there -must act accordingly and designate the bear, if at all, by some -descriptive terms. Again many men have individual restrictions of the -same sort, all of which are to be respected. - -It is a breach to ask a leading question as to one’s personal medicine -or experiences. One may wear an object until it has attracted general -attention and though many are certain that it is a medicine object of -interest, they will not ask about it. It may, however, be hinted at and -a desire for information implied, but the approach must end there. On -the other hand, the owner may speak freely if he so choose. We found no -reason to believe that a man felt any great reluctance to speak of such -things at his own initiative or that he felt under special obligation -not to do so: it is the blunt asking for information that is offensive. - -Food should be set before a guest. A visitor, if from a distance, should -receive presents from the host and his relatives. Even now, a Blackfoot -visiting one of the other divisions of his people, returns with horses -and other property. This is, however, a kind of exchange, since his -relatives are expected to do likewise when visited by those befriending -him. - -Jesting at the expense of a guest, provided he is not a distinguished -man, is regarded as proper. Oft-times very rude jokes are thus played -upon strangers. A show of timidity or resentment is sure to stimulate -such acts. The usual procedure is for a number of men to gather, some of -whom begin to make indecent remarks concerning the guest while the host -and a few others pretend to speak against such proposals. Further -indignities may be offered but the host prevents the affair from going -too far. We mention this extreme of jesting to emphasize the large place -it plays in Blackfoot social life. Notwithstanding all this, the victims -whatever their rank, are extremely sensitive to such jests. - ------ - -[37] The ownership of certain medicines may determine the seat. Thus, as -guests, the medicine pipe men are given a seat opposite the host and -must give way to no one. Should they go out for an interval, no one -should occupy the seat. As the penalty will be disease, we have here -what may be considered a taboo. - - - - - AMUSEMENTS AND GAMES. - - -In former times, there was a good deal of merriment in the Blackfoot -camps. We have just characterized some of the jokes often perpetrated -and may mention others strictly for amusement. One Piegan band was noted -for its pranks. One of their favorites was to annoy visitors by a mock -family row. The host would begin a quarrel with his wife and then to -fight. The neighbors would rush in and with mock indignation take the -woman’s part. The result was a general mêlée in which they took care to -fall upon the guest and wallow him about as much as possible without -serious injury. - -As a rule, jokes were between band and band. Thus it is related that one -time a band drove off the horses of another and herded them in the brush -near by. Then they innocently offered to join the war party for pursuit. -When all was ready they suggested that they look in the brush as the -horses might have been overlooked. Again, a band dressed one of their -men in white man’s clothes and painted his face black. Then while his -confederates were at the camp of the victim band he came up and in plain -view caught two horses, going off slowly. The confederates were careful -to call attention to it. Some young men pursued but when they were near -the man took aim at them. So they hesitated. Finally, the thief -disappeared over a hill. Then he whipped up, returned by another route -and left the horses in their places again to the confusion of the -pursuing party on their return. - -Such pranks afforded amusement to all and served to brighten the life of -the camps.[38] While there were always a number of persons adept at -chaffing and pranks there seems to have been no clown or buffoon, not -even in ceremonies. There were, and are now, certain dances that may be -termed social in which there are features expressly for amusement, but -as these also contain ceremonial features they may be passed by at this -writing. Games, on the other hand, seem to have no ceremonial -associations and may, therefore, be considered under this head. We -shall, however, make a distinction between amusement and gambling. The -first are indulged in by children and youths, rarely by adults. - -Children had a great many games similar to those of white children, from -whom they may have been learned. Among these are tag, hide-and-seek, -jumping the rope, stilt-walking, slings, tops, dolls, hobby-horses, -coasting, ball games, shooting contests, racing, and follow-the-leader. - -The hobby-horse seems to have been peculiar to girls. A stick was -selected with a natural bend between two parallel ends. A miniature -saddle was sometimes placed in the crook and other trappings added. -Girls coasted on pieces of rawhide, squatting at the rear and holding up -the front with the hands. In summer, this contrivance was used in -sliding down steep hills and cut banks. Boys usually coasted by sitting -on a kind of toboggan made of buffalo ribs lashed to cross sticks, -though they were not averse to using the more comfortable rawhide -sheet.[39] Small boys often played at owning, stealing and tending -horses, using rude images of mud or selected stones of appropriate form. -When buffalo were represented, their foot-bones were usually used. The -buzzer of bone and the bull roarer were known as children’s toys, but -the winged bones of the Teton and the snow snake were not recognized by -our informants. A toy called “whizzing bone,” has not been identified by -us, but was described as a contrivance for throwing. Some of our -informants had seen the cup-and-ball, but rarely among their own people. - -[Illustration: Fig. 8_a_ (50-6153c), _b_ (50-6153e), _c_ (6153 f). - Wooden Tops. Length of _a_, 7 cm.] - -Top was a favorite game for boys. The wooden top (Fig. 8) is usually -made of birch in the round and varies in length from 11 to 16 cm., in -diameter from 8 to 12 cm. The bark is removed entire or in sections and -the heads marked with nails or paint, partly for ornamentation and -partly for identification. The wood must be well seasoned so as not to -be heavy. The whips have four buckskin lashes about 35 cm. in length and -handles about 75 cm. long. This game is played in soft snow, the object -being to determine who can drive his top over the greatest distance -without interrupting the spinning. The usual stakes are buckskin whip -strings and tops. - -[Illustration: Fig. 9 (50-6155g). - A Stone Top. - Length, 8 cm.] - -Another top game is played upon smooth ice. The tops are water-worn -egg-shaped pebbles (Fig. 9) about 15 cm. in transverse diameter. The -whips are similar to the preceding except that bark strings are used as -shown in Fig. 10. This is a matter of economy since it is the belief -that the rocks and the ice wear out buckskin strings very quickly and -while the bark strings are also short lived they are easily replaced. In -the game, the rocks are set spinning by whipping and when at high speed -are driven together, the one that stops spinning first loses. In this -game, the players are in pairs. - -[Illustration: Fig. 10 (50-6154a). - Top Whip with Lashes - of Bark. Length, 71 cm.] - -Sometimes these rock tops are used on hard snow. A shallow trench is dug -which the tops must cross while spinning. A skillful player will whip -his top in such a way that it will jump the trench. However, should it -fail it may be whipped out or thrown out by the hand; if it ceases to -spin, the player loses. The name for top games is approximately, -“knocking it.” - -Another boy’s game is with balls of mud stuck on the ends of willow rods -about two meters long. A swing of the rod will drive off such a ball -with great force. If such play becomes a contest, the aim is to see who -can throw the greatest distance. - -There are a number of arrow games. The collections contain two sets. One -bow (Fig. 11b) has a peculiar decoration on the back, produced by -cutting away portions of the bark. The other bow (Fig. 11a) is of -similar form but plain. The arrows are in sets of six, of plain -feathered shafts, about 75 cm. long and slightly sharpened. One arrow -with the carved bow has a peculiar head (Fig. 11b). There are also two -grass targets as in Fig. 11a. - -[Illustration: Fig. 11 _a_ (50-6148 g, a), _b_ (50-6147 a, c). - Gaming Bows and Arrows. Length of Bow, 97 cm.] - -One simple game is opened by a player shooting an arrow into a bank of -earth which in turn becomes the target for all. The one placing an arrow -nearest the target arrow wins all the arrows shot in the round. In a -more complicated game one arrow is set up beside a bank and used as a -target as in the preceding. The boy making the best shot gathers up all -the arrows at the target and shoots them at the grass target (Fig. 11). -Each arrow striking this target is his, otherwise they revert to their -owners. The grass target must be held in the hand grasping the belly of -the bow and the arrow. By a swing of the arms it is tossed forward and -upward and must be hit while in the air to win.[40] - -Another game spoken of as the sliding arrows was in favor. No bow was -used, the so-called arrows being but straight slender sticks about 80 -cm. long, neither sharpened nor feathered. The set in the collection -contains 39 sticks, 28 of which are plain, 4 burned black at one end and -7 decorated with a spiral burned band. We have no information as to the -significance of these divisions. In the game the players take an equal -number of sticks. They are thrown by hand, poising them on a small heap -of earth. The player throwing the greatest distance, takes all the -sticks thrown. As in other games, the play continues until one has all -the sticks. - -[Illustration: Fig. 12 (50-6146). A Wooden Dart. Length, 90 cm.] - -The casting of wooden darts, or arrows, is another boys’ game of the -same general type. The set of darts in the collection contains twelve -willow sticks about a meter long and 1.8 cm. in diameter. Each stick is -sharpened at one end and split into quarters at the other, Fig. 12. -These darts are usually decorated and to some are attached tufts of -horse hair. In the game the darts are thrown from the hand. First one is -cast into a clump of bushes and the players in turn cast at it as a -target. The last throw wins the darts. The use of the hair tufts was -explained as an aid to the count; thus, if several darts fell about -equally near the target dart, the one whose hair tuft touched it was -declared the winner. - -We secured vague accounts of another game in which arrows were shot at a -bundle of arrows, the best shot taking the bundle. - -[Illustration: Fig. 13 (50-6165). The Wheel Game. Diameter, 41 cm.] - -The wheel game is played with a netted hoop, strictly for amusement, by -young people. The hoop in the collection is shown in Fig. 13.[41] The -center mesh is called the navel and the open parts of the loops around -the hoop, the teeth. The darts are simple pointed sticks about 80 cm. -long without forks at the end as observed among some other tribes. -Counts are made when the darts pierce the navel or one of the teeth, -according to any value agreed upon by the players. Two persons are -necessary to the game, but there is no maximum limit to the number of -players. The opposing sides take up positions at fifty yards or more. A -player rolls the wheel toward the opposite side, its players casting -darts at it as it passes. Should a count be made the wheel is thrown -back high in the air, the opposing side attempting to catch it on their -darts. Should they in turn make a count, the wheel is thrown back to the -other side, etc. For every failure to count, the wheel is returned by -rolling. - -A kind of shinny, called “batting ours,” was played by men, women and -youths. Bats of rough sticks with slightly curved ends were used (Fig. -14). The balls are spherical, about the size of a base ball, composed of -skin covers stuffed with hair. The game is rough and frequently results -in serious injuries. The players are arrayed in two sides. Two lines, or -goals, are placed about 300 yards apart. The players group about the -midway point and the game is opened by tossing the ball into the air. -Each side strives to bat the ball over its own goal. - -[Illustration: Fig. 14 (50-6149). A Shinny Stick. Length, 89 cm.] - -Another ball game, known as the Cree Women, is played by adults and -youths. A ball is used similar to the preceding, but is tossed from hand -to hand. The players are in pairs. The game is opened by tossing the -ball into the air whence each player strives to recover it. The one who -secures it, then faces his partner and the ball is tossed back and -forth. The other players may use every means to disconcert them except -actual physical interference. When the ball is dropped all rush for it -and the first to secure it, plays with his partner as before. - -Wrestling was common among boys and young men. Formal bouts were usually -between two sides. The players sat facing in rows. One side put forward -a man with a challenge to the other. They put forward an opponent. The -victor was then the next challenger until thrown. - -A rough game, known as kicking each other, was popular among young men -and boys; the usual way was to form two opposing lines and kick each -other to see which would give way. Another game, known as bear play, was -popular when swimming; boys would unite, seize a boy and toss him into -the deepest water, then scamper away. The victim pursued until a boy was -caught when, at once, the others joined in tossing him into the water. - -A children’s game, known as skunk, is a kind of round in which all stand -in line each with hands on the shoulders of his neighbor. The leader -carries a stick of wood, burning at the end, from which he beats sparks -with another stick. The row of children sing and dance without breaking -the line. The leader endeavors to come near the rear of the line so that -the sparks will fly upon the players, they in turn seek to avoid him -without breaking away. While this was a rough game, it was popular. - -Boys often amused themselves by placing embers from the fire on a stone -and striking them with another stone. When skillfully done, this gives -off a report like a gun. - ------ - -[38] For a sketch of the social amusements in Blackfoot camps, see -Grinnell, 185. - -[39] Maximilian says of the Mandan that children glided down heaps of -snow “on a board, or a piece of the backbone of a buffalo, with some of -the ribs attached to it,” 445. - -[40] Culin, Fig. 505, 391. - -[41] An unusual form of this wheel is shown by Culin, 447. - - - - - GAMBLING. - - -Playing for stakes was always a favorite and the games to be described -here were rarely played except in gambling. Gambling is often spoken of -as fighting, or war, and in turn war is spoken of as gambling. This is -reflected in a myth where the players’ scalps were at stake.[42] - -_The Hand-Game._ Piaks kaiŏsin, approximately fancy gambling, was in a -way team work, sometimes as many as twenty-five men on a side, band -playing against band or even camp against camp. The outfit consists of 4 -hiding sticks, or two pairs, 12 counters and a number of drumsticks for -beating time on lodge poles set up in front of the players. The pair of -hiding sticks are designated as the short and the long, though they are -really of equal length, the one called long being designated by a string -wrapped about its middle. They are about the thickness of an ordinary -lead pencil and about 7 cm. in length. The materials are wood or bone. -The counters are about 38 cm. long, of plain wood sharpened at one end -for sticking up in front of the players. The drumsticks are short clubs -of no definite form. Each side takes a pair of hiding sticks and selects -a man to do the hiding and one to do the guessing, according to their -known skill. Each hiding man, or leader, faces the guesser of the -opposing side and the play begins. The leaders put their hands behind -them and then show their hands when the guess is made. The side guessing -correctly takes one counter and also their opponents’ pair of hiding -sticks. This opens the game. There are now two leaders for the playing -side. They confront the guessers of their opponents. The player’s side -now sings and drums upon the tipi poles, provided for that purpose, -apparently to divert the attention of the guessers. For every failure of -a guesser, the playing side takes a counting stick. Should one of the -leaders be guessed correctly, he gives his hiding stick to his companion -who plays with the four. If the guess is now wrong, he takes one counter -and restores a pair to his companion to play as before. However, should -the guess be correct, the playing side loses the hiding sticks to their -opponents. Thus the play continues until one side has the 12 counting -sticks, or wins.[43] - -The songs have a definite rhythmic air but consist of nonsense -syllables. However, jibes and taunts are usually improvised to -disconcert the guessers. The game is very boisterous and, in a way -social, but is never played except for stakes of value, as horses, -robes, guns, etc. - -Formerly, this game was often played by members of the All-Comrades -Societies, as the Braves against the Dogs, etc. In such cases the songs -were from their own rituals. The man handling the sticks was sometimes -very skilful in deceiving the guessers. To disconcert him, the opposing -side often counted coup on him. One would recount how he took a scalp, -leap upon the shoulder of the player, grasp his hair, flash a knife, -etc., he, all the while handling the sticks. They might pretend to -capture his blanket or repeat any other deeds they had done in war. The -idea was that if the deed counts were true, the re-counting of them -would give power to overcome the skill of the player. This made the game -noisy and rough, but quite exciting. The players were always skilful -jugglers and regarded as medicine men. The amount of property changing -hands in such gambling was truly astonishing, whole bands and societies -sometimes being reduced to absolute poverty and nakedness. Women may -play the game but with three counting sticks instead of twelve. - -_The Wheel Gambling._ For this game, a small wheel about 7 cm. in -diameter is used. The form is precisely like that of the Gros Ventre -shown in Fig. 22, p. 188, Vol. I, of this series. There are two sets in -the Blackfoot collection one of which has six spokes, the other seven. -The spokes are distinguished by beads of different colors or -combinations. For the game a wheel and two arrows are required, there -being but two players. The arrows in the collection have metal points -and are feathered. They are about 85 cm. long. In playing the wheel is -rolled by one of the players toward an obstruction, usually a board, -about 6 m. distant. The two follow it closely and as it falls after -striking the obstruction, try to thrust their arrows under it. This must -be done so that the wheel will fall upon them, not cause its fall. The -count is according to the position of the spokes upon the arrows. The -winner rolls the wheel, the advantage being always with the one who does -this. The counts are usually in multiples of five, values being assigned -to the various spokes by mutual agreement at the opening of the -game.[44] Small pebbles are used as counters, or chips. The betting is -by pledging a blanket for so many pebbles, a knife for so many, etc. - -[Illustration: Fig. 15 (50-5408). The Four-stick Game. Length of _a_, 18 -cm.] - -_The Four-stick Game._ To the Blackfoot this is known as “travois -gambling,” and is played by women. A set in the collection was said to -be of buffalo bone (Fig. 15). The sticks were named six, two, and -snakes; though sometimes designated as twos and snakes, a pair of each. -The detail of the markings varied but followed the same general scheme -in so far that the snakes were always marked with the wave-like design. -They were cast upon the ground or a blanket. Since the opposite sides of -the sticks are blank there are eight faces. The usual count is as -follows: zero two blanks, one snake and _a_ or _b_; 2, two blanks and -two snakes; 4, four blanks; or as they appear in the figure; 6, three -blanks and six (b), or one blank, two snakes and two (a); one blank, six -(b) and two snakes counts nothing but the player may pick up the stick -called six and throw it upon the others to turn them, counting according -to the result. Other combinations give no score. The player continues to -throw so long as the above combinations result; failing, the turn passes -to the next. As a rule, there are but two in the game.[45] The number of -points in a game and the wagers are a matter of agreement between the -players.[46] - -Certain games well-known to neighboring tribes were not recognized by -our informants as having been played by the Blackfoot. Among these were -the plum stone, or button dice, the moccasin game, the hoop game, the -102 stick game, the cup-and-ball, the snow snake, ice-gliders, and -winged bones. Most of them had been seen, but in the hands of aliens. -Odd-and-even seems to have been known to the Northern Blackfoot, but was -not in favor.[47] We have found no traces of ceremonial associations -with these games. While mention of the wheel games is made in several -myths, this seems purely circumstantial, except that the Twin-brothers -are credited with originating the netted wheel.[48] - -The small spoked wheel of the Blackfoot is practically identical with -that of the Gros Ventre. According to Culin, this beaded type has been -observed among the Crow, Nez Perce, Thompson and Shushwap tribes, -suggesting its origin, if not with the Blackfoot, at least, with some of -their neighbors. The particular form of button used in the Blackfoot -hand-game seems to belong to the west of the Rocky Mountains, to the -coast and southward in the plateaus. The beating upon a pole is found -among the Nez Perce, Kootenai and perhaps elsewhere. While the Gros -Ventre had the Blackfoot names “long and short,” their buttons and -method of play were more like those of the Arapaho. The stick dice -(travois game) when rigidly compared as to form and marking, bear close -parallels among the Gros Ventre. Hidatsa, and Chippeywan with less -correspondence west of the Rockies. On the other hand, the Blackfoot -indifference to seed and button dice tends to class them with western -tribes. Neither the Blackfoot nor the Gros Ventre seem to have used the -large hoop and double darts of the Dakota, Omaha, and Arapaho. Thus, in -a general way, the Blackfoot fall into an ill-defined group comprising -tribes on the head-waters of the Missouri and Columbia Rivers. They seem -on the whole, to incline more toward the Plateau and Shoshone area than -to the Siouan or Algonkin. Of greater interest, perhaps, is our failure -to find any game associated with the stalking of buffalo or any other -ceremony. So far as we can see, all games are to the Blackfoot either -amusement or gambling and a résumé of our account will show that many of -the former also reflect the gambling conception. - ------ - -[42] Vol. 2, p. 132. - -[43] For other brief accounts for the Blackfoot see Grinnell, 184; -Maclean, (b), 56. - -[44] See Grinnell, 183; Maclean (b), 55, Maclean, (d), pp. 21276-7; -Culin, 448. - -[45] Culin, 56-57. - -[46] The section on games is entirely based upon information gathered by -D. C. Duvall, chiefly among the Piegan, supplemented by data from the -other divisions. - -[47] Maximilian, 254. - -[48] See Vol. I of this series, 24, 42, 60, 64, 132. - - - - - BIBLIOGRAPHY. - - - CLARK, W. P. The Indian Sign Language. Philadelphia, - 1885. - - CULIN, STEWART. Games of the North American Indians. - (Twenty-fourth Annual Report, Bureau - of American Ethnology, Washington, - 1907). - - DUVALL, D. C. See Clark Wissler. - - GOLDENWEISER, A. A. Totemism, An Analytical Study. - (Reprinted from the Journal of - American Folk-lore, Vol. 23, - April-June, 1910). - - GRINNELL, GEORGE BIRD. Blackfoot Lodge Tales. New York, 1904. - - HENRY AND THOMPSON. New Light on the Early History of the - Great Northwest. Edited by Elliott - Coues. New York, 1897. - - HOFFMAN, WALTER JAMES. The Beginnings of Writing. New York, - 1895. - - KANE, PAUL. Wanderings of an Artist among the - Indians of North America. London, - 1859. - - KEATING, WILLIAM H. Narrative of an Expedition to the Source - of St. Peter’s River, Lake Winnepeck, - Lake of the woods, &c., &c., performed - in the year 1823. Philadelphia, 1824. - - KROEBER, ALFRED L. (a) Ethnology of the Gros Ventre. - (Anthropological Papers, American - Museum of Natural History, 1908, Vol. - 1, Part 4, pp. 141-282). - - (b) The Arapaho. (Bulletin, American - Museum of Natural History, New York, - Vol. 18). - - LOWIE, ROBERT H. (a) The Assiniboine. (Anthropological - Papers, American Museum of Natural - History, 1909, Vol. 4, Part 1, pp. - 1-270). - - (b) The Northern Shoshone. - (Anthropological Papers, American - Museum of Natural History, 1909, Vol. - 2, Part 2, pp. 165-306). - - MACLEAN, JOHN. (a) The Gesture Language of the - Blackfeet. (Transactions, Canadian - Institute, Vol. 5. Toronto, 1898). - - (b) Canadian Savage Folk. The Native - Tribes of Canada. Toronto, 1896. - - (c) Social Organization of the Blackfoot - Indians. (Transactions, Canadian - Institute, Vol. 4, 1892-93. Toronto, - 1895). - - (d) Blackfoot Amusements. (Scientific - American Supplement, June 8, 1901, pp. - 21276-7). - - MAXIMILIAN, PRINCE OF WIED. Early Western Travels, 1748-1846. Edited - by Reuben Gold Thwaites. Cleveland, - 1906. - - MCCLINTOCK, WALTER. The Old North Trail. London, 1910. - - MOONEY, JAMES. The Cheyenne Indians. (Memoirs, American - Anthropological Association, Vol. 1, - Part 6, pp. 357-642. Lancaster, Pa., - 1907). - - SCHOOLCRAFT, HENRY R. Historical and Statistical Information - respecting the History, Condition and - Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the - United States. Philadelphia, 1851-57. - - SPINDEN, H. J. The Nez Perce Indians. (Memoirs of the - American Anthropological Association, - Vol. 2, Part 3). - - SWANTON, JOHN R. The Social Organization of American - Tribes. (American Anthropologist, N. - S., Vol. 7, pp. 663-673, 1905.) - - UHLENBECK, C. C. (a) Original Blackfoot Texts. - (Verhandelingen der Koninklijke - Akademie van Wetenschappen to - Amsterdam. Deel XII, No. 1. Amsterdam, - 1911). - - (b) Geslachts en Persoonsnamen der - Peigans. Amsterdam, 1911. - - WISSLER, CLARK. (a) Decorative Art of the Sioux Indians. - (Bulletin, American Museum of Natural - History, Vol. 18, New York, 1904). - - (b) The Whirlwind and the Elk in the - Mythology of the Dakota. (Journal of - American Folk-lore, Vol. 18, - October-December, 1905). - - WISSLER, CLARK, AND DUVALL, D. Mythology of the Blackfoot Indians. - C. (Anthropological Papers of the - American Museum of Natural History, - 1908, Vol. 2, Part 1, pp. 1-164). - - - - - TRANSCRIBER NOTES - - -Misspelled words and printer errors have been corrected. Where multiple -spellings occur, majority use has been employed. - -Punctuation has been maintained except where obvious printer errors -occur. - -Some illustrations were moved to facilitate page layout. - -[The end of _The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians_, by Clark -Wissler.] - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Social Life of the Blackfoot -Indians, by Clark Wissler - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SOCIAL LIFE--BLACKFOOT INDIANS *** - -***** This file should be named 50706-0.txt or 50706-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/5/0/7/0/50706/ - -Produced by Larry Harrison, Cindy Beyer, Ross Cooling and -the online Distributed Proofreaders Canada team at -http://www.pgdpcanada.net with images provided by The -Internet Archives-US - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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